The right Honble. Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester, Baron of Denbigh, knight of the noble order of St. George & St. Michall, and late one of her Ma.tie noble. privy counsel etc. W Martial sculpsit.   

LEICESTER'S COMMONWEALTH.  
Conceived, spoken and published with most earnest protestation of dutiful goodwill and affection towards this Realm.  
By ROBERT PARSONS Jesuit.  
WHEREUNTO IS ADDED Leicesters-Ghost.  JOB, 20.27. 
The Heavens shall reveal his Iniquity, and the Earth shall rise up against him.  
LONDON, Printed Anno Dom. MDCXLI.   

THE EPISTLE DIRECTORY, TO M. G. M. IN GRACIOUS Street in London.  
Dear and loving friend, I received about ten days agone your letter of the 9 of this present: wherein you demand and solicit again the thing, that I so flatly denied you, at my late being in your chamber: I mean to put in writing the relation which then I made unto you, of the speech had this last Christmas in my presence, between my right worshipful good friend and patron, and his guest the old Lawyer, of some matters in our state and country. And for that you ●presse me very seriously at this instant, both by request and many reasons, to yield to your desire herein, and not only this, but also to give my consent for the publishing of the same, by such secret means as you assure me you can there find out: I have thought good to confer the whole matter with the parties themselves, whom principally it concerneth (who at the receipt of your letter were not far from me:) And albeit at the first I found them averse and nothing inclined to grant your demand: yet after upon consideration of your reasons, and assurance of secrecy (especially for that there is nothing in the same contained, repugnant to charity or to our bounden duty towards our most gracious Princes or Country, but rather for the special good of them both, and for the forewarning of some dangers imminent to the same) they have referred over the matter to me, yet with this Proviso, that they will know nothing, nor yet yield consent to the publishing hereof, for fear of some future flourish of the ragged Staff to come hereafter about their ears, if their names should break forth: which (I trust) you will provide, shall never happen, both for their security, and for your own. And with this I will end, assuring you that within these five or six days, you shall receive the whole in writing by another way and secret means, neither shall the bearer suspect what he carrieth: whereof also I thought good to premonish you. And this shall suffice for this time.   

THE PREFACE OF THE CONFERENCE.  
NOt long before the last Christmas, 
Scholar.  I was requested by a letter from a very worshipful and grave Gentleman, whose son was then my pupil in Cambridge, to repair with my said Scholar to a certain house of his near London, and there to pass over the Holidays in ●is company: 
The occ●si●n o● h●s 〈◊〉 and ●e●t●ng.  for that it was determined that in Hillary term following, his said son should be placed in some Inn of Chancery, to follow the study of the Common-law, and so to leave the University. This request was grateful unto me in respect of the time, as also of the matter, but especially of the company. For that, as I love much the young Gentleman, my pupil, for his towardliness in religion, learning, and virtue: so much more I do reverence his Father, for the riper possession of the same ornaments, and for his great wisdom, experience, and grave judgement in affairs of the world that do occur: but namely touching our own Country, wherein truly I do not remember to have heard any man in my life, discourse more substantially, indifferently, and with less passion, more love and fidelity, than I have heard him. Which was the cause that I took singular delight to be in his company, and refused no occasion to enjoy the same. Which also he perceiving, dealt more openly and confidently with me, then with many other of his friends, as by the relation following may well appear.  

The persons and place of this conference.  When I came to the foresaid House by London, I found there among other friends, an ancient man that professed the law, and was come from London to keep his Christmas in that place, with whom at divers former times I had been well acquainted, for that he haunted much the company of the said Gentleman my friend, and was much trusted and used by him in matters of his profession, and not a little beloved also for his good conversation, notwithstanding some difference in religion between us. For albeit, this Lawyer was inclined to be a Papist, yet was it with such moderation and reservation of his duty towards his Prince and Country and proceedings of the same: as he seemed always to give full satisfaction in this point to us that were of contrary opinion.  
Neither did he let to protest oftentimes with great affection, 
A temperate Pa●ist.  that as he had many friends & kinsfolk of contrary religion to himself: so did he love them nevertheless for their different conscience, but leaving that to God, was desirous to do them any friendship or service that he could, with all affection, zeal, and fidelity. Neither was he wilful or obstinate in his opinion, and much less reproachful in speech (as many of them be) but was content to hear whatsoever we should say to the contrary (as often we did:) and to read any book also that we delivered him, for his instruction.  
Which temperate behaviour, induced this Gentleman and me, to affect the more his company, and to discourse as freely wi●h him in all occurrents, as if he had been of our own religion.   

THE ENTRANCE TO THE MATTER.  
ONe d●y then of the Christmas, we three retiring ourselves after dinner, into a large Gallery, for our recreation, (as often we were accustomed to do, when other went to car●s a & other●s pastimes:) this Lawyer by chance had in his hand a little book, then newly set forth, containing A defence of the public justice done of l●te in Engla●d, 
The book of justice.  u●on divers Priests and other Papists for treason: Which book, the Lawyer had read to himself a little before, and was now putting it up into his po●ket; But the Gentleman my friend, who had read over the same once or twice in my company before, would needs take the same into his hand again, ●nd asked the Lawyer his judgement upon the book.  
The Lawyer answered: 
Law●er.  That it was evil penned in h●s opinion to prove the guiltiness of some pe●sons therein named in particular, as also to persuade in general, that the P●pistes both abroad and at home, who meddle so earnestly wi●h def●nce and increase of their religion (for these a●e not all, said he) do consequently w●sh and labour some change in the state: but yet whether so far forth, and in so deep a degree of prop●r treason, as here in this book bo●h in general and particular 〈◊〉 presumed and enforced, that (quoth he) is some what hard (I ween) for you or me (in respect of some other difference between us) to judge or discern with indifferency.  

Gentleman.  Nay truly s●id the Gentleman, for my p●rt I think not so, for that reason is reason in what religion soever. And for myself, I may protest, that I bear the honest Papist (if there be any) no malice for his deceived conscience, whereof among others your self can be a witness: 
The Papists practices against the state.  maty h●s Practices against the state, I cannot in any wise digest: and much l●sse may the Commonwealth bear the same (whereof we all depend,) being a sin of all other, the most heinous, and least pardonable. And therefore seeing in this, you grant the Papist both in general abroad, and at home, and in particular such as are condemned, executed and named in this book to be guilty: how can you insinuate (as you do) that there is more presumed or enforced upon them by this book, than there is just cause so to do?  

Lawyer.  Good Sir, said the other, I stand not here to examine the doings of my superiors, or to defend the guilty, but wish heartily rather their punishment that have deserved the ●ame. Only this I say, for explication of my former speech: that men of a different religion f●om ●he state wherein they live, 
Two sorts of dealing against the s●ate.  may be said to deal against the same state in two sorts: the one, by dealing for the increase of ●heir said different religion, which is always either directly, 
Directly.  or indirectly against the state, (D●ectly) when the said religion containeth a●y point or article directly impugning the said ●a●e, (as perhaps you will say that the Roman Religion doth against the present state of England in the po●nt of Supremacy: 
Indirectly. ) and (Indirectly) for that every different religion divideth in a sort and draweth from the state, in that there is no man who in his heart would not wish to have the chief Governor and state ●o be of his religion, if he could: and consequently misliketh the other in respect of that: and in this kind, not only those whom you call busy Papists in England, but also those whom we call hot Puritans among you, (whose difference from the state especially in matters of government is very well known) may be called all traitors, in mine opinion: for that every one of these indeed, do labour indirectly, (if not more) against the state, in how much soever each one endeavoureth to increase his part or faction that desires a Governor of his own religion.  
And in this case also, 
The state of all Subjects is a state of different religion.  are the Protestants in France and Flanders under Catholic Princes: the Calvinists (as they are called;) under the D●ke of Saxony, who is a Lutheran: the Lutherans under Casimere, that favoureth C●lvinists: the Grecians and other Christians under the Emperor of Constantinople, under the Sophy, under the great Chame of Tarra●y, and under other Princes that agreed not with them in religion. All which Subjects do wish (no doubt) in their hearts, that th●y had a Prince and state of their own religion, instead of that which now governeth them: and consequently in this first sense, they may be called all traitors, and every act they do for advancement of their said different religion (dividing between the state and them) tendeth to treason: which their Princes supposing, do sometimes make divers of their acts treasonable or punishable for treason. 
The second kind of treason.  Bu● yet so long as th●y b●eake ●ot forth unto the second kind of treason which containeth some actual attempt or treaty against the life of the Prince, or state, by rebellion or otherwise: We do not properly condemn them for traitors, though they do some acts of their religion made treason by the Prince his laws, who is of a different faith.  

The application of the former example.  And so to apply this to my purpose: I think, Sir, in good sooth, that in the first kind of treason, as well the zealous P●pist, as also the Puritans in England, may well be called and proved traitors; but in the second sort (whereof we speak properly at this time) it cannot be so precisely answered, for that there may be both guilty and guiltless in each religion. And as I cannot excuse all Puritans in this point, so you cannot condemn all Papists, as long as you take me and some other to be as we are.  

Gentleman.  I grant your distinction of treasons to be true, (said the Gentleman,) as also your application thereof to the Papists and Puritans (as you call them,) not to want reason, if there be any of them that mislike the present state (as perhaps there be:) albeit for my part, I thi●ke these two kinds of treasons, which you have put down, be rather divers degrees then divers kinds: wherein I will refer me to the judgement of our Cambridge friend here present, whose skill is more in logical distinctions. But yet my reason is this, that indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other, not differing in nature, but rather in time, ability or opportunity. For if (as in your former examples you have showed) the Grecians under the Turk, and other Christians under other Princes of a different religion, and as also the Papists and Puritans (as you term them) in England (for now this word shall pass between us for distinction sake,) have such alienation of mind from their present regiment, and do covet so much a governor and state of their own religion: 
Two degrees of treason.  then no doubt but they are also resolved to imply their forces for accomplishing and bringing to pass their desires, if they had opportunity: and so being now in the first degree or kind of treason, do want but occasion or ability, to break into the second.  
True Sir, said the Lawyer, 
Lawyer.  if there be no other cause or circumstance that may withhold them.  
And what cause or circumstance may stay them I pray you (said the Gentleman) when they shall have ability and opportunity to do a thing which th●y so much desire? 
Gentleman.   
Divers causes (quoth the Lawyer) but especially and above all other (if it be at home in their own Country) the fear of servitude under foreign nations, 
Lawyer.  may restrain them from such attempts: as we see in Germany that both Catholics and Protestants would join together, against any stranger that should offer danger to their liberty. And so th●y did against Charles the fifth. And in France not long ago, albeit the Protestants were up in arms against their King, and could have been content, by the help of us in England, to have put him down, and placed another of their own religion: yet when they saw us once seized of New haven, 
France.  and so like to proceed to the recovery of some part of our states on that side the Sea: th●y quickly joined with their ow●e Catholics again to expel us.  
In Flanders likewise, 
Flanders.  though Monsieur were called thither by the Protestants, especially for defence of th●ir religion, against the Spaniard: yet we see how dainty divers chief protestants of Antwerp, Gaunt▪ and Bruges were, in admitting him, and how quick in expelling, so soon as he put them in the least fear of subjection to the French.  
And as for Port●g●ll, 
Portugal.  ● h●ve heard some of ●he chiefest Catholics among them say, in this late contention about their Kingdom: that rather than they would suffer the Castilian to come in upon them, they would be content to admit whatsoever aids of a contrary religion to themselves, and to adventure whatsoever alteration in religion or other inconvenience might bef●ll them ●y that means rather than endanger their subjection to their ambitious neighbour.  

The old hatred of East Grecians towards the West Latins.  The like is reported in divers histories of the Grecians at this day, who do hate so much ●he name and dominion of the Latins: as th●y had rather to endure all the miseries which da●ly they suffer under the Turk for their religion and otherwise: then by calling for aid from the West to hazard the subjection to the said Latins. So that by these examples you see, that fear and horror of external subjection may s●ay men in states, and consequently also both Pap●sts and Puritans in the state of England, from p●ssi●g to the second kind or degree of treason, albeit they were never so deep in the first, and had both ability, time, will, and opportunity for the other.  

Scholar.  Here I presumed to interrupt their Speech, and said: that this seemed to me most clear, and that now I understood what the Lawyer meant before, when he affirmed, that albeit the most part of Papists in general might be said to deal against the state of England at this day, in that they deal so earnestly for the maintenance and increase of their religion, and so to incur some kind of treason: yet (perhaps) not so farforth nor in so deep a degree of proper treason ●s in this book is presumed or enforced: 
Not all Papists properly traitors.  though for my part (said I) I do not see that the book presumeth or enforceth all Papists in general to be properly traitors, but only such as in particular are therein named, or that are by law attainted, condemned or executed: and what will you say (quoth I) to those in particular?  
Surely (quoth he) I must say of these, 
Lawyer.  much after the manner which I sp●ke before: that some here named in this book are openly known to have been in the seco●d degree or kind of treason: as Weslme●land, Nor●on, Sanders, 
The Priests and Seminaries that were executed.  and the like. But divers others (namely the Priests and Seminaries that of late have suffered,) by so much as I could see delivered and pleaded at their arraignements, or heard protested by them at their deaths, or gathered by reason and discourse of my s●lfe, (for that no foreign Prince or wise councillor would ever commit so great matters of state to such instruments:) I cannot (I s●y) but thi●ke, that to the wise of our state, that had the doing of this business, the first degree of treason (wherein no doubt they were) was sufficient to d●spatch and make them away: especially in such suspicious times as these are: to the end that being hanged for the first, th●y should never be in da●ger to fall into the second, nor yet to draw other men to the same: which perhaps was most of all misdoubted.  
After the Lawyer had spoken this, 
Gentleman.  I held my peace, to hear what the Gentle man would answer: who walked up and down two whole turns in the Gallery without yielding a●y word again: and then staying upon the sudden, cast his eyes sadly upon us both, and said:  
My masters howsoever this be which indeed appertains not to us to judge or discus, but rather to persuade ourselves, that th● state hath reason to do as it doth, and that it must oftentimes as well prevent inconveniences, ●s remedy the same when they are happened: yet for my own part I must confess unto you, that upon some considerations which use to come unto my mind, I take no s●all grief of these differences among us (which you term of divers and different religions) for which we are driven of necessity to use discipline toward divers, who possibly otherwise would be no great malefactors. 
The considerations.  I know the cause of this difference is grounded upon a principle not easy to cure, which is the judgement and conscience of a man, whereunto obeyeth at length his will and affection, whatsoever for a time he may otherwise dissemble outwardly. I rememb●r your speech b●f●re of the doubtful and dangerous inclination of su●h as live discontented in a State of a different religion, especially, when either in deed, or in their own conceit, they are hardly dealt withal, and where every man's particular punishment is taken to reach to the cause of the whole.  
I am not ignorant how that misery procureth amity, 
Misery moveth mercy.  and the opinion of calamity moveth affection of mercy and compassion, even towards the wicked: the better fortune always is subject to envy, and he that suffereth, is thought to have the better cause; my experience of the divers reigns and proceedings of King Edward, Queen Mary, and of this our most gracious Sovereign hath caught me not a little, touching the sequel of these affairs. 
A good w●sh.  And finally (my good friend's) I must tell you plain (quoth he, and this he spoke with great asseveration) that I could wish with all my heart, that either these differences were not among us at all, or else that they were so temperately on all parts pursued, as the common state of our country, the blessed reign of her Majesty, and the common cause of true religion were not endangered thereby. But now: and there he broke off, and turn●● a●●e.  
The Lawyer seeing him hold his peace and depart, 
Lawyer.  he stepped after him, and taking him by the gown, said merrily; Sir, all men are not of your complexion, some ●re of quicker and more st●rri●g Spirits, and do l●ve to fish in water that is troubled, for that th●y ●oe participate the Blackmoors humour, 
The nature and practice of the Gu●n●ans.  th●t devil in Guinea (whereof I suppose you h●ve heard and seen also some in this Land) whose ex●rcise at home is (as some write) the one to hunt, catch, and sell th● other, and always ●he stronger to make money of the weaker for the time. But now if in E●gland we should live in peace and unity of the state, as th●y do in Germ●ny, notwithstanding th●ir differences of Religion, and th●t the on● sh●ul● not prey upon the other: the● sh●ul● the great falcons f●r the F●eld (I mean the favourites of the time) fail whereon to f●ed, which w●re an inconvenienc● as you kn●w.  
Truly Si● said the Gentleman, 
Gentleman.  I th●nke you rove nearer the ma●ke than you wee●e: for if I be not deceived; the v●●y ground of mu●h of th●se broils whereof we talk, is but a very p●●y: n●t in the minds of the Pr●nc● or State (wh●se in●entions no doubt be most j●st and holy) b●t in the greedy imagination and subtle con●●t of him, who at this present in respect of o●r sinnes, is permitted by God, to tyrannize both Prince a●d State: and being himself of no religion, feedeth notwithstanding up●n our differences in religion, to the fatting of himself and ruin of ●he Realm. 
The Tyrant of English sta●e.  For whereas ●y the common distinction now received in speech, th●re are three no●●ble differences of religion in the L●nd, ●he two extremes, 
Three 〈…〉 in E●g●and.  whereof are the Pap●st and ●he Paritan, and the religious Protestant obtaining the mean: this fellow being neither, maketh his gain of all: and as he seeks a Kingdom by the one extreme, and spoil by the other● so he useth the authority of the third, to comp●sse the fi●st two, and the countermine of ea●h one, to the overthrow of all thr●e.  

〈◊〉.  To this I answered: In good sooth Sir, I see now where you are: you are fallen into the common place of all our ordinary ta●ke and conference in the University: 
The ●ule of ●e●ce●te●.  for I know that you mean my Lord of Le●●●ster, who is the subject of all pleas●nt discourses at this d●y throughout the Realm.  

Gentleman.  Not so pleasant as pitiful, answered the Gentl●m●n, if all m●tt●rs and circumstances were well considered, except any man t●ke pleasure to jest at o●r own miseries, whi●h are like to be greater by his in●qu●●y (●f God ave●t ●t not) then by all the ●i●kedn●ss●●f England besides: he being the man that by all probability, is like to be the b●ne and fatal destiny of o●r ●tat●, with the eversion of ●rue religion, whereof by indirect means, he 〈…〉 th●● the Lan● d●●h nourish.  

Lawyer.  Now 〈◊〉 (q●●th th● Lawyer) if you say th● 〈◊〉 for ●he Protestant's opinion of him, wh●t sh●ll I 〈◊〉 for his m●rits towards the Pap●st●▪ who for as m●●h ●s I c●n perceive, do 〈◊〉 themselves l●●tle beholding un●o h●m, albe●● f●r h●s ●aine he was some year; their secret fri●n● ag●i●●t you: until by his friends he was persuaded, 
〈◊〉 Lord N●●ths p●●●cy.  and chiefly by th● L●rd North by way of poli●y, as the said Lord bos●eth, in hope of greater g●●●e, t● step ov●r to the Puritans, against us both, whom notwithstanding it is probable, that he loveth as much, as he doth the rest.  
You know the Bear●s love, said the Gentleman, which is all for his own paunch, 
Gentleman.  and so this Bear-whelp, turneth all to his own commodity, and for greediness thereof, will overturn all if he be not stopped or muzzled in time.  
And surely u●to me it is a strange speculation, whereof I cannot pick out the reason (but only that I do attribute it to God's punishment for our sins) that in so wise and vigilant a State as ours is, 
A strange speculation.  and in a Country ●o well acquainted and beaten with su●h dangers; a man of such a Spirit a● he is known to be, of so extreme ambition, pr●de, falsehood and treachery▪ so borne, so b●ed up, so nuzzled in treason f●om his infancy, descended of a tribe of traitors, and fl●sh●d in conspiracy against the Royal blood of King Henry's children in his t●nd●r y●er●s, and ex●rc●s●d ●ver since in drifts against the same, by the bloo● and ruane of di●●rs others: a man so well known to bear s●●r●t in 〈◊〉 against h●r Majesty, for causes irreconciliable, and most dradly rancour against the be●t and wisest Counsellors of her H●ghn●sse: th●t su●h a o●e (I say so h●●●full) to God and man, an● so markable to the simplest Subject o● thi● Land, by the public ensigns of hi●●yrannous purpose, should b● 〈◊〉 so many ye●res without ch●●k●, to aspire to tyranny by most manifest w●yes, and to p●●ss●sse him●e●f● (as now h● hath do●●) 〈◊〉 Cour●, Council and Cou●●r●y, w●●hout 〈◊〉: so that nothing wantoch to him but only h●s pleasure, and the d●y already conceived in his mind to dispose as h● li●t, bo●h of Prince, Crown, Realm an● Religion.  
It ●s much truly (quoth I) that you s●y, and it ministereth not a little m●rvaile unto m●●y, 
S●h●l●r.  whereof your Worship is no● the first, nor y●t the 〈◊〉 person of account which I have heard discourse and complain. 
The Queen's Majesties most excellent good nature.  But what shall I say hereunto? there is no man that ascribeth not this unto the singular benignity and most bountiful good nature of her Majesty, who measuring other men by her own Heroical and Princely sincerity; cannot easily suspect a man so much bounden to her grace, as he is, nor remove her confidence's from the place, where she hath heaped so infinite benefits.  

Gentleman.  No doubt (said the Gentleman) but this gracious and sweet disposition of her Majesty is the true original c●use thereof: which Princely disposition, as in her highness it deserveth all rare commendation, so lieth the same open to many dangers oftentimes, when so benign a nature meeteth with ingrate and ambitious persons: which observation perhaps, c●us●d her Majesty's most noble Grandfather and Father (two renowned w●se Princes) to withdraw sometime upon the sudden, their great favour from certain Subjects of high estate. And her Majesty m●y easily use her own excellent wisdom and memory, to rec●ll to mind the manifold examples of perilous haps fallen t● divers Princes, by too mu●h confidence in obliged proditours: with whom the name of a Kingdom, and one hours' reigle, weigheth more, than all the duty, obligation, honesty, 
Fears that subject: have of my Lord of Leicester  or nature in the world. Would God her Majesty could see the continual fears that be in he● faithful Subjects' hearts, whiles that man is abou● her noble person, so well able and likely (●f th● Lord avert it not) to be the calamity of her Pri●ely blood and name.  
The talk w●ll never out of many mouths an● minds, 
Sir Francis Wal●ingham.  that diver● ancient m●n of this Realm and once a wise Gentleman now a Counsellor had with a certain friend of his, concerning the presage and deep impression, which her Majesty's Father had of the house of Sir john Du●●ey, to be the rain in time of his Majesty's royal house and blood, which thing was ●●ke to have been fulfilled soon after (as all the world knoweth) upon the death of King Edward, by the said Dudley, this man's Father: who at one blow, procured to dispatch from a possession from the Crown, all three children of the said noble King. And yet in the midst of th●se bloody practices against her Majesty that now is and her sister (wherein also this fellow's hand was so far, as for his age he could thrust the same) within sixteen days before King Edward's death (he knowing belike that the King should die) wrote most flattering letters to the Lady Mary (as I have heard by them who then were with her) promising all loyalty and true service to her, after the decease of her brother, 
Deep dissimulation.  with no l●sse painted words, than this man now doth use to Queen Elizabeth.  
So deal● he ●hen with the most dear children of his good King and Master, by whom he had b●ene no l●sse exalted and trusted, than this man is by her Majesty. And so deeply dissembled he then when he had in h●nd the plot to destroy ●hem bo●h. And wh●t then (alas) m●y not we fear and doubt of thi● his son, who in outrageous ambition and desire of reign, is not inferior to his Father or to any o●h●r aspiring spirit in the world, bu● far more insolent, c●u●ll▪ vindicative, expert, pote●t, subtle, fi●e and sox I ●e the ●ever he was? ● like w●ll the good motion propounded by the foresaid Gentleman to his fr●end at the same time, 
〈…〉  and do assure myself ●●t would be most pleasant to the Realm, ●nd profitable to her Majesty, to wit, that this man's actions might be called publicly to trial, and liberty given to good subjects to say what they kn●w against the same, as it was permitted in the fi●st year of Kin● Henry the eight against his Grandfather, and in the first of Queen Mary against his Father: 
Edmund Dudley  and then I would not doubt, but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to lose their heads for treason; 
Robert Dudley.  this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred, whose treacheries do far surpass them both.  

Lawyer.  After th● Gentleman h●d sa●d this, ●he Lawyer stood still, somewhat smiling to himself, & looking round about him, as though he had been half afraid, and then s●id; My masters, do you read over or study the Statutes that come forth? have you not heard of the provi●o mad● in the last Parliament for punishment of those who speak so broad of such m●n as my L●rd of Leic●st●r is?  

Gentleman.  Yes, said the Gentleman, I h●ve he●rd how that my Lord of Leic●ster was very careful and diligent at th●t time to have su●h a Law to pass against talk●rs: 
The Law against talking.  hoping (b●lik●) that his L. unde● t●at general restraint migh●●ye the more qui●●ly in harbour from th● tempest of men● to●●●s, which ●a●●ed busily at that time▪ of di●●rs h●s Lordship's actions and asian● which perhaps himself would have wished to p●ss● wi●h ●ore secrecy. As of his discontent and p●●p●r●tion to rebellion, upon Mons●eurs fi●st co●i●g in●o the Land; of his disgrace and ch●●k● r●c●●ve● i● C●u●●; of th● 〈◊〉 d●●th of the nob●e P●●le of Ess●x; & of th●s m●ns hastily 〈…〉 widow, 
Act●ons of Leicester whereof he would have no speec●.  who● he se●t up ●nd down th● Co●nt●●y ●om h●●se t●●ouse by priv●ew 〈…〉 to avoid the sight & knowledge of th● Q●ee●es Majesty. A●d albe●t he h●d not●on by used her at hi● good king b●f●re, for satisfying of h●s own last, but also married and remarried her for contentation of her friends: yet denied he the s●me, by solemn oath to her Majesty, and received the holy Communion thereupon (so good a conscience he hath) and consequently threatened most sh●rp revenge towards all subjects which should d●re to speak thereof: and so for the con●●aling both of this and other his doings, which he desired not to have public, no marvel though his Lordship were so diligent a pro●u●er of that law f●r silence.  
Indeed (said I) it is very probable that his Lordship w●s in great distress about that time, 
Sh●la●.  when Monsi●u●s matte●s were in h●nd, and that he did many things and purposed more, whereof he desired l●ss● speech among the people, especially afterwards, wh●n h●s said designments took n●t place. I was my s●lfe that y●er not f●r from Warwi●k when he c●me thither from the Court a full M●●e content, and when it was th●ught most certainly throughout the Realm, that he would h●ve tak●n arms soo● after, if the marriage of her Majesty wi●h Mons●eu● h●d gone forward. The thing in Cambridge an● in all the Cou●t●ey ●s I ro●e, was in ●v●ry ma●s 〈◊〉 and it was a wonder to see not o●ely ●he countenances, but als● the behaviour, and to 〈◊〉 the bold sp●●ches of all such as were of his f●ction.  
My L●rd himself had given o●t a little before at 〈◊〉▪ 
〈…〉 upon 〈◊〉 marriage.  wor●h that th● matte● woul● cos● ma●y br●k●n h●●ds before 〈…〉 next; and my Lord of Wa●wi●k h●d s●id openly at his table in Gre●nwi●h, Sir 〈…〉 b●ing by (if I be not deceived) th●● 〈…〉 not ●o ●e suffered (I mean the marriage) which wo●d● of his o●●e coming abroad (〈…〉 by his own Lady then also pre●e●t) 〈…〉 common companion, 〈…〉 Lordship's part against the Queen's Majesty. Such running there was, such se●ding and posting about the Realm, such amplification of the pours and forces of Casim●re and other Princes, ready (as was affirmed) to present themselves unto his aid, for defence of the Realm and Religion against strangers: (for that was holden to be his cause) such numbering of parties and complices within the Realm, (whereof himself showed the Catalogue to some of his fri●n●s for their comfort) such debasing of them th●t f●voure● the marriage (especially two or three Coun●ell●urs by name, 
To Sir Thomas Layton.  
L. Treasurer. L. Chamberlain M. controller.  who were said to be the c●use of all, and for that were appointed out to be sharply punished to the ●errour ●f all others:) such letters were written and intercepted of purpose▪ imp●rting great powers to be ready, and so m●ny other things done and designed▪ tending all to m●nifest and open war: as I began hart●ly ●o be afraid, and wished myself ba●ke at Cambridge against, hoping that b●ing ther●●y Scholar's gawne should excuse ●e from necessity of ●ighting, or if not, I w●s resolved (by my Lords good le●ve) to follow A●istotle, who prefers ●lway the Lion be●ore the Bear; assuring myself withal, th●t hi● Lordship should h●ve no better success in this (if it came to criell) than his Father h●d in as bad a cause, and so much the more for that I w●s privy to the minds of some of his friends, who m●nt to h●ve deceived him, ●f ●he matte● h●d broken out. 
Sir Thomas Hibbot.  And amongst other there was a certain Vice-president in the W●●ld, who being left in the●r come and absence of another, to procure friend's; said in a place secretly not f●r from Ludl●w, that if the matter came to blows, he would follow his Mistress, and leave his Master in the briers.  
Marry sir (qd the Gentleman) and I trow many more would have followed that example. 
Gentleman.  For albeit I know, ●hat the P●p●sts were most named and misd●ub●ed of his part, in that cause, for their open indication towards M●nsieur, & consequently, for greater discredit of the thing itself, i● was given out every where by this Champion of religion, that her Majesty's cause was the Papists cause (even as his Father h●d done in the like enterprise before him, though all upon dissimulation, 
Leicester's Father a traitorous Papist  as appeared at his death, where he professed himself an earnest Papist:) yet was there no man so simple in ●he Realm, which descried not this vizard at the fi●st: neither yet any good subject (as I suppose) who s●eing her Majesty on the one part, would not have taken against the other part, what so ever he had been. And much more the th●ng itself in controversy (I mean the marriage of her royal Majesty with the brother and heir apparent of France) being taken and judged by the best, 
The honour and commodities by the marriage with France.  wisest and faithfullest Protestant's of the Realm, to be ●oth honourable, convenient, profitable and needful Whereby only, as by a most sovereign, and present remedy, all our maladies both abroad and at home, had at once been cured: all foreign enemies, and domestical conspirators, all differences, all dangers, all fears had ceased together: France had b●ene ours most assured; Spai●e would not a little have trembled; Scotland h●d b●en quiet; our competitors in England would have quaked; and for the Pope he might have put up his pipes. O●r differences in religion at home, h●d been ●ither l●ss●, ●r no greater th●n now th●y are, for that Mo●sieur being but a moderate P●pist, and nothing v●hement in h●s opinions was content with ve●y reasonable conditio●s, for h●ms●lfe and h●s str●ngers only in use of th●ir conscience not unlikely (truly) but that in time he might by God's grace, and by the great wisdom and virtue of her Majesty have been brought also to embrace the Gospel, 
Ethelbert King of Kent, converted An. Dom. 603  as King Ethelb●rt an heathen was by noble Queen Bertha his wife, the first Christian of our English Princes.  
Unto all which fell city, if the Lord in mercy should have added also some issue of their royal bodies (as was not impossible, when fi●st this noble match was mov●d,) we then (doubtless) had been the most fortunate people under heaven, and might h●ve be●n (perhaps) the mean to h●ve restored th● Gospel throughout all Europe besides, as our Brethren of France well considered and hoped.  
Of all wh●ch singular benefits bo●h present and to come, bo●h in Re and Sp●, his tyrant for his own private lucre (f●aring l●st he●e●y his ambition might be restrained, and his treachery r●ve●led) h●th bereft the Realm, and done what in him lieth besides, to alienate for ●ver and make our mortal enemy this great Prince, wh● sou●ht the love of h●r Majesty with so mu●h honour & confid●nc● as never Prince the like, putting tw●c● his own● p●rson in jeopardy of the s●●, and to the peril of his macaroons envious he●e in England, for her Majesty's sake.  

Lawyer.  When y●u sp●ak ●f 〈…〉 Lawyer) I cannot but ●●ea●ly b● 〈…〉 th●se considerations w●ll 〈…〉 also f●r some o●h●r; especially 〈…〉 you will thi●ke me 〈…〉; for th●t I sp●●ke it o●●ly in 〈…〉 and good of my Country, a●d th●t is, 〈◊〉 M●●si●urs 〈◊〉 w●th our noble Princess, ●●●ides th● hope of issue (wh●ch was the principal) th●re w●nted not also probability, that s●me 〈◊〉 or l●●tle toleration in religion, between you and us, might have been procured in this state, as we see that in some other Countries is admitted to their great good. Which thing (no doubt) would have cut off quite all dangers and dealings from foreign Princes, 
Toleration in Religion, with union in defence of our Country.  & would h●ve stopped mane devises and plots within the Realm: whereas now by this breach with France, we stand alone as me seemeth without any great unition or friendship abroad, and our differences at home grow more vehement and sharp then ev●r before. Upon which two heads, as also upon infinite other causes, purposes, ●r●f●s and pretences, there do ensue daily more deep, dangerous and desperate practices, ev●ry man using either the commodity or necessity of the time and state for his own purpose, especially now when all men presume that her Majesty (by the continual thwarting which have be●n used against all her marriage) is not like to leave unto the Realm, that precious jewel so much and long desired of all English heart's, I mean the Royal heirs of h●r twne body.  
Thwarti●gs call you the defeating of all her Majesty's ●●st honourable off●r, of marriage? 
Gentleman,  (said the oth●●) truly in my opinion you should have used an●ther word to ●xp●ess● the nature of so wicked a fact: wherry ●lone, if there were no other, this unfortunate man, hath d●●e more hurt to thi● C●mmon wealth▪ ●h●n if h● h●d murdered m●ny tho●sa●ds o● her subjects, ●r betrayed whole a●●ie● to the professed 〈…〉 remember well my s●lfe, four 〈…〉 p●●pose, 
D●vers marriages of her Madesea●ed.  undermined by his me●nes: the fi●st w●th the Sweth●n King the s●cond with 〈…〉 of Austr●●, t●e third w●th 〈…〉 France that now reigneth, and the fourth w●●h th● in other and hair of the said Kingdoms. For 〈…〉 ma●y other secret motions ma●e by great Potentates to her Majesty for the same purpose, but these four are openly known, and therefore I name them. Which four are as well known to have been ●ll disturbed by this Dawe●, as they were earnestly pursued by the other.  
And for the first th●ee Suitors, he drove them away, 
Leicester's devices to drive away all Suitors from her Majesty.  by protesting and swearing that himself w●s contracted unto her Majesty, whereof h●r highness was sufficiently advertised by Cardinal Ch●t●lian in the first treaty for France, and the Cardinal soon after punished (as is thought) by this man with p●y●on. But yet this speech he g●ve out then, every where among his friends both strangers and others, ●hat he, forsooth, was assu●ed to her Majesty, and consequently th●t all other Princes must give over their suits, for him. Whereunto notwithstanding, when the Sw●den would hardly give care, this man conferred wi●h his Privado to make a most unseemly and disloyal proof thereof, for the othe●s satisfaction, whi●h thing I am enforced by duty to pass over with silence, for honour to the parties who are touched therein: as also I am to conceals his said filthy P●ivado, ●hough worthy otherwise for his dishonesty to be displayed to the world: but my Lord himself, I am sure, doth well remember b●th the man and the matter. And albeit there was no wise man at th●t time who knowing ●y Lord suspected not the falsehood, and h●s arrogant affirmation touching ●his contract with her Majesty, y●t some both abroad and at home might doubt thereof perhaps: 
Leicester convinced himself of impudence.  but now of late, by h●s known marriage with his Minion D●me L●ttice of Essex. he hath declared manifestly his own most impudent and disloyal dealing with his sovereign in this report.  
For that report (quoth the Lawyer) I know that it was common, 
Lawyer.  and maintained by many for divers years; yet did the wiser sort make no account thereof, seeing it came only from himself, and in his own behalf. Neither was it credible, that her Majesty who refused so noble Knights and Princes, as Europe h●th not the like, 
The baseness of Le●cesters ancestors.  would make choice of so mean a peer as Robin Dudley is, noble only in two descents, and both of th●m stained with the block. from which also himself was pardoned but the other day, being codemned thereunto by law for his deserts, 
Anno 1. R. Marry.  as appeareth y●t in public records. And for th● widow of Ess●x, I marvel sir (qu●th he) how you call her his wife, s●eing the Canon-law standeth yet in force touching matters of marriage within the Realm.  
Oh (said the Gentleman laughing) you mean for that he procured the poisoning of her husband in his journey from Ireland. 
Gentleman.  You must think that D●ctor Dale will dispense in that matter, 
Doctor Dale.  as he did (at his Lordship's appointment) w●th his Italian physician Doctor julio, to have two wives at once; at the leastwise the matter was permitted, 
Doctor julio.  and born out by them both publicly (as all the world knoweth) and that against no l●sse persons than the Archbishop of Canterbury himself, whose overthrew w●s principally wrought by th●s tyrant for contrarying his will, 
The Archbishops o●er●h●ow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician  in so beastly a demand. But for this controversy whether the marriage be good or so, I leave it to b● tried hereafter, between my young Lord of ●enbighe, and Master Philip Sidney, whom the same most concerneth: for that it is like to deprive him of a goodly inheritance, if it take place (as some will say that in no reason it can) not only in respect of the precedent adultery and murder between the parties; but also for that my Lord was contracted at least, 
The Lady Sheffield now Ambassadoress in France.  to another Lady before, that yet l●veth, whereof Master Edw●●d Dia● and M●ster Edmond Tiney, both Court●ers, can be witnesses, and consummated the same contract by generation of children. But th●s (as I said) must be left to be tried hereafter by them who sh●ll have most interest in the case. Only for the present I must advertise you, that you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings in women's affairs, neither touching their marriages, neither yet th●ir husband's.  
For first his Lordship hath a special fortune, that when he desires any woman's favour, then wh●t person so ever standeth in his way, hath the lu●k to die quickly for the finishing of his desire. As for example, 
The death of Leicester's fi●st Lady and wife.  when his Lordship was in full hope to marry h●r Majesty, and his own wife stood in his light, as he supposed; he did but send her aside to the house of his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford, where shortly after she had the chance to fall f●om a pair of stairss, and so to break her neck, but yet without hurting of her hood that stood upon her head. But Sir Ri●hard Varney, 
Sir Richard Varney.  who by commandment remained with her that day alone, with one man only, and h●d sent away perfor●e all her S●rvants from h●r, to a Market two miles of, h● (I s●y) wi●h his man can t●ll how she died, whi●h man being taken afterward for a felony in the mar●hes of Wales, and offering to publish the manner of the said murder, was made away privily in the pr●son: and S●r Richar● himself dying about the same time in London, cried piteous ●nd blasphemed God, and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine acquaintance, not long before his death, that all the devils in hell did tear him in pieces. The wife also of Bal● Buttle● kinsman to my Lord, 
Bald Battler.  g●ve out the whole fact a little b●fo●e her death B●t to return unto my purpose, this was my Lords good fortune to have his wife die, at that time when it was like to turn most to his profit.  
Long after this he f●ll in love with the Lady Sheffi●ld, whom I signified b●fore, and then also had he the same fortune to have her husband die quickly with an extreme rheum in his head (as it was given out) but as others s●y, of an artificial catarrh that stopped his breath. The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex (as I have said before) and that ●t a time most fortunate for hi● purpose; 
The suspicious death of the Lord Sheffield.  for when he was coming home from Ireland, with intent to revenge himself upon my Lord of Leycester, for begetting his wife with child in his absence's (the child was a daughter, and brought up by the Lady Shandoys, W. Knooles his wif●:) my Lord of Ley hearing thereof, wanted not a friend or two to accompany the Deputy, as among other, a couple of the Earls own servants, 
The poisoning of the Earl of Essex.  Crompton (if I miss not his name) yeoman of his bottles, and Ll●i●his ●his Secretary, entertained afterw●rd by my Lord of Lei●ester: and so he died in the way of an extreme flux, caused by an Italian Recipe, as all his friends are well assured; the m●ker whereof was a Chirurgeon (as is believed) that th●n was newly come to my Lord from Italy: a cunning man, 
The sh●f●ing of a child in dame Lettuce belly.  and s●re in operation, with whom if the g●od Lady had been sooner acquainted and used his help, sh● should not have needed to satin so pensive at home and fearful of her husband's former return out of the same Country, but might have spared the young child in her b●lly, which she was enforced to make away (cruelly and unnaturally) for clearing the house against the good man's arrival.  
Neither must you m●rvaile though all these died d●vers manners of outward diseases, for this is the excellency of the I●●lian art, for which this Chirurgeon and Doctor julio w●re entertained so carefully, 
The diver● operation of Roylor  who can mak● a m●n die, in what man●er o● sh●w of sickness you w●ll: by w●ose instructions ●o doubt but h●s Lordship is now cunning, especially adding also to ●hese ●he counsel of his Doctor Bay●y, 
Doctor Bayly the younger.  a man also no● a little studied (as he seemeth) in his art: for I heard him once myself in public Act in Oxford, and th●t in presence of my Lord of Leic●ster, (if I be not deceived) maintain, that poison might so be tempered and given as i● should not appear presently, and yet should kill th● p●rty afterwards at what time should be appointed. Which argument belike pleased well his Lordship, and therefore was chosen to be discussed in his audience, if I be not deceived of h●s being that d●y present. So, though one die of a flux, and another of a catarrh, y●t ●his imports ●●ttle to th● matter, but showeth rath●r the great cunning and skill of the Artificer.  

