A LETTER Out of the COUNTRY, To a MEMBER of this present PARLIAMENT: OCCASIONED By a late LETTER to a Member of the House of Commons, Concerning the BISHOPS lately in the Tower, and now under SUSPENSION.  
Licenced Nou. 7. 1689. J. F.  
LONDON, Printed for Awnsham Churchill at the Black Swan near Amen-Corner, 1689.   

A LETTER to a Member of the House of Commons, etc.  
SIR,  
THE concern, which in your last to me you were pleased to express for those good Bishops now under Suspension for not taking the Oaths, and your earnest Enquiry after some Expedient to prevent their utter Destitution, do well become that Character of Goodness and Generosity, by which you are known no less than by your Name. It is some comfort to see, that a Person of your Understanding and Practice in the World, doth not yet despair, nor give up these Excellent but Unfortunate Persons as lost beyond possibility of recovery. Some begin to bewail their Fall already, as a thing unavoidable, and others may be casting lots for the Garments; there is nothing that the Church of England in general desires more than the Preservation of these bright and shining Lights, that direct and adorn her; and cannot think with any patience that they should be extinguished in Dishonour. They have the Compassion and the good Wishes of the People; which if they have not always Effect, yet may serve for a good Omen, and portend something better than what now appears. But after all, there can be no ground of Hopes but by a Parliament; for the Act has left no other Remedy, and we cannot expect that the Dispensing Power should now revive to save those from whom it received its mortal Wound in the last Reign: Now Providence has so far favoured their Cause, that a Parliament is assembled within the Time assigned for taking the Oaths, and before the last Severities are to fall upon the Refusers; and who can tell but it may be with a Design to give that great Assembly an opportunity to find some Relief for these Reverend Bishops, who have deserved so well of this Church and Kingdom, and whose absolute Ruin cannot but be dishonourable and invidious.  
I do not pretend to justify their Refusal of taking the Oaths; but wish with all my heart they would yet take them, and bring their Conscience to go along with the Stream of the Public Judgement: that they would consider what allowance is to be made for the real Necessities of a Kingdom, and whether the Safety of a People must not be preferred to all ordinary humane Rule. We of the Church of England have the greatest reason in the World to wish this; for we cannot but account it one of the greatest Calamities that can befall us, to see the chiefest and best of our Guides divided from the major part and general Consent of the Nation. But our Affliction will be insupportable, if we must see ourselves deprived of such Men, under whose Conduct we have found Safety and Honour in the most difficult Times; and see them, whom we reverence and love as Fathers, disgraced, and deposed, and undone, because they boggle in a kind of moot Point of Conscience, and cannot satisfy their Minds about the Oaths now enjoined.  
Nor can I much wonder that several of the Clergy have their Scruples upon this occasion; for Men of Retirement and Study are not so quick in a Change, as Statesmen, and those who have the Experience and Practice of the World. As those who keep within doors, are not so soon sensible of alteration of Wether, as those who are abroad and live in the open Air. Besides, the Arguments for the maintenance of our rightful Liberties and just Defence, and all the grounds of our Common and Necessary preservation have been so miserably abused, by restless and seditious Men, that they have lost a great deal of their Operation. They have been so often pretended without reason, that when the real Case of Necessity happens, many may be apt to suspect it for Counterfeit and mere Pretence; as those who have been too often abused with false Alarms, may not so readily be brought to arm and prepare upon a real one.  
The Parliament therefore, that made this Act enjoining these Oaths, could not but foresee that several of the Clergy might probably be under great difficulties upon this Occasion; and upon this Prospect thought fit to exempt Twelve Persons from some part of the Penalties of the Statute, so far as to leave them at the King's Discretion for a third Part of their Revenues; which shows that in the Opinion of this very Parliament there might be some Refusers not unworthy of Favour. But it is possible they might not foresee all that happened, nor think that the Rigour and Severity of that Act should in a manner wholly fall upon such Persons, who are the Chief for Merits as well as Authority in our Church, and that they only should feel the Extremities of that Law, who had deserved another kind of acknowledgement and return from the Nation, for that unparallelled Zeal for the Protestant Religion, and for the Privileges and Liberty of the Subject, which in so signal a manner they showed in the last Reign.  
