LEICESTORS Commonwealth fully Epitomised.  
Conceived, spoken, and published with most earnest protestation of all dutiful good will, and affection towards this Realm, for whose good only▪ It is made common to many.  
Contracted in a most brief, exact, and compendious way with the full Sense and whole meaning of the former Book, every fragment of sense being interposed.  
With a pleasant description of the first Original of the controversies betwixt the two Houses of York, and Lancaster.  
Printed in the year, 1641.   

Leicester's Commonwealth Epitomised.  A Scholar, Lawyer, and Gentleman being convened together in Christmas time, retired themselves after dinner into a large Gallery, for their recreation: The Lawyer having in his hand a little Book, then newly put forth, containing. A defence of the public justice done of late in England upon divers. Priests, and other Papists for Treason: which Book the Lawyer having read before, the Gentleman asked his judgement thereon. Lawyer. 
It is not evil penned in my opinion, to show the guiltiness of some persons therein named in particular: yet not so fare forth (I believe) & in so deepee a degree of Treason, as in this Book generally is enforced without indifferency.  Gent. 
For my part I protest, that I bear the honest Papist (if there be any) no malice for his deceived conscience; but since you grant the Papist both in general abroad, & at home: and in particular such as are condemned, executed, and named in this book to be guilty: how can you insinuate (as you do) that there is more enforced upon them by this Book, than there is just cause so to do?  Lawyer. 
Good Sir, I stand not here to examine the do of superiors, or to defend the guilty, but wish heartily rather their punishment that deserves the same. But not only those, whom you call Busy Papists in England, but also those, whom we call hot Puritans among you, may be aswell called Traitors in my opinion: For that every one of these in deed doth labour indirectly (if not more) against the State, seeing each one endeavoreth to increase his part or faction, that desireth a Governor of his own Religion. And in this case are the Protestants in France, and Flanders under Catholic Princes: the Calvinists under the Duke of Saxony, the Lutherans under Casinere, the Grecians, and other Christians under the Emperor of Constantinople, under the Sophy, and Chame of Tartary, and under other Princes, that are not with them in Religion. All which subjects do wish (no doubt) in their hearts, that they had a Prince and State of their own Religion, in stead of that which now governeth them; and consequently in this sense, they may be all called Traitors: And so to apply this to my purpose; I think Sir, in good sooth, that in the first kind of Treason, as well the zealous Papist, as also the Puritan in England, may well be called, and proved Traitors.  Gent. 
I grant your distinction of Treasons to be true: but your application thereof to the Papists and Puritans (as you call them) be rather divers degrees, then divers kinds. And the one is but a step to the other, not differing in nature, but in time, ability, or opportunity. For if the Grecians under the Turk, and other Christians under other Princes of a different Religion, as also the Papists, and Puritans in England, have such alienation of mind from the present regiment and do covet so much a Governor and State of their own Religion: then no doubt but they are also resolved to employ their forces, for accomplishing, and bringing to pass their desires, if they had opportunity: and so being now in the first degree or kind of Treason, do want but occasion or ability to break into the second.  Lawyer. 
True sir, if there be no other cause or circumstance that may withhold them.  Gent. 
And what cause or circumstance may stay them, when they shall have ability, or opportunity to do a thing which they so much desire?  Lawyer. 
Divers causes, but especially the fear of servitude under foreign Nations may restrain them from such attempts: As in Germany both Catholics and Protestants joined together against strangers, that offered danger to their liberties. So that by this example you see that fear of external subjection may stay men in all states, & consequently both Papists & Puritans in the state of England from passing to the second degree of Treason, albeit they were never so deep in the first, & had both ability, time, will & opportunity for the other.  Scholar 
It seems to me most clear, and now I understand what the Lawyer meant before, when he affirmed, that albeit the most part of Papists in general might be said to deal against England in regard of their religion, and so incur some kind of Treason, yet not so far forth as in this book is enforced; though for my part I do not see that the book enforceth all Papists in general to be properly traitors, but such as only in particular are therein named, or that are by law attained or condemned, or executed, & what will you say to those in particular?  Lawyer. 