Death of Cardinal Chatilian.  So Cardinal Chatilian (a● I h●ve sai● before) having accused my L●rd of Leicester to th● Queen's Majesty, and after th●t, p●ssi●g from Lon●on towards France about the marriage, died by the way at Canterbury of a burning fever: and so proved Doctor Bay●ie● assertion ●rue, that poison may be given to kill at a day.  

Sch●l●r.  At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to heaven, and I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which had been spoken of the Earl of Essex, whose case indeed moved me more than all the rest, for that he was ● very noble. Gentleman, a great advancer of true Religion, a P●tron to many Preachers an● Students, and towards me and some of my friends in particular, he had b●ene in some things very beneficial: and therefore I said that it grieved me extremely to hear or think of so unworthy a death contrived by such means to so worthy a Peer. And so much the more, for that it was my chance, to come to the understanding of divers particulars concerning that thing, both from one Lea an Irishman, 
Lea. Honnie●.  Robin ●onnies, and others, that were present at Pentereiss the Merchant's house in Dublin upon the Key, where the murder was committed. The matter was wrought especially by Crompton yeoman of the bottles, by the procurement of Lloyd as you have noted before, and there was poisoned at the same time, and with the same cup (a● given of courtesy by the Earl) one Mistress Al●s Draykot, a goodly Gentlewoman, 
Mistress Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Ess●x  whom the Earl affectioned much, who departing thence towards her own house, (which was 18. miles off, the foresaid Lea accompanying her, and waiting upon her) she began to fall sick very grievously▪ upon the way, and continued with increase of paine● and excessive torments, by vomiting, until she died, which was the Sunday before the Earl's death, ensuing the Friday after; and when she w●s dead, h●r body was swollen unto a monstrous bigness and deformity, whereof the good Earl hearing the day following▪ lamented the case greatly, and said in the presence of his Servants, Ah poor Alice, the cup was not prepared for thee, albeit it were thy hard destiny to taste thereof.  
Young Honnies also, whose father is Master of the children of her Majesty's chapel, being at that time Page to the said Earl, and accustomed to take the taste of his drink (though since entertained also among other by my Lord of Leicester, for better covering of matter) by his taste that he then took of the compound cup, (though in very small-quantity, as you know the fashion is:) yet was he like to have lost his life, but escaped in the end (being young) with the loss only of his hair; which the Earl perceiving, and taking compassion of the youth, called for a cup of drink a little before his death, 
The Earl of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnie●.  and drunk to Honnies, saying, I drink to thee my Robin, and be not afraid, for thi● is a better cup of drink then that whereof thou tookest the taste when we were both poisoned, and whereby thou hast lost thy hair and I must lose my life. This hath young Honnies reported openly in divers places, and before divers Gentlemen of worship since his coming into England; and the foresaid Lea I●ishman, at his passage this way towards France, after he had been present at the forenamed Mistress Drayk●ts death, with some other of the Ea●les servants, have and do most constantly report the same, where they may do it without the terror of my Lord of Leicester's revenge. Wherefore in this matter there is no doubt at all, though most extreme vile and intolerable indignity, that such a man should be so openly murdered without punishment. What Nobleman within the Realm may be safe, if this be suffered? or what worthy personage will adventure his life in her Majesty's service, if this shall be his reward? But, Sir, I pray you pardon me, for I am somewhat perhaps too vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble Peer of our Realm. And therefore I beseech you to go forward in your talk whereas you left.  

Gentleman.  I was recounting unto you others (said the Gentleman) made away by my Lord of Leic●ster with like art, and the next in order I think was Sir Nicelas Throgmarton, 
Death of Sir Nicholas Throgmarton.  who was a man whom my Lord of Leicester used a great while (as all the World knoweth) to overthwart and cross the doings of my Lord Treasurer then Sir William Cicill, 
Sir William Cicill now Lord Treasurer.  a man specially misliked always of Leicester, both in respect of his old Master the Duke of Somerset, as also for that his great wisdom, zeal and singular fidelity to the Realm, was like to hinder much this man's designments; wherefore understanding after a certain time that these two Knights were secretly made friends, and that Sir Nicholas was l●ke to detect his doings (as he imagined) which might turn to some prejudice of his purposes: (having conceived also a secret grudge and grief against him, for that he had written to her Majesty at his being Ambassador in France, that he heard reported at Duke Memorances' table, that the Queen of England had a meaning to marry her Horsekeeper) he invited the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in London, and at supper time departed to the Court, being called for, as he said, upon the sudden by her Majesty, and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas to sit and occupy his Lordship's place, and therein to be served as he was: and soon after by a surfeit there taken, he died of a strange and incurable vomit. But t●e day before his death, he declared to a dear friend of his, 
The poisoning of Sir Nicholas in a salet.  all the circumstance and cause of his disease, which he affirmed plainly to be of poison, given him in a Salet at supper, inveighing most earnestly against the Earl's cruelty and bloody disposition, affirming him to be the wickedest, most perilous, and perfidious man under heaven. But what availed this, when he had now received the bait?  
This then is to show the man's good fortune, in seeing them dead, whom for causes he would not have to live. And for his art of poisoning, it is such now, and tea●heth so far, as he holdeth all his foes in England and elsewhere, as also a good many of his friends in fear thereof, and if it were known how many he h●th dispatched or assaulted that way, it would be marvelous to the posterity. The late Eale of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many years before his death, 
The Lord Chamberlin.  of some dram received, that made him incurable. And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur Simiers, 
Monsieur Simiers  it was discovered by great providence of God, that his life was to be attempted by that art, and that not taking place (as it did not through his own good circumspection,) it was concluded that the same should be assaulted by violence, whereof I shall have occasion to say more hereafter.  
It ha●h been told me also by some of the serva●ts of the late Lady Lenox, who was also of the blood Royal by Scotland, 
The poisoning of th● Lady Lenox.  as all men know, and consequently l●ttle liked by Leicester; that a little before her death or sickness, my Lord took the pains to come and visit her with extraordinary kindness, at her house at Hackney, bestowing long discourses with her in private: but as soon as he was departed, the good Lady fell into such a fl●x, as by no means could be slayed so long as she had life in her body; whereupon both she herself, and all such as were near about her, saw her disease and ending day, were fully of opinion, that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being there. Whereof let the women that served h●r be examined, as also Fowler that then had the chief doings in her aff●i●es, and since hath been entertained by my Lord of Leicester. Ma●et also, a stranger borne, that then was about her, a sober and zealous man in religion, and otherwise well qualified, can say somewhat in this point (as I think) if he were demanded. So that this art and exercise of poisoning, is much more perfect with my Lord then praying, and he seemeth to take more pleasure therein.  
Now for the second point, which I named, touching marriages and contracts with Women: you must not marvel though his Lordship be somewhat divers, 
Leicester's most variable dealing with women in contracts and marriages.  variable and inconstant with himself, for that according to his profit or pleasure, and as his lust and liking shall vary (wherein by the judgement of all men, he surpasseth, not only Sard●napa●us and Nero, ●ut even Heliog●batus himself:) so his Lordship also changeth W●ves and Minions, by killing the one, denying the other, using the third for a time, and he fawning upon the fourth. And for this c●use he hath his terms and pretences (I warrant you) of Contracts, Precontracts, Postcontracts, Protracts and Retracts; as for example: after he had killed his first w●fe, and so broken that contract, 
Contracts.  then forsooth would he needs make himself Husband to the Queen's Majesty, and so defeat all other Princes by virtue of his precontract. 
Precontracts.  But after th●s, his lust compelling to another place, 
Postcontracts.  he would needs make a postcontract with the Lady Sheffi●ld, and so he did, begetting two children upon her, the one a boy called Robin Sheffi●ld now living, some time brought up at Newington; and the other a daughter, borne (as is known) at Dudley Castle. But yet after, his concupiscence changed again (as it never stayeth) he resolved to make a retract of this postcon●r●ct, 
Retract.  (though ●t were as surely done (as I have said) as bed and Bible could make the same) and to make a certain new protract, 
Protract.  (which is a continuation of using her for a time) with the widow of Essex: but yet to stop the mouths of out-criars, and to bury the Synagogue with some honour, 
Leicester's two testaments.  (for these two wives of Leicester were merrily and wittily called his old and new Testaments, by a person of great excellency within the Realm) he was content to assign to the former a thousand pounds in money with other petty considerations, (the pitifullest abused that ●ver was poor Lady) and so betake his limbs to the latter, which latter notwithstanding, he so useth (as we see) now confessing, now forswearing, now dissembling the marriage; as he will always yet ke●p● a void place for a new surcontract with any other, when occasion shall require.  
Now by my truth sir (quoth I) I never heard nor read the like to this in my life; 
Scholar.  yet have I read much in my time, of the carnality and licentiousness of divers outrageous persons, in this kind of sin, as namely these whom you have mentioned before; especially the Emperor Heliogabalu● who passed all other, 
Varius Heliogabalus, and his most infamous death.  and was called Varius, of the variety of filth which he used in this kind of carnality or carnal beastliness: whose death was, that being at length odious to all men, and so slain by his own Soldiers, was drawn through the City upon the ground l●ke a dog, and cast into the common privy, with this Epitaph; Hic projectus est indomitae & rabide libidinis catulus. 
An Epitaph.  Here is thrown in the Whelp of unruly and raging lust: which Epitaph may also one day chance to serve my Lord of Leicester (whom you call the Bear-whelp) if he go forward as he hath begun, and die as he deserveth.  
But, good sir, what a compassion is this, that among us Christians, & namely in so well governed and religious a Commonwealth as ours is, 
A pitiful permission.  such a riot should be permitted upon men's wives, in a subject? whereas we read that among the very Heathens, less offences than these, in the same kind, were extremely punished in Princes themselves, and that not only in the person delinquent alone, but also by extirpation of the whole family for his sake, 

The ex●erpation of the Tarquinions.  
Anno Dom. 959.   as appeareth in the example of the Tarquinians among the Romans. And here also in our own Realm, we have registered in Chronicle, how that one King Edwin above six hundred years past, was deprived of his Kingdom, for much less scandalous facts than these.  
I remember well the story (quoth the Gentleman) & thereby do easily make conjecture, 
Gentleman.  what difference there is betwixt those times of old, and our days now: seeing then, a crowned Prince could not pass unpunished with one or two outrageous acts, whereas now a subject raised up but yesterday from the meaner sort, 
The intolerable licentiousness of Leicester's carnality.  rangeth at his pleasure in all licentiousness, and that with security, void of fear both of God and man. No man's wife can be free from him, whom his fiery lust liketh to abuse, nor their husband's able to resist nor save from his violence, if they show dislike, or will not yield their consent to his doings. And if I should discover in particular how many good husbands he had plagued in this nature, and for such delights, it were intolerable; for his concupiscence and violence do run jointly together, as in furious beasts we see they are accustomed. Neither holdeth he any rule in his lust besides only the motion and suggestion of his own sensuality; kindred, affinity or any other b●nd of consanguinity; religion, honour or honesty taketh no place in his outrageous appetite: what he best liketh, that he taketh as lawful for the time. So that kinswoman, ally, friend's wife or daughter, or whatsoever female sort besides doth please his eye: (I leave out of purpose, and for honour sake, terms of kindred more near) that must yield to his desire.  
The keeping of the Mother with two or three of her daughters at once or successively, is no more with him, than the eating of an Hen & her chicken together. There are not (by report) two noble women about her Majesty (I speak upon some account of them ●hat know much) whom he hath not solicited by potent ways: neither contented with this place of honour, he hath descended to seek pasture among the waiting Gentlewomen of her Majesty's great chamber, offering more for their allurement, 
Money well spent  than I think Lais did commonly tak● in Corinth, if three hundreth pounds for a night, will make up the sum; or if not, yet will he make it up otherwise: having reported himself (so little shame he hath) that he offered to another of higher place, an 100 pound lands by the year, with as many jewels as most women under her Majesty used in England; 
Anne Vavisour.  which was no mean bait to one that used traffic in such merchandise; she being but the leave of another man before him, whereof my Lord is nothing squeamish, for satisfying of his lust, but can be content (as they s●y) to gather up crumbs when he is hungry, even in the very Laundry itself, or other place of base quality.  
And albeit the Lord of his great mercy, to do him good, 
The punishments of God upon Leicester to do him good.  no doubt, if he were revokeable, hath laid his hand upon him, in some chastisement in this world, by giving him a broken belly on both sides of his bowels, whereby misery and putrefaction is threatened to him daily: and to his young Son, by the widow of Essex (being Filius peccati) such a strange calamity of the falling sickness in his infancy, 
* The children of adulterers shall be consumed, and the seed of a wicked bed shall be rooted out, saith God, Sap. 3.  as well may be a witness of the Parents sin and wickedness, and of both their wasted natures in iniquity: yet is this man nothing amended thereby, but according to the custom of all old adulterers, is more libidinous at this day then ever before, more given to procure love in others by conjuring, sorcery, and other such means. And albeit for himself, both age, and nature spent, do somewhat tame him from the act, yet wanteth he not will, as appeareth by the Italian ointment, procured not many years p●st by his Chirurgeon or Mountebank of that Country, 
Leicester's ointment.  whereby (as they say) he is able to move his flesh at all times, for keeking of his credit, howsoever his inability be otherwise for performance: as also one of his Physicians reported to an Earl of this Land, that his Lordship had a bottle for his bed-head, 
Leicester's bottle  of ten pounds the Pint to the same effect. But my Masters whether are we fallen, unadvisedly? I am ashamed to have made mention of so base filthiness.  
Not without good cause (quoth I) but that we are here alone, and no man heareth us. 
Scholar.  Wherefore I pray you let us return whereas we left: and when you named my Lord of Leicester's Daughter borne of the Lady Sh●ffield in Dudley Castle, there came into my head a pretty story concerning that affair: which now I will recount (though somewhat out of order) thereby to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavoury puddle and foul dunghill, whereunto we are sl●pped, by following my Lord somewhat too far in his paths and actions.  
Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out: I gr●w acquainted three months passed with a certain Minister, that now is dead, and was the same man that was used in Dudley Castle, for compliment of some sacred ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Leicester's daughter in that place: and the matter was so ordained, 
A pretty device.  by the wily wit of him that had sowed the seed, that for the better covering of the harvest and secret delivery of the Lady Sheffield, the good wife of the Castle also (whereby Leicester's appointed gossips might without other suspicion have access to the place) should feign herself to be with child, and after long and sore travel, God wot, to be delivered of a cushion (as she was indeed) and a little after a fair coffin was buried with a bundle of clouts, in show of a child; and the Minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and ceremonies for the solemn interring thereof: 
An act of atheism  for which thing afterward, before his death, he had great grief and remorse of conscience, with no small detestation of the most irreligious device of my Lord of Leicester in such a case.  
Here the Lawyer began to laugh a pace both at the device and at the Minister; 
Lawyer.  and said, now truly if my Lords contracts hold no better, but hath so many infirmities, with subtleties, and by-places besides: I would be loath that he were married to my daughter, as mean as she is.  
But yet (quoth the Gentleman) I had rather of the two be his wife, 
Gentleman.  for the time, than his guest: especially if the Italian Chirurgeon or Physician be at hand.  
True it is (said the Lawyer) for he doth no● poison his wives, 
Lawyer.  whereof I somewhat marvel, especially his first wife; I muse why he chose rather to make her away by open violence, then by some Italian confortive.  

Gentleman.  Hereof (said the Gentleman) may be diver● reasons alleged. First, 
The first reason why Leicester slew his wife by violence, rather than by poison.  that he was not at th●t time so skilful in those Italian wares, nor had about him so fit Physicians and Chirurgeons for the purpose: nor yet in truth do I think that his mind was so settled then in mischief, as it hath been sithence. For you know, that men are not desperate the first day, but do enter into wickedness by degrees, and with some doubt or staggering of conscience at the beginning. And so he at that time might be desirous to have his wife made away, for that she letted him in his designments, but yet not so stony-hearted as to appoint out the particular manner of her death, but rather to leave that to the discretion of the murderer.  
Secondly, 
The second reason.  it is not also unlike that he prescribed unto Sir Richard Varney at his going thither, that he should first attempt to kill her by poison, and if that took not place, then by any other way to dispatch her howsoever. This I prove by the report of old Doctor Bayly, who then lived in Oxford (another manner of man than he who now liveth about my Lord of the same name) and was Professor of the Physic Lecture in the same University. 
Doctor Bayly the elder.  This learned grave man reported for most certain, that there was a practice in Cumner among the conspirators, to have poisoned the poo●e Lady a little before she was killed, which was attempted in this oder.  
They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy (as one that well knew by her other handling that her death was not far off) began to perswde her, that her disease was abundance of melancholy and other humours, and therefore would needs counsel her to take some potion, which she absolutely refusing to do, as suspecting still the worst; they sent one day, (unwares to her) for Doctor Bayly, and desired him to persuade her to take some little potion at his hands, 
A practice for poisoning the Lady Dudley.  and they would send to fetch the same at Oxford upon his prescription, meaning to have added also somewhat of their own for her comfort, as the Doctor upon just causes suspected, seeing their great importunity, and ●he small need which the good Lady had of Physic; and therefore he flatly denied their request, misdoubting (as he after reported) lest if they had poisoned her under the name of his Potion. he might after have been hanged for a colour of their sin. Marry the said Doctor remained w●ll assured that this way taking no place, she should not long escape violence, as after ensued. And ●he thing was so beaten into the heads of the principal men of the University of Oxford, by these and other means: as for that she was found murdered (as all men said) by the Crowner's inquest, and for that she being hastily and obscurely buried at Cumner (which was condemned above, as not advisedly done) my good Lord, to make plain to the world the great love he bore to her in her life, and what a grief the loss of so virtuous a Lady was to his tender heart, would needs have her taken up again and reburied in the University Church at Oxford, with great pomp and solemnity: that Doctor Babington my Lord's Chaplain, 
Doct. Babington  making the public funeral Sermon at her second burial, tripped once or twice in his speech by recommending to their memories that virtuous Lady so pitifully murdered, instead of so pitifully slain.  

A third reason.  A third cause of this manner of the Lady's death, may be the disposition of my Lord's nature; which is bold and violent where it feareth no resistance (as all cowardly natures are by kind) and where any difficulty or danger appeareth, there, more ready to attempt all by art, subtlety, treason and treachery. And so for that he doub●ed no great resistance in the poor Lady to withstand the hands of them which should offer to break her neck: he durst the bolder attempt the same openly.  
But in the men whom he poisoned, for that they were such valiant Knights, the most part of them, as he durst as soon have eaten his scabbard, as draw his sword in public against them: he was enforced (as all wretched ireful and dastardly crea●ures are) to supplant them by fraud, and by other men's hands. As also at other times, he hath sought to do unto divers other noble and valiant personages, when he was afraid to meet them in the field, as a Knight should have done.  
His treacheries towards the noble late Earl of Sussex in their many breaches, is notorious ●o all England. As also the bloody practices against divers others.  
But as among many none were more odious and misliked of all men, than those against Monsieur Simiers, a stranger and Ambassador; whom first he practised to have poisoned (as hath been touched before) and when that device took not place, 
The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry means.  than he appointed that Robin Tider his man) as after upon his Alebench he confessed) should have slain him at the Blackfriars at Greenwich as he went for●h at the garden gate; but missing also that purpose, for that he found the Gentleman better provided and guarded than he expected, he dealt with certain Flushi●ers and other Pirates to sink him at Sea, with the English Gentlemen his favourers, that accompanied him at his return into France. And though they miss of this practice also, (as not daring to set upon him for fear of some of her Majesty's ships, who to break off this designment attended by special commandment, to waft him over in safety) yet the foresaid English Gentlemen were holden four hours in chase at their coming back, as Master Rawley well knoweth, being then present, and two of the chasers, named Clark and Harris, confessed afterward the whole designment.  

The intended murder of the Earl of Ormond  The Earl of Ormond in likewise hath often declared, and will avouch it to my Lord of Leicester's face, whensoever he shall be called to the same, that at such time as this man had a quarrel with him, and thereby was likely to be enforced to the field (which he trembled to think of) he first sought by all means to get him made away by secret murder, offering five hundred pounds for the doing thereof. And secondly, when that device took no place, he appointed with him the field, but secretly suborning his servant William Killigre to lie in the way where Ormond should pass, 
William Killegre  and so to massacre him with a caliver, before he came to the place appointed. Which murder, though it took no effect, for that the matter was taken up, before the day of meeting: yet was Killigre placed afterward in her Majesty's privy Chamber by Leicester, for showing his ready mind to do for his Master so faithful a service.  

Scholar.  So faithful a service (quoth I) truly, in my opinion, it was but an unfit preferment, for so facinorous a fact. And as I would be loath tha● many of his Italians, or other of that art, should come nigh about her Majesty's kitchen; so, much less would I, that many such his bloody Champions, should be placed by him in her Highness' chamber. Albeit for this Gentleman in particular, it may be, that with change of his place in service, he hath changed also his mind and affection, and received better instruction in the fear of the Lord.  
But yet in general, I must needs say, that it cannot be but prejudicial and exceeding dangerous unto our noble Prince and Realm, that any one man whatsoever (especially such a one as the world taketh this man to be) should grow to so absolute authority and commandry in the Court, as to place about the Prince's person (the head, the heart, 
Preoccupation of her Majesty's person.  the life of the land) whatsoever people liketh him best, and that now upon their deserts towards the Prince, but towards himself; whose fidelity being more obliged to their advancer, then to their sovereign, do serve for watchmen about the same, for the profit of him, by whose appointment they were placed. Who by their means casting indeed but nets and chains, and invisible bands about that person, whom most of all he pretendeth to serve, he shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure, though sweet and senseless.  
Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto any man that is experienced in affairs of former time; 
An ordinary way of aspiring by preoccupation of the Prince's person.  for that it hath been from the beginning of all government a trodden path of all aspirers. In the stories both sacred and profane, foreign and domestical of all Nations, Kingdoms, Countries and States, you shall read, that such as meant to mount above others, and to govern all at their own discretion; did lay this for the first ground and principle of their purpose; 
A comparison.  to possess themselves of all such as were in place about the principal; even as he who intending to hold a great City at his own disposition, dareth not make open war against the same; getteth secretly into his hands or at his devotion, all the Towns, Villages, Castles, Fortresses, bulwarks, Rampires, Waters, Ways, Ports and Passages, about the same, and so without drawing any sword against the said City, he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his will and pleasure.  
This did all these in the Roman Empire, who rose from subjects to be great Princes, and to put down Emperors. This did all those in France and other Kingdoms, who at sundry times have tyrannised their Princes. And in our own Country the examples are manifest of Vortiger, Harold, Henry of Lancaster, Richard of Warwick, Richard of Gloucester, john of Northumberland, and divers others, who by this mean specially, have pulled down their lawful Sovereigns.  
And to speak only a word or two of the last, for that he was this man's Father; doth not all England know, 
The way of aspiring in Duke Dudley.  that he first overthrew the good Duke of Somerset, by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends of the said D●ke? And afterwards did not he possess himself of the Kings own person, and brought him to the end which is known, and before that, to the most shameful disheriting of his own royal Sisters: and all this, by possessing first the principal men, that were in authority about him?  
Wherefore sir, if my Lord of Leicester have the same plot in his head (as most men think) and that he meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crown by the House of Huntingdon, against all the race and line of King Henry the seventh in general, which his Father gave before him, by pretence of the House of Suffolk, against the Children of King Henry the eight in particular; he wanteth not reason to follow the same means and platform of planting special persons for his purpose about the Prince, for surely his father's plot lacked no witty device or preparation, but only that God overthrew it at the instant: (as happily he may do this man's) also notwithstanding any diligence that humane wisdom can use to the contrary.  
To this said the Gentleman: 
Gentleman.  that my Lord of Leycester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diadem by the title of Huntingdon, is not a thing obscure in itself, and it shall be more plainly proved hereafter. But now will I show unto you for your instruction, how well this man hath followed his father's platform (or rather passed the same) in possessing himselve of all her Majesty's servants, friends, and forces, to serve his turn at that time for execution, and in the mean space for preparation.  
First, in the privy Chamber, 
Leicester's power in the privy Chamber.  next unto her Majesty's person, the most part are his own creatures (as he calleth them) that is, such as acknowledge their being in that place, from him: and the rest he so over-ruleth, either by flattery or fear, as none may dare but to serve his turn. As his reign is so absolute in this place, (as also in all other parts of the Court) as nothing can pass but by his admission, nothing can be said, done, or signified, whereof he is not particularly advertised: no bill, no supplication, no complaint, no suit, no speech, can p●sse from any man to the Princess (except it be from one of the Council) but by his good liking: or if there do, he being admonished thereof (as presently he shall,) the party delinquent is sure after to abide the smart thereof. Whereby he holdeth as it were a lock upon the ears of his Prince, and the tongues of all her Majesty's servants, so surely chained to his girdle, as no man dareth to speak any one thing that may offend him, though it be never so true or behooveful for her Majesty to know.  
As well appeared in the late marriage with Dame Essex, 
Leycester married at Waenstead: when her Majesty was at M. Stoners Houf Doctor Culpeper Physician Minister.  which albeit it was celebrated twice: first at Killingworth, and secondly at Waenstead (in the presence of the Earl of Warwick, Lord No●th, Sir Francis Knooles, and others) and this exactly known to the whole Court, with the very day, the place, the witnesses, and the Minister that married them together: yet no man durst open his mouth to make her Majesty privy thereunto, until Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same, (and thereby incurred his high displeasure) nor yet in many days after for fear of Lycester. Which is a subjection most dishonourable and dangerous to any Prince living, to stand at the devotion of his subject, what to hear or not to hear of things that pass within his own Realm.  

No suit can pass but by Leycester.  And hereof it followeth that no suit can prevail in Court, be it never so mean, except he first be made acquainted there with, and receive not only the thanks, but also be admitted unto a great part of the gain and commodity thereof. 
Read Polidore in the 7. year of King Richard 1. and you shall find this proceeding of certain about that K. to be put as a great cause of his overthrow.  Which, as it is a great injury to the suitor: so is it a far more greater to the bounty, honour and security of the Prince, by whose liberality this man feedeth only, and fortifieth himself, depriving his sovereign of all grace, thanks and good will for the same. For which cause also he giveth out ordinarily, to every suitor, that her Majesty is nigh and persimoniou● of herself, and very difficile to grant any suit, were it not only upon his incessant solicitation. Whereby he filleth his own purse the more, and emptieth the hearts of such as receive benefit, from due thanks to their Princes for the suit obtained.  
Hereof also ensueth, that no man may be preferred in Court (be he otherwise never so well a deserving servant to her Majesty) except he be one of Leicester's faction or followers: none can be advanced, except he be liked and preferred by him: none receive grace, 
No preferments but by Leycester to Leycest●ians.  except he stand in his good favour, no one may live in countenance, or quiet of life, except he take it, use it, acknowledge it from him, so as all the favours, graces, dignities, riches and rewards, which her Majesty bestoweth, or the Realm can yield, must serum to purchase this man private friends, and favourers, only to advance his party, and to fortify his faction. Which faction if by these means it be great, (so as indeed it is:) you may not marvile, seeing the riches and wealth, of so worthy a Common weal, do serve him but for a price to buy the same.  
Which thing himself well knowing, frameth his spirit of proceeding accordingly. And first, 
Leicester's anger and insolency.  upon confidence thereof, is become so insolent and impotent of his Ire that no man may bear the same, how justly or injustly soever it be conceived: for albeit he begin to h●te a man upon bare surmises only (as commonly it falleth out, ambition being always the mother of suspicion) yet he presecuteth the same with such implacable cruelty, as there is no long abiding for the party in ●h●t place. As mi●ht be showed by the examples of many whom he hath chased from the Court, upon his only displeasure, without other cause, being known to be otherwise, zealous Protestant. As Sir Jerome Bows, Mr. Geo●ge Scot, and others that we could name.  
To ●h●s insolency is also joined (as by nature it followeth) m●st absolute and peremptory de●ling in all things whereof it pleaseth him to dispose, 
Leicester's peremptory dealing.  without respect either of reason, order, due, right, subordination, custom, conveniency, or the like: whereof notwithstanding Princes themselves are wont to have regard in disposition of their matters: as for example, among the servants of the Queen's Majesty's household, it is an ancient and most commendable order and custom, that when a place of higher room falleth void, he that by succession is next, and hath made proof of his worthiness in an inferior place, should rise and possess the same, (except it be for some extraordinary cause) to the end that no man unexperienced or untried, should be placed in the higher rooms the first day, to the prejudice of others, and disservice of the Prince.  

Breaking of order in her Majesty's household.  Which most reasonable custom this man contemning and breaking at his pleasure, thrusteth into higher rooms any person whatsoever, so he like his inclination, or feel his reward: albeit he neither be fit for the purpose, nor have been so much as Clerk in any in●●●iour office before.  
The like he useth out of th● Court, in all other places where matters should pass by order, 
Leicester's violating of all order in the Country abroad.  election, or degree: as in the Universities, in election of Scholar's, and Heads of houses, in Ecclesiastical persons, for dignities in Church, in Officers, Magistrates, Stew●rds of lands, Sheriffs and knights of Shires, in Burgesses of the Parliament, in Commissioners, Judges, Justices of the peace, (whereof many in every shire must wear his livery) and all other the like: where this man's will must stand for reason, and his letters for absolute laws, neither is there any man, magistrate, or communer in the Realm, who dareth not sooner deny their petition of her Majesty's letters, upon just causes (for that her highness is content after to be satisfied with reason) then to resist the commandment of this man's letters, who will admit no excuse or satisfaction, but only the execution of his said commandment, be it right or wrong.  
To this answered the Lawyer, Now verily, sir, 
Lawyer.  you paint unto me a strange pattern of a perfect Potentate in the Court: belike that stranger, who calleth our State in his printed book Leycestren sem Rempublicam, a Leycestrian Commonwealth, 
A Leycestrian Commonwealth  or the Commonwealth of my Lord of Leycester, knoweth much of these matters. But to hold, si●, still within the Court: I assure you that by considerations, which you have laid down, I do begin now to perceive that his party must needs be very great and strong within the said Court, seeing that he hath so many ways and means to increase, every, and encourage the same, and so strong abilities to tread dow●e his enemies. The common speech of many wanteth not reason, I perceive, which calleth him the heart and life of the Court.  
They which call him the hea●t (said the Gentleman) upon a little occasion more, 
Gentleman. Leycester called the heart and life of the Cou●t.  would call him also the head: and then I marvel what should be left for her Majesty, when they take from her both life, heart, and headship in her own Realm? But the truth is, that he hath the Court at this day in almost the same case as his father had it in King Edward's d●y●s, by the same device, (the Lord forbid that ever it come fully to the same state, for than we know what ensued to the principal:) and if you will h●ve an evident demonstration of this man's power and favour in that place, call you but to mind the times when her Majesty upon most just and urgent occasions, did withdraw but a little her wont favour and countenance towards him: did not all the Court as it were, mutiny presently? did not every man hang the lip? 
A demonstration of Leyceste●s tyranny in the Court.  except a few, who afterward paid sweetly for their mirth; were there not every day new devices sought out, that some should be on their knees to her Majesty, some should weep and put finger in their eyes: other should find our certain covert manner of threatening: other reasons and persuasions of love: other of profit: other of honour: other of necessity: and all to get him recalled back to favour again? And had her Majesty any rest permitted unto her, until she had yielded and granted to the same?  
Consider then (I pray you) that if at that time, in his disgrace, he had his faction so fast assured to himself: what hath he now in his prosperity, after so many years of fortification? wherein by all reason he hath not been negligent, 
Leycester provideth never to come in the Q●e●nes danger again.  seeing that in policy the first point of good fortification is, to make that fort impregnable, which once hath been in danger to be lost. Whereof you have an example in Ri●har● Duke of York, in the time of K. Henry the sixth, who being once in the King's hands by his own submission, and dismissed again (when for his deserts, he should have suffered) provided after, the King should never be able to overreach h●m the second time, or hav● him in his power to do him hurt, but m●de himself strong enough to pull down the other wi●h extirpation of his family. 
Anno Regni 3●.   
And this of the Court, household and Chamber of her Majesty. But now if we shall pass from Cou●t to Council, we shall find him no less fortified but rather more: 
Ley●esters puissance in the privy Council.  for albeit the providence of God hath been such, that in this most honourable assembly, there hath not wanted some two or three of the wisest, gravest, and most experienced in our state, that have seen and marked this man's perilous proceedings from the beginning, (whereof notwithstanding two are now deceased, 
L, Keeper. L. Chamberlain.  and their place● supplied to Leyce●ters good liking:) yet (alas) the wisdom of these worthy men, hath discovered always more, than their authorities were able to redress: (the others great power and violence considered) and for the residue of that bench and table, though I doubt not but there be divers, who do in heart detest his doings (as there were also, no doubt among the Counsellors of King Edward, who misliketh this man's father's attempts, though not so hardy as to contrary the same:) yet for most part of the Council present, they are known to be so affected in particular, the one for that he is to him a Brother, the other a Father, the other a Kinsman, the other an ally, the other a fast obliged friend, the other a fellow or follower in faction, as none will stand in the breach against him: none dare resist or encounter his designment: but every man yielding rather to the force of his flow, permitteth him to pierce, and pass at his pleasure in whatsoever his will is once settled to obtain.  
And hereof (were I not stayed for respect of some whom I may not name) I could allege strange examples, not so much in affairs belonging to subjects and to private men, 
Matters wherein the Council are enforced to wink at Leycester.  as (were the cause of Snowden forest, Denbigh of Kil●ingworth, of his fair Pastures foully procured by Southam, of the Archb●sh. of Canterbury, of the L. Ba●kley, of Sir john Throgmarton, of M. Rob●nson and the like;) wherein those of the Council that disliked his doings, least d●red to oppose themselves to the same, but also in things that appertain directly to the Crown and dignity, to the State and Common-weal, and to the safety and continuance thereof. It is not secure for any one Councillor, or other of authority, to take notice of my Lords errors or misdeeds, but with extreme peril of their own ruin.  

Leicester's intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland.  As for example: in the beginning of the rebellion in Ireland, when my Lord of Leycester was in some disgrace, and consequently, as he imagined, but in frail state at home, he thought it not unexpedient, for his better assurance, to hold some intelligence also that way, for all events, and so he did: whereof there was so good evidence and testimony found, upon one of the first of account, that was there slain, (as honourable personages of their knowledge have assured me) as would have been sufficient, to touch the life of any subject in the land, or in any state Christian, but only my Lord of Leycester, who is a subject without subjection.  
For what think you? durst any man take notice hereof, or avouch that he had seen thus much? durst he that took it in Ireland, deliver the same where especially he should have done? or they who received it in England, for it came to great hands, use it to the benefit of their Princess and Country? No surely: for if it had been but only suspected that they had seen such a thing, it would have been as dangerous unto them as it was to Action to have seen Diana and her maidens naked: 
Actaeon's case now come in England.  whose case is so common now in England as nothing more, and so do the examples of divers well declare: whose unfortunate knowledge of too many secrers brought them quickly to unfortunate ends.  