It is little more than a year, since most of the Bishops, who are now so unfortunate as not to be able to reconcile their Consciences to the Oaths, were hurried into Prison for their opposition to Popery and Slavery. The Zeal and Courage which they made appear upon that occasion, cannot so soon be forgot; for who cannot but have yet a lively remembrance, how sensible the whole Nation was affected with their Sufferings and Enlargements? how all sorts of People were concerned, as if the Fate of the Kingdom had been tied to theirs, and all must have been ruined or preserved with them: I might mention the Malice and Virulence of their Prosecution, and how near Treason it was then thought by some to oppose King James his Arbitrary Power. But I do not now call the Sufferings of these great Men in remembrance with any design to render the Instruments of them odious: But to let you see how strange a thing it will appear to the present Age and to Posterity, that those Prelates who had escaped the fury of Papists, and had made so glorious a Confession for Protestant Religion and English Liberties, should in so little a compass of time come to be disgraced and deposed, and ruined under a Protestant Government, without any high Crime laid to their Charge, but only because they cannot prevail with their Consciences to take the Oaths; which tho' I think to be just and necessary, yet cannot but acknowledge to have some Circumstances that are unusual and extraordinary.  
It might be expected upon the Deliverance of this Nation from Popery and Tyranny, that those who had stood in the gap, and distinguished themselves by the check and stop which they gave to the Progress of those spreading plagues, might have been proportionably distinguished by the Countenance and Favour of the next Settlement; but the Ruin of such men under this Government will appear unaccountable, when we consider what Lenity it has used to all sorts of Offenders; when we see few or none of all those Perfidious Wretches, who joined in the Attempt of enslaving and undoing this Nation, so much as called in question; when the Prosecutors of the Bishops are not only received into mercy, but into favour. What can People think, What can they say, when they see the chief Champions for Protestant Religion and Liberty to be the only Men that are ruined by the Change? What will foreign Nations think of us, since even among them the Names of these Bishops are become venerable? for their Reputation has reached as far as Protestant Religion does extend. Those who have applauded them from far, and acknowledged them as the chiefest and bravest Defenders of the common Cause; what will they think, when they come to hear, that after the deliverance of the Kingdom, those whom they admired at such a distance, are covered with dishonour, and deprived of every thing, but the Reputation and Conscience of their Merits? There will be but poor Encouragement for any hereafter to hazard themselves for the Public good, while they have before their Eyes such sad and frightful Recompenses as this.  
Nay, tho' there had been no provision at all made for any other scrupulous person in this case, yet the signal merit of these Bishops might leave room for a Special Plea in their behalf. But when Quakers are thought not unworthy of particular provision and tenderness; a Sect who are known to this Kingdom by no good Office or usefulness; but are fallen under the just displeasure and detestation of the Kingdom for their conjunction with King James; when these come to be humoured in their Nonsense, excused from Oaths, exempted from the Penalties of this Act, while this stands in the very Body of our Law, and is allowed throughout the whole Kingdom: how can any one, without indignation see the chief Bishops of our Church, and the celebrated Patriots of our Liberties, fall an unbecoming and miserable Sacrifice to this Act, and endure its last Extremities, from which such humorsom and sullen Impostors are exempted?  
Now these Bishop's Character and manner of Life dispose them to peace; their proper business, which is not of this World, is not likely to give them leave to be overbusy in troubling the Affairs of it; their Zeal for the Protestant Religion, which is beyond dispute; their Love of their Country and the Laws, which appeared sufficiently to the whole Kingdom: these things, in my judgement, tho' they do not take the Oaths, are much a better and more solid security than any Quakers Declaration can amount to.  