That some here named in this book are openly known to have been in the second degree of Treason: as Westmoreland, Norton, Sanders, etc. But divers others, (namely the Priests and Seminaries) I conceive, that to the wise of our State, who had the doing of this business, the first degree of Treason was sufficient to dispatch them, especially in such suspicious times as these are: to the end that being hanged for the first, they should never be in danger to fall into the second: nor yet to draw other men to the same; which perhaps was most of all misdoubted.  Gent. 
It appertaineth not to us to judge, what the State pleaseth to do: for it must as well prevent inconveniences, as remedy the same, when they are happened. But (my good friends) I must tell you plain, that I could wish with all my heart, that either these differences were not amongst us at all, or else that they were so temperately on all parts pursued: as the common State of our Country, the blessed reign of her Majesty, and the common cause of true Religion were not endangered thereby.  Lawyer. 
But many participate the Blackmoors humour, that dwell in Guinea, whose exercise at home is (as some writ) the one to hunt, catch, and sell the other, and always the stronger to make money of the weaker. But now if in England we should live in peace and unity, as they do in Germany, and one should not pray upon the other: then should the great Faucons for the field (I mean the favourites of the time) fail on their great prey.  Gentle. 
Truly sir, I think you rove nearer the mark than you weeen: for if I be not deceived, the very ground of these broils, are but a very prey, in the greedy imaginations of him, who tyrannizeth the state: and being himself of no Religion, feedeth not yet upon our differences in Religion, to the fatting of himself, and ruin of the Realm: for whereas by the common distinction there are three notable differences of Religion in this Land: The two extreme, whereof are the Papist, and Puritan: and the Religious Protestant obtaining the mean: This fellow being of neither, maketh his gain of all, and as he seeketh a kingdom by the one extreme, and spoil by the other: and so he useth the authority of the third, to compass the first two, and to countermine of each one, to the overthrow of all there.  Scholar 
In good sooth, I see now sir where you are: you are fallen into the common place of all our ordinary talk and conference in the university, for I know you mean my Lord of Leicester, who is the subject of all pleasant discourse at this day throughout this Realm.  Gent. 
Not so pleasant, as pitiful, if all matters and circumstances were well considered, except any man take pleasure to jest at our own miseries: which are like to be the greater by his iniquity (if God avert it not) then by all the wickedness of England besides: He being the man by all probability, that is like to be the bane, and fatal destiny of our state, with the evertion of true Religion, whereof by indirect means, he is the greatest enemy that the land doth nourish: A man of so base a spirit as is known to be, of so extreme ambition, pride, falsehood and treachery: so borne, so bread up, no nuzzled in Treason from his infancy descended of a Tribe of Traitors, and fleshed in conspiracy against the Royal blood of King Henry's children in his tender years, and exercised in drifts ever since against the same, by the blood and ruin of divers others: and finally a man so well known to bear secret malice against her Majesty for causes irreconcilable. Wherefore I do assure myself it would be most pleasant to the Realm, and profitable to her Majesty, to wit, that this man's Actions might be called publicly to trial, and liberty given to good subjects, to say what they know against the same: as it was permitted in the first year of King Henry the 8. against his Grandfather, & in the first of Queen Mary against his Father: And then I would not doubt, but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to lose their heads for Treason: this man would not be found unworthy to make the third in kindred, whose treacheries do fare surpass them both.  Law. 
My Masters, have you not heard of the Proviso made in the last Parliament for punishment of all those, who speak so broad of such men as my Lord of Leicester is?  Gen. 
Yes, I have heard that my L. of Leicester being ashamed of his Actions, desired a restraint, that he might lie the more securely in harbour from the tempest of men's tongues, which tatled busily at that time, of divers of his Lordship's deeds, which he would not have divulged. As of his preparation to Rebellion upon Mounsieurs commission into the Land: of his disgrace & checks received at Court: of the fresh death of the Noble Earl of Essex, & of his hasty snatching up of his widow, whom he sent up and down the Country by privy ways, thereby to avoid the fight and knowledge of the Queen's Majesty. And albeit he had not only satisfied his own lust on her, but also married, and remarried her contentation of her friends: yet denied he the same by solemn oaths to her Majesty, and received the Communion thereupon (so good a conscience he hath) No marvile therefore if he not desiring to have these and other Actions known public, was so diligent a procurer of that Law for silence.  Scholar 
It is very probable that his Lordship was in great distress about that time, when Monsieurs matters were in hand, whereof he desired less speech among the people. But when my Lord of Warwick said openly at his Table in Greenwich, that the marriage was not to be suffered, he caused an insurrection against the Queens own Majesty. And when her Royal Majesty should have married to the Brother and Heir apparent of France, being judged by the best, wisest, and faithfullest Protestants of the Realm to be both convenient, profitable and honourable: This Tyrant for his own private lucre endeavoured to allieanate for ever, and make this great Prince our mortal enemy, who sought the love of her Majesty with so much honour and confidence, as never Prince did.  Gent. 