Salvatour slain in his bed.  For we hear of one Salvatour a stranger, long used in great mysteries of base affairs and dishonest actions, who afterward (upon what demerit I know not) sustained a hard fortune, for being late with my Lord in his study, well near until midnight, (if I be rightly informed) went home to his chamber, and the next morning was found slain in his bed. We hear also of one Dough●y, 
Doughty hanged by Drake.  hanged in haste by Captain Drake upon the Sea, and that by order, as is thought, before his departure out of England, for that he was over privy to the secrets of this good Earl.  
There was also this last Summer past, 
The story of Gates hanged at Tyburn.  one Gates hanged at Tyburn, umong others, for robbing of Carriers, which Gates had been lately Clerk of my Lord's kitchen, and had laid out much money of his own, as he said, for my Lord's provision, being also otherwise in so great favour and grace with my Lord, as no man living was thought to be more privy of his secrets then this man, whereupon also it is to be thought, that he presumed the rather to commit this robbery, (for to such things doth my Lords good favour most extend,) and being apprehended, and in danger for the same, he made his recourse to his Honour for protection, as the fashion is, and that he might he borne out, as divers of less merit had been by his Lordship, in more heinous causes before him.  
The good Earl answered his servant and dear Privado courteously, and assured him for his life, howsoever for outer show and compliment the form of Law might pass against him. But Gates seeing himself condemned, and nothing now between his head and the halter, but the word of the Magistrate which might come in an instant, when it would be too late to send to his Lord: remembering also the small assurance of his said Lords word by his former dealings towards other men, whereof this man was too much privy, he thought good to solicit his case also by some other of his friends, though not so puissant as his Lord and M●ster, who dealing indeed, both diligently and effectually in his affair, found the matter more difficult a great deal then either he or they had imagined: for that my Lord of Leycester was not only not his favourer, but a great hastener of his death under hand; and that with such care, diligence, vehemency, and irresistible means, (having the Law also on his side) that there was no hope at all of escaping: which thing when Gates heard of, he easily believed for the experience he had of his masters good nature, and said, that he always mistrusted the same, considering how much his Lordship was in debt to him, and he made privy to his Lordship's foul secrets, which secrets he would there presently have uttered in the face of all the world, but that he feared torments or speedy death, with some extraordinary cruelty, if he should so have done, and therefore he disclosed the same only to a Gentleman of worship, whom he trusted specially, whose name I may not utter for some causes, (but it beginneth with H.) and I am in hope ere it be long, by means of a friend of mine, to have a fight of that discourse and report of Gates, which hitherto I have not seen nor ever spoke I with the Gentleman that keepeth it, though I be well assured that the whole matter passed in substance as I have here recounted it.  
Whereunto I answered, that in good faith it were pity that this relation should be lost, 
Scholar. This relation of Gates may serve hereafter for an addition in the second edition of this book.  for that it is very like, that many rare things be declared therein, seeing it is done by a man so privy to ●he affairs themselves, wherein also he had been used an instrument. I will have it (quoth the Gentleman) or else my friends shall fail me, howbeit nor so soon as I would, for that he is in the West Country that should procure it for me, and will not return for certain months, but after I shall see him again, I will not leave him until he procure it for me, as he hath promised: well (quoth I) but what is become of that evidence found in Ireland under my Lord's hand, which no man dare pursue, avouch, or behold.  
Truly (said the Gentleman) I am informed that it lieth safely reserved in good custody, 
Gentleman.  to be brought forth and avouched whensoever it shall please God so to dispose of her Majesty's heart, as to lend an indifferent ear, as well to his accusers, as to himself, in judgement.  
Neither must you think that this is strange, nor that the things are few which are in such sort reserved in deck for the time to come, 
The deck reserved for Leycester.  even among great personages, and of high calling, for seeing the present state of his power to be such, and the tempest of his tyranny to be so strong and boisterous, as no man may stand in the rage thereof, without peril, for that even from her Majesty herself, in the lenity of her Princely nature, he extorteth what he designeth, either by fraud, flattery, false information, 
Leicester's puissant violence with the Prince her s●lfe.  request, pretence, or violent importunity, to the over-bearing of all, whom he meaneth to oppress: No marvel then though many even of the best and faithfullest Subjects of the Land, do yield to the present time, and do keep silence in some matters, that otherwise they would take it for duty to utter.  
And in this kind it is not long sithence a worshipful and wise friend of mine told me a testimony in secret, from ●he mouth of as noble and grave a Counsellor as England hath enjoyed these many hundred years: I mean the late Lord Chamberlain, 
The Earl of Sussex his speech of the Earl of Leycester.  with whom my said friend being alone at his house in London, not twenty days before his death, conferred somewhat familiarly about these and like matters, as with a true father of his Country and Commonwealth: and after many complaints in the behalf of divers, who had opened their griefs unto Counsellors, and saw that no notice would be taken thereof, the said Nobleman, turning himself somewhat about from the water, (for he sat near his pond side, where h●e beheld the taking of a Pike or Carpe) said to my friend, It is no marvel, sir, for who dareth intermeddle himself in my Lords affairs? I will tell you (quoth he) in confidence between you and me, ●here is a● wise a man and as grave, and as faithful a Counsellor as England breedeth, 
The Lord Burghley.  (meaning thereby the Lord Treasurer) who hath as much of h●s keeping of Leicester's own hand-writing, as is sufficient to hang him, if either he durst present ●●e same to her Majesty, or her Majesty do justice when it should be presented. But indeed (quoth he) the time permitteth neither of them both, and therefore it is in vain for any man to struggle with him.  
These were that Nobleman's words, whereby you may consider whether my Lord of L●ycester be strong this day in Council or no: and whether his fortification be sufficient in that place.  
But now if out of the Council, we will turn but our eye in the Country abroad, 
Leycester● power in the country abroad.  we shall find as good fortification also there, as we have perused already in Court and Council: and shall well perceive that this man's plot is no fond or indiscreet plot, but excellent well grounded, and such as in all proportions hath his due correspondence.  
Consider then the chief and principal parts of this land for martial affairs, for use and commodity of armour, for strength, for opportunity, for liberty of the people, as dwelling farthest off from the presence and aspect of their Prince, such parts (I say) as are fittest for sudden enterprises, without danger of interception: as are the North, the West, the Countries of Wales, the Islands round about the land, and sundry other places within the same: are they not all at this day at his disposition? are they not all (by his procurement) in the only hands of his friends and allies? or of such, as by other matches have the same complot and purpose with him?  
In York is precedent the man that of all other is fittest for that place, that is, 
York Earl of Huntingdon.  his nearest in affinity, his dearest in friendship, the head of his faction, and open competitor of the Sceptre. 
Barwick. The Lord Hun●den.  In Berwick is a Captain, his wife's uncle, most assured to himself and Huntingdon, as one who at convenient time may as much advance their designments, as any one man in England.  
In Wales the chief authority from the Prince is in his own brother i● law: 
Wales. Sir Hen●y Sidney The Earl of Pembroke.  but among the people, of natural affection, is in the Earl of Pembroke, who both by marriage of his sister's daughter is made his ally, and by dependence is known to be wholly at his disposition.  
The West part of England is under Bedford, 
The West. Earl of Bedford.  a man wholly devoted to his and the Puritans faction.  
In Ireland was governor of late the principal instrument appointed for their purposes: 
The Lord Grey.  both in respect of his heat and affection toward their designments, as also of some secret discontentment which he hath towards her Majesty and the state present for certain har● 
† Her Majesty (●s he saith) for striking of Master Fortesene, calling him lame wretch: that grieved him so, (for that he was hurt in her service at Lieth) as he said, he would live to be revenged.  speeches and ingrate recompenses, as he pretendeth: but indeed for that he is known to be of nature fiery, and impatient of stay, from seeing that Commonwealth on foot, which the next competitors for their gain have painted out to him and such others, more pleasant than the Terrestrial Paradise itself.  
This then is the Hector, this is the Ajax appointed for the enterprise, when the time shall come. This must be (forsooth) another R●c●ard of Warwick, to gain the Crown for Henry the ninth of the House of York: as the other Richard did put down Henry the sixth of the House of Lancaster, and placed Edward the fourth, from whom Huntingdon deriveth his title therefore this man is necessarily to be entertained from time to time (as we see now he is) in some charge and martial action, to the end his experience, power, and credit may grow the more, and he be able at the time to have soldiers at his commandment. And for the former charge which held of late in Ireland, as this man had not been called away, but for execution of some other secret purpose, 
* In Scotland, or elsewhere, against the next inheritors, or present possessor.  for advancement of their designments: so be well assured that for the time to come, it is to be furnished again with a sure and fast friend to L●ycester and to that faction.  

Sir john Parott.  In the I'll of Wight I grant that Leycester hath lost a great friend and a trusty servant ●y the death of Captain H●rs●y, 

Sir Edward Horsey.  
Sir George Carew.   but ye● the matter is supplied by the succession of another, no less assured unto him then the former, or rather more, through the band of affinity by his wife. The two Lands of Gersey and Gernsey are in the possession of two friends and most obliged dependants. 
Sir Amias Paulet Sir Thomas Layton.  The one, by reason he is exceedingly addicted to the Puritan proceedings: the other, as now being joined unto him by the marriage of mistress B●sse, his wife's sister, both daughters to Sir Francis, or (at least) to my Lady Knooles, and so become a rival, companion and brother, who was before (though trusty) yet but his servant.  
And these are the chief Keys, Fortresses, and Bulwarks, within, without and about the Realm, which my Lord of Leycester possessing, (as he doth) he may be assured of the body within: where notwithstanding (as hath been showed) he wanteth no due preparation for strength: having at his disposition (besides all aids and other helps specified before) her Majesty's horse, 
Her Majesty's stable, her armour, munition, and artillery The Tower.  and stables, by interest of his own office: her Armour, Artillery, and Munition, by the office of his brother the Earl of Warwick. The Tower of London and treasure therein, by the dependence of Sir Owin Hopton his sworn servant, as ready to rescue and furnish him with the whole, if occasion served, as one of his predecessors was, to receive his Father in King Edward's day●s, for the like effect, against her Majesty and her Sister.  
And in the City of London itself, 
London. Sir Rowland Heyward, etc. Mad Fleetwood, Gentleman.  what this man at a pinch could do, by the help of some of the principal men, and chief Leaders, and (as it were) Commanders of ●he Commons there, and by the bestirring of Flee●wood his mad Recorder, and other such his instruments: as also in all other Towns, Ports, and Cities of importance, by such of his own setting up, as he hath placed there to serve his designments, and Justices of peace, with other, that in most Shires do wear his livery, and are at his appointment: the simplest man within the Realm doth consider.  
Whereunto if you 〈◊〉 now his own forces and furniture which he h●th in Killingworth Castle, and o●he● places, as also the forces of Huntingdon in particular, w●th their friends, followers, allies and comparten●rs, you shall find that they are not behind in their preparations.  

Scholar. My Lord of Huntington's preparation at Ashby.  For my Lord of Hunting●ons forwardness in the cause (said I) there is no man, I think, which maketh doubt: m●r●y for ●is private forces, albeit they may be very goo●, for any thing I ●oe know to the contrary, (especially at his house within five and twenty miles of Killingworth, where one told me som● years past, tha● he had furniture ready for five thousand men:) y●t do ● not think but they are far●●●●f●riour to my Lord of Leycester, who is t●ken to have excessive store, and that in divers places. 
Killingworth Castle.  And as for th● Castle last mentioned by you, there are men of good intelligence, and of no small judgement, who ●eport that in the same he hath to furnish ten thousand good soldiers, of all things necessary both for horse and man, besides all other munition, armour, and artillery, (whereof great store was brought thither under pretence of triumph, w●en her Majesty was there, and never as yet carried back again) and besides the great abundance of ready coin there (as is said) sufficient for any great exploit to be done within the Realm.  
And I know th●t the estimation of this place was such, among divers, many years ago: as when at a time her Majesty l●y dangerously sick, and like to die, at Hampton Court, a certain Gentleman of the Court came unto my Lord of Huntingdon, 
Ralph Lane.  and told him, that for so much as he took his Lord to be next in succession after her Majesty, he would offer him a mean of great help for compassing of his purpose, after the decease of her Majesty which was, 
The offer and acceptation of Killingworth Castle.  the possession of Killingworth Castle (for at that time these two Earls were not yet very friends, nor confederate together) and that being had, he showed to the Earl the great furniture and wealth which thereby he should possess for pursuit of his purpose.  
The proposition was well liked, and the matter esteemed of great importance, and consequently received wi●h many thanks. But yet afterward her Majesty by the good providence of God, recovering again, let●ed the execution of the bargain: and my Lord of Huntingdon having occasion to join amity with Ley●ester, had more respect to his own commodity, then to his friend's security, (as commonly in such persons and cases it falleth out) and so discovered the whole device unto him, who forgot not after, from time to time, to plague the deviser by secret means, until he had brought him to that poor estate, as all the world seeth: though many men be ●ot acquainted with the true cause of this his disgrace and bad fortune.  
To this answered the Lawyer: 
Lawyer.  I● good faith (Gentlemen) you open great mysteries unto me, which either I knew not, or considered not so particularly before; and no marvel, for that my profession and exercise of Law, restraineth me from much company keeping▪ and when I happen to be among some that could tell me much herein, I dare not either ask, or hear if any of himself begin to talk, lest afterward ●he speech coming to light, I be f●tched over the coals (as the proverb is) for the same, under pretence of another thing. But you (who are not suspected for religion) have mu●● greater privilege in such matters, both to ●eare and speak ag●ine, which men of mine estate dare not doe● Only this I knew before, 
The prerogative of my Lord of Leycester.  that throughout all England my Lord of Leycester is taken for Dominus fac totum: whose excellency above oth●●● i● infinite, whose authority is absolute, whose cō●●ndment is dreadful, whose dislike is d●ng●ro●●, and whose favour is omnipotent.  
And for his will, though it be seldom Law, yet always is his power above law●● an● therefore w●e Lawyers in all cases brought unto us, have as gre●t regard to his inclination, as Astronomers have to th● Planet dominant, or as Seamen have to the North Pole.  

Leycester the Star directory to L●wyers in their claents affairs.  For as th●y ●hat fail, do direct ●heir course according to th● situation and direction of that starr● whi●h guideth them at ●he Pole: and as Astronomers who make Prognostications. do foretell things to come, according to the aspect of the Planet dominant, or bearing rule for ●he time: so we do guide our Clients ba●ke, an● do prognosticate what is like to ensue of his cause, by the aspect and inclination of my Lord of L●ycester. And for that reason, as soon as ●ver we hear a case proposed, o●r custom is to ask, what part my Lord of L●y●●ster is l●ke to favour in ●he matter, (for in all m●tt●rs lightly of a●y ●●portance he hath a par●) or what may be gathered of his inclination therein: and according to that we give a guess, more or less, what end will ensue But this (●y Masters) is from the purpose: and therefore returning to you● former speech agapae, I do say, that alb●6it I was not privy before to the particular provisions of my Lord and hi● friend's, in such and such places: yet seeing him accounted Lord General over all the whole Realm, and to have at his commandment all these several commodities and forces pertaining to her Majesty which you have mentioned before, and so many more as be in the Realm, and not mentioned by y●u (for in fine he hath all:) I could not but account him (as he is) a potent Prince of our State, for all furniture needful to defence or offence, or rather the only Monarch of our Nobility, wh● h●th sufficient n●edfull to plunge his Prince, if he should be discontented, especially for his abundance of money, (which, by the wise, 
Leicester's furniture in money.  is termed the Sinews of Martial actions) wherein by all men's judgements, he is better furnished at this day, than ever any subject of our land, either ha●h been heretofore, or lightly may be hereafter, both for banks without the Realm, and stuffed coffers within. Insomuch that being myself in the last Parliament, when the matter was moved for the grant of a Subsidy, after that, one for her Majesty had given ve●y good reason's, why her Highness was in want of money, and consequently needed the assistance of her faithful subjects therein, another that sat next me, of good account, said in mine ear secretly, these reasons I do well allow, 
The saying of a Knight of the Shire touching Leicester's money  and am contented to give my part in money: but yet for h●r Majesty's need, I could make answer as one answered once the Emperor Tiberius in the like case and cause, Abundè ei pecuniam fore, si à liberto suo in so●ietatem recipi●tur; that her Majesty should have Money enough, if one of her servants would vouchsafe to make her Highness' partaker with him; meaning thereby my Lord of Leycester, whose treasure must needs in one respect be greater than that of her Majesty; for that he layeth up whatsoever he getteth, and his expenses he casteth upon the purse of his Princess.  
For that (said the Gentleman) whether he do or no, it importeth little to the matter: 
Gentleman,  seeing both that which he spendeth, and that he hordeth, is truly and properly his Prince's Treasure: and seeing he hath so many and d●vers w●yes of gaining, 
The infinite ways of gaining that Leycester hath.  what should he m●ke accou●● of his own private expenses? if he lay ●ut on● for a thousand, what can that make him ●h● poorer? he that hath so goodly land, poss●ssi●●s, Signories, and rich ●ffi●es of his own, as he is known to have: he that hath so special favour and authority wi●h the Prince, as he can obtain whatsoever he list●●h to demand: hushed ●ath his part and p●rtion i● all sures besides, 
Sures.  that 〈◊〉 grace, or else (for the most p●rt) are ende● by L●w: he th●t may ●hop and change what lan●s he listeth with h●r Majesty, 
Lands.  〈◊〉 them of all their woods and other commodities, and rack them afterward to the uttermost penny, and then return the s●me so tenter-stretched, and bore shorn, into h●r Majesty's hands again, by fresh exchange, rend for rent, for other lands never 〈◊〉 s●d before he that possesseth so many gainful L●cences to himself alone, 
Licences.  of Wine, Oyl●s, Curran●s, cloth, Velvets, with his new office for Licence of alienation, most pernicious unto the Commonwealth as he useth the same, with many other the like, which were sufficient to enrich whole To●nes, Co●porations, Countries and Commonwealths: he that hath the art, to make gainful to himself every offence, 

Falling out with her Majesty.  
Offices.   displeasure, and f●lling ou● of her Majesty with him, and every angry countenance cast upon him: he that hath his share in all offices of great profit, and holdeth an absolute Monopoly of the same: he that despiseth at h●s will the Ecclesiastical livi●gs of the Realm, maketh Bishops, n●ne, but su●h as will do reason. or of his Chaplains whom he listeth, 
Clergy.  and retaineth to himself so much of the living as liketh him best: he that sweepeth away the glebe from so many Benefices throughout the Land, and compoundeth with the person for the r●st. 
Benefice●.  He that so scoureth the University and Colleges where he is Chancellor, 
University.  and selleth both Hea●ships and Scholar's places, and all o●h●r offices, rooms and dignities, tha● by art or violence may y●eld money: he tha● makes title to what land or other thing he please, 
Oppressions.  and driveth the parties to compound for th● same same: he that takes in whole Forests, Commons, Woods, and Pastures to himself, compelling the Tenants to make him pay new rent, and what he cesseth: he that vexeth and opp●●sseth whomsoever he l●st, 
Rapines.  taketh f●om any wh●t he l●●t, and maketh his own claim, sui●, and end as he list: 
Prince's favour.  he th●t selleth his favour with the Prince, both abroad in foreign countries, and at home, and sette●th the price thereof what himself will demand: he that hath and doth all this, and besides this, 
Presents,  hath infinite presents daily brought unto him of great v●lue, both in Jewels, Pl●te, a●l kind of Furniture, and re●dy Come: this man (I s●y) may easily bear his ow●e expenses, and yet lay up sufficiently also to weary h●● Prince when need shall require.  
You h●ve said much sir, 
Lawyer.  (quoth ●h● Lawyer) and such matter as toucheth nearly b●th her Majesty and the Commonwealth: and yet in my conscience if I were to plead at ●he bar for my Lord, I could not tell which of all these members to deny. But for that which you mention in the last part, of h●s gaining by her Majesty's favour, both at home and abroad: 
Leicester's home gain by he● Majesty's favour.  Touching his home-gaine, it is evident, seeing all that he hath is gotten only by the opinion of her. Majesty's favour towards him, and many men do repair unto him with fat presents, rather for that ●hey suppose he may by his favour do them hurt, if he feel not their reward, then for that they hope he will labour any thing in their affairs.  
You remember (I doubt not) the story of him that offered his Prince a great yearly rent, 
A pretty story.  to have but this favour only, that he might come every day in open audience, and say in his ear, God save your Majesty, assuring himself, that by the opinion of confidence and secret favour, which hereby the people would conceive to be in the Prince towards him, he should easily get up his rent again double told. Wherefore my Lord of Leycester receiving daily from her Majesty greater tokens of grace and favour then this, and himself being no evil Merchant, to make his own bargain for the best of his commodities, cannot but gain exceedingly at home by his favour.  
And for his lucre abroad upon the same cause, I leave to other men to conceive what it may b●, 
Leicester's foreign gain by her Majesty's favour.  sithence the beginning of her Majesty's reign, the times whereof and condition of all Christendom hath been su●h, as all the Princes and Potentate's round about us, have been constrained at one time or other, to sue to h●r Highness for aid, grace, or favour: in all which suits, men use not to forget (as you know) the parties most able by their credit, to further or let the same.  
In particular only this I can say, that I have heard of sundry Frenchmen, that at such time as the treaty w●s between France and England, for the re-delivery of Calais unto us again, in the first year of her Majesty's reign that now is, when the Frenchmen were in great distress and mis●ry, and King Phi●ip refused absolutely to make peace with them, except Calais were restored to England (whither for that purpose he had now delivered the French hostages:) the Frenchmen do report (I say) that my Lord of Leycester stood them in g●e●t stead at ●hat necessity, 
Leicester's bribe for betraying of Calais.  for his reward, (which you may well imagine was not small, for a thing of such importance) and became a suitor, that peace might be concluded, with the release of Calais to the French which was one of the most impious facts (to say the truth,) that ever could be devised against his Commonwealth.  
A small m●tter in him (said the Gentleman) for in this he did no more, 
Gentleman.  but as Christ said of the Jews: ●hat they filled up the measure of their Father's sins. And so if you read the story of King Edward's time, you shall find it most evident, that this man's f●ther before him, 
Leicester's father sold Bullo●gne.  sold Bullo●g●e ●o the French by like treachery. For it w●s delivered up upon composition, without necessity or reason, th● five and twentie●h of April, in ●he fourth year of King Edward the sixth, when he (I mea●● Duke Dudley) had now put in the Tower the Lord Protector, 
Earls of Arundel and southampton p●t out of the Council by D. Dudley.  and thrust out of the Cou●cell whom he listed, as namely, th● Earls of A●undel and South●mpton, and so invaded the whole government himself, to sell, spoil, or dispose at his pleasure. Wherefore this is but natural to my Lord of Leycester by descent, to make merchandise of the S●a●e, for his Grandfather Edmund also was such a kind of Copesman.  
An evil race of Merchants for the Commonwealth (quoth the Lawyer) but y●t, Sir, 
Lawyer.  I pray you (said he) expound unto me somewhat more at large, the nature of these licences which you named, as also the changing of lands with her Majesty, if you can set it down any plainer: for they seem to be things of excessive gain: especially his way of gaining by offending her Majesty, or by her Highness' offence towards him, for it seemeth to be a device above all skill or reaso●.  

Leicester's gain by falling out with her Majesty  Not so (quoth the Gentleman) for yo● know that every falling out must have an atonement ag●ine, whereof he being su●e by the many ●nd puissant means of his fr●ends in Court, as I have showed before, who shall not g●ive her Majesty rest until it be done: then for this atonement, and in perfect reconciliation on h●r Majesty's part she must g●ant my Lord some su●● or other, which he will have always ready provided for that purpose, and this suit shall he well ●ble to reward his friends, that laboured for his reconcilement, and leave also a good remainder for himself. And this is now so ordinary a practice with him, as all th● Real●e observeth the same, and disdaineth that her Majesty should be so unworthily ab●sed. For if her H●ghnesse fall not out with him as often as he desires to gain this way, than he picketh some quarrel or other, to show himself discontented with her, so that one way or other, this gainful reconciliation must be made, and that often for his commodity. The like art he exerciseth in inviting her Majesty to his banquets, and to his ho●ses, where if she come, she must grant him in suits, ten times so mu●h as the charges of all amount unto: so that Robi● playeth the Broker in all hi● affairs, and maketh the uttermost p●nny of her Majesty every way.  

Gentleman.  Now for his change of lands, I think I have been reasonable plain before: yet for your fuller satisfaction, you shall understand his further dealing therein, to be in this sort. Besides the good lands, and of ancient possession to the Crown, procured at her Majesty's hand, and used as b●fore was declared: he useth the same trick for his worst lands, that he possesseth any way, whether ●hey come to him, by extort means and plai●e oppression, or through maintenance and broken titles or by consenage of simple Gentlemen, to make him their heir, or by what h●rd title or unhonest means so ever, 
Leicester's fraudulent charge of lands wi●h her Majesty whereby he hath notably endamaged the Crown.  (for he practiseth store of such and thinketh little of the reckoning:) after he had tried them likewise to the uttermost touch, and let them out to such as shall gain but little ●y the bargain: then goeth he and changeth the same with her Majesty for the best lands he can pick out of the Crown, to the end that hereby he may both e●force her Majesty to the defence of his b●d titles, and himself fill his coffers with the fines and uttermost commodity of both the lands.  
His licences do stand thus▪ first he got licence for certain great numbers of clothes, 
Leicester's licenses.  to be transported out of this land, which might have been an undoing to the Merchant subject, if they had not redeemed the same with great sums of money: so that it redounded to great damage of all occupied about that kind of commodity After that he had the grant for carrying over of barrel staves and of some other such like wares. Then procured he a Monopoly, for bringi●g in of sweet wines, oils, currants and the like: the gain whereof is inestimable. He h●d also the forfeit of all wine that was to be drawn above the old ordinary price, with licence to give authority to sell above that price: wherein Captain Horsey was his instrument, by which means it is incredible what treasure and yearly rent was gathered of the Vintners throughout th● land.  
To this add now his licence of silks and velvets, 
Silks and Velvet●.  which only were enough to enrich the Mayor and Aldermen of London, if they were all dec●●ed (as often I have heard divers Merchants affirm.) And his licence of alienation of lands, which (as in part I have opened before) serveth h●m not only to excessive gain, but also for an extreme scourge, wherewith to plague wh●m he pleaseth in the R●ealm. For seeing that without this licence, 
The Tyrannical licence of alienation.  no m●n can b●y, sell, pass, or alienate, a●y land th●t any ●ai●s may b● drawn to that tenure, as holden in ●hiefe of the Prince: (as commonly now most lan● m●y) he calleth into question whatsoever liketh him best, be it never so clear: and under this colour, not only enricheth himself without all m●●sure, bu● revengeth himself also, wher● he w●ll, without all order.  
Here th● Lawyer stood still a pretty while, biting his lip, 
Gentleman.  a●●e wer●●ston●shed, and th●n sai●; Verily I have not he●●● so ma●y and so apparent things, or so odious, of any m●n th●t ●ver lived in our Common wealth. And I marvel much of my Lord of Leycester, 
Edmund Dudley.  ●hat h●● Grand●●thers fortune doth not move him much, who lost his head in the beginning of K●ng Henry●he ●he eigh●s days, for much less and f●wer offences, i● the same kind, committed in the time of K●●g Henry the seventh: for he was thought to be the inventour of these pooli●gs and molestations, wherewith the people were burdened, in the latter days of ●he said King. And yet had he great pretence of reason to alleged for himself: in that these exactions were made to the King's use, and not to his, (albeit no doubt) but his own gain was also there. M●ster Stow writeth in his Chronicle, that in the time of h●s imprisonment in the Tower, 
Edmund Dudleis book written in the Tower.  he wrote a notable book, entitled The tree of Common wealth, which book the said Stow saith, that he hath delivered to my Lord of Leycester many years agone. And if the said book be so notable as Master Stow affirmeth: I marvile that his Lord in so many years, doth not publish the sam●, for the glory of his ancestors?  
It may be (said the Gentleman) that the secrets there in contained, be such, 
Gentleman.  as it seemeth good to my Lord, to use them only himself, and to gather the fruit of the tree into his own house alone. For if the tree of the Commonwealth in Edmund Dudlis book, be the Prince and his race: and the fruits to be gathered from that tree, be riches, honours, dignities, and preferments: then no doubt, but as the writer Edmund was cunning therein: so have his two followers, john and Robert, well studied and practised the same, or rather have, exceeded and far p●ssed the author himself. The one of them gathering so eagerly, and with such vehemency, as he was like to have broken down the main boughs for greediness: the other yet plucking and heaping so fast to himself and his friends, as it is and may be, most justly doubted, that when they have cropped all they can, from the tree left them by their father Edmund (I mean the race of King Henry the seventh) than will they pluck up the Stem itself by the roots, as unprofitable: 
The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntingdon.  and pitch in his p●ace another Tru●ke that is the line of Huntingdon) that may b●gin to feed a new, with fresh fruits again, and so for a time content their appetites, until of gatherers, they may become trees, (which is their final purpose) to feed themselves at their own discretion.  
And howsoever this be, it cannot be denied, 
Edmund D●dleies brood more cunning than himself.  but that Edm. Dudlis brood, have learned by this book, and by other means to be more c●nning gatherers, than ever their first progenitor was that made the book. First for th●t he made profession to gather to his Prince (though wickedly) and these men make demonstration, that they have gathered for themselves: and that with much more iniquity. Secondly, for that E●mund Dudley though he got himself near about the tree, yet was he content to stand on the ground, and to serum himself from the tree, as commodity was offered: but his children not esteeming that ●afe gathering, will needs mount aloft upon the tree, to pull, crop, and rifle at their pleasure. 
Northumberland and Leycester with their Prince will not be roled.  And as in the second poi●t the Son john Dudley was more subtle, then Edmund the Father: so in a third point, the Nephey Robert Dudley is more crafty than ●hey both. For that, he seeing the evil success of those two that went before him, he hath provided together so much in convenient time, and to make himself therewith so fat and strong, (wherein th● o●her two failed) as he will never be in danger more, to be call●d to any account for the same.  
In good faith Sir (quoth the Lawyer) I thank you heartily, 
Lawyer.  for this pleas●●t discourse upo● Edmund Dudleis tree of Commonwealth. And by your opinion, my Lord of Leycester is the most learned of all his kindred, and a very cunning Logitio●er indeed, t●at can draw for himself so commodious conclusion, out of the perilous premises of his progenitors.  
No marvel (quoth the Gentleman) for that his L. is Master of Art in Oxford, 
Gentleman.  and Chancellor besides of the same University, where he h●th store (as you kn●w) of many fine wits and good Logitioners at his commandment: 
Leycester Master of Art, and a cunning Logitioner.  and wh●re he learneth not only the rules and art of cunning gathering: but for the very practice (as I h●ve touched before) seeing there is no one College, or other thing of commodity within that place, where hence h● hath ●o p●●led, whatsoever was possibly to be gathered, e●●her by art or violence.  
Touching Oxford (sai● I) for that I am an University man myself, 
Scholar.  and have both experience of C●mbridg●, ●nd good acquaintance with divers students of ●●e other university. I can tell you enough, bu● 〈◊〉 fine all tendeth to ●his conclusion, th●t b● h●● Chancellorship, 
Leicester's abusing and spoiling of Oxford.  is canceled almost all h●pe of good in th●● University: and by his protection, it is v●ry like soon to come to d●str●ct●o●. And su●●ly if there were no o●her thing, 
The Lord Treasurer.  to declar● the odds and difference betwixt him and our Chancellor, (●hom he cannot bear, for ●●at ev●●y way h● s●eth ●im, to p●sse him in ●ll honour an● virtue) it were sufficient to behold the present state of the two Universities, whereof th●y are heads and governor's.  
For our own, I will not s●y much, 
Ca●bridge.  lest I might perhaps seem partial: but let th● thing speak for itself. Consider the fruit of the Garden, and thereby you may judge of th● G●rdiners diligence. Look upon the Bishoprics, Pasto●ships, and Pulpits of England, and see whence principally they have received their furniture for advancement of the Gospel. And o● the contrary side, look upon the Seminaries of Papistry a● Rome and Rheims, upon the Colleges of Jesuists, and other companies of Papists beyond the seas, and see wherehence th●y are, especially, fraught.  
The Priests and Jesuists here executed within the land, and other that remain either in pr●son, or abroad in corners: are they not all (in a manner) of that University? I speak not to the disgrace of any good that remain there, or that have issued out thence into the Lord's Vineyard: but for the most part there, of whitour time, have they not either gone beyond ●he seas, or left their places for discontentment in Religion, or else become Serving-men, or followed the bare name of Law or Physic, without greatly profiting therein, or furthering ●he service of God's Church, or their Commonwealth?  
And wherehence (I pray you) ensueth all this, but by reason that the chief Governor thereof is an Atheist himself, 
The disorders of Oxford by the wickedness of their Chancellor  and useth the place only for gain and spoil? for herehence ●t comes, that all good order and discipline is dissolved in that place, the fervour of study extinguished: the public Lectures abandoned (I mean of the more part:) the Taverns and Ordinary tables frequented: the apparel of Students grown monstruous: and the statutes and good ordinance both of the University and of every College and Hall in private, br●ken and infringed ●t my Lords good pleasure, without respect e●th●r of oath, custom, or reason to the contrary. The heads and Officers are put in and out at his only discretion: and the Scholars places either told, or d●sp●sed by his letters, or by these of his servants and followers: nothing can be had th●re, now, without present mon●y: it is as common buying and selling of places in that University, as of horses in Smithfield: whereby the good and virtuous are kept out, and companions thrust in, fit to serve his Lord afterward, in all affairs that shall occur.  

Leases.  And as for leases of Farms, Woods, Pastures, Personages, Benefices, or the like, which belong any way to any part of the University, to let or bestow, these, his Lord and his Servants have so fleeced, shorn, and scraped already, that there remaineth little to feed upon hereafter: albeit he want not still his 〈◊〉 and intelligences in the place, to advertise him from time to ●i●e, when a●y new little morsel is offered. 
Leicester's instruments.  An● the principal instruments which for this purpose h● hath h●d there before ●his, h●v● been two Physicians, Bay●y and Culpiper, both known Papists a little while ago, but now j●st of G●lens religion, and so much the fitter for my Lord's humour: for his Lordship doth always covet, to be furnished with certain chosen men about 〈◊〉, for ●ivers affairs: as th●se two Galen●sts in the University: De● and A●●en (two Atheists) for figuring and conjuring: Iu●io the Italian, and Lopa● the Jew, for poisoning, and for the art of destroying children in women's bellies: Verneiss for murdering: Digbies for 
* At Di●●ies house in Warwick shi●e dame lettuce 〈◊〉, and some oth●● such pieces of pleasure.  Bawds: and the like in occupations which his Lordship exerciseth.  
Wherefore to return to the speech where we began: most ●leare it is, that my Lord of L●yceste● hath means to g●ine and g●ther also by the University, as w●l a● by the country abroad. Wherein (as I am told) he beareth h●mselfe so absolute a Lord, as if he were their King, and not their Chancellor. Nay far more than if he w●re the general and particular founder of all the Colleges and other houses of the University; no man daring to contrary o● interrupt the leas● word or signification of his will, but with h●s extreme danger: which i● a proceeding more fit for Phal●ris the tyrant, or some Governor in T●r●ary, then for a Chancellor of a learned University.  
To this answered the Lawyer, 
Lawyer,  for my Lord's wrath towards such as will no● stand to his judgement and opinion, I can m● self be a sufficient witness, who having had often occasion to deal for composition of m●tters betwixt his Lordship and others, h●ve seen by experience, that always they have sped be●●, who stood least in contention with him, whatsoever their cause were. For as a great and violent river, the more it is stopped or contraried, ●he more it riseth and swelleth big, and in the end, dej●cteth with more force the ●hing th●t made resistance: so his Lordship being the great and mighty Potentate o● this Realm, 
The peril of standing with Leycester in any thing.  and accustomed now to have his will in all things, cannot bear to be crossed or resisted by any man, though it were in his own necessary defence.  
Hereof I hav● seen examples in the causes of Snowden forest in Wales, of Denbighe, of Killingworth, of Drayton, ●nd others: where the pa●●ies that had ●nterest, or thought themselves wronged, had been happy if they ●ad yielded at the fi●st to h●s Lordship's pleasure, without further question: for ●hen had they escaped much trouble, charges, displeasure, and vexation, when by ●esistance they incurred, to their great ruin, (and 
* 
Poor men resisting Warwick's enclosure at North hall we●e hanged for h● pleasure by Leicester's authority Gentle●●n.  
Great Tyranny.   loss of life to some) and in the end were fain to submit themselves un●o his will, wi●h far worse conditions then in the beginning were offered unto them: which thing wa● pitiful indeed to behold, but yet s●●h is my Lord● disposition.  
A noble disposition (quoth the Gentleman,) th●t I must give h●m my ●oat, if he dem●nd the ●ame, and that quickly also, for fear lest i● I stagger or m●ke doubt thereof, he coppell me to yield both coat and doublet, in penance of my stay. I have read of some such Tyrants abroad in the world: marry their end was always according to their life, as it is very like that it will be also in this man, for that there is small hope of his amendment, and God passeth not over commonly such matters unpunished in this life, as well as in the life to come.  
But I pray you si●, s●●ing mention is now made of the former oppressions, so much talked of throughout the realm, tha● you will take the pains to explain the substance thereof un●o me; for albeit in general, every m●n do●h know ●he same, and in heart do detest the tyranny thereof; yet we abroad in the Country, do do● understand it so well and distinctly as you ●hat be Lawyers, who have seen and understood ●he whole process of the same.  
The case of K●llingworth and D●nbigh (said the Lawyer) are much alike in matter and manner of proceeding, 
Lawyer.  though different in time, place and importance. 
The Lordship of Denbigh and ●eicesters oppression used therein.  F●r that the Lordship in D●nbigh in Northw●les, being given unto him by her Majesty a great while ago, at the beginning of his rising, (which is a Lordship of singular great importance in that Country, having (as I have heard) well near 200. worshipful Gentlemen freeholders to th● same:) the tenants of the place, considering the present state of things, ●nd having learned the hungry disposition of the●r new Lord; made a common purse of a th●usand pou●ds, to present him withal, at his fi●st entrance: wh●ch though he received (as he r●fuseth nothing;) yet accounted he the sum of small effect for satisfaction of his appeti●e; and therefore applied h●mselfe, not only to m●ke the uttermost that he could by Leases, and such like ways of commodity; but also he w●uld needs enforce the F●eehol●ers to raise th●ir old rent of the Lordship, from two hundreth and fif●y pounds a year, or thereabouts (at which rate he had receiv●d the same in gif● from her Majesty,) ●nto e●ght or nine hundre●h pounds by the year, For that he had found out (forsooth) an old record, (as he said) whereby he could prove, that in ancient time long passed, that Lordship had yielded so much old rent: and therefore he would now enforce the present tenants, to mak● up so mu●h again upon their lands, wh●ch they thought was against all reason for them to do: but my Lord perforce, would have i● so, and in the end compelled them to yield to his will, to the impoverishing of all the whole Country about.  

The Manor of Killingworth, and Leicester's oppression there.  The like proceeding he used with the tenants about K●llingworth, where he received the said Lordship and Castle from the Prince, in gift of twenty four pounds yearly rend or thereabout, hath made it now better than five hundreth by year: by an old record also, found by great fortune in the hole of a wall, as is given out (for he ha●h singular good luck always in finding out records for his purpose) by virtue whereof, he hath taken from the tenants round about, their Lands, Woods, Pastures and Commons, to make himself Parks, Chases, and other commodities therewith, to the subversion of many a good family, which was maintained ●here, before this devourer set foot in that Country.  
But the matter of Snowden Forest, doth pass all the rest, 
The cause of Snowden forest most pitiful.  both for cunning and cruelty: the tragedy whereof was this, he had learned by h●s intelligencers abroad (whereof he had great store in every part of the Realm) ●hat there was a goodly ancient Forest in Nor●h wales, which hath almost infinite borderers about the same: for it lieth in the midst of the Country, beginning at the hills of Snowden (whereof it hath his name) in Carnarvonshire, and reaches every way towards divers other shires. When my Lord heard of th●s, he entered presently into the conceit of a singular great pr●y: going to her Majesty, signified that her highness was often times abused, by the encroaching of such as dwelled upon her Forests, which was necessary to be restrained; and therefore beseeched her Majesty to bestow upon him ●he ●ncrochments only, which he should be able to find out upon the Forest of Snowden, which was granted.  
And thereupon he chose out Commissioners fit for the purpose, and sent them into Wales, with the like Commission as a certain Emperor was wont to give his Magistrates, when they departed from him to govern, as Suetonius writeth, 
An old tyrannical Commission  Scitis quid velim, & quibus opus habeo. You know what I would have, and wh●t I have need of. Which recommendation, these Commissioners taking to hear●, omitted no diligence in execution of the same; and so going into Wales, by such means as they used, of setting one man to accuse another; brought quickly all the Country round about in three or four shires, within the compass of Forest ground; and so entered upon the same, for my Lord of Leic●sters. Whereupon, when the people were amazed, and expected what order my Lord himself would take therein: his Lord was so far off from refusing any part of that, which hi● Commissioners had presented and offered him: as he would yet further stretch the Forest b●yond the Sea, into the Isle of Anglesey, 
A ridiculous demonstration of excessive avaries  and make that also within his compass and bounder.  
Which when the Commonalty saw, and that they profited nothing by their complaining and crying out of this tyranny: they appointed to send some certain number of themselves, to London, to m●ke supplication to the Prince: and so they did; choosing out for that purpose a dozen Gentlemen, and many more of the Commons of the Country of Llin, to deal for the whole. Who coming to London, and exhibiting a most humble supplication to her Majesty for redress of their oppression: received an answer, by the procurement of my Lord of Leycester, that they should have justice, if the commonalty would return home to their houses, and the Gentlemen remain there, to solicit the cause. Which as soon as they had yielded unto, the Gentlemen were all taken and cast into prison, and there kept for a great space, and afterward were sent down to Ludlow, (as the place most eminent of all these Countries) there to wear papers of perjury, and receive other punishments of infamy. for their complaining: which punishments notwithstanding, afterward upon great suit of the parties and their friends, were turned into great fines of money, which they were constrained to pay, and yet besides to agree also with my Lord of Leycester for their own lands, 
A singular oppression.  acknowledging the same to be his, and so to buy it of him again.  
Whereby not only these private Gentlemen, but all the whole Country thereabout, was and is (in a manner) utterly undone. And the participation of this injury, reacheth so far and wide, and is so general in these parts, as you shall scarce find a man that cometh from that coast, who feeleth no● the smart thereof; being either impoverished, beggared or ruinated thereby.  

Leycester extremely hated in Wales.  Whereby I assure you that the hatred of all th●● Country, is so universal and vehement against my Lord; as I think never thing created by God was so odious to that Nation, as the very name o● my Lord of Leic●ster is. Which his Lordship well knowing, I doubt not, but that he will take hee● how he go thither to dwell, or send thither his posterity.  