Now as I cannot but think it reasonable, that these worthy Bishops should have some relief in their present distress, before it be too late; so I am of opinion, this may be more proper time to do it, than when the Act was in making. For then there might be good reason to make some show of rigour; for the Government was but new, and required, that all sorts of Men should declare Allegiance to it; but now the Act having operated sufficiently, and the generality of the Clergy having taken the Oaths, the Examples of these Bishops can have no ill influence, and the favour that shall be showed them will be only Personal, and draw no consequence of danger after it; for the Entrance of the Church is sufficiently secured, since none can receive either Orders or Preferment, without taking the Oaths.  
And as it can be no prejudice to the Government, to preserve these good Men: so I am sure it will be very honourable, and give it credit both at home and abroad. You know as well as I, that there cannot be any thing more acceptable to the generality of the Kingdom. You can searce meet with any man, that will not wish it were in his power to restore them. I have spoken with several of your House, and with some of the Lords, and I find all wellwishers: What then can hinder the effect of so universal an Inclination? I have not the honour to be of your House at this time; it was indifferent to me whether it should be you or I; nay, I am better satisfied, that you are there, since I know you wish as well as I can to this matter, and have greater dexterity and credit in the House to bring it to pass. They are much mistaken, who fancy that the suspended Bishops have by their refusal of the Oaths forfeited all that credit which they got with the People in King James his time; for, as far as I can observe, the People are rather sorry, than angry with them for not complying; and when they are once deposed, will be much more sensible, of their suffering, which is visible, than of the reason of it, which will not be so easily comprehended. And even the Clergy who have taken the Oaths, are so far from diminishing the Affection and Reverence they had for their Bishops, that they rather increase from the consideration of their misfortune. The Clergy look upon the Deprivation, which without relief from this Parliament, must shortly fall upon their Bishops, to be more a punishment to the Dioceses, than the Diocesans. In proper speaking, they are rather deprived of their Bishops, than the Bishops of their Preferments; and I dare say, it there were any appearance of hope, the respective Dioceses would quickly petition for the Restauration of their Governors, and beseech you in the most tender and passionate manner in the World, that you would not leave them Orphans while their Fathers are alive; and they are like to continue so while these Bishops are living, since it can scarce be conceived, that any worthy Men will be forward to accept these Preferments, and thereby shut the door against their Predecessors, so as to make their return impossible. For notwithstanding Deprivation, as long as the Places are void, the deprived Bishops are in a possibility of being restored; but when the Seats are one filled, there can be no remedy; so that the Successors, and not the Law, will be looked upon as the Deprivers: And if the Ambition of any should be so prevalent, as to despise the invidiousness of such Preferments; they must consider, that they will have but little authority over their Clergy or People, and can do but little good, where they are judged to intrude to the prejudice of the old Possessors, for whom both Clergy and People have so great esteem; and tho' they may have legal right and possession, and be Bishops and Fathers in Law, yet as long as their Predecessors are in being, and in possession of the hearts of their People, and looked upon as deprived not for any Canonical Reasons, but for their Misfortune rather than their Fault; the Newcomers can expect to be but sorrily beloved, and will have great difficulty to maintain the Peace and Unity of their Church. Besides, the Reversion of the Bishoprics to be voided upon this occasion doth not seem to me to be very desirable upon another account, even tho' they should become vacant in an ordinary way; for those who succeed them will find it a hard task to come up to the pitch of their Predecessors merit and reputation, and will probably be lessened by comparison with those that are forced to quit; but when men will enter upon the ruin of those to whom they are found so inferior, their reception is like to be but very indifferent.  
Since therefore it is not an impossible thing, while the Parliament sits, to restore the Bishops now under suspension, and it can be no prejudice to the Government, since it is so generally wished, so honourable, and at the same time so safe, since their final deprivation may bring great Inconveniences, and not the least advantage to the Public, It is to be hoped, that the Wisdom of this Parliament will find out some Expedient to restore them to the Exercise of their Office, and the Church to the Benefit of their Administration.  
FINIS.   

A LETTER Out of the COUNTRY, etc.  
Dear SIR,  
SInce you seem to desire my thoughts of the Paper you sent me, although I am at present pretty much indisposed, yet I had much rather give myself a little uneasiness than frustrate your expectation, not questioning but your Friendship can make allowances for the mistakes, and little peevishnesses too, to which Sickess may sometimes betray one; for I must confess if I had not thought myself pretty much master of my own Notions as to this point, I should not have attempted giving you an account of them at this time.  