For the present I must advertise you in this case, that you may not take hold so exactly of all my Lords do, for they are too many to be recited: especial in women's affairs, in touching their marriages, and their husbands. For first his Lordship hath a special fortune, that when he desireth any woman's favour, than what person soever standeth in his way, hath the luck to die quickly for the finishing of his desire. As for example, when his Lordship was in full hope to marry her Majesty, and his own wife stood in his way, as he supposed, she was slain to make way for him.  
Long after this, he fell in love with the Lady Sheffeild, and then had he also the same fortune to have her husband to die quickly by an artificial Catarrh, that stopped his breath. The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex, and that at a time most fortunate for his purpose.  
He poisoned also one Mistress Alice Draykot, a goodly Gentlewoman, whom he affected much himself, and hearing that she was dead lamented her case greatly, and said in the presence of his servants, Ah, poor Alice, the cup was not prepared for thee, albeit it was thy hard destiny to taste of it.  
Also Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, whom my Lord of Leicester invited to a supper at his house in London, was their poisoned with a Salat by an incurable vomit.  
The late Lady Lenox also (who came of the Royal blood by Scotland) being sick, Leycester (who never could affect her) took the pains to visit her with extraordinary kindness, but after some private discourse with her, at his departure she fell into an extraordinary Flux; which many did avouch to come by his means.  
But this is not all touching his Marriage & contracts with Women, changing wives and Minions, by killing the one, denying the other, using the third for a time, and fawning on the forth. Wherefore he had terms and pretences of contracts, precontracts, postcontracts, protracts and retracts: as for example, after he had killed his wife, and so broken that contract, then forsooth would he needs make himself Husband to the Queen's Majesty, and so defeat all other Princes by virtue of his Precontract. And after this his lust compelling him to another place, he would needs make a post contract with the Lady Sheffeild. But yet after his concupiscence changing again, he resolved to make a Retract of this protract, and to make a certain new protract (which is a continuation for using her for a time) with the widow of Essex.  Scholar 
I have read much in my time of the carnality and licentiousness of many outrageous persons in this kind, but I never read nor heard the like of him in my life, whose concupiscence and violence run jointly together; neither holdeth he any rule in his lust, besides only the motion and suggestion of his own sensuality: for there are not (by report) two Noble Gentlemen about her Majesty (I speak upon some account of them that know much) whom he hath not solicited by potent ways. And seeking pasture among the waiting Gentlewomen of her Majesty's Chamber, he hath offered three hundred pounds for a Night, and if that would not make up the sum, he would otherwise: having reported himself (so little shame he hath) that he offered to another of higher place a hundred pound lands a year, with many more jewels to do the Act.  Gent. 
Nay he is so Libinous, that he hath given to procure love in others, by conjuring, sorcery and other such means. But I am ashamed to make any more mention of his filthiness.  Scholar 
To draw you from the further stirring of this unsavoury puddle, and foul dunghill, I will recount a pretty story concerning his daughter borne of the Lady Sheffeild in Dudley Castle, I was acquainted three months passed with a certain Minister (that now is dead) living at Dudley Castle, for compliment of some sacred Ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Leicester's daughter in that place: and the matter was so ordered by the wily wit of him that had sowed the seed, that for the better covering of the Harvest, and secret delivery of the Lady Sheffeild, the good wife of the Castle also (whereby Leicester's appointed Gossips might without suspicion have access to the place) should feign herself to be with child, and after long and sore travel (God wots) to be delivered of a cushion (as she was indeed) and a little after a fair Coffin was buried with a bundle of clouts in show of a child: and the minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and ceremonies for the solemnising thereof: For which thing afterward the Minister before his death and great grief and remorse of conscience, with no small detestation of the most irreligious devise of my Lord of Leicester in such a case.  Gent. 