Gentleman.  For his posterity (quoth the Gentleman) I suppose he hath little cause to be solicitor; for that God himself taketh care commonly, that goods and honours so gotten and maintained, as hi● be, shall never trouble the third heir. Marry for himself, I confess (the matter standing as you s●y) that he hath reason to forbear that Country, and to leave off his building begun at Denbigh, 
The end of tyrants.  as I hear say he hath done: for that the universal hatred of a people, is a perilous matter; and if I were in his Lordship's case, I should often think of the end of Nero; who after all his glory, 
Nero,  upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Pilo●y, and so to be beaten to death with rods and thongs.  
Or rather I should fear the success of Vitellius the third Emperor after Nero, 
Vitellius.  who for his wickedness and oppression of the people, was t●ken by them at length, when fortune began to fa●●e●h h●m, and led out of his Palace naked, with hooks of Iron fastened in his fl●sh, and so dr●wn through the City with infamy, wh●re, lo●en in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him, and a pri●k put under his chin, to the end he should not lo●ke down or hide hi● f●ce, was brought to the bank of Tiber, and there, af●er many hundred wounds received, was cast into the river. So implacable a thing is the furfur of a multitude, wh●n it is once stirred, and hath place of revenge. And so heavy is the hand of God upon tyrant's ●n this world, when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same.  
I have read in Lean●er, in his description of Italy, how that in Spoleto (if I be not deceived) the chief City of the Country of Umbria, 
A most terrible revenge taken upon a tyrant.  there was a strange tyrant; who in the time of his prosperity, contemned all men, and forbore to injury no man that came within his claws; esteeming himself sure enough for ever being called to render account in this life, and for the next he cared little. But God upon the sudden turned upside-down the wheel of his felicity, and cast him into the people's hands; who took him, and bound his naked body upon a plank, in the M●rket place, with a fire and iron tongues by him: and then made proclamation, that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction, for the public injuries that he had done; every private person annoyed by him, should come in order, and with the hot-burning tongues there ready, should take of his flesh so much, as was correspondent to the injury received, as indeed they did until the miserable man gave up the ghost, and after too: as this author writeth.  
But to the purpose: seeing my Lord careth little for such examples, and is become so hardy now, as he maketh no account to injury and oppress whole Countries and Commonalties together; 
Leicester's oppression of particular men.  it shall be bootless to speak of his proceedings towards particular men, who have not so great strength to resist, as a multitude h●th. And yet I can assure you, that there are so many and so pitiful things published daily of his tyranny in this kind; as do move great compossion towards the party that do suffer, and horror against him who shameth not daily to offer such injury.  
As for example: whose heart would not bleed to hear the case before mentioned of M●ster Robinson of Staffordshire; 
Master Robinson  a proper young Gentleman, and well given both in religion and other virtues; whose Father died at Newhaven, in her Majesty's service, under this man's brother the Earl● of Warwick; and recommended at his death this his eldest Son, to the special protection of Leicester and his Brother, whose servant also this Robinson hath been, from his youth upward, and spent the most of his living in his service. Yet notwithstanding all this, when Robinson's Lands were entangled with a certain Londoner, upon interest for●s former maintenance in their service, whose title my Lord of Leicester (though craftily, yet not covertly) under Ferris his cloak, had gotten to himself: he ceased not to pursue the poor Gentleman even to imprisonment, arraignment, and sentence of death, for greediness of the said living; together with the vexation of his brother in law Master Harcourt, and all other his friends, upon pretence, forsooth, 
Master Harcourt.  that there was a man slain by Robinson's party, in defence of his own possession against Leicester's intruders, that would by violence break into the same.  
What shall I speak of others, whereof there would be no end? as of his dealing with M●ster Richard Lee, 
M. Richr●d Lee.  for his Manor of Hooknorton (if I fail not in the name: 
Ludowick Gr●vel ) with Master Ludowick Grivell, by seeking to bereave him of all his l●ving at once, if the drift had taken place? 
George Witney.  with George Witney, in the behalf of Sir Henry Le●gh, for enforcing him to forgo the Controlership at Woodstock, which he holdeth by Patent from King Hen●y the seventh? with my Lord Barkley▪ 
●ord Barkley.  whom he enforced to yield up his lands to h●s brother Warwick, which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundre●h years together?  
What shall I say of his intolerable tyranny upon the last Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Archbishop of Ca●terbury.  f●r D●ctor julio his s●ke, and that in so foul a matte●? Upon Sir john Th●o●ma●ton, 
Sir john Throgmatton.  whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time, by continual vexations, for a piece of faithful service done by him to his Country, and to all the line of King Henry, against this man's Father, in King Edward and Queen Mary's days? Upon divers of the Lanes, 
Lane.  for one man's sake of that name before mentioned, that offered to take Killing worth-Castle? upon some of the Giffords, 
Gifford.  and other for Throgmartons sake? (for that is also his Lord's disposition, for one man's cause whom he brooketh not, to plague a whole generation, that any way pertaineth, or is allied to the same:) his endless persecuting of Sir Drew Drew●y, 
Sir Drew Drewry  and many other Courtiers, both men and women? All these (I say) and many others, who daily suffer injuries, rapines and oppressions at his hands, throughout the Realm, what should it avail to name them in th●s place? seeing neither his Lord careth any th●ng for the same, neither the parties aggrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby, but rather ●ouble oppression for their complaining.  

The presentstate of my Lord of Leycester.  Wher●fore to return again whereas we began; you see by this little, who, and how great, & what manner of m●n, my Lord of Leycester is this day, in the state of England. You see, and may gather, in some part, by that which hath been spoken, his wealth, his strength, his cunning, his disposition. His wealth is excessive in all kind of riches for a private man, 
Leicester's wealth  and must needs be much more, than any body lightly can imagine, for the infinite ways he hath had of gain, so many ye●res together. 
Leycest. strength  His strength and power is absolute and irresistible, as hath been showed both in Chamber, Court, Council and Country. His cunning in plotting and fortifying the same, 
Leycest cunning  both by force and fraud, by Mines and countermines, by trenches, bulwarked, flaukers and rampiers▪ by friends, enemies, alsies, servants, creatures, and dependants, or any other that may serve his turn; is very rare and singular. His disposition to cruelty, murder, treason and tyranny: 
Leicester's disposition.  and by all these to supreme Sovereignty over other, is most evident and clear. And then judge you whether her Majesty that now reigneth (whose life and prosperity, the Lord in mercy long preserve,) have not just cause to fear, in respect of these things only; if there were no other particulars to prove his aspiring intent besides?  
No doubt (quoth the Lawyer) but these are great matters, 
Lawyer.  in the question of such a cause as is a Crown And we have seen by example, that the least of these four, which you have here named, or rather some little branch contained in any of them, hath been sufficient to found just suspicion, 
Causes of just fear for her Majesty.  distrust or jealousy, in the heads of most wise Princes, towards the proceedings of more assured subjects, than my Lord of Leycester, in reason may be presumed to be. For that▪ the safety of a state and Prince, standeth not only in the readiness and hability of resisting open attempts, when they shall fall out; but also (and that much more as Statists write) in a certain provident watchfulness, of preventing all possibilities and likelihoods of danger of suppression, for that no Prince commonly, will put himself to the curt●sie of another man) be he never so obliged) whether he sh●ll retain his Crown or no: seeing the cause of a Kingdom, acknowledgeth neither kindred, duty, faith, friendship, nor society.  
I know not whether I do expound or declare myself well or no; but my meaning is, that whereas every Prince hath two points of assurance from his subject; the one, in that he is faithful, and lacketh will to annoy his Sovereign; the other, for that he is weak and wanteth ability to do the same: 
A point of necessary policy for a Prince.  the first is always of more importance than the second, and consequently more to be eyed and observed in policy: for that our will may be changed at our pleasure, but not our ability.  
Considering then upon that which hath been said and specified before, how that my Lord of Leicester hath possessed himself of all the strength, powers and sinews of the Realm, hath drawn all to his own direction, and hath made his party so strong, as it seemeth not resistable: you have great reason to say, that her Majesty may justly conceive some doubt, for that if his will were according to his power, most assured it is, that her Majesty were not in safety.  

Scholar.  Say not so, good sir, (quoth I) for in such a case truly, I would repose little upon his will, which is so many ways apparent, to be most insatiable of ambition. Rather would I think that as yet his ability serveth not, ei●her for time, place, force, or some other circumstance: then that any part of good will should want in him; seeing that not only his desire of sovereignty, but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the same, is sufficiently declared (in my conceit) by the very particulars of his power and plots already set down. Which if you please to have the patience, to hear a Scholars argument, I will prove by a principle of our Philosophy.  

A philosophical argument to prove Leicester's intent of sovereignty.  For if it be true which Aristotle saith, there is no agent so simple in the world, which worketh not for some final end, (as the bird buildeth not her nest but to dwell and hatch her young ones therein:) and not only this, but also that the same agent, doth always frame his work according to the proportion of his intended end: (as when the Fox or Badger maketh a wide earth or den, it is a sign that he meaneth to draw thither great store of prey:) then must we also in reason think, that so wise and politic an agent, as is my Lord of Leicester for himself, wanteth not his end in these plottings and preparations of his; I mean an end proportionable in greatness to his preparations. Which end can be no less nor meaner then supreme Sovereignty, seeing his provision and furniture do tend that way, and are in every point fully correspondent to the same.  
What meaneth his so diligent besieging of the Prince's person? 
The preparations of Leycest●r declare his intended end.  his taking up the w●yes and passages about her? his insolency in Court? his singularity in the Council? his violent preparation of strength abroad? his enriching of his complices? the banding of his faction, with the abundance of friends every where? what do these things signify (I say) and so many other, as you have well noted and mentioned before; but only his intent and purpose of Supremacy? What did the same things portend in times passed in his Father, but even that which now they portend in the Son? Or how should we think, that the Son hath another meaning in the very same actions, than had his Father before him, whose steps he followeth.  
I remember I have heard oftentimes of divers ancient and grave men in Cambridge, 
How the Duke of Northumberland dissembled his end.  how that in King Edward's days the Duke of Northumberland this man's Father, was generally suspected of all men, to mean indeed as afterward he showed, especially when he had once joined with the house of Suffolk, and made himself a principal of that faction by marriage. But yet for that he was potent, and protested every where, and by all occasions his great love, duty, and special care, above all others, that he bore towards his Prince & Country; no m●n durst accuse him openly, until it was too l●te to withstand his power, (as commonly it falls out in such affairs) and the like is evident in my Lord of Leicester's actions now (albeit to her Majesty, I doubt not, but that he will pretend and protest, as his Father did to her Brother) especially now after his open association with the faction of Hu●tington; which no less impugneth under this man's protection, the whole line of Henry the seventh for right of the Crown, than the house of Suff●lke did under his Father the particular progeny of King Henry the eight.  

Gentleman.  Nay rather much more (quoth the Gentleman) for that I do not read in King Edward's reign, (when the matter was in plotting notwithstanding) that the house of Suffolk● durst ever make open claim to the next succ●ssion. 
The boldness of the titlers of Clarence.  But now the house of Hast●ngs is become so confident, upon the strength & favour of their fautors, as they dare both plot, practice & pretend, all at once, and f●ar not to set out their title, in every place where they come.  

Lawyer.  And do they not fear the statute (said the Lawyer) so rigorous in this point, as it maketh the matter treason to determine of titles?  


Gentleman.  
The abuse of ●he Statute for silence in the true succession.   No: th●y need not (quoth the Gentleman) seeing their party is so strong and terrible, as no man dare accuse them: seeing also they well know, that the procurement of that Statute, was o●ely to endanger or stop the mouths of the true Successors, whiles themselves in the mean space went about under hand, to establish their own ambushment.  
Well: (quoth the Lawyer) for the pretence of my Lord of Huntingdon to the Crown, 
Lawyer.  I will not stand with you, for th●t it is a matter sufficiently known and seen throughout the Realm. As also that my Lord of Leyceste● is at this day a principal favourer and patron of that cause, albeit some years past, he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same. But yet I have heard some fri●nds of his, in reasoning of these matters, de●y stoutly a point or two, which you have touched here, and do seem to believe the same.  
And that is, first, 
Two excuses alleged by Leicester's friends.  that howsoever my Lord of Leicester do mean to help his friend, when time shall serve, yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crown himself. The second is. that whatsoever may be meant for the title, or compassing the Crown after her Majesty's death, yet nothing is intended during her reign. And of both these points th●y allege reasons.  
As for the first, that my Lord of Leycester is very well known to have no title to the Crown himself, either by descent in blood, alliance or otherways. For the second, that his Lord. hath no cause to be a Malcontent in the present government, nor h●pe for more preferment, if my Lord of Huntingdon were King to morrow next, than he receiveth now at her Majesty's hands; having all the Realm (as hath been showed) at his own disposition.  
For the first (quoth ●e Gentleman) whether he mean the Crown for himself, 
Gentlemen.  or for his friend, it importeth not much; 
Whether Leycester mean the Crown sincerely for Hunt●ngton or for himself.  seeing both ways i● is evident, that he means to h●ve all at his own disposition. And albeit now for the avoiding of envy, he give it out, as a crafty Fox, that he meaneth not but to run wi●h other men, and to hunt w●th Huntingdon and o●h●● hounds in the s●me chase; yet is it not unlike, but that he will pl●y the Bear, when he comes to dividing of the pray, and will snatch the best p●rt to himself. Yea, and these s●lf same pe●sons of his train an●●action, whom you call his friend, though in publ●que, to excuse his doings, and to cover the whol● plot, they will and must deny the matters to be so meant: yet otherwise they both think, hope and know the contrary, and will not stick in secret to spe●k it, and among themselves, it is their talk of consolation.  
The words of his special Counsellor the Lord North, 
The words of th● Lord North, to Master Pooly.  are known, which he uttered to his trusty Pooly, upon the receipt of a letter from Court, of her Majesty's displeasure towards him, for his being a witness at Leicester's second marriage with D●me Lettuce (although I know he was not ignorant of the first) at Wanstead: of which displeasure, this Lord making f●r less account then, in reason he should, of the just offence of his sovereign, 
Pooly told this to Sir Robert jermine.  said: that for his own part he was resolved to sink or swim with my Lord of Leycester, who (said he) if once the Cards may come to shaffling (I w●ll use but his very own words) I make no doubt but he alone shall bear away the Bucklers,  

The words of Sir Thomas Layton brother in law to my Lord.  The words also of Sir Thomas Layton, to Sir Henry Nevile, walking upon the Ta●resse at Windsor are known, who told him, after long discourse of their happy conceived Kingdom, that he doubted not, but to see him one day, hold the same office in Windsor, of my Lord of Leycester, which ●ow my Lord did hold of the Queen. Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship, wi●h all Royalties and honours belonging to the same, which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth only as Deputy to the Earl. Which was plainly to signify, that, he doubted not but to see my Lord of Leycester one day King, or else his other hope could never possibly ta●● effect or come to pass.  
To the same point ●ended the words of Mistress' Anne West, Da●e Lettuce sister, 
The words of Mistress Anne West sister unto this holy Countess.  unto the Lady Anne Askew, in the great Chamber, upon a day when her broth●r Robert K●owles had danced disgratiously and scornfully before the Queen in presence of the French. Which thing for that her Majesty took to proceed of wis●in him, ●s for dislike of the strangers in presence, and for the quarrel of his sister Essex; it pleased her Majesty to check him for the same, with addition of a reproachful word or two (full well deserved) as though done for despite of the forced absence's from that place of honour, of the good old Gentlewoman (I mitigate the wor●s) his sister. Which words, the other young twig receiving in deep dudgeon, broke forth in great choler to her forenamed companion, and said, Th●t she nothing doubted, but that one day she should see her sister, upon whom the Queen railed now so much (for so it pleased her to term her Majesty's sharp speech) to sit in her place and throne, being much worthier of the same, for her qualities and rare virtues, than was the other. Which undutiful speech, albeit it were overheard and condemned of divers that sat about them, yet none durst ever report the same to her Majesty, as I h●ve heard sundry Courtiers affirm, in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Leicester's hands, whensoever the m●t●er should come to light.  
And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speeches of my Lords own friends, who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient, whatsoever they are w●lled to give out publicly to the contrary, for deceiving of such as will believe fair painted words, against evident and manifest demonstration of reason.  

Three arguments of Leicester's meaning for himself before Huntingdon.  I say reason, for that if none of these signs and tokens were, none of these preparations nor any of these speeches and detections, by his friends that know his heart; yet in force of plain reason, I could allege unto you three arguments only, which to any man of intelligence, w●uld easily persuade and give satisfaction, that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best and first for himself in this su●t. Whi●h three arguments, for that you seem to be attended; I will not stick to run over in all brevity.  

The first argument, the Nature of ambition.  And the first, is the very nature and quality of ambition itself, which is such, (as you know) that it never stayeth, but passeth from degree to degree and the more it obtaineth, the more it covereth, and the more esteemeth itself, both worthy and able to obtain. And in our matter that now we handle; even as in wooing, he ●h●t su●th to a Lady for another, and obtaineth her good will, entereth easily into conceit of his own worthiness thereby, and so commonly into hope of speeding himself, while he speaketh for his friend so much more in Kingdoms: he that s●eth himself of power to put the Crown of another man's head, will q●ckly step to the next degree, which is, to set it of his own, seeing that always the charity of such good men, is wont to be so orderly, as (according to ●he precept) it begins with itself first.  
Add to this, that ambition is jealous, suspicious and fearful of itself, especially when it is joined with a conscience laden w●th the guilt of many crimes, whereof he would be loath to be called to account, or be subject to any man that might by authority take review of his life & actions, when it should please him. In which kind, seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to increase his fear, as before hath been showed by his wicked dealings: it is not like, that ever he will put himself to another man's courtesy, for passing his audict in particular reckonings, which he can no way answer or satisfy: but rather will stand upon the gross Sum, and general Quietus est, by making himself chief Auditor, and Master of all accounts for his own part in this life, howsoever he do in the next: whereof such humours have little regard. And this is for the nature of ambition in itself.  
The second argument may be taken from my Lords particular disposition: which is such, 
The second argument. Leicester's particular disposition.  as may give much light also to the matter in question: being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdom, as it hath been tampering about the same, from the first day that he came in favour. 
Leicester's disposition to tamper for a Kingdom.  First, by seeking openly to marry with the Queen's Majesty herself, and so to draw the Crown upon his own head, and to his posterity. Secondly, when that attempt took not place, than he gave it out, as hath been showed before, how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty, (wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger, so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also, 
I mean the noble old Earl of Pembroke.  the spectacle he secretly made for the persuading of a subject, and Counsellor of great honour in the same cause) to the end that if her Highness should by any way have miscarried, than he might have entitled any one of his own brood, (whereof he hath store in many places as is known) to the lawful succession of the Crown, under colour of that privy and secret marriage, pretending the same to be by her Majesty: wherein he will want no witnesses to depose what he will.  
Thirdly, 
The undutiful devise of Natural issue, in the Statute of succession.  when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger, for ●hat his privy contract might be denied more easily, than he able justly to prove the same, after her Majesty's decease: he had a new fetch to strengthen the matter, and that was to cause these words of (Natural issue) to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crown, against all order and custom of our Realm, and against the known common stile of Law, accustomed to be used in Statutes of such matter: whereby he might be able after the death of her Majesty, to make legitimate to the Crown any one bastard of his own, by any of so many hackneys as he keepeth, affirming it to be the Natural issue of her Majesty by himself. For no other reason can be imagined why the ancient usual words of Lawful issue should so cunningly be changed into Natural issue; thereby not only to endanger our whole Realm with new quarrels of succession, but also to touch (as far as in him lieth) the Royal honour of his Sovereign, who hath been to him but too bountiful a Princess.  
Fourthly, when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered, he changed strait his course, and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction, pretending the marriage of the Queen in prison. But yet after this again, finding therein not such success as contented him throughly, and having in the mean space a new occasion offered of bait; he betook himself five to the party of Huntingdon: having therein (no doubt) as good meaning to himself, as his Father had by joining with Suffolk. Marry yet of late, he hath cast anew about, once again, ●or himself in secret, by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son, 
The marriage of Arbella.  entitled the Lord Denbigh.  
So that by this we see the disposition of this man bend wholly to a sceptre. And albeit in right title, and descent of blood (as you say) he can justly claim neither Kingdom nor Cottage (considering either the baseness or disloyalty of his Ancestors:) if in respect of his present state and power, and of his natural pride, ambition, and crafty conveyance, received from his Father, he hath learned how to put himself first in possession of chief rule, under other pretences, and after to devise upon the title at his leisure.  
But now to come to the third argument: 
The third argument.  I say more, and above all this, that the nature and state of the matter itself, permitteth not, 
The nature of the cause itself.  that my Lord of Leycester should mean sincerely, the Crown for Huntingdon; especially seeing there hath passed between them so many years of dislike and enmity: which albeit, for the time and present commodity, be covered and pressed down: yet by reason and experience we know, that afterward when they shall deal together again in matters of importance, and when jealousy shall be joined to other circumstances of their actions, it is impossible that the former mislike should not break out in far higher degree, than ever before.  
As we saw in the examples of the reconciliation, 
The nature of old reconciled enmity.  made betwixt this man's Father, and Edward, Duke of Somerset, bearing rule under King Edward the sixth: and between Richard of Y●rke, and Edmund Duke of Somerset, bearing rule in the time of King H●nry the sixth. Both which Dukes of Somerset, after reconciliation with thei● old, crafty, and ambitious enemies, were brought by the same to their destruction soon after. Whereof I doubt not, but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed, in joining by reconciliation with Huntingdon, after so long a breach: and will not be so improvident, as to make him his sovereign, who now is but his dependent. He remembreth too well the success of the Lord Stanley, who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crown: of the Duke of Buckingham, who did the same for Richard the third: of the Earl of Warwick, who set up King Edward the fourth: and of the three Percies, who advanced to the Sceptre King Henry the fourth. All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out, were rewarded with death by the self same Princes, whom they had preferred.  

The reason of Machavell.  And that not without reason, as Signior Machavell, my Lord's Counsellor affirmeth. For that such Princes, afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends, for so great a benefit received. And consequently, least upon discontentment, they may chance to do as much for others against them, as they have done for them against others: the surest way is, to recompense them with such a reward, as they shall never after be able to complain of.  
Wherefore I can never think that my Lord of Leycester will put himself in danger of the like success at Huntington's hands: but rather will follow the plot of his own Father, 
The meaning of the Duke of Northumberland with Suffolk.  with the Duke of Suffolk, whom no doubt, but he meant only to use for a pretext and help, whereby to place himself in supreme dignity, and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state, the others head could never have come to other end, than it enjoyed. For if Queen Mary had not cut it off, King John of Northumberland would have done the same in time, and so all men do well know, that we●e privy to any of his cunning dealings.  
And what Huntington's secret opinion of Leycester is, (notwithstanding this outward show of dependence) it was my chance to learn, 
South-house:  from the mouth of a special man of that hasty King, who was his Ledger or Agent in London; and at a time falling in talk of his Master's title, declared that he had heard him divers times in secret, complain to his Lady, (Leicester's sister) as greatly fearing that in the end, he would offer him wrong, and pretend some title for himself.  
Well (quoth the Lawyer) it seems by this last point, 
Lawyer.  that these two Lords are cunning practitioners in the art of dissimulation: but for the former whereof you speak, in truth, I have heard men of good discourse affirm, 
The meaning of the D. of Northumberland towards the D. of Suffolk.  that the Duke of Northumberland had strange devises in his head, for deceiving of Suffolk, (who was nothing so fine as himself,) and for bringing the Crown to his own Family. And among other devises it is thought, that he had most certain intention to marry the Lady Mary himself, after once he had brought her into his own hands) and to have bestowed her Majesty that now is, upon some one of his children (if it should have been thought best to give her life, (and so consequently to have shaken off Suffolk and his pedigree, with condign punishment, for his bold behaviour in that behalf.  
Verily (quoth I) this had been an excellent Stratagem, if it had taken place. 
Scholar.  But I pray you (Sir) how could himself have taken the Lady Mary to wife, seeing he was at that time married to another?  
O (quoth the Gentleman) you question like a Scholar. 
Gentleman.  As though my Lord of Leycester had not a wife alive, when he first began to pretend marriage to the Queen's Majesty. Do not you remember the story of King Richard the third, who at such time as he thought best for the establishing of his title; 
The practice of King Richard for dispatching h●s Wife.  to marry his own Niece, that afterward was married to King Henry the seventh, how he caused secretly to be given abroad that his own wife was dead, whom all the World knew to be then alive and in good health, but yet soon afterward she was seen dead indeed These great personages in matters o● such weight, as is a Kingdom, have privileges to dispose of women's bodies, marriages, lives and deaths, as shall be thought for the time most convenient.  

A new Triumvir●●●●tween ●●tween Leycester, Talbot, and ●h● Countess of Shr●ve●bury.  And what do you think (I pray you) of this new Triumvirate so lately concluded about Arbell●? (for so I must call the same, though one of the three persons be no Vir, but Virago;) I mean of the marriage between young Denbigh and the little Daughter of Lenox, whereby the Father-in-law, the Grandmother, and the Uncle of the new designed Queen, have conceived to themselves a singular triumphant reign. But what do you think may ensue hereof? is there nothing of the old plot of Duke John of Northumberland in this?  

Lawyer.  Marry Sir, (quoth the Lawyer) if this be so, I dare assure you there is sequel enough pretended hereby. And first, no doubt but there goeth a deep drift, by the wife and son, against old Abraham (the Husband and Father) with the well-lined large pouch. And secondly, a far deeper, by trusty Robert against his best Mistress: but deepest of all by the whole Crew, against the designments of the hasty Earl; 
Huntingdon.  who thirsteth a Kingdom with great intemperance, and seemeth (if there were plain dealing) to hope by these good people to quench shortly his drought.  
But either part, in truth, seeketh to deceive other: and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine will rest.  
Well, 
Gentleman.  howsoever that be (quoth the Gentleman) I am of opinion, that my Lord of Leycester will use both this practice and many more, for bringing the Sceptre finally to his own head: 
The sleights of Leycester for bringing all to himself.  and that he will not only employ Huntingdon to defeat Scotland, and Arbella to defeat Huntingdon: but also would use the marriage of the Queen imprisoned, to defeat them both, if she were in his hand: and any one of all three to dispossess her Majesty that now is: as also the authority of all four to bring it to himself: with many other fetches, flings and friscoes besides, which simple men as yet do not conceive.  
And howsoever these two conjoined Earls, 
Scambling between Le●cester & Huntingdon at the upshot.  do seem for the time to draw together, and to play booty: yet am I of opinion, that the one will beguile the other at the upshot. And Hastings, for aught I see, when he cometh to the scambling, is like to have no better luck by the Bear, than his Ancestor had once by the Boar. Who using his help first in murdering the Son and Heir of King Henry the sixth, and after in destroying the faithful Friends and Kinsmen of King Edward the fifth, for his easier way to usurpation: 
Richard of Gloucester, A●t. 1. Edw. 5.  made an end of him also in the Tower, at the the very same day and hour, that the other were by his counsel destroyed in Pontfret Castle. So that where the Goal and price of the game is a Kingdom, there is neither faith, neither good fellowship, nor fair play among the Gamesters. And this shall be enough for the first point: (viz.) what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth to himself in respect of Huntingdon.  
Touching the second, whether the attempt be purposed in her Majesty's days or no, 
2. That the conspirators mean in her Majesty's days.  the matter is much less doubtful, to him that knoweth or can imagine what a torment the delay of a Kingdom is, to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof, and feareth that every hour may breed some alteration, to the prejudice of his conceived hope. We see oftentimes that the child is impatient in this matter, to expect the natural end of his parent's life. Whom, notwithstanding, by nature he is enforced to love: and who also by nature, is like long to leave this World before him: and after whose decease, he is assured to obtain his desire: but most certain of dangerous event, if he attempt to get it, while yet his parent liveth. Which four considerations are (no doubt) of great force to contain a child in duty, and bridle his desire: albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand the greedy appetite of reigning.  

●oure considerations.  But what shall we think, where none of these four considerations do restrain? where the present Possessor is no parent? where she is like by nature, to outlive the expector? whose death must needs bring infinite difficulties to the enterprise? and in whose life-time the matter is most easy to be achieved, under colour and authority of the present Possessor? shall we think that in such a case the ambitious man will overrule his own passion, and lose his commodity.  
As for that which is alleged before, for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders: 
A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men.  that his present state is so prosperous, as he cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be: is of small moment, in the conceit of an ambitious head, whose eye and heart is always upon that, which he hopeth for, and enjoyeth not: and not upon that which already he possesseth, be it never so good. Especially in matters of honour and authority, it is an infallible rule, that one degree desired and not obtained, afflicteth more than five degrees already possessed, can give consolation: the story of Duke Ham●n confirmeth this evidently, who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus, 
H●stor. 5.  after he had reckoned up all his pomp, riches, glory, and felicity to his friends, yet he said, that all this was nothing unto him, until he could obtain the revenge which he desired, upon Ma●d●chaeus his enemy: and hereby it cometh ordinarily to pass, that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Malcontents, that most do endanger their Prince and Country.  
When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke, 
The Pe●cies.  against King Richard the second their lawful Sovereign: it was not for lack of preferment, for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King, and possessed the three Earldoms of Northumberland, Worcester, and Stafford together, besides many other offices and dignities of honour.  
In like sort, when the two Neviles taken upon them to join with Richard of York, 
The two Neviles.  to put down their most benign Prince, King Henry the sixth: and after again in the other side, to put down King Edward the fourth, it was not upon want of advancement: they being Earls both of Salisbury and Warwick, and Lords of many notable places besides. But it was upon a vain imagination of future fortune, whereby such men are commonly led: and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdom for themselves, as this man hath to prick him forward.  
If you say that these men hated their Sovereign, 
Leyceste●s hatred to her Majesty.  and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction: the same I may answer of my Lord living, though of all men he hath least cause so to do. But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude, that where it oweth most, and disdaineth to be bound, there upon every little discontentment, 
The evil nature of ingratitude.  it turneth double obligation into triple hatred.  
This he showed evidently in the time of his little disgrace, wherein he no● only did diminish, vilipend, and debase among his friends, the inestimable benefits he hath received from her Majesty, but also used to exprobrate his own good services and merits, and to touch her highness with ingrate consideration and recompense of the same; which behaviour, together with his hasty preparation to rebellion, and assault of her Majesty's Royal person and dignity, upon so small a cause given, did well show what mind inwardly he beareth to his Sovereign, 
L●ycesters speeches of her Majesty in the time of his disgrace.  and what her Majesty may expect, if by offending him, she should once fall within the compass of his furious paws: seeing such a smoke of disdains could not proceed, but from a fiery furnace of hatred within.  
And surely it is a wonderful matter to consider what a little check, or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart, may work in a proud and disdainful stomocke. The remembrance of his marriage miss, that he so much pretended and desired with her Majesty, 
The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Majesty.  doth stick deeply in his bre●st, and stirreth him daily to revenge. As also doth the disdain of certain checks and disgraces received a● sometimes, especially that of his last marriage: which irketh him so much the more, by how much greater fear and danger it brought him into at that time, and did put his Widow in such open frenzy, as she raged many months after against her Majesty, and is not cold yet, but remaineth as it were a sworn enemy for that injury, and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis, to stir him forward when occasion shall serve. 
The force of female suggestions.  And what effect such female suggestions may work, when they find an humour proud and pliable to their purpose, you may remember by the example of the Duchess of Somerset, who enforced her Husband to cut off the head of his only dear Brother, to his own evident destruction, for her contentation.  
Wherefore, 
An evident conclusion that the execution is meant in time of her Majesty.  to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason: saying, there is so much discovered in the case as there is: so great desire of reign, so great impatience of delay, so great hope and hability of success, if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitors: seeing the plots be so well laid, the preparation so forward, the favourers so furnished, the time so propitious, and so many other causes conviting together: seeing that by differing, all may be hazarded, and by hastening, little can be endangered; the state and condition of things well weighed: finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspirators, the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest, and the solicitours to execution, so potent and diligent, as women, malice, and ambition, are wont to be: it is more than probable, that they will not lose their present commodity, especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow, (I mean the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolk in King Edward's days) that herein there was some error committed at that time, 
An error of the Father now to be corrected by the Son.  which overthrew the whole; and that was, the deferring of some things until after the King's death, which should have been put in execution before.  
For if in the time of their plotting, when as yet their designments were not published to the world, they had under the countenance of the King (as well they might have done) gotten into their hands the two Sisters, and dispatched some other few affairs, before they had caused the young Prince to die: no dobut, but in man's reason the whole designment had taken place: and consequently it is to be presupposed, that these men (being no fools in their own affairs) will take heed of falling into the like error by delay: but rather will make all sure, by striking while the iron is hot, as our proverb warneth them.  

Lawyer.  It cannot be denied in reason (quoth the Lawyer) but that they have many helps of doing what they list now, under the present a favour, countenance, and authority of her Majesty, which they should not have after her Highness' decease: when each man shall remain more at liberty for his supreme obedience, by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor: and therefore I for my part, would rather counsel them to make much of her Majesty's life; for after that, they little know what may ensue, or befall their designments.  

Gentleman.  They will make the most thereof (quoth the Gentleman) for their own advantage, but after that, what is like to follow, the examples of Edward and Richard the second, as also of Henry and Edward the sixth, do sufficiently fore-warne us: whose lives were prolonged, until their deaths were thought more profitable to the conspirators, and not longer. 
Her Majesty's life and death, to serve the conspirators turn.  And for the statute you speak of, procured by themselves, for establishing the incertainty of the next true successor, (whereas all our former statutes were wont to be made for the declaration and certainty of the same) it is with Proviso, (as you know) that it shall not endure longer than the life of her Majesty, that now reigneth: that is, indeed, no longer then until themselves be ready to place another. For then, no doubt, but we shall see a fair Proclamation, 
A Proclamation with halters.  that my Lord of Huntingdon is the only next heir: with a bundle of halters to hang all such, as shall dare once open their mouth for denial of the same.  
At these words the old Lawyer stepped back, 
Lawyer.  as somewhat astonished, and began to make Crosses in the air after their fashion, whereat we laughed; 
Papistical blessing.  and then he said, truly my Masters I had thought that no man had conceived so evil imagination of this statute as myself: but now I perceive that I alone am not malicious. For my own part, 
The statute of concealing the heir apparent.  I must confess unto you, that as often as I read over this statute, or think of the same (as by divers occasions many times I do) I feel myself much greeved and afflicted in mind, upon fears which I conceive what may be the end of this statute to our Country, and what privy meaning the chief procurers thereof might have for their own drifts, against the Realm and life of her Majesty that now reigneth.  
And so much more it maketh me to doubt, 
Richard going towards Jerusalem, began the custom by Parliament, as Polidore noteth, Anno 10. of Richard the second, to declare the next heir.  for that in all our records of law, you shall not find (to my remembrance) any one example of such a devise for concealing of the true inheritor: but rather in all ages, states, and times, (especially from Richard the first downward) you shall find statutes, ordinances, and provisions, for declaration and manifestation of the same, as you have well observed and touched before. And therefore, this strange and new devise must needs have some strange and unaccustomed meaning: and God of his mercy grant, that it have not some strange and unexpected event.  

The danger of our Country by concealing the next heir.  In sight of all men, this is already evident, that never Country in the world was brought into more apparent danger of utter ruin, than ours is at this day, by pretence of this Statute. For whereas there is no Gentleman so mean in the Realm, that cannot give a guess more or less, who shall be his next heir, and his Tenants soon conjecture, what manner of person shall be their next Lord: in the title of our noble Crown, whereof all the rest dependeth; neither is her Majesty permitted to know or say, who shall be her next successor, nor her subjects allowed to understand or imagine, who in right may be their future Sovereign: An intolerable injury in a matter of so singular importance.  
For (alas) what should become of this our native Country, if God should take from us her most excellent Majesty (as once he will) and so leave us destitute upon the sudden, 
Great inconveniences.  what should become of our lives, of our states, and of our whole Realm or government? can any man promise himself one day longer, of rest, peace, possession, life or liberty within the land, than God shall lend us her Majesty to reign over us? Which albeit, we do and are bound to wish that it may be long: yet reason telleth us, that by course of nature, it cannot be of any great continuance, and by a thousand accidents it may be much shorter. And shall then our most noble Commonwealth and Kingdom, which is of perpetuity, and must continue to ourselves and our posterity, hang only upon the life of her Highness alone, well strucken in years, and of no great good health, or robustious and strong complexion?  

Sir Christopher Hattons Oration.  I was within hearing some six or seven years ago, when Sir Christopher Hatton, in a very great assembly, made an eloquent oration (which after I ween was put in print) at the pardoning and delivery of him from the gallows, that by error (as was thought) had discharged his piece upon her Majesty's Barge, and hurt certain persons in her Highness' presence. And in that Oration he declared and described very effectually, what inestimable damage had ensued to the Realm, if her Majesty by that or any other means should have been taken from us. He set forth most lively before the eyes of all men, what division, what dissension, what bloodshed had ensued, & what fatal dangers were most certain to fall upon us, whensoever that doleful day should happen: wherein no man should be sure of his life, of his goods, of his wife, of his children: no man certain whether to fly, whom to follow, or where to seek repose or protection.  
And as all the hearers there present did easily grant that he therein said truth, and far less than might have been said in that behalf, things standing as they do: so many one (I trow) hath heard these words proceed from a Counsellor, that had good cause to know the state of his own Country, entered into this cogitation, what punishment they might deserve then, 
Intolerable Treasons.  at the whole State and Commonwealth's hands, who first by letting her Majesty from marriage, and then by procuring this Statute of dissembling the next inheritor, had brought their Realm into so evident and inevitable dangers? for every one well considered and weighed with himself, that the thing which yet only letted these dangers and miseries set down by Sir Christopher, must necessarily one day fail us all, that is, the life of her Majesty now present: and then (say we) how falleth it out, that so general a calamity as must needs overtake us ere it be long (and may, for any thing we know to morrow next) is not provided for, aswell as foreseen.  
Is there no remedy, but that we must willingly and wittingly run into our own ruin? and for the favour or fear of some few aspirours, betray our Country, and the blood of so many thousand innocents' as live within the land?  

The miseries to follow upon her Majesty's death.  For tell me (good Sirs) I pray you, if her Majesty should die to morrow next (whose life God long preserve and bless,) but if she should be taken from us, (as by condition of nature and humane frailty she may) what would you do? which way would you look? or what head or part knew any good subject in the Realm to follow? I speak not of the conspirators, for I know they will be ready and resolved whom to follow: but I speak of the plain, simple, and well-meaning subject, who following now the utter letter of this fraudulent statute, (fraudulent I mean in the secret conceit of the cunning aspirours:) shall be taken at that day upon the sudden, and being put in a maze by the unexpected contention about the Crown, shall be brought into a thousand dangers, both of body and goods, which now are not thought upon by them who are most in danger of the same. And this is for the Commonwealth and Country.  

The danger to her Majesty bethis' statute.  But unto her Majesty, for whose good and safety the statute is only pretended to be made, no doubt but that it bringeth far greater dangers than any devise that they have used besides. For hereby under colour of restraining the claims and tit●es of true successors, (whose endeavours notwithstanding, are commonly more calm and moderate then of usurpers,) they make unto themselves, a mean to forster and set forward their own conspiracy without controlment: seeing no man of might may oppose himself against them, but with suspicion, that he meaneth to claim for himself. And so they being armed on the one side, with their authority and force of present fortune, and defended on the other side, by the pretence of the statute: they may securely work and plot at their pleasure, as you have well proved before that they do. And whensoever their grounds and fouxndations shall be ready, it cannot be denied, but that her Majesty's life lieth much at their discretion, to take it, or use it, to their best commodity: (and there is no doubt but they w●ll,) as such men are wont to do in such affairs. Marry one thing standeth not in their powers so absolutely, and that is, to prolong her Majesty's days, or favour towards themselves, at their pleasures: whereof it is not unlike but they will have due consideration, lest perhaps upon any sudden accident, they might be found unready.  
They have good care thereof I can assure you, 
Gentleman.  (quoth the Gentleman) and mean not to be prevented by any accident, or other mishap whatsoever: they will be ready for all events: and for that cause, they hasten so much their preparations at this day, more than ever before: 
The hastening of the Conspirators.  by sending out their spies and solicitors everywhere, to prove and confirm their friends, by delivering their common watchword: by complaining on all hands of our Protestants Bishops and Clergy, and of all the present state of our irreformed Religion, (as they call it:) by amplifying only the danger of Papists and Scottish faction: by giving out openly that now her Majesty is past hope of Childbirth; and consequently, seeing God hath given no better success that way in two Women one after the other: it were not convenient (say they) that another of that sex should ensue, with high commendation of the Law Salic in France, whereby women are forbidden to succeed. Which speech, though in show it be delivered against the Queen o● Scots, and other of King Henr● the seventh his l●ne, that descend of Sister: yet all men see that it toucheth as well the disabling of her Majesty, that is present, as oth●rs to come: and so tendeth directly ●o Maturation of the principal purpose, which I have decla●e● 〈◊〉.  
Here said I, fo●●he rest which you speak of, besides the Watch word, 
Scholar.  it is common and every where ●reated in talk among them: but yet for the W●●ch word itself (for that you name it) I think (Sir) many kn●w i● not, 
The Watchword or the Conspirators.  it I were the first that told yo●●he sto●y, as perchance I was. For in truth I came to it by a rare h●p (as then I told you) the thing being uttered and expounded by a Baron of their own faction, to another Noble man of the same degree and religion, though not of the same opinion in these affairs. And for that I am requested not to utter the second, who told it me in secret, I must also spare the name of the first, which otherwise I would not; nor the time and place where he uttered the same.  