As to the Letter then about the Bishops, I cannot but say, That as to the main Design (at least as it appears to me,) I must approve of it, as I'm sure you will say, I shall of any thing that sounds in favour of those excellent Persons, for whom I have so particular a veneration, that you yourself can witness I have often wished there might be some Expedient found out to keep them from suffering the rigour of that Law, to which they so wilfully expose themselves. And although I still continue in the same Sentiments, yet I cannot say I approve of the Methods proposed; for I doubt he has begun at the wrong end: For in my apprehension, he should in the first place have applied himself to the Bishops, and persuaded them to have desired before he had so peremptorily prescribed the giving a Dispensation to the Parliament. But alas! I know how very hard it is, not to be partial where one has particular affection; it having been a failing to which I have been too much inclined myself, even in the same case. But having taken some pains to place things in the true Light, perhaps it may be a piece of Service to show them to others in it. And to that purpose I shall crave leave to consider the two differing Matters of Fact, that of refusing the Declaration from King James, and the Oath to King William and Queen Mary. As to the proof of both, I think there needs not much evidence, since the whole Nation is their Testimonial in that Point: And for the Inferences that may be made by either side. I desire to set them apart for the present, and to consider the Actions in their naked circumstances. And in the first place, Here is an ill thing imposed on them by King James, and not only so, but they are required to be Parties in it, and spread it all over the Nation. And now I would only ask this Question. Whether it was their Duty to refuse this Command or no? If not, they sinned (I'm sure, according to their own Doctrine) in disobeying King James; but if it was their Duty to refuse (as I suppose we all grant,) than we may gather up this observation by the by, That the Commands of Kings may, nay aught to be resisted, if in themselves unlawful, that is, against the Law of the Land, (for that is their main Objection to the Declaration.) But although they had been very faulty if they had complied, yet, without admitting the Popish Doctrine of Supererogation and Merit, I cannot see why they should boast, or we magnify them so extremely for doing that which was their indispensable Duty; nay, I'm confident those excellent Persons have too much Humility to do it, or else they had not learned our Saviour's Lesson so well as I believe they have, who in the 17th of St. Luke, vers. the 9th. asks, if a Master doth thank a Servant for doing those things that were commanded him? And answers, I trow not. To which he presently subjoins in the 10th. verse, So likewise ye, when ye shall have done all that is commanded, say we are unprofitable Servants, we have done that which was our Duty to do. But although nothing can hold weight in the Balance of the Sanctuary, and no Flesh must glory in the presence of God; yet Elihu has well observed, Job 35.8. Thy Righteousness may profit a Son of Man. And on that account it must be owned, that there never was Action by which a whole Nation was more obliged than by that of the Bishops. But yet we should be too partial to them; and unjust to others, should we suffer them to engross all the Praise of that great and glorious Scene; the remembrance of which puts me almost into an ecstasy. For was there ever any sight so transporting, as that to see the Church asserting, the Law defending, the Nobility assisting, and all agreeing in the defence of our true and ancient Liberties, and that to the face, and in defiance of Arbitrary and Dispensing Power. For how gallantly soever the Bishops behaved themselves in that undertaking, had not some of their inferior Clergy been as forward as themselves; and had they not been as bravely seconded by the Lords, and Lawyers too, neither their Courage nor Innocency had been of any use either to themselves or us: So that to be just, we must divide the Praise and Thanks due to that great Action; which I am very unwilling to leave, because, alas! I must now divert to a less pleasing Subject, Their refusing of the Oaths. And how many Partners soever they had in their applauded part, I find they must bear the blame of this alone; for no body pretends to share with them in that; so that they must either stand or fall by themselves. And truly, I shall be so kind to them, as to make them Judges in their own Causes; for to go through the whole Dispute would be much too long for a Letter: But I only desire the dissenting Bishops to review, and consider their own Declaration of December the 10th. 1688. for so I think I may call it, being signed by so many of them; for W Cant. is (I am sure) the first Name, and the Bishop of Ely was not only one that signed, but carried it to the then P. of O. And I would fain ask what their Lordships then thought? For if they did not then think King James had disserted the Government, I am very confident they would not have done what they then did. For I am sure they take upon them as if there was no King in Israel. And because 'tis possible you may not have the Declaration by you, I will with your good leave transcribe some part of it.  