This was a most Atheistical designment, and with all so unworthy, that it did alone, deserve a correspondent punishment & no doubt but that God (who hath an impartial eye in viewing such voluntary iniquities) will on day render unto him, according to his demerits; to whose supreme justice I leave him: yet (Gentlemen if you please) I will relate most apparently unto you his intended murder against the Earl of Ormand: Leycester did offer five hundred pounds to have him privately murdered: but when that devise took no effect, he appointed the field with him, but secretly suborning his servant William Killegre to lie in the way where Ormand should pass, and so massacre him with a Calliver before he came to the place appointed. Which matter though it took no effect (for that the matter was taken up, before the day of meeting) yet was Killegre placed afterwards in her Majesty's privy Chamber by Leicester for showing his ready mind, to do for his Master so faithful a service.  Scholar 
So faithful a service indeed? in my opinion, it was but an unfit preferment, for so facinorous a fact. Yet I hear withal that he is a man of great impatience, fury, rage, and ire, and whatsoever thing it be that he conceives, either justly, or unjustly, he prosecuteth the same, with such implacable cruelty, that there is no abiding his fury.  
His Treacheries towards the Noble Earl of Sussex, in their many breachies is notorious to all England, As also the bloody practices 'gainst divers others.  
But among many, none were more odious, and misliked of all men: then those against Monsieur Simiers, a stranger, and Ambassador: whom first he practised to have poisoned, but when that devise took no place, than he would have slain him at the Blackfriars, at Green-wich as he went forth at the garden gate: but missing of that purpose too, he dealt with certain Flushiners, and other Pirates, to sink him at Sea, with the English Gentlemen his favourers, that accompanied him at his return into France.  Lawyer. 
Now verily (Sir) you paint unto me a strange pattern of a Perfect potentate in the Court: for the common speech of many wanteth not reason I perceive, which call him the heart, and life of the Court.  Gent. 
They which call him the heart, upon a little occasion more would call him the head; and then I marvel, what would be left for her Majesty, when they take from her both life, heart, and headship in her own Realm.  Lawyer. 
Yet durst no Subject presume to contradict his Hellish opinions, but rather gave their assertion unto, for fear of the damage of their lives.  Scholar 
But he hath munition, to what intent I know not, for in Killingworth Castle, he hath ready armour to furnish ten thousand Soldiers, of all things necessary, both for horse and man: besides the great abundance of ready coin there laid up sufficient, for any great exploit to be done within the Realm.  Gent. 
He hath many lands, possessions, Signories, and rich offices of his own: favour and authority with his Prince: the part and portion in all suits; that pass by grace, or are ended by law: he doth chop, and change what lands he listeth with her Majesty: possesseth many licences to himself, as of Wine, Oils, Currants, Cloth, Velvets with his new office of alienation, which might enrich Towns, Corporations, Countries, and Commonwealths; He disposeth at his will Ecclesiastical live of the Realm, in making Bishops etc. of whom he pleaseth: he sweepeth away the glebe from many Benefices throughout this land: he scoureth the University, and Colleges, where he is Chancellor, and selleth both headships, and Scholler-places, and all other offices, and dignities, that by art and violence may yield money. He driveth the Parties out of their possessions, and maketh title to what land he pleaseth; He taketh in whole Forests, Commons, Woods and pastures to himself; these, and in all these he doth insult, notwithstanding his former impiety.  
He released Calais to the French most Trayteriously, as his Father before him sold Boulogne to the French, by like Treachery.  
What should I speak of his other actions, whereof there would be no end? As of his dealing with Master Robinson of Stafford-shire, with false arraignment, with Master Richard Lee, for his Manor of Hockenorton, with Master Ludwicke Grivell, by seeking to bereave him of all his living at once, if ' the drift had taken place; with George Witney, in the behalf of Sir Henry Leigh, for enforcing him to forgo the Controller-ship of Woodstock, which he holded by patent from King H. the 7. With my Lord Barkeley, whom he enforced to yield up his lands to his brother Warwick, which his Ancestors had held quietly before 200 years. What shall I speak of his intolerable Tyranny upon Sir john Throgmarton, whom he brought to his grave, by perpetual vexations: and upon all the line of King Henry against this man's Father, in King Edward and Queen Mary's days? upon divers, of the Lanes, for one man's sake of that name before mentioned, that offered to take Killingworth Castle? Upon some of the Giffords, & others for Throgmartons sake? in his endless persecuting Sir Drew Drewry, and many other Courtiers both men, & women; But especially Leycester was supposed to use this practice, for bringing the Sceptre finally to his own head: and that he would not only employ himself to defeat Scotland, and Arbeda to defeat Huntingdon: but also would use the marriage of the Queen imprisoned, to defeat them both if he could. Which marriage he being frustrated of, was not ashamed to threaten a treacherous vindication against her Majesty's Royal Person. But I hope her Majesty will set out a fair Proclamation, with a bundle of Halters for all such Traitors.  Lawy. 