Lawyer.  To this (said the Lawyer) you do well in that: but yet I beseech you, let me know this Watch word (if there be any such) for mine instruction and help when need shall require. For I assure you that this Gentleman's former speech of halters hath so terrified me, as if any should come and ask, or feel my inclination in these matters, I would answer them fully to their good contentment, if I knew the Watchword whereby to know them. For of all things, I love not to be hanged for quarrels of Kingdoms.  
This Watchword is, (said I) Whether you be settled or no? 
Scholar. Are you ●atled.  and if you answer yea, and seem to understand the meaning thereof: then are you known to be of their faction, and so to be accounted and dealt withal for things to come. But if you stagger or doubt in answering, as if you knew not perfectly the mystery, (as the Nobleman my good Lord did, imagining that it had been meant of his religion, which was very well known to be good, and settled in the Gospel) then are you descried thereby, either not to be of their side, or else to be but a Puny not well instructed; and consequently, 
A great mystery.  he that moveth you the question, will presently break off that speech, and turn to some other talk, until afterward occasion be given to persuade you, or else instruct you better in that affair.  
Ma●ry the Noble man, whereof I spoke before, perceiving by the demanding, that there was some mystery in covert, under the question: took hold of the words, and would not suffer the propounder to slip away (as he endeavoured) but with much entreaty brought him at length to expound the full meaning and purpose of the riddle. And this was the first occasion (as I think) whereby this secret came abroad. Albeit afterwards at the public Communions, which were made throughout so many Shires, the matter became more common: especially among the stranxgers that inhabit (as you know) in great numbers with us at this day. All which (as they say) are made most assured to this faction, and ready to assist the same with great forces at all occasions.  
Good Lord (quoth the Lawyer) how many mysteries and secrets be there abroad in the world, 
Lawyer.  whereof we simple men know nothing, and suspect less. This Watchword should I never have imagined: and for the great & often assemblies, 
Assemblies at Communions.  under pretence of Communions, though of themselves, and of their own nature, they were unaccustomed, and consequently subject to suspicion, yet I did never conceive so far forth as now I do: 
Strangers within the Land.  as neither of the lodging and entertaining of so many strangers in the Realm, whereof our Artisans do complain everywhere. But now I see the reason thereof, which (no doubt) is founded upon great policy for the purpose. And by this also I see that the house of Huntingdon presseth far forward for the game, and should●eth near the goal to lay hands upon the same. Which to tell you plainly, liketh me but a little: both in respect of the good will I bear to the whole Line of King Henry, which hereby is like to be dispossessed; as also for the misery which I do foresee, must necessarily ensue upon our Country, if once the challenge of Huntingdon take place in our Realm. 
The peril of our Country if Huntington's claim take place.  Which challenge being derived from the title of clarence only in the House of York, before the union of the two great Houses: raiseth up again the old contention between the Families of Yo●ke and Lancaster, wherein so much English blood was spilt in times past, and much more like to be poured out now, if the same contention should be set on foot again. Seeing that to the controversy of Titles, would be added also the controversy of Religion, which of all other differences is most dangerous.  

Gentleman.  Sir (quoth the Gentleman) now you touch a matter of consequence indeed, and such as the very naming thereof maketh my heart to shake and tremble. I remember well what Philip Cominus setteth down in his History of our Country's calamity, by that contention of those two Houses, distinguished by the Red Rose and the White: but yet both in their Arms might justly have borne the colour of Red, 
The Red Rose & ●he White.  with a fiery sword in a black field; to signify the abundance of blood and mortality which ensued in our Country, by that most woeful and cruel contention.  
I will not stand here to set down the particulars, observed & gathered by the foresaid author, though a stranger, which for the most part he saw himself, while he lived about the Duke of Burgundy, and King jews of France, of that time: namely the pitiful description of divers right Noble men of our Realm, who besides all other miseries, 
The misery of England by the contention between York and Lan●aster.  were driven to beg openly in foreign Countries, and the like. Mine own observation in reading over our Country affairs, is sufficient to make me abhor the memory of that time, and to dread all occasion that may ●ead us to the like in time to come: seeing that in my judgement, neither the Civil wars of Marius and Silla, or of Pompey and Caesar among the Romans, nor yet the Guelphians and Gibilines among the Italians, 
Guelphians and Gibil●ne●  did ever work so much woe, as this did to our poor Country. Wherein by reason of the contention of York and Lancaster, were fought sixteen or seventeen pitched fields, in less than an hundred years. That is, from the eleventh or twelfth year of King Richard the second his reign, (when this controversy first began to bud up) unto the thirteenth year of K. Henry the seventh. At what time by cutting off the chief titler of Huntington's house, to wit, young Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick, 
Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick.  Son and Heir to George, Duke of Clarence; the contention most happily was quenched and ended, wherein so many fields (as I have said) were fought between Brethren and Inhabitants of our own Nation. And therein, and otherwise only about the same quarrel, were sla●● murdered, and made away, about nine or ten Kings, and Kings Sons; besides above forty Earls, Marquesses, and Dukes of name: but many more Lords, Knights, and great Gentlemen and Captains: and of the Common people without number, and by particular conjecture very near two hundred thousand. 
The Battle by Ta●●●ster on P●lme Sunday, An. 1460.  For that in one Battle, fought by King Edward the fourth, there are recorded to be slain on both parts, five and thirty thousand seven hundred and eleven persons, besides others wounded and taken prisoners, to be put to death afterward, at the pleasure of the Conqueror: at divers Battles after, ten thousand slain at a Battle. And in those of Barnet and Tukesbury, fought both in one year.  

The danger of Huntington's claim, to the Realm, and to her Majesty.  This suffered our afflicted Country in those days, by this unfortunate and deadly contention, which could never be ended, but by the happy conjunction of those two Houses together, in Henry the seventh: neither yet so (as appeareth by Chronicle) until (as I have said) the state had cut off the issue male o● the Duke of Clarence, who was cause of divers peril● to King Henry the seven●h, though he were in prison▪ By whose Sister the faction of Huntin●ton at thi● day, doth seek to raise up the same contention again, with far greater danger both to the Rea●m● and to her Majesty that now reigneth, than ever before.  
And for the Realm it is evident, by that it gives room to strangers, Competitors of the House o● Lancaster: better able to maintain their own title by sword, than ever was any of that lineage before t●em. And for her Majesty's peril present, it is nothing hard to conjecture: seeing the same title in th● foresaid Earl of Warwick, was so dangerous an● troublesome to her Grandfather (by whom she holdeth) as he was fain twi●● to take arm●s in defence of his right, against the said title, which was in those days preferred and advanced by the friend● of Clarence, before that of Henry: as also this of Huntingdon is at this day, by his faction, before that of her Majesty though never so unjustly.  
Touching Huntington's title, before her Majesty, 
Lawyer.  (quoth the Lawyer) I will say nothing: because in reason, I see not by what pretence in the World, he may thrust himself so far forth: seeing her Majesty is descended, not only of the House of Lancaste, 
How Huntingdon maketh hi● tit●e before h●r Majesty.  but also before him most apparently from the House of York itself, as from the eldest Daughter of K●ng Edw●rd the fourth, being the eldest Brother of that House. Whereas Huntingdon claimeth only by the Daughter of George Duke of Clarence, the younger Brother. Marry yet I must confess, that if the Earl of Warwick's title were better than that of King Henry the seventh, (which is most false, though many attempted to defend the same by sword:) then hath Hunt●ngton some wrong at this day by her Majesty. Albeit in very truth, the 
* The most of Hu●tingtons Ancestors by who● he makes ●i●le, attainted of Treason.  attaints of so many of his Ancestors by whom he claimeth, would answer him also sufficiently in that behalf, if his title were otherwise allowable.  
But I know besides this, 
The f●mous device ●f king Richard the third, ●●lowed by Hu●tington.  they have another fetch of King Richard the third, whereby he would needs prove h●s elder Brother King Edwa●d to be a Bastard: and consequently his whole line, aswell male as female to be void. Which devise though it be ridiculous, and was at that time when it was first invented: yet, as Richard found at that time a Doctor Shaw, that shamed not to publish and defend the same, at Paul's Cross in a Sermon: and John of Northumberland my Lord of L●yce●●ers Father found out divers Preachers in his time, 
Anno 1. Mariae.  to set up the title of Suffolk, & to debase the right of K. Henry's daughter, both in London, Cambridge Oxford, and other places, most apparently against all Law and reason: so I doubt not but these men would find out also both Shawes, Sands, and others, to set out the title of Clare●ce, before the whole interest of King Henry the seventh and his posterity, 
A point to be no●ed by her Majesty.  if occasion served. Which is a point of importance to be considered by her Majesty; albeit for my part, I mean not not now to stand thereupon, but only upon that other of the House of Lancaster, as I have said.  
For as that most honourable, lawful, and happy conjunction of the two adversary Houses, in King Henry the seventh and his Wife, 
The joining of both houses.  made an end of the shedding of English blood within itself, and brought us that most desired peace, which ever since we have enjoyed, by the reign of their two most noble issue: so the plot that now is in hand, for the cutting off the residue of that issue, and for recalling back of the whole Title to the House of York again; is like to plung us deeper than ever in civil discord, and to make us the bait of all foreign Princes: seeing there be among them at this day, 
The Line of Portug●ll.  some of no small power (as I have said) who pretend to be the next heirs by the House of Lancaster: and consequently, are not like to give over or abandon their own right, if once the door be opened to contention for the same, by disannulling the Line of King Henry the seventh: wherein only the keys of all concord remain knit together.  
And albeit I know well that such as be of my Lord of Huntington's party, will make small account of the Title 〈◊〉 Lancaste●, as less rightful a great deal then that of York, (and I for my part mean not greatly to avow the same, as now it is placed, being myself no favourer of foreign Titles:) yet indifferent men have to consider how it was taken in times past, and how it may again in time to come, if contention should arise: how many Noble personages of our Realm did offer themselves to die in defence thereof: 
The old estimation of the House of Lancaster.  how many Oaths and Laws were given and received throughout the Realm for maintenance of the same, against the other House of York for ever: how many worthy Kings were crowned, and reigned of that House and Race; to wit, the four most Noble Henry's, one after another; the fourth, the fifth, the sixth, and the seventh: who both in number, government, sanctity, courage, and feats of arms, were nothing inferior (if not superior) to those of the other House and Line of York, after the division between the Families.  
It is to be considered also as a special sign of the favour and affection of our whole Nation unto that Family: that Henry Earl of Richmond, 
Henry Earl of Richmond.  though descending but of the last Son, and third Wife of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, was so respected for that only by the universal Realm: as they inclined wholly to call him from banishment, and to make him King with the deposition of Richard, which then ruled of the House of York, upon condition only, that the said Henry should take to Wife a Daughter of the contrary Family: so great was in those days the affection of English hearts towards the Line of Lancaster, for the great worthiness of such Kings as had reigned of that Race, how good or bad soever their Title were: which I stand not here at this time to discuss, but only to insinuate what party the same found in our Realm in times past; and consequently, how extreme dangerous the contention for the same may be hereafter: 
The Line of Portugal.  especially, seeing that at this day the remainder of that Title is pretended to rest wholly in a stranger, whose power is very great. Which we Lawyers are wont to esteem as a point of no sma●l importance, for justifying of any man's title ●o a Kingdom.  

Scholar.  You Lawyers want not reason in that Sir (quoth I) howsoever you want right: for if you will examine the succession of governements, from the beginning of the W●rld until this day, either among Gentile, 
The sword of grea● f●rce ●o justify the title of a kingdom.  Jew, or Christian people, you shall find that the sword ha●h ●eene always better th●n half the title, to get, establish, or mainta●ne a Kingdom: which maketh 〈◊〉 ●h●●ore apalled to hear you discourse in such sort of new contentions, and foreign titles, accompanied w●th such power and strength of the titlers, which cannot be but infinitely dangerous and fatal to our Realm, if once it come to action; both for the division th●t is like to be at home, and the variety of part●es from abroad. For as the Prince who● you signify, will not fail (by all likelihood) to pursue his title with all forces that he can make, if occasion were offered: so reason of state and policy will enforce other Princes adjoining, 
Great dangers.  to let and hinder him therein what they can: and so by this means sh●ll we become Juda and Isr●el among ourselves, one killing and vexing the other with the sword: and to foreign Princes we shall be, as the Island of Salamina was in old time to the Athenians and Megatians: and as the Island of Cicilia was afterward to the Grecians, Carthaginians, and Romans: and as in our days, the Kingdom of Naples hath been to the Spaniards, Frenchmen, Germans, and Venetians; That is, a bait to feed upon, and a game to fight for.  
Wherefore, I beseech the Lord, to avert from us all occasions of such miseries. And I pray you Sir, for that we are fallen into the mention of these matters, to take so much pains as to open unto me the ground of these controversies, so long now quiet between York and Lancaster: seeing they are now like to be raised again. For albeit in general I have heard much thereof, yet in particular, I either conceive not, or remember not the foundation of the same: and much less th● state of their several titles at this day, for that it is a study not properly pertaining unto my profession.  
The controversy between the Houses of York and Lancaster (quoth the Lawyer) took his actual beginning in the issue of King Edward the third, 
The beginning of the controversy betwixt York and Lancaster.  who died somewhat more than two hundred years agone: but the occasion, pretence, or cause of that quarrel, began in the children of King Henry the third, who died an hundred years before that, and left two Sons; Edward, who was King after him, by the name of Edward the first, and was Grandfather to Edward the third: and Edmond (for his deformity called Crookebacke) Earl of Lancaster, and beginner of that House, whose inheritance afterward in the fourth descent, fell upon a Daughter named Blanch, who was married to the fourth Son of King Edward the third, named John of Gaunt, for that he was borne in the City of Gaunt in Flanders, and so by this his first wife, he became Duke of Lancaster, and heir of that House. And for that his Son Henry of Bolingbrooke (afterward called King Henry the fourth) pretended among other things, that Edmond Crookeback, 
Edmond Crook-back beginner of the House of Lancaster.  great Grandfather to Blanche his mother, 
Blanch.  was the elder Son of King Henry the third, and unjustly put by the inheritance of the Crown, 
john of Gaunt.  for that he was Crookbacked and deformed: he took by force the Kingdom from Richard the second, Nephew to King Edward the third, by his first Son; and placed the same in the House of Lancaster, 
How the Kingdom was first brought to the House of Lancaster.  where it remained for three whole descents, until afterward, Edward Duke of York descended of john of Gaunts younger brother, making claim to the Crown by title of his Grandmother, that was heir to Lionel, Duke of Clarence, john of Gaunts elder Brother, took the same by force from Henry the sixth, of the House of Lancaster, and brought it back again to the House of York: where it continued with much trouble in two Kings only, until both Houses were joined together in King Henry the seventh, and his noble issue.  
Hereby we see how the issue of john of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, fourth Son to King Edward the third, pretended right to the Crown by Edmond Crookebacke, before the issue of all the other three Sons of Edward the third, albeit they were the elder Brothers, whereof we will speak more hereafter. Now john of Gaunt though he had many children, 
The issue of john of Gaunt.  yet had he four only, of whom issue remain, two Sons and two Daughters. The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke, Duke of Lancaster, who took the Crown from King Richard the second, his Uncle's Son, as hath been said; and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster: where it remained in two descents after him, that is, in his Son Henry the fifth, and in his Nephew Henry the sixth, who was afterward destroyed, together with Henry Prince of Wales, his only Son and Heir, and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingb●ooke extinguished, by Edward the fourth of the House of York.  
The other Son of john of Gaunt, was john, Duke of Summersault, 
The pedigree of king Henry the seventh.  by Katherine Sfinsford, his third wife: which john had issue another john, and he, Margaret his Daughter and Heir, who being married to Edmond Tyder, Earl of Richmond, had issue Henry Earl of Richmond, who after was named King Henry the seventh, whose Line yet endureth.  
The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugal and Castille: that is, 
The two Daughters married to Portugal and Castille.  Philip borne of Blanch, Heir to Edmond Crookeback, as hath been said, was married to john King of Portugal, of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugal, and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same: and Katherine borne of Constan●e, Heir of Castille, was married back again to Henry King of Castille in Spain, of whom King Philip is also descended. So that by this, we see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth, if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished: and what pretext foreign Princes may have to subdue us, if my Lord of Huntingdon either now, 
Foreign titles.  or after h●r Majesty's days, will open to them the door, by shutting out the rest of King Henry's Line, and by drawing back the title to the only House of York again: which he pretendeth to do, upon this that I will now declare.  
King Edward the third, 
The issue of king Edwar● th● 3.  albeit he had many children, yet five only will we speak of at this time: Whereof three were elder than J●hn of Gaunt, and one younger. The first of the elder was named Edward the black Prince, who died before his Father, leaving one only Son named Richard, who afterward being King, and named Richard the second, was deposed without issue, and put to death by his Cousin german, named Henry Bolingbrooke, Duke of Lancaster, Son to John of Gaunt, as hath been said; and so there ended the Line of King Edward's first Son.  
King Edward's second Son, was William of Hatf●●ld, that died without issue.  
His third Son was Leonell Duke of Clarence, whose only Daughter and Heir called Ph●●ip, was married to Edmond Mortimer Earl o● Marc●: and after that, Anne●he ●he Daughter and Heir of Mortimer, was married to Richard Plantagi●et Duke of York, Son and Heir to Edmond of Lang●●y, the first Duke of York●: which Edmond was the fifth Son of King Edward the third, 
Two edmond's the two beginner● of the two Houses of Lancaste● and York.  and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lan●ley may be called the first beginner of the H●use of York: even as Edmond Crookback, the beginner of the House of Lancaster.  
This Edmond Langley, then having a Son named Richard, that married Anne Mortimer, sole Heir to Leonell Duke of Clarence, joined two Lines and two Titles in one: I mean the Line of Leonell, and of Edmond Langley, who were (as hath been said) the third and the fifth Sons to King Edward the third. And for this cause, the child that was borne of this marriage, named after his Father Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, seeing himself strong, and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second: 
The claim and title of York.  and seeing William of Hatfield the second Son dead likewise without issue: made demand of the Crown for the House of York, by the title of Leonell the third Son of King Edward. And albeit he could not obtain the same in his days, for that he was slain in a Battle against King Henry the sixth at Wakefield: yet his Son Edward got the same, and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth.  

The issue of king Ed●ard the fourth.  This King at his death left divers children, as namely two Sons, Edward the fifth and his Brother, who after were both murdered in the Tower, as shall be showed: and also five Daughters: to wit, Elizabeth, Sicily, Anne, Katherine, and Bridget. Whereof, the first was married to Henry the seventh. The last became a Nun, and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands  
He had al●o two Brothers: 
The Duke of Clarence attainted▪ by Parliament.  the first was called George Duke of clarence▪ who afterward upon his deserts (as is to be supposed,) was put to death in Calais, by commandment of the King, and his attainder allowed by Parliament. And this man left behind him a Son, named Edward Earl of Warwick, put to death afterward without issue, by King Henry the seventh, and a Daughter named Margaret▪ Countess of salisbury, who was married to a mean Gentleman named Richar● Poole, by whom she had issue Cardinal Poole, that died without marriage; 
Huntington● title by the Duke of Clarence.  and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed ●n King Henry the eight his time; (as also herself was) and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earl of Huntingdon, by whom this Earl that now is maketh title to the Crown. And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntington's title.  
The second Brother of King Edward the fourth, was Richard Duke of Gloucester, 
King Richard the third.  who after the King's death, caused his two Sons to be murdered in the Tower, and took the Kingdom to himself. And afterward he being slain by King Henry the seventh at Bos●●orth-field, left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath been showed of the House of Lancaster, 
The happy conjunction of the two Houses.  by John of Gaunts last Son and third Wife, and taking to Wife Lady elizabeth, eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth, of the House of York: joined most happily the two Families together, and made an end of all controversies about the title.  
Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children: of whom remaineth posterity. 
The issue of King Henry the seventh.  First, Henry the eighth, of whom is descended our Sovereign, her Majesty that now happily reigneth, and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line. 
The Line and Title of Scotland by Margaret, eldest Daughter to King Henry●he ●he 7.  Secondly, he had two Daughters: whereof the first named Margaret, was married twice; first to James King of Scotland, from whom are directly descended the Queen of Scotland that now liveth, and her Son: and King James being dead, Margaret was married again to Archihald Douglas Earl of Anguish: by whom she had a Daughter named Margaret, which was married afterward to Matthew Steward, Earl of Len●x, whose Son Charles Steward was married to Elizab●th Candish, Daughter to the present Countess of Shrewsbury, and by her hath left his only Heir, 
Arb●●●●.  a little Daughter named Arbella, of whom you have heard some speech before. And this is touching the Line of Scotland, descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh.  

The Line and Title of Suffolk by Mary, second daughter to King henry the 7.  The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary, was twice married also: first to the King of France, by whom she had no issue: and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, by whom she had two Daughters; that is, Francis, of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claim: and Elinor, by whom the issue of the Earl of Derby pretendeth right, as shall be declared. For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queen of France, was married to the marquis of Dorset, who after Charles Brandon's death, was made Duke of Suffolk in right of his W●fe, 
The issue of Francis, eldest Daughter to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.  and was beheaded in Queen Mary's time, for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leicester's Father. And she had by this man three Daughters: that is, Jane, that was married to my Lord of Leicester's Brother, and proclaimed Queen after King Edward's death, 
The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk.  for which both she and her husband were executed: Katherine the second D●ughter, who had two Sons, yet living by the Earl of Hartford: and Marry the third Daughter, which left no Children.  
The other Daughter of Cha●l●s Brandon by the Queen of France called Elinor, 
The issue of Elinor second daughter to Charles Brandon.  was married to Georg● Cliff●rd Earl of Cumberland, who left a Daughter by her named Ma●g●re●, married to the Earl of Derby, which yet liveth, and hath issue. And this is the title of the H●use of Suffolk, descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh, married (as hath been showed) to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk. And by this, you may see also how many there be, who do think their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntington●, if either r●ght, l●w, reason, or consideration of home affairs may take place in our Realm: or if not, yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentate's abroad, are like to join and buckle with Hunting●ons Line for the preeminence: ●f once the matter fall again to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh, which God forbid.  
Truly Sir (quoth I) I well perceive that my Lords turn is not so nigh as I had thought, 
Scholar.  
Huntingdon bebehind many other titles.  whether he exclude the Line of King Henry, or no● for if he exclude th●t, then must he enter the Combat with foreign titlers of the House of Lancaster: and if he exclude it not, then in all appearance of reason and in Law to (as you have said) the succession of the two Daughters of King Hen●y the seventh (whi●h you distinguish by the two names of Scotland and Suffolk) must needs be as clearly before him and his L●ne, that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother, as the Queen's title that new reigneth is before him. For th●●●oth Scotland, Suffolk and her Majesty do hold all by one foundation, which is the union of both Houses and Titles together, in King Henry the seventh her Majesty's Grandfather.  

Gentleman.  That is true (quoth the Gentleman) and evident enough in every man's eye; and therefore no doubt: but as ●hat much is meant ●g●inst h●r Majesty, if oc4●sion serve, ●s against th● rest th●t hold by the same ●itle. Albeit her M●iesti4s state (the Lord be praised) be such at thi● 〈◊〉, as it is not saf●y to pretend so much against h●r, as against the rest, whatsoever be meant. And that in ●ruth, more should be meant against her h●ghnes, the● against all ●he rest: there is this rea●on; for t●at her Majesty by h●r present possession letteth more their desires, than all the rest together with their future pretences. But as I have said, it is not safety for them, 
The policy of the conspirators for the deceiving of her Majesty.  nor yet good policy to declare openly, what they mean against her Majesty. It is the best way for the present to ●hew down the rest, and to leave her Majesty for the last ●low and upshot to their g●me. For which c●use, they will ●eeme to make great difference at this day, between her Majesty's title and the rest, that descend in likewise from King Henr●, the seventh: avowing the one, and disallowing the other. Albeit, my Lord of Leicester's Father, preferred that of Suffolk, when 〈◊〉 was, before this of her Majesty, and co●pelle● the wh●le Realm to swear thereunto. Such is th● variable policy of men, that serve the time, or rather that serve themselves, of all times, for their purposes.  

Scholar.  I remember (quoth I) that time of ●he Duke, and was present myself, at some of his Proclamations for that purpose: wherein my Lord his Son that now liveth: ●eing then a doer, (as I can tell he was:) I marvile how he can deal so contrary now: preferring not only her Majesty's title b●fore that of Suffolk (whereof I wonder less● because it is more gainful to him, 
Leicester's variability. ) but also another much further of. Bu● you have signified the cause, in that the times are change●, and other bargains are in hand of more importance for him. Wherefore leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth, I beseech you, Sir, (for that I know, your worship hath been much conversant among their friend's and favourers) to tell me what are the bars and lets which they do allege, why the house of Sco●land and Suffolk descended of king Henry the seventh his daughters, should not succeed in the Crown of England after her Majesty, who ended the line of the same king by his son; for in my sight the matter appeareth v●ry plain.  
They want not pretences of bars and lets against them all (quoth the Gentleman) which I will l●y down in order, 
Gentleman.  as I have heard them alleged. First, 
Bars pretended against the cla●m of Scotland and Suffolk.  in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know, that may pretend right, that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret, and Arbella by the second. And against the first marriage, I hear nothing affirmed; but against the two persons proceeding thereof, I hear them allege three stops, one for that they are strangers born out of the land, & consequently incapable of inheritance within the same; 
Against the Queen of Scotland and her son.  another for that by a special testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. several p●rliam. th●y are excluded; 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us & therefore to be debarred.  
Against the second marriage of Ma●g●ret with A●chibald Douglas whereof A●bella is descended, 
Against Arbella.  they allege, that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage, which lived long after: and so neither that marriage lawful, nor the issue thereof legitimate.  
The same bar they have against all the house and Line of Suffolk, for first they say, that Charl●s B●andon Duke of Suffolk, had a known wife alive w●en he married Mary Queen of France, and consequently, that neither the Lady Frances nor Elinor, borne of that marriage, can be lawfully borne. And this is all, I can hea●e them say against the succession of the Countess of Derby descended of Elenor. 
Against Derby.  But against my Lord of hartford's children, ●hat came from Fran●es the eldest daughter, I hear them allege two or three bastardies more besides this of the first marriage. 
Against the children of Hartford.  For first, they affirm that Henry marquis Dorset, when he married the Lady Frances, had to wife the old Earl of Arundels' sister, who lived both then and many years after, and had a provision out of his living to her dying day· whereby that marriage could no way be good. Secondly that the lady Katherine, daughter to the said Lady Frances, by the Marquis (by whom the Earl of Hartford had his children) was lawfully married to the Earl of Pembroke that now liveth, and consequently, could have no lawful issue by any other during his life. 3ly. that the said Katherine wa● never lawfully married to the said Earl Hartford, but bore him those children as his Concubine, which (●s they say) is defined and registered in the Archb. of Canterbury's court, upon due examination taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth, and this is in effect so mu●h as I have heard them all allege, about their affars.  
It is much (quoth I) that you have said, if it may be all proved. 
Scholar.  Marry yet by the way, I cannot but smile to hear my Lord of Ley●ester allow of so many bastardies now upon the issue of Lady Frances, whom in time past, when jane her eldest daughter was married to his brother, 
Leicester's dealing with the house of Suffolk.  he advanced in legitimation before both the daughters of king Henry the eight. But to the purpose: I would gladly know what grounds of verity these allegations have, and how far in truth they may stop from inheritance: for in deed I never heard them so distinctly alleged before.  
Whereto answered the Gentleman, 
Gentleman.  that our friend th● Lawyer could best resolve that, if it pleased h●m to sp●ake without his fee: though in some points alleged every other man (quoth he) that knoweth the state and common government of England, may easily give his judgement also. And i● the case of bastardy, 
Bastardy.  if the matter may be proved, there is no difficulty, but that no right to inheritance can justly be pretended: 
Foreign birth.  as also (perhaps) in the case of foreign birth, though in this I am not so cunning: but yet I see by experience, that foreigners borne in other lands, can hardly come and claim inheritance in England, albeit, to the contrary, I have heard great and long disp●tes, but such as indeed passed ●y capacity. And if it might please our friend here present to expound the thing unto us more clearly, I for my part would gladly bestow the hearing, and that with attention.  
To this answered the Lawyer, I will gladly, 
Lawyer.  si●, tell you my mind in any thing that it shall please you demand: and much more in this matter, wherein by occasion of often conference I am somewhat perfect. The impediments which these men allege against the succession of king Henry the 8. his sisters, are of two kinds, as you see: The one known and allowed in our law, 
Bastardy, la●●●l stops.  as you have well said, if it may be proved; and that is bastardy: whereby they seek to disable all the whole Line and race of Suffolk: as also Arbella of the second and later house of Scotland. Whereof it is to small purpose to speak any thing here: seeing the whole controversy standeth upon a matter of fact only to be proved or improved by records and witnesses. Only this I will say, that some of these bastardies, before named, are rife in many men's mouths, and avowed by divers that yet live: but let other men look to this, who have most interest therein, and may be most damnified by them, if they fall out true. 
The impediments against Scotland three in number.  The other impediments, which are alleged only against the Queen of Scots and her 〈◊〉, are in number three, ●s you recite them: th●● is foreign birth, king Henry's testament, and Religion: whereof ● am content to say somewhat, seeing you desire it: albeit there be so much published already in books of divers languages beyond the sea, as I am informed, concerning this matter, as more cannot be said. But y●t so much as I have heard pass among Lawyers my betters, in conference of these affairs: I will not let to recite unto you, with this proviso and protestation always, 
A protestation.  that what I speak, I speak by way of recital of other men's opinions: not meaning myself to incur the statute of affirming or avowing any person's title to the crown whatsoever.  

Touching the first impediment of foreign birth.  First then touching foreign birth, there be some men in the world that will say, that it is a common and general rule of our law, that no stranger at all may inherit any thing by any means within the Land: which in truth I take to be spoken without ground, in that general sense. For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or universal rule: and I know, that divers examples may be alleged in sundry cases to the contrary: and by that which is expressly set down in the seventh 〈◊〉 ninth years of king Ed. the 4. and in the ●l●venth ●nd fourteenth of Hen. th● 4. it appears plainly that ● stranger m●y purchase lands in England, 
An Alien may purchase.  as also ●●herit by h●s wife, if he marry an inheritrix. Wherefore this common rule 〈◊〉 to be restra●ne● from that generality, unto proper inheritance only; 
The true Maxima against Alien●.  ●n which sense I do easily grant, that our common Law hath been of ancient, and is at this day, that no person born out of the ●lleg●ance of the king of England whose father & m●th●r were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth, shall be able to have or demand any heritage within the same allegiance, as heir to any person. 
The statute of King Edward whence the Maxima is gathered.  And this rule of our common L●w is gathered in these s●lf same words of a statute made in the 25. year of king Ed. the third, which indeed is the only place of effect, that can be alleged out of our law against the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases as we ●re now to treat of.  
And albeit now the commo● Law of our Country do run thus in general, 
Reason's why the Scottish title is not letted by the Maxima against Aliens.  yet will the● friends of the Scottish claim affirm, that hereby that title is nothing let or hindered at all towards the Crown; and that for divers manifest and weighty reasons, whereof the principal are these which ensue.  
First, 
The first reason.  it is common and a general rule of our English laws, that no rule, Axiom or M●xima of law (be it ●ever so general) can touch or bind the Crown, except express mention be made thereof in the same; for that the king and crown have great privilege and prerogative above the state and affairs of subjects, and great differences allowed in points of law.  
As for example, 
The rule of thirds.  it is a general & common rule of law, that the wife after the decease of her husband, shall enjoy the third of his lands: but yet the Queen shall not enjoy the third part of the Crown, after the King's death: as well appeareth by experience, and is to be seen by law, Anno 5. and 21. of Edward the third; 
Tenant by courtesy.  and Anno 9 and 28. of Henry the sixth. Also it is a common rule, that the husband shall hold his wife's lands after her death, as tenant by courtesy during his life, but yet it holdeth not in a Kingdom.  
In like manner, it is a general and common rule, that if a man die feased of Land in Fee-simple, having daughters and no son, his lands shall be divided by equal portions among his daughters, 
Division among daughters.  which holdeth not in the Crown: but rather the eldest Daughter inherite●h the whole, as if she were the issue male. So also it is a common rule of our law, 
Executory.  that the executor shall have all the goods and chattels of the Testator, but not in the Crown. And so in many other cases which might be recited, it is evident that the Crown hath privilege above others, and cannot be subject to rule, be it never so general, except express mention be made thereof in the same law: as it is in the former place and a statute alleged: but rather to the contrary (as after shall be showed) there is express exception, for the prerogative of such as descend of Royal blood.  
Their second reason is, for that the demand o● title of a Crown cannot in true sense be comprehended under the words of the former statute, 
The 2 reason. The Crown no such inheritance as is meant in the statute.  forbidding aliens to demand heritage within the allegiance of England: and that for two respects. The one, for that the Crown itself cannot be called an heritage of allegiance, or within allegiance, for that it is holden of no superior upon earth, but immediately from God himself: the second, for that this statute treateth only and meaneth of inheritance by descent, as heir to the same, (for I have showed before that Aliens may hold lands by purchase within our Dominion) and then say they, 
The Crown a corporation.  the Crown is a thing incorporate, and descendeth not according to the common course of other private inheritances: but goeth by succession, as other incorporations do. In sign whereof it is evident, that albeit the King be more favoured in all his doings, than any common person shall be, yet cannot he avoid by law his grants and letters patents by reason of his nonage (as other infants and common heirs under age may do) but always be said to be of full age in respect of his Crown even as a Prior, Parson, Vicar, Deane, or other person incorporate shall be, which cannot by any means in law be said to be within age, in respect of their incorporations.  
Whi●h thing maketh an evident difference in our case, from the meaning of the former statute: for that a Prior, Deane, or Parson, being Aliens and no Denizens, might always in time of peace demand lands in England, in respect of their corporations, notwithstanding the said statute or common law against Aliens, as appeareth by many book cases yet extant: as also by the statute made in the time of King Richard the second, which was after the foresaid statute of King Edward the third.  
The third reason is, 
The ●. reason. The King's issue excepted by name.  for that in the former statute itself of King E●ward, there are excepted expressly from this general rule, Infants du Roy, that is, the Kings off spring or issue, as the word Infant doth signify, both in France, Portugal, Spain, and other Countries: and as the Latin word Liberi (which answereth the same) is taken commonly in the civil 〈◊〉. Neither may we restrain the french words of that Statute Infant●s du Roy, 
Liberorum. F. de. verb. sign.  to the king's children only of the first degree (as some do, for that the barrenness of our language doth yield us no other word for the same) but rather, that thereby are understood, as w●ll the nephews and other discendants of the king or blood Royal, as his immediate children. For it were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagine that king Edward by this statute, would go about to disinherit his own nephew's, if h● should have any borne out of his own allegiance (as easily he might at that time) his sons being m●ch abroad from England; and the black Prince, his eldest son having two children borne b●yond the seas: and consequently, it is apparent, that this rule or maxim set down against Aliens is no way to be stretched against the descendants of the king or of the blood Royal.  
Their fourth reason is, that the meaning of king Edward and his children (living at such time as this statute was made) could not be, 
The fourth reason The King's meaning.  that any of their lineage or issue might be excluded in law, from inheritance of their right to the Crown, by their foreign bir●h wheresoever. For otherwise, it is not credible ●hat they would so much have dispersed their own blood in other Countries, as they did, by giving their daughters to strangers, & other meanus: 
The matches of England with foreigners.  as Leone● the king's third son was married in Milan, and john of Gaunt the fourth son, gave his two daughters, Philip and Katherine to Portugal and C●st●le; and his niece Joan to the king of Scots: as Thomas of Woodstock also the youngest brother, married his two daughters, the one to the king of Spain, and the other to D●ke of Britain. Which no doubt (they being wise Princes, and so near of the blood Royal) would never have done; if they had imagined that hereby their issue should have lost all claim and title to the Crown of England: and therefore it is most evident, that no such bar was then extant or imagined  
The fifth reason is, 
The fifth reason. Examples of forainers admitted  that divers persons born out of all English dominion and allegiance, both before the Conquest and since, have been admitted to the succession of our Crown, as lawful inheritors, without any exception against them for their foreign birth As before the Conquest is evident in young E●gar Etheling borne in Hungary, and thence called home to inherit the Crown, by his great uncle king Edward the Confessor, 
Flores hist. Anno 1066.  with full consent of the whole Realm; the B. of Worcester being sent as Ambassador to fetch him home, with his father named Edward the outlaw.  
And since the Conquest, it appeareth plainly in king Stephen and king Henry the second, both of them borne out of English dominions, and of Parents, that at their birth, were not of the English allegiance; and yet were they both admitted to the Crown. Young Arthur also Duke of Britain by his mother Constance that matched with Geffray king Henry the seconds son, was declared by king Richard his uncle, 
Pol. lib. 15. Flor. hist. 1208.  at his departure towards Jerusalem, and by the whole Realm, for lawful heir apparent to the Crown of England, though he were borne in Britain out of English allegiance; and so he was taken and judged by all the world at that day: albeit, after king Richard's death, his other uncle john, 
K. john a tyrant  most tyrannously took both his kingdom and his life from him. For which notable injustice, he was detested of all men both abroad and at home; & most apparently scourged by God, with grievous and manifold plagues, both upon himself and the Realm, which yielded to his usurpation. So that by this also it appeareth, what the practice of our Country hath been from time to time in this case of foreign birth: which practice is the best interpreter of our common English law: which dependeth especially, and most of all, upon custom: nor can ●he adversary allege any one example to the contrary.  
Their sixth, is of the judgement and sentence of King Henry the seventh, 
The 6. reason. The judgement and sentence of K. Henry the seventh.  and of his Council: who being together in consultation, at a certain time about the marriage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scotland: some of his Council moved this doubt, what should ensue, if by chance the king's issue male should fail, and so the succession devolve to the heirs of the said Margaret, as now it doth? Whereunto that w●se and most prudent Prince made answer: th●t if any such event should be, it could not be prejudicial to Engl●nd, being the bigger part, but rather beneficial for that it should draw Scotland to England: that is, the lesser to the more: even as in times past it happened in Normandy, Aquitaine, ●nd some other Provinces. Which answer appeased all doubts and gave singular content to those of his Council, as Polidore writeth, that lived at that time, and wrote the special matters of that reign, by the kings own instruction. So that hereby we see no question made of king Henry or his Councillors touching foreign birth, to let the succession of Lady Margaret's issue: which no doubt would never have been omitted in that learned assembly, if any law at that time had been esteemed or imagined to bear the same.  
And these are six of their principallest reasons to prove, that neither by the words nor meaning of our common laws, nor yet by custom or practice of our Realm, an Alien may be debarred f●om claim of his interest to the Crown, when it falleth to him by righful descent in blood and succ●ssion. 
The 7. reason. The Queen of Scots and her son no Aliens.  But in the particular case of the Queen of Scots and ●erson, they do add another reason or too: thereby to prove them in very deed to be no Aliens: Not only in respect of their often and continual mixture with English blood from the beginning (and especially of late, the Queen's Grandmother and husband being English, and so her son begotten of an English father) but also for two other causes and reasons, which seem in truth of very good importance. The first is, for that Scotland by all Englishmen (howsoever the Scots deny the same) is t●ken and holden as subject to England by way of Homage; which many of their kings at divers times have acknowledged: and consequently th● Queen and her son being borne in Scotland are not borne out of the allegiance of England, and so no foreigners. The second cause or reason is, for that the forenamed statute of foreigners in the 25 year of King Edward the third, is entitled, of those that are borne beyond the seas. And in the body of the said statute, the doubt is moved of children borne out of English allegiance beyond the seas: whereby cannot be understood Scotland, for that it is a piece of the continent land within the seas. And all our old Records in England, that talk of service to be done within these two countries, have usually these Latin words, Infraquatuor m●ria, or in French deins l●zqu●tre mers, that is, within the four Seas: whereby must needs be understood as well S●otland as England, and that perhaps for the reason before mentioned, of the subjection of Scotland by way of Homage to the Crown of England. In respect whereof it may be, that it was accounted of old but one dominion or allegiance. And consequently, no man borne therein can be accounted an alie● to Engla●●. And this shall suffice for the first point, touching foragine Nativity.  
For the second impediment objected, wh●ch is the testament of King Henry the eight, 
The second impediment against the Q of Scots, & her son, which is K. Henry the ●. his testament.  authorized by Parliament, whereby they affirm the succession of Scotland to be excluded: it is not precisely true that they are excluded, but only that they ●re put back behind the succession of the house of Suffolk. For in that pretended Testament (which after sh●ll be proved to be none indeed) King Henry so disposeth, that after his own children (●f they should chance to die without issue) the Crown shall pass to the heirs of Frances & of Elinor, his nieces by his younger sister Marry Queen of France; and after them (deceasing also without issue) the succession to return to the next heir again. Whereby it is evident, that the succession of Margar●t Queen of Scotland, his eldest sister, is not excluded; but thrust back only from their due place and order, to expect the remainder, which may in time be left by the younger. Whereof in mine opinion, do ensue some considerations against the present pretenders themselves.  