We do therefore unanimously resolve to apply to the Prince of Orange, who with so great kindness to these Kingdoms, so vast Expense, and so much hazard to his own Person, hath undertaken, by endeavouring to procure a Free Parliament, to rescue us, with as little effusion as possible of Christian Blood, from the imminent Dangers of Popery and Slavery.  
And we do hereby declare, That we will with our utmost Endeavour assist His Highness in the obtaining such a Parliament with all speed, wherein our Laws, our Liberties and Properties may be secured, the Church of England in particular, with a due liberty to Protestant Dissenters, and in general the Protestant Religion and Interest over the whole World, may be supported and encouraged, to the Glory of God, the Happiness of the Established Government in these Kingdoms, and the advantage of all Princes and States in Christendom that may be herein concerned.  
And in the mean time we will endeavour to preserve Peace, taking care to disarm all Papists.  
And if there be any thing more to be performed by us, for promoting his Highness generous Intentions for the public Good, we shall be ready to do it as occasion shall require.  
These are the very words of the Declaration which was signed and delivered too by the Persons , so that we have reason to look upon it as their own Act and Deed: And must therefore beg leave to be resolved in one Point, and that is, By what Authority their Lordships did this? And I cannot suppose they will say it was done by any Deputation from King James, or any Power they derived from him; so than it seems they did it in their own right. And if so, 'tis pretty indifferent to me whether King James disserted or no; for let them take which fide they please, either will do my business. For if they will own the Dissertion, they yield the Point we have all this while contended for; but if they deny that, and say that King James was at that time actually their King, than I perceive that Subjects may prescribe to, nay, force their Kings to do their Duty. But what becomes of Passive Obedience all this while I wonder? For here we find our good Bishops not only applauding, but joining with, and assisting that very Person whom their King James called an Invader, and whose very Errand hither, as they themselves at that time very well knew, was only to teach him better Behaviour.  
And how they can avoid one of these Consequences (for we may allow them their choice), I must confess I cannot very well see: For the involuntary Return which King James did make to London, does not, in my Conceit, much altar the matter, unless we will allow Kings to play at Boe-peep with their Government; and now they will be seen, and now they will not. But I hope the Persons I was now speaking of, have too much Gravity, as well as Understanding, to approve of, much less to act their Part in such Boys-Play, especially in things of this Nature and Consequence. And yet, to our great wonder, as well as trouble, we find those very wise Men recalling their Consent, flying from their Subscriptions, and nauseating all those great and glorious Designs they then seemed so eagerly to pursue: For since that very Free Parliament has been obtained, and the Rights of this particular Church and Nation, as well as the Interest of the Protestant Religion in general, secured, as far as Humane Wisdom can reach; now they loathe this Manna, and long for the Flesh▪ Pots of Egypt again; and with the Men in the Gospel, they will not have this Man (though courted before) to reign over them. Now what can one say to Men of this Temper? Nay, what can God himself do for them, since they are displeased with Heaven for granting their Desires, and quarrel with Providence because the Change was not made exactly by their Model, although, for any thing I perceive, they were not very well agreed about it themselves. For should we have attended till they had pleased themselves with a Scheme of our Deliverance, 'tis probable we might all, before that, have been swallowed up in that Common Ruin which was then just ready to overflow the Nation. But pardon me, dear Sir, if my Zeal for the Public have transported me too far in this Point; For it would raise something of Indignation in any English Man, that had a true sense of his Country's Interest, to see People sent abroad (God forbidden I should say, by the Bishops; for I have a much better Opinion of them; but however, by those that pretend to be of their Party) to proclaim, That now Iniquity is Established by a Law. But whether what they are pleased to call Iniquity Established by a Law, is not at a venture better than a Lawless Power, that will both Establish and Maintain Idolatry and Cruelty; I fancy is a Point that will be pretty easily decide, if left to the Majority of Voices in this Nation.  