I applaud your well wish to the State: yet I do observe much by reading over our Countries affairs, and among other things, I do abhor the memory of that time, and do dread all occasion, that may lead us to the like in time to come: seeing that in my judgement, neither the civil wars of Marius and Silla, or of Pompey and Caesar among the Romans, nor yet the Guelphians & Gibilines among the Italians, did ever work so much woe; as this did to our poor Country: wherein by the contention of York and Lancaster were fought fifteen or sixteen pitched fields, in less than an hundred years. That is, from the 11. or 12. year of King Richard the second his reign, unto the 13. year of King Henry the seventh. At what time by cutting of the chief titler of Huntington's house, to wit, young Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick, son and heir to George, Duke of Clarence: the contention was most happily quenched and ended, wherein so many fields were fought between Brethren and Inhabitants of our own Nation. And therein about the same quarrel were slain, murdered, and made away about nine or ten Kings, and Kings Sons, besides above forty Earls, Marquesses and Dukes of name; But many more Lords, Knights, great Gentlemen and Captains, and of the common people without number, and by particular conjecture very near too hundred thousand. For that in one Battle fought by King Edward the fourth, there are recorded to be slain on both parts, five and thirty thousand 700. and a 11. persons, besides other wounded persons, to be put to death afterward at the pleasure of the Conqueror: at divers battles after, 10000 slain at a battle. As in those of Barnet and Turkesbury fought in one year.  Schol 
I pray Sir open unto me the ground of these controversies between York and Lancaster, I have heard a large relation thereof, but no original.  Lawy. 
The controversy between the Houses of York and Lancaster took his actual beginning in the issue of King Edward 3. and Edmond Earl of Lancaster, whose inheritance fell upon a Daughter named Blanch, who was married to the 4. son of King Edward the third named john of Gaunt, borne in the city of Gaunt, in Flanders, and so by his wife became Duke of Lancaster, and heir of that house. And for that his son Henry of Bolingbrooke, pretended among other things that Edmond Crookebacke was the elder Son of King Henry the third, and injustly put by the inheritance of the Crown, for that he was crook-backt and deformed: He took by force the Kingdom from Richard the second, Nephew to King Edward the third by his first son, and placed the same in the house of Lancaster, where it remained for three whole descents, until afterwards Edward Duke of York descended of john of Gaunts younger Brother, making claim to the Crown by title of his Gradmother, that was heir to Lionel Duke of Clarence, john of Gaunts Elder Brother, took the same from Henry the sixth by force, out of the House of Lancaster, and brought it bacl again to the House of York. This therefore was the original of all those discords between them.  Gent. 
But let us not digress from our former discourse concerning Leicester's treacherous actions. I have a friend yet living that was toward the old Earl of Arundel, in good credit, and by that means had occasion to deal with the late Duke of Norfolk in his chiefest affairs before his troubles: who did often report strange things from the Dukes own mouth, of my Lord of Leicester's most treacherous dealing towards him, for gaining of his blood, as after appeared true. This Leycester have also deceived her Majesty divers times in forging of Letters as if they came from some Prince, when they were his own forgery: He had likewise a hellish devise to entrap his well deserving Friend Sir Chrystopher Hatton in matter of Hall his Priest, whom he would have had Sir Chrystopher to hid, and send away; being touched and detected in the ease of Ardent, thereby to have drawn in Sir Chrystopher himself, & made him accessary to this Plot. What meaneth all these pernicious late deal against the Earl of Shrewsbury, a man of the most ancient and worthiest Nobility of our Realm. It is only Leicester's ambitious mind, that causeth all this.  