Foreign birth no impediment in the ●udgement of K. Henry the ●.  First, ●hat in King Henry's judgement, the former pretended rule of foreign birth, was no sufficient impediment against Scotland; for if it had been, no doubt but that he would have named the same in his alleged testament, and thereby have utterly excluded that succession. But there is no such thing in the testament. Secondly, if they admit this testament, 
The succession of Scotland next by the judgement of the competitors.  which allotteth the Crown to Scotland, next after Suffolk; then, seeing that all the house of Suffolk (by these men's assertions) is excluded by bastardy; it must needs follow, that Scotland by their own judgement is next, & so this testament will make against them, ●s indeed it doth in all points most apparently, but only that it preferreth the house of Su●●olk, before that of Scotland. And therefore (I think sir) that you mistake somewhat about their opinion in alleging this testament. For I suppose, that no man of my Lord of Huntington's faction, will allege or urge the testimony of this testament; but rather some friend of the house of S●ff●lk, in whose favour, I take it, that it was first of ●ll forged.  
It may be (qu●th the Gentleman) nor will I stand obstinately in the contrary; 
Gentleman.  for that it is hard sometime to judge of what faction each one is, who discours●th of these affairs. But yet I marvel (●f it were as you say) w●y L●ycesters Father ●f●er K. Edward● death, made no mention thereof in the favour of Suffolk, in the other testament which then he proclaimed, as made by K. Edward deceased, for preferment of Suffolk before his own sisters.  
The cause of this is evident (quoth the Lawyer) for that it made not sufficiently for his purpose: 
Lawyer. The Duke of Northumberland● drift.  which was to disinherit ●he two daughters of King Henry himself, and advance the house of Suffolk b●fore them both.  
A notable change (quoth the Gentleman) that a title so much exalted of late by the Father, 
Gentleman.  above all order, right, rank and degree; should now be so ●uch debased by the Son, as though it were not worthy to hold any degree, but rather to be trodden underfoot for plain bastardy. And you see by th●s, how true it is which I told you before; 
The mutable dealing of the house of Dudley.  that the race of Dudlies are most cunning merchants, to make their gain of all th●ngs, men and times. And as we have seen now two testaments alleged, the one of the King's father, and the other of the king's son, and both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors: so many good subjects beg●n greatly to fear, that we may chance to see s●ortly a third Testament of her Majesty for the tituling of Huntingdon, and exurpation of King Henry's blood, & th●t before her Majesty can think of sickness: wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet. But now, sir, to the foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry, I have often heard in truth, that the thing was counterfeit, or at the least not able to be proved: a●d that it was discovered, rejected, and defaced in Queen Mary's time: but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteem or judge thereof.  

Lawyer.  Touching this matter (quoth the Lawyer) it cannot be denied, but that in the 28. and 36 years of King Henry's reign, 
The authority and occasion of King Henry's testament.  upon consideration of some doubt a●d irresolution, which the King himself had showed, to have about the order of succ●ssion in his own children, as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood; the whole Parliament gave authority unto the said King, to debate and determine ●hose matters himself, together with his learned council, who best knew the laws of the Realm, and titles that any man might h●ve thereby: and that whatsoever succ●ssion his Majesty should declare as most right and lawful under his letters patents sealed, or by his last Will and Testament rightfully made and signed with his own hand: that the s●me should be received for good and lawful. Upon pretence whereof, soon after King Henry's death, there was showed a Will with the king's stamp at the same, and the names of divers witnesses, wherein (as hath been said) the succession of the Crown, after the king's own children, is assigned to the heirs of Frances and Elenore, Nieces to the king, by his younger Sister. Which assignation of the Crown, being as it were a mere gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right (as also of the right of Frances and Elinor themselves who were omitted in the same assignation, and their heirs entitled only) was esteemed to be against all reason, law, and nature, 
The King's Testament forged.  and consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a Prince as K. Henry was known to be: but rather, either the whole forged, or at least wise that clause inserted by other, and the Kings stamp set unto it, after his death, or when his Majesty lay now past understanding. And hereof there wanteth not diverse most evident reasons and proofs.  
For first, it is not probable nor credible, that King Henry would ever go about, 
The first reason.  against law and reason, to disinherit the line of his eldest sister, without any profit or interest to himself: and thereby, give most evident occasion of Civil war and discord within the Realm, seeing, 
Injustice and improprobabilit●  that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong, in so great a m●tter, the authority of Parliament, taketh little effect, against the true and lawful inheritor: as well appeared in the former times and contentions of Henry the sixth, Edward the fourth, and Richard the third: in whose reigns, the divers and contrary Parliaments made and holden, ●gainst the ne●t inheritor, held no longer with any man, then until the other was able to make his own party good.  
So likewise, 
The example of France.  in the case of King Edward the third his succession to F●ance, in the right of his mother, though he were excluded by the general assembly and consent of their Parliaments; yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby: as neither did other Kings of our Country that ensued after him. And for our present case, if nothing else should have restrained King Henry, from such open injustice towards his eldest sister: yet this cogitation, at least, would have stayed him: that by giving example of supplanting his elder sister's Line, by virtue of a testament or pretence of Parliament; some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence: as we see that Duke Dudley did soon after by a forged testament of King Edward the sixth. So ready Scholars there are to be found, which easily will learn such lessons of iniquity.  
Secondly, there be too many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned council as King Henry's was. 
The second reason. Incongruities and indignities.  For first, what can be more ridiculous, than to give the Crown to the heirs of Francis and Elinor, and not to any of themselves? or what had they offended that their heirs should enjoy the Crown in their right, and not they themselves? What if King Henry's Children should have died, whiles Lady Francis had been yet alive? who should have possessed the Kingdom before her, seeing her Line was next? and yet by this testament she could not pretend herself to obtain it. But rather having married Adrian Stokes her horsekeeper, 
Adrian Stokes.  she must have suffered her son by him (if she had any) to enjoy the Crown: and so Ad●ian of a Serving man and Master of Horses, should have become the great Master and Protector of England. Of like absurdity is that other clause also, wherein the King bindeth his own daughters to marry by consent and direction of his counsel, or otherwise to lose the benefit of their succession: yet bindeth not hi● Neices daughters, to wit, the daughters of Francis & Elinor (if they had any) to any such condition.  
Thirdly, there may be divers causes and arguments alleged in law, why this pretended will is not authentical: if otherwise, 

The third reason.  
The presupposed Will is not authentical.   it were certain that King Henry had meant it: first, for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament, which intended only to give authority for declaration and explication of the true title: and not for donation, or intricating of the same, to the ruin of the Realm. Secondly, for that there is no lawful and authentical Copy extant thereof, but only a bare enrolment in the Chancery, which is not sufficient in so weighty an affair: no witness of the privy Council or of Nobility to the same: which had been convenient in so great a case (for the best of the witnesses therein named, is Sir john Gates, whose miserable death is well known:) no public Notary, no probation of the will before any Bishop, or any lawful Court for that purpose: no examination of the witness; or other thing orderly done, for lawful authorising of the matter.  
But of all other things this is most of importance: that the King never set his own hand to the foresaid Will, 
The disproving of the Will by witnesses. The Lo●d Paget.  but his stamp was put thereunto by others, either after his death, or when he was past remembrance: as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Mary's days, being of the Privy Council, fi●st of all other discovered the same of his own accord, and upon mere motion of conscience, confessing before the whole Council, and afterward also before the whole Parliament, how that himself was privy thereunto, and partly also culpable, (being drawn thereunto, by the instigation and forcible authority of others:) but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device: and so of his own freewill, very honourably went and offered the discovery thereof to the Council. 
Sir Edw. Montague  As also did Sir E●ward Montague, Lord chief justice that had been privy and present at the said doings, and one William Clarke, 
William Clerk.  that was the man who put the stamp unto the paper, and is ascribed among the ot●er preten●ed witnesses, confessed the whole premises to be true, and purchased his pardon fo● his offence therein. Whereupon Queen Marie and her Council, caused presently the said Enrolment, lying in the Chancery to be canceled, defaced and abolished.  
And sithence that time in her Majesty's days that now liveth, about the 11. or 12. year of her reign, (if I count not amiste) by occasion of a c●rtaine little book spread abroad at that time v●ry secretly, for advancing of the house of Suffolk, by pretence of this Testament: 
A meeting together about this matter of the Nobility.  I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolk, the Marqu●sse of Winchester (which then was Treasurer) the old Ea●les of Arundel and Penbroo●e that now are dead, with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth, (as also my Lord of Leycester himself, if I be not deceived) with divert others, met together upon this matter: and after long conference about the foresaid pretenced will, and many proofs and reasons laid down, why it could not be true or authentical: the old Earl of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sickness unto his last hour, and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof: at length it was moved, that from that place they should go, with the rest of the Nobility, and proclaim the Queen of Scotland he●re apparent in Cheapside. 
M● Lord of L●●●est. again pl●y●● double.  Wherein my Lord of Leycester (a● I take it was then as forward as any man else: how be it, now for his profit, he be turned aside, and would turn back again to morrow next for a greater commodity.  
And albeit, for some causes to themselves best known, they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time: yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can bear witness that thus much is true: and that his father, the old Earl, 
The old Earl of Penbrooks' admonition to the Earl his son, yet living.  at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen, that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth, ând to charge him to witness the same, and to defend it also with his sword (if need required) after his death. And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility, as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition. And this shall suffice for t●e second impediment, imagined to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henry the eighth.  
As for the third impediment, of religion, 
The thi●d impediment of religion.  it is not general to all: for that only one person (if I be not deceived) of all the Competitors in K. Henry's Line can be touched ●ith suspicion of different Religion, from the present state of England. Which person notwithstanding (as is well known) while she was in government in her own Realm of Scotland, permitted all liberty of Conscience, and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profession and opinion, without restraint. And if she had not, yet do I not see, either by prescript of law, or practice of these our times, that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions, in any state or degree of private men: and much less in the claim of a Kingdom: which always in this behalf as hath been said before) is preferred in privilege.  
This we see by experience, in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day: 
Princes of Germany.  as in Germany, where among so many Princes, and so divided in religion as they be: yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right, without resistance for his religion. The ex●mples also of her Majesty that now is, and of her sister before, is evident, who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion, 
Qu. Marry Queen Elizabeth.  and the whole Realm divided in opinion for the same cause: yet both of them at their several times with general consent of all, were admitted to their lawful inheritance: excepting only a fe● 
* The Dudleis Monsieur.  traitors against the f●rmer, who withstood her right, as also in her the right of her Majesty that is present, and that not for Religion, (as appeared by their own confession after) but for ambition and desire of reign, Monsieur, the King's brother and heir of France, as all the world knoweth, is well accepted, favoured, and admitted for successor of that Crown, by all the Protestant's at this d●y of that Country, notwithstanding his opinion in religion known to be different. And I doubt not, but th● King of Navarre or Prince of Condy, 
King of Navarre Prince of Condy.  in the contrary part would think themselves greatly injured by the st●te of ●rance, which is different from them in religion at this d●y, if after the death of th● King that now is, and his brother without issue, (if God so dispose) they should be barred from inheriting the Crown, under pretence only of thei● Religion. My Lord of Huntingdon himself also, is he not known to b●e of a different religion from th● present state of Engl●nd? 
My Lord of Huntington's religion.  and rh●t, if he we●e King to morrow n●xt, he would alter the who●e government, order, condi●ion, and state of religion, now used and established within the Realm?  
But as I said in the beginning, if one of a whole family, or of divers families be culpable, 
The title of those that ensue the Queen of Scots.  or to be touched herein; what have the rest offended thereby? will you exclude all, for the mislike of one? And to descend in order; if the first in K. Henry's line, after her Majesty may be touched in this point, yet why should the rest be damnified thereby? The K of Scotland her son, that next ensueth (to speak in equity) why should he be shut out for his religion? And are not all the other in like manner Protestants, whose descent i● consequent by nature, order, and degree.  
For the young K. of Scotland (quoth I) the truth is, that always for mine own part, 
Scholar. The young King of Scotland  I have had great hope and expectation of him, not only for the conceit which commonly men have of such Orient youths, borne to kingdoms; but especially for that I understood from time to time, that his education was in all learning, princely exercises, and instruction of true religion, under rare and virtuous men for that purpose. Whereby I conceived hope, that he might not only become in time an honourable and profitable neighbour unto us, for assurance of the Gospel in these parts of the world; but also (if God should deprive us of her Majesty without issue)▪ might be a mean by his succession to unite in Concord and Government the two Realms together, which heretofore hath been sought by the price of marry a thousand men's blood, and not obtained.  
Marry yet now of late (I know not by what means) there 〈◊〉 begun in men's hearts a certain mislike or grudge against him, for that it is given out every where that he is inclined to be a Papist, and an enemy to her Majesty's proceedings, which argueth him verily of singular ingratitude if it be true, considering the great helps and protection which he hath received from her Highness ever sithence he was borne.  

Gentl.  And are you so simple (quoth the Gentleman) as to believe every report that you hear of this matter? know you not, ●hat it is expedient for my Lord of Leycester and his faction, that this youth, above all other, be held in perpetual disgrace with her Majesty, and with this Realm? You know, that Richard of Gloucester h●d never been able to have usurped as he did, 
The device to set out her Majesty with the young King of Scotland.  if he had not first persuaded K. Edward the fourth, to hate his own brother the Duke of Clarence, which Duke stood in the w●y between Richard and the thing, which he most of all things coveted: that is, the possibility to the Crown, and so in this case is there the like device to be observed.  
Fo● truly, for the young King of Scotland's religion, it is evident to as many as have reason, that it can be no other of itself but inclined to the best; both in respect of his education, instruction, and conversation wi●h those of true religion: as also by his former actions, Edicts, Government, and private behaviour he hath declared. Marry these men whose profit is nothing less, than tha● he or any other of that race should do well: do not cease daily by all secret ways, drifts, and molestations possible, to drive him either to mislike of our religion, or else to incur the suspicion thereof, with such of our Realm, as otherwise would be his best friends: or if not this, yet for very need and fear of his own life, to make recourse to such other Princes abroad, as may most offend or mislike this st●te.  
And for this cause, they suborn certain busy fellows of their own crew and faction, pertaining to the ministry of Scotland, 
The intolerable pr●ceedings of c●rt●i●●inist●rs in S●otl●nd against their ●i●g ● subornation of his enemies in Engla●●.  (but unworthy of so worthy a calling) to use such insolency towards their King and Prince, as is not only undecent, but intolerable. For he may do nothing, but they will examine and discuss the same in Pulpit. If he go but on hunting, when it pleaseth them to call him to their preaching: if he make but a dinner or supper, when, or where, or with whom they like not: if he receive but a couple of horses, or other present from his friend's or kinsmen beyond the seas: if he salute or use courteously any man, or messenger which cometh from them (as you know Princes of their nobility and courtesy are accustomed, though they come from ●heir enemies, as very often hath been seen, and highly commended in her Majesty of England:) If h●e deal familiarly with any Ambassador which liketh not them: or finally, if he do say or signify any one thing whatsoever that pleaseth not their humour, they will presently as seditious Tribunes of the people, exclaim in public; and stepping to the Pulpit where the Word of the Lord only ought to be preached, will excite the Communality to discontentation, inveighing against their Sovereign with such bitterness of speech, unreverend terms, and insolent controlements, as is not to be spoken: Now imagine what her Majesty and her grave council would do in England, if such proceedings should be used by the Clergy against them.  
No doubt (quoth I) but that such unquiet spirits should be punished in our Realm. 
Scholar.  And so I s●●d of late to their most reverend and▪ 
Sir Patri●k Ad●m on Archbish. of St. Andrew's.  worthy Prelate and Primate the Archbishop of St. Andrews, with whom it was my luck to come acquainted in London, whither he was come by his King's appointment (as he said) to treat certain affairs with our Q. and Council. And talking with him of this disorder of his ministry, he confessed the same with much grief of mind, and told me, that ●e had preached thereof before the K. himself, detesting and accusing divers heads thereof, for which cause he was become very odious to them and other of their faction, both in Scotland and England. But he said, that as he had given the reasons of his doings unto our Qu. so meaneth he shortly to do the same unto Monsieur Beza, and to the whole Church of Geneva, by sending thither the Articles of his and their doing, prote●●ing unto me that the proceedings and attempts of those factious and corrupt men was most scandalous, seditious and perilous both to the K. person, and to the realm; being sufficient indeed, to alienate wholly the young Prince from all affection to our religion, when he shall see the chief Professors thereof to behave themselves so undutifully towards him.  

Gentl. Treasons plotted against the King of Scots.  That is the thing which these men, his competitors, most desire (quoth the Gentleman) hoping thereby to procure him most evil will and danger, both at home and from England. For which cause also, they have practised so many plots and treacheries with his own subjects against him; hoping by that means to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the other, and consequently the K. in danger of destruction by his own. And in this machination, they have behaved themselves so dexterously, so covertly used the manage and contriving hereof, and so cunningly conveyed the execution of many things: as i● might, indeed, seem apparent to the young K. that the whole plot of treasons against his Realm, and Person, doth come from England, thereby to drive him into jealousy of our state, and our state of him: and all this for their own profit.  
Neither is this any new device of my Lord of Leicest to draw men for his own gain into danger and hatred with the state, under other pretences. For I could tell you divers stories and stratagems of his cunning in this kind, and the one far different from the other in device: but yet all to one end. I have a friend yet living, that was towards the old Earl of Arundel in good credit, and by that means had occasion to deal with the late Duke of Norfolk in his chiefest affairs before his troubles. This man is wont to report strange things from the Dukes own mouth, of my L. of Leicester's most treacherous dealing towards him, for gaining of his blood, as after appeared, 
Leicester's cunning device for overthrowing the D. of Norfolk  albeit the Duke when he rep●rted the same, mistrusted not so much my Lords malice therein. But the sum of all, is this in effect: that Leicester having a secret desire to pull down the said Duke, to the end that he might have no man above himself, to hinde● him in that which he most desireth; by a thousand cunning devices drew in the Duke to the cogitation of that marriage with the Queen of Scotland, which afterward was the cause or occasion of his ruin. And he behaved himself so dexterously in this drift, by setting on the Duke ●n the one side, and also by intrapping him on the other: 
The impudence of judas.  as judas himself never played his part more cunningly when he supped with his Master, and set himself so near, as he dipped his spoon in the same dish, & durst before others, ask who should betray him? meaning that night to do it himself, as he showed soon after supper, when he came as a Captain with a band of Conspirators, and with a courteous kiss● delivered his person into the hands of them, whom he well knew to thirst after his blood.  
The very like did the Earl of Leycester with the Duke of No●fo●k for the a●t of treason, though in the parties betrayed there were great difference of innocency. Namely, at one time, when her Majesty was at Basin in Hampshire, and the Duke attended there to have audience, with gre●t indifferency in himself to follow, or leave off his suit for marriage: (for that now he began to suspect, her Majesty liked not greatly thereof:) my Lord of Leycester came to him and counselled him in any case to persevere, and not to relent, 
T●e speeches of Leycester ●o the Duke of Norfolk  assuring him with many oaths and protestations, that her Majesty must and should be brought to allow thereof, whether she would or no, and that himselve would se●le th●t purpose with his blood N●i●her w●s u●to be suffered that her Majesty should have her will herein; with many other like speeches to this purpose: which the Duke repea●ed again then presently to my said friend: with often laying his hand upon his bosom and saying; I have here which ●ss●reth me sufficiently of t●e fidelity of my Lord of Leycester; 
Leycest. cozenage of t●e Queen.  meaning not only the foresaid speeches, bu● also divers letter's which he had written to the Duke of that effect, as likewise he had done to some other person of more importance in the Realm; which matter coming afterward to 〈◊〉, he cozened most notably h●r Majesty, by showing her a reformed copy of the said Letter, for the Letter itself.  
But now how well he performed his promise, in dealing with her Majesty for the Duke or against the Duke in this matter, her Highness can best tell, and the event itself showed. For the Duke being admitted soon after to her Majesty's speech at another place, and receiving a far other answer than he had in hop● conceived upon Leicester's promises, retired himself to London, 
The Duke of Norfolk flying into Norfolk  where the same night following he received Letters both from Leycester, and Sir Nicholas Thregmorton, upon Leicester's instigation (for they w●re at that time both friends and of a f●ction) that he should presently fly into Norfolk, ●s he did, which was the last and final compliment of all L●ycest. former devices, whereby to pl●nge his friend over the ears in su●pi●ion and disgrace, in such sort as he should never be able to d●●w himself out of the ditch again, as indeed he was not, but died in the same.  
And herein you see also the same subtle and Machivilian slight, which I mentioned b●fore, 
Machivilian slights  of driving men to attempt somewhat, whereby they may incur danger, or remain in perpetual suspicion or disgrace. And this practice h● hath long used, and doth daily, against such as he hath will to destroy. As for example, what say you to the device he had of late, to entrap his well deserving friend, Sir Christopher Hatton, 
Leicester's devices for the overthrow of Sir Christopher Hatton.  in the matter of Hall his Priest, whom he would have had Sir Christopher to send away and hide, being touched and detected in the case of Ardent, thereby to have drawn in Sir Christopher himself, as Sir Charles Candish can well declare, if it please him, being accessary to this plot, for the overthrow of Sir Christopher: To which intent, and most devilish drift, pertained (I doubt not) if the matter were duly examined, the late interception of letters in Paris from one Aldred of Lions, then in Rome, to Henr. umpton, servant to Sir Christopher, in which letters, Sir Christopher is reported to be of such credit and special favour in Rome, as if he were the greatest Papist in England.  
What meaneth also these pernicious late dealings against the Earl of Shrewsburie, 
Leicester's devices against the Earl of Shrewsbury.  a man of the most ancient and worthiest Nobility of our Realm? what mean the practices with his nearest both in bed and blood against him? what mean those most false and slanderous rumours cast abroad of late of his disloyal demeanours towards her Majesty and his country, with the great prisoner committed to his charge? is all this to any other end, but only to drive him to some impatience, and thereby to commit or say something which may open the gate unto his ruin? Divers other things could I recite of his behaviour towards other noble men of the Realm, who live abroad in their countries much injured and malcontented by his insolency: 
Leyceste●s contempt of the ancient Nobility of England.  albeit in respect of his present power they dare not complain. And surely, it is strange to see how little account he maketh of all the ancient nobility of our Realm: how he contemneth, derideth and debaseth them; which is the fashion of all such as mean to usurp, to the end they may have none who shall not acknowledge their first beginning and advancement from themselves.  
Not only usurpers (quoth the Lawyer) but all others who rise and mount aloft from base lineage, 
Lawyer.  be ordinarily most contemptuous, contumultuous, and insolent against others of more antiquity And this was evident in this man's father, who being a Buck of the first head (as you know) was intolerable in contempt of others: 
New men most contemptuous.  as appeareth by those whom he trod down of the Nobility in his time: as also by his ordinary jests against the Duke of Somerset and others. But among other times, sitting one day at his own table (as a Counsellor told me that was present) he took occasion to talk of the Earl of Arundel, 
D. Dudlies jest at the Earl of Arundel.  whom he had then not only removed from the Counsel, but also put into the Tower of London, being (as is well known) the first and chiefest Earl of the Realm. And for that the said Earl showed himself somewhat sad and afflicted with his present state (as I marvel not, seeing himself in prison, and within the compass of so fierce a Bear's paws) it pleased this goodly Duke to vaunt upon this Earl's misery, at his own Table (as I have said) and asked the noble men and gentlemen there present, what Crest or Cognizance my L. of Arundel did give? and when every one answered, that he gave the white horse: I thought so (quoth the Duke) and not without great cause; for as the white Paulfrey when he standeth in the stable, and is well provendred, is proud and fierce, and ready to leap on every other horses back, still neighing, and prancing, and troubling all that stand about him: but when he is once out of his hot stable, and deprived a little of his case and fat feeding, every boy may ride and master him at his pleasure: so is it (quoth he) with my Lord of Arundel. Whereat many marvelled that were present, to hear so insolent speech pass from a man of judgement, against a Peer of the Realm cast into calamity.  
But you would more have marvelled (quoth the Gentleman) if you had seen that which I did afterward, 
Gentl.  which was the most base and abject behaviour of the same Duke to the same Earl of Arundel at Cambridge, and upon the way towards London: 
The oft abject behaviour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortunes.  when this Earl was sent to apprehend and bring him up, as prisoner. If I should tell you how he fell down on his knees, how he wept, how he besought the said Earl to be a good Lord unto him, whom a little before he had so much contemned and reproached, you would have said that himself might as well be compared to this his white Paulfrey, as the other: Albeit in this I will excuse neither of them both, neither almost any of these great men who are so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune, as they are easily led to contemn any man, albeit themselves be most contemptible of all others, whensoever their fortune beginneth to change: and so will my L. of Leicester be, also no doubt at that day, though now in his wealth he triumph over all, and careth not whom, 
Scholar.  or how many he offend and injure.  
Sir, therein I believe you quoth I) for we have had sufficient trial already of my Lord's fortitude in adversity. 
Leicester's base behaviour in adversity.  His base and abject behaviour in his last disgrace about his marriage, well declared what he would do in a matter of more importance His fawning and flattering of them, whom he hated most: his servile speeches, his feigned and dissembled tears, are all very well known: 
Leyc●ste●s deceiving of Sir Chr●stopher Hatton.  Then Sir Christopher Hatton must needs be enforced to receive at his hands the honourable and great office of Chamberlainship of Chester, for that he would by any means re●gne the same unto him, whether he would or no: and made him provide (not without his charge) to receive the same, though his Lordship never meant it, as after well appeared. For that the present pang being past, it liked my Lord to fulfil the Italian Proverb, of such as in dangers make vows to Saints: Scampato il pericolo▪ gabbato il santo, the danger escaped, the Saint is deceived.  
Then, and in that necessity, no men of the Realm were so much honoured commended, & served by him as the noble Chamberlain deceased, and the good Lord Treasurer yet living: 
A pretty shift of my Lord of Leycester.  to whom, at a certain time, he wrote a letter in all fraud and base dissimulation, and caused the same to be delivered with great cunning in the sight of her Majesty; and yet so, as to show a purpose that it should not be seen. to the end, her Highness might rather take occasion to call for the same and read it, as she did. For Mistress Francis H●ward (to whom the stratagem was committed) playing her part dexterously, offered to deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer, near the do●re of the withdrawing Chamber, he then coming from her Majesty: And to draw the eye and attention of her Highness the more unto i●, she let fall the paper, before it touched the treasurers hand, and by that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same: Which after she had read and considered the stile, together with the metal and constitution of him that wrote it, and to whom it was lent, 
Her Majesty's speech of Leycest●r to the T●e●su●e●.  her Highness could not but break forth in laughter, with detestation of such absurd and abject dissimulation: saying unto my Lord Treasurer there present: my Lord believe him not. for if he had you in like case, he would play the Bear with you, though at this present he fawn upon you never so fast.  
But now Sir, I pray you go forward in your speech of Scotland, for there I remember you left off, when by occasion we fell into these digressions.  

Gentl.  Well then (quoth the Gentleman) to return again to Scotland (as you move) from whence we have digressed: most certain and evident it is to all the world, that all the broils, troubles, and dangers procured to the Prince in that country, as also the vexations of them, who any way are thought to favour that title in our own Realm, 
The danger of her Majesty by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title.  do proceed from the drift and complot of these conspirators. Which besides the great dangers mentioned before, both domestical and foreign, temporal, and of religion, must needs infer great jeopardy also to her Majesty's person and present reign, that now governeth, through the hope and heat of the aspir●rs ambition, inflamed and increased so much the more by the nearness of their desired prey.  
For as soldiers entered into the hope of a rich and well furnished City, are more fierce and furious, when they have gotten and beaten down the Bulwarks round about: 
A Simile true.  and as the greedy Burglarer that hath pierced and broken down man wa●ls to come to a treasure, is less patient of stay, stop, and delay, when he cometh in sight of ●hat which he desireth, or perceiveth only some partition of wane skot or the like betwixt his fingers, and the coffers or money bags: so the●e men wh●n they shall see the succession of Scotland extinguished, together with all friends and favourers thereof, (which now are to her Majesty as Bulwarks and walls, and great obstacles to the aspirors) and when they shall see only her Majesties' life and person, to stand betwixt them and their fiery desires (for they make little account of all other Competitors by King H●nries line:) no doubt but it will be to them a great prick and spur to dispatch Her Majesty also: the nature of both Earls being well considered, 
Earl of Leycester.  whereof the one killed his own wife, (as hath been showed before) only upon a little vain hope of marriage with a Queen, and the other being so far blinded and borne away with the same furious fume, 
Earl of Huntingdon.  & most impotent itching humour of ambition, as his own mother, when she was alive, seemed greatly to fear his fingers, if once the matter should come so near, as her life had only stood in his way. For which cause, the good old Countess was wont to pray God (as I have heard divers say) that she might die before her Majesty (which happily was granted unto her) to the en● that by standing in her son's way (who she saw to her grief, furiously bend to wear a Crown: 
The old Countess of Huntington's speech of h●r son. ) there might not some dangerous extremity grow to her by that nearness: And if his own mother feared this mischance, wh●t may her Majesty doubt at his, & his companions han●s, when she only shall be the obstacle of all their unbridled and impatient de●res?  
Clear it is (quoth the Lawyer) that the nearness of aspirors to the ●●owne, 

Lawyer.  
Nea●enesse in competitors doth incite th●m to adventure.  
Henr. Bullingb●ook after King H. the 4   endangereth greatly the present possessors, as you have well proved by reason, and I could show by divers examples, if it were need. For when Henry Bullingbrooke, Duke of Lancaster, saw not only Richard the second to be without issue, but also Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, that should have succeeded in the Crown, to be slain in Ireland: though before (as is thought) he meant not to usurp, yet seeing the possibility and near cut that he had, was invited therewith to lay hands of his Sovereign's blond and dignity as he did. 
Richard Duke of Gloucester after King Richard the third.  The like is thought of Richard, Duke of Gloucester, that he n●ver meant the murder of his nephews, until he saw their father dead, and themselves in his own hands; his brother also Duke of Clarence dispatched, and his only son and heir ●arle of Warwick within his own power.  
Wherefore seeing that it hath not pleased Almighty God, for causes to himself best known, to leave unto this noble Realm, any issue by her most excellent Majesty, it hath been a point of great wisdom in mine opinion, 
The great wisdom of her Majesty in conserving the next heirs of Scotland.  and of great safety to her Highness' person, state, & dignity, to preserve hitherto the line of the next Inheritors by the house of Scotland, (I mean both the mother and the son) whose deaths hath been so diligently sought by the other Competitors and had been long ere this achieved, if her Majesties own wisdom, and royal clemency (as is thought) had not placed special eye upon the conservation thereof, from time to time. Which Princely providence, so long as it shal● endure, must needs be a great safety and fortress to her Majesty, not only against the claims, aides, or annoyance of foreign Princes, wh● will not be so forward to advance strange titles while so manifest heirs remain at home, nor ye● so willing (in respect of policy) to ●elpe tha● line to possession of the whole Island: but also against practices of domestical aspirers (as yo● have showed) in whose affairs no doubt but these two branches of Sc●tland are great b●ocks, as also special bulwarks to her Majesty's life and person: seeing (as you say) these copartners make so little account of the other of that line, who should ensue by order of succession.  
Marry yet of the two, 
The K. of Scotland's destruction of more importance to the conspirators, than his mothers  I think the youth of Scotland be of much more importance for their purpose, to be made away, both for that he may have issue, and is like in time to be of more ability, for defence of his own inheritance: as also for that he being once dispatched, his mother should soon ensue by one slight or other, which they would devise unwitting to her Majesty: albeit, I must needs confess that her Highness hath used most singular prudence for prevention thereof, in placing her restraint with so noble, strong, 
The Earl of Salisbury disgraced by the competitors.  and worthy a Peer of our Realm, as the Earl of Shrewsburie is, whose fidelity and constancy being nothing pliable to the others faction, giveth them little contentation. And for that cause the world seeth how many sundry and divers devices they have used, and do use daily to slander and disgrace him, and thereby to pull from him his charge committed  
To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all, 
Gentl.  but stood st●ll musing with himself, as though he had conceived some deep matter in his head ● and after a little pause he began to say as followeth  
I cannot truly but much marvel, 
T●e vigilant eye that her Majesty's 〈◊〉 h●d to the colaterall li●e.  when I do compare some things of this time and government, with the doings of former Princes, Progenitors to her Majesty. Namely of Henry the 7. and Henry the 8. who had so vigilant an eye to the lateral line of King Edward the 4. by his brother of Clarence, as they thought it necessary, not only to prevent all evident dangers that might ensue that way, but even the possibilities of all peril: as may well appear by the execution of Ed. Earl of Warwick before named Son and heir to the said Duke of Clarence, and of Ma●ga●et his sister Countess of Salisbury, with the Lord Henry Montague her son, by whose Daughter the Earl of Huntingdon now claimeth. 
Persons executed of the h●use of Cla●ēce  All which were executed for avoiding of inconveniencies, and that at such times, when no imminent danger could be much doubted by that Line, especially by the latter. And yet now when one of the same house and Line, of more ability and ambition, than ever any of his Ancestors were, maketh open title and claim to the Crown, with plots, packs, and preparations to most manifest usurpation, against all order, all law, and all rightful succession: and against a special statute provided in that behalf: yet is he permitted, bo●ne out, favoured, and friended therein: and no man so hardy, as in defe●c●●f her Majesty and the Realm to contr●●le hi● for the same.  
It may be that her Majesty is brought into the same opinion of my Lord of Huntington's fidelity, 
The example of julius Caesa●s destruction.  as julius Caesar was of Marcus Brutus, his dearest obliged friend: of whose ambitious practices, and aspiring, when Caesar was advertised by his careful friends; he answered, that he well knew Brutus to be ambitious, but I am sure (quoth he that my Brutu● will never attempt any thing for the Empire while Caesar liveth: ●nd after my death let him shift for the same among others, a● he can. But what ensued? Surely I am loath to tell the event for ominations sake, but yet all the world knoweth that ere many months passed, this most noble and ●lement Emperor was pitifully murdered ●y the same Brutus and his partners in the public Senate, when least of all he expected such treason. So dangerous a thing it is to be secure in a matter of so great sequel, or to trust them with a man's life, who may pretend preferment or interest by his death.  
Wherefore, would God her Majesty in this case might be induced to have such due care and regard of her own estate and royal person, as the weighty moment of the matter requireth: which containeth the bliss and calamity of so noble and worthy a kingdom as this.  
I know right well, 
Too much confidence very perilous in a Prince.  that most excellent natures are always furthest off from diffidence in such people as proves love, and are most bounden by duty: and so it is evident in her Majesty. But yet surely, this confidence so commendable in other men, is scarce allowable oftentimes in the person of a Prince: for that it goeth accompanied with so great peril. as is inevitable to him that will not suspect principally when dangers are foretold or presaged, (as commonly by God's appointment they are, f●r the special hand he holdeth over Prince's affairs) or when there is probable conjecture, or just surmise of the same.  
We know that the forenamed Emperor Caesar, had not only the warning given him of the inclination and intent of Brutus to usurpation, but even the very day when he was going towards the place of his appointed destiny, there was given up into his hands a detection of the whole treason, with request to read the same presently, 
The example of Alexander the great, bow he was foretold his danger.  which he upon confidence omitted to do. We read also of Alexander the great, how he was not only forbidden by a learned man to enter into Babylon (whither he was then going) for that there was treason meant against him in the place, but also that he was foretold of Antipater's mischievous meaning against him ●n particular. Bu● the young Prince h●ving so well deserved of Antipat●r, could not b● brought to mistrust the man that was so dea●e unto him: and by that means was poisoned in a banquet by three sons of Antipater, which were of most credit and confidence in the King's Chamber.  
Here, truly, my heart did somewhat tremble with fear, 
Scholar.  horror, and detestation of such events. And I said unto the Gentlem●n: I beseech you Sir, to talk no more of these matters; for I cannot well abide to hear them named: hoping in the Lord th●t there is no c●use, nor ever sh●ll be, to doubt the like in England: especially from th●se m●n, who are so much bound to her Majesty, 
L●te executions.  and so forward in seeking out, and pursuing all such a● may be t●ought to be d●ngerous to her Majesty's pe●son, as by the ●und●y late executions we have have se●n, and by the punishments every way of Papists we m●y perceive.  
Truth it is (quoth the Gentlem●n) that justice hath been done upon divers of late, 
Gentl.  which contenteth me greatly, for the terror and restraint of others, of what sect or religion so●ver they be: And it is most necessary (doubtless) for the compressing of pa●ti●s, that gre●t vigilance be used in tha● behalf. But when I consider, that only one kind of men are touched he●ein: and that all speech, regard, doubt, distrust, ●nd watch is of them alone; without reflection of eye upon other men's doings or designments: when I see the double diligence and vehemency of c●rtaine instruments, which I like not, bent wholly to raise wonder and admiration of the people fear, terror, and attention to the d●in●s, sayings, and meanings of one part or ●action alone, and of that namely and only which these conspirators esteem for most dangerous and opposite to themselves: 

Fraud to be feared in pursuing one part or faction only.  
The comparison of Wolves and Rebels.   I am (believe me) often tempted to suspect fraud and false measure: and that these men deal, as wolves by nature in other Countries are wont to do: Which going together in great numbers to assail a flock of sheep by night, do set some one or two of their company upon the wind side of the fold a far off, who parley by their scent and o●her bruteling, which of purpose they make, may draw the dogs and shepherds to pursue them alone, whiles the other do enter and slay the whole flock. Or as rebels that meaning to surprise a Town, to turn away the Inhabitants from considering of the danger, and from defence of that place, where they intent to enter, do set on fire some other parts of the Town further off, and do sound a false alarm at some gate, where is meant least danger.  
Which art was used cunningly by Richard D. of York in the time of King Henry the sixth, 
Richard Duke of York.  when he to cover his own intent, brought all the Realm in doubt of the doings of Edmond Duke of Somerset, his enemy. 
D. Dudley.  But john of Northamberland, father to my Lord of Leycester, used the same art much more skilfully, when he put all England in a maze and musing of the Protector, and of his friends: as though nothing could be safe about the young King, until they were suppressed: and consequently, all brought into his own authority, without obstacle. 
A good rule of policy.  I speak not this to excuse Papists, or to wish them any way spared wherein they offend: but only to signify that in a Country, where so potent factions be, it is not safe, to suffer the one to make itself so puissant by pursuit of the other: as afterwards the Prince must remain at the devotion of the stronger: but rather as in a body molested and troubled with contrary humours, if all cannot be purged, the best Physic is without all doubt to reduce and hold them at such an equality, as destruction may not be feared of the predominant.  
To this said the Lawyer laughing, yea marry Sir, I would to God your opinion might prevail in this matter; for than should we be in other terms then now we are. I was, not long since, in company of a cetaine honourable Lady of the Court, who, after some speech passed by Gentlemen that were present, of some apprehended, and some executed, and such like affairs, broke into a great complaint of the present time, and therewith (I assure you) moved all the hearers to grief (as women you know are potent in stirring of affections) and caused them all to wish that her Majesty had been nigh to have heard her words.  