But I have been hitherto relating only Matters of Fact, which I hope I have done so impartially, that they only conclusion I have made, I believe will be found to flow very Naturally from my Premises; that is indeed, from the Declaration that was both signed and sent by these Worthy Bishops.  
Now to return to the Letter you sent me. I find the Author does not only think the Oaths Lawful, but Necessary; wherein I must agree with him, as I do also in wishing the Bishops would yet take them, and, as he well says, bring their Consciences to go along with the Stream of the Public Judgement: That they would consider what allowance is to be made for the Real Necessities of a Kingdom; and whether the Safety of a People must not be preferred to all ordinary humane Rule. And these being the very Words of their own Advocate, I knew not how to put my Queries into more proper Terms; and therefore recite them: and where Salus Populi est Suprema Lex, is the avowed Maxim of the Government and Constitution, one would think it should not require much deliberation to answer the Question. But now, if they please, we will come to dispute the matter in cool Blood, and shall not restrain this great Law only to the Subject; but by the Safety of the People, understand the Government in the Concrete: For we know the Saying is derived from the Old Romans, among whom the People, with their Senate, did carry the Face of the Supreme Magistracy: And we may be sure the Safety of the whole was intended by it. So that in our Constitution it would be very hard to shut out the King from his Share in it, and say, he was not at all concerned in that Maxim: But yet in admitting a Head, I would not exclude the Body. And although 'tis possible Kingdoms may have suffered by the People's Encroachments upon the Royal Prerogative, yet to say, That a Government can suffer in no other Instance, would be full as absurd as to say, That a Man can be Mortally wounded no where but in his Head: But we are sure there are parts in our Body as fatal to be touched as the Brain itself; and therefore aught to be guarded with equal care: And in all well-ordered Commonwealths the Rights of the Subjects ought to be as Sacred as those of the Sovereign: Or else we should invert the very End and Design of Government in its first Institution; which certainly was not erected only for the agrandising one single Person or Family, but was intended for the Safety of the whole: Therefore in those Cases we are not tied up to the Rigour and Words of a Law: For if the Moral Equity, and the Design of the Commandment, is better observed by breaking the Letter of it, 'tis surely very lawful, nay, our Duty to do it. And this holding in Divine, must by a stronger Reason do so in Humane Laws: for the Positive Precepts of the Decalogue itself have been, and are frequently dispensed with, and that by God's permission: As for instance, The great Commandment of the Sabbath, although so essential a part of the Jewish Law and Service, that one calls it, The very Sacrament of the Worship of the True God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth, in opposition to Idolatry. Whether it deserves that Title, or no, I know not; yet I think I may very properly style it, The Distinguishing Character of the Jewish Church; and that it is a Precept which is the oftest repeated, more Promises made to the Observers of it, and more Judgements threatened to the Breakers of it, than to all the other Commands of the Law: So that I should make this swell to a Volume, should I transcribe all the Texts wherein the Observation of the Sabbath is enjoined. And yet, for all that God seems to lay so particular a stress on that Commandment, you see our Saviour blames the Jews for adhering so strictly to the Letter of it, for the saving of the Life of an Ox or Ass, was to be preferred before their Obedience to it. But waving all those Instances which our Saviour gives us in the Gospel, wherein the Jews themselves did break the Sabbath, and were blameless: I shall insist only on one Story in the Maccabees, which is pretty much to this purpose, 1 Mac. 2. beginning at the 31. Verse, where we have the Relation of the Fate of those poor mistaken Jews, who, for fear of profaning the Sabbath, would not so much as stop the Passages against their Enemies, but let them come in, and kill them tamely, without striking a stroke. But Mattathias and his Sons, though as great Zealots for the Law as any we read of, yet seemed to understand that Point better; and in ver. 41. 