I Have read over the first part of this History, contained in three Books, an impartial Truth; and judge it fit for public view by the printing.  
JO. LANGLEY. May 7. 1647.   

THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT Of England: Which began November the third, M.DC.XL. With a short and necessary view of some precedent years.  
Written by THOMAS MAY Esquire, Secretary for the Parliament.  
Published by Authority.  
Tempora mutantur.  
Mutantur Homines.  
Veritas eadem manet.  
Imprinted at London by Moses Bell, for George Thomason, at the Sign of the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church Yard, M. DC.XL.VII.   

The Preface.  
THe use of History, and the just Rules for composure of it, have been so well and fully described heretofore by judicious Writers, that it were lost labour, and a needless extension of the present work, to insist by way of Introduction, upon either of them. I could rather wish my abilities were such, as that the Reader, to whose judgement it is left, might find those Rules observed in the Narration itself, than told him in the Preface by a vain Anticipation.  
I will only profess to follow that one Rule, Truth, to which all the rest (like the rest of Moral Virtues to that of Justice) may be reduced, against which there are many ways, besides plain falsehood, whereby a Writer may offend. Some Historians, who seem to abhor direct falsehood, have notwithstanding dressed Truth in such improper Vestments, as if they brought her forth to act the same part that falsehood would; and taught her by Rhetorical disguises, partial concealments, and invective expressions, instead of informing, to seduce a Reader, and carry the judgement of Posterity after that Bias which themselves have made. It was the opinion of a learned Bishop of England, not long ago deceased, that Cardinal Baronius his Annals did more wound the Protestant Cause, than the Controversies of Bellarmine: And it may well be true. For against the unexpected stroke of partial History the ward is not so ready, as against that Polemike writing, where Hostility is professed with open face.  
This fault I have endeavoured to avoid: But it is my misfortune to undertake such a subject, in which to avoid partiality, is not very easy: But to escape the suspicion or censure of it, is almost impossible for the clearest integrity that ever wrote. Others, I suppose, will handle this Theme; and because that none, perchance, may perfectly please, I shall, in the behalf of all, entreat a Reader, that in his censure he would deal with the Writings of men, as with mankind itself, to call that the best, which is least bad.  
The Subject of this work is a Civil War, a War indeed as much more than Civil, and as full of miracle, both in the causes and effects of it, as was ever observed in any Age; a War as cruel as unnatural; that has produced as much rage of Swords, as much bitterness of Pens, both public and private, as was ever known; and divided the understandings of men, as well as their affections, in so high a degree, that scarce could any virtue gain due applause, any reason give satisfaction, or any Relation obtain credit, unless amongst men of the same side. It were therefore a presumptuous madness, to think that this poor and weak Discourse, which can deserve no applause from either side, should obtain from both so much as pardon; or that they should here meet in censure, which in nothing else have concurred.  
I cannot therefore be so stupid, as not at all to be sensible of the task imposed on me, or the great envy which attends it; which other men who have written Histories, upon far less occasion have discoursed of at large in their Prefaces. And Tacitus himself, complaining of those ill times which were the unhappy subject of his Annals, though he wrote not in the time of the same Princes, under whom those things were acted; yet because the Families of many men, who had then been ignominious, were yet in being, could not but discourse how much happier those Writers were, who had taken more ancient and prosperous times for their Argument; such as he there expresses, in which the great and glorious actions of the old Romans, their honourable Achievements, and exemplary Virtues are recorded.  
And I could have wished more than my life (being myself inconsiderable) that for the Public sake, my Theme could rather have been the prosperity of these Nations, the Honour and happiness of this King, and such a blessed Condition of both, as might have reached all the ends, for which Government was first ordained in the world: Then the description of Shipwrecks, Ruins, and Desolations. Yet these things truly recorded and observed, may be of good Use, and benefit Posterity in divers kinds. For though the present Actions, or rather sufferings of these (once happy) Nations, are of so high a mark and consideration, as might, perchance, throw themselves into the knowledge of Posterity by Tradition, and the weight of their own Fame: Yet it may much conduce to the benefit of that knowledge, to have the true causes, original, and growth of them represented by an honest Pen.  
For the truth of this plain and naked Discourse, which is here presented to the public view, containing a brief Narration of those Distractions which have fallen amongst us, during the sitting of this present Parliament; as also some Passages, and visible Actions of the former Government (whether probably conducing to these present calamities or not, of which let the Reader judge) I appeal only to the memory of any English man, whose years have been enough to make him know the Actions that were done; and whose conversation has been enough public, to let him hear the Common Voice, and Discourses of People upon those Actions, to his memory I say, do I appeal, whether such Actions were not done, and such Judgements made upon them, as are here related. In which perchance some Readers may be put in mind of their own thoughts heretofore; which thoughts have since, like Nebuchadnezars dream, departed from them. An English Gentleman, who went to travel when this Parliament was called, and returned when these differences were grown among us, hearing what Discourses were daily made, affirmed, That the Parliament of England (in his opinion) was more misunderstood in England then at Rome; And that there was greater need to remember our own Countrymen, then to inform strangers of what was passed; So much (said he) have they seemed to forget the things themselves, and their own Nations concerning them.  
But where War continues, people are enforced to make their residence in several Quarters, and therefore several, according to the places where they converse, must their information be concerning the condition and state of things. From whence arises not only a variety, but a great discrepancy for the most part in the Writings of those who record the passages of such times. And therefore it has seldom happened, but that in such times of calamity and War, Historians have much dissented from each other. Franciscus Haraeus compiled Annals of the bloody and fierce Wars in the Netherlands, when some of those Provinces fell from the obedience of Philip the second, King of Spain: Which business he relates in such a way, as must in probability lead a Reader to believe that the King and his Officers were altogether innocent, and the people of those Countries the only causers of their own Calamity. Meteranus wrote the History of those very times; which who so reads, must needs make a contrary censure concerning the occasion of that War. The like discrepancy hath been found in Historians of all ages and Nations, and therefore not to be much wondered at, if it now happen.  
But that which of all other is most likely to be differently related (because informations will not agree in such a distance) is concerning the actions of War and Soldiery; and in the time of this War it is a thing of extreme difficulty (I might say of impossibility) for those of one Party to be truly informed of all the Counsels, or the very Performances and Actions of Commanders and Soldiers on the other side. How much valour the English Nation on both sides have been guilty of in this unnatural War, the World must needs know in the general fame. But for particulars, how much Worth, Virtue, and Courage, some particular Lords, Gentlemen, and others have showed, unless both sides do write, will never perfectly be known. My residence hath been, during these Wars, in the quarters, and under the protection of the Parliament; and whatsoever is briefly related of the Soldiery, being toward the end of this Book, is according to that light which I discerned there. For whatsoever I have miss concerning the other Party, I can make no other Apology than such as Meteranus (whom I named before) doth in the Preface to his History, De Belguis tumultibus. Whose words are thus: Quòd plura de Reformatorum, & patriae defensorum, quam de Partis adversaere. bus gestis exposuerìm; mirum haudquaquam est, quoniam plus Commercii, & familiaritatis mihi cum ipsis, & major indagandi, opportunitas furt. Si Pars adversaidem tali probitate praestiterit, & ediderit; Posteritas gesta omnia legere, & liquido cognoscere magno cum fructu poterit. In like manner may I aver, that if in this discourse more particulars are set down, concerning the actions of those men who defended the Parliament, then of them that warred against it; it was because my conversation gave me more light on that side; to whom, as I have endeavoured to give no more than what is due, so I have cast no blemishes on the other; nor bestowed any more characters, than what the truth of Story must require. If those that write on the other side will use the same candour, there is no fear but that posterity may receive a full information concerning the unhappy distractions of these Kingdoms.  
This I must add, that to inform the world of the right nature, causes, and growth of these Distractions, it will require that the Discourse begin from precedent times; which I shall endeavour to deduce down to the present with as much brevity, as the necessity of unfolding truth can possibly admit.  
Neither is it needful to begin the Story from times of any great distance; or to mention the Government of our most ancient Princes; but from that Prince (fresh in the memory of some yet living) who first established the Reformed Religion in this Kingdom, and according to that, 〈◊〉 a new interest in the State; which was most behooveful and requisite for her Successors to follow, and much conducing, besides the glory of Almighty God, to their own Honour, Power, and Greatness.   

THE CONTENTS.  

BOOK I.  

CHAP. I.  
WHerein is a short mention of Queen Elizabeth, King James, and the beginning of King Charles his Reign His two first Parliaments. Of the War with Spain and France. The death of the Duke of Buckingham. And the third Parliament of King Charles. 1   

CHAP. II.  
A brief Relation of some grievances of the Kingdom. The various opinions of men concerning the present Government. The condition of the Court and Clergy of England. Some observations of a stranger, concerning the Religion of the English people. 15   

CHAP. III.  
The condition of the Scottish State and Clergy, when the new Book of Lyturgy was sent unto them; how it was received; with some effects which followed. The King's Proclamation sent by the Earl of Traquare; against which the Lords make a Protestation. 27   

CHAP. IV.  
The Scots enter into a Covenant. The marquis Hamilton is sent thither from the King. A national Synod is granted to them, but dissolved within few days by the marquis, as Commissioner from the King. The King declares against the Covenanters, and raises an Army to subdue them. 38   

CHAP. V.  
The 〈◊〉 of the English People from this War with Scotland 〈◊〉 King advanceth to York with his Army. The prepa●●●● 〈◊〉 the Scottish Covenanters. A Pacification is made, and 〈◊〉 Armies disbanded. Another Preparation for War with ●●●●land. A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13 of 〈◊〉. The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of 〈◊〉 to the Earl of Traquare. 46   

CHAP. VI  
The Parliament beginneth in England, but is soon dissolved. The Clergy continue their Convocation. The Scots enter into England. Some passages of the War. A Parliament is called to begin on the third of November. A Truce between the Armies for two Months. 58   

CHAP. VII.  
The beginning of the English Parliament. Grievances examined. Sufferers relieved. Delinquents questioned. The Archbishop of Canterbury committed to the Tower. The flight of Secretary WINDEBANKE, and of the Lord Keeper FINCH. 70   

CHAP. VIII.  
The Trial and death of the Earl of Strafford. Conspiracies detected during the agitation of it. An Act for continuance of this present Parliament. With a mention of that Grant of the Triennial Parliament in February before. 87   

CHAP. IX.  
Allowance of money from the English Parliament to the Scots. The vast Charge of disbanding the two Armies. The great Taxations for that purpose, and the manner of Poll Money. The people take a Protestation. An Act for putting down the High Commission Court, and Star-chamber; with other occurrences of that time. The Queen Mother departeth England. The King goeth into Scotland. 103    

BOOK II.  

CHAP. I.  
A Standing Committee during the Recess of both Houses of Parliament. The Rebellion of the Irish; and Massacre of the ●testants there. Some endeavours of the English Parliament 〈◊〉 relief of that Kingdom. 1   

CHAP. II.  
The King returneth out of Scotland, and is pompoushly entertained by the City of London. The Remonstrance is published by the Parliament. The King entereth into the House of Commons. The 〈◊〉 of the 12. Bishops; and how it was censured by the Lords and Commons. Divers unhappy obstructions of the relief of Ireland. 16   

CHAP. III.  
The Queen passeth into Holland, with her Daughter the Princess Mary. Difference between the King and Parliament concerning the Militia. The King goeth toward York, and is followed with a Petition from the Lords and Commons to Theobalds', and another Declaration to Newmarket. The King is denied entrance into Hull by Sir John Hotham. 38   

CHAP. IV.  
Many Members of both Houses leave the Parliament, and repair to the King. Nine of the Lords who first went away, are impeached by the Commons, and censured by the Peers. The Great Seal is carried away from London to York. Some Votes of Parliament concerning the Kings Proceedings. A Petition, with nineteen Propositions, sent from the Parliament to the King. 58   

CHAP. V.  
An Order for bringing in of Plate and Money into Guild-Hall. The King's Declaration to the Lords about him. Their Profession and Protestation to him. The King layeth Siege to Hull; but raiseth it again. The Earl of Warwick taketh possession of the Navy, as Lord Admiral. The Earl of Essex is voted in Parliament to be Lord General of all their Forces. 83   

CHAP. VI  
A brief Relation of the condition of divers Counties in England, when the Parliaments Ordinance for the Militia, and the King's Commission of Array were put in execution. With a mention of some Lords and otherswho were actors on either side. The Lord Mayor of London committed to the Tower, and sentenced by the Parliament. A mention of some Declarations, Messages, and Answers that passed between the King and the two Houses of Parliament. 99    

BOOK III.  

CHAP. I.  
PRince Rupert and Prince Maurice arrive in England. The Earl of Essex taking leave of the Parliament, goeth to his Command. The King increaseth in strength at Shrewsbury. A Skirmish at Worcester. The great Battle of Keynton is fought. 1   

CHAP. II.  
The Parliament send to the King concerning an Accommodation. A fight at Brainford. Another Treaty with the King begun, and broken of. Reading besieged by the Lord General Essex, and surrendered to him. A Conspiracy to betray Bristol. A treacherous Plot against the Parliament and City of London, discovered and prevented. 29   

CHAP. III.  
Matters of State trans-acted in Parliament, touching the Assembly of Divines. The making of a new Great Seal. Impeaching the Queen of High Treason, and other things. The Lord General Essex, after some Marches, returneth to quarter his wasted and sick Army about Kingston. The King's Forces Masters of the West. The Earl of Newcastle, his greatness in the North. Some mention of the Earl of Cumberland, and the Lord FAIRFAX. 47   

CHAP. IV.  
Some Actions of Sir Thomas Fairfax in the North. The Queen lands in England. The revolt of Sir Hugh Cholmley, and the two hotham's. The state of this War in the Western parts. The condition of the Associated Counties. A short relation of Sir William Waller his Actions; of Colonel Cromwell, Sir William Brereton, and Sir John Gell. 63   

CHAP. V.  
The death of the Lord Brooke, and of the Earl of Northampton. A short mention of some Actions in divers Counties. The low condition of the Parliament at that time. The Siege of Gloucester. 85   

CHAP. VI  
The Expedition of the Lord General Essex for relief of Gloucester. The great Battle of Newbury described. 101     


THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT OF England.  

CHAP. I.  
Wherein is a short mention of Queen ELIZABETH, King JAMES, and the beginning of King CHARLES his Reign; his two first Parliaments. Of the War with Spain and France. The death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM. And the third Parliament of King CHARLES.  
Queen ELIZABETH, of glorious Memory, together with that great Stock of Wealth and Honour, which her prudent and just Government had brought to the English Nation, had enriched them besides with a greater Treasure (which we may justly account the cause of all the rest) Religion reform from Popish Superstition.  
That Reformation engaged the Queen in a new Interest of State, to side with the Protestants against those Potent Monarches of the other Religion, which seemed at the beginning as much danger and disadvantage to her, as it proved in conclusion security and Honour; so impossible it is for any disadvantage to prevail over them that help the Lord against the Mighty.  
That Storm from France, which so much threatened the weak beginnings of her Reign, was suddenly blown over by the death of HENRY the second, and some few Months after of his Son FRANCIS, who had married the Queen of Scotland; the danger which remained greatest was from Spain, where PHILIP the second then reigned, a Prince not greater in Dominion, Treasure, and Armies, then deeply engaged against the Protestant Religion, by the instigation and assistance of the Jesuits, an Order, which in the Age before had been highly counrenanced by Pope PAUL the third, in opposition to the Gospell-Doctrine, that then began to spread apace in Germany, and other parts.  
The whole Order of Jesuits (as endeavouring to set up one Temporal Kingdom of Christendom, suitable to the Papal Hierarchy) applied their service altogether to the Monarchy of Spain, as being then far the greatest in Europe (and fittest for their purpose) by the late uniting of so many Kingdoms and Dutchies under the person of CHARLES the Emperor, who by a fortunate birthright inherited, together with Casule, and Arragon, and all the great Acquisitions of his Grandfather FERDINAND in Italy, and the West Indies, the rich and useful patrimony of his Father PHILIP, Burgundy, and the Netherlands; all these he had left entirely to his Son PHILIP, who to so large a Territory, had made that strong addition of the Kingdom of Portugal, and might seem an Enemy too mighty for England and all the Protestants of Europe to oppose.  
But Queen ELIZABETH had woven the interest of her own State so inseparably into the cause of Religion itself, that it was hard to overthrow one without the ruin of the other. And God, who had given her so much grace and courage as to rely wholly upon him, did with that Almighty hand, not only hold her up from sinking, but lift her above the heads of all her enemies.  
By what degrees and means she achieved the great Actions of her reign, and brought so much prosperity to her Nation, it is not the scope of this discourse to relate at large (for her History is not the work in hand) but only in brief to declare that before her death she was the happy instrument of God to promote the Protestant Religion in all parts. She kerbed the Spanish greatness by supporting France from ruin, to give some balance to the other, as she preserved Scotland from being swallowed up by the French before. She protected the Hollanders against him, vanquished his Armies both by Land and Sea, with many other such things as might seem too much to be the achievements of one Reign. And last of all, she reduced Ireland wholly to obedience, notwithstanding all the subtle machinations of Spain, and open assistance given in Arms to her Irish Rebels. All which she accomplished by the justice and prudence of her government, by making the right use of her Subjects hearts, hands and Purses in a Parliamentary way; as also securing her own Kingdom by strengthening the hands of Protestants abroad; insomuch as she stood at last above the reach of any enemy by open war; and protected by God, though often attempted by domestic Treasons and Assasinations, till in the end she died in a good old age, leaving to her Successor King JAMES the Kingdom of England in an happier condition than ever it was; the Kingdom of Ireland wholly subdued and reduced, to reap for himself the harvest of all her labour and expense; and nothing to do for it, but to propagate the true Faith in that Kingdom, which she prevented by death could not perform; and was, in probability, an easy task for King JAMES at that time; much conducing, besides the honour of God, to his own Temporal strength and greatness, if he had only gone fairly on in that way which Queen ELIZABETH had made plain for him.  
The Prosperity of England seemed then at the height or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and it pleases God that States many times shall decline from their happiness without any apparent signs to us, or reasons that we can give, as a Heathen complaines: 
Oh faciles dare summa Deos, eademque tueri  
Difficiles? Lucan.  
How easy are the Gods to raise States high,  
But not to keep them so?   
These things have made some high-reaching Writers impute the raising and declination of Kingdoms and Commonwealths to certain aspects of heavenly Constellations, to Conjunctions, and Oppositions of Planets, and various Eclipses of Celestial Luminaries; others, to an hidden strength, and secret efficacy of Numbers themselves; and most men to the perpetual Rotation of fortune: but the judgements of God in those things are passed our finding out, and they are too wise, who are not content sometimes to wonder.  
For King JAMES, the Successor to Queen ELIZABETH, was a wise and learned Prince, of disposition merciful and gracious, excellently grounded in that Religion which he professed, as the world may find by his extant writings; a Prince of whom England conceived wonderful hope, and received with great joy and Triumph; but he did not begin where his Predecessor left, proceeding rather in a contrary way; what the reasons of it were, I will not at all presume to deliver my opinion, though some have been bold to write and publish of late years, that it was fear for his own Person, that made him to temporize with Rome, considering the boldness of Jesuitical Assasines: others more candidly conceived it might be his great desire of peace and union with other Princes, though he might err in the means of attaining that end; for he was by nature a great seeker of Peace, and abhorrer of bloodshed, according to that Motto which he ever used, Beati Pacifici. I cannot search into men's thoughts, but only relate the Actions which appeared.  
King JAMES, at the beginning of his Reign, made a Peace with Spain, which was brought very low by Queen ELIZABETH, and had been nearer to ruin in all probability, had she lived a few years longer; the Estates of the united Provinces of the Netherlands, those useful Confederates to England, began to be despised by the English Court, under a vain shadow in stead of a reason, that they were an ill example for a Monarch to cherish. Then began secret Treaties to pass betwixt Rome and the Court of England; care to be taken about reconciliation of Religions; the rigour of Penal Laws against the Papists (notwithstanding that odious plot of the Gunpowder Treason) was abated; the pomp of Prelacy, and multitude of Ceremonies, increased daily in the Church of England, and according to that were all Civil Affairs managed both at home and abroad.  
Neither was it easy for the King to turn himself out of that way, when he was once entered into it; so that at last the Papists began by degrees to be admitted nearer to him in service and conversation. Exceeding desirous he then was to match the Prince his Son to the Infanta of Spain, about which many and long Treaties passed, wherein not only the Spaniard, but the Pope, made many present advantages of the King's earnest desires, and many ways deluded him, as it appeared plainly by his own Letters to his Ambassadors there, since found and published.  
Thus was the King by degrees brought, not only to forsake, but to oppose his own interest both in civil and religious affairs, which was most unhappily seen in that cause (as the Duke of ROHAN observed,) wherein, besides the interest of all Protestants, and the honour of his Nation, the estate and livelihood of his own children were at the height concerned, the Palatinate business.  
From hence slowed a farther mischief; for the King being loath perchance that the whole people should take notice of those ways in which he trod, grew extremely dis-affected to Parliaments, calling them for nothing but to supply his expenses, dissolving them when they began to meddle with State Affaires, and divers times imprisoning the Members for Speeches made in Parliament, against the fundamental privileges of that high Court.  
Parliaments being thus despised and abused, projects against the Laws were found out to supply the King's expenses, which were not small; and the King (whether to avoid the envy of those things, or the trouble of them) did in a manner put off all business of Government from himself into the hands of a young Favourite, the Duke of BUCKINGHAM, whom he had raised from a Knights fourth Son, to that great height, and entrusted with the chief Offices of the Kingdom; besides the great power which he had by that extraordinary favour of confering all places and preferments both in Church and State.  
This Duke, not long before the death of King JAMES, was grown into extraordinary favour and entireness with the Prince, whom he afterward swayed no less than he had before his father; like an unhappy vapour exhaled from the earth to so great an height, as to cloud not only the rising, but the setting Sun.  
King CHARLES', with great hopes and expectation of the people, and no less high expressions of love and duty from all in general, began his Reign on the 27 of March, 1624. and indeed that love which the people bore to his Person, had been before testified, whilst he was yet Prince, at his return from Spain, though the journey itself had not been pleasing to the Kingdom; for when the people saw him arrived in safety, there needed no public Edict for thanksgiving or joy; every society and private family (as if the hearts of all had been in one) did voluntarily assemble themselves together, praising God, with singing of Psalms, with joyful feasting, and charity to the poor; insomuch that I suppose the like consent, without any interposing authority, hath not been often known.  
The same affections followed him to his Throne; the same hopes and fair presages of his future Government, whilst they considered the temperance of his youth, how clear he had lived from personal vice, being grown to the age of 23. how untainted of those licentious extravagances, which unto that age and fortune are not only incident, but almost thought excusable.  
But some men suspended their hopes, as doubting what to find of a Prince so much and so long reserved; for he had never declared himself of any Faction, or scarce interposed in any State affairs, though some things had been managed in his father's Reign, with much detriment to his own present and future fortunes. Yet that by the people in general was well censured, as an effect of his piety and obedience to the King his father, and happy presages gathered from it, That so good an obeyer would prove a just Ruler.  
They wondered also to see him suddenly linked in such an entire friendship with the Duke of BUCKINGHAM; for extraordinary Favourites do usually eclipse and much depress the Heir apparent of a Crown, or else they are conceived so to do; and upon that reason hated, and ruined by the succeeding Prince; in which kind all ancient and modern Stories are full of examples.  
In the beginning of King CHARLES his Reign, a Parliament was called, and adjourned to Oxford, the plague raging extremely at London, where the Duke of BUCKINGHAM was highly questioned, but by the King (not without the grief and sad presage of many people, that private affections would too much prevail in him against the public) he was protected against the Parliament, which for that only purpose was dissolved, after two Subsidies had been given, and before the Kingdom received relief in any one grievance; as is expressed in the first and general Remonstrance of this present Parliament, where many other unhappy passages of those times are briefly touched; as that the King, immediately after the dissolution of that Parliament, contrived a War against Spain, in which the design was unhappily laid, and contrary to the advice which at that time had been given by wise men, who persuaded him to invade the West Indies; a way, no doubt, far more easy and hopeful for England to prevail against Spain then any other: instead of that, the King with great expense of Treasure, raised an Army and Fleet to assault Cales, the Duke of BUCKINGHAM bearing the Title both of Admiral and General, though he went not himself in person; but the matter was so ordered, that the expedition proved altogether successelesse, and as dishonourable as expensive.  
They complained likewise of another design (which indeed was much lamented by the people of England in general) about that time put in practice, a thing destructive to the highest interest of the Nation, the maintenance of Protestant Religion; a Fleet of English Ships were set forth, and delivered over to the French, by whose strength all the Sea forces of Rochel were scattered and destroyed, a loss to them irrecoverable, and the first step to their ruin.  
Neither was this loan of Ships from England (for such was the people's complaint and suspicion against those, who at that time stood at the Helm) supposed to proceed so much from friendship to the State of France, as from design against Religion; for immediately upon it, the King, by what advice the people understood not, made a breach with France, by taking their Ships, to a great value, without making any recompense to the English, whose Goods were thereupon imbarred, and confiscate in that Kingdom.  
In revenge of this, a brave Army was raised in England, and commanded by the Duke of BUCKINGHAM in person, who landing at the Isle of Rhea, was at the first encounter victorious against the French; but after few Months stay there, the matter was so unhappily carried, the General being unexperienced in Warlike affairs, that the French prevailed, and gave a great defeat, where many gallant Gentlemen lost their lives, and the Nation much of their ancient Honour.  
From thence proceeded another step to the ruin of Rochel; the sick and wounded English were sent into that City, and relieved by the besieged Rochellers, out of that little provision which they then had, upon faithful promise of supplies from England in the same kind: The provisions of Rochel were little enough for their own relief at that time, if we consider what ability the French King had to continue that siege; when to the proper wealth and greatness of his Crown, was added that reputation and strength, which his late success against all the other Protestant Garrisons in France had brought.  
The besieged Rochellers, not doubting at all of the due and necessary supply of Victual from England, sent their Ships thither for that purpose; but those Ships, whose return with bread was so earnestly expected, were stayed in England by an Embargo; and so long stayed, till that unhappy Town was enforced to yield by famine, the sharpest of all Enemies.  
But in the mean time, whilst these Ships with Victual were detained, a great Army was raised in England for relief of Rochel, but too great was the delay of those preparations, till time was past, and that Army in the end disbanded by the sad death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM their General, who was stabbed at Portsmouth by a private Gentleman, JOHN FELTON.  
This FELTON was a Soldier of a low stature, and no promising aspect; of disposition serious, and melancholy, but religious in the whole course of his life and conversation; which last I do not mention out of purpose to countenance his unlawful act, as supposing him to have had (as some did then talk) any inspiration or calling of God to it: His confessions to his friends, both public and private, were, That he had often secret motions to that purpose, which he had resisted and prayed against, and had almost overcome, until he was at last confirmed in it, by reading the late dissolved Parliaments Remonstrance against the Duke: That then his conscience told him it was just and laudable, to be the executioner of that man, whom the highest Court of Judicature, the representative body of the Kingdom, had condemned as a Traitor. But let Posterity censure it as they please; certain it is, that FELTON did much repent him of the unlawfulness of the fact, out of no fear of death, or punishment here, for he wished his hand cut off before the execution, which his Jugdes could not doom by the Laws of England.  
The King had not long before broken off another Parliament, called in the second year of his Reign, in which the Petition of Right was granted, to the great rejoicing of the people. But it proved immediately to be no relief at all to them; for the Parliament presently dissolved, the King acted over the same things, which formerly he had done; and that grant, instead of fortifying the Kingdom's Liberty, made it appear to be more defenceless than before, that Laws themselves were no bar against the Kings will. The Parliament in hope of gracious Acts, had declared an intent to give his Majesty five Subsidies, the full proportion of which five Subsidies was, after the dissolution of that Parliament, exacted by Commission of Loane from the people, and those imprisoned which refused the payment of that Loane: Great sums of money were required and raised by privy Scales: A Commission for squeezing the Subject by way of Excize: Soldiers were billeted upon them: And a design laid to enslave the Nation by a force of Germane Horse: with many other things of that nature.  
Those affairs of State which concerned Con●ederates abroad, had been managed with as much disadvantage, and infelicity to them, as dishonour to the English Nation, and prejudice to the Cause of Religion itself.  
Peace was made with Spain without consent of Parliament; by which all hope was utterly lost, of re-establishing the King's nearest kindred in their just Dominion; and the Protestant Religion much weakened in Germany. What Counsels had then influence upon the Court of England, might be the amazement of a wise man to consider; and the plain truth must needs seem a paradox to posterity; as that the Protestant Religion, both at home and abroad, should suffer much by the Government of two Kings; of whom the former in his own person wrote more learnedly in defence of it; and the latter in his own person lived more conformably to the Rules of it, than any of their Contemporary Princes in Europe. But the Civil Affairs of State were too ill managed, to protect, or at least to propagate true Religion; or else the neglect of Religion was the cause that Civil Affairs were blessed with no more honour and prosperity. The right ways of Queen ELIZABETH, who advanced both, had been long ago forsaken, and the deviation grew daily farther, and more fatal to the Kingdom. Which appeared in a direct contrariety to all particulars of her Reign. Titles of Honour were made more honourable by her, in being conferred sparingly, and therefore probably upon great desert, which afterwards were become of less esteem, by being not only too frequently conferred, but put to open sale, and made too often the purchase of Mechanics, or the reward of vicious persons.  
At the death of that Duke, the people were possessed with an unusual joy, which they openly testified by such expressions, as indeed were not thought fit nor decent by wise men, upon so tragical and sad an accident, which in a christian consideration might move compassion, whatsoever the offences of the man were.  
To such people that distich of Seneca might give answer: 
Res est sacra miser; noli mea tangere fata:  
Sacrilegae Bustis abstinuere manus.  
Sacred is woe; touch not my death with scorn:  
Even sacrilegious hands have Tombs forborn.   
And it may be that God was offended at the excess of their joy, in that he quickly let them see, the benefit was not so great to them as they expected by it; but his judgements are too high for men to search. True it is, that the people in general loving the King's Person, and very unwilling to harbour the least opinion of ill in him, looked upon the Duke, as the only hindrance of the Kingdom's happiness; supposing, that though other Statesmen might afterwards arise, of as bad or worse intentions, than the Duke; yet none would have so great a power for execution of them; nor any other Genius be ever found, to have so great a mastery over the King's Genius. But it is certain, that men did much therefore rejoice at the death of this Duke, because they did before much fear what mischief might befall a Kingdom, where that man, who knew himself extremely hated by the people, had all the keys of the Kingdom in his hand, as being Lord Admiral and Warden of the Cinque-Ports; having the command of all the Soldiers, and the only power to reward and raise them.  
These joys and hopes of men lasted not long, for in the same year (being the fourth of King CHARLES) and after the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM, another Parliament was dissolved; and then the Privileges of that high Court more broken then ever before. Six Members of the House of Commons, who had been forward in vindicating the Privileges of Parliament, were committed close Prisoners for many months together, without the liberty of using books, pen, ink and paper, while they were detained in this condition; and not admitted Bail according to Law: They were also vexed with informations in inferior Courts; where they were sentenced, and fined for matters done in Parliament; and the payment of such Fines extorted from them. Some were enforced to put in security of good behaviour, before they could be released: The rest who refused to be bound, were detained divers years after in custody, of whom one Sir JOHN eliot, a Gentleman of able parts, that had been forwardest in expression of himself, for the freedom of his Country, and taxing the unjust actions of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM, while that Duke lived (though the truth be, that the 〈◊〉 of his were no other than what carried 〈◊〉 consent in them) died by the harshness of his imprisonment, which would admit of no relaxation, though for health's sake; he petitioned for it often, and his Physician gave in testimony to the same purpose. The freedom that Sir JOHN E●●OT used in Parliament, was by the people in general applauded, though much taxed by the Courtiers, and censured by some of a more politic reserve (considering the times) in that kind that TACITUS censures THRASEAS POETUS, as thinking such freedom a needless, and therefore a foolish thing, where no cure could be hoped by it. Sibi periculum, nec aliis libertatem.  
After the breaking off this Parliament (as the Historian speaketh of Roman liberty, after the battle of PHILIPPIS, nunquam post hoc praelium, etc.) the people of England for many years never looked back to their ancient liberty. A Declaration was published by the king, wherein aspersions were laid upon some Members; but indeed the Court of Parliament itself was declared against. All which the dejected people were forced to read with patience, and allow against the dictate of their own reason.  
The people of England from that time were deprived of the hope of Parliaments; and all things so managed by public Officers, as if never such a day of account were to come.  
I shall for methods sake first of all make a short enumeration of some of the chief grievances of the Subjects, which shall be truly and plainly related; as likewise some vices of the Nation in general, that the Reader may the better judge of the causes of succeeding troubles, during the space of seven or eight years after the dissolution of that Parliament, and then give some account concerning the several dispositions of the people of ENGLAND, and their different censures of the King's government during those years; touching by th●●●●●mewhat of 〈◊〉 manners and customs of the 〈◊〉 ENGLAND, and then briefly of the condition of Ecclesiastical affairs, and the censures of men concerning that.   