The speech of a certain Lady of the Court.  I do well remember (quoth she) the first dozen years of her Highness' reign, how happy, pleasant and quiet they were, with all manner of comfort and consolation. There was no mention then of f●ctions in religion, neither was any man much noted or rejected for that cause: so otherwise his conversation were civil and courteous. No suspicion of treason, no talk of bloodshed, no complaint of troubles, miseries, or vexations, All was peace, all was love, all was joy, all was delight. Her Majesty (I am sure) took more Recreation at that time in one day, than she doth now in a whole week: and we that served her Highness, enjoyed more contentation in a week, than we can now in divers years. For now, there are so many suspicions every where, for this thing, and for that, as we cannot tell whom to trust. So m●ny melancholic in the Court, that seem male-contented, so many complaining or suing for their friends that are in trouble: others slip over the Sea, or retire themselves upon the sudden: so many tales brought us of this or that danger; of this man suspected, of that man sent for up, and such l●ke unpleasant, ●nd unsavoury stuff; as we can never almost be merry one whole day together.  
Wherefore (quoth this Lady) we that are of her Majesty's train and special service, and do not only feel these things in ourselves, but much more in the grief of her most excellent Majesty whom we see daily molested herewith (being one of the best natures, I am sure, that ever noble Princess was endued withal:) we cannot but moan, 
More moderation wished in matters of faction.  to behold contentions advanced so far forth as they are: and we could wish most heartily that for the time to come these matters might pass with such peace, friendship, and tranquillity, as they do in other Countries, where difference in religion breaketh not the band of good fellowship. or fidelity. And with this in a smiling manner she broke off, ask pardon of the company, if she had spoken her opinion over boldly, like a woman.  
To whom answered a Courtier that fate next her: Madam, 
The speech of a Courtier.  your Ladyship hath said nothing in this behalf, that is not daily debated amongst us, in our common speech in Court as you know. Your desire also he●ein is a public desire, if it might be brought to p●ss●: for there is no man so simple, that seeth not how perilous these contentions and divisions among us may be in the end. And I have heard divers Gentlemen that be lea●●●d, discourse at large upon this argument: alleging old examples of the Athenians, Lacedæmonians Carthigenians, 
The peril of divisions & factions in a Commonwealth  and Romans, who received notable damages, and destruction also in the end, by their divisions and factions among themselves, and sp●cially from them of their own Cities and Countries, who upon factions lived abroad with Foreigners: and thereby were always as firebrands, to carry home the flame of War upon their Country.  
The like they also showed by th● long experience of all the great Cities and States of Italy: which by their factions and forucites, were in continual garboil, bloodshed and misery. Whereof our own country hath also tasted her part, by the odious contention between the houses of Lancaster and York: wherein it is marvelous to consider, what trouble a few men oftentimes, departing out of the Realm, were able to work by the part of their f●ction remaining at home (which commonly increaseth toward them that are absent) & by the readiness of forlain Princes, to receive always, and comfort such as are discontented in another state: to the end, that by their means, th●y might hold an Ore in their neighbour's boat: Which Princes that a●e n●gh borderers, do always above all other things most covet and desire.  
This was that Courtier's speech and reason, whereby I perceived, 
The dangerous sequel of dissension in our Realm.  that aswell among th●m in Cou●t, as among us in the Realm and Country abroad, the present i● convenience and dangerous sequel of this our home distension, is espied, and consequently most English hearts inclined to wish the remedy or prevention thereof, by some reasonable moderation, or reunion among ourselves. For that the prosecution of these differences to extremity, cannot but after many wounds and exulcerations bring matters finally to rage, fury, and most deadly desperation.  
Whereas on the other side, if any sweet qualification, or small toleration among us were admitted: there is no doubt, but that affairs would pass in our Realm with more quietness, safety and public weal of the same, than it is like it will do long: and men would easily be brought, that have English bowels, to join in the preservation of their Country from ruin, bloodshed, and foreign oppression, which desperation of factions is wont to procure.  
I am of your opinion (quoth the Gentleman) in that, for I have seen the experience thereof, 
Gentl.  and all the world beholdeth the same at this day, in all the Countries of Germany, Polonia, Boe●land, 
Examples of toleration in matters of religion.  and Hungary: where a little bearing of the one with the other, hath wrought them much ease, and continued them a peace, whereof all Europe besides hath admiration and envy. The first 12 years also of her Majesty's reign, whereof your Lady of the Court discoursed of before, 
Germany.  can well be a witness of the same: wherein the commiseration and lenity that was used towards those of the weaker sort, with a certain sweet diligence for their gaining, by good means was the cause of much peace, contentation, and other benefit to the whole body.  
We see in France, that by over much pressing of one part only, 
The breach & reunion again in France.  a fi●e was enkindled not many years since, like to have consumed and destroyed the whole: had not a necessary mollification been thought upon by the wisest of that King's Council full contrary to the will and inclination of som● great personages, who meant perhaps to have gained more by the other: and since that time we see what peace, wealth, and reunion hath ensued in that Country that was so broken, dissevered, and wasted before. And all this, by yielding a little in that thing, which no force can master, but exulcerate rather, and make worse: I mean the conscience and judgement of men in matters of Religion.  
The like also I could name you in Flanders, 
Flanders.  where after all these broils and miseries of so many years' wars (caused principally by too much straining in such affairs at the beginning) albeit the King be never so strict-laced, in yielding to public liberty, and free exercise on both parts: yet is he descended to this at length (and that upon force of reason) to abstain from the pursuit and search of men's consciences, not only in the towns, which upon composition he receiveth, but also where he hath recovered by force, as in Torney, and other places: where I am informed that no man is searched, demanded, or molested for his opinion or conscience, nor any act of Papistry or contrary religion required at their hands, but are permitted to live quietly to God and themselves, at home in their own houses: so they perform otherwise their outward obedience and duties to their Prince and Country. Which only qualification, tolerance, and moderation in our Realm (if I be not deceived, with many more ●hat be of my opinion) woul● content all divisions, factions, and parties among us, for their continuance in peace: be they Papists, Puritans, Familians: or of whatsoever nice difference or section besides, and would be sufficient to retain all parties within a temperate obedience to the Magistrate and government, for conservation of their Country: which were of no small importance to the contentation of her Majesty, and the weal public of the whole kingdom.  
But what should I talk of this thing which is so contrary to the desires and designments of our puissant Conspirators? 

Moderation impugned by the conspira.  
Cicero. Catiline.   What should Cicero the Senator use persuasions to Captain Catiline, and his crew, that quietness and order were better than hurliburlies? Is it possible that our aspirors will ever permit any such thing, cause, or matter, to be treated in our state, as may tend to the stability of her Majesty's present government? No surely, it standeth nothing with their wisdom or policy, especially at this instant, when they have such opportunity of following their own actions in Her Majesty's name, under the vizard and pretext of her defence and safety: having sowed in every man's head so many imaginations of the dangers present both abroad and at home: from Scotland, Flanders, Spain, and Ireland: so man conspiracies, 
The Conspirators opportunity.  so many intended murders, and others so many contrived or conceived mischiefs: as my Lord of Leicester assureth himself that the troubled water cannot be cleared again in short space, nor his baits and lines laid therein, easily espied: but rather, that hereby, ere long, he will catch the fish he gapeth so greedily after: and in the mean time, for the pursuit of these crimes, and other ●hat he daily will find out, himself must remain perpetual Dictator.  
But what meaneth this so much inculcating of troubles, treasons, murders, and invasions? I like not surely these ominous speeches. And as I am out of doubt, that Leicester the caster of these shadows, doth look to play his part first in these troublesome affairs: so do I heartily fear, that unless the tyranny of this Leicestrian fury be speedily stopped, that such misery to Prince and people (which the Lord for his mercy's sake turn from us) as never greater fell before to our miserable Country, is far nearer hand than is expected or suspected.  
And therefore for the prevention of these calamities, to tell you plainly mine opinion (good Sirs) and therewith to draw to an end of this our conference (for it waxeth late: 
Leycester to be called to account. ) I would think it the most necessary point of all for her Majesty to call his Lordship to account among other, and to see what other men could say against him, at length, after so m●ny years of his sole accusing, and pursuing of others. I know, and am very well assured, that no one act which her Majesty hath done since her coming to the Crown (as she hath done right many most highly to be commended) nor any that lightly her Majesty may do hereafter, can be of more utility to Herself, and to the Realm, or, more grateful to her faithful and zealous subjects than this noble act of justice would be, for trial of this man's deserts towards his Country.  
I say it would be profitable to her Majesty, and to the Realm, no● only in respect of the many dangers before mentioned, hereby to be avoided, which are like to ensue most certainly, if his courses be still permitted: but also for that her Majesty shall by this, deliver Herself from that general grudge and grief of mind, with great dislike, which many subjects, otherwise most faithful, have conceived against the excessive favour showed to this man so many years, without desert or reason. Which favour he having used to the hurt, annoyance, and oppression both of infinite several persons, and the whole commonwealth (as hath been said:) the grief and resentment thereof, doth redound commonly in such cases not only upon the person delinquent alone, but also upon the Sovereign, by whose favour & authority he offers such injuries, though never so much against the others intent, desire or meaning.  
And hereof we have examples of sundry Princes, in all ages and Countries, whose exorbitant favour to some wicked subject that abused the same, hath been the cause of great d●nger and ruin; the sins of the favourite being returned and revenged upon the favourer. As in the History of the Grecians is declared, by occasion of the pitiful murder of that wise and victorious P. Philip of Macedony, who albeit, 
The death K Philip of Macedon, and cause there of.  that he were well assured to have given no offence of himself to any of his subjects, & consequently feared nothing, but conversed openly and confidently among them: yet, for that he had favoured too much one ●uke Attalus, a proud ●nd insolent Courtier, and had born him out in certain of his wickedness, or at least not punished the same after it was detected and complained upon: the parties grieved accounting the crime more proper▪ and heinous on the part of him, who by office should do justice, & protect other, than of ●he perpetrator, who followeth his own passion and sensuality, let pass Attalus, & made their revenge upon the blood & life of the K himself, by one Pausanias, suborned for that purpose, 
Paus●●ias.  in ●he marriage day of the Kings own daughter.  
Great store of like examples may be repeated, ●ut of the stories of other countries, nothing being more usual or frequent among all nations, ●han the afflictions of realms and kingdoms, and the overthrow of Princes and great Potentates themselves, by their too much affection towards some unworthy particular persons: a thing in deed so common and ordinary, as it may wel● seem to be the special Rock of all other, whereat Kings & Princes do make their shipwrecks  
For if we look into the states and Monarchy all Christendo●e, and consider the ruins tha● have been of any Princes or Ruler within the same: we shall find this point to have been a great and principal part of the cause thereof and in our own state and country, the matte● is too evident. 
Kings of England overthrown by too much favouring of some particular men.  For whereas since the Conquest we number principally, three just and lawful Kings, to have come to confusion, by alienation of their subjects: that is, Edward the secon● R●ch. the second, and Henry the sixth: this only point of too much favour towards wicked persons, was the chiefest cause of destruction in a thre●. As in the first, the excessive favour towards Peter Gaveston, and two of the Spencer▪ In the second, 
K. Edw. 2  the like extraordinary, and indicreet affection towards Robert Vere, Eurle o● Oxford, 
K R●ch. 2.  and marquis of Dublin, and Thom●● Mowbray, two most turbulent and wicked me● t●at set the K. against his own Uncles & the nobility. In the third (being a simple and ho●● man) albeit no great exorbitant affection w●● seen towards any, 
K. Henr. 6.  yet his wife Queen Marg●rets too much favour and credit (by him n● controlled, towards the marquis of Suffolk● that after was made Duke, by whose instinct and wicked Counsel, she made away first t●● noble Duke of Gloucester, and afterward committed other things in great prejudice of t●● Realm, and suffered the said most impious a●● sinful Duke to range and make havoc of all sort of subjects at his pleasure (much after the fashion of the Earl of Leicester now, though yet not in so high an● extreme a degree: (this I say was the principal and original cause, both before Go● and man, 
Pol. lib. 23 hist. Angl.  (as Polidore well noteth) of all the calamity and extreme desolation, which after ensued both to the King, Queen, and their only child, with the utter extirpation of their family.  
And so likewise now to speak in our particular case, if there be any grudge or grief at this day, any mislike, repining, complaint or murmur against her Majesty's government, in the hearts of her true and faithful subjects, who wish amendment of that which is amiss, and not the overthrow of that which is well: (as I trow it were no wisdom to imagine there were none at all:) I dare avouch upon Conscience, that either all, or the greatest part thereof, proceedeth from this man; who by the favour of her Majesty so afflicteth her people as never did before him, either Gaveston, Spencer, Fere, or Mowbray or any other mischievous ●irant, that abused most his Prince's ●avour within our Realm of England Whereby it is evident how profitable a thing it should be to the whole Realm, how honourable to her Majesty, and how grateful to all her subjects, if this man at length might be called to his account.  
Si● (quoth the Lawyer) you allege great reason, 
Lawyer.  and verily I am of opinion, that if her Majesty knew but the tenth part of this, which you have here spo●en, as also her good subjects desires and complaint in this behalf: she would well show, that her Highness feareth not to permit justice to pass upon Leicester, or any other within her Realm, for satisfaction of her people, whatsoever some men may think and report to the contrary, or howsoever otherwise of her own mild disposition towards the person, she have borne with him hitherto. For so we see that wise Princes can do at times convenient, for peace and tranquillity, and public weal: though contrary to their own particular and peculiar inclination.  
As to go no further then to the last example named and alleged by yourself before: though Queen Margaret the wife of K Henry the sixth, had favoured most unfortunately many years together, 
The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk.  W●ll●am Duke of Suffolk (as hath been said) whereby he committed manifold outrages, and afflicted the Realm by sundry means: yet she being a woman of great prudence, when she saw the whole Communality demand justice upon him for his demerits, albeit she liked and loved the man still: yet for satisfaction of the people, upon so general a complaint, she was content first to commit him to prison, and afterward to banish him the Realm: but the providence of God would not permit him so to escape: for that he being encountered and taken upon the sea in his passage, he was beheaded in the ship, and so received some part of condign punishment for his most wicked, loose, and licentious life.  
And to seek no more examples in this case, & we know into what favour and special grace Sir Edmond Dudley, my Lord of Leicester's good Grandfather was crept, with King Henry the seventh, in the latter end of his reign: and what intolerable wickedness and mischief he wrought against the whole Realm, and against infinite particular persons of the same, by the polings and oppressions which he practised: whereby though the King received great temporal commodity at that rhyme, 
The punishment of Edmond Dudley.  (as her Majesty doth nothing at all by the present extortions of his Nephew:) yet for justice sake, and for mere compassion towards his afflicted subjects, that complained grievously of this iniquity: that most virtuous and wise Prince King Henry was content to put from him this lewd instrument, and devilish suggestor of new exactions: whom his son Henry that ensued in the Crown, caused presently before all other business, to be called publicly to account, and for his deserts to lose his head: So as where the interest of a whole Realm, or common cause of many, taketh place: the private favour of any one cannot stay a wise & godly Prince, (such as all the world knoweth her Majesty to be) from permitting justice to have her free passage.  
Truly it should not (quoth the Gentleman) for to that end were Princes first elected, 

Gentl.  
The causes why Princes are chosen, and do receive obedience.   and upon that consideration do subjects both pay them tribute and obedience; to be defended by them from injuries and oppressions, and to see laws executed, and justice exercised, upon and towards all men with indifferency. And as for our particular case of my Lord of Leycester, I do not see in right and equity how her Majesty may deny this lawful desire and petition of her people. For if her highness do permit and command the Laws daily to pass upon thiefs and murderers without exception, and that for one fact only, as by experience we see; how then can it be den●ed in this m●n, who in both kinds hath committed more enormous acts, then may be well recounted.  

Leicester's Thefts.  As in the first, of theft, not only by spoiling and oppressing almost infinite private men: but also whole Towns, Villages, Corporations, and Countries, by robbing the Realm with inordinate licences, by deceiving the Crown with racking, changing and imbezeling than Lands, by abusing his Prince atd Sovereign in selling his favour both at home and abroad▪ with taking bribes for matter of justice, grace, request, supplication, or whatsoever sure else may depend upon the Court, or of the Prince's authority: with se●ting at sale, and making open market of whatsoever her Majesty can give, do, or procure, be it spiritual or temp●rall. In which sort of traffic he committeth more theft oftentimes in one day than all the way-keepers, cutpurses, conseners, pirates, burglares, or other of that art in a whole year, within the Realm  
And as for the second, which is murder, you have heard before somewhat said and proved: 
Leicester's murders.  but yet nothing to that which is thought to have been in secret committed upon divers occasions at divers times, in sundry persons, of different calling in both sexes, by most variable means of killing, poisoning, charming, enchanting, conjuring, and the like, according to the diversity of men, places, opportunities, and instruments for the same. By all which means, I think he hath more blood lying upon his head at this day, crying vengeance against him at God's hands, & her Majesty, than ever had private man in our Country ●efore, were he never so wicked.  
Wherein now, if we add his other good behaviour, as his intolerable licentiousness in all filthy kind and manner of carnality, 
A heap of Leicester's enormities that would be ready at the day of his trial.  with all sort of Wives, Friends, and Kinsewomen: if we add his injuries aod dishonours, done hereby to infinite: if we add his treasons, treacheries, and conspiracies about the Crown; his disloyal behaviour, and hatred against her Majesty, his ordinary lying, and common perjuring himself in all matters for his gain, both great and small; his rapes and most violent extortions upon the poor; his abusing of the Parliament and other places of justice, with the Nobility and whole Communality besides; if we add also his open injuries which he offereth d●yly to Religion, and the Ministers thereof, by tithing them, and turning all to his own gain; together with his manifest and known tyranny practised towards all estates abroad, throu bout all Shires of the kingdom; his despoiling of both the Universities, and discouraging of infinite notable wits there, from seeking perfection of knowledge and learning, (which otherwise were like to become notable) especially in God's word (which giveth life unto the soul,) by defrauding them of the price and reward proposed for their travail in that kind, through his insatiable Simoniacal contracts: if I say, we should lay together all these enormities before her Majesty, and thousands more in particular, which might and would be gathered, if his day of his trial were but in hope to be granted. I do not see in equity and reason, how her Highness sitting in throne, and at the royal stern, as she doth, could deny her Subjects this most lawful request; considering, that every one of th●se crimes apart, requireth justice of his own nature; and much more all together aught to obtain the same, at the hands of any good and godly Magistrate in the World.  
No doubt (quoth I but that these considerations must needs weigh much with any zealous Prince and much more with her most excellent Majesty whose tender heart towards her Realm and Subjects, 
Scholar. Her Majesty's tender heart towards the ●ealme.  is very well known of all men. It is not to be thought also but that her Highness hath intelligence of divers of ●hese matters alleged, though not perhaps of all. But what would you have her Majesty to do? perhaps the consultation of this affair, is not, what were convenient, but what is expedient: not, what ought to be done in justice, but what may be done in safety. You have described my Lord before to be a great man, strongly furnished and fortified for a ●events. What if it be not secure to bark at the Bear that is so well britched? I speak unto you, but that which I hear in Cambr●dge and other places where I have passed: where every man's opinion is, that her Majesty standeth not in free choice to do what herself best liketh in th●t case, at this day.  

Gentl. L●ycest●rs desire that men should thnike ●er Majesty? to stand in flare of him.  I know said the Gentleman) that Leicester's friends give it out every where that her Majesty now ●s their good Lords prisoner, and that she either will or mu●● be directed by him for the time to come, except she will do worse: Which thing his Lordship is well contented should be spread abroad, and believed for two causes: the one to hold the people thereby more in awe of himself, than of their sovereign: and secondly to d●aw her Majesty indeed by degrees to fear him. For considering with him●elfe what he hath done: and that it is imp●ssible in truth that ever her Majesty should love him again, or trust him a●ter so many treacheries as he well knoweth are com● to her Highness' understanding: he thinketh that he hath no way of sure standing, but by terror and opinion of his puissant greatness; whereby he would hold her Majesty and the Realm in thraldom, as his father did in his time before him. And then, for that he well remembreth the true saying, Malus custo● diuturnitatis, metus: 
Cicero in Officio.  he mu●t provide shortly, that those which fear him, be not able to hurt him: and consequently you know what must follow, by the example of K. Edward, who feared Duke Dudley extremely for that he had cut off his two Uncle's heads, 
A rule of machivel observed by the Dudlies  and the Duke took order that he should never live to revenge the same For it is a settled rule of Machiavelli, which the Dudlies do observe: That. where you have once done a great injury, there must you never forgive.  
But I will tell you (my friends) and I will tell you no untruth, 
Leycester strong only by her Majesty's favour.  for that I know what I speak herein, and am privy to the state of my Lord in this behalf, and of men's opinions and affections towards him within the Realm. Most certain it is, that he is strong by the present favour of the Prince (as hath been showed before) in respect whereof, he is admitted also as chief patron of the Huntingdon faction, though neither loved, nor greatly trusted of the same: but let her Majesty once turn her countenance aside from him in good earnest, and speak but the word only, that justice shall take place against him; ●nd I will undertake with gauging of both my life and little lands that God hath given me, that without ●●ur or trouble, or any danger in the world, the Bear shall be taken to her Majesty's hand, and fast chained to a stake, 
An offer made for taking and tying the Bear.  with mouzell, cord, collar, and ring, and all other things necessary: so that her Majesty shall ba●t him at her pleasure, without all danger of biting, breaking loose, or any other inconvenience whatsoever.  
For (Sirs) you must not think, that this man holdeth any thing abroad in the Realm but by violence, and that only upon her Majesty's favour and countenance towards him. He hath not any thing of his own, either from his ancestors, or of himself, to stay upon, in men's hearts or conceits: he hath not ancient Nobility, as other of our realm have, whereby men's affections are greatly moved. His father John Dudley was the first noble of his line; 
Leicester what he receiveth from his ancestors  who raised and made himself big by supplanting of other, and by setting debate among the Nobility: as also his grandfather Edmond, a most wicked Promoter, and wretched Petifogger, enriched himself by other men's ruins: both of them condemned Traitors, though different in quality, the one being a consener, and the other a tyrant, and both of their vices conjoined, collected, and comprised (with many more additions) in this man (or beast rather) which is Robert, the third of their kin and kind. So that from his ancestors, this Lord receiveth neither honour nor honesty, but only succession of treason and infamy.  
And yet in himself hath he much less of good, wherewith to procure himself love or credit among men, than these ancestors of his had; he being a man wholly abandoned of humane virtue, and devoted to wickedness, which maketh men edible both to God and man. In his father (no doubt) there were to be seen many excellent good parts, if they had been joined with faith, honesty, moderation and loyalty. 
The comparison of Leycester with his father.  For all the world know· that he was very wise, valiant, magnanimous, liberal, and assured friendly where he once promised: of all which virtues my Lord his son hath neither show nor shadow, but only a certain false representation of the first, being crafty and subtle to deceive, and ingenious to wickedness. For as for valour, he hath as much as hath a mouse: his magnanimity is base sordidity: his liberality rapine: his friendship plain fraud, holding only for his gain, and no otherwise, though it were bound with a thousand oaths; of which he maketh as great account, as hens do of cackling, but only for his commodity: using them specially and in gryatest number, when most he meaneth to deceive. Namely, if he swear solemnly by his George, or by the eternal God, then be sure it is a false lie: for these are observations in the Court: and sometimes in his own lodging; in like case his manner is to take up and swear by the Bible, whereby a Gentleman of good account, and one that seemeth to follow him, (as many do that like him but a little) protested to me of his knowledge, that in a very short space, he observed him wittingly and willingly to be forsworn sixteen times.  
This man therefore so contemptible by his ancestors, so audible of himself, so plunged, 
The weakness 〈◊〉 Leyces●●r if ●er Majesty turn but her counte●●ce from him.  overwhelmed and defamed in all vice, so envied in the Court, so detested in the Country, and not trusted of his own and dearest friends, nay (which I am privy to) so misliked and hated of his own servants about him, for his beastly life, nigardy, and Atheism (being never seen yet to say one private prayer within his chamber in his life) as they desire nothing in this world so much as his ruin, and that they may be the first, to lay hands upon him for revenge. This man (I say) so broken both within & without, is it possible that her Majesty and her wise Council should fear? I can never believe it, or if it be so, it is God's permission without all cause, for punishment of our sins: for that this man, if he once perceive indeed that they fear him, will handle them accordingly, and play the Bear indeed: which inconvenience I hope they will have care to prevent, and so I leave it to God, and them, craving pardon of my Lord of Leicester for my boldness, if I have been too plain with him. And so I pray you let us go to supper, for I see my servant expecting yonder at the Gallery door to call us down.  
To that, said the Lawyer, I am content with all my heart; 
Lawyer. The end and departure from the Gallery.  and I would it had been sooner, for that I am afraid, lest any by chance have overheard us here since night. For my own part, I must say, that I have not been at such a conference this seven years, nor mean to be hereafter, if I may escape well with this; whereof I am sure I shall dream this fortnight, and think oftener of my Lord of Leicester, than ever I had intended: God amend him and me both. But if ever I hear at other hands of these matters hereafter, I shall surely be quake britch, and think every bush a thief. And with that, came up the Mistress of the house to fetch us down to supper, and so all was hushed, saving that at supper a gentleman or two began again to speak of my Lord, and that so conformable to some of our former speech (as indeed it is the common talk at tables every where) that the old Lawyer beg●n to shrink and be appalled, and to cast dry looks upon the Gentleman ou● friend, doubting lest something h●d been discovered of our conference. But indeed it was not so.   

Pia et utilis Meditatio, desumpta ex libro jobi. Cap, 20.  
HOc scio a principio, ex quo positus est homo supe● terram, quod laus impiorum brevis sit, et gaudium hypocritae ad insta● puncti. Si ascenderit usque ad coelum superbia ejus, et caput ejus nubes tetigerit: quasi sterquilinium in fine perdetur, et qui eum viderant, dicent ubi est? velut somnium avolans non inv●nietur, transiet sicut visio nocturna. Oculus qui eum viderat, non videbit, neque ultra intuebitur eum locus su●s. Filii eius atterentur egestate, & manus illius reddent es laborem suum. Ossa eius implebuntur vitiis adolescentiae ejus, & cum eo in pulvere dormient. Pa●is eius in utero illius vertetur in f●l aspidum intrinsecus. Divitias quas devoravit, evomet, et de ven●re illius extrabet eas Deus. Caput aspidum surget, & occidet cum lingua viprae. Luet quae fecit omnia, nec tamen consumetur. juxta multitudinem adinventionum suarum, sic et sustinebit. Quoniā confringens nudabit pauperes: domum rapuit, & non aedificavit eam, nec est satiatas venter eius, & cum habuerit quae concupierit, possidere non poterit. Non reman sit de cibo eius, & propterea non permanebit de bonis eius. Cum satiatus fuerit, arctabitur, aestuabit, & omnis dolor irruet super eum. utinam impleatur venter eius, ut immi●tat in ●ú (Deus) i●ā fu●oris sui, & pluat super illum bellum suum. Fugiet arma ferrea, & irruet in arcum aereum. Gladius eductus & egrediens de vagina sua, & fulgurans in amaritudine sua: Omnes tenebrae absconditae sunt in occultis eius. Devorabit eum ignis qui non succenditur, affligetur relictus in tabernaculo suo. Apertum ●●it ge●men domus illius, detrabetur in de furoris dei Haecest pars bominis impii, à deo, & hereditas verborum ejus à domino.   

A Godly and profitable Meditation, taken out of the 20. Chapter of the Book of Job.  

The wicked man's pomp.  THis I know from the first, that man was placed upon earth, that the praise (or applause given to wicked men, endureth but a little, an● the joy of an hypocrite is but for a momen● Though his pride were so great as to mount t● heaven, 
His joy. His pride. His fall.  and his head should touch the skies, ye● in the end shall he come to perdition as a dunghill, and they who beheld him (in glory befor● shall say, where is he? he shall be found as a flying dream, and as a fantasy by night shall 〈◊〉 away. The eye that beheld him before, shall 〈◊〉 more see him, nor yet shall his place (of honour ever more behold him. His children shall be wor●out with beggary, 
His children. His old age  and his own hands shall return upon him his sorrow. His (ol●) bones 〈◊〉 be replenished with the vices of his youth, are they shall sleep with him in his grave. 
His bread.  His brea● in his belly sh●l be turned inwardly into the 〈◊〉 of Serpents. 
His restitution.  The riches which he hath devou●●● he shall vomit forth again, and God sh●ll 〈◊〉 them forth of his belly. He shall suck th● head 〈◊〉 Cockatrices, and the (venomous) ●ongues of add●● shall slay him▪ 
His punishment.  He shall sustain due punishment for all the wickedness that he hath committed, 〈◊〉 yet shall he have end or consummation thereo● He shall suffer according to the multitude of 〈◊〉 his wicked inventions. 
His wickedness.  For that by violence he● hath spoilt the poor, made havoc of his hou●● and not builded the same. His womb is never satisfied, & yet when he hath that which he desired, he shall not be able to possess the same. There remaineth no part of his meat (for the poor:) and therefore there shall remain nothing of his goods. 
His grief.  When his belly is full then shall he begin to be straitened, then shall he sweat, and all kind of sorrow shall rush upon him. 
His affliction.  I would his belly were once full, that God might send out upon him the rage of his fury, and rain upon him his war. He shall fly away from Iron weapons, and run upon a bow of brass. A drawn sword coming out of his scabbard shall flash as lightning in his bitterness. 
His damnation.  All darkness lie hidden for him in secret: the fire that needeth no kindling sh●ll devour him, and he shall be tormented alone in his tabernacle. 
His posterity.  The offspring of his house shall be made open, and pulled down, in the day of God's fury. This is the portion of a wicked man from God, and this is the inheritance of his substance from the Lord.  
FINIS.   

LEICESTER'S GHOST.  
Printed, Anno Dom. MDCXLI.   

LEICESTER'S GHOST.  

I That sometimes shined like the orient Sun,  
Though Fortune's subject, yet a puissant Lord,  
Am now an object to be gazed upon,  
An abject rather fit to be deplored  
Dejected now that whilom was adored:  
Affected once, suspected since of many  
Rejected now, respected scarce of any.   

My Spirit hover in the foggy air  
Since it did pass the frozen Stygian flood,  
Unto great Brit●ines Empire did repair;  
Where of ELIZA's death I understood,  
And that the heavens careful of England's good  
Raised up a King, who crowned with love's peace  
Brought in new soyes & made old griefs to cea●●   

Thus from the concave vaults of starless night  
Where neither sun nor moon vouchsafe to shire  
My wretched Ghost a● length is come to light  
By charters granted from the powers divine  
Snake-eating envy, o do not repine  
At honou●s-sh●dow, do not bite the dead,  
My pride is past, my pomp from th'earth is fle●   

My Princely birth, my high ennobled state  
My somtime-dreadfull frowns now none regard;  
My great good-turns to many done of late  
With grateful hearts, now few or none reward  
My fame is blotted out, my honour scared;  
My monuments defaced, my relics torn  
Yea, vassals do my Excellency scorn.   

Ah silly peasants, as each Greeian boy,  
Would brave stout Hector being dead and cold,  
That whilom was the pillar of old Troy,  
Whose presence living they durst scarce behold,  
Now since you see me dead you grow so bold,  
As to control my acts, whose looks did daunt  
The proudest Peers that lived in Troyn●vant.   

A time there was, when stately Bears could climb,  
And in that time, was I a stately Bear;  
Who climbed so fast and in a little time,  
That my high mounting other beasts did fear  
My fortunes, by their downfals I did rear:  
I now rejoice, whilst others I made mourn,  
And served the time to make time serve my turn.   

I was the offspring of a Princely Sire  
He too well knew by his clime-falling pride  
Like Delalus he taught me to aspire;  
We both did fly▪ he fell, I did but slide;  
Like in attempts, yet unlike chance we tried:  
He by a Queen did die, and as that chanced,  
I by a Queen did live, and was advanced.   

For Lady lane by him a Queen proclaimed  
Was soon suppressed, Queen Mary got the Crown,  
Which as her proper right she boldly claimed,  
My Father strived in vain to keep her down,  
And for that lost his life, I my renown,  
Till sacred Cynthia to the Kingdom came,  
That gave new life to my lat● dying fame.   

That Peerless Queen of happy memoty  
That late like Deborah the Kingdom swayed,  
Now triumphs in the jasper coloured sky  
With starre-embrodered vesture rich arrayed;  
She, she restored my honours then decayed  
When treason did attaint my Father's blood,  
And drowned our Princely race in Lethe's flood.   

Then jupiter was in my Horoscope  
And Cynthia blest me with her fair aspect,  
What might not then my youth and courage hope  
When me my Sovereign's favour did protect,  
O what may not a Princess grace effect  
When Majesty on hopeless men doth smile  
Whose joys did seem to perish in exile.   

Even when Queen Mary's tragic Reign did end  
My comic fortunes in their prime begun  
That tim● when Cinthia's brightness did extend  
To lighten this dark Land whose splendent Sun  
Was in Eclipse and sorrow's stream did run  
I like the glorious daystar did appea●e  
With fair uprise, to grace this Hemisphere.   

Since Brute first swayed all this united Land  
No Subject firmer held his Sovereign's grace,  
My will imperial for a Law did stand,  
Such was my Prince's pleasure, such my place,  
As Momus durst not offer me disgrace;  
What man did smile when Leister's brow did frown  
Whose wit could guide, though never get the Crown   

Whilst in this glorious Ocean I did swim  
To high preferment divers men I brought,  
Which since have fought my Honour's Lamp to dim,  
Yea such as I before advanced of nought  
Against my person treacheries have wrought,  
Thus honours do ofttimes good manners change,  
And men grown rich to ancient friends grow strange.   

I grieve to think, I did such men advance  
And raise their base lines to a stately pitch  
Under the shadow of my countenance  
The substance of the Earth did make them rich,  
What fury did their senses thus bewitch,  
Or was it some ill Spirit that possessed them?  
To seek my ruin, whose large bounty blest them.   

Thus they in vain my downfall did conspire  
Like dogs that at the Moon do fond bark  
And did but burn themselves like Aetna's fire,  
Or like grim Owls did wonder in the dark  
Contemned of me that mounted like the Lark,  
Or that rare bird that builds her nest on high  
In Cedar Trees whose tops affront the sky.   

When I commanded who durst countermand  
Were not mean subjects, subject to my beck,  
What man of worth my pleasure did withstand,  
What simple swains could do, I did not wreak  
I gave the mate to those that gave me ch●ck  
By the Queen's help and threatening looks  
I ruled the pawns, the Bishops, Knights, & Rooks.   

Thus did I play at Chess and won the g●me  
Having the queen my puissance to support,  
The Bishops for ambition did me blame  
The pawns affirmed I won by much extort  
The Rooks & Knights found draughts to ma● my sport,  
Had not some stopped me with ●h●ir timely check●,  
I might have given them che●k without their ne●k●.   

My brain had wit, my tongue was eloquent  
Fit to discourse or tell a Courtly tale  
My presence portly brave Magnificent,  
My words imperious, stout, substantial  
My gestures loving, kind, Heroical;  
My thoughts ambitious, proud, and full of i●e,  
My deeds were good or bad as times require   

Some of my foes that bore me deadly hate,  
That had to them chief Offices assigned,  
And were my fellow Consuls in the State  
●ealous still of my aspiring mind  
Gave me this praise though otherwise unkind,  
That I was wondrous politic and wise,  
A Statesman that knew how to temporise.   

Some othe●s took me for a zealous man  
Because good P●eachers I did patronise,  
And many thought me a Precisian  
But God doth know, I never was precise  
I seemed devout in godly exercise:  
And by Religions show confirmed my might  
But who dared say, I was an hypocrite.   

As Ni●ma when he fi●st did seek to draw  
The Roman people underneath his yoke,  
Touching Religion he ordained a Law  
And f●yned he with Nymph Egeria spoke  
That him to thi● good motion did provoke:  
Whereby as if it were with heaven's consent  
He brought his men to civil government.   

So when I came in h●gh affairs to deal  
Of sound Religion I did make a show  
And by pretence of hot and fervent zeal  
In wealth and faction I mo●e strong did grow  
For this by practice I did plainly know;  
That m●n are apt to yield to any motion  
Made by a m●n that is of pu●e devotion.   

Yet could I strain my Conscience for a need,  
For though I seemed an earnest Protestant  
For g●ine I favoured Papist so indeed,  
Some held me for a neuter, and I grant  
To serve my turn I would turn Puritan:  
Thus by Religion, honour some do win  
And this fai●e cloak oft covers filthy sin.   

Like as the ayre-sucking-Chamelion  
Can him transform to any hue save white;  
So men can turn to any fashion  
Save to that form which is sincere and right,  
For though he may delude the people's sight,  
It is in vain before God to dissemble  
Whose power the Divel● know, & knowing trem●●●   

Was I the only man that hath offended  
In making holiness a cloak for sin?  
The Frenchmen for religions sake pretended  
Their civil Wars of late time did begin,  
But yet ambition chiefly drew them in,  
Ye● mad ambition, and desire of gain  
Makes endless broils betwixt the States & Spain   

Of promises, I was so prodigal,  
So kind, well spoken, and so liberal,  
That to some great Divine as it might fall  
Perhaps I promised a Bishopric,  
But in performance I was nothing quick;  
Thus with fair wo●ds, men's humours oft I fed  
Whilst hope this while a good opinion bred.   

To learned Scholars I was something frank  
Not for the love that I to learning bore,  
But either to get praise or pick a thank  
Of such as could the Mus●s aid implore  
To consecrate my name for evermore;  
For he is blest that so befriended dies  
Whose praise the Mus●s will immortalize.   

You that desire to have your fame survive  
When you within your graves entombed shall lie,  
Cherish those sacred Sisters while you live  
For they be daughters of Dame memory  
Of ●he thundering Monarch of the sky:  
They have the gift to register with pen  
Th' eternal fame or infamy of men.   

The Students of the University  
Oxford whereof I was the Chancellor,  
That Nurse of science and Philosophy  
Knowing the greatness of my wit and power  
Did honour me as the fair springing flower;  
That in the Princess favour highly grew  
Whom she with showers o● gold did of bedew.   

At my command both Dee and Allen tended  
By Magic Art my pleasure to fulfil  
These to my service their best studies bended,  
And why they durst not disobey my will,  
Yea whatsoever was of secret skill  
In Oxford or in Cambridge to be sold  
I bought for love, for fear, or else for gold.   

Doubtless the most renowned Philosophers  
As Plato and Pythagoras have sought  
To learn the Hieroglyphic Characters  
And secrets which by Magic skill are wrought,  
Such as th'Egyptians, sews, and Chaldees taught:  
Th'art's not ill if men do not abuse it,  
No fault so bad, but some men will excuse it.   