'tis said, At that time therefore they decreed, saying, Whosoever shall come to make battle with us on the Sabbath day, we will fight against him; neither will we die all, as our brethren that were murdered in the secret places; which was surely a lawful, as well as prudent Resolution. And truly just such wise Martyrs should we have been to the Fifth Commandment, as they were to the Fourth, had we pursued the Notion of Passive Obedience so far as some would have had us; by which we should have betrayed both our Religion and our Friends, and at once have rendered ourselves the Prey and Scorn of our Enemies: For we are not to think that God Almighty will work Miracles for the maintaining of our fanciful Opinions and Comments on his Law: For if we will lay Necessities on ourselves, and choose Destruction when he allows means of Escape, it is but reasonable we should perish: For that, generally speaking, is his method, as to this World, as well as to the next. We must do our part to save ourselves, or he will never help us; There must be the Sword of Gideon, as well as the Sword of the Lord, if we design to get the Victory: for we see that God suffered the Passive Jews to perish, but blest the Active Maccabees with most miraculous Victories, while in the defence of the Law they broke the Commandment. And a great many more Arguments might be drawn from the same Topick, but that I fear to swell this to too large a bulk: Therefore to conclude this Point, I shall only recite what our Saviour saith of the Fourth Commandment, Mark 2.27. The Sabbath was made for Man, not Man for the Sabbath: Which may as properly be applied to the Fifth: for we may as truly say, Kings were made for the People, not the People for Kings.  
But I doubt you will think that I forget my Letter all this while; but I was so taken up with his Wish, That the Bishops would take the Oath, that I could not but say all I could to induce them to it: But alas! so many have failed in that Attempt, that I dare hardly hope my weak Arguments should be more powerful. But now to my apprehension this is downright Demonstration, that either it is lawful to obey K. W. or 'tis not; if 'tis lawful, why then may not any Man swear they will do so? For certainly, any body may lawfully swear to do a lawful thing, especially when the Law requires them to do it. But indeed, if they do not think it lawful to obey King William, than they have no reason to take the Oath, nor truly has the Author very much to expect that the King or Parliament should grant Dispensations to them that avow'dly disown their Authority, and disobey their Laws. But perhaps it will be urged, that this is not the Law; but I'm sure our Saviour tells us, Luke 11.23. He that is not with me is against me: And 'tis so hard a thing to be perfectly Neuter, that all sides suspect them that pretend to be so: Therefore it would give great satisfaction, if these Worthy Persons would declare themselves. And besides, it is so reasonable a thing to give Security to that Government from which they receive Protection, that no Sect refuses doing it after some way or other: And if the Bishops do really stumble at the Oath, yet 'tis possible for them to contrive some other way of binding themselves as firm, and giving as good security to the Government, as if they had taken that. But 'tis their part to propose it, for they are not to expect that the Parliament should be projecting ways to evade their own Laws, or offer Relief to those Grievances that were never complained of to them: The Bishops know the way, and also know their Right of Petitioning; which makes some people suspect, that they had not so much to say for their refusing the Oaths, as they had for the Declaration; or else they would not have been so wanting to themselves, as not to have done it before now, unless the neglect proceed from a worse Principle, that of the slighting and despising the Government itself. And they cannot more effectually clear themselves from that Imputation, than by proposing something that may be equivalent to the Oath, and consequently as good Security to the Government: Which if refused, they will then have something to say for themselves, and may lawfully complain. But I believe, Sir, that you have reason to think it would be accepted if offered; and at a venture I dare promise them your Vote; for the Author of this Letter is not the only one that has wished some Expedient might be found out, that those excellent Persons might continue in the Station they so well became.  
The rest of the Letter is only Panegyric of the Bishops, and a Prophecy of the Resentment that the whole Nation is to express when the Sentence comes to Deprivation: And as to the Encomium he makes of them, I should be very well pleased with it in the Positive Degree; but Comparisons, they say, are odious: But why they should be advanced to the Superlative, only for not taking the Oaths, I do not so well understand; for we have Two of the famous Seven, who may pretend to as great Merit as any, for I am sure they suffered as much as the other Five needed to have done; and I think do not deserve the less from the Nation, because they have not made a Faction and Schism in it, as the others have, nor been the occasion of the expense of so much Treasure and Blood too. For whatever obligation we in England may have to them, I doubt the poor Irish Protestants have not so; for I believe you, and a great many in your House, are satisfied, That if the Church of England had unanimously come in to King William at first, so that he could have sent his Army over while the Protestants in Ireland had been in a condition to have assisted them, that Kingdom had been reduced long ago; and consequently so many Lives saved as it has, and will cost to do it now.  