But it is very strange to see, what a contemner of the Prerogatives of England he is, and how little account he maketh of all the ancient Nobility of our Realm, how he contemneth, derideth, and debaseth them: Which is the fashion of all such, as mean to usurp, to the end, that they may have none, who shall not acknowledge their first beginning and advancement from themselves.  
His base and abject behaviour in his last disgrace about his marriage, well declared what he would do, in a matter of more importance, by deceiving of Sir Chrystopher Hatton: and by abusing my Lord Treasurer in a letter, for which Her Highness did much rebuke him.  
It was affirmed by many that all the broils, troubles, dangers, and disturbance in Scotland, did proceed from his complot, and conspiracy.  
His unworthy scandal which he cast on the Earl of Shrewsbury was perfidious: Wherefore in regard of these innumerable Treacheries, for prevention of succeeding calamities, to tell you plainly my opinion, and therewith to draw to an end of this our conference I should think it the most necessary point of all, for her Majesty to call his Lordship to an account among other, and to see what other men could say against him, at length, after so many years of his sole accusing, and pursuing of others. I know and am very well assured, that no Act, which her Majesty hath done, since the coming to the Crown, nor any that lightly her Majesty may do hereafter, can be of more utility to herself, and to the Realm, or more grateful unto her faithful and zealous Subjects, than this Noble Act of justice will be, for trial of this man's deserts towards his Country.  
And so like wise now to speak in our particular case, if there be any grudge or grief at this day, any mislike, repining, complaint, or murmur against her Majesty's government, in the hearts of her true and faithful Subjects, who with amendment of that, which is amiss, and not the overthrow of that which is well, I dare avouch upon conscience, that either all; or the greatest part thereof proceedeth from this man. And if her highness do permit, and command the laws daily to pass upon theives, and Murderers without exceptition, and that for one fact only, as by experience we see: how then can it be denied in this man, who in both kinds have committed more enormous Acts, then may be well recounted.  
As in the first of Theft, not only by spoiling, and oppressing almost infinite private men: but also whole Towns, Villages, Corporations, and Countries, by robbing the Realm with inordinate licences, by deceiving the Crown, with racking, changing and imbezeling the Lands, by abusing his Prince, and Sovereign, in selling his favour, both at home, & abroad, with taking bribes for matter of justice, grace, request, supplication, or whatsoever suit else may depend upon the Court, or of the Prince's authority. In which sort of traffic, he committeth more theft oftentimes in one day: then all the way-keepers, Cutpurses, Cosenners, Pirates, Burglares or other of that art in a whole year within this Realm.  
As for the second which is Murder, you have heard before somewhat said and proved: but yet nothing to that, which is thought to have been in secret committed upon divers occasiones, at divers times: in sundry persons of different calling in both sexes, by most variable means of killing, poisoning, charming, enchanting, conjuring, and the like: according to the diversity of men, places, opportunities, and instruments for the same. By all which means I think, he hath more blood lying upon his head at this Day, crying vengeance against him at God's hands and her Majesty, than ever had private man in our Country before, were he never so wicked.  
Whereto if we add all his intolerable licentiousness in all filthy kind, and manner of carnality, with all his sorts of wives, friends and kinswomen. If we add his injuries, and dishonours done hereby 〈…〉 if we 〈…〉 the Crown, his 〈…〉 his rap●s, and most 〈…〉 poor, his 〈◊〉 of the Parliament, 〈…〉 with the Nobility and whole 〈…〉 his open injuries, which he 〈…〉 ●●●●sters thereof, by turning all to his own ganes (if I say) 〈◊〉 lay together all those inormities before 〈…〉, and thousand 〈◊〉 more in particular, which might and would be gathered, if his day of trial were but in hope to be granted: I do not see in 〈◊〉 and reason, ●ow her highness sitting in 〈◊〉, and at the 〈◊〉 Steine, as she doth, could deny her Subjects this most lawful request: considering that every one of these 〈…〉, requireth justice of his own Nature: and much more altogether aught to obtain the 〈◊〉, at the hand of any good and godly Majestical in the world.  Before this discourse was fully ended the night came on apace, and it being Supper 〈◊〉 the Mistress came to call them down to Supper, wherefore there further speech was intercepted. 
FINIS.