Lopus and julio were my chief Physicians,  
Men that were cunning in the Art to kill  
Good Scholars but of passing ill conditions,  
Such as could rid men's lives yet no blood spill,  
Yea and with such dexterity and skill  
Could give a dram of poison that could slay  
At end of the year, the month, the week or day▪   

I never did these wicked men employ  
To wrong my Prince or my true loving friend  
But false deceitful wretches to destroy  
And bring them to an unexpected end  
Let them look to it that did most offend,  
Whose names are Registered in Pluto's scrolls,  
For I will never answer for their souls.   

Knights and Esquires the best in every shire  
Did wait on me in England up and down,  
And some among them did my Livery wear  
My smiles did seem to promise them renown,  
But dismal haps ensued when I did frown  
As when the star Arcturus doth appear  
Of raging Tempests Seamen stand in fear.   

As for the Soldiers and the men of war  
At home in service some I did retain,  
Others I sent abroad not very far  
At my commandment to return again,  
These I with cost did secretly maintain  
That if aught chanced otherwise then well,  
I might have sent my foes to heaven or hell.   

Likewise I brought the Lawyers in some awe,  
The worthy students of the Inns of court,  
That then applied them to the common Law,  
Did yield to me in matters of import,  
Although sometimes I did the Law extort,  
And whether right or wrong, my cause once heard,  
To plead against me made great Lords afeard.   

So the Lord Barkley, lost good lands by me,  
Whereof perchance at fi●st he did not dream,  
Might many times doth overcome the right,  
It is in vain to strive against the stream,  
When he that is chief subject in the Realm,  
Upon his Prince's favour rests him bold,  
He cannot or he will not be controlled.   

Thus by the Queen my puissance was upheld,  
And for my foes I ever was too strong,  
The grace I had from her all fear expelled,  
I might wrong others, but not suffer wrong,  
So many men did unto me belong,  
Which on my favour chiefly did depend,  
And for my sake both goods, and land would spend.   

The best esteemed Nobles of the land.  
On whose support the public state relied,  
Were linked with me in friendships faithful band,  
Or else in kindred nearly were allied,  
Their perfect loves and constant hearts I tried,  
The inferior sort at our devotion stood  
Ready to execute what we thought good.   

The Earl of Warwick my own loving brother  
My sister's Husband th'earl of Huntingdon,  
The bounteous Earl of Bedford was another  
Of my best friends beloved of every one  
Sir Henry Sidneys power in Wales well known▪  
And there the Earl of Pembroke chief of all  
Of kin●e my ●●iend what ever thence might fall   

In Barwic● my wife's Uncle had chief power  
The Lord of Hunsdon my assured friend,  
In Ireland the Lord Grey was Governor,  
Gernsey and jersey, likewise did depend  
Upon such men, as did my will attend:  
Hopton my man Lieutenant of the Tower  
Was prompt to do me service at an hour.   

Sir Edward Horsey in the Isle of Wight  
And noble Sir George C●●y next bore sway,  
Men of great courage and no little might  
To take my part in any doubtful fray  
In London the Recorder Fleetwood lay:  
That often used good words that might incense  
The Citizens to stand in my defence.   

The Premises did likewise take my part  
As I in private quarrels oft have tried,  
So that I had the very head and heart  
The Court and City leaning on my side,  
With flattery some, others with gifts I plyd,  
And some with threats, stern looks & angry words.  
I won to my defence with Clubs and Swords.   

Thus I by wisdom and fine poilicie,  
Maintained the reputation of my life,  
Drawing to me the flower of Chivalry  
To succour me at need in civil strife  
Men that loved change in every place were rife:  
And all the realm was with my power possessed  
Think what this might have wrought but judge the best.   

Like Claudius Marcellus drawn through Rome  
In his fair chariot which with Trophies decked,  
Crowned with Garlands by the Senate's doom,  
Whom they five times their Consul did elect  
That from their foes he might their lives protect:  
When he wi●h conquest did his Country greet  
Loaden with spoils lay prostrate at his feet.   

So did I ride in triumph through chief towns  
As if I had been Viceroy of this Land,  
My face well graced with smiles, my purse with crowne●  
Holding the reins of honour in my hand,  
I managed the state, I did command:  
My looks with humble majesty replete,  
Made some men wish me a Kings royal seat.   

Thus waxed I popular to purchase fame  
To me the common people's knees did bow,  
I could my humour still so fitly frame  
To entertain all men to outward show  
With inward love, for few my heart did know:  
And that I might not seem puffed up with pride  
Bareheaded oft through Cities I did ride.   

While some cried out, God save you gracious Lord,  
Lord how they did my fame hyperbolise  
My words and gestures did so well accord  
As with their hearts I seemed to sympathize,  
I charmed their ears and did inchant their eyes:  
Thus I was reckoned their chief Potentate  
No poller but a pillar of the st●te.   

Then I was called the life and th'heart o'th'Court  
And some I wot wished I had been the head,  
I had so great a train and such a port,  
As did the pomp of Martimer exceed,  
Who as in th'English Chronicles we read,  
When second Edward lost his Kingly rights  
Was waited on at once with nine-score Knights.   

That Earl of March and Roger Mortimer,  
Ruled the young King, queen mother, and the Peers  
I Robert Dulley Earl of Leicester,  
Did sway in court and all the English steers,  
His rule was short, mine flourished many years  
He did his life with ignominy loose,  
I lived and triumphed o'er my proudest foes.   

As the Image of great Alexander dead,  
Made king Cassander tremble at the sight,  
Spying the figure of his Royal head,  
Whose presence sometime did the world affright,  
Or like as Caes●rs Monarchising spirit,  
Pursued false Brutus at Philipp●s field,  
Till he that slew his Liege himself w●s killed.   

So view ye petty Lords my Princely ghost,  
I speak to you whose hearts be full of gall,  
I whilst I lived was honoured of the most,  
And either feared for love of great and small,  
Or loved for fear of such as wished my fall,  
Behold my shadow representing state,  
Whose person sometime did your pride abate.   

Weigh what I was, knights, gentlemen, and Peers,  
When my death threatening frowns did make you quake  
As yet they have not passed many years,  
Since I your plumes plucked, iofty crest's did shake  
Then tell me Sirs, for old acquaintance sake,  
Wax ye not pale to hear of Leister's name,  
Or to backbite me blush ye not for shame.   

You say in dealings that I was unjust,  
As if true justice balance ye could guide,  
Had I dealt justly I had turned to dust  
Long before this, your corpse swollen up with pride,  
Which now surviving do my acts deride,  
My fame yet lives though death abridgd my days,  
Some of you died that over-liued your praise.   

Are there not some among you Parasites,  
Time-servers, and observers of no measure,  
Prince-pleasers, people-pleasers, hypocrites,  
Damned Machiavilians given to lust and pleasure,  
Church-robbers, beggars of the Prince's treasure,  
Truce-breakers, Pirates, Atheists, Sycophants,  
Can equity, dwell here where conscience wants.   

And yet you think none justly deals but you,  
Divine Astrea up to heaven is fled,  
And turned to Libra, there look up and view  
Her balance in the zodiac figured,  
Just Aristides once was banished,  
Where lives his match whom envy did pursue-  
Because men thought he was to just and true.   

Ye say, ambition harboured in my brain,  
I say ambition is no heinous sin  
To men of state, do stately thoughts pertain,  
By base thoughts what honour can he win,  
Who ever did a great exploit begin,  
Before ambition moved him to the deed  
And hope of honour, urged him to proceed.   

Themistocles had never put to flight,  
Zerxzes huge host, nor tamed the Persians pride,  
Nor sad King Tarsus got by martial fight,  
The Roman spoils with conquest on his side,  
If first ambition had not been their guide,  
Had not this humour their stout hearts allure,  
To high attempts their fame had been obscure.   

The Eagle doth disdain to catch poor flies,  
The Lion with the Ape doth scorn to play,  
The Dolphin doth the whirlpool low despise,  
Thus if Birds, Beasts, and Fishes bear such sway,  
If they would teach underlings to obey,  
Much more should men whom reason doth adorn,  
Be noble minded and base fortune's scorn.   

Admit I could dissemble wittily,  
This is no grievous sin in men of state;  
Dissembling is a point of policy  
Plain dealing now grows stale and out of date:  
Wherefore I oft concealed my private hate  
Till I might find fit time though long I stayed  
To wreak the wrath that in my heart I laid.   

Th'old Proverb is, plain dealing is a jewel,  
And he that useth it a Beggar dies,  
The world is now adays become so cruel  
That Courtiers do plain Countrymen despise,  
Quick wits and cunning heads do quickly rise.  
And to be plain, ye must not plainly deal  
That office seek in Court or Commonweal.   

Now Aristippus is in more request  
That knew the way to please a Monarch's mind,  
Then that poor cynic swad that used to jest  
At every idle knave that he could find,  
To unkind friends ye must not be too kind:  
This is a maxim which to you I give,  
Men must dissemble or they cannot live.   

Ye say, I was a coward in the field,  
I say it fits not such a noble wight  
To whom his Country doth the title yield  
Of Lord-Lieutenant with full power and might  
To venture his own person in the fight:  
Let others die, which as our vassals serve  
While heaven for better haps our hopes preserve.   

How soon did England's joy in France diminish  
When th' Earl of Salisbury at Orleans  
By Gun-shot stroke, his honoured life did finish;  
When Talb●t that did oftentimes advance  
The English ensigns in disgrace of France,  
Was at the last environed and slain  
Whose name the Frenchman's terror doth remain   

And what a fatal wound did Rome receive  
By Crassus' death whom faithless Parthians slew,  
How did the Senate for Flam●nius grief  
And for Aemilius death, and his stout crew,  
Whom Hannibal at Cannes d●d subdue:  
Cut oft an arm, yet life the heart may cherish  
Cut of the head and every part will perish.   

Ip●crates th'Athenian used to say,  
Vaunt-currers are like hands to bavell pressed  
The men of arms are feet whereon to stay,  
The footmen as the stomach and the b●est,  
The captain as the head above the rest:  
The head once cras●d troubleth all the parts,  
The General slain do●h kill ten thousand hearts.   

Therefore a L●rd Lieutenant should take care  
That he in safety do himself repose  
And should not hazard life at every dare,  
But watch and wa●d, so F●bius tired his foes  
When rash Min●t●us did the conquest lo●●:  
If such in open danger will intrude  
It is fond rashness and not fortitude.   

Ye say, I was lascivious in my love  
And that I tempted many a gallant Dame,  
Not so content, but I did also prove  
To win their handmaids if I liked the game,  
Wh● si●● ye know, love kindles such a flame  
As if we may believe what Poets pen  
It doth inchant the hearts of Gods and men.   

jove loved the daughter of a jealous si●e  
Danae a maid immured within a tower,  
Yet to accomplish th'end of his desire  
He metamorphized to a golden shower  
Fell in the lap of his fair Paramour:  
And being termed a god did not disdain  
To turn to man, to beast, a●d shower of rain.   

Dear Lords, when Cupid throws his fiery dar●s  
Doth none of them your tender bodies hit,  
Doth Cytherea never charm your hearts,  
Nor beauty try your quintessential wit  
Perhaps you will say no, fie 'tis unfit,  
Now by my Garter, and my Geo●ge to ●oot,  
The blind God surely hits, if he doth shoot.   

Whereas ye do object my Magic charms,  
I sought to win fair dames to my desire,  
'Tis better so then strive by force of Arms  
For forced love will quickly back retire  
If fair means cannot win what we requi●e:  
Some secret tricks and sleights must be devised  
That love may even from Hell be exercised,   

To you dull wit it seems impossible  
By drinks or charms this work to pass to bring▪  
Know then that Gyges' were invisible  
By turning the sigil of his Ring  
Toward his palm and thereby slew the King,  
Lay with his wife of any man unseen  
Last did reign by marrying with the queen.   

King Solomon for Magic natural  
Was held a cunning man by some Divines,  
He wrote a book of Science natural  
To bind ill Spirits in their dark confines  
He had great store of wives and Concubines,  
Yet was a Sacred King, this I infer  
The wisest man that now doth live may err.   

Also ye say, that when I waxed old  
When age and time misspent had made me dry,  
For ancient, held in carnal Lust is cold,  
Nature's defect with Art I did supply  
And that did help this imbecility,  
I used strong drinks and Ointments of great price,  
Whose taste or touch might make dead flesh arise   

To this I answer: that those fine extractions,  
Drams and electuaries finely made,  
Served not so much to help venereal actions,  
As for to comfort nature that's decayed:  
Which being with indifferent judgement weighed,  
In noble men may be allowed I trust,  
As tending to their health, not to their lust.   

What if I drink nothing but liquid gold,  
Lactrina, crystal, pearl resolved in wine,  
Such as th'Egyptians full cups did hold,  
When Cleopatra with her Lord did dine;  
A trifle, care not, for the cost was mine?  
What if I gave Hippomenes to drink  
To some fair Dames, at small faults you must wink▪   

Ye say I was a traitor to the Queen,  
And th●t when Monsieur was in greatest grace,  
I being out of favour, moved with spleen,  
To see a Frenchman frolic in the place,  
Forth toward Barwick then did post apace,  
Minding to raise up a rebellious rout,  
To take my part in what I went about.   

That I was then a traitor I deny,  
But I confess that I was Monsieurs foe,  
And sought to break the league of amity,  
Which then betwixt my Prince and him did grow,  
Doubting Religion might be changed so,  
Or that our Laws and customs were in danger▪  
To be corrupt or altered by a stranger:   

Therefore I did a faction strong maintain,  
Against the Earl of Suss●x, a stout Lord  
On Monsieurs side, and then Lord Chamberlain,  
Who sought to make that nuptial accord,  
Which none may break, witness the sacred Word●  
But thus it chanced, that he strived in vain  
To knit that k●ot which heaven did not ordain.   

Thus did ye misinterpret my conceits,  
That for disloyalty my de●ds did blame,  
Yet many men have laid their secret baits,  
T'entrap me in such snares to work my shame,  
Whom I in time sufficiently did tame;  
And by my Sovereign's favour bore them down,  
Proving myself true Liegeman to the Crown.   

Think ye I could forget my Sovereign Lady,  
Th●t was to me so gracious and so kind?  
How many triumphs for her glory made I?  
O I could never blot out of my mind,  
What Characters of grace in her have shined.  
But some of you, which were by her preferred,  
Have with her bones almo●● her name interred.   

When she was gone, which of you all did weep?  
What mournful song did P●ilomela sing?  
Al●s! when she in deaths cold bed did sleep,  
Which of you all her doleful knell did ring?  
How long w●ll ye now love your crowned King,  
If you so soon forget your old Queen dead,  
Which four and forty years hath governed?   

Ye say, I sought by murder to aspire,  
And by strong poison many men to slay,  
Which as ye thought might cross my high desire,  
And ●loud my long expected golden day,  
Perhaps I laid some blocks out of my way,  
Which hindered me from coming to the Bower,  
Wh●re Cynthia shined like lamps in pharoh's tower.   

Alas! I came not of a Tiger's kind,  
My hands with blood I hated to defile;  
But when by good experience I did find,  
How some with feigned love did me beguile,  
Perchance all pity than I did exile;  
And as it were against my will, was pressed  
To seek their deaths that did my life detest.   

Lo then, attend to hear a doleful tale  
Of those whose death y●e do suppose I wrought,  
Yet wish I that the world believe not all  
That hath of me by envious men been wrought,  
But when I for a Kingly fortune sought,  
O pardon me, my s●lfe I might forget,  
And cast down s●me, my state aloft to set.   

My first wife fell down from a pair of stairs,  
And broke her neck, and so at Comner died,  
Whilst her true servants led with small affairs,  
Unto a Fure at Abingdon did ride,  
This dismal hap did to my wife betid;  
Whether ye call it chance or destiny,  
Too true it is, sh● d●d untimely die.   

O had I now a showr● of tears to shed,  
Locked in the empty circles of my ●yes,  
All could I shed in mourning for the dead,  
That lost a spouse so young, so fair, so wise,  
So fair a corpse so foul a coarse n●w lies,  
My hope t'have married with a famous Queen,  
Drove pity back, and kept my tears unseen.   

What man so fond that would not lose a Pearl  
To find a Diamond, leave brass for gold:  
Or who would not forsake a gallant gentle,  
To win a Queen, great men in awe to hold,  
●o rule ●he state, and of none be controlled?  
O but the st●ps that lead unto a ●hrone,  
A●e d●ngerous for men to tread upon.   

T●e Cardinal Chatillon was my foe,  
Whose death peradventure did compact,  
Because he let Queen Eliz●beth to know  
My false report given of a former act,  
How I with her had made a precontract.  
And the great Princes hope I barred thereby,  
That s●ught to marry with her Majesty.   

The Prelate had been better held his tongue,  
And kissed his holy Father's feet in Rome:  
A Mass the sooner for his soul was sung;  
But he might thank me, had he stayed at home,  
Or late or never he to heaven had come:  
Therefore I sent him nimbly from the coasts,  
Perhaps to supper with the Lord of hosts.   

When death by hap my first wife's neck had cracked,  
And that my suit unto the Queen ●ll sped,  
It chanced that I made a post contract,  
And did in sort the L●dy Sheff●●ld wed,  
Of whom I had two goodly children bred:  
For the Lord Sheffeild died as I was sure,  
Of a Catarie, which physic could not cure.   

Some think th● rheum was artificial,  
Which this good Lord befo●● his end did take:  
Tush, what I gave to her was natural,  
My plighted troth yet some amends did make,  
Though her at length, unkind I did forsake;  
She must not blame me, for a higher reach  
Made my sure promise find a sudden breach.   

The valiant Earl whom absent I did wrong,  
In breaking Hymeneus' holy band;  
In Ireland did protract the time too long,  
Whilst some in ●ngland ingled under hand,  
And at his coming homeward to this land  
He died with poison, as they say, infected,  
Not without cause, for vengeance I suspected:   

Because this fact notorious scandal bred,  
And ●or I did his gallant wife abuse;  
To salve ●his sore when this brave Lord was dead,  
I for myself did this fair Lady choose,  
And flesh is frail, dear Lady me excuse;  
It was pure love that made me undertake,  
This hapless recontract with thee to make.   

Now in Jove's palace that good Lord doth sup,  
And drink● full bowls of Nectar in the sky.  
Hunnies his p●ge, that tasted of that cup,  
Did only lose his hair, and did not die;  
True-noble Earl, thy fame to heaven doth fly.  
He doth repent his fault, and p●rdon crave,  
That marred thy bed and too soon made thy grave.   

Thou didst behind thee leave a matchless Son,  
A peerless pattern for all princely peers,  
Whose sparks of glory in my time begun,  
Kindled w●th hope flamed highly in few years,  
But death him stru●k, and drowned this land in tears;  
His Son doth live true image of him dead,  
To grace this soil, wh●re showers of tears were shed.   

Th●y were to blame that said the Queen should marry  
With me her Horse keeper, for so they called me.  
But thou Throgmarton wh●ch ●his tale didst carry  
From France to England, hast more sharply galled me,  
Sith my good Queen in office high extolled me;  
For I was M●ster of her Highness' Horse,  
I scorn thy words, which did my hate enforce.   

But tell me then, how didst thou like thy fare,  
When I to supper last did thee invite?  
If I did rid thee of a world of care,  
By giving ●hee a Salet, gentle Knight,  
With ghastly looks do not my soul affright▪  
Leicester I was, whom England once did dread,  
But now I am like thee Throgmarton, dead.   

My Lord of Sussex was too choleric,  
That called me traitor and a traitor's son;  
But I served him a fine Italian tri●k;  
Had not I done so, I had been undone;  
Now mark the end, what conquest hath he won?  
A little scruple that to him I sent,  
Did purge his choler, till h●s life was spent.   

He was a gallant Noble man indeed;  
O but his life did still my life decrease:  
Therefore I sent him with convenient speed,  
To rest amongst his ancestors in peace:  
●y rage was pacified at his decease.  
And now I come t'embrace his love too late,  
Him did I love, whom living I did hate.   

I came to visit as I chanced to walk  
My Lady of Lenox, whom I found not well,  
I took her by the hand, h●d private talk,  
And so departed, a short tale to tell:  
When I was gone, into a flux she fell,  
That never ceased her company to keep,  
Till it had brought her to a senseless sleep.   

I dreamed she had not many days to live;  
And this my dream did shortly fall out true,  
So as her Ghostly Father I did give  
Some comfort to her soul: for well I knew  
That she would shortly bid the world adieu.  
Some say I gave such physic as did spill her;  
But I suppose that myere conceit did kill her.   

Some will object perhaps, I did pretend  
To meet the Earl of Ormond on a day,  
In single fight our quarrel for to end;  
But did command my servant Killygray,  
To lie in ambush that stout Lord to slay.  
But heaven did not consent to work his spoil,  
That was the glory of the Irish soil.   

Perhaps I doubted that I was too weak,  
And loath I was he should the conquest win:  
If in this cause I did my promise break,  
I hope men will not count it for a sin;  
Is it not g●od to sleep in a whole skin?  
When Hannibal could not prevail by blows,  
He used stratagems to kill his foes.   

If I the death of Monsieur Simiers fought,  
When he from France Ambassador was sent,  
I had just cause to seek it as I thought;  
For towards me he bore no good intent;  
Had he not fled betimes, perhaps I meant  
T'have sent him in embassage for my pleasure  
To the black king that keeps Avernus' treasure.   

For when no man about the Court durst speak,  
That I the Lady Lettuce married,  
This prattling Frenchman first the ice did break,  
And to the Queen the fact discovered;  
Which not without just cause the anger bred:  
Thus th'ape did play his part controlled of none,  
When he espied the Bear from home was gone.   

One Salvadore an Italian borne,  
Having once watched with me till midst of night,  
Was found slain in his bed the next day morn:  
Alas poor man I ru● his woeful plight,  
That did in nothing but in sin de●ight:  
Had he to honest actions bend his wit,  
He might have longer lived and scaped this fit.   

But what reward should such a man expect,  
Whom gold to any lewdness could entice,  
Ones turn once served, why should we not reject  
So vild an instrument of damned unce?  
What if he were dispatched in a trice?  
Was it not better this man's blood to spill,  
Then let him live the world with sin to ●il?   

I doubted lest that D●ughty would bewray  
My counsel, and with oth●rs party t●ke;  
Wherefore, the sooner him to rid away,  
I sent him forth to sea with Captain D●●k●,  
Who knew how t'entertain him for my sake;  
Before he went his lot by me was c●st,  
His death was plotted, and performed in haste.   

He hoped well; but I did so dispose,  
That he at Port St. julian lost his head,  
Having no time permitted to disclose  
The inward griefs that in his heart were bred:  
We need not fear the biting of the dead:  
Now let him go transported to the seas,  
And tell my secrets to th'Antipodes.   

My servant Gates did speed as ill or worse,  
To whom I did my close intents impart,  
And at his need with money stuffed his purse,  
And wiled him still take courage at his heart;  
Yet in the end he felt the deadly smart:  
He was inveigled by some subtle witted,  
To rob; so he was taken and committed.   

Of pardon I did put him still in hope,  
When he of felony was guilty found,  
And so condemned, till his last friend the Pope  
Did him uphold from falling to the ground.  
What hope of grace where vice did so abound.  
He was beguiled like birds that use to gape  
At Z●uxes table for a painted grape.   

Yet I did to the man no injury,  
And gave him time and leisure to repent,  
And well he knew he had deserved to die,  
Therefore all future mischief to prevent,  
I let him slip away with my consent:  
For his reprivall, l●ke a crafty Fox,  
I sent no pardon but an empty Box.   

Else as unfaithful Banester betrayed  
The D●ke of Buckingh●m his Master dear,  
When he of Richard's tyranny afraid,  
Fled to his servants house for succour there:  
So might my man for gain, or forced for fear,  
Have brought my corpse with shame unto my grave,  
By too much trusting on a paltry knave.   

Me seems at me great Norfolk's Duke doth frown,  
Because he thinks I did his death contrive,  
Persuading some he aimed at the Crown,  
And that by royal match he meant to strive  
A kingdom to his Lordship to revive.  
Alas good D●ke! he was too meek and mild,  
And I too faithless that his trust beguiled.   

For that I found his humour first was bend  
To take the Scots captived Queen to wife,  
I egged him on to follow his intent,  
That by this means I might abridge his life,  
And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife,  
First finding Scotland lost, to England fled,  
Where she in hope of succour lost head.   

O blessed Spirits, live ye evermore  
I● heavenly Zion, where your maker reigns,  
And give me leave my fortunes to deplore,  
That am fast fettered with sins iron chains.  
Man's most sweet joys are mixed with some foul pains.  
And do●h he live of high or low degree,  
In life or death that can from woe be free?   

Ah now my tongue grows weary to recite  
Such massacres as have been here expressed,  
Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spirit,  
Me thinks I see legions of souls to rest  
In Abraham's bosom, and myself oppressed.  
The burden of my sins do weigh me down,  
At me the fiends do laugh, and Angels frown.   

My crimes I grant were get and manifold,  
Yet not so heinous as men make report,  
But flattering Parasites are grown so bold  
That they of Prince's matters make a sport,  
To please the humours of the vulgar sort:  
And that poor peevish giddiheaded crew,  
Are prone to credit any tale untrue.   

Let those that live endeavour to live well,  
Left after death like mine their guilt remain;  
Let no man think there is no Heaven or Hell,  
Or with the impious Sadduces maintain  
That after death no flesh shall rise again:  
Let no man trust on Fortune's fickle wheel,  
The guerdon due for▪ ●●ne ay partly feel.   

Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins,  
When he against his Creator did rebel,  
Was tumbled down for his presumptuous sin;  
Satan that once was blest like lightning fell  
From the highest heaven, to the deepest hell:  
And all those Angels that his part did take,  
Have now their portion in the burning lake.   

Of mighty heaps of treasure I could vaunt,  
For I reaped profit out of every thing,  
I could the Prince and people's hearts inchant.  
With my fair words and smooth faced fl●ttering,  
And out of dross pure gold I oft did wring:  
For though the means to win be oft unmeet,  
The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet.   

So I sometimes had very much good hap  
Great suits of my dread Sovereign to obtain,  
Prodigal fortune poured down from h●r lap,  
Angels of gold as thick as drops in rain.  
Such was my luck to find the golden vein;  
Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange,  
Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change.   

I had another way t'enrich myself  
By getting licences for me alone,  
For Wine, Oil, Velvet, Cloth, and such like pelf,  
By licences to alienation,  
By raising rents, and by oppression:  
By claiming Forests, Pastures, Commons, Woods,  
And forfeiture of lands, of life and goods.   

By this strong course also I greatly thrived  
In falling out with my dear Sovereign,  
For I the Plot so cunningly contrived,  
That reconcilement soon was made again,  
And by this means great gifts I did obtain:  
For that I might my bags the better fill,  
I begged great suits as pledge of new goodwill.   

Besides sometimes I did increase my store,  
By benefit that I from Oxford took,  
Electing heads of houses heretofore,  
I loved their money, and they loved their book,  
Some poorer though more learned I forsook:  
For in those days your charity was cold,  
Little was done for love, but much for gold.   

Doubtless my Father was a valiant Peer  
In Edwa●d the sixth days when he was sent,  
'Gainst Rebels that did rise in Norfolk shire.  
And after that when he to Scotland went,  
Under the Lord Protectors Regiment;  
By notable exploits against the S●ot,  
Eternal glory to himself he got.   

Truly ambition was his greatest fault,  
Which commonly in noble hearts is bred,  
He thought the never could his slate exalt  
Till the good D●ke of Sumerset was dead,  
Who by my Father's means did lose his head:  
So ill the race of Dudlies could endure  
The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure.   

When once King Edward 〈◊〉 the butt had shot,  
My Father, said, your Grace shoots near the mark,  
Th● King replied, but not so near I wot,  
As when you shot my Uncle's head off quite:  
The duke my Father knew the King said right,  
And that he meant this matter to debate  
If ere he lived to come to man's estate.   

It seems my Father in times past had been  
A skilful Archer, though no learned clerk,  
So strange a chance as this is seldom seen,  
I do suppose h● shot not in the dark,  
That could so quickly hit so fair a mark:  
Nor have I m●st my aim, nor worse have sped,  
When I shot off the Duke of Norfolk's head.   

Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead,  
My Father to the French did Boulogne sell,  
As pleased him the King he governed,  
And from the privy counsel did depel  
Th'earls of Southampton, and of Arundel:  
Thus whilst he ruled and controlled all.  
The wise young King extremely sick did fall.   

Who having languished long, of l●fe deprived,  
Not without poison as it was suspected;  
The counsel through my Father's means contrived  
That Suffolk's Daugther should be Queen elected,  
Th● Sisters of King Edward were rejected:  
My brother Gui●for● to jane Grace was wedded,  
Too high preferred that was so soon beheaded.   

This L●dy jane that once was termed Queen,  
Greater in fame then fortune, was put down,  
Had not King Henry's Daughters living been,  
M●ght for her virtues have deserved a ●rowne;  
Fortune at once on her did smile and frown:  
Her wedding garment for a Princes meet  
Was quickly changed for a winding sheet.   

For I was jump of Jul●●us cysars mind  
That could 〈◊〉 one sup●rio● Lord endure,  
Nay I to guide my Sovereign was inclined,  
And bring the common people to my lure,  
Accounting that my fortune was obscure,  
And that I lived in a woeful plight  
If any one eclipsed my glorious light.   

The love to reign makes many men respect  
Neither their friend, their kind●ed, nor their vow,  
The love to reign makes many men neglect  
The duty which to God and man they owe,  
From out this fountain many mischiefs flow:  
Hereof examples many may be read  
In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead.   

This humour made King H●r●old break his oath  
Made unto William Duke of Normandy:  
This made King Rufus and young Beaucla●k both  
Their elder Brother Robert to defy,  
And Stephen to forget his loialty  
To Mawa the Empress, and to hold in scorn  
The faithful oath which he to her had sworn.   

This made young Henry crowned by his sire,  
Against his Father Warfare to maintain:  
This made King john the kingdom to aspire,  
Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertain,  
And him in p●ison hardly to retain:  
And this made Bu●ingbrook t'usurp the Crown,  
Putting his lawful Sovereign Richard down.   

This made Edward the fourth at his return  
From Burgundy, when he to York was come,  
To break the oath which he had lately sworn,  
And rule the Realm in good King Henry's room;  
This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doom  
His Nephew's death, and rid away his wife,  
And so in blood to end his wretched life.   

A pretty plot in practi●e I did put,  
Either to take a Queen without delay,  
Or when the car●s were shuffled and well ●ut,  
To choose the King and cast the knaves away;  
He should be cunning that great game would play;  
Ill luck hath he that no good game can make,  
When Princes play and crowns lie at the stake.   

First I assayed Queen Elizabeth to wed,  
Whom divers Princes courted, but in vain;  
When in this course unluckily I sped,  
I sought the Scots Queen's marriage to obtain;  
But when I reaped no profit for my pain,  
I sought to match Denbigh my tender child  
To Dame Arbella, but I was beguiled.   

Even as Octavius with Mark Anthony,  
And Lepidus the Roman Empire shared,  
That of the world than held the sovereignty,  
So I a new Triumverat prepared,  
If death a while young Denbighs life had spared,  
The grandam, uncle and the father in law,  
Might thus have brought all England under awe.   

In the low Countries did my fame soar high,  
When I was sent Lieutenant general,  
The Queen's proud foes I stoutly did deny,  
And made them to some composition fall,  
There I maintained port majestical;  
In pomp and triumph many days I spent,  
From noble than my name grew excellent,   

Then was my heart in height of his desire,  
My mind puffed up with surquedry and pride:  
The vulgar sort my glory did admire,  
Even as the Romans Ave Caesar cried,  
When the Emperor to the Senate house did ride;  
So did the Flemings with due reverence,  
Like thunder say, God save your Excellence.   

Few Subjects before me obtained this stile,  
Unless they were as Viceroys of this land:  
The name of Lordship seemed too base and vile,  
To me that governed such a royal band,  
And had a Princes absolute command:  
Who did not of my puissance stand in awe,  
That might put him to death by martial law?   

Lo, what a title hath my honour got,  
And Excellency added to my name?  
Can this injurious world so quickly blot  
A name so great out of records of fame,  
Covering my glory with a vale of shame?  
Or will it now contemn me being dead,  
Whom living even with fear it honoured?   

The town of Densborough I did besiege,  
Which did on composition shortly yield:  
I did good serv●●e to my gracious liege,  
Till by ill counsellors I was beguiled:  
For such as were my Captains in the field,  
To whom at length chief charge I did commit,  
Seduced me to many things unfit.   

When Sir john N●rris counsel I refused,  
Whose perfect skill in feats of arms I knew,  
By Rowland York's device I was abused,  
Whereon some loss soon after did ensue;  
Deventer town and Zutphen sconce I rue,  
By York and Stanley without many blows,  
Were tendered to the mercy of the foes.   

And that which to my heart might more grief strike,  
Happened the death of that renowned Knight,  
My Nephew Sidney, near Coleston dike  
Received his deadly wound through fortune's spite,  
I sent no fr●sh supply to him in fi●ht;  
I was not far oft with a mighty host:  
So with his loss of life some fam● I lost.   

The Court in him lost a brave Courtier;  
The Country lost a guide, their faults to mend;  
The Camp did lose an expert Soldier;  
The City lost an honourable friend:  
The Schools a patron, their right to defend:  
The Court, the Country, the Schools & City,  
For Sidneys death still sing a mournful ditty.   

Now while my princely glory did abound,  
Like rich Lucullus I great feasts did make,  
And was for hospitality renowned:  
The use of arms I quickly did forsake;  
An easier task I meant to undertake:  
I took no joys in wounds and broken pates,  
But to carouse and banquet with the States.   

Not Heliogabalus, whose dainty fare,  
Did all the Roman Emperor's feast exceed  
In cost and rareness, might with mine compare,  
Though he on brains of Ostriches did feed  
And Phenicopteines, ●nd that instead  
Of oil he used his lamps with balm to fill:  
Such was the pleasure of this tyrants will.   

To me Count Egmounts daughter did resort,  
Of such brave Dames as Flanders still did yield;  
That it did rather seem I came to court  
A gallant Lady, then to pitch a field;  
For I did lay aside the sword and shield:  
At cards and dice I spent the vacant days,  
And made great feasts, instead of martial frays   

But whilst in games and love my time I spent,  
Seeming secure, as though I cared for nought:  
My messengers abroad I daily sent,  
As instruments of my st●ll working thought,  
Whereby my purpose oft to p●sse I brought,  
And compass what before I did devise,  
At such a time as no man will surmise.   

Thus great attempts I oft did enterprise,  
Like a Magician ●hat with some fine wile  
Dazzles the sight of the spectators eyes,  
And with illusions doth their sense beguile,  
Such policies my cunning did compile,  
That I before m●ns eyes did cast a mist,  
While I performed such matters as I list.   

Ye ●hat like apes do imitate my deeds,  
Hoping thereby like favour to obtain;  
Know that so high a spirit never breeds  
In a blunt peasant, or unnurtured swain,  
But in my heart imperious thoughts did reign:  
No phlegmatic dull milksop can aspire,  
But one compact of th'element of si●e.   

He daily must devise some stratagem,  
He must be rich, stout, liberal, and wise,  
The humours of base men he must contemn,  
He must be gracious in the people's eyes,  
He should be furnished with rare qualities,  
With learning, judgement, policy and wit,  
And such like parts as for the time are fit.   

For every forward fellow is not borne  
To be a Scipio or a Maximus,  
Unless that wisdom doth his state adorn,  
Or valour make his life more glorious,  
Though he be base of birth like Marius,  
Yet he by virtue's aid aloft may come,  
Like him that was seven times Consul in Rom●.   

Ventidius name at first was mean and base,  
Till he the Parthians host had overthrown,  
And Ci●ero came not of noble race,  
Borne at A●pinia a poor country town,  
Yet he mad● arms give place unto the gown.  
And Rome by his great wisdom freed from spoil.  
Called him the father of their native so●le.   

Perhaps young Courtiers learn something to sing,  
To sk●p or dance before their Mistress face,  
To touch like O●pheus some enchanting string,  
To run at ●ilt, to jet with stately pace,  
Or by some fine discourse to purchase grace,  
But cannot manage the affairs of State,  
Which best belongs to each great Potentate.   

Listen to me ye lusty Soldiers,  
That in such favour high attempt to grow,  
Experience bred in me this manly years,  
Hath taught me cunning which you do n●t know,  
Some precepts here I do intend to show:  
And if my Siren's song please not great Peers,  
Then m●y they with Ulysses stop the●r ears.   

Trust not a friend that is new reconciled,  
In loves fair show he may hide foul deceit,  
By h●m ye unawares may ●e beguiled,  
Reveal to none your matters of great weight,  
If any chance to know your lewd conceit,  
Suspected to bewray your bad intent,  
He ought to suffer death and banishment.   

Caligula the scourge of f●mous Rome,  
Wish● all the Romans had only one head,  
That when he list to give their fatal doom,  
He might with one great blow str●ke all them dead,  
So should he never need th●ir h●te to dread:  
Even s●ch a mischief I wished to my foes,  
That many men might p●rish with f●w blows.   

But unto those that do your favour seek,  
And by your help hope their low states to raise,  
You must be courteous, bountiful, and meek:  
Caesar by clemency won greatest praise.  
And was esteemed the mirror of h●s d●yes.  
For it belongs to men of great estate,  
To spare the poor, and rich men's minds abate.   

It's ill to be a rub upon that ground  
Whereas the Prince the alley means to sweep,  
Their own conceits they fond do confound,  
That into high attempts do boldly creep,  
And with their shallow pares ●oe wade to deep,  
To hinder what their Sovereign doth intend,  
Or to control what they cannot ●mend.   

Calisthenes' much torment did sustain,  
Because great Alexander's pride he checked,  
Grave Seneca choosing his death w●s slain  
By Nero's doom, whos● faults he did correct:  
Use not too sh●rpe rebuke●, but have respect  
Unto the persons, when great men do evil,  
The vengeance leave to God, or to the devil.   

Be not too haughty, pride ●rocureth hate,  
And mean men's hate may turn to your disgrace,  
Nor too familiar be in high estate,  
For that will breed contempt among the base,  
Observe a mean whi●h winneth man much grace:  
Speak well to all, trust none, use well your foes,  
For this may purchase love where hatred grows.   

And if that you do fe●re your fri●nd should chance  
To mount too highly in the Prince's grace,  
Hi● praise to heaven then stick not to advance,  
Say that the charge he beareth is too base,  
And that his worth deserves far better place,  
So may you by this praise rid him away,  
And so supply his place another day.   

S●y he will prove a terror in the field,  
This private life doth much obscure his fame,  
More fit to bear great Ajax sevenfold shield,  
Then like Sardanapalus court a dame,  
He idly lives at home, it is a sh●me.  
His very presence may his foes appall,  
Let him be sent Lieutenant General.   

Now if he chance to perish in some fight,  
I● was not your work, but the chance of wars,  
Or thus you may excuse yourselves by fleight,  
B●●ming ●he influence of the angry stars,  
Th●● thus by death his future fortune bars,  
A●● (sighing) we are sorry, you may say,  
That this brave man would cast himself away.   

But if in feats of arms he have no skill,  
If he be learned▪ wise, and eloquent,  
By praising him thus may you have your will,  
Procure him in ambassage to be sent  
Far off, lest he return incontinent,  
As to the mighty Ch●m, or Prestor john,  
And triumph in his room when he is gone.   

Let no man think I exercised the ghost  
Of this great Peer that sleepeth in the dust,  
Or conjured up his spirit to this co●st,  
To press him with despair, or praise unjust:  
I am not partial, but g●ve him his due,  
And to his soul I wish eternal health:  
Ne do I think all written tales are true,  
That are inserted in his Commonwealth:  
What others wrote before, I do survive,  
But am not like to those incensed with hate,  
And as I plainly write, so do I strive  
To write the truth, not wronging his estate:  
Of whom it may be said, and censured well,  
He both in vice and virtue did excel.   
jamque opus exegi,  
Deus dedit his quoque finem  
FINIS.