But this is not a Subject for me to insist on, though it deserves their consideration: But I perceive the Author thinks there is no falling from Grace; else he would not have concluded that after one Eminent good Act, it was impossible for them to do an ill. It would indeed be very happy if one generous piece of Piety would render one infallible ever after; but I fear the rule will fail, though I hearty wish it may not in those Reverend Persons, for whom I have as great and true a Veneration as any body can pretend to. But in case they should think fit to prefer Quiet and Privacy, before Profit and State; and adhering to their own humour, before serving God and the Church in the places they so well filled; if I say they should think fit to do this, I cannot suppose those dismal consequences must necessarily follow that this Author foretells: for I fear the generality of the People do not so much value true worth, as to be concerned for what good Men suffer, if they themselves are at ease, and in safety. But good words cost nothing, and they can easily afford them, that will not do any thing more to serve either King or Bishop: Which may be one reason why both have been so out in their computation. For King James making his Musters by his Addresses, I'm sure reckoned without his Host: and I fancy the Bishops have been a little out in their Count too, as to the numbers of the Clergy that would refuse the Oaths; as 'tis possible this Author may be in his. But indeed where the dissenting Bishops are the whole Church, a very small Party may by the same reason be the whole Nation; and both contained in a good honest Conventicle. Nay, for any thing I know, at the rate some men talk, both Church and Nation may in a few years be reduced, as the Church of the Donatists was, to one single Person. But I do not desire to be a Prophet in that point, for I do from my Soul wish that we may be all united as in one Faith, so in one Communion; that we may with one Heart, and one Mouth Praise God, and Pray for our King, whom God has been pleased to make the Glorious Instrument of the greatest Deliverance that ever yet happened to the Reformed Church. And truly it does seem as strange to me, that any body that calls himself a Church of England Man doth not both see and acknowledge that, as it does to this Author to think that the great Assertors of the Protestant Religion and English Liberties should be Suspended, and Deprived. But the latter is still in their own choice, and let them but qualify themselves for Their Majesty's Favour, by complying with the Law, and I do not question but they shall receive such marks of it, as shall be proportionable even to their Merits. Which I do think as great as any body can pretend to, but without admitting the Doctrine of Compensation, I cannot say that the Sepererogating in one point of the Law should give one Licence to break another: For St. James tells us, Chap. 2.10. That whosoever shall keep the whole Law, and yet offend in one point, is guilty of all. And I suppose this holds in Humane as well as in the Divine Law. Therefore unless they do think fit to comply, I cannot help it though the Law do look upon them as Criminals, though I must always admire their Personal Endowments, and particular qualifications for Government, which makes it so desirable they should keep their Stations. But if they think fit to deprive the Church of their further Service, (for after all the exclamation that is, or can be made against it, 'tis apparently their own do, because their choice) although the Proverb, That seldom comes a letter, may be very likely to hold in their Case, yet I do not think there is so great a scarcity of Worthy Men in the Church, but that it may be possible to find out four or five as good, who may be able to supply, even their places, and come up to their pitch. Of which the two last Vacancies is a convincing instance to me; for by that time that the Dioceses of Worcester and Chichester are thoroughly acquainted with their New Bishops, I do not believe they will think they have changed much for the worse; although the two Predecessors were as Eminent, and as good men, as any they have left behind them.  
But I fear I have exceeded the bounds of a Letter, tho' I hope not those of your Patience, for I question not but you can pardon a Fault to which I was betrayed by my obedience to your Commands; for all your desires you know are so to,  
Dear Sir, Your most Affectionate Friend, and Servant. Nou. 1. 89.