CHAP. II.  
A brief Relation of some grievances of the Kingdom. The various opinions of men concerning the present Government. The condition of the Court and Clergy of England. Some observations of a stranger, concerning the Religion of the English people.  
IT cannot but be thought, by all wise and honest men, that the sins of England were at a great height, that the injustice of Governors, and vices of private men, were very great; which have ●●nce called down from Almighty God so sharp a judgement; and drawn on by degrees so calamitous and consuming a War. Those particular crimes an English Historian can take no pleasure to relate, but might rather desire to be silent in, and say with STATIUS: 
— Nos certe taceamus, & obruta multa  
Nocte ●egi nostrae patiamur crimina gentis.  
Let us be silent, and from after times  
Conceal our own unhappy Nations crimes.   
But to be silent in that, were great injustice and impiety toward God, to relate his judgements upon a Kingdom; and forget the sins of that Kingdom, which were the cause of them. The Heathen Historians do well instruct us in that point of piety; who never almost describe any Civil War, or public affliction, without relating at the beginning, how vicious and corrupted their State was at that time grown, how faulty both the Rulers and People were, and how fit to be punished, either by themselves or others. Nor do any of the Roman Poets undertake to write of that great and miserable Civil War, which destroyed the present State, and enslaved posterity; without first making a large enumeration of such cause●; how wicked the manners of Rome were grown, how the chief Rulers were given to avarice and oppression, and the whole State drowned in luxury, lusts and riot, as you may see upon that subject in two the most elegant of them. And shall we Christians, who adore the true God, and live under the gospel-light, not be sensible under so heavy a judgement of our own offences.  
To begin with the fault● of the higher powers, and their illegal oppression of the people, during these eight or nine years, in which Parliaments were denied to England, which I briefly touch, referring the Reader to a more full narration in the Remonstrance; multitudes of Monopolies were granted by the King, and laid upon all things of most common and necessary use, such as Soap, Salt, Wine, Leather, Sea-coal, and many other of that kind.  
Regia priva●is creseunt aeraria damnis. Claud.  
By loss of private men th' Exchequer grows.  
Large sum● of Money were exacted thorough the whole Kingdom for default of Knighthood, under the shadow of an obsolete Law. Tonnage and Poundage were received without the ordinary course of Law; and though they were taken under pretence of guarding the Seas, yet that great Tax of Ship-money was set on foot under the same colour; by both which there was charged upon the people some years near 700000. li. though the Seas at that time were not well guarded.  
These things were accompanied with an enlargement of Torrests, contrary to Magna Charta, the forcing of Coat and Conduct-Money, taking away the Arms of Trained Bands in divers Counties, disarming the people by engrossing of Gunpowder, keeping it in the Tower of London, and setting so high a rate upon it, that the poorer sort were not able to buy it; nor could any have it without licence; whereby several parts of the Kingdom were left destitute of their necessary defence.  
No Courts of Judicature could give redress to the people for these illegal sufferings, whilst Judges were displaced by the King, for not complying with his will, and so awed, that they durst not do their duties: For to hold a rod over them, the clause, Quandiu se bene geserint, was le●t out of their Patents, and a new clause, Durante bene placito, inserted.  
New illegal Oaths were enforced upon the Subjects, and new Judicatories erected without Law; and when Commissions were granted for examining the excess of Fees, and great exactions discovered, the Delinquents were compounded with, not only for the time past, but immunity to offend for the time to come; which in stead of redressing, did confirm, and increase the grievance of the Subjects.  
By this time, all thoughts of ever having a Parliament again, were quite banished; so many oppressions had been set on ●oot, so many illegal actions done, that the only way to justify the mischiefs already done, was to do that one greater, To take away the means which was ordained to redress them, the lawful Government of England by Parliaments.  
Whilst the Kingdom was in this condition, the serious and just men of England, who were no way interessed in the emolument of these oppressions, could not but entertain sad thoughts and presages, of what mischief must needs follow so great an injustice; that things carried so far on in a wrong way, must needs either enslave themselves and posterity for ever, or require a vindication so sharp and smarting, as that the Nation would groan under it; and though the times were jolly for the present, yet having observed the judgement of God upon other secure Nations, they could not choose but fear the sequel. Another sort of men, and especially Lords and Gentlemen, by whom the pressures of the Government were not much felt, who enjoyed their own plentiful fortunes, with little or insensible detriment, looking no farther than their present safety and prosperity; and the yet undisturbed peace of the Nation, whilst other Kingdoms were embroiled in calamities, and Germany sadly wasted by a sharp War, did nothing but applaud the happiness of England, and called those ingrateful and factious spirits, who complained of the breach of Laws and Liberties; That the Kingdom abounded with wealth, plenty, and all kind of elegancies, more than ever; That it was for the honour of a people, that the Monarch should live splendidly, and not be kerbed at all in his Prerogative, which would bring him into the greater esteem with other Princes, and more enable him to prevail in Treaties; That what they suffered by Monopolies, was insensible, and not grievous, if compared with other States; That the Duke of TUSCANY sat heavier upon his people in that very kind; That the French King had made himself an absolute Lord, and quite depressed the power of Parliaments, which had been there as great as in any Kingdom, and yet that France flourished, and the Gentry lived well; That the Austrian Princes, especially in Spain, laid heavy burdens upon their Subjects.  
Thus did many of the English Gentry, by way of comparison, in ordinary discourse, plead for their own servitude.  
The Courtiers would begin to dispute against Parliaments in their ordinary discourse, That they were cruel to those whom the King favoured, and too injurious to his Prerogative; That the late Parliament stood upon too high terms with the King; and that they hoped the King should never need any more Parliaments. Some of the greatest Statesmen and Privy Counsellors, would ordinarily laugh at the ancient Language of England, when the word Liberty of the Subject was named. But these Gentlemen, who seemed so forward in taking up their own yoke, were but a small part of the Nation (though a number considerable enough to make a Reformation hard) compared with those Gentlemen who were sensible of their birthrights, and the true interest of the Kingdom; on which side the common people in the generality, and Country Freeholders stood, who would rationally argue of their own Rights, and those oppressions that were laid upon them.  
But the sins of the English Nation were too great, to let them hope for an easy or speedy redress of such grievances; and the manners of the people so much corrupted, as by degrees they became of that temper, which the Historian speaks of his Romans, ut nec mala, nec remedia ferre possent, they could neither suffer those pressures patiently, nor quietly endure the cure of them. profaneness too much abounded every where; and which is most strange, where there was no Religion, yet there was Superstition: Luxury in diet. and excess both in meat and drink, was crept into the Kingdom in an high degree, not only in the quantity, but in the wanton curiosity. And in abuse of those good creatures which God had bestowed upon this plentiful Land, they mixed the vices of divers Nations, catching at every thing that was new and foreign.  
— Non vulgo not a placebant Petronius.  
Gaudia, non usu plebejo trita voluptas.  
— Old known delight  
They scorn, and vulgar bare-worn pleasure sleight.  
As much pride and excess was in Apparel, almost among all degrees of people, in new fangled and various fashioned attire; they not only imitated, but excelled their foreign patterns; and in fantastical gestures and behaviour, the petulancy of most Nations in Europe.  
Et laxi crines, & tot nova nomina vestis. Petr.  
Loose hair, and many new found names of clothes.  
The serious men groaned for a Parliament; but the great Statesmen plied it the harder, to complete that work they had begun, of setting up Prerogative above all Laws.  
The Lord WENTWORTH (afterward created Earl of STRAFFORD for his service in that kind) was then labouring to oppress Ireland, of which he was Deputy; and to begin that work in a conquered Kingdom, which was intended to be afterward wrought by degrees in England: And indeed he had gone very far and prosperously in those ways of Tyranny, though very much to the end ammaging and setting back of that newly established Kingdom.  
He was a man of great parts, of a deep reach, subtle wit, of spirit and industry, to carry on his business, and such a conscience as was fit for that work he was designed to. He understood the right way, and the Liberty of his Country, as well as any man; for which in former Parliaments, he stood up stiffly, and seemed an excellent Patriot. For those abilities he was soon taken off by the King, and raised in honour, to be employed in a contrary way, for enslaving of his Country, which his ambition easily drew him to undertake. To this man, in my opinion, that character which LUCAN bestows upon the Roman Curio, in some sort may suit.  
Haud alium tauta civem tulit indole Roma,  
Aut ● ui plus Leges deberent recta sequen●i:  
Perdita tune urbi nocuerunt secula, postquam  
Ambitus, & Luxus, & opum metuenda facultas,  
Transverso mentem dubiam Torrente tulerunt,  
Momentumque fuit mutatus curio rerum.  
A man of abler parts Rome never bore,  
Nor one to whom (whilst right) the Laws owed more:  
Our State itself then suffered, when the tide  
Of Avarice, Ambition, factious pride,  
To turn his wavering mind quite cross began,  
Of such high moment was one changed man.  
The Court of England, during this long vacancy of Parliaments, enjoyed itself in as much pleasure and splendour, as ever any Court did. The Revels, Triumphs, and Princely Pastims, were for those many years kept up, at so great a height, that any stranger which traveled into England, would verily believe, a Kingdom that looked so cheerfully in the face, could not be sick in any part.  
The Queen was fruitful, and now grown of such an age, as might seem to give her privilege of a farther society with the King, than bed and board; and make her a partner of his affairs and business; which his extreme affection did more encourage her to challenge: That conjugal love, as an extraordinary virtue of a King, in midst of so many temptations, the people did admire and honour.  
But the Queen's power did by degrees give privilege to Papists; and among them, the most witty, and Jesuited, to converse, under the name of civility and Courtship, not only with inferior Courtiers, but the King himself, and to sow their seed in what ground they thought best; and by degrees, as in compliment to the Queen, Nuntios from the Pope were received in the Court of England, PANZANI, CON, and ROSETTI; the King himself maintaining in discourse, That he saw no reason why he might not receive an Ambassador from the Pope, being a Temporal Prince. But those Nuntios were not entertained with public Ceremony; so that the people in general took no great notice of them; and the Courtiers were confident of the King's Religion, by his due frequenting Prayers and Sermons.  
The Clergy, whose dependence was merely upon the King, were wholly taken up in admiration of his happy Government, which they never concealed from himself, as often as the Pulpit gave them access to his ear; and not only there, but at all meetings, they discoursed with joy upon that Theme; affirming confidently, that no Prince in Europe was so great a friend to the Church, as King CHARLES; That Religion flourished no where but in England; and no reformed Church retained the face and dignity of a Church but that: Many of them used to deliver their opinion, That God had therefore so severely punished the Palatinate, because their Sacrilege had been so great in taking away the endowments of Bishoprics.  
Queen ELIZABETH herself, who had reform Religion, was but coldly praised, and all her virtues forgotten, when they remembered how she cut short the Bishopric of Ely.  
HENRY the eight was much condemned by them, for seizing upon the Abbeys, and taking so much out of the several Bishopricks● as he did in the 37 year of his Reign. To maintain therefore that splendour of a Church, which so much pleased them, was become their highest endeavour; especially after they had gotten in the year 1633. an Archbishop after their own heart, Doctor LAUD; who had before for divers years ruled the Clergy, in the secession of Archbishop ABBOT, a man of better temper and discretion; which discretion or virtue to conceal, would be an injury to that Archbishop; he was a man who wholly followed the true interest of England, and that of the Reformed Churches in Europe, so far as that in his time the Clergy was not much envied here in England, nor the Government of Episcopacy much dis-favoured by Protestants beyond the Seas. Not only the pomp of Ceremonies were daily increased, and innovations of great scandal brought into the Church; but in point of Doctrine, many fair approaches made towards Rome; as he that pleaseth to search may find in the Books of Bishop LAUD, MONTAGUE, HELYN, POCKLINGTON, and the rest; or in brief collected by a Scottish Minister, Master BAILY. And as their friendship to Rome increased, so did their scorn to the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas; whom, instead of lending that relief and succour to them, which God had enabled this rich Island to do, they failed in their greatest extremities, and in stead of harbours, became rocks to split them.  
Archbishop LAUD, who was now grown into great favour with the King, made use of it especially to ad●vnce the pomp and temporal honour of the Clergy, procuring the Lord Treasurer's place for Doctor JUCKSON, Bishop of London, and endeavouring, as the general report went, to fix the greatest temporal preferments upon others of that Coat; insomuch as the people merrily, when they saw that Treasurer with the other Bishops, riding to Westminster, called it the Church Triumphant: Doctors and Parsons of Parishes were made every where Justices of Peace, to the great grievance of the Country in civil affairs, and depriving them of their spiritual edification.  
The Archbishop, by the same means which he used to preserve his Clergy from contempt, exposed them to envy; and as the wisest could then prophesy, to a more than probability of losing all: As we read of some men, who being fore-doomed by an Oracle to a bad fortune, have run into it by the same means they used to prevent it. The like unhappy course did the Clergy then take to depress Puritanisme, which was, to set up irreligion itself against it, the worst weapon which they could have chosen to beat it down, which appeared especially in point of keeping the Lords day; when not only books were written to shake the morality of it, as that of Sunday no Sabbath, but sports, and pastims of jollity and lightness permitted to the Country people upon that day, by public Authority, and the Warrant commanded to be read in Churches; which in stead of producing the intended effect, may credibly be thought to have been one motive to a stricter observance of that day, in that part of the Kingdom, which before had been well devoted; And many men who had before been loose and careless, began upon that occasion to enter into a more serious consideration of it, and were ashamed to be invited by the authority of Churchmen, to that which themselves at the best, could but have pardoned in themselves, as a thing of infirmity.  
The example of the Court, where Plays were usually presented on Sundays, did not so much draw the Country to imitation, as reflect with disadvantage upon the Court itself, and sour those other Court pastims and jollities, which would have relished better without that, in the eyes of all the people, as things ever allowed to the delights of great Princes.  
The countenancing of looseness and irreligion, was, no doubt, a good preparative to the introducing of another Religion: And the power of godliness being beaten down, Popery might more easily by degrees enter; men quickly leave that, of which they never took fast hold: And though it were questionable, whether the Bishops and great Clergy of England aimed at Popery, it is too apparent, such was the design of Romish Agents; and the English Clergy, if they did not their own work, did theirs. A stranger of that Religion, a Venetian Gentleman, out of his own observations in England, will tell you how far they were going in this kind; his words are:  
THe Universities, Bishops, and Divines of England, do daily embrace Catholic opinions, though they profess it not with open mouth, for fear of the Puritans: For example, They hold that the Church of Rome is a true Church; That the Pope is superior to all Bishops; That to him it appertains to call general Counsels; That it is lawful to pray for souls departed; That Altars ought to be erected; in sum they believe all that is taught by the Church, but not by the Court of Rome.  
The Archbishop of Canterbury was much against the Court of Rome, though not against that Church, in so high a kind: For the Doctrine of the Roman Church was no enemy to the pomp of Prelacy; but the Doctrine of the Court of Rome would have swallowed up all under the Pope's Supremacy, and have made all greatness dependant upon him: Which the Archbishop conceived would derogate too much from the King in temporals, (and therefore hardly to be accepted by the Court) as it would from himself in spirituals, and make his Metropolitical power subordinate, which he desired to hold absolute and independent within the Realm of England.  
It is certain, 
In the English Pope.  that the Archbishop of Canterbury (as an English Gentleman observes) would often profess against those Tridentine Papists, whom only he hated as Papists properly so called. For at the Council of Trent, all matters concerning the Court of Rome, which are of themselves but disputable, were determined as points of faith, to be believed upon pain of damnation: But matters of faith indeed concerning the Church of Rome, were left disputable, and no Anathema annexed to them. But that Venetian Gentleman, whom before we cited, declares in what state, for matter of Religion, England at that time stood; and how divided, namely, into Papists, Protestants, and Puritans; Papists are well known. The Protestant party (saith he) consists of the King, the Court Lords, and Gentlemen, with all that are raised by favour to any honour: Besides almost all the Prelates, and both the Universities.  
What the Protestants are, he farther declares. viz.  
They hate Puritan more than they hate Papists; That they easily combine with Papists to extirpate Puritan; and are not so far engaged to the Reformed Religion, but that they can reduce themselves again to the old practice of their forefathers; That they are very opinionative in excluding the Pope's Supremacy.  
He speaks then concerning the Puritans, and says: That they consist of some Bishops, of almost all the Gentry and Communality; and therefore are far the most potent party.  
And further declares what they are. viz. They are such as received the Discipline of the French, and Netherlanders, and hold not the English Reformation to be so perfect, as that which CALVIN instituted at Geneva; That they hate Papists far more than they hate Protestants, etc.  
Thus far of this stranger's observation, concerning England.   

CHAP. III.  
The condition of the Scottish State and Clergy, when the new Book of Lyturgy was sent unto them; how it was received; with some effects which followed. The King's Proclamation sent by the Earl of TRAQUARE; against which the Lords make a Protestation.  
IN this condition stood the Kingdom of England, about the year 1636. when the first coal was blown, which kindled since into so great a combustion, as to deface, and almost ruin three flourishing Kingdoms. Neither was this coal blown by the grieved party of England, the Communality, and those religious men that prayed for Reformation, but by the other side, who had oppressed them. No commotion at all was raised from the oppressed party, though it consisted of the body of the Nation, and therefore strong enough to have vindicated themselves, would they have risen in illegal tumults.  
The Land was yet quiet, and that storm which the people had feared before the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM, was not in so long a time fallen upon England, although the causes in Government which made them fear it, had continued at the height ever since. They only wished for a Parliament, but durst not hope it, unless some strange accident, not yet discovered by them, might necessitate such a cure. The Commons therefore  
But in Scotland it was once quite ruined, and by degrees built up again, not without many difficulties, not without great reluctancy of the Peers, Gentry, and most of the Ministers; not without extraordinary interposition of Regal Authority, and great art used by two Kings in managing the business, and raising it to that height, in which then it stood; as you may read at large in some late Writers of that Kingdom.  
Neither were the Peers and Gentry of that Kingdom so impatient of this new yoake● only out of zeal to preservation of Religion in purity, (though that, no doubt, were their greatest reason; that Church having been ever much addicted to the Reformation of Geneva: And those other Churches, as it appeared by their great unwillingness to receive those few Ceremonies of the English Church, at their Synod of Perth,) but as loathe also to suffer any diminution of their Temporal Liberties, which could not be avoided in admittance of Episcopal Jurisdiction, and was manifested in that Kingdom, by divers examples of rigorous proceedings, which some Bishops used against Gentlemen of quality, by way of Fines and Imprisonments, and the like; which particulars are too large to be here inserted in this Narration.  
In the year 1637. a Book of Lyturgy was composed, and sent out of England, (which they complained of, because it was not before allowed by their Church in a national Synod, as was fit for a business of so great import) with an express command from the King, that they should reverently receive it, and publicly read it in their Churches, beginning on Easter day, and so forward; against which time the Privy Council of Scotland had commanded that every Parish should buy two at the least of them.  
That Service-Booke was the same with the Common-Prayer Book of England, excepting some few alterations, of which some (as they observed) were alterations for the better, but others for the worse.  
For the better, they esteemed, that so many Chapters of the Apocrypha were not appointed to be read, as in the English Prayer Book; and where the English retained the old vulgar Latin Translation, especially in the Psalms, that Book followed the last Translation, commonly called that of King JAMES.  
Those alterations for the worse were divers, observed by the Scots, especially in the Lord's Supper, of which some were these: The express command for situation of the Altar (so called) to the Eastern Wall; together with many postures of the Minister, whilst he officiated, expressed in their exceptions; but especially this, that in the consecrating prayer, those words, which in the English Common-Prayer Book, are directly against Transubstantiation, were quite left out in that Book, and instead of them, such other words, as in plain sense agreed with the Roman Mass Book.  
As for example: Hear us, O most merciful Father, and of thy Omnipotent goodness grant, so to bless and sanctify by thy Word and Spirit, these creatures of bread and wine, that they may be to us the body and blood of thy beloved Son.  
Many other alterations the Scots have observed and expressed in their writings, and in one word affirmed, that wheresoever that Book varies from the English Lyturgy, it approaches directly to the Roman Missal; and offered to prove, that all the material parts of the Mass Book are seminally there.  
It was thought by many, that if the Book, without any alteration at all, had been sent into Scotland, though the Scots perhaps would not have received it, they would not have taken it in so evil part: And it might have been construed only as a brotherly invitation to the same service which England used. But what the reasons were of those alterations, I find no where expressed, but only where the King in his Declaration concerning that business, is pleased to say thus:  
WE supposing that they might have taken some offence, if we should have tendered them the English Service-Booke totidem verbis; and that some factious spirits would have endeavoured to have misconstrued it, as a badge of dependence of that Church upon this of England, which we had put upon them to the prejudice of their Laws and Liberties; We held it fitter that a new Book should be composed by their own Bishops, in substance not differing from this of England, that so the Roman Party might not upbraid us with any weighty or material differences in our Lyturgyes; and yet in some few insensible alterations, differing from it, that it might truly and justly be reputed a Book of that Churches own composing, and established by Our Royal Authority, as King of SCOTLAND.  
These were the King's expressions, which, as it seemed, were not satisfactory to the Scots in that point.  
For they were (as is before specified) not well affected to their own Bishops, whose power and jurisdiction over them, was rather enforced then consented to. Neither did they suppose that a conformity in Church-Worship, had it been such as their consciences could well have embraced, had been any badge of their dependency upon England, as being a people not conquered, but united in an equal freedom under the same King.  
Besides, they could not relish it well, that the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other English Bishops, who in many points of Ceremony and Worship, which they accounted things tolerable, did make as near approaches to the Church of Rome, as possibly they could; for no other reason (as they profess in their writings) then that they laboured to bring union into the Christian Church, if it were possible; should now invite the Church of Scotland (whom they accounted more puritanical than themselves) to union, by a quite contrary way; as in stead of framing their Service nearer to the Scottish profession and Discipline, to urge them to a Lyturgy more popish than their own: So that it seemed, for unity they were content to meet Rome, rather than Scotland.  
To return to the Narration; The Service-Booke, according to the King's command, was offered to the Church of Scotland, and the Council there, and published by Proclamation; a day for the reading of it in all Churches appointed, which was the Easter day following. 1637.  
But then upon some considerations, and further trial of men's minds (as the King declares) the first reading of it was put off until the 23. of july next ensuing, to the end that the Lords of the Session (their Session being the same with the Term in England) and others, who had any Law business, might see the success of it before the rising of the Session, which always endeth upon the first of August; and that so upon their return into their several Countries, they might report the receiving of this Book at Edinburgh; it being ordered, That on that Sunday the Book should be read only in the Church of Edinburgh, and some other near adjacent; and warning was printed, and published in those several Pulpits the Sunday before, that it was to be read.  
On the 23. day of july, being Sunday, the Book was read in Saint Gyles Church, commonly called, the great Church at Edinburgh, where were present many of the Privy Council, both Archbishops, and divers other Bishops, the Lords of the Session, the Magistrates of Edinburgh, and a great auditory of all sorts.  
But the people, especially the meanest vulgar, (for they first appeared against it) and some women expressed so great a detestation of the Book, not only in words and outcries, but actions; that the City Magistrates were troubled much to get the Service performed; and the Bishop who read it, coming out of the Church, had probably been slain by the multitude, if he had not been rescued by a Nobleman.  
Between the two Sermons the Council and Magistrates met about preventing future tumults; but though the Book were read more quietly in the afternoon, yet the tumult was far greater after evening Prayer, from the people who had stayed in the streets; and the Bishop, in the Earl of ROXBOROUGH his Coach, hardly escaped from being stoned to death.  
The greatest men and Magistrates of Edinburgh, to excuse themselves to the King (some of them also writing to the Archbishop of Canterbury) laid all the fault upon the Rabble; for as yet none of quality had appeared, insomuch as that the Privy Council and Magistrates of Edinburgh, the next morning held some consultation about finding out, and punishing the ringleaders of that uproar.  
But not long after, upon the appearing of some others of higher rank, and Petitions from divers Ministers, That the reading of that Book might be a while tespited, till his Majesty might be further petitioned and informed; the Council yielded so far, as that it should not be urged by the Bishops, till his Majesty's pleasure were further known. Upon which, many Gentlemen and Ministers, who had resorted to Edinburgh with Petitions not long before, returned in part satisfied to their own habitations; and at many places met together, with fastings, and Prayer, That God would be pleased to direct the King's heart in that way which they conceived most conducible to the happiness of the Church and State of Scotland.  
Upon the 18. of October following, harvest being now ended, a great conflux of all sorts was at Edinburgh, to hear what the King was pleased to determine of the business; where they find an Edict against them, That upon pain of being guilty of Rebellion, all should within few hour's warning, depart the City; and because the Citizens of Edinburgh had twice tumultuously opposed the Prayer Book, and assaulted the Bishop of Edinburgh; as a punishment to that City, the Term was to be removed to the Burgh of Linlithgow; and the next Term, after the ordinary vacants, to be held at the Burgh of Dendie, there to remain during his Majesty's pleasure.  
The Petitioners (as they were then called) were much moved at this Edict; and on the 19 of that October, presented to the Privy Council a great complaint against the Bishops, whom they conceived the Authors of all this business, and desired justice against them, as well for other crimes, as for introducing contrary to Law, that superstitious and idolatrous Book.  
To this complaint a great number of all ranks subscribed, and professed to the Council, that they could not depart out of Edinburgh till some way were found out to settle the present grievances.  
Whilst they stayed there, their number daily increased, from all the remotest Provinces, that the Council were enforced to give way, that till the King's pleasure were yet further known, they might choose some out of their number of all ranks, to represent the rest, and follow the cause in the name of all the rest: Upon which they chose four of the higher Nobility, four of the lower rank of Nobility, as representers of Provinces; as many Burgesses of Towns; and four Pastors, as representers of the Classes; having settled this, the rest quietly departed to their own homes.  
The King hearing of these things, sent a command to the Council of Edinburgh, not to take upon themselves any more the decision of this controversy, which he reserved in his own power: And Proclamation was made in December, 1637. concerning the King's intentions, that they were not to infringe the Laws or Liberties of the Kingdom.  
When therefore the Commissioners petitioned the Council to give way to them, to bring their Actions against the Bishops, the Council answered, That the King had commanded them to receive no more Petitions, against either the Bishops, or Book of Service.  
Whereupon the Commissioners discontented, prepare a Protestation against the King's Council, declaring, That what mischief soever might afterwards ensue, was to be all imputed to the King's Council, for denying Justice.  
The Council fearing what effects might follow, desired the Bishops to absent themselves, and gave leave to the Commissioners to appear before them; where the Lord of Lowden, in name of all the rest, made an Oration, in which charging the Bishops with other crimes, besides these stirs; he desired them to be altogether removed from the Council Table, till they had answered and cleared themselves. To the like purpose spoke one of the Ministers.  
The Council seemed sorry, that it lay not in their power (since the King's Command was peremptory) to give satisfaction to their desires; but entreated their patience for so small a time, as till they might again receive notice of his Majesty's pleasure.  
The King further certified by them, sent for the Earl of TRAQUARE into England, who was soon dispatched again into Scotland; and in February, 1638. caused the King's Mandate in Sterlin (where the Council then sat) to be published.  
The Proclamation declared that the Bishops were wrongfully accused, as Authors of sending the Prayer Book; That his Majesty himself was Author of it, and all was done by his Command; That he condemned all tumultuous proceedings of his Subjects to exhibit Petitions or complaints against the innocent Bishops, and book of Lyturgy, and all subscriptions to that purpose hitherto, as conspiring against the public peace; pronouncing pardon to those which repented, and the punishment of high Treason to such as persisted; promising to hear the just complaints of his Subjects, so they offended not in matter or form.  
After the Proclamation was made at Sterlin, the Earl of HUME, Lord LINDSEY, and others, in name of all the Petitioners, made a Protestation against it; which Protestation was afterward repeated at Lithgow, and last at Edinburgh.  
The effect of that Protestation was (for we cannot here insert it at large) That the Service Book was full of Superstition and Idolatry, and ought not to be obtruded upon them, without consent of a national Synod, which in such cases should judge; That it was unjust to deny them liberty to accuse the Bishops, being guilty of high crimes, of which till they were cleared, they did reject the Bishops as Judges or Governors of them. They protested also against the High Commission Court, and justified their own meetings, and superscriptions to Petitions, as being to defend the glory of God, the King's Honour, and Liberties of the Realm. This Protestation was read in the Market place at Sterlin, and the Copy hung up in public.   

CHAP. IU.  
The Scots enter into a Covenant. The marquis HAMILTON is sent thither from the King. A national Synod is granted to them, but dissolved within few days by the marquis, as Commissioner from the King. The King declares against the Covenanters, and raises an Army to subdue them.  
FRom Sterlin the Commissioners resorted to Edinburgh, whither many from all parts met to consult of the present business; and concluded there to renew solemnly among them that Covenant, which was commonly called, The lesser confession of the Church of Scotland, or, The confession of the King's family; which was made and sealed under King JAMES his hand, in the year 1580. afterwards confirmed by all the Estates of the Kingdom, and Decree of the national Synod, 1581. Which Confession was again subscribed by all sorts of persons in Scotland, 1590. by authority of Council and national Synod; and a Covenant added to it, for defence of true Religion, and the King's Majesty; which Covenant the aforesaid Lords, Citizens, and Pastors, in the year 1638. did renew, and took another according to the present occasion.  
The Covenant itself (expressed at large in the Records of that Kingdom) consisted of three principal parts: The first was a re-taking word for word, of that old Covenant, 1580. confirmed by Royal Authority, and two national Synods, for defence of the purity of Religion, and the King's Person and Rights, against the Church of Rome. The second part contained an enumeration of all the Acts of Parliament made in Scotland, in defence of the reformed Religion, both in Doctrine and Discipline against Popery.  
The third was an application of that old Covenant to the present state of things, where, as in that all Popery, so in this all innovations in those Books of Lyturgy unlawfully obtruded upon them are abjured; and a preservation of the King's Person and Authority; as likewise a mutual defence of each other in this Covenant are sworn unto.  
Against this Covenant the King, much displeased, made these four principal objections: First, By what authority they entered into this Covenant? or presumed to exact any Oath from their fellow Subjects? Secondly, if they had power to command the new taking of this Oath, yet what power had they to interpret it to their present occasion? it being a received Maxim, That no less authority can interpret a Law, then that which made it, or the Judges appointed by that Authority, to give sentence upon it. Thirdly, What power they had to add any thing to it, and interpose a new Covenant of mutual assistance to each other, against any other power that should oppose them, none excepted. And fourthly, That all Leagues of Subjects among themselves, without the privity and approbation of the King, are declared to be seditious by two Parliaments in Scotland, one of the tenth Parliament of JAMES the sixth, Act the twelfth; and the other the fifteenth Act of the ninth Parliament of Queen MARY.  
What answer the Covenanters made to these objections, and what arguments the King used to enforce the contrary, are largely expressed in many writings; being such indeed, as not only then, but since, in the sad calamities of England, have been discoursed of in whole volumes; containing all that can be said concerning the true Rights and Privileges of Princes and People.  
The Covenant notwithstanding was generally subscribed by all there present at Edinburgh, in February, 1638. and Copies of it sent abroad to those who were absent, and so fast subscribed by them also, that before the end of April, he was scarce accounted one of the Reformed Religion, that had not subscribed to this Covenant. And the Church and State were divided into two names, of Covenanters, and Non-Covenanters; the Non-Covenanters consisting ●irst of Papists, whose number was thought small in Scotland, scarce exceeding six hundred: Secondly, some Statesmen in Office and favour at that time: Thirdly, some● who though they were of the Reformed Religion, were greatly affected to the Ceremonies of England, and Book of Common-Prayer.  
Many Bishops at that time came from thence to the Court of England, and three Lords of the Council of Scotland, whom the King had sent for, to advise about the affairs of that Kingdom, where, after many debates what course to take, whether of reducing the Covenanters by Arms, or using more gentle means: The King at last sent the marquis HAMILTON, together with those three Lords, into Scotland.  
The marquis arrived at Dulketh, and within few days entered Edinburgh, in june, being met and conducted into the City by a great multitude of all ranks, in which number were seven hundred Pastors of Churches.  
The marquis, by the King's Command, dealt with the Covenanters, to renounce their Covenant, or else told them, there was no hope to obtain a national Synod, which they so much desired, for settling of the Church, which they affirmed could not be done, without manifest perjury and profanation of God's Name.  
But when nothing was agreed upon, they besought the marquis at his return into England, to present their humble desire to the King: But before his departure, in july he published the King's Proclamation, wherein his Majesty protests to defend the Protestant Religion; and that he would no more press upon them the Book of Canons, or Service Book, but by lawful Mediums; That he would rectify the High Commission, and was resolved to take a speedy opportunity of calling both a Parliament and Synod.  
When the Proclamation was ended, the Covenanters read their Protestation; of which the heads were: That they never questioned his Majesty's sincerity in the Protestant Religion; That these grants of his were not large enough to cure the present distempers; for he doth not utterly abolish that Service-Booke, nor the High Commission, being both obtruded against all Law upon them; That their meetings are not to be condemned in opprobrious words, being lawful, and such as they would not forsake, until the purity of Religion, and peace, might be fully settled by a free and national Synod.  
The marquis went into England, to return at a prefixed day, the twelfth of August; In the mean time the Scots keep a solemn Fast; and the Covenanters, not hoping from the King so quick a call of a national Synod, as the present malady required, published a writing, wherein they endeavour to prove, That the Church in such a condition may provide for itself; That the power of calling a Synod, in case the Prince be an enemy to the truth, or negligent in promoting the Churches good, is in the Church itself. And that the State of the Church of Scotland at that time was necessitated to such a course; which they endeavour to prove by reciting all their particular grievances, and by answering all arguments of the contrary side, for the Right of Princes, howsoever affected to Religion; as appears at large in their Tractate concerning the necessity of Synods.  
The marquis returned into Scotland before the appointed day, and brought Articles from the King, to which the Covenanters, if they would have either Parliament or Synod, were required to consent.  
But they utterly rejected those Articles, as too invalid for their purpose of settling things; so that the marquis fearing least the Covenanters, weary of delays, would call a Synod without staying the King's consent, earnestly persuaded them to forbear it only till his next return from Court, whither he would presently go to persuade the King. Which request of his, with much a do was granted by them, and the day for his return appointed the 22 of September; by which time, unless the marquis returned, it was free for the Covenanters to provide for their own affairs.  
But the marquis with singular diligence prevented his day, and published the King's Proclamation, of which the chief heads were: First, The King did abrogate all Decrees of Council for the Book of Canons and Common-Prayer, and abrogate the High Commission. Secondly, That none should be pressed to the five Articles of Perth. Thirdly, That Bishops should be subject to the censure of a Synod. Fourthly, That no Oath should be given at Ordination of Pastors, but by Law of Parliament. Fifthly, that the lesser Confession of 1580. should be subscribed to by all the Kingdom. Sixtly, That the King called a national Synod to begin at Glasco the 21 of November, 1638. and a Parliament at Edinburgh the 15. of May, 1639. Lastly, for peace sake he would forget all their offences past.  
The Covenanters at the first hearing of this peaceful Message, were much joyed; but looking nearly into the words, they found (as they affirm) That their precedent actions were tacitly condemned, and the just freedom of a national Synod taken away.  
Therefore loath to be deceived, they frame a Protestation, not (as they alleged) misdoubting the candour of the King, but not trusting those in favour with him; by whose destructive Council they supposed it was, that the King had not showed this clemency at first.  
The chief heads of their Protestation were these: First, after humble thanks to God and the King, they conceived this grant no sufficient remedy for their sores.  
For His Majesty calls that a panic fear in them, which was upon no imaginary, but just grounds, as a real mutation both of Religion and Laws, by obtrusion of those Books directly popish.  
Secondly, whereas the King in his former Mandates so highly extolled those Books, as most religious, and fit for the Church; they could not be satisfied with a bare remission of the exercise of them, unless he would utterly abrogate and condemn them; or else itching Innovators would not be wanting hereafter to raise new troubles to the Church about them.  
Thirdly, the just liberty of national Synods is diminished, and Episcopacy set up, they being allowed as Bishops, though not deputed by the Churches, to give their voices in a Synod.  
Fourthly, the subscribing again of that old Covenant, could not be admitted for many reasons there at large expressed; of which some are, That it would frustrate their late Covenant, and make it narrower than before, and not able to suit to the redress of present grievances, and be a needless multiplying of Oaths, and taking the Name of God in vain; with many other objections, which cannot be fully here inserted.  
That Covenant notwithstanding was solemnly taken at Edinburgh by the marquis of HAMILTON, the King's Commissioner, and all the Privy Council.  
The marquis then gave Order for the Synod, fearing lest the Covenanters, if he delayed to call it, would do it themselves, and on the 16. of November came to Glasco in great state.  
Where after many meetings for preparation to the business, on the 21 of the same Month, according to the King's Edict, the national Synod began: But within seven days that Synod was dissolved by the marquis HAMILTON, in the King's Name, and they commanded to sit no more.  
The marquis alleging for reason of it, that they had broken the Laws of a free Synod in many proceedings, not only in those few days of their sitting, but before it began in their manner of Elections, with other such like matters.  
But they protested against that dissolution, and continued the Synod when the marquis was gone. What were the Acts of that Synod, what proceedings it had, and what impediments it met withal, you may read in two large descriptions, the one published by the King, the other by the Synod; how the Bishops protested against the Synod; how the Synod answered their Protestation; how the Synod wrote to the King; how they proceeded against the Bishops, deposing them all from their Dignities; how of all fourteen Bishops, eight were excommunicated, four excluded from all Ministerial Function, and two only allowed to officiate as Pastors; how the five Articles of Perth, the Book of Lyturgy, the Book of Canons and Ordination, were all condemned, the High Commission taken away, and whatsoever else had crept into the Church since the year 1580. when that national Covenant was first established.  
The Scots Covenanters, when themselves broke up the Synod, wrote a Letter of thanks to the King, and immediately after published a Declaration, dated the fourth of February, 1638. from Edinburgh, and directed To all the sincere and good Christians in England, to vindicate their actions and intentions, from those aspersions which enemies might throw upon them.  
That Declaration was welcome to the people of England in general, and especially to those who stood best affected to Religion, and the Laws and Liberties of their Country: But by the King's Authority it was suppressed, as all other papers that might be sent from the Scots; and a Proclamation soon after, bearing date the 27. of February, 1638. was published by the King, and commanded to be read in all Churches of England; the Title of it was, A Proclamation and Declaration to inform our loving Subjects of England, concerning the seditious Actions of some in Scotland, who under false pretence of Religion, endeavour the utter subversion of our Royal Authority.  
The Declaration was ●illed with sharp invectives and execrations against the Scottish Covenanters; but the truth is, it wrought little upon the hearts of the English People; who conceived a good opinion of the Scots; and were more confirmed in it, because the King had carried the whole business so closely from the English Nation, as not only not to declare unto them in a Parliament, (which former Princes used to call upon less occasions) but not revealing the proceedings of it to the Body of his Privy Council, acquainting only some of them whom he thought fittest for his purpose, as the King himself expresseth in two places of his own Book, entitled, A large Declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland, pag. 76. and page 126. in fine, the Scots are declared Rebels; and the King in Person with an English Army richly furnished, is going to chastise them.   

CHAP. V.  
The averseness of the English people from this War with Scotland. The King advanceth to York with his Army. The preparation of the Scottish Covenanters. A pacification is made, and both Armies disbanded. Another preparation for War with Scotland. A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13. of April. The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of the King to the Earl of Traquare.  
NEver were the people of England so averse from any War, as neither hating the Enemy against whom, nor approving the cause for which they were engaged.  
Their own great sufferings made them easily believe that the Scots were innocent, and wronged by the same hand, by which themselves had been oppressed; and for the cause, it was such, wherein they could not desire a Victory; supposing that the same Sword which subdued the Scots, must destroy their own Liberties; and that the contrivers of this War, were equal Enemies to both Nations.  
Nor was this only the thought of wisest Gentlemen, but the common people in general were sensible of the mutual interest of both Kingdoms.  
Those Courtiers who were in all things wholly compliant to the Kings will, did also dislike this War with Scotland, though not for the same reason which the forenamed did, as not considering the cause or quarrel, but the disadvantage of the War itself.  
Those disadvantages they used to vent in contemptuous expressions of the poverty of Scotland; That nothing could be gotten from such wretched Enemies; That the King were happy (if with his Honour he might suffer it) to be rid of that Kingdom, and would be a great gainer by the loss of it: The younger Courtiers were usually heard to wish Scotland under water, or that the old Wall of SEVERUS the Emperor were now re-edified.  
Those Courtiers that were of a graver discourse, did likewise seem to fear the consequence of this business, and I remember, would daily mention the Story of CHARLES Duke of Burgundy, his pressing of a War upon the Swissers; and what PHILIP DE COMMINES relates about the Battle of Granson, that the Duke lost to the value of three millions of Crowns; all which he fond ventured against so wretched a people, that it is there expressed, if all the Swissers had been taken Prisoners, they would not be able to pay a Ransom to the value of the Spurs and Bridle-bits in his Camp: And very frequent in their mouths was that Verse: 
Curandum in primis ne magna injuria fiat  
Fortibus & miseris. Juvenal.  
Take heed of offering too great injuries  
To people stout and poor.   
But the people of England, though they abhorred the very thought of that unnatural War; yet glad they seemed to be, that such an occasion happened, which might in reason necessitate the King to call an English Parliament, and so by accident redress the many grievances of England: Which might also prevent the fear of such Wars for the future, and bring a just punishment upon those who were sound to be the Authors or assistors of this present disturbance.  
But the King, though resolved to pursue his design of War, rather than take the advice of a Parliament, was content to want the aid of it; and to seek supplies of a lower condition. Great sums of money he borrowed from the chief Nobility; and required proportionable Loans from all the Judges and Officers; but specially the Clergy, of all ranks, were liberal in contribution to this War; which was then called by many men, Bellum Episcopale.  
All Courti●●s, as well extraordinary as ordinary, were summoned to attend the King in Person with Horse and Arms in a proportion suitable to their ranks.  
By whom, and such volunteers of the Gentry, as came in to gain His Majesty's favour, with old Soldiers that embraced it as their profession, a gallant Army was made up, York was appointed for the Rendezvous, and the Earl of ARUNDEL Commander in chief.  
The King, as it was well known, had been advertised by many, and especially by the prosecuted Bishops, who were fled out of Scotland, that the Scottish Covenanters were in no sort able to resist him; That scarce any English Army at all would be needful to fight, but only to appear, and His Majesty would find a party great enough in Scotland to do the work.  
And indeed much might have been done in that kind, if the Lords of the Covenant had not used a most dexterous and timely prevention, which is as necesssry in a defensive, as an offensive War.  
For besides the feared incursion of the English upon their Borders, and what invasion the Deputy of Ireland, on the Western Coast might make, together with the Earl of ANTRIM, and his Forces from the Hebrides; the marquis HUNTLEY in the North, and marquis DOUGLAS towards the Southern parts, with the Earl of HETH, were to be feared, and the Town of Aberden to be secured, before it could fortify to receive the Kings Fleet.  
All which with timely care was undertaken, and provided against by several Lords, as ARGILE for the West, MONTROSSE for the North, Colonel MONROE for the South.  
The most considerable Forts in that Kingdom were taken in at the beginning, without any blood or resistance, and furnished by them with Ammunition, as Edinburgh, and Dun-Britain, and the Haven of Leeth, to secure Edinburgh, suddenly fortified. All Neuters, or suspected persons, they disarmed without tumult; The Castle of Dalketh they scaled and took, with all the warlike provision which had been brought into it by marquis HAMILTON the year before. In that Castle they found the King's Crown, Sceptre, and Sword, which in great state and solemnity were carried from thence by the greatest Noblemen, and laid up in Edinburgh Castle.  
The Covenanting Lords at the same time published a long Remonstrance, in answer to the King's Proclamation against them, the 27. of February, and to satisfy the people of England concerning their proceedings and intents.  
The marquis HAMILTON arrived at Forth with a Fleet in May, and sent Letters to the Governor of Edinburgh to obey the King's Commands, and especially to publish in Edinburgh that Proclamation, which had been by the King proclaimed at York, upon the 25● of April; wherein among other things, the Rents and Debts due to Covenanters from Tenants and others, are forbidden to be paid to them.  
The Governor desired the marquis to expect an answer till the Parliament sat, which was to begin within few days, who returned answer to the marquis, That they could not in that obey his Command, for many reasons, expressed at large in their Commentaries.  
In the mean time the King commanded the Parliament to dissolve, which immediately obeyed; And being threatened with War on every side, elected Sir ALEXANDER LESLEY, an experienced Commander in the Germane Wars, to be their great General; to whom all the greatest Earls and Lords of the Covenant, swore obedience in all warlike Commands; taking an Oath of him for performance of his duty; and immediately betook themselves every man to his charge throughout all parts of the Kingdom, according as they were commanded by LESLEY.  
Whilst the Armies on both sides advanced forward, and no decision of this difference seemed with reason to be hoped for, but such as the stroke of War must allow; The Scottish Covenanters did nevertheless continue their first course of petitioning the King; and by many addresses to him, protested their loyalty to his Crown and Person; and did not omit by Letters and Messages, to solicit as Advocates those English Noblemen, whom they esteemed best and truest Patriots, as the Earls of ESSEX, PEMBROKE, and HOLLAND, as supposing that this War was not approved of by any that were firm to the Cause of Religion, and Liberties of both Kingdoms, (for so themselves express it.)  
The Earl of DUMFERLING having free passage about that time to the English Army, assured his fellow-Covenanters, that those Noble forenamed Earls, and almost all the English Nobility, were much averse from this War, and favourers of their suit to the King.  
Which did so much encourage the Covenanters to continue their humble Petitions to the King, (and God being pleased to give his blessing) that after some few Messages to and fro, the King was pleased to give leave, that six of them should come and personally treat at the Earl of ARUNDEL his Tent, upon the tenth of june, with some of the English Nobility; at which Discourses some few days after, the King himself vouchsafed to be present: At last after many humble expressions of the Covenanters, and some expostulations of the King with them, by the happy mediation of wise and noble Councillors, a Pacification was solemnly made, upon such Articles as gave full satisfaction to all parties, save only that the Scottish Covenanters were not pleased with some expressions which the King had used in the Preface to the Pacificatory Edict, as calling their late Synod, Pseudo Synodus Glasquensis; and aspersing their proceedings in Arms, with such Epithets, as tumultuous, illegal, and rebellious.  
Which notwithstanding, at the humble suit of them, the King was pleased to moderate, to expunge some of those harsh phrases; as likewise to explain more clearly other ambiguous sentences, to take away all suspicions from people's hearts; the Copies of which were delivered to divers of the English Nobility, who had taken faithful pains in procuring that happy peace; that if any doubts should afterwards happen, their judgements might be taken concerning the intention of the writing.  
The King also declared, for satisfaction of the Scots, That though his expressions at some places might seem harsh, yet his meaning to them was never the worse; That care must be taken of his own reputation in foreign parts; and that litigation about words was vain, when the matter was clear, and their suit wholly granted.  
The King granted them a free national Synod, to be holden upon the sixth of August following, and a Parliament to begin upon the 20. day of the same Month, to confirm and ratify what the Synod should decree; which the Scots thankfully receive, esteeming that to be the only proper and efficatious way to settle a firm peace both in Church and State.  
They were also joyful, that the King had promised to be there himself in person; but that hope afterwards failed them, for the King excused himself, affirming that urgent and weighty affairs at London, as he was certified by Letters from his Queen and Council, required his presence there; but that he would send a Deputy thither, with full power to make good whatsoever he had promised, which was the Earl of TRAQUARE.  
This Pacification, to the great joy of good men, was solemnly concluded on the 18. of june, 1639. and both Armies within eight and forty hours to be disbanded, which was accordingly done, and both the English and Scots returned home, praising God; who without any effusion of blood had compounded this difference, and prevented a War so wickedly designed.  
But that joy lasted not long; for the Earl of TRAQUARE, the King's Commissioner could not agree with the Scottish Parliament; the Scots complaining, that nothing was seriously performed, which the King had promised at the Pacification, as shall more appear afterward.  
But however it were, within a little time after that the King had been at London, that Paper which the Scots avowed to contain the true Conditions of that Pacification, was by the King disavowed, and commanded by Proclamation to be burned by the hands of the hangman; though the Contents of that Paper were not named at all in the Proclamation, nor the people of England acquainted with any of them. Which put the English in great fear that the former Counsels of divisions yet prevailed in the Court, especially discerning a show of preparation for War again.  
But leaving the Scots at their Parliament a while. In the mean time the Lord WENTWORTH, Deputy of Ireland, arrived in England, and was received by the King with great expressions of grace and favour, dignified with a higher Title, and created Earl of Strafford.  
Great was the expectation of all the English, what might be the effect of his coming over; great was the opinion which men in general had conceived of his ability and parts; looking at him as the only hinge, upon which the State was now likely to turn. But very different and various were the conjectures of Gentlemen at that time, in their ordinary discourses, (for I will relate the truth,) what use this great Statesman would make of his ability and favour.  
Some (as they wished) did seem to hope, when they considered his first right Principles, that whatsoever he had acted since his greatness, was but to ingratiate himself perfectly with the King; that so at last by his wisdom and favour he might happily prevail, both upon the King's judgement and affection, and carry him from those evil Counsels which he had long been nurtured in, to such ways as should render him most honourable and happy; That the Earl was so wise as to understand what most became a wise man, and would make greatness beloved and permanent.  
But others durst not hope so much from him, when they considered his Government in Ireland, and the ambition of the man: They feared that neither his virtue was great enough to venture his own fortunes, by opposing any evil Counsels about the King, nor his favour great enough to prevail in overruling; That he was sent for only to complete that bad work, which others of less brain than he had begun.  
Which he would sooner venture to do, then to make himself the Author of a new and good one; seeing it hath been observed, that few Statesmen have ever opposed Princes, but rather seconded and assisted them in their bad inclinations.  
From whence it comes, that few Statesmen have converted Princes from ill courses, but been themselves perverted from that goodness which seemed to be before in them. Historians therefore neither imputed the goodness of AUGUSTUS to MARCUS AGRIPPA, or STATILIUS TAURUS', nor TIBERIUS faults to SEJANUS. According to that sentence of MACHIAVELLI, Recta consilia à quocunque profiscuntur, à Principis prudentia; non autem Principis prudentia à rectis consiliis derivatur.  
At that time the King declared to his Council an intention that he had of calling a Parliament in England, to begin in April following. The people seemed to wonder at so great a novelty as the name of a Parliament, but feared some further design, because it was so long deferred, whilst in the mean time preparations for a War against Scotland, seemed to go forward, and the Deputy of Ireland was first to go over, and summon a Parliament in Ireland, which he accordingly did, crossing the Seas about the end of December.  
What work he was to do there, the people knew not, but wished that the English Parliament might have begun, before the Scottish business had proceeded too far, which they supposed might happily prevent so sad a War, and save those charges, which would before April grow upon such warlike preparations, and require a supply from that Parliament; that it were better to prevent such a necessity, than purposely to stay till that necessity were made.  
On the 18. day of that December, the Earl of TRAQUARE, by a Command from the King, under his Privy Seal, broke up the Parliament in Scotland, and prorogued it till the second day of june in the following year.  
The Scots complained that it was a new example and breach of their Liberties, not heard of before in twenty ages; That a Parliament fully assembled, and complete in all her Members, whilst business of moment was depending, should be dissolved without the consent of the House itself; That whatsoever Kings in other Kingdoms might do, it concerned not them to inquire, but it was absolutely against their Laws, according to which, the King had lately promised them he would only proceed.  
TRAQUARE, immediately upon the dissolution of the Scottish Parliament, hastened to the Court of England to certify the King of all proceedings.  
And the Parliament Deputies of Scotland dispatched away with special instructions to the King also four Commissioners, the Earls of DUMFERLING and LOWDEN, DUGLASSE, and BARCLAY.  
Their instructions were, That before the King himself, not the Council of England (because of the independency of that Kingdom) they should complain of those injuries, and entreat redress, which had been offered to them since the Pacification; The dissolving of their Parliament; The Garrisonning of Edinburgh Castle with three times as many as would serve for defence; The garrisoning of Dun-Britain Castle with English Soldiers; That the Scots trading in England, but more especially in Ireland, were enforced to new Oaths, damning their late Covenant, and contrary to the Articles of Pacification.  
They sent withal an information to the English Nation in general, touching all their proceedings and intentions, and expressing at large (as may be there read) what particular injuries they had received since the Pacification, and how much contrary to that Agreement.  
The four Scottish forenamed Commissioners, after some audiences before the King, and divers of his English Council, were in March committed to Prison, the King intending shortly to charge them, the Parliament being near, LOWDEN to the Tower, and the other three to other custody.  
About this time the Earl of STRAFFORD returning out of Ireland, where he had held a short Parliament, and gotten four Subsidies from them, came to the King again; and the English Parliament being presently to begin, an accusation was drawn against LOWDEN, than Prisoner in the Tower, concerning a Letter written from the Scottish Covenanters to the French King; to which Epistle the said Earl had set his hand.  
The matter of accusation was, That the Scots, weary of obedience to their own King, had recourse to a foreign Prince for assistance, and by that means might draw the Armies of France into this Island.  
His answer was, The Letter was written in May, 1639. when Scotland was threatened with a grievous invasion, and they had notice, that by Ambassadors and Agents their Cause was represented odious to all foreign Princes and States; That their intention was to clear themselves from those aspersions abroad, and especially to the King of France, whose Ancestors had been ancient friends to the Kingdom of Scotland; and for fear least that King might possibly be wrought upon to be their Enemy otherwise.  
That it was not to draw Warlike assistance from the King of France (which nevertheless they thought lawful in an extreme necessity and persecution) but only his mediation in their behalf to their own King; and that the Letter well examined would bear no other sense; Though there were mention of aid, yet their secret instructions to their Messenger had specified what kind of aid it was which they desired; But howsoever, they alleged that the draught of that Letter did not then please them, nor was it at all consented to, nor intended to be sent; besides that, the Superscription To the King, at which so great exception was taken, as if they acknowledged the French King for their Sovereign, was not written at all by them, but added by some Enemy, after that it was gotten out of their hand. Besides all this, the thing was done afore the Pacification, and Act of Oblivion, and ought not now to be remembered against them. Whether their answer were sufficient or not, true it is, that nothing at all was made of that business, though the King himself at the beginning of the English Parliament, mentioned it against the Scots, as a proof of their disloyalty, and justification of those Warlike preparations which he had made against them.  
The Scots in the mean time had written to the English Parliament a large Justification of all their proceedings, entreating them by the way of Brotherly advice, To be wary in vindicating their own Laws and Liberties, to frustrate the design of those evil Counsellors, who had procured this Parliament for no other end, then to arm the King with warlike supplies against his Scottish Subjects, and by that War to enslave, if not ruin both the Nations; That after so many violations and dissolutions of Parliaments in England, this was not called to redress grievances, but to be so overreached (if they were not careful and courageous) that no possibility should be left for the future of redressing any; That some dangerous practice might be well suspected, when at the same time a Parliament was denied to Scotland, though promised by the word of a King, granted to England when not expected; and obtruded upon Ireland, when not desired.  
Many particulars of that nature were expressed in the Scottish Remonstrance.   

CHAP. VI  
The Parliament beginneth in England, but is soon dissolved. The Clergy continue their Convocation. The Scots enter into England. Some passages of the War. A Parliament is called to begin on the third of November. A Truce between the Armies for two Months.  
Upon the thirteenth of April the Parliament began; when the King produced that forenamed writing of his Scottish Subjects to the French King, as an apparent token of their disloyalty, and a necessity in him of chastising them by Arms; for which he had already made so great a preparation, as required a present supply of money from this Parliament. To the same purpose that the King had briefly expressed himself, the Lord Keeper FINCH, in a long and eloquent Oration dilated the business.  
Twelve Subsidies were demanded by the King, in lieu of which, the release of Ship-Money was promised; to which demand answer was made by divers Members of the House in several Speeches, That redress of grievances was the chief end of assembling Parliaments, and aught to precede granting of Subsidies. Which not only reason, but the constant practice of all ages had confirmed; That there was never more need of redressing grievances than at this time; without which the people would repine to part with twelve Subsidies; That the sum was extraordinary great, especially to be given for releasing of that which they never conceived the King had any Title to, but had taken by power against the Laws.  
The King promised that grievances should be afterwards redressed, but required the Money first, because there was a necessity of hastening the War; without which the opportunity of Summer would be lost. To which it was answered by many, That the people had no reason to pay for that which was never caused nor desired by them, nor could any way prove to their good, but quite contrary to the danger and detriment of the whole Kingdom; That the same people would undoubtedly pay with more willingness so many Subsidies to prevent that unhappy War, to settle the State, and punish the principal contrivers or assistors of that disturbance.  
Among all the Gentlemen of the House of Commons, who spoke to that purpose, the Lord GEORGE DIGBY, Son to the Earl of Bristol (a young Nobleman of extraordinary abilities) was ●minent for a Speech there; wherein complaining that the House was required to give present answer concerning supplies to the King, to engage himself in a War, and that a Civil War; For, said he, so I must needs call it, seeing we are of the same Religion, and under the same King. He divided his Complaint into five heads: 

1. We are not permitted to redress grievances at all.  
2. We are not permitted so much as to represent to His Majesty the disaffection of his Subjects to this War.  
3. We are not permitted to say, That we think they are the same persons that are the causers of our grievances, and the grievances of Scotland; and that the cutting off of those Incendiaries of State, would be a safe, easy, and honourable cure.  
4. That War will make the breach wider, and the remedy desperate.  
5. That the best justice is to fill the pits which are made to entrap others, with the bodies of those that digged them, etc.    
Master PYM also, a grave and religious Gentleman, in a long Speech of almost two hours, recited a Catalogue of all the grievances which at that time lay heavy upon the Commonwealth.  
Of which many abbreviated Copies, as extracting the heads only, were with great greediness taken by Gentlemen and others throughout the Kingdom; for it was not then in fashion to print Speeches of Parliament,  
Divers of the Members besides (too many to be here named) did fully descant upon such particular grievances, as they had informed themselves of, in their several Countries and Burroughs.  
But it is most true, though it have been said, Quicquid multis peccatur, inultum est, That there was never any Parliament which was more unanimous in apprehension of grievances, and yet more moderate in the Language and manner of declaring against them. And so great seemed to be their care of offending in this Parliament, being the first that in so many years had been granted to England; that notwithstanding they perceived the Money they were to give to the King, must be employed against their own interest, yet they took the Subsidies into consideration; by which they might perchance gain the King's affection to Parliaments; and were content to hope, that whilst the Houses sat, the bad Council about the King might be awed into moderation; and the War against Scotland, by wise and honest interpositions, might be again composed, as it had been the Summer before.  
But whilst the business was in debate, whether they were not quick enough in granting, or the Conditions were too much feared by the King, I will not judge, but only relate what was done.  
The King in Person came into the House upon the fifth of May, and dissolved the Parliament, but used fair language to them, protesting that he would govern as much according to Law, as if a Parliament were constantly sitting: Yet the next day after the dissolution of it, some Members were imprisoned, the Lord BROOKE was searched for Papers, his Study, Cabinets, and Pockets; Master BELLOSIS, and Sir JOHN HOTHAM, were committed to Prison for Speeches, but soon discharged; Master CREW, who was a Member of the House of Commons, and was in the Chair for Petitions concerning Ministers, was committed to the Tower, for not discovering some Petitions delivered to him in Parliament, and continued a Prisoner almost to the beginning of the next Parliament.  
After the dissolution of this Parliament, the Convocation of Divines continued their sitting, and by authority from the King, made divers Canons, and an Oath to be imposed upon not only Clergymen, but many of the Laity.  
That continuance of the Convocation, whatsoever themselves, perchance ignorant of the Law, might think of it, was judged very illegal, as it appeared by the Votes of the succeeding Parliament, and the opinion of Lawyers delivered there.  
When Master BAGSHAW, the November following, inveighing against those Canons which were made whilst they sat, proved the Bishops and Clergy in a premumire: The Lord DIGBY at the same time affirming, that their Convocation was a new Synod, patched out of an old Conventicle. Many other Lawyers of note at several times argued the case concerning those Canons.  
Insomuch that the House of Commons in December following, nullo contradicente, resolved that those Canons were against the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, the Property and Liberty of the Subject: And in the following April, 1641. falling again upon the late Convocation, for their Canons and other misdemeanours, they voted the Convocation House in 200000 pounds fine to the King; The Archbishop of Canterbury to pay 20000 pounds, the Archbishop of York 10000 pounds, the Bishop of Chester 3000 pounds; and the rest of the Clergy according to their abilities proportionably, to make up the sum.  
Certain it is, it was not in any substantial way advantageous to the King; but only to give them time and opportunity to tax the Clergy in Money for supplying his Majesty in the War then on foot against the Scots.  
The King must needs be driven to a great exigent at that time, having so expensive a War in hand, and wanting the assistance of Parliament.  
The courses that were then taken by the King, to supply that defect, were partly the contribution of the Clergy, to whom that War was less displeasing, then to the Laity.  
Collections were made among the Papists; Writs of Ship-money were issued out again, in a greater proportion than before; great Loans were attempted to be drawn from the City of London, to which purpose the names of the richest Citizens were by command returned to the Council Board. But these ways being not sufficient, some other were made use of, which were of a nature more unusual, as the seizing of Bolloine in the Tower; the Lord COTTINGTON also for the King's use took up a great Commodity of Pepper at the Exchange, to be sold again at an under rate.  
A consultation was also had of coining 400000. l. of base Money, upon allegation that Queen ELIZABETH had done the like for her Irish Wars, but the King waved that, upon reasons which the Merchants gave of the inconveniencies of it.  
The Scots hearing of the breach of this English Parliament, thought it high time to provide for their own safety; and being restrained in their Trade, and impoverished by loss of Ships seized in divers parts, resolve to enter England with a sword in one hand, and a Petition in the other; signifying in the mean time to the people of England in two large Remonstrances, what their intentions were to that Nation, and the reasons of their entrance; which who so pleases, may read at large in their printed Book.  
When the King had notice of the Scots intentions, a Fleet was forthwith sent to annoy the Maritime Coasts of Scotland, and a Land Army to meet at York, where the Earl of STRAFFORD, as Precedent of the North, commanded in Chief, though the Earl of NORTHUMBERLAND at the time of raising the Army was named Generalissimo, but for want of health could not be present.  
A great Magazine of Ammunition had been sent to Hull, Newcastle, and Berwick, the Castle of Edinburgh being kept by RIVEN, a firm man to the King's side.  
But in the Expedition of the King's Army towards the North, it was a marvellous thing to observe in divers places the averseness of the Common Soldiers from this War.  
Though Commanders and Gentlemen of great quality, in pure obedience to the King, seemed not at all to dispute the cause or consequence of this War; the Common Soldiers would not be satisfied, questioning in a mutinous manner, Whether their Captains were Papists or not, and in many places were not appeased till they saw them receive the Sacrament; laying violent hands on divers of their Commanders, and killing some, uttering in bold speeches their distaste of the Cause, to the astonishment of many, that common people should be sensible of public Interest and Religion, when Lords and Gentlemen seemed not to be.  
By this backwardness of the English Common Soldiers, it came to pass that the War proved not so sharp and fatal to both Nations, as it might otherwise have done.  
Some blood was shed, but very little, first at Newburne, a Town five miles distant from Newcastle, where part of the English Army encamped to intercept the passage of the Scots, as they marched toward Newcastle.  
But many of the English Soldiers forsook their Commanders and ●led, sooner than the use of that Nation is to do in War: But the English Horse made good a fight, and with great courage and resolution charged upon the Scots, but all in vain, their number being too small.  
In this Skirmish which happened upon the 28. of August, the number of men slain on both sides is not related, either by the English or Scottish Relation; but certain it is, that it was not great.  
Three valiant and active Commanders of the English Army were taken Prisoners, Colonel WILMOT Sir JOHN DIGBY, and ONEALE, the two latter being Papists, and both Captains of Horse.  
This fight opened that rich Town of Newcastle to the Scots, and within few days after, they put a Garrison into Durham, commanded by the Earl of Dumferling, and taking that Fort of Newcastle upon Tine, intercepted some Ships which were newly arrived there with Provision of Corn for the King's Army.  
Some blood was also shed about the same time, when part of the English Garrison at Berwick, hearing that some Ammunition was laid up in a little Town of Scotland, Dunsian, made an attempt upon it, but found it better fortified than was expected, and were repelled with some slaughter; from whence hearing that a greater power of Scots was making toward them, under the command of the Lord HADINTON, (who unfortunately perished afterward, blown up with powder at Dunglasse) they returned to Berwick.  
The King, during these Skirmishes, had by Proclamation warned all the English Nobility, with their followers and Forces, to attend his Standard at York against the Scots, the 20. of September; where whilst himself in Person resided, he received an humble Petition from the Scots, containing an expression of their loyalty to him, and the innocence of their intentions toward England.  
But their expressions were in such general terms, that the King returned answer to the Earl of LANURICK, Secretary for Scotland, Commanding them to specify their demands more particularly: Which whilst the Scots prepared to do, it pleased God to open the hearts of many English Lords, who considering and bewailing the great calamity and dishonour which England was then thrown into, by these unhappy proceedings of the King, framed an humble Letter, subscribed by all their hands, and sent it to His Majesty, wherein they represent to him the miserable condition of the Kingdom, and mischiefs attending that wicked War; as the danger of his Person, the waste of his Revenue, the burden of his Subjects, the rapines committed by that Army which he had raised; wherein Papists, and others illaffected to Religion, are armed in Commands, who are not by the Laws permitted to have Arms in their own houses; The great mischief which may fall upon the Kingdom, if his intentions, which are reported of bringing in Irish and foreign Forces, should take effect; The urging of Ship-money; The multitude of Monopolies and other Patents, to the great and universal grievance of his people; The great grief of the Subjects, for the long intermission of Parliaments, for dissolving of the last, and former dissolutions of such as have been called, without any good effect: For remedy whereof, and for prevention of future dangers to his own Royal Person, and the whole State, they humbly entreat his Majesty, That he would be pleased to summon a Parliament within some short and convenient time, whereby the causes of these, and other great grievances, which the people lie under, may be taken away, and the Authors and Counsellors of them, may be brought to legal trial, and condign punishment; And that this War may be composed without blood, in such manner as may conduce to the honour and safety of his Majesty, the comfort of the people, and uniting of both Kingdoms, against the Common Enemy of the Reformed Religion. Subscribed by almost twenty Earls and Barons.  
The King receiving this Message from the Peers of England; by his Proclamation ordained a day, which was upon 24. of September, for all the Lords to meet at York, to whom he declared, that of his own free accord he had determined to call a Parliament in England, to begin as soon as possibly could be, allowing the usual time for issuing out of Writs, which was upon the third of November ensuing, 1640.  
But he desired first to consult with them, what answer to return to the Scots demands, and how with his honour he might deal with them, who had so boldly invaded England.  
And to make them understand the whole state of the business, he commanded the Earl of TRAQUARE, who had been his Commissioner there, to relate all occurrences since the beginning.  
He desired likewise their advice how his Army might be paid before supplies of Parliament could come.  
After many debates, and different opinions in point of honour and convenience; it was at last agreed by the greater part of Peers, and so conluded, that sixteen Lords should be chosen to treat with the Scots, and agree upon what Conditions they thought fit.  
Eight Earls were named, BEDFORD, ESSEX, HARTFORT, SALISBURY, WARWICK, HOLLAND, BRISTOL, and BERKSHIRE; as likewise eight Barons, WHARTON, PAGET, KIM●OLTON, BROOKE, PAWLET, HOWARD, SAVILE, and DUNSMORE.  
The Scots were required to send as many with full Commission, to whom Letters of safe Conduct in the amplest manner were granted.  
When the matter came to debate, the Earl of Bristol for the most part was Prolocutor to the English, and the Earl of LOWDEN to the Scots.  
After many demands on both sides, and expostulations upon slighter matters, which were easily reconciled, there was one point, which seemed too hard a case in the eyes of the English Peers, that the Scottish Army should be paid by the English, whilst their own Army was in great distress by reason of Arrears.  
But in conclusion, those honest Lords, who understood the condition of that unhappy War, were content upon any terms to make an end of it; and in conclusion an agreement was made upon these terms: 

1. A Truce or Cessation of Arms for two Months, till the 16. of December.  
2. That 850. l. a day should be paid to the Scots, during that Truce.  
3. That if it were not paid, the Scots might force it from the Counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Durham.  
4. That those Counties should be allowed the Scots for their winter Quarters.  
5. No new preparations for War to be made.  
6. That private injuries should not break the Truce, so satisfaction were made upon complaint.  
7. That Merchants might freely traffic in either Kingdom, without Letters of safe Conduct, but Soldiers without leave might not pass their limits.    
Upon such terms was this unnatural War (although the Armies could not as yet be disbanded) brought to a Cessation; and both Nations rested in assured confidence, that a peace must needs follow, since the whole matter was now to be debated in the English Parliament, which was to begin about a fortnight after; for it was likely that a Parliament should put a period to that War, which could never have been begun, but for want of a Parliament. They were also confident, that that freedom which the fundamental Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom of England allow to Parliaments, could not be denied to this (though to many others it had long been) as being that Parliament, to which the King was necessitated; and the only way which was now left him to tread, after so many deviations unfortunately tried; and upon which the people had set up their utmost hope, whom it seemed not safe after so long suffering, to provoke any further.  
In what a desperate condition the Kingdom of England was at that time, what necessity there was of a present cure, with how much difficulty that cure was to be wrought, and with what wariness and wisdom it concerned both King and people to play their parts, a judicious Reader may partly conjecture by the former passages already related.  
But further to enlighten the Reader (for in this plain Relation I shall be sparing to use any descants of my own (I will refer him to Speeches which at the beginning of this Parliament were made by judicious Gentlemen, and those of greatest moderation, labouring as much as they could possibly to spare the King, and touch tenderly upon his Honour, which I shall mention anon.  
According to the reason of the Parliament and Kingdom, went along the sense of Courtiers themselves (as was expressed in an ingenuous Treatise found in the privy Chamber) concerning the condition in which the King and Kingdom of England were in, when this so much expected Parliament was to begin.   

CHAP. VII.  
The beginning of the English Parliament. Grievances examined. Sufferers relieved. Delinquents questioned. The Archbishop of Canterbury committed to the Tower. The flight of Secretary WINDEBANKE, and of the Lord Keeper FINCH.  
ON the third of November 1640. the Parliament began; where the King expressed himself very well, in a Speech gracious and acceptable to both Houses; who did not expect from him any such acknowledgement of former errors, as might seem too low for the Majesty of his Person; but only desired to gain his affection for the future.  
Very pleasing to them all was that gracious expression, that He did now clearly and freely put himself upon the love and affections of his English Subjects, desiring them to consider the best way for the Safety and Security of the Kingdom of England; and in order to it, for satisfaction of their just grievances, wherein he would so heartily concur, that the world might see his intentions were to make it a glorious and flourishing Kingdom. In which business he did freely and willingly leave it to them where to begin.  
He desired also that all Jealousies and Suspicions might be laid aside by them, which he promised to do on his part. And withal, to give some reasonable colour to his former War, whether to excuse or justify the Proceedings of it, he seemed as yet much distasted with the boldness of the Scots, who had entered England with an Army against his will; calling them by the name of Rebels; and that it concerned the honour of him and England, to drive them out again.  
And in his second Speech, two days after, I told you (said he) that the Rebels must be put out of this Kingdom; it is true, I must needs call them so, so long as they have an Army that do invade us; although I am under Treaty with them, and under my Great Seal do call them Subjects, for so they are too.  
His desire to have them out, was sweetened with that reason, That he was sensible how much his English Subjects of the North would suffer otherwise.  
All which, with more particulars, was set forth in a long Oration by the Lord Keeper FINCH; who likewise justified the King's intention of calling this Parliament, before the Peers petitioned him at York.  
Though the King were thanked for his Grace toward his English Parliament; yet that motion of expelling the Scots, was otherwise considered of by the Houses, as will appear in the particulars of it: For about a week after it was ordered by the House of Commons, That 100000 l. should be paid to the two Armies, to be levied rateably upon all the Counties of England, (except the Northern Counties, which were then charged) and till it could be levied the Money to be taken up at Interest.  
And Scottish Commissioners were allowed to come and exhibit their complaints, and dispute the business at London; who accordingly came thither about the nineteenth day of the same Month, for the business was not yet ended, but still in Treaty, which Treaty (as the King said in his Speech) was but transported from Kippon to London.  
Before the great cure, which was expected from this Parliament, could go on, it was necessary that some time should be spent in searching and declaring the wounds, which in divers elegant and judicious Speeches, was done by some Members of both Houses.  
The abuses which of late years had been committed about Religion, and the manifold violations of Laws and Liberties, were upon the first day after the House of Commons was settled, being the ninth of November, enumerated and discoursed upon by Master GRIMSTON, Sir BENJAMIN RUDIERD, Master PYM, and Master BAGSHAW, and the abuses of Ireland, reflecting much upon the Earl of Strafford, were opened by Sir JOHN CLOTWORTHY of Devon, but living in Ireland.  
The like Speeches for many days following, were made by divers Gentlemen of great quality; where in the midst of their complaints, the King was never mentioned, but with great Honour. They always mixing thanks for the present hope of redress, with their complaints of former grievances.  
The first of which they rendered to the King, and threw the other upon his Ministers; of which if the Reader would see a perfect exemplar, Sir BENJAMIN RUDYERD his Speech (the second that was delivered in the House) will best discover the present state of grievances, and the way of sparing the King, a Religious, Learned, and Judicious Gentleman.  Cujus erant mores, qualis facundia. 
Whose Speech I shall wholly insert, that the condition of the State may the better be understood.  
Master Speaker:  
WE are here assembled to do God's business, and the Kings, in which our own is included, as we are Christians, as we are Subjects: Let us first fear God, then shall we honour the King the more; for I am afraid we have been the less prosperous in Parliaments, because we have preferred other matters before him. Let Religion be our Primum quaerite, for all things else are but Et caetera's to it; yet we may have them too, sooner and surer, if we give God his precedence.  
We well know what disturbance hath been brought upon the Church for vain petty trifles; How the whole Church, the whole Kingdom, hath been troubled, where to place a Metaphor, an Altar.  
We have seen Ministers, their wives, children, and families undone, against Law, against conscience, against all bowels of compassion, about not dancing upon Sundays: What do these sort of men think will become of themselves, when the Master of the House shall come and find them thus beating their fellow Servants?  
These inventions were but sives, made of purpose to winnow the best men, and that is the Devil's occupation.  
They have a mind to worry preaching; for I never yet heard of any but diligent Preachers that were vexed with these and the like devices.  
They despise Prophecy, and as one said, they would fain be at something were like the Mass, that will not bite; a muzzled Religion. They would evaporate and dis-spirit the power and vigour of Religion, by drawing it out into solemn and specious formalities, into obsolete antiquated Ceremonies, new furbished up. And this (belike) is that good work in hand, which Doctor HEYLIN hath so celebrated in bis bold Pamphlets: All their acts and actions are so full of mixtures, involutions, and complications, as nothing is clear, nothing sincere, in any of their proceedings: Let them not say, That these are the porverse suspicions, malicious interpretations of some factious spirits amongst us, when a Romanist hath bragged and congratulated in print, That the face of our Church begins to alter, the Language of our Religion to change: And SANCTA CLARA hath published, That if a Synod were held Non intermixtis Puritanis, setting Puritan aside, our Articles and their Religion would soon be agreed.  
They have so brought it to pass, that under the name of Puritans, all our Religion is branded, and under a few hard words against Jesuits, all Popery is countenanced.  
Whosoever squares his actions by any rule, either divine or humane, he is a Puritan: Whosoever would be governed by the King's Laws, he is a Puritan.  
He that will not do whatsoever other men would have him do, he is a Puritan. Their great work, their Masterpiece now is, to make all those of the Religion, to be the suspected party of the Kingdom.  
Let us further reflect upon the ill effect these courses have wrought, what by a defection from us on the one side, a separation on the other; some imagining whether we are tending, made haste to turn or declare themselves Papists before hand; thereby hoping to render themselves the more gracious, the more acceptable. A great company of the King's Subjects, striving to hold communion with us; but seeing how far we were gone, and fearing how much further we would go, were forced to fly the Land, some into other inhabited Countries, very many into savage Wildernesses, because the Land would not bear them. Do not they that cause this cast a reproach upon the Government?  
Master Speaker:  
Let it be our principal care, that these ways neither continue, nor return upon us; if we secure our Religion we shall cut off and defeat many plots that are now on foot by them and others. Believe it, Sir, Religion hath been for a long time, and still is the great design upon this Kingdom. It is a known and practised principle, That they who would introduce another Religion into the Church, must first trouble and disorder the Government of the State, that so they may work their ends in a confusion, which now lies at the door.  
I come next, Master Speaker, to the King's business more particularly; which indeed is the Kingdoms, for one hath no existence, no being, without the other, their relation is so near; yet some have strongly and subtly laboured a divorce, which hath been the very bane of both King and Kingdom.  
When foundations are shaken, it is high time to look to the building; he hath no heart, no head, no soul, that is not moved in his whole man, to look upon the distresses, the miseries of the Commonwealth, that is not forward in all that he is and hath, to redress them in a right way.  
The King likewise is reduced to great straits, wherein it were undutifulness beyond inhumanity to take advantage of him: Let us rather make it an advantage for him, to do him best service, when he hath most need, not to seek our own good, but in him, and with him, else we shall commit the same crimes ourselves, which we must condemn in others.  
His Majesty hath clearly and freely put himself into the hands of this Parliament; and I presume, there is not a man in this House, but feels himself advanced in this high Trust; but if he prosper no better in our hands, than he hath done in theirs, who have hitherto had the handling of his affairs, we shall for ever make ourselves unworthy of so gracious a confidence.  
I have often thought and said, That it must be some great extremity, that would recover and rectify this State, and when that extremity did come, it would be a great hazard, whether it might prove a remedy or ruin. We are now, Master Speaker, upon that vertical turning point, and therefore it is no time to palliate, to foment our own undoing.  
Let us set upon the remedy; we must first know the disease; But to discover the diseases of the State, is (according to some) to traduce the Government; yet others are of opinion, That this is the half way to the Cure.  
His Majesty is wiser than they that have advised him, and therefore he cannot but see and feel their subverting destructive Counsels, which speak louder than I can speak of them; for they ring a doleful deadly knell over the whole Kingdom: His Majesty best knows who they are. For us, let the matters bolt out the men, their actions discover them.  
They are men that talk largely of the King's Service, yet have done none but their own, and that is too evident.  
They speak highly of the King's power; but they have made it a miserable power, that produceth nothing but weakness, both to the King and Kingdom.  
They have exhausted the King's Revenue to the bottom, nay through the bottom, and beyond.  
They have spent vast sums of money wastefully, fruitlessly, dangerously; so that more money without other Counsels, will be but a swift undoing.  
They have always peremptorily pursued one obstinate pernicious course; first, they bring things to an extremity, than they make that extremity of their own making, the reason of their next action, seven times worse than the former; and there we are at this instant.  
They have almost spoiled the best instituted Government in the world, for Sovereignty in a King, Liberty to the Subject, the proportionable temper of both which, makes the happiest State for power, for riches, for duration.  
They have unmannerly, and slubbringly, cast all their projects, all their machinations, upon the King, which no wise or good Minister of State ever did, but would still take all harsh, distasteful things, upon themselves, to clear, to sweeten their Master.  
They have not suffered His Majesty to appear unto his people in his own native goodness.  
They have eclipsed him by their interpositions. Although gross condense bodies may obscure and hinder the Sun from shining out, yet he is still the same in his own splendour. And when they are removed, all creatures under him are directed by his light, comforted by his Beams.  
But they have framed a superstitious seeming Maxim of State for their own turn, That if a King will suffer men to be torn from him, he shall never have any good service done him. When the plain truth is, That this is the surest way to preserve a King from having ill servants about him; and the Divine truth likewise is, Take away the wicked from the King, and his Throne shall be established.  
Master Speaker: Now we see what the sores are in general; and when more particulars shall appear, let us be very careful to draw out the cores of them, not to skin them over with a slight suppurating festering cure, lest they break out again into a greater mischief: Consider of it, consult, and speak your minds.  
It hath heretofore been boasted, That the King should never call a Parliament, till he had no need of his people: These were words of division, and Malignity. The King must always, according to his occasions, have use of the people's power, hearts, hands, purses; The people will always have need of the King's Clemency, justice, Protection: And this reciprocation is the strongest, the sweetest union.  
It hath been said too of late, That a Parliament will take away more from the King, than they will give him. It may well be said, That those things which will fall away of themselves, will enable the Subject to give him more than can be taken any way else. Projects and Monopolies are but leaking Conduit-Pipes; The Exchequer itself at the fullest, is but a Cistern, and now a broken one; Frequent Parliaments only are the fountains, and I do not doubt, but in this Parliament, as we shall be free in our advices, so shall we be the more free of our purses, that His Majesty may experimentally find the real difference of better Counsels, the true solid grounds of raising and establishing his Greatness, never to be brought again (by God's blessing) to such dangerous, such desperate perplexities.  
Master Speaker: I confess I have now gone in a way much against my nature, and somewhat against my custom heretofore used in this place: But the deplorable, dismal condition, both of Church and State, have so far wrought upon my judgement, as it hath convinced my disposition; yet am I not vir sanguinum; I love no man's ruin: I thank God, I neither hate any man's person, nor envy any man's fortune, only I am zealous of a thorough Reformation, in a time that exacts, that extorts it. Which I humbly beseech this House, may be done with as much lenity, as much moderation, as the public safety of the King and Kingdom can possibly admit.  
In so great a concurrence of business, and weighty affairs, concerning the safety, and the very being of three Kingdoms, as far as the Parliament had leisure to consider and redress the damages or other injuries of particular persons; Their first care was to vindicate distressed Ministers, who had been imprisoned, or deprived by the Bishops, and all others who in the Cause of Religion had been persecuted by them: Many of those Ministers, within few weeks after the beginning of the Parliament were released from durance, and restored to their Charges, with damages from their oppressors; Many Doctors and other Divines, that had been most busy in promoting the late Church innovations about Altars and other Ceremonies, and therefore most gracious and flourishing in the State, were then questioned and committed, insomuch as the change, and the suddenness of it, seemed wonderful to men, and may worthily serve as a document to all posterity.  
Quam fragili loco starent superbi.  
In what frail places stand the proudest men.  
Among divers others of this kind, and the most remarkable of all, was that relief which the Parliament, immediately upon their first sitting, gave to three persecuted Gentlemen, Doctor BASTWICK a Physician, Master PRYNNE a Lawyer, and Master BURTON a Minister.  
The whole passage of whose Story we will here insert in one continued discourse, that it may not hereafter interrupt any other Relations of business.  
These three men, for the same offence, or very little differing in substance, (as those that read their extant Books may perceive) not being able to contain themselves in such a cause, had written against the manner of English Episcopacy, and those inconveniencies, or extravagancies, which, as they conceived, flowed from it, to the prejudice of purity in Religion; For which offence they were all three heavily censured in the High Commission Court, at several times, and committed to several Prisons, where they long remained in durance, till afterward their cause was brought into the Star-chamber, where they received a sad doom; and the same day stood all three upon Pillories in Westminster Palace yard, where their ears were likewise cut off.  
It seemed, I remember, to many Gentlemen (and was accordingly discoursed of) a spectacle no less strange than sad, to see three of several Professions, the noblest in the Kingdom, Divinity, Law, and Physic, exposed at one time to such an ignominious punishment, and condemned to it by Protestant Magistrates, for such Tenants in Religion, as the greatest part of Protestants in England held, and all the Reformed Churches in Europe maintained.  
But the Court of Star-chamber seemed to take cognizance only of their unlawful publishing those Tenants, and disobedience to the Authority then in being.  
This was but the beginning of their punishment; they were afterward banished to remote places of the Kingdom, and there kept in close and solitary consinement, not allowed pen and paper, nor the sight of any friends, no not so much (for two of them were married) as of their own wives. Their imprisonments, at several removes, were in the Castles of Lanceston, Lancaster, Carnarvan, and Isles of Silly, Garnsey, and jersey.  
These three, within five days after the Parliament began to sit, were sent for home from their banishment; and accordingly Master PRYNNE, and Master BURTON, upon the 28. of November came into London, (Doctor BASTWICK within few days after in the same manner) being met upon the way, some few miles from London, and brought into the City by five thousand persons, both men and women, on horseback, who all of them wore in their hats Rosemary and Bays, in token of Joy and Triumph.  
The discourses of men upon this action, were very different, some both of the Clergy, of the Court, and other Gentlemen besides, did not conceal their dislike of it, affirming that it was a bold and tumultuous affront to Courts of Justice; and the King's Authority: Others, who pitied the former sufferings of those men, and they that wished Reformation in matters of Justice, were pleased with it; hoping that it would work good effects in the King's mind, and make him sensible how his people stood dis-affected to the rigour of such proceedings; and esteemed it as a good presage of the ruin of those two Courts, the High Commission, and Star-Chamber. Which proved true within half a year after.  
How it wrought at that present upon the King, is not known. But actions of that nature, where the people of their own accords, in a seeming tumultuous manner, do express their liking or dislike of matters in Government, cannot have always the same success, but work according to the disposition of the Prince or Governor, either to a sense causing Reformation, or to an hatred of them as upbraiders of his actions, aut corrigunt, aut irritant.  
Within a month after, the business of these three men, was by Order of the Parliament referred to Committees to examine and report.  
Upon which reports, not two Months after, it was voted by the House of Commons, That those Judgements so given against them (but severally for every one of the three) were illegal, unjust, and against the liberty of the Subject; and within a month after voted that they should receive damages for their great sufferings; and satisfaction should be made them in money, to be paid by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the High Commissioners, and those Lords who had voted against them in the Star-Chamber; That they should be again restored to their callings, and receive Master BURTON 6000. l. and Master PRYNNE 5000. l. Doctor BASTWICK in a vote by himself was given the like sum.  
As these were comforted after their sufferings, so other Divines (for the beginning of this Parliament seemed a little Doomsday) after a short pleasure were brought to their torment.  
A Committee was made to inquire of scandalous Ministers; which appeared in two kinds (and were accordingly censured) either loose livers, and men of a debauched behaviour, for many such were gotten into good preferments, and countenanced to affront the Puritans; or else offenders in way of Superstition; of the former sort many were in short time accused, by degrees censured, and turned out of their livings: Of the latter sort there was no small number of offenders, nor in likelihood could that, which had been the way to all high preferments, want walkers in it.  
Among all the men of his rank, Dr. COOSENS, Master of Saint Peter's College in Cambridge, was most noted for superstitious and curious observations in many kinds; a man not noted for any great depth of learning, nor yet scandalous for ill living, but only forward to show himself in formalities and outward Ceremonies concerning Religion, many of which were such as a Protestant State might not well suffer.  
This man was questioned upon many Articles, some by himself, some, where other Divines were joined with him, imprisoned he was, afterwards bailed; and though deprived of some preferments, yet escaped without any great punishment, and was one of them, in that crowd of offenders, who might rejoice that the Parliament had so much business.  
But greater Clergymen than Doctor COOSENS were then to come upon the Stage; Bishop WREN a man guilty of the same crime in Superstition, that COOSENS was, as far as concerned his own person, but far more guilty as a Magistrate, and able to impose it upon others, was upon the 19 of December accused of Treason, and entered into a recognizance of 30000 l. to appear, with three sureties engaged each of them in bonds of 10000 l.  
This WREN being Bishop of Norwich, a Diocese in which there were as many strict Professors of Religion (commonly called Puritan) as in any part of England, had there violently pressed superstitious Ceremonies, or such as they conceived so, upon them, put down accustomed Lectures, and deprived many Ministers much beloved and reverenced among them. By which rigour he grew accidentally guilty of a wonderful crime against the wealth and prosperity of the State.  
For many Tradesmen (with whom those parts abounded) were so afflicted and troubled with his Ecclesiastical censures and vexations, that in great numbers, to avoid misery, they departed the Kingdom, some into new England, and other parts of America, others into Holland, whether they transported their Manufactures of Cloth, not only a loss by diminishing the present stock of the Kingdom, but a great mischief by impairing and endangering the loss of that peculiar Trade of Clothing, which hath been a plentiful fountain of Wealth and Honour to the Kingdom of England, as it was expressed in the Parliament Remonstrance; but more particular crimes were laid against the Bishop, which there may be occasion to discourse of hereafter, in the proceedings against him.  
The day before Bishop WREN was accused, being the 18. of December, a greater man, both in Church and State, WILLIAM LAUD, Archbishop of Canterbury, was voted in the House of Commons guilty of High Treason; Master DENZILL HOLLIS, a Member of that House, was sent up to the Lords, to appeach him there; upon which he was sequestered, and confined to the Black Rod. He was also charged by the Scottish Commissioners, together with the Earl of Strafford, as a chief Incendiary in the late War between both Nations; and divers Articles laid against him; which to examine and discuss further, a Committee was appointed.  
Upon the 23. of February, Master PYMME made report to the House of Commons, what heinous and capital crimes were objected against him: Upon which the House fell into a serious debate, and a Charge of High Treason in fourteen Articles was drawn up against him; which Charge two days after was sent from the House of Commons by Master PYMME up to the Lords.  
The Archbishop was that day brought before the Lords, to hear that Charge read; and it was there voted, That he should immediately be sent to the Tower; but upon his earnest suit, for some special reasons, he was two days longer suffered to abide under the Black Rod, and then accordingly sent to the Tower; where we will leave him● till the course of this Narration bring him to further trial upon those Articles.  
Civil offenders, as well as Ecclesiastical, must needs be many, in so long a corruption of Government; of whom one, as he was first in time, and soon le●t the Stage, besides his chief Crime concerning matters of Church and Religion, so he shall first be named.  
Sir FRANCIS WINDEBANKE, Principal Secretary of Estate, a great Favourite and friend to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by his friendship, as was thought, advanced to that place of Honour, was upon the 12 of November questioned in an high kind concerning Popish Priests; of whom in that seven or eight years that he had been Secretary, he had bailed a great number, and released many by his power, contrary to the Laws made, and then in force against them; which being examined by a Committee, and certain to prove foul against him, as it did afterward; for upon examination there were proved against him 74. Letters of grace to Recusants within four years, signed with his own hand, 64 Priests discharged from the Gatehouse, 29 discharged by a verbal Warrant from him; he thought it his best course, before trial, to fly the Land; so that upon the fourth of December news was brought to the House, that Secretary WINDEBANKE, with Master READ his chief Clerk, was fled; and soon after, notice was given that he arrived in France, where he long continued.  
About that time came the great business of Ship-Money into debate in Parliament; and was voted by both Houses to be a most illegal Taxation, and unsufferable grievance; in reference to which case, almost all the Judges were made Delinquents, for their extrajudicial opinions in it, as more particularly will afterward appear. As for other petty grievances, such as were the multitude of Monopolies upon all things, and Commodities of greatest and most familiar use; the House daily condemned them, and the Delinquents of meaner note in that kind, were examined and censured, too many to be here named: Nay, so impartial was the House of Commons in that case, that many of their own Members, who had been guilty of such Monopolies, were daily turned out of the House for that offence.  
But the business of Ship-money, did reflect with a deeper stain of guilt upon the then Lord Keeper FINCH, then upon any of the other Judges whatsoever, for his great activity and labouring in it, by threats and promises working upon the other Judges, as we find alleged against him.  
Sir JOHN FINCH, in the year 1636. when that Taxation of Ship-money was first plotted and set on foot, was newly made Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, a man in favour with the King, and many of the greatest Lords in Court, having before been the Queen's Attorney, a Gentleman of good birth, of an high and Imperious spirit, eloquent in speech, though in the knowledge of the Law not very deep.  
Upon the death of the Lord Keeper COVENTRY about December 1639. the King was pleased to confer that high Trust of keeping the Great Seal upon him; which Office at this time he held.  
Upon the seventh of December, when Ship-money was fully debated, and absolutely damned by the House of Commons, and the offence of the Judges began to be scanned, sixteen Gentlemen of that House were chosen to examine those Judges, that had given their extrajudicial opinions for it (for three gave their opinions otherwise: The arguments of two, Judge CROOK, and Judge HUTTON, were very famous; Baron DENHAM, by reason of sickness, could not declare his opinion in so large a manner) what threats or promises had been used to them, and by what persons.  
Upon which examination, and further light given, the next day a Committee was named to draw up Charges against the Judges, and against the Lord FINCH, than Lord Keeper, a Charge of High Treason. He not many days after, became an humble Suitor to the House of Commons, That before the Charge of High Treason were delivered against him, they would be pleased to hear him o'er Tenus in their own House.  
His suit was granted; and the next day save one, in a long Oration he endeavoured to clear himself; but all in vain was that endeavour, though his deportment were very humble and submissive, and his Speech full of persuasive Rhetoric, it could not prevail to divert the Judgement, though many in the House were moved to a kind of Compassion.  
He, either secretly informed by friends, or himself perceiving by evident signs, how things were likely to go with him, conceived it best to use a timely prevention, and the next day disguised fled, and soon crossed the Seas into Holland.  
After his flight, he was voted by the House of Commons guilty of High Treason for four causes: 

1. Disobeying the House, in refusal to speak at their command, when he was Speaker in Parliament, in the fourth year of King CHARLES.  
2. For threatening some Judges in the matter of Ship-money.  
3. For his illegal and cruel Judgements in the Forest business, when he was Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas.  
4. For drawing that injurious Declaration after dissolution of the last Parliament.    
Upon which a Charge was drawn up against him, and carried up to the Lords upon the 14. of january, three weeks after his flight, by the Lord FAWKLAND; who presented it with a very pithy and sharp Oration against the man.  
These two last Delinquents (though men of eminent place in the Commonwealth) as they did not long trouble the Parliament, nor much retard the progress of public business, preventing their Trials by timely flight, so can they take up no large room in this Historical Narration.   

CHAP. VIII.  
The Trial and death of the Earl of Strafford. Conspiracies detected during the agitation of it. An Act for continuance of this present Parliament. With a mention of that Grant of the Triennial Parliament in February before.  
BUt now a greater Actor is brought upon the Stage, THOMAS Earl of Strafford, Lieutenant of Ireland, a man too great to be let escape; no sooner accused but surprised, and secured for a Trial.  
Which Trial of his, if we consider all things, the high nature of the Charge against him; the pompous circumstances, and stately manner of the Trial itself; the time that it lasted; the preciousness of that time so consumed; and lastly, of what moment and consequence the success of it must prove, I may safely say, that no Subject in England, and probably in Europe, ever had the like.  
So great it was● that we can hardly call it the Trial of the Earl of Strafford only; the King's affections toward his People and Parliament, the future success of this Parliament, and the hopes of three Kingdoms depending on it, were all tried, when Strafford was arraigned.  
Many Subjects in Europe have played louder parts upon the Theatre of the world, but none left it with greater noise; nor was the matter of his accusation confined within one Realm; three whole Kingdoms were his Accusers, and eagerly sought in one death a recompense of all their sufferings: That we may say of his case, as CLAUDIAN of RUFFINUS.  Offensis Ruffinum divide terris. 
Within ten days after the Parliament began, the Earl of Strafford newly returned from the North, was sitting in the House of Lords; when Master PYMME, an ancient Gentleman of great experience in Parliamentary affairs, and no less known fidelity to his Country, came up to the Lords, and in the name of all the Commons of England, accused THOMAS Earl of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, of High Treason; and desired their Lordships that he might be sequestered from Parliament, and forthwith committed to Prison; as also to let them know, that the Commons within very few days would resort to their Lordships with the particular Articles and grounds of this Accusation.  
The Earl was required to withdraw; and after a debate thereof, called in, was committed to safe custody to the Gentleman Usher; And immediately after, upon the 13. day of November, a Sergeant at Arms was sent into Ireland for Sir GEORGE RATLIFFE, a great Favourite of the Earls, and one that under him had been very active in the oppression of Ireland; a man of subtle wit, and knowledge of the Law; as having before been educated at the Inns of Court, and taken the degree of Barrister.  
Sir GEORGE accordingly upon the fourth of December came in, and yielded himself to the Speaker; from whence he was committed to custody. And four days after the Lords of Parliament sent the Earl of Strafford to the Tower, with a strict command to the Lieutenant, that he should keep a close guard upon him.  
Much time was interposed between the several proceedings against this Earl of Strafford, by reason of the multiplicity of weighty business which the Parliament than had. But before the end of january, a long Charge was read against him in the House of Commons, and a Message not long after sent to the Lords, to desire that he might be sequestered from all his places of Dignity and Honour, in England and Ireland.  
The Charge against him consisted of nine Articles, which afterwards upon a further impeachment, were extended to eight and twenty. All those Articles are to be seen at large in the Records: But for further satisfaction of the Reader, I will give a brief touch of the scope of them. The first and second being much alike, concerning his ruling of Ireland, and those parts of England, where his Authority lay, in an Arbitrary way, against the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, which Laws he had endeavoured to subvert. Thirdly, his retaining part of the King's Revenue, without giving a legal account. Fourthly, The abusing of his Power, to the increase and encouragement of Papists. Fifthly, That he maliciously had endeavoured to stir up Hostility between England and Scotland. Sixthly, That being Lieutenant General of the Northern Army, he had wilfully suffered the Scots to defeat the English at Newburne, and take Newcastle; that by such a loss and dishonour, England might be engaged in a national and irreconcilable quarrel with the Scots. Seventhly, That to preserve himself from questioning, he had laboured to subvert Parliaments, and incense the King against them. Eightly and lastly, That these things were done during the time of his Authority as Deputy of Ireland, and Lieutenant General of the Northern Armies in England.  
The Commons, saving to themselves a liberty of further impeachment against the said Earl, etc. do require his legal answer to all.  
The further impeachment, consisting of 28. Articles, was for the most part branched out of these, and insisted upon in more particulars, concerning his Tyranny in Ireland over divers persons, contrary to Law. Concerning which the Reader must be referred to the Records themselves, as being too large to be here inserted.  
The Earl of Strafford upon the 23. of February was brought before the Lords, to give in his answer; which he accordingly did; the King himself being there present to hear it read.  
It was very large, and when it was done, he was sent back to the Tower, there to remain till further Order.  
A Committee being appointed to consider of that business, upon the fourth of March following made report in the House, That they would manage and maintain their Accusation of Treason against him; and thought it not fit to reply to his Answer, but call him to speedy trial.  
Immediately upon which, a Conference was had with the Lords concerning that Trial, and some Circumstances which were thought fit to be used at it.  
The Commissioners of Scotland had likewise a Charge against the Earl of Strafford; concerning those injuries, which, as they conceived, their Nation and Kingdom had suffered from him. But the substance of that Charge was employed in these Articles before specified, which the Parliament of England had exhibited against him.  
Upon the 22. of March, 1640. that remarkable Trial of the Earl of STRAFFORD began.  
Westminster Hall was the place chosen, where Scaffolds were raised on both sides, nine degrees in height; whereof seven were appointed for the Members of the House of Commons to sit on, who were all there in a Committee: The two upper degrees of the Scaffold, were appointed for the Commissioners of Scotland, and the Lords of Ireland, who were then come over.  
In the midst, on a lower ascent, sat the Peers of England, the Earl of Arundel being Lord high Steward, and the Earl of Lindsey Lord High Constable. The Throne was placed for the King: But the King coming thither (which he did every day of the trial) sat private with the Queen and other Ladies, in a close Gallery, made of purpose to hear the proceedings, and took notes himself in writing of them,  
The Earl of Strafford answered daily at the Bar, whilst the whole House of Commons, having put themselves into a Committee, had liberty to charge him, every man as he saw occasion: But though many of them did sometimes speak, yet the accusasations were chiefly managed by two expert Lawyers, Master GLYNNE, and Master MAYNARD, both Members of the House.  
Many foul misdemeanours, committed both in Ireland and England, were daily proved against him: But that ward which the Earl, being an eloquent man, especially lay at; was to keep off the blow of High Treason, whatsoever misdemeanours should be laid upon him; of which, some he denied, others he excused, and extenuated with great subtlety; contending to make one thing good, That misdemeanours, though never so many and so great, could not by being put together make one Treason, unless some one of them had been Treason in its own nature.  
Every day the first week, from Monday to Saturday, without intermission, the Earl was brought from the Tower to Westminster Hall, and arraigned many hours together; and the success of every day's trial, was the greatest discourse or dispute in all companies.  
For by this time the people began to be a little divided in opinions; The Clergy in general were so much fallen into love and admiration of this Earl, that the Archbishop of Canterbury was almost quite forgotten by them.  
The Courtiers cried him up, and the Ladies, whose voices will carry much with some parts of the State, were exceedingly on his side.  
It seemed a very pleasant object, to see so many Semproniaes' (all the chief Court Ladies filling the Galleries at the Trial) with pen, ink, and paper in their hands, noting the passages, and discoursing upon the grounds of Law and State. They were all of his side; whether moved by pity, proper to their Sex, or by ambition of being thought able to judge of the parts of the Prisoner.  
But so great was the favour, and love, which they openly expressed to him; that some could not but think of that Verse: 
Non formosus erat, sed erat facundus Ulysses;  
E●●amen aequoreas torsit amore Deas.  
Ulysses, though not beautiful, the love  
Of Goddesses by eloquence could move.   
But his Trial in this manner lasted, with few day's intermission, from the 22. of March, till the midst of April following, the Earl having personally answered ●i●teene days.  
After all this long Trial, the House of Commons ●ell into debate about a Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford; and voted him guilty of high Treason in divers particulars of that Accusation, in which they had proceeded against him; and in more particular he was voted guilty of High Treason, for his opinion given before the King, at a secret Council, which was discovered by some notes of Sir HENRY VANE, who was also a Privy Councillor, and present at that time; in which notes it was found that the Earl of Strafford had said to the King, That he had an Army in Ireland, which his Majesty might employ to reduce this Kingdom to obedience.  
These notes Sir HENRY VANE, eldest Son to the before named Sir HENRY had found (as he alleged to the House) in his Father's Cabinet, and produced before the House without his Father's knowledge; who seemed extreme angry with his Son for it.  
This is related the more at large, because it was the first occasion (that was open and visible) whereby so eminent a Member as the Lord GEORGE DIGBY was lost from the House of Commons, as will afterward appear: For that Vote was opposed by the Lord DIGBY, and some others.  
Nevertheless a Committee was appointed to draw up the Bill of Attainder, which was accordingly done, and read in the House of Commons on the 21 day of April, when the Earl was again voted guilty of High Treason; which was carried by far the greater part; for on the other side were but nine and fifty, of whom the Lord DIGBY was one; who made to that purpose a very elegant, though much displeasing, Speech in the House; Of which more hereafter.  
That Bill of Attainder was sent up to the Lords, where after the reading of it, a great division was in that House, and many of the Lords much opposed it.  
But Master St. JOHN, the King's Solicitor, and a Member of the House of Commons, was appointed within few days after to make good the Bill by Law, and give the Lords satisfaction, which was accordingly done upon the 29. of April in Westminster Hall; where the Earl of Strafford was present at the Bar, and the King and Queen seated in their usual places.  
Master St. JOHN opened the Branches of the Bill, and in a Discourse of two hours made it good by precedent Statutes, and the like, to the satisfaction of almost all that heard him.  
But the King was not satisfied in conscience, as he declared to both Houses two days after, to condemn him of High Treason; and told them, No fears or respects whatsoever should make him alter that resolution, founded upon his conscience: But confessed, that his misdemeanours were so great, he held him unfit to serve him in any Office whatsoever; with other expressions of that kind.  
The King's Speech was somewhat displeasing to the Houses; but the City were out of patience, and within four days after came to Westminster, about five thousand of them, crying for Justice against the Earl of Strafford; and following the Lords, complaining that they were undone, and trading decayed for want of due execution of Justice.  
The Lords gave them good words, and promised them to acquaint the King with it. But the next day they appeared again with the same complaint. Their fears being more aggravated, by reason of reports, that attempts were made to get the Earl out of Prison; upon which occasion some Lords were sent to keep the Tower, and assist the Lieutenant there.  
But the King was hard to be removed from his resolution, although the Judges in the mean time had delivered their opinions in the House of Lords concerning the Earl of Strafford; and the Lords had voted him guilty of High Treason upon the ●i●teenth Article, for levying of money in Ireland by force of Arms; and upon the nineteenth, for imposing an Oath upon the Subjects in Ireland, That they should not protest against any of the King's Commands.  
The King at last, wearied with these complaints, called a Privy Council at White-Hall, where he spent a great part of the day, calling also the Judges to deliver their opinions before him, concerning the Earl of Strafford; and sent for four Bishops, to resolve him upon scruple of conscience. After which he granted a Commission to the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Privy Seal, and the two Lord Chamberlains, to sign that Bill for the execution of the Earl of Strafford three days after, being Wednesday, the 12. of May, 1641. which was accordingly done upon the Scaffold on Tower Hill.  
This was the unfortunate end of that Earl of Strafford, whose character and actions have been in some manner before described.  
Of whom we may truly say, That as his life and Counsels had been of great moment and concernment in the State before, so did his death and Trial by unhappy accidents prove to be.  
The divisions and disturbances which his life could make, were not greater than those that his death occasioned.  
APPIANUS observes of SCYLLA the Dictator, That as his living power had robbed the Roman Senate of their freedom; so did his very Funeral: Where so many of his old Soldiers and Hacsters' followed the solemnity, that the Senators who were present, durst not with freedom express their thoughts of him; but were enforced to flatter him dead, as well as living.  
How far the Earl of Strafford did in his life time divide the King's affections from his People and Parliaments (which was part of his Charge) I cannot surely tell; But certain it is, That his Trial and death (which has made me insist the longer upon it) did make such a division in that kind, as, being unhappily nourished by degrees afterward, has almost ruined the three Kingdoms.  
The length of his Trial, whilst two Armies at an heavy expense were to be paid, and other business at a great stand, did divide some impatient people (at least in some degree) from the Parliament; The manner of his condemnation divided the Parliament in itself; and the eager pressing of his death did discover or cause a sad division of the King from his Parliament.  
Nine and fifty Members of the House of Commons dissented in Vote from the rest, upon the Bill of Attainder, Upon which some indiscreet persons (for so I must needs esteem them, though it was never known who they were, or by whose notice it was done) the next day set up a paper upon the Exchange, with the names of those nine and fifty, and a Title over it, The names of those men, who to save a Traitor, would betray their Country.  
They that were thus posted up, supposing it to be done or caused by some of their House, were much provoked at it, many of them growing by degrees dis-affected to the Parliament, (not all, for there were among those dissenting Gentlemen very wise and learned men) and upon that unhappy distraction that fell out about a year after, forsook the Parliament.  
Upon the same Bill of Attainder, the Lord DIGBY made his foresaid Speech, which by a Command from the House (for he had printed it) was to be burnt by the Hangman, which was the visible cause of his deserting the Parliament, and proving so great an Actor against it, as shall hereafter be declared.  
The worst consequence of all was, that the King's heart did upon this occasion appear to be quite alienated from the Parliament.  
For to prevent the Earl of strafford's death, an escape for him out of the Tower was contrived. To further which, and to curb the Parliament in other things by force of Arms, a great conspiracy was entered into by many Gentlemen of rank and quality. The design of this conspiracy had many Branches, as shall appear in the Narration.  
The persons of chiefest note in it, were Master HENRY PERCY, brother to the Earl of Northumberland, Master HENRY JERMIN, the great Favourite of the Queen, to whom he was Master of the horse, Master GORING, eldest Son to the Lord GORING, Master WILMOT, eldest Son to the Lord WILMOT, Colonel ASHBURNHAM, Captain POLLARD, Sir JOHN SUCKLING, ONEALE an Irish man and a Papist, with divers others of a more inferior rank, such as were privy but to some part of the design: For it seems their Counsels were divided, and they not all guilty of the same things, as by their several Examinations upon Oath appeared.  
But that which grieved the hearts of honest men, and made them almost despair of that happiness which was before hoped for by this Parliament, was, That they discovered the King himself to be privy to this conspiracy against them; which was plainly testified by Colonel goring examination; as likewise by a Letter Written by Master PERCY to his Brother the Earl of Northumberland; where he names the King's discourses with him, and the desire which the King had to join such as he thought fit with them.  
The Conspirators had taken an Oath of secrecy among themselves.  
The Report made in Parliament from Committees after the Examination of several Gentlemen, concerning this conspiracy, discovered many branches of their design.  
One was concerning the Tower of London, That Shoulders should have been put into it. For sir JOHN SUC●LING, and some others of the Conspirators, under pretence of raising Forces for the Portugal, had gathered men in London, who were to possess themselves of the Tower.  
The Lieutenant, Sir WILLIAM BALFORE, was commanded by the King himself to admit those Soldiers into the Tower. But he perceiving that it was a Plot to let the Earl of Strafford escape, disobeyed that Command of the Kings, as appeared by his Examination.  
In which is likewise specified, that the Earl offered 2000 l. in Marriage with his daughter to the Laeutenants' Son, if he would consent to the Earls escape.  
Another branch, and that the chief of this design, was to bring up the English Army, which was in the North, as yet undisbanded, and to engage it against the Parliament, to awe the Houses in diver● things concerning the King's Prerogative and maintaining Episcopacy, as Master PERCY signified in the forementioned Letter.  
To join with these Forces, and strengthen the Plot, a French Army was to be landed at Porismouth, and that Town for the same purpose was to be put into Master JERMINS' hands.  
The Irish Army, consisting of eight thousand, almost all Papists, when the Earl of Strafford had escaped out of the Tower, was to be brought over under his conduct, and engaged in the same Service.  
All these things were confessed upon several Examinations.  
The Parliament were most grieved to find the King ●o far in it; and then re-called to mind, how His Majesty on the 28. of April before, had told the Houses, That he could not allow of the disbanding of the Irish Army for divers reasons best known to himself.  
The Conspiracy being in some part detected, PERCY, JERMYN, and SUCKLING fled the day before they should have been examined, being the sixth of May, and passed into France, where SUCKLING not long after died.  
But afterwards, upon the reading of a Letter in the House upon the 14. of june, sent by Master PERCY out of France to his Brother the Earl of Northumberland, WILMOT, ASHBURNNAM, and POLLARD, (three Members of the House of Commons, mentioned in that Letter, as privy to this Conspiracy) were commanded to withdraw, and then called in severally, examined, and committed, WILMOT to the Tower, ASHBURNHAM to the King's Bench, and POLLARD to the Gatehouse; from whence they were not long after released upon Bail, as being found guilty, not in so high a degree as others were.  
GORING, upon his Examination, dealt so clearly with them, and so far purged himself from evil intentions, that he was not at all committed by the Parliament.  
ONEALE, who proved most guilty of that part of the Conspiracy, for bringing up the English Army against the Parliament, was presently after apprehended, and committed to the Tower, whence it was generally thought he would be brought to Trial for his life, and suffer; but he made an escape.  
The Parliament considering what great disturbance they began to find in settling the State, what conspiracies had been on foot; and doubtful of the King's sincere affection towards them; considering also what great disbursements of money were to be made for payment of two Armies, and other charges for settling the State, to which purpose money was to be borrowed upon the Public Faith; by a joint consent of both Hou●●, moved the King to sign a Bill for continuance of this present Parliament, That it should never be dissolved till both Houses did consent, and agree that public grievances were fully redressed.  
A Bill was drawn up to that purpose, and the King, the same day that he signed the Bill for execution of the Earl of Strafford, being the 10. of May, 1641. signed that also for continuance of the present Parliament.  
But in this place it is sit to insert what had passed before in this kind.  
The King upon the 15. of February before, had signed a Bill, presented to him by both Houses, for a Parliament to be held in England every third year; That the Lord Keeper, and Chancellor of the Duchy, for the time being, should be sworn to issue forth the Writs, and upon default to lose their places.  
The same day in the afternoon there was a Conference between the two Houses, to return the King thanks; upon which it was concluded that the whole House should go to the King to White-Hall, and that the Lord Keeper, in the name of both Houses, should return their thankfulness to his Majesty, which was accordingly done.  
Expressions of joy, by Order from the Parliament, were that night made about London, with ringing of Bells, making of Bonesires, with such usual things.  
It is observable in the course of Histories, how much Kings in such limited Monarchies as that of England, do in time by degrees gain upon the people's Rights and Privileges. That those things, which by constitution of the Government, the people may challenge as due from the Prince, having been long forborn, become at last to be esteemed such Acts of extraordinary grace, as that the Prince is highly thanked for granting of them.  
Such was the case of this Triennial Parliament, as both Houses afterward, when the unhappy division began, and the King upbraided them with this favour, could plainly answer, That it was not so much as by Law they might require, there being two Statutes then in force, for a Parliament once a year.  
The King himself also at the time when he granted that Triennial Parliament, could not forbear to tell them, That he put an obligation upon them in doing it, which they had scarce deserved.  
For hitherto (said he) to speak freely, I have had no great encouragement to grant it, if I should look to the outward face of your actions or proceedings, and not to the inward intentions of your hearts, I might make question of doing it.  
But that Grant which the King since passed upon the tenth of May, for continuance of the present Parliament, not only afterward by himself was much upbraided to them, but by many Gentlemen, who were not well affected to their Parliament, and all the Faction of Prelatical Clergy, in their ordinary discourse, was censured a greater grace than was fit for the King to grant.  
To such men, their discourses and writings, afterward, when the great distraction happened, and the War was breaking out, the Parliament in many of their Declarations answered:  
That though there were in it some seeming restraint of the Regal Power in dissolving Parliaments; yet really it was no taking that Power from the Crown, but sus-spending the execution of it for this time and occasion only. Which was so necessary for the Public Peace, that without it they could not have undertaken any of those great Charges; but must have left both the Armies to disorder and confusion, and the whole Kingdom to blood and ruin.  
For to pay the Armies, and defray other necessary charges, money was to be borrowed upon the Public Faith; which had been nothing worth, if that Parliament could have been dissolved at the King's pleasure.  
And where it was objected, That no King ever granted the like before; they answered, It was evident, that no King before ever made so great a necessity for a Parliament to require it. And besides that, in the constitution of England's Government, it was never the meaning of the Lawgivers, that the King should dissolve any Parliament, whilst the great Affairs of the Kingdom were depending; and though the King had used to do so, it was nevertheless unlawful.  
The Scots in their Remonstrance 1640. told the King, That he had broken their Laws in dissolving the Parliament there, against the consent of their House.  
And it is very well understood by those that are skilful in Laws of both Nations, that English Parliaments have originally the same freedom.  
It was nevertheless probably then thought by all, that the King would not have assented to that Act, if at that time the freshness of those forementioned grievances in the people's hearts, and the present discovery of that odious Treason, of bringing an Army against the Parliament, had not made it unsafe for him to deny.  
That opinion was more confirmed by the following Actions, since time, and the unconstancy of some Lords and Gentlemen, had raised him a Party. When that knot, which by Law he could not again untie, he indeavo●●●● to cut a sunder by the Sword; as was afterwards observed in the Parliaments Declarations.   

CHAP. IX.  
Allowance of money from the English Parliament to the Scots. The vast Charge of disbanding the two Armies. The great Taxations for that purpose, and the manner of Poll money. The people take a Protestation. An Act for putting down the High Commission Court, and Star-chamber; with other occurrences of that time. The Queen Mother departeth England. The King goeth into Scotland.  
THe Parliament, conceiving themselves somewhat strengthened and secured by by that Act of continuance, began to fall upon the main business of the Kingdom; but their first desire was to ease themselves of that unsupportable charge of keeping two Armies in pay. It was therefore resolved, that both the Armies should forthwith be disbanded.  
The Earl of Holland was nominated by the King, and well approved of by the Parliament, to go down as General, for disbanding of the English. And for the speedy disbursement of so great a sum, which was to be raised out of the Poll-Money (of which I shall speak anon) and the ●ix Subsidies; much Pla●e was appointed with more than ordinary haste to be melted and coined.  
The Reader will here perchance desire to be satisfied, by what means the Scottish Army, which the King in the beginning of the Parliament, was so desirous to have driven out of the Kingdom, and styled Rebels, should continue undisbanded till this time.  
The Cessation of Arms, which was made before, to expire about the end of December last, was at that time renewed by the Parliament for a Month longer; who presently after took it into consideration, that the Scots should be satisfied for all their charges they had been at, and losses sustained since that unhappy War that the King had raised against them.  
In the February following, after a serious debate concerning that business, the necessities of the Scots being well weighed, and their demands considered, it was not only agreed that their Ships, taken since that War, should be restored, and 4000 l. in ready money given to them to rig those Ships; but for the main of all, it was resolved upon by both Houses, to give the full sum of 300000. l. in these words expressed, Towards a supply of the losses and necessities of our Brethren of Scotland; and that the Parliament would in due time take into consideration the manner of raising, and days of payment.  
Whereupon the Scottish Commissioners three days after returned thankfulness to the Parliament, not only for that great sum of 300000. l. but for the stile of Brethren which they had given them.  
And the same week, to continue, and further strengthen the amity of both Nations, the Parliament of England Ordained that all Books, Libels, and Proclamations against the Scots, should be called in; and a thanksgiving to God should be in all Churches thorough England, for the happy conclusion of that peace.  
But before the time came that the Parliament, pressed with so many great and weighty Affairs, could have leisure to consider and fully determine the times for payment of that great sum to the Scots (which was not till the 19 day of the following june, when it was concluded, that they should receive 100000 l. of it at Midsummer come twelve Month, and the other 200000. l. at Midsummer two years after) the Scots presented many Papers to the House at several times, for money to supply the wants of their Army, which were friendly entertained, and considered by the Parliament; for that Army was kept long undisbanded; insomuch as about the end of the following May, there was in Arreare due to the Scottish Army (besides the gift of 300000 l) 120000. l.  
So great a charge was the Parliament of England content to be at, rather than suffer the Scots to go, till businesses were better settled; which gave occasion to many of the Clergy, and others not well affected to them, not only in discourse, but written Libels, to tax the Parliament, and impute it to them as a crime of too much distrust of the King; and that they kept a foreign Army to awe their own Prince.  
But certain it is, that since that time when the forenamed Conspiracies began to break out, the Houses, not well assured of the King, nor fully trusting the English Army, were content that the Scots should not be disbanded, until the other were; being also doubtful of that Irish Army, which the King (as is before expressed) had told them he could not disband, for some reasons best known to himself.  
Nor was that Army of Scots disbanded till August, at the same time when the English Army was, by the Earl of Holland, appointed General to that purpose. And both the Armies quietly departed, conducted to their own homes by Order from Justices of Peace, through the several Counties.  
To defray so vast a charge as the payment of two great Armies, the Parliament, besides the grant of six Subsidies, imposed a Tax seldom or never known, which was that of the Poll-Money, wherein the whole Kingdom were to be personally assessed. Every Duke at 100 l. a marquis at 80 l. Earls at 60 l. Viscounts and Barons at 40 l. Knights of the bath 30 l. other Knights 20 l. Esquires 10 l. every Gentleman dispending 100 l. per annum, was seized at 5 l. and all others of ability to pay a competent proportion, the meanest head of the whole Kingdom was not excused under six pence.  
This Bill of Poll-Money was offered by the Houses to the King, together with two other of great concernment, one for putting down the High Commission Court, and the other for putting down the Star-chamber.  
But the King showed some reluctancy in that business, desiring to pass only that Bill of Poll-Money for the present, and to deliberate about passing of the other two. At which the House of Commons, being certified so much by the Lords, were not well contented, and voted that his Majesty should pass all three, or none at all.  
Notwithstanding, the King upon the second of july, did accordingly pass the Poll-Money, and demurred upon the other two. But understanding that the matter was so ill taken, and loath, upon mature deliberation, to displease the Kingdom at that time, he came again upon the following Tuesday, being the fifth of july, and passed the other two, for putting down the High Commission and Star-chamber.  
Many of the Courtiers, and nearest servants about the King, were very sorry that his Majesty, seeing that he passed those two Bills so soon after, had not freely done it at the same time (as was desired) together with the Poll-Money: Because it might be thought an unwillingness in him, and that his heart (which was then feared) did not perfectly concur with his People's desires: Whereby much of the thanks, which so great a grace freely and forwardly expressed, might have deserved, did seem in a manner lost.  
The King therefore at the passing of those two Bills, told them as much, That He could not but be sensible of those reports of discontent, which he had heard was taken by some, for his not passing them before; and thought it very strange, that two things of so great importance, should be expected from him, without an allowance of time to consider of them: That he wondered they could harbour any discontent, if they remembered how much he had done this Parliament, as his granting that the judges hereafter should hold their places quam diù se benè gesserint; bounding the Forest Laws; taking away Ship-money; establishing the Subject's property in Tonnage and Poundage; granting the Triennial Parliament; free justice against Delinquents. With other things; Concluding graciously, That He would omit nothing which might give them just content.  
And when he had signed the forenamed Bills, after a short mention of the journey which he intended speedily to take into Scotland; he propounded to them a thing very acceptable, concerning his Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine, that he could not but (at the desire of that Prince) send an Ambassador to assist him at the Diet at Ratisbone with the Emperor; and fearing that he should not receive so good an Answer, as might in justice be expected. For the better countenancing that business, he intended to publish a Manifesto in his own name, but would not do it but by consent and advice of Parliament; without which he conceived it would be a thing of no validity.  
Which Manifesto was afterwards made by the full consent of both Houses, and Sir THOMAS ROE, a Member of the House, and a Gentleman of great abilities, was sent to the Emperor at Ratisbone about it, but without any good success.  
At the same time the Queen Mother of France, as was before desired by the Parliament, was to take her leave of England. The King consented to her departure; but Money wanting for the Provision of her Journey, the Parliament allotted ten thousand pounds to her, out of the Poll-Money. This great Lady had arrived in England almost three years before, and so long been entertained by the King, her Son in Law, with great respect, and an allowance answerable to support her State, 100 l. per diem.  
It was her misfortune, (how far her crime I cannot tell) that during her abode here, the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland were embroiled in great troubles; which the People were apt to impute in some measure to her counsels, knowing what power the Queen her Daughter had with the King.  
Others taxed her not at all, but looked upon other causes, the same counsels, which long before her arrival had distempered England; but the people made their judgement upon it, from her actions or successes in other places.  
But however it were, the Queen was fearful of the people here, and had not long before desired to have a guard allowed her, pretending fear of her life, by reason of some attempts, which she conceived made against her; upon which a Guard was set about her house.  
Her Regency in France had not been happy, nor according to the interest of that Kingdom; though that, perchance, may be accounted a fault not so particular to her, as commonly incident to the Regency of Queen Mothers in that Land: In so much as THUANUS commends the saying of CHARLES the ninth (a Prince whom otherwise he doth not praise) upon his death bed, That since he must die at that age, (being four and twenty) he thanked God he had no Son, lest France should fall under a Regency, of which he had found the sad effects. His Mother was KATHERINE DE MEDICIS of the same Family with this Queen.  
After the time of her Regency, her actions had been such, that the King her Son would not harbour her in his own Kingdom; nor was she welcome into the Territories of her Son in Law the King of Spain. But the people there were no less desirous of her departure, than afterward in England.  
Insomuch as she became a strange example of the instability of humane fortunes, that so great a Queen, and Mother to so many mighty Princes, should want a quiet Harbour for her age.  
Not long after her departure from England, she died at Culleine, and might seem a parallel in some things, to the same Empress, who founded that City, and there planted a Roman Colony, AGRIPPINA, wife to CLAUDIUS CESAR, and Mother to NERO. They both had tasted of power, been active in it, but not pleasing to the people. They were both taught, that the greatness of their Sons, was not so much advantage to their Power, as they had hoped; and had learned, that all power dependent upon another, is of small validity, and less stability; as TACITUS observes, speaking of the same AGRIPPINA, Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile, & fluxum est, quam fama potentiae non sua vi nixa.  
About two Months before the departure of this Queen, the Princess MARY, eldest daughter to the King, not yet ten years of age, was married with great triumph at White-Hall, to the young Prince of Orange, WILLIAM; Bishop WREN, being then Deane of the King's Chapel, performed the solemnity on Sunday the second of May, 1641.  
The Marriage had been before debated of in Parliament, and consented to; The King himself upon the ninth of February having declared to the Lords what large Propositions the Ambassadors of the States had made to him upon that purpose.  
The people in general were pleased with this Marriage, and glad the King had chosen out a Protestant Prince, and servant to a State, which had been long confederate with England, and whose interest carried them the same way, Professors of the same Religion, and in that kind of Discipline, to which the greatest part of Parliament and People were inclined; and hoped (though at that time it was not so fully declared as afterward) to reform the Church of England to, as that of Scotland already was. By this Match of the Kings own choosing, they began to hope that the Spanish Faction in Court was not now at all prevalent, but that things might hereafter be carried according to the right English way.  
In this hope they were the more confirmed, seeing the Parliament go on without any opposition from the King, no dissension having yet happened, nor likely to happen, as they conceived; for that Conspiracy of bringing up the Army against the Parliament, which we touched before, was not yet discovered, nor at all thought of, though within few days after it broke out.  
But some there were, who suspended their joy, and were not much confident that this Marriage would bring happiness to England, unless the King were perfectly right with his People, and wished the same thing they did; considering at one side the condition of the Prince of Orange, and that he might be ambitious of more than was due to him; and for that reason engage himself in a reciprocal way for the King against his People, if occasion served.  
On the other side, they considered the States as Politicians of this world, and men who had other interests then that of Religion; and if dissension should in England happen, between Prince and People (which was never but feared in some degree) might be apt to side with the King against the just freedom of the Subject; which must needs depress the strength of England, and keep it from so much greatness, as might eclipse their own; the King of Spain being now weak, and no such fear from him, as might enforce them to need England's strength as heretofore.  
But the Parliament about the beginning of this july, were busied in such a multiplicity of Affairs, which by several Committees they daily did, concerning the reformation of domestical abuses, that it were an endless, and indeed an improper thing for an Historian to describe them all: The Records will at large satisfy those that are curious in particulars; only some of the chief I will briefly touch which happened before the King went into Scotland.  
Upon the fifth of july, 1641. the Committee appointed for that purpose, made their report to the House of Commons, of the Charge against MATTHEW WREN Bishop of Ely, whose Accusation was before mentioned, consisting of many Articles; which all tended to the introducing of Superstition, and too near approaches to the Roman Religion, as ●hose Articles will declare.  
After some time spent in debate upon the Articles, it was resolved upon the question, and voted, That it was the opinion of the House, That Bishop WREN was unworthy and unfit to hold or exercise any Office or Dignity in Church or Commonwealth; And further voted, That there be a Message sent to the Lords, to desire them to join with the Commons, in petitioning His Majesty to remove the said Bishop both from his Person and Service.  
About the same time also the Charges against those Judges before mentioned, who gave their extrajudicial opinions for levying of Ship-money, being five in number, Judge BRAMSTON, Baron TREVER, Baron WESTON, Baron DAVENPORT, Judge CRAWLEY, were read in the House of Commons, and several Members appointed to present those particular Charges against every Judge, which they all did, making large Speeches in aggravation of their Crimes: Against Judge BERKLEY there was a higher Charge, so great as amounted to High Treason.  
The King was now wholly intent upon his journey into Scotland, which he determined to take upon the tenth of August, to which both Houses had once agreed; but afterwards upon mature consideration, desired the King to defer it fourteen days longer for divers reasons.  
That the distempers of the Kingdom were such, as could not well be composed, unless His Majesty would stay the desired time, there being many weighty affairs to be taken into consideration, and no course yet set down for the Government of the Kingdom in his absence.  
The King, notwithstanding their often and earnest pressing this suit, was steadfast to the first day, alleging that the affairs of Scotland did necessarily require his presennce there at that time, and that he would pass any thing of just concern before he went, and that he had to the same purpose many times desired them to hasten their businesses for him before such a time.  
The King accordingly upon the tenth of August departed out of London toward Scotland; but the same day before he took his journey, coming to the Lords House, he passed divers Bills which the Houses had prepared for him; some concerning the public, as the Bill for Knighthood, the Bill for free making of Gunpowder and Saltpetre; and others concerning the Estates and affairs of private men.  
He likewise signed the Commission for passing of Bills in his absence; the Commissioners appointed were the Lord Keeper, the Lord Privy Seal, the Earl of Lindsey, the Earl of Essex, marquis Hartford, the Earl of Bath, and the Earl of Dorset.  
He signed them also another Bill, whereby he made the Earl of Essex General of all his Forces on this side Trent, by which he had power to ra●●e Forces in case of necessity.  
But to another request, which both Houses had made to him the day before, which was, That the Earl of Pembroke might be made Lord Steward, in the Earl of Arundels' place, during his absence, (for the Earl of Arundel was then going over with the Queen Mother) and that the Earl of Salisbury might be appointed Lord Treasurer; he said he would take further time to consider of it.  
By this time many jealousies began to arise in the hearts of people, many divisions, and differences of opinions, concerning the Parliament, which being by degrees formented by such persons as were disaffected to it, by reason of their own losses, and particular interests, whose number could not be small, did fatally prepare the way to that miserable confusion which after followed.  
Bishops had been much listed at, though not yet taken away, whereby a great party whose livelihood and fortunes depended on them, and far more, whose hopes of preferment looked that way; most of the Clergy, and both the Universities, began to be daily more dis-affected to the Parliament; complaining that all rewards of learning would be taken away, which wrought deeply in the hearts of the young, and most ambitious of that Coat.  
Another thing which seemed to trouble some, who were not bad men, was that extreme Licence, which the Common People, almost from the very beginning of the Parliament, took to themselves, of reforming, without Authority, Order, or decency, rudely disturbing Church-Service, whilst the Common-Prayer was reading, tearing those Books, Surplaces, and such things: which the parliament, either too much busied in variety of affairs, of (perchance too much) fearing the loss of a considerable Party, whom they might have need of against a real and potent Enemy, did not so far restrain as was expected, or desired by those men.  
To this were added those daily reports of ridiculous Conventicles, and preachings made by Tradesmen, and illiterate people of the lowest rank, to the scandal and offence of many: Which some in a merry way would put off, considering the precedent times, that these Tradesmen did but take up that which Prelates and the great Doctors had let fall, preaching the Gospel; That it was but a reciprocal invasion of each other callings, that Chandler's, Salters, Weavers, and such like preached, when the Archbishop himself, instead of preaching, was daily busied in Projects about Leather Salt, Soap, and such commodities as belonged to those Tradesmen.  
Many people by degrees grew dis-affected to the Parliament, being daily poisoned by the discourses of the friends, kindred, and retainers to so many great Delinquents, as must needs fear such a Parliament; who, though they be no considerable party, in respect of the whole Commonwealth; yet ply their particular interests, with more eagerness than most do the public.  
Some are taken off by time and their own inconstancy, when they have looked for quicker redress of grievances, than the great concurrence of so many weighty businesses (in a long discontinued and reforming Parliament) can possibly admit, how industrious soever they be, distracted with so great a variety; those people, after some time spent, grew weary again of what before they had so long wished to see; not considering that a Prince, if he be averse from such a Parliament, can find power enough to retard their proceedings, and keep off for a long time the cure of State; when that happens, the people tired with expectation of such a cure, do usually by degrees forget the sharpness of those diseases which before required it; or else in the redressing of many and long disorders, and to secure them for the future, there being for the most part a necessity of laying heavy Taxes, and draining of much Money from the people, they grow extremely sensible of that present smart, feeling more pain by the Cure for a time, than they did by the lingering disease before, not considering that the causes of all which they now endure, were precedent, and their present suffering is for their future security.  
It was the general opinion of all Gentlemen at that time, That a Parliament so much and long desired, as this was, after so great and constant a violation of the Laws and Liberties of England in the King's former Government, could scarce in possibility ever grow into the dislike of the people, or at least so great a part of the people, as might be able (which within one year was after seen) to make a War against it, and endanger the utter ruin and subversion of it. But I have spoken before of some causes, which might seem strong enough to engage a part of the people against the Parliament; whose particular interests and livelihoods were nearly touched; how far any proceeding might distaste others, who were uninterested in their private fortunes or callings, I cannot tell any certain reason: But I remember within the compass of a year after, when this Civil War began to break out over all the Kingdom, and men in all companies began to vent their opinions in an argumentative way, either opposing or defending the Parliament Cause; and Treatises were printed on both sides: Many Gentlemen who forsook the Parliament, were very bitter against it for the proceedings in Religion, in countenancing, or not suppressing, the rudeness of people in Churches (which I related before) acting those things which seemed to be against the Discipline of the English Church, and might introduce all kinds of Sects and Schisms. Neither did those of the Parliament side agree in opinions concerning that point; some said it was wisely done of the Parliament, not to proceed against any such persons, for fear of losing a considerable party, as is said before. Others thought and said, That by so doing they would lose a far more considerable party of Gentlemen, then could be gained of the other. They also affirmed, That Laws and Liberties having been so much violated by the King, if the Parliament had not so far drawn Religion also into their cause, it might have sped better; for the Parliament frequently at that time, in all their expressions, whensoever they charged the corrupt Statesmen of injustice and Tyranny, would put Popery, or a suspicion of it, into the first place against them. I remember, when the War was begun, among those little Treatises, which were then published, as many there were without any names to them, I found one, in which the case is thus expressed, to recite the words of it. Perchance (saith he) too much insisting upon Religion, and taxing the King for affecting Popery, hath by accident weakened the Parliament, and brought Parties to the King. It may seem a great Paradox that the best and only necessary of all things, Religion, being added into the scale of Laws and Liberties, should make the scale lighter than before. Neither can it be true but by accident; as thus: The strange intercourse betwixt Rome and the English Court; The Kings own Letters to the Pope; His favouring of Priests, and such things; though they may give a State just cause of susspition, that their Religion is undermining: Yet because it cannot be so absolutely proved to the sight of all the people, that the King favoured Popery, as that he violated the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom; which latter was visible to all; the former, concerning Religion, remains in the people's reason, as a controverted question (the King still protesting for Religion) and the disputes about that amusing the People, make them by degrees forget that crime of the Kings, which was without controversy, and evident, the violation of Laws and Liberties: And more than so; for some supposing that the Parliament unjustly taxed him in Religion, did in time believe, that he was not so guilty of the other, as they would make him; which I have heard some of late maintain. From whence may follow a strange conclusion; That the Kings dealing so much with Rome, to the disadvantage of the Protestant Religion, should now turn to his own advantage in a Protestant Kingdom. And we may make this as paradoxical a supposition, That if the King had never done any thing prejudicial to the Protestant Religion, he would have found fewer Protestants this Parliament to take his part. For then, there being no dispute at all about Religion, the crimes of his State misgovernment had plainly and inexcusably appeared to all; as we have seen that some of our former Kings, for the like violation of Laws and Liberties, when there was but one Religion, and therefore no dispute about it, have been heavily censured in Parliament, no man appearing in their justification. And why should not a Parliament think that such things are cause enough to be stood upon, and to justify their quarrel before God? as if the Almighty did not adhorre Injustice, Oppression, Tyranny, and the like, in any Kingdom, unless the profession of Religion were also depraved. Nay, he abhorreth it more in that place where the purest profession of Religion is.  
Besides, that frequent naming of Religion, as if it were the only quarrel, hath caused a great mistake of the question in some, by reason of ignorance, in others of subtlety; whilst they wilfully mistake, to abuse the Parliaments Cause, writing whole Volumes in a wrong stated case; as, instead of disputing whether the Parliament of England lawfully assembled, where the King virtually is, may by Arms defend the Religion established by the same power, together with the Laws and Liberties of the Nation, against Delinquents, detaining with them the Kings seduced Person: They make it the question, Whether Subjects, taken in a general notion, may make War against their King for Religion's sake?  
Such was the sense of many Gentlemen at that time, which adhered to the Parliament. But to proceed in the Narration.  
The Parliament had been of late sensible of the loss of some from them, and having detected divers Conspiracies and Machinations of dis-affected people against them, and fearing more, had in May last framed a Protestation, which was solemnly taken by all the Members of both Houses, and sent thorough England to be taken by the people; the form of it was in these words:  
ay A.B. in the presence of Almighty God, promise, vow, and protest, to maintain and descend, as far as lawfully I may, with my life, power, and estate, the true Reformed Protestant Religion, expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery and Popish Innovotions within this Realm, contrary to the said Doctrine; and according to the duty of my Allegiance, I will maintain and defend his Majesty's Royal Person, Honour and Estate, as also the Power and Privilege of Parliaments, the lawful Rights and Liberties of the Subjects, and every Person that shall make this Protestation, in whatsoever he shall do in the lawful pursuance of the same; and to my power, as far as lawfully I may, I will oppose, and by all good ways and means endeavour to bring condign punishment on all such as shall by force, practice, counsels, plots, conspiracies or otherwise, do any thing to the contrary, in this present Protestation contained: And further, That I shall in all just and honourable ways, endeavour to preserve the union and peace betwixt the three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and neither for hope, fear, or any other respects, shall relinquish this Promise, Vow, and Protestation.  
It were not amiss in this place briefly to mention some alterations, which had been made before the time that the King took his journey into Scotland; though they were not done immediately about that time, but some weeks or Months before, because they concern some Noble men, of whom we shall have occasion hereafter to make mention in the course of this History.  
The Lord COTTINGTON upon the 17. of May, 1641. had resigned his place, Master of the Wards, the Lord Viscount SAY and SEAL succeeded him in that Office.  
Within few days after the Lord Treasurer, Doctor JUCKSON Bishop of London, resigned his Staff, and the Office was committed to five Commissioners. About that time the Earl of Leicester, lately come from being Ambassador in France, was by the King made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The Earl of Newcastle was removed from being Governor to the Prince, and the marquis of Hartford appointed in his room.    

THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND.  
The Second Book.  

CHAP. I.  
A Standing Committee during the Recess of ●oth Houses of Parliament. The Rebellion of the Irish, and Massacre of the Protestants there. Some endeavours of the English Parliament for relief of that Kingdom.  
THE business of England by this absence of the King was at a great stand. In such a concurrence of high affairs & so great an expectation to find redress of pressing Grievances, nothing was so irksome to the People as delay. To retard the cure, was little better than to destroy. And the Sequel within a short time, proved worse, than the wisest men could imagine, or the most jealous possibly suspect; though jealousies and fears were then grown to a great height, & the Parliament of England less than ever, assured of the King's real affection to them. Nothing of State was transacted in Parliament, during the King's absence. Some debates there were only about Church-service, and alterations to be made in the Book of Common-prayer, in which notwithstanding nothing was concluded. One business only came to be discussed; of which the King himself gave occasion; who within few days after his arrival in Scotland, signified by a Letter to the Lords, That he was engaged to the Spaniard by promise to let him have four thousand soldiers out of that lately disbanded Irish Army, which the Earl of Strafford had before raised; his desire was to make good his promise by consent of Parliament. But the House of Commons whom the Lords had invited to a Conference for that purpose, would not consent that any Irish should go to assist the Spaniard; some reasons were then given, but more particular cause was showed about ten days after, when a second Letter came from the King, in which his Majesty declared, That the Spanish Ambassador claimed his promise, from which in honour he could not recede. Notwithstanding since he had found that Ambassador so reasonable, as that he was content to accept of two thousand; he hoped the Parliamnnt would not deny that. The House took it into consideration; and within two days, the Lord of FAWKLAND a Member of the House of Commons at a conference delivered to the Lords, gave reasons in the name of that House, why it was very unfit to grant the King's desire, because the Spaniard was not only an Ally, & confederate, but an assistant to the Emperor against the Prince Elector, his Majesty's Nephew; who by the power and oppression of that Emperor had been long deprived of his inheritance; And at this time, when the King had published a Manifesto in behalf of his Nephew, and to that purpose sent an Ambassador to the Diet of Ratisbone, it would seem a contradiction in the King to assist the Enemies of the said Prince Elector, and a drawing of his own Sword against himself: besides the great prejudice it must needs bring to the Protestant cause, which this present Parliament so much intended, and laboured to promote. Upon these reasons it was thought fit not to consent to the King's desire in that point. And immediately the two Houses of Parliament rejourned themselves from that day, being the eighth of September, till the twentieth of October, and appointed a standing Committee of fifty Members during that recess.  
Before the Access and meeting again of the Parliament, Letters came from the English Committee in Scotland, and were read before that standing Committee of Westminster, importing the discovery of a Treasonable plot against the lives of marquis HAMILTON, and others, the greatest Pe●res of Scotland; the conspirators being the Earl of Crayford, and some others. How it was discovered, or how prevented, or whether the King had any privity to it (though one of that country have since written very plainly charging the King with it) because the State of Scotland were very silent in it, the Parliament of England took the less notice of it: Only the standing Committee, for avoiding the like attempts at London, and fearing that such might flow from the same spring, appointed strong guards to be placed in many parts of the City, till further directions might be given from the two Houses at their Access. The malignancy, which at that time began to appear in people, of that condition and quality, which we before mentioned, and was not only expressed in usual discourse among their companions, but vented in scurrilous and bitter Libels against those Lords and Commons, who were generally reputed the most Sedulous for the commonwealth, was cause sufficient to increase the fears and jealousies of the Parliament.  
But that fatal fire, which so sadly wasted the three Kingdoms, broke out there, where it was least feared; and those that seemed most secure, were the first sufferers. About the end of October 1641 during the King's abode in Scotland, the most barbarous and bloody Rebellion that ever any age, or Nation were guilty of, broke out in Ireland. The atrocity of it is without a parallel, and as full of wonder was the close carriage of so black and far-reaching a Design. The innocent Protestants were upon a sudden disseised of their Estates, and the persons of above two hundred thousand men, women, and children murdered, many of them with exquisite and unheard of tortures, within the space of one month.  
That which increased the amazement of most men, was, The consideration that the ancient hatred, which the Irish (a thing incident to conquered Nations) had borne to the English, did now seem to be quite buried and forgotten; forty years of peace had compacted those two Nations into one body, and cemented them together by all conjunctures of alliance, intermarriages, and consanguinity, which was in outward appearance strengthened by frequent entertainments, and all kinds of friendly neighbourhood. There seemed in many places a mutual transmigration (as was observed by a noble Gentleman, 
Sir joh. Temple.  whose place in that Kingdom gave him means to know it, out of whose faithful relation of that Rebellion and Massacre, I have partly collected my discourse of it) into each others manners. Many English strangely degenerating into the Irish manners & customers; and many Irish, especially of the better sort, having taken up the English language, apparel, and decency of living in their private houses. The present Government was full of lenity and moderation; and some redress of former grievances had then been newly granted by the King to his Irish subjects; The same Gentleman in his History of the Irish Rebellion (where the Reader may more fully inform himself of particulars) affirms, that he could never hear of any one Englishman that received any certain notice of this conspiracy, till that very evening before which it was to be put in execution. Some intimations had been given by Sir WILLIAM COLE in a Letter to the Lords Justices Sir WILLIAM PARSONS, and Sir JOHN BURLACE, with the rest of the Council, concerning dangerous resorts, and meetings of some persons who were judged fit instruments for such a mischief.  
This horrid plot contrived with so much secrecy was to take effect upon the 23 of October. The Castle of Dublin, the chief strength of that Kingdom, and principal Magazine of the King's Arms and Ammunition, where all those Arms which were taken from the late disbanded Irish Army, and others which the Earl of Strafford had provided, were deposited, was to be seized by nine of the clock that day by the Rebels; to which purpose many of the Irish Gentry of great quality were the night before come to Dublin, to be in readiness for the performing of that exploit. It was further agreed among those conspirators, that upon the same day, all other his Majesty's Forts and Magazines of Arms and Ammunition in that Kingdom should be surprised, and all Protestants and English that would not join with them, should be cut off. But it pleased God to prevent the seizure of that Castle, and so to save the Kingdom from being wholly lost in one day, and that by a means strange and unexpected. HUGH MAC MAHON Esquire, grandson to the famous Rebel TYRONE, a Gentleman of a plentiful fortune in the county of Monagan, and one that had served in Arms under the King of Spain as Leiutenant Colonel, a principal Agent in this Rebellion, and coming with others (as aforesaid) into Dublin the day before that great Design was to be put in execution, being the 22 of October, admitted into his company at a Tavern in that City, one OWEN CONALLY, of Irish extract, but a protestant, and servant to Sir JOHN CLOTWORTHY a Member of the English Parliament. To this OWEN he revealed so much, as they were drinking, that the honest man escaping from him, though not without great danger to himself, at the present, informed the Lord Justice PARSONS that night about nine of the clock, of a dangerous Design upon the whole Kingdom; which being taken into present consideration, MAC MAHON was apprehended, and after his examination, the Lord MAQUIRE also, another principal actor; who were both committed to close custody, and the Castle secured with all diligence. But many conspirators of great note escaped that night out of Dublin, as BIRNE, MORE, PLUNKET, and others.  
The Lords of the Counsel, amazed at the discovery of so horrid a Treason, did notwithstanding endeavour (since there was no prevention; for MAC MAHON had plainly told them, when he was examined, that by that time all the counties of Ireland were risen) to use the best remedies to that desperate disease; and hoping that perchance the news how the plot for seizing of Dublin castle was disappointed, might somewhat dishearten the conspirators in remote parts, and encourage the good Subjects, with more confidence to stand upon their guard; issued forth a Proclamation presently, and by careful messengers spread it into as many parts of the Kingdom as they could. The effect of which proclamation was to signify the discovery of the Treason, and exhort all men to their duty in suppressing of it.  
But the general Design was past prevention; and that very day came in some poor English protestants, and others in a short time, every day, and almost every hour; showing how they had been robbed, their houses surprised by the Rebels, whose outrage daily increased in rapine and murdering, and firing Towns and Villages in divers counties. To oppose therefore the growth of that desperate malady, the Lord Justices (dispatching Letters to the King in Scotland, and the Earl of Leicester, lately made Lieutenant of Ireland by the King, and yet resident at London, of their lamentable condition) examined with all diligence how they were provided for such a War. They found in Dublin Stores, Arms for ten thousand, with Artillery, Powder, Match and Led proportionable, laid in by the late Earl of Strafford, though designed by him another way, yet reserved by God's providence for this service. But the Officers and soldiers of the old standing army were so much dispersed into remote places of the Kingdom for the guard of other Forts; that there was scarce any possibility of drawing a considerable company together to defend Dublin, or make head against the Rebels in the North. The greatest mischief to the State, and advantage to the Rebels, was, That there was no Money in the Exchequer; besides, the King's Revenues, and Rents of English Gentlemen due for that half year, were either in Tenants, or Collectors hands in the country, and must unadvoidablly fall into the Rebel's power; so that although their disease were present, the only means of cure was remote, which was a dependence upon some supplies from the Parliament of England.  
Upon the very day designed for surprisal of the Castle at Dublin, the 23 of October, the Northern Rebels broke out in the Province of Ulster, and in few days got possession of so many Towns, Forts, and gentlemen's Houses, within the counties of that Province, as might seem almost incredible, if we consider only the chief actors, men of no great skill in Martial affairs, or any policy: such as Sir PHELIM ONEALE, and his Brother, with the rest; and not rather (which indeed was the true reason) the general engagements of the Irish, and their deep dissimulation, concurring with the great credulity of the English, upon the causes aforementioned, of so long intermixed cohabitation, and friendly Relations betwixt them. Both these were the causes which afterward increased the Massacre of the English, who when the fire broke out, implored the friendship of their Irish neighbours, Landlords, or Tenants; committing into their hands and protection their treasure, wives and children, with all that was dear unto them, in hope that former friendship might prevail. But they generally either betrayed them into the power of other Rebels, or perfidiously, and cruelly murdered them with their own hands: which extreme falsehood, and cruelty in the Irish was thought to be much increased by the charm of their Priests, who told them, That it was a mortal sin to protect, or relieve any of the English.  
That intermixture of the Nations, did also at this sad time, make the English less able to defend themselves, then if they had lived singly by parties of their own. For where the English were able to make any head, or stand upon their guard (though in such an amazement and sudden surprisal) they defended themselves beyond belief, till the Irish (principled by their Priests) offered them fair Quarter; with assurance of lives and goods, safe conduct, and free passage to what places they pleased; confirming such covenants with deep oaths, and protestations, and sometimes their hands and Seals. But when they had the deceived English in their power; the Soldiers spoiled, stripped, and murdered them at their pleasure. So were many served, as at Armagh by Sir PHELIM ONEALE, and his Brother; at Belterbert by PHILIP ORELLEY; at Longford, Tullough, and other Castles in the County of Fermanagh by other of those Rebels. But if the English, who stood to defend their private houses, and so were the more easily cut off, could have deserted their habitations at the first rising, and joined themselves into bodies, they might happily have made a better resistance. Whilst these inhuman cruelties and Massacres were acting in miserable Ireland, and daily spreading themselves in every part of that Kingdom; many Counties in several Provinces declaring themselves, and following the barbarous example of those in Ulster; the sad news was brought to the Parliament of England.  
The first Letters, which before were mentioned, sent from the Lords Justices upon the 25 of October, were carried, and delivered at London on the last day of that month by OWEN Ô CONALLY the happy discoverer of the first Plot; with a full information of all particulars within his knowledge: which by the Lords, who were first acquainted with it, was delivered at a Conference to the House of Commons; who presently ordered, That the House forthwith should be resolved into a committee, to consider the matter offered concerning the Rebellion in Ireland, as likewise to provide for the safety of England. By which Committee it was agreed that 50000 pound should presently be provided; and that the Loane of it should be entreated from the City of London upon Public security. 2 That a Select Committee of both Houses be named to consider the affairs of Ireland. 3 That OWEN Ô CONALLY, who discovered this great Treason, should have 500 pound presently paid him; and 200 pound per annum Pension, till Provision in Land of a greater value be made for him. 4 That Papists of quality be secured in their several Counties within England. 5 That no persons whatsoever, except those, who are Merchants, shall be admitted to go over into Ireland, without Certificate from the Committee of both Houses appointed for the affairs of Ireland.  
These things were reported to both Houses, and willingly assented too, within two days after the discovery first made unto them of that Rebellion. And (notwithstanding those present distractions in England, which began then to appear) part of every day, during that November, was allotted to the consideration of Ireland. Within four days after the beginning of which month, they ordered many particulars of great import for the relief of it, consisting of supplies of Money, Magazines of Victuals, Ammunition of all sorts, courses to be taken for raising Forces for the occasions of that Kingdom; and shipping for guard of their Sea coasts; as more particularly appeareth in the records of Parliament.  
Whilst the English Parliament were thus ordering the affairs of bleeding Ireland; other Letters from the Lords Justices bearing date the fifth of November were brought, and communicated to both Houses. Who in earnest zeal to the promotion of that business, voted two hundred thousand pounds to be raised for suppressing the Irish Rebellion, securing England, and payment of the Public debts. For which, the City of London must of necessity be made use of, (collections through the Kingdom being too slow for such an urgency) And to encourage the City in it, an Order was made to secure them for moneys formerly lent, and to allow them the full Interest of eight per cent. for altogether.  
Whilst the English Parliament were thus busied about the relief of Ireland; the horrid Rebellion with a swift motion run throughout that unhappy Kingdom, many Counties daily joining with them, and divers Lords and Gentlemen, who for many days had lived unsuspected in Dublin, went into the Country to side with the Rebels, and act their parts in those inhuman outrages; the Lords Justices, and Privy Counsel were enough troubled to secure Dublin, to victual the Castle, and prepare defence against those dangers, which threatened the City, and were made much more by the fears of spoiled people resorting thither.  
But the care of the Privy Council extended further (notwithstanding the troubles there) then to the City of Dublin; and having a Magazine of Arms within the Castle, resolved so to dispose of them, as that resistance might be made against the Rebels in other parts. Some Arms were happily disposed to such Gentlemen (Sir HENRY TI●HBORNE, Sir CHARLES COOTE, and others, of whom more hereafter) as to their lasting honour did excellent service. But another part were worse than loss, those which were distributed to the Lords and Gentlemen of the English Pale; who afterwards declared themselves for the Rebels, and used the Arms to the destruction of those, who put them into their hands. That English Pale is a large circuit of Land possessed at the first conquest of Ireland by the English, and ever since inhabited by them; containing divers Counties, as Dublin, Meth, Lowth, Kildare, etc.  
The Lords of the Council thought fit to trust those Lords and Gentlemen of the Pale both with Commissions and Arms (though many of them professed Papists) hoping that this great confidence would work so far upon their hearts, if any truth or loyalty were left there, as to keep them at least, from joining with the Enemy; but if they were honest, would enable them to oppose the threatening incursions of the Northern Rebels. This great Trust the Council were more encouraged to repose in these perfidious Lords and Gentlemen of the Pale, because themselves had appeared at Dublin of their own accords, professing truth and loyalty, with deep and solemn Protestations, and that they were most forward, and ready to concur with their Lordships in that service.  
But so great an affliction was to fall upon unhappy Ireland, that all those Lords that were Papists, after they had received Commissions, and Arms, notwithstanding all their deep vows, did most perfidiously soon after desert their houses, and openly declare themselves in actual Rebellion: such as were Viscount MONGANNET, GORMANSTON, and COSTELOE, DILLON, BIRNE, BELLER, TALBOT, and many others.  
The Condition of Dublin was more lamentable every day than other; and not so much afflicted were they with fears, and dangers, which threatened themselves, as that extreme sorrow, which compassion must needs work in them, toward all the suffering English which resorted thither. Dublin was the Sanctuary of all the despoiled Protestants; and by that means, the sad stage, upon which all horror was represented; and what mischiefs soever were acted in other parts, were there discovered and lamented. Their eyes were sad witnesses of the Rebel's cruelty, in those despoiled English which daily resorted to the City; but their ears much more afflicted with relation of those horrid tortures which had been used to those who died in other parts. Their eyes could not but extremely suffer from such wretched Spectacles as daily from all parts presented themselves; People of all conditions, and qualities, of every age and Sex spoiled, and stripped, with no cover, but rags, or twisted straw, to hide their privities; some wounded almost to death, others frozen with cold, some tired with travel, and so surbated that they came creeping on their knees; others famished beyond all relief. And besides the miseries of their bodies, their minds tortured with the loss of all their fortunes, and sad remembrance of their husbands, wives, or children most barbarously murdered before their faces. In this most lamentable plight, with wasted bodies and distracted minds did they arrive at Dublin; some to be relieved, some entombed (which was more than their murdered friends could obtain from the Rebels) insomuch as they appeared like walking ghosts in every street, and all the Barns, Stables, and outhouses were filled with them, where they soon died after they had recovered the City, in so great numbers, that all the Churchyards of Dublin could not contain them: but the Lords were enforced to take in large pieces of ground on both sides of the River, to set apart for burying places.  
But that part of this woeful Tragedy, which was presented to their eyes, was the least, and but the shadow of that other, which was related to their ears, of which the Readers and all posterity may share the sorrow. Many hundreds of those which had escaped under their oaths, lawfully taken upon examination, and recorded with all particulars, (as may be seen at large in the Records) delivered to the Council what horrid Massacres the bloody villains had made of men, women, and children; and what cruel inventions they had to torture those, whom they murdered; scarce to be equalised by any the most black, and baleful story of any age.  
Many thousands of them at several places (too many to be here inserted) after all despites exercised upon them living, put to the worst of deaths; some burned on set purpose, others drowned for sport and pastime; and if they swum, kept from landing with poles, or shot, and murdered in the water; many were buried quick, and some set into the earth breast-high, and there left to famish. But most barbarous (as appears in very many examinations) was that cruelty, which was showed to great bellied women; whom the villains were not content to murder, but ripped up their bellies, and many times took delight to see the Hogs eat the abortive Infants. But I am loath to dwell upon so sad a narration.  
The greatest part of these inhuman cruelties were acted by the Irish upon the poor unarmed Britons, before any provocation given unto them: and the blood of so many thousand innocent persons sacrificed to their mere malice, as many afterwards were sacrificed to their revenge; as whensoever the Irish received any blow from English Forces, the English Protestants that lived among them, were murdered in great numbers.  
By this time the Lords of the Council had armed as many as they were able, and given Commissions for raising of several Regiments, which were put into the hands (for the most part) of gallant men, as their actions after testified to the world; Sir CHARLES COOTE an active, and valiant man, (who was also made Governor of Dublin) with great speed made up his Regiment out of the poor, robbed, and stripped English, which had fled to Dublin; Sir HENRY TICHBORNE, a worthy Commander was dispatched away with a Regiment of Foot, to keep Tredagh from the approaching Rebels: The Lord LAMBERT also, Sir THOMAS LUCAS, Captain ARMSTRONG, Captain YARNER, with others raised by Commissions soldiers there.  
This was done about the middle of November; at which time also the Earl of Ormond with his well armed Troop of Horse came to Dublin; where within few days after he was by a Commission sent from the Earl of Leicester, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (as likewise by the King's approbation from Scotland signified in a Letter) made Lieutenant General of all the Forces there.  
For the Earl of Lecister at that time was not enabled so far with necessaries for the service of Ireland, as to repair thither in person.  
The Earl also sent over to the Lords at Dublin (together with an Order of the Lords and Commons of the Parliament in England) comfortable Letters in this time of distress, to let them know that the King had referred the whole business of Ireland to the Parliament of England; who had undertaken the charge, and management of the War, had declared a speedy, and vigorous assistance, had designed for their present supplies the sum of 50000 pound, and taken order for all further provisions necessary.  
But that they might not be altogether destitute of real comfort, the Parliament of England sent them over at the same time Twenty thousand pound, which arrived most seasonably at Dublin (their treasure beginning utterly to fail) for paying those new Companies which they had raised.  
About the end of November, the Lords Justices, and Council of Ireland considering the miserable desolations brought upon that whole Kingdom, and what miseries were further threatened, Commanded by Proclamation a Public, and religious Fast, to be weekly observed upon Friday in the City of Dublin, to implore the mercy and assistance of Almighty God, and divert his heavy indignation from them.   

CHAP. II.  
The King returneth out of Scotland, and is pompously entertained by the City of London. The Remonstrance is published by the Parliament. The King entereth into the House of Commons. The Protestation of the twelve Bishops; and how it was censured by the Lords and Commons. Divers unhappy obstructions of the relief of Ireland.  
BUT to leave Ireland struggling against her sad and woeful calamities, and return again to the Affairs of England; at that same time about the end of November 1641 the King returned from Scotland, was by the City of London entertained, feasted, and conducted to his Palace at Whitehall, with as pompous Solemnity, and costly expressions of Love and Duty, as ever any King of England was.  
Of which extraordinary testimonies of affection toward him, the King seemed very sensible, and returned Thanks to the City; inviting, within few days after, the chief of them to Hampton Court, where they were feasted, and divers Aldermen knighted by his Majesty.  
While the King resided at Hampton Court, the House of Commons presented to him a Remonstrance or Declaration of the state of the Kingdom; wherein all the chief grievances, and oppressions, which the Nation had groaned under, since the beginning of his Reign until that time, were recited; but with as much tenderness of expression, and respect to his Person (for such care they took, as it appeared in that Petition of theirs which accompanied the Remonstrance) as so much truth could possibly be uttered. For all the fault is laid upon ill Ministers, who are there called a Malignant Party.  
That Remonstrance, some little time before the Kings return out of Scotland, had been with much earnestness debated in the House of Commons: and at that time when it was Voted, so much divided was the House, that not above nine voices carried it.  
So fierce, and long were the disputations about it, and arguments urged on both sides, that not only the day, but a great part of night was spent in it. For the House arose not until two of the clock in the morning.  
The prevailing part alleged for it (as it was afterward expressed in their Petition to the King) that Their intention was only to inform his Majesty, his Peers, and all other his loyal Subjects; with no purpose at all of laying the least blemish upon his Person, but to represent how much his Royal Authority and Trust had been abused, to the great prejudice and danger of his Majesty, and all his good Subjects.  
It was alleged by many Gentlemen in ordinary discourses, who were of the same opinion that the prevailing Voters in Parliament were, That such a Remonstrance might be of good use, and that the King having perchance been ignorant in some degree, of how much evil had formerly been wrought, might by this Remonstrance be not only brought to a knowledge of his past Errors, but a salubrious fear of offending again, by considering how public and manifest to the World the defaults of Princes in point of Government must needs appear.  
The other side were of opinion, That this Remonstrance in stead of directing him for the future, would teach him only to hate the makers of it, as upbraiders of his crimes, and those that went about to lessen or blemish (and so the King seemed to relish it, as appeared in his Answer printed) his Reputation with the people. They h●ld it ●itter at such a time, when the King's Affections were dubious toward the Parliament, to win him by the sweeter way of concealing his Errors, then by publishing of them, to hazard the provocation of him, with whom it was not behoveful to contest, unless they were in hope to change his disposition for the future, or ascertained of their own power, and resolved to make full use of it.  
For mine own part, I will make no judgement at all upon it; nor can we truly judge by the success of things. But such an unhappy Genius ruled those times (for Historians have observed a Genius of times, as well as of climates, or men) that no endeavours proved successful; nor did any actions produce the right (though probable) effects.  
Who would not in probability have judged that the forementioned costly, and splendid entertainment, which the City of London gave to the King, would have exceedingly endeared them unto him, and produced no effects but of love and concord? Yet accidentally it proved otherwise. For many people, illaffected to the Parliament, gave it out in ordinary discourse (Non ignota loquor, it is a known truth) that the City were weary of the Parliaments tedious proceedings, and would be ready to join with the King against them. Whether it bega● the same opinion in the King or not, I cannot tell; but certainly some conceived so, by actions which immediately followed, expressing a greater confidence against the Parliament then before, displacing some from such Trusts, as they had conferred on them: Insomuch that the City presently after, finding what ill use was made of these expressions, were enforced to declare themselves in a Petition to both Houses; That since some illaffected People had interpreted their Loyal and affectionate entertainment of the King, as a sign that they would wholly adhere to him, and desert the Parliament; they openly professed the contrary; and that they would live and die with them for the good of the Commonwealth.  
After which, the City, no less than the Parliament, did seem to be distasted both by the King and Queen.  
The fears and jealousies that now reigned, were of a sadder nature than the fears of any former times had been; two years before, the people feared, that whilst this King lived, they should never see a Parliament; but now they began to fear that no Parliament could do them good.  
At this time began that fatal breach between King and Parliament to appear visibly, and wax daily wider, never to be closed, until the whole Kingdom was by sad degrees brought into a ruinous War.  
From henceforth no true confidence appeared between him and that high Court; every day almost contributed somewhat to the division, and Declarations upon several occasions were published to the world; of which, though the language for the most part were fairly couched, and sweetened with frequent intermixtures of gracious expressions from the King, and affectionate professions from the Parliament; yet the substance was matter of expostulation, and many intervening actions (which we shall endeavour to express particularly) did so far heighten them, and sharpen by degrees the stile, till those Paper-contestations became a fatal Prologue to that bloody, and unnatural War, which afterward ensued.  
The King to answer that Remonstrance before mentioned, published a Declaration to justify his own Honour and Government; and at the same time sent a Message to the Common Council of London, complaining of tumultuary assemblies of People from the City, daily resorting to Westminster, to the disturbance of that place, and his Palace of Whitehall.  
For people about that time in great numbers used to present Petitions to the Parliament, and make Protestations of their fidelity to them, in these times of fears and jealousies, which grew now so great, that the House of Commons, upon the same day that the King sent that complaining Message to the City, Petitioned him to allow them a Guard for security of their Persons while they sat: alleging in the Petition that there was a Malignant Party bitterly envenomed against them, who did daily gather strength and confidence, and were now come to that height of boldness, as to give out insolent, and menacing speeches against the Parliament itself. It was therefore their humble desires that they might have a Guard out of the City, commanded by the Earl of ESSEX, Lord Chamberlain of his Majesty's Household, of whose fidelity to King and Common wealth no question was ever made.  
Which Petition was denied by the King; but with a solemn engagement of himself by the Word of a King, that the security of all, and every one of them from violence was, and ever should be as much his care, as the preservation of himself and his Children, and if this general assurance would not suffice to remove these apprehensions, he would command such a Guard to wait upon them, as he would be responsible for to Almighty God.  
The next day after that the King had thus answered the Petition of the House, being the fourth of january 1641 he gave unhappily a just occasion for all men to think that their fears and jealousies were not causeless. For upon that day the King came to the Parliament in Person, attended with a great number of Gentlemen, Soldiers, and others armed with Swords and Pistols to the number of about three hundred, who came up to the very door of the House of Commons, and placed themselves there, and in all passages near unto it: The King in Person entered the House of Commons, and demanded five Members of that House to be delivered to him. The manner of it was, seating himself in the Speakers Chair, he asked him whether those five Members were there or not? The Speaker Mr. WILLIAM LENTHALL, returned to his Majesty an humble and discreet answer, That he had neither eyes to see, nor tongue to answer any thing, but what he was commanded by the House.  
The names of those Members whom he demanded were Mr. DENZILL HOLLIS second Son to the Earl of Clare, Sir ARTHUR HASLERIG, Mr. PYM, Mr. HAMDEN, and Mr. STRODE: All Gentlemen of great esteem, and reputation in the House. Two of them Mr. HOLLIS, and Mr. STRODE having before suffered many years of sharp and harsh imprisonment from the King after the dissolution of that Parliament in the fourth year of his Reign, for matters done in Parliament contrary to the Privileges of that High Court. The King had the day before by his Attourny General Sir EDWARD HERBERT, a Member also of the House of Commons, demanded the deliverance of those five forementioned Gentlemen; and sent a Sergeant at Arms to apprehend them, pretending that he meant to charge them, and together with them, the Lord MANDEVILE eldest son to the Earl of MANCHESTER a Member of the House of Lords, with Articles of high Treason, and other misdemeanours: which Articles were to this purpose; 

1 That they had endeavoured to subvert the Government, to deprive the King of his legal power, and to place on Subjects an arbitrary and tyrannical power.  
2 That they had endeavoured by foul aspersions upon his Majesty's Government, to alienate the affections of his people from him.  
3 That they endeavoured to draw His late Army from His Obedience, to side with them in traitorous Designs.  
4 That they traitorously invited and encouraged a foreign power to invade His Majesty's kingdom of England.  
5 That they traitorously endeavoured to subvert the very Rights and Beings of Parliament.  
6 That they have endeavoured by force, and terror to compel the Parliament to join with them in their traitorous designs, and to that end have actually raised and countenanced tumults against the King and Parliament.  
7 That they have traitorously conspired to Levy, and actually have Leavyed War against the King.    
But the House of Commons hearing this demand, to prevent such further breaches of Parliament Privileges as might ensue, upon the same day ordered upon the Question; That if any persons should come to the lodgings of any Member of that House, and there offer to seal their Trunks or Doors, or to seize upon their Persons, That then such Members should require the a●de of the Constable to keep such persons in safe custody, ●●ll the House did give further Order. And they further declared, That if any Person should offer to arrest, or detain the Person of any Member of that House, without firs● acquainting the House therewith, and receiving further order from thence; that it should be lawful for such a Member, or any Person in his assistance, to stand upon his, and their guard of defence, and to make resistance, according to the Protestation taken, to defend the Privileges of Parliaments.  
These things had passed the day before that the King had so entered into the House of Commons. His Majesty finding that those five Members were not there (for they by consent of the House, upon some informations of what would happen, had absented themselves) from the Speakers Chair, where he ●ate, made a Speech to the House, wherein he told them, That he was very sorry for that occasion; but yet, no King of England that ever was, should be more careful to maintain the Privileges of Parliament than he would be; that those five Members were dangerous men; but he protested in the word of a King, That he nev●r intended any force; but to proceed against them in a legal and fair way. But sithence he could not now do that, which he came for, he would trouble them no more: but expected, as soon as those five Members came to the House, that the House would send them to him: or else he would take his own course to find them.  
But this great breach of Privileges of Parliament was increased by many circumstances. For the day before being the third of january, contrary to the forementioned order of the House of Commons, the Chambers, Studies, and Trunks of those five Members by a Warrant from the King were sealed up; Sir WILLIAM KILLIGREW, and Sir WILLIAM FLEMEN, with others being employed in that service. And within two days after, upon the sixth of january, a Proclamation was made by the King for the apprehending and imprisoning of those five Members; wherein it was suggested, that through the conscience of their own guilt, they were absent, and fled, not willing to submit themselves to Justice.  
Whereupon the House of Commons in vindication of their own Privileges, and those five Gentlemen, published within a few days after, a Declaration; in which that Proclamation of the Kings (entitled there, A Printed Paper) is declared to be false, scandalous, and illegal; and that notwithstanding the said Printed Paper, or any Warrant issued out, or any other matter yet appearing against them, or any of them, they may and aught to attend the service of the said House of Commons, and the several Committees then on foot: And that it was lawful for all Persons to lodge, harbour, or converse with them, or any of them; and whosoever should be questioned for the same, should be under the protection, and Privilege of Parliament.  
The House of Commons further declared, That the publishing of several Articles purporting a form of a Charge of high Treason against the Lord MANDEVILL, and the forenamed five Members, by Sir WILLIAM KILLIGREW, Sir WILLIAM FLEMEN, and others in the Inns of Court, and else where, in the King's name, was an high breach of the privilege of Parliament, a great scandal to his Majesty, and his Government, a seditious act manifestly tending to the subversion of the Peace of the Kingdom, and an injury, and dishonour to the said Members, there being no legal charge, or accusation against them.  
Whereas there is mention made in the late recited words of this Declaration, concerning the Inns of Court, we cannot omit, that about the same time (so unhappy a Genius of division reigned among all sorts) there wanted not some men dis-affected to the Parliament, who went up and down, persuading the young Gentlemen of the Inns of Court to make offer of their service to the King, as a guard of defence, if any danger threatened his Person. Upon which, divers of those young Gentlemen, to ingratiate themselves, repaired to the Court, and were kindly received by the King and Queen.  
The Parliament at that time further declared, That the Privileges of Parliament, and the Liberties of the Subject so violated and broken, could not be fully and sufficiently vindicated, unless his Majesty would be pleased to discover the names of those persons, who advised his Majesty to issue out such Warrants for sealing of the Chambers and Studies of the said five Members; to send a Sergeant at Arms to the house of Commons to demand those members; to issue out Warrants for their apprehension; to come thither himself in Person; to publish Articles in the form of a Proclamation against the said Members in the fore-declared manner; to the end that all such persons, who advised him to these actions, might receive condign punishment.  
According to this, the Houses humbly desired his Majesty that he would so far satisfy their just and legal request, as to let them know those informers (for the Law in two several Statutes provides that satisfaction, that if in time of Parliament, the King accuse a Member of the same, of what crime soever, he ought to signify to the Parliament, who were the informers) but the King refused to do it. Upon which the House of Commons examined his Attorney General Sir EDWARD HERBERT, who had preferred the aforesaid Articles; he confessed nothing to them concerning any other Person, or informer; but only that he received the Command from the King himself, and knew nothing further of it. The same the King testified concerning his said Attourny in a Letter to the Lord Keeper; wherein he justifieth the Attorney his action, as being no otherwise then the duty of a servant required. But the Parliament made another judgement of it, as namely that Sir EDWARD HERBERT had broken the Privilege of Parliament in preferring the said Articles, and done an illegal act; upon which he was committed to prison.  
These actions of the King, did exceedingly afflict all honest Protestants, especially at such a time, when the affairs of bleeding Ireland did so much and so speedily require the assistance of England; which must needs by these unhappy distractions be retarded, and the total loss of the Protestant Cause there much endangered. But the City of London was not the least sensible of it; who in a deep and sorrowful apprehension of this design, Petitioned the King with an expression of all the fears and dangers which they conceived themselves in at that time. The things which they enumerate in their Petition are, That his Majesty had put out a Person of Honour and Trust from being Lieutenant of the Tower; That he had lately fortified Whitehall with men and munition in an unusual manner: Some of which men had abused with provoking language, and with drawn swords wounded diverse unarmed Citizens passing by. To explain this branch of their Petition, the Reader must be informed, That the King the very next day after he had entered the House of Commons, as aforesaid, went in his Coach into the City of London, whither he had heard that those five Members had retired themselves; and was every where humbly entreated by the Citizens, in flocks about his Coach, That he would be pleased to agree with his Parliament, and not infringe the Privilege thereof. The King perceiving which way the affections of the City went, returned again to Whitehall, where he stayed about a week after. During which time (by what advice, or to what intention I cannot tell) he built there a little Court of Guard, and entertained some Gentlemen, and others, who, as the Petition declares, gave those affronts to divers Citizens that passed by. They complain likewise in the Petition of the late endeavours used to the Inns of Court: the calling in divers Canoniers, and other assistants into the Tower: the late discovery of divers Fireworks in the hands of a Papist. But most of all (say they) our fears are increased by your Majesties late going into the House of Commons attended with a great number of armed men, besides your ordinary Guard, for apprehending divers Members of that House, to the endangering of your sacred Person, and of the Persons and Privileges of that Honourable Assembly. The effects of all which fears tend, not only to the overthrow of the whole trade of this City and Kingdom; which your Petitioners already feel in a deep measure; but also to the utter ruin of the Protestant Religion, and the Lives and Liberties of all your loyal Subjects. The Petitioners therefore most humbly pray your sacred Majesty, that by the advice of your great Council in Parliament, the Protestants in Ireland may be speedily relieved, the Tower put into the hands of Persons of Trust, that by removal of doubtful, and unknown Persons from about Whitehall, and Westminster, a known and approved Guard may be appointed for the safety of your Majesty, and Parliament; and that the Lord MANDEVILL and the five Members of the House of Commons lately accused, may not be restrained of Liberty, or proceeded against otherwise then according to the Privileges of Parliament.  
The King, though he conceived this Petition (as himself expressed) of an unusual nature, yet willing to give content to the City, returned a Gracious Answer to their particulars; That for Ireland, he conceived he had expressed as much care on his part, as possibly he could, and would not fa●l for the future. What he had done concerning the Tower, had been to satisfy their fear● before, in displacing one or good Trust, and putting in another of unquestionable Reputation; and what preparation of strength soever he made there, was with as great an eye of safety and advantage to the City, as to his own Person. For his Guard entertained at Whitehall, he alleged the disorderly and tumultuous conflux of people to Westminster, to the danger of his Royal Person, not punished at all by course of Law; and if any Citizens were wounded, he was assured it happened by their own ill demeanours: that he knew no other endeavours to the Inns of Court, than a gracious Intimation, that he accepted the tender of their loyal affections, encouraging them to continue the same upon all occasions. That he knew of no Fireworks in the hands of Papists. For his going to the House of Commons, that he intended no course of violence, though that way had been justifiable; for he was assured that no Privilege of Parliament could extend to Treason; which he knew would be proved against them upon clear grounds, and they in due time should be acquainted with it; and that his proceedings against them should be according to the Laws.  
The King presently after his answering of that Petition, sent another Message to the Parliament, that for the present he would wave his proceedings against those five Members; and returned a gentle Answer at that time to the Petitioners of Buckinghamshire, who came to the number of about 2000 in behalf of their Knight Mr. HAMDEN, a Gentleman much honoured by them, and by most of the whole Kingdom; in which Petition they prayed that Mr. HAMDEN, and the rest, that lie under the burden of that accusation, might enjoy the just privileges of Parliament.  
It was then grown a custom, which proved accidentally very unhappy to the Kingdom, however it were meant, to come in great numbers to Westminster, when they presented Petitions to the Parliament; though the people petitioning were unarmed, and no just fear from them in the opinion of those who affected the Parliament; yet those who thought themselves not well relli●hed by the people in general, took occasion from thence, either to fear indeed, or at least to pretend fear, alleging that the Parliament was disturbed by such a numerous confluence of people, and the freedom of the Houses in some degree infringed, that some of the meaner sort were too apt to cast out rude words against such as they thought to be no good members of the Commonwealth, of what degree soever they were.  
From hence was occasion taken by some, to justify that Guard about Whitehall, and afterwards to excuse the Kings absenting himself from the Parliament: And from this ground did the twelve Bishops, about a week before this City-Petition, frame their Petition and Protestation (for so it was called) to His Majesty and the Peers, which was to this purpose:  
They protested themselves to abominate all actions or opinions tending to Popery, or any Malignity against the State; but were willing and ready to perform their duties in Parliament: But whereas, coming to perform that duty and service, they have been rudely menaced, affronted, and put in fear of their lives by multitudes of people, and can find no redress or protection upon complaint made, they therefore humbly protest before His Majesty and the noble Peers, that saving to themselves all their Rights and Interests of sitting and voting in that House at other times, they dare not sit or vote in the House of Peers, until His Majesty shall further secure them. And because their fears are not vain, but upon true grounds and objects, they do in all duty and humility therefore protest before His Majesty and the Peers, against all Laws, Orders, Votes, Resolutions and Determinations, as in themselves null, and of none effect, which in their absence since the 27 of this instant December 1641 have already passed, as likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass, during this their enforced absence from the said House. Which Protestation they desired the King to command the Clerk of that House to record.  
The Lords of Parliament immediately delivered by the mouth of the Lord Keeper at a Conference, to the House of Commons, That seeing this Protestation was of dangerous consequence, and deeply entrenching upon the fundamental Privileges and Being of Parliament, therefore they thought fit to communicate it to the house of Commons. The Commons thanked their Lordships for imparting it to them with so much affection and speed, and for expressing their sense thereof; and came to this resolution, To accuse those twelve Bishops of high Treason.  
Master GLYNN therefore was sent to the Lords; who at their Bar, in the name of all the Commons of England, accused those twelve Prelates of high Treason, for endeavouring to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, and the very Being of Parliaments; and to desire the Lords that they might be forthwith sequestered from Parliament, and put into safe custody; and that their Lordships would appoint a speedy day for the Commons to charge them. The Lords instantly sent the Black-Rod to find out these Bishops, and apprehend them: so that by eight of the clock at night they were all taken, and brought upon their knees to the Bar, and ten of them committed to the Tower: two of them, in regard of their age, were committed to the Black-Rod. The twelve Bishops were these: JO. Eborac. THOMAS Duresme, ROBERT Coven. and Lichfield, JOS. Norwich, JO. Asaph, GUIL. Bath & Wells, GEO. Hereford, ROB. Oxon. MATTH. Ely, GODFREY Gloucester, JO. Peterborough, MOR. Landaff.  
Such work as this was daily made to the Parliament of England; whereby not only the relief of Ireland was wholly obstructed, but all redress of the grievances of England, and settlement of the State there, was so long retarded, till both Kingdoms were at last involved in the same War and Confusion. It was a strange thing that so barbarous and bloody a Rebellion should break out in Ireland, without any the least suspicion or fear of such a Calamity, without any cause given by the innocent English Protestants: and surely it may seem as strange a thing, if well considered, that the revenge of so horrid and inhuman a Massacre should be thus hindered; and indeed might be thought almost impossible, unless the raising of the one, and hindering the other, proceeded from the same cause.  
There was a great hope about the beginning of December, that Ireland would speedily be relieved, and Forces transported out of Scotland within a short time to that purpose, considering what careful provisions the Parliament of England (as is before related) had made upon the first notice of it. But at that time the King was returned from Scotland; and in a Speech to the Parliament, in which he conjured them to proceed in the business of relieving Ireland, he likewise took notice of a Bill for pressing of Soldiers for Ireland, depending in the House of Peers, and declared his dislike of putting it in that way; being, as he said, a great infringement and diminution of his Royal Prerogative; telling them withal, that he was little beholding to that man, who began such a dispute concerning the bounds of his ancient and undoubted Prerogative. But he offered at last that the Bill might pass with a Salvo jure both to King and People, leaving such debates to a time that might better bear it.  
This Speech of the King's was much distasted by both Houses, as a great breach of Parliament-priviledge, insomuch as they framed a Petition to him, wherein they express, That the King, by taking notice of the debate in the House of Lords concerning a Bill for pressing of Soldiers, had broken the fundamental Privilege of Parliament, which is, that he ought not to take notice of any matter in agitation or debate in either House, but by their information and agreement; and that he ought not to propound any condition or limitation to a Bill in debate and preparation, or to manifest his approbation or dislike of the same, until it be presented to his Majesty in due course of Parliament; and that every particular Member of either House hath free liberty of speech, to propound or debate matters according to Order of Parliament; and that the King ought not to conceive displeasure against him for such opinions or propositions. They entreated likewise a reparation for that great breach of Privilege; and for prevention of the like, that the King would make known who they were, by whose misinformation and evil counsel he had done it, that they might receive conding punishment.  
This business took up some time, and was one unhappy impediment to the sudden relief of Ireland, notwithstanding the high necessities of that Kingdom, and the affections of England in general to it; and so heavily went on all preparations, that it was long before the House of Commons could find means to enable the Lord Lieutenant to send over so much as one Regiment, for defence of the Castle and City of Dublin, which was commanded by a worthy Gentleman Sir SIMON HARCOUT; who being designed Governor of the City of Dublin, was sent away by Order of Parliament with his Regiment, and landed there on the last day of December 1641, to the great comfort of that City, being much distressed and terrified by the near approach of the Irish Rebels.  
Another obstruction of the relief of Ireland happened about three weeks after, when the Scots delivered eight Propositions to the English Parliament, touching the sending over of Two thousand five hundred Scots, which were then in readiness, into the north of Ireland. Both Houses of Parliament consented to all the Propositions; but the King excepted against one of them, being the third, which was, That the Scots desired to have the keeping of the Town and Castle of Carricksergus, with power to remain there, or enlarge their Quarters at discretion; and if any Regiments or Troops in that Province should join with them, that they receive Orders from the chief Commander of the Scotish Forces. Against this Article the King took exceptions, and desired the Houses to take it again into consideration, as a thing of importance, which he doubted might be prejudicial to England: But if the House desired it should be so, himself would speak with the Scotish Commissioners, to see what satisfaction he could give them therein. The Scots told his Majesty, that since it was agreed ●pon by both Houses of Parliament, and that the strength of his Majesty's argument was, That Article implied too great a Trust for Auxiliary Forces, they were in good hope that his Majesty, being their native King, would not show less trust in them, than their neighbour-Nation had freely done. Upon which the King at last was content to admit the Article, and the advice of his Parliament.  
This fatal obstruction of Ireland's relief, did but second another immediately before: For at the first, the Commissioners of Scotland had not power given them from the State there, to treat for sending over a less number than ten thousand men; which the Lords were unwilling to yield to. But that obstacle seemed to be removed by the zealous affection of the House of Commons; who according to those Instructions of the State of Scotland to their Commissioners, voted the sending over of ten tho●sand Scots. But the House of Lords, after long debate, would not yield unto it, unless the House of Commons would give assurance that ten thousand English might be as speedily sent over: which the Commons as much desired, and promised their endeavour in it; but that the English then could not be so soon raised, much less transported, as the Scots, every man understood. There was no other reason given, that ever I understood, but only That it was dishonourable for England, that Ireland should be reduced by the Scots: and this was the discourse of Papists, and other persons disaffected to the Cause, among the people every where.  
Though it were much wondered at by all good Protestants, that so nice a point of Honour should be stood upon, when their Religion and Cause lay bleeding in Ireland after so sad and deplorable a kind; which began to deject the spirits of the poor Protestants in Ireland, and make them suspect some secret workings underhand against the good affections expressed by the House of Commons, and those Lords who were well-affected to the State: for they by the greater number were over-voted, so many Popish and illaffected Lords, besides four and twenty Bishops (for the Bishop's voices in Parliament were not then taken away) sitting in that House.  
It was then also generally talked, and much complained of among the well-affected people, that the King had been so backward in proclaiming those barbarous Irish, Rebels: and not only talked among the people, but alleged by the Parliament itself (in their own Declaration afterward, when the breach between King and Parliament grew greater) as a sign that those inhuman Rebels had been countenanced by the Court of England, in that the Proclamation whereby they were declared Traitors, was so long with held, as till the first of January, though the Rebellion broke forth in October before; and then no more than forty Copies were appointed to be printed, with a special command from His Majesty not to exceed that number; and that none of them should be published, till the King's pleasure were further signified, as by the Warrant appears, a true copy whereof was printed: so that a few only could take notice of it. And this (say they) was made more observable by the late contrary proceedings against the Scots, who were in a very quick and sharp manner proclaimed, and those Proclamations forthwith dispersed with as much diligence as might he, thorough all the Kingdom; and ordered to be read in every Church, accompanied with public Prayers and Execrations.  
That Declaration of the Lords and Commons, in which this is expressed concerning the King's slow proclaiming of the Irish Rebels, was published when the King was gone to York; at which he was much distasted in many particulars, and returned Answer to them. Among others, because that of Ireland seemed to lie heavy upon his reputation, it is just that the Reader should see the King's own Answer to that point, that he may the more fairly judge; which shall be therefore inserted, in the very words of the King's Declaration.  
To countenance those unhandsome expressions whereby usually they have implied Our connivance at, or want of zeal against the Rebellion of Ireland (so odious to to all good men) they have found a new way of exprobration, That the Proclamation against those bloody Traitors came not out till the beginning of January, though that Rebellion broke out in October; and then by special Command from Us, but forty Copies were appointed to be printed. It is well known where we were at that time, when that Rebellion broke forth, in Scotland; that we immediately from thence recommended the care of that business to both Houses of Parliament here, after We had provided for all fitting Supplies from our Kingdom of Scotland; that after Our return hither, We observed all those Forms for that service, which We were advised to by Our Council of Ireland, or both Houses of Parliament here: and if no Proclamation issued out sooner (of which for the present We are not certain, but think that others before that time were issued by Our directions) it was, because the Lords justices of that Kingdom desired them no sooner; and when they did, the number they disired was but twenty, which they advised might be signed by Us; which We for expedition of the service, commanded to be printed (a circumstance not desired by them) thereupon We signed more of them then Our justices desired: all which was very well known to some Members of one or both Houses of Parliament, who have the more to answer, if they forbore to express it at the passing of this Declaration; and if they did express it, We have the greater reason to complain, that so envious an aspersion should be cast upon Us to Our People, when they knew well how to answer their own Objection.  
This was the Kings Answer to that point of the Parliaments Declaration concerning Ireland. But the House of Commons in another Declaration, though long after, charge the King upon the same particular, with more circumstances of aggravation: as, That although the Rebels had most impudently styled themselves The Queen's Army, and professed that the cause of their rising was, To maintain the King's Prerogative, and the Queen's Religion, against the Puritan Parliament of England; and thereupon both Houses of Parliament did humbly and earnestly advise His Majesty to wipe away this dangerous Scandal, by proclaiming them Rebels and Traitors to His Majesty and the Crown of England, which then would have mated and weakened the Conspirators in the beginning, and have encouraged both the Parliaments here, and good people there, the more vigorously to have opposed their proceedings: yet such was the power of evil counsel about him, that no Proclamation was set forth to that purpose, till almost three months after the breaking out of this Rebellion; and then Command given that but forty should be printed, nor they published, till further direction should be given by His Majesty. But the business of Ireland was more particularly touched in subsequent Declarations, which in their due time and place may hereafter be related.  
That Proclamation against the Irish Rebels, came not out above two days before the King entered the House of Commons, as is before expressed; by which act so great a disturbance was made, and the relief of Ireland so much retarded.  
It was likewise complained of to the King by the House of Commons, within three weeks after, that since the Ports by order of both Houses (as is before mentioned) had been stopped against all Irish Papists, many of the chief Commanders, then in the Head of the Rebels, had been suffered to pass by His Majesty's immediate Warrant. Of which the King cleared himself in Answer to them, that by examining his own memory, and the notes of his Secretaries, he could not find himself guilty of granting any such Warrants.   

CHAP. III  
The Queen passeth into Holland, with her daughter the Princess MARY. Difference between the King and Parliament concerning the Militia. The King goeth toward York, and is followed with a Petition from the Lords and Commons to Theobalds', and another Declaration to Newmarket. The King is denied entrance into Hull by Sir JOHN HOTHAM.  
IT was wonderful that nothing at all could advance or further this great and necessary work of reducing Ireland, when so many courses were propounded and undertaken: as about the middle of February, both Houses of Parliament had found a way, which they conceived to be most substantial and firm to carry on that War; namely, by adventuring for proportions of Land in Ireland; there being, by their account, within the four Provinces of Ulster, Connaught, Munster and Leinster two millions and an half of Acres of Land forfeitable from the Rebels in those Provinces, to be shared among those Adventurers in the City of London, or other Counties thereabout, that would bring in or subscribe such Sums of money as were thought fit, and which were upon good and serious consideration set down in particular; whereby, if an happy Conquest were made upon those bloody Rebels, a large recompense might be made to all those English who either in Person of Purse had contributed to so good a work. The King was well contented with these Propositions, offering withal to go himself in Person into Ireland (but that was not thought sitting by the Parliament); and so far it passed, that an Act was made to that purpose, enabling the Parliament with power to carry on that War, until Ireland should be declared to be wholly subdued; and that no Peace or Cessation of Arms should be at any time made with those Rebels, unless both Houses of Parliament assented to it.  
But while these things were acting, other business, wherein the safety and security of England was concerned, fell into debate; which was touching the Militia of the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales, to be settled in every County upon such persons as the Parliament should approve. A Petition to this purpose was sent to the King, presently after they had received a Message from him, dated the twentieth of january, wherein the King in fair language desires the Parliament, since that particular Grievances and Distractions were too many, and would be too tedious to be presented by themselves, that they would comprise and digest them into one entire Body, that so His Majesty and themselves might be able to make the more clear judgement of them; and that it should then appear, by what His Majesty would do, how for he hath been from intending or designing any of those things, which the too-great fears and jealousies of some persons, seem to apprehend; and how ready he would be to equal or exceed the greatest examples of most indulgent Princes in their Acts of Grace and Favour to the People.  
This Message was received with thanks by the Parliament, who resolved to take it into speedy and serious consideration. But to enable them with security to discharge their duties in those affairs, they desired the King to raise up to them a sure ground of safety and confidence, by putting in the mean time the Tower, with other principal Forts, and the whole Militia of the Kingdom, into the hands of such persons as the Parliament might trust, and should be recommended to him by both Houses. This Petition of theirs was not well relished by the King, as appeared by his Answer. But the thing was of so great consequence, that one Answer could not suffice.  
Many reiterated Petitions were presented, and many Answers returned upon this subject, which are extant upon Record; where the King often promiseth to be careful, that no hands, but those who are very faithful to the Commonwealth, shall be by him entrusted with any part of the Militia; but the nomination of any persons to those places, he will reserve to himself, it being a principal and inseparable flower of his Crown, vested in him, and derived to him from his Ancestors, by the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. The Parliament on the other side affirming, that nothing could enable them to suppress the Rebellion in Ireland, and secure themselves, but the instant granting of that humble Petition; which they hoped the King would not absolutely deny: That it was their duty to him and the Commonwealth, to represent unto him whatsoever they found so absolutely necessary; for the preservation of both which, the Laws both of God and man enjoin them to see it put in execution.  
During the debate of this business, and before any absolute conclusion was made of it, the King took a journey to Canterbury, upon what reasons, shall be anon declared. It was before related, that the King after his entering into the House of Commons to surprise the five Members, had stayed a week at Whitehall, and then retired to Hampton-Court; the next day after, divers Citizens, with a great show of Boats, and Guns in them, brought the five Members to Westminster, with many expressions that they would not forsake them, who sare to defend their Religion, Laws and Liberties.  
The King now resident at Hampton-Court, seemed extremely distasted at the City, and pretended the reasons of his absence from Parliament to be fear for his Person, by reason of Tumults that might be raised: but true it is, after this time, he never could be brought near the City or Parliament either in body or mind.  
Within few days after the King had been at Hampton-Court, he sent for divers of his servants, who were then Members of the Parliament, to leave the House, and give their attendance upon his Person: But two, the chief of them, ROBERT Earl of Essex, lately made Lord Chamberlain of this Household, and HENRY Earl of Holland, Groom of the Stool, chose rather to obey his Writ whereby they were called to assist in Parliament about the highest affairs of England, then to obey this private Command of his, to come and attend at Hampton-Court, alleging in excuse, that their attendance in Parliament was truer service to him as King, than any other could be. For this, the King presently after sent a Messenger to demand the Staff of the one, and the Key of the other, being the Ensigns of their Offices; which they willingly resigned to the Messengers hands.  
From Hampton-Court, about the midst of February, the King and Queen went to Canterbury, and so to Dover, with the Princess MARY their eldest daughter, married, not a year before, to WILLIAM son to the Prince of Orange. The Queen herself passed from thence into Holland, under pretext of keeping her daughter company to her husband, (the Lady was then about ten years of age) which was not at all hindered by the Parliament. But the Queen carried with her all or the greatest part of the Crown-Jewels of England, which immediately she pawned in Holland, and with that money bought Arms and Ammunition for that sad War which ensued not long after, between the King and the Parliament of England.  
The King's stay at Canterbury and Dover was not long, nor the places so remote, but that some business might pass, though with great trouble of those Lords, and others, Members of the House of Commons, who posted between, upon all occasions. The greatest thing which was done in that time, was, that the King at Canterbury signed the Bill for taking away Bishop's Votes in Parliament.  
When the Queen and her daughter had taken Sail, the King came back to Greenwich, whither he sent for the Prince and Duke of York to come to him, and attend him in his journey to the City of York, which was the place which he intended to reside at, and to that purpose immediately went on his way as far as Theobalds'; to which place he was followed with a Petition from both Houses, presented to him upon the first of March 1641. The substance of it was, to entreat his Majesty that be would at last be pleased to grant their necessary Petition concerning the Militia of England; which if he did refuse, in these times of distraction, they must be enforced, and did resolve to dispose of it for the safety of the Kingdom, in such manner as had been propounded to his Majesty. They likewise entreated him to continue his abode near London, and his Parliament, and not to take his son the Prince out of those parts: and in conclusion, desired his Majesty to be informed by them, his great Council, that by the Laws of England, the power of raising, ordering and disposing of the Militia within any City, Town, or other place, cannot be granted to any Corporation by Charter, or otherwise, without the authority and consent of Parliament.  
The King denied to give any other Answer concerning the Militia, than what he had before done; That he conceived himself not safe in any place near London; and that he would take such a care of the Prince his son, as should justify him to God as a Father, and to his Dominions as a King.  
The Parliament, upon occasion of that short Answer of the King to their Petition, voted presently that that Answer was a flat Denial; and that all was truth which they had averred in their Petition, concerning the danger of his removal so far from the Parliament, and likewise carrying of his son away. It was likewise ordered by the Lords and Commons, that the Earl of Northumberland Lord Admiral, should give speedy directions for all the Ships belonging to the Navy Royal, to be speedily rigged, and fitted for the service of the Commonwealth.  
A Declaration was drawn then by both Houses, and presented to the King at Newmarket, upon the ninth of March, by the Earls of Pembroke and Holland, with some Members of the House of Commons, wherein were represented to him some of the old Grievances expressed in the first Remonstrance at his return out of Scotland: as, That the design of altering Religion had been carried on by those of greatest authority about him, for divers years: That the War against Scotland was procured in order to that design: That the Rebellion in Ireland was contrived here in England, out of many presumptions gathered from several examinations there. They speak likewise of his attempt for bringing his Army against the Parliament, of which before mention was made; of his Warrants granted contrary to promise, for transportation of JERMYN, DIGBY, and other Delinquents; of that great breach of Parliament-Priviledge, in coming to the House of Commons to surprise those Members: by all which they endeavour to prove their fears and jealousies grounded upon true substantial reasons, and necessary for the safety the Commonwealth entrusted to them; and that the Kings fear to reside near London, is altogether without ground, and pretended for nothing but to perplex the Commonwealth, proceeding from evil and traitorous Counsels; affirming, that His Majesty's absence would cause men to believe, that it was out of design to discourage the undertakers, and hinder the other provisions for relieving Ireland; that it would hearten the Rebels there, and all dis-affected persons in this Kingdom.  
The King expressed much indignation when he received this Remonstrance, complaining of the manner of it, that it was only an upbraiding, not an invitation or persuasion of him to return to the Parliament; and told them, that in all ARISTOTLE'S Rhetorics there was no such argument of Persuasion; and that he would answer it in another Declaration, which within few days after was drawn up, and published; wherein, with deep protestations, he vindicates the truth of his Religion, and justifies his other proceedings, denying those Warrants for transporting Master JERMYN and others, in that manner which they urge them: taxes them with their needless fears, and uncertain expressions of advertisements from Rome, Venice, Paris, and other places: recites the many gracious Acts which he had already passed this Parliament, to satisfy his People; and protests in conclusion, that he is most desirous to reside near his Parliament, and would immediately return to London, if he could see or hear of any provisions made for his security.  
The King sent them another Message from Huntingdon on the 15 of March, being then upon his removal to the City of York; wherein he expresses his care of Ireland, and not to break the Privilege of Parliament; but chiefly, to let them know that he understands his own Rights; forbidding them to presume, upon any pretence of Order or Ordinance (to which he is no party) concerning the Militia, or any other thing, to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws; and withal recommending to them the substance of his Message of the twentieth of january last; that they compose and digest with all speed such Acts as they shall think fit, for the present and future establishment of their Privileges.  
These were the heads of some Declarations, Petitions, and Answers: for about this time, and for three months after, such Messages, Remonstrances, Petitions and Answers grew so voluminous upon all occasions, as might, recited verbatim, make a large History.  
Thus is the King gone to York, while the Parliament sit at London, declaring in vain, and voting (as they did upon receipt of his last Message) by consent of both Houses, 

1. That the King's absence so far remote from his Parliament, is not only an obstruction, but may be a destruction to the affairs of Ireland.  
2. That when the Lords and Commons in Parliament shall declare what the Law of the Land is, to have this not only questioned and controverted, but contradicted, and a Command that it should not be obeyed, is an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament.  
3. That they which advised the King to absent himself from the Parliament, are enemies to the peace of this Kingdom, and justly to be suspected as favourers of the Rebellion in Ireland.    
It may seem strange to a Reader, that the King, without any, but such bootless opposition as Pen and Paper can make against him, even in the sight and notice of a Parliament, whilst they not only beheld his actions, but seemed to discern the designs, and foresee the effects which would flow from them, could be able to carry the work on so clearly and so far, until the whole Kingdom were thereby involved in a most calamitous and destructive War. I will not presume to publish any opinion of mine own, how or when this ruin of the Kingdom should have been prevented; but only relate what was then done, that posterity hereafter may judge of it.  
It was not unknown to the Parliament, at least not unsuspected (for it was usually talked among the people of that time) that the Queen, when she passed into Holland, carried with her the Crown-Jewels, to pawn or sell there: which if she did, they could not be ignorant what the intention was, or what the effect was like to prove; nor could it be unknown to them how unlawful the act was, and therefore how fit to be prevented; for they indicted her asterwards of high Treason for that fact, and were able to tell the world in a Declaration, how great a crime it is in a King himself to make away the Ornaments of the Crown, and in particular, the Jewels of it; yea, in such Kings as did it only to spend or give away, not to maintain War against their own People, for whose preservation not only those, but whatsoever they possess, was first bestowed on them.  
They seemed to oppose the Prince his departure from Hampton-Court, to attend the King his Father into the North, because it might increase fears and jealousies in the People: but the King carried him away.  
Above all the rest, they were not ignorant how wonderful an obstruction to all business of Parliament, and to the settling of England, or relieving of Ireland, that far removal of the King's Person from the Parliament must needs prove, and which themselves sufficiently expressed: That the very Journey itself, though no worse design were in it, was in no kind excusable, as most inconvenient, for the reasons aforesaid, and convenient in nothing that was ever alleged for it. Yet the King passed quietly thither.  
One design of the King, which indeed was thought the chief of that his Northern Expedition, was prevented by the Parliament by an open and forcible way, which was the seizing upon the strong Town and Fort of Hull, with all that Magazine of Arms which was there deposited. But it was very remarkable what means had been used on both sides, to prevent, if it had been possible, that open denial of the King's entrance into Hull, and that the matter should not have come so far: Which the King conceived so great an affront to him, that it grew the subject of many large and voluminous Declarations afterward, from either Part.  
For the prevention of that, before it happened, the King from York, had sent a Message to the Parliament upon the eighth of April 1642, that he intended to go in Person over into Ireland, to chastise by force of Arms those barbarous and bloody Rebels; and to that purpose, he thought fit to advertise the Parliament that he intended to raise forthwith, by his Commissions, in the Counties near Westchester, a Guard for his own Person (when he should come into Ireland) consisting of two thousand Foot, and two hundred Horse, which he would arm at Westchester, from his Magazine of Hull.  
But at the same time, the Lords and Commons in Parliament had sent a Petition to the King, for leave to remove the Magazine at Hull to the Tower of London; alleging that the Stores of Arms and Ammunition in the Tower were much diminished, and that the necessity of Supplies for the Kingdom of Ireland (for which they had been issued from thence) daily increased: That the occasion for which the Magazine was placed at Hull, was taken away, there being no danger now from Scotland. They likewise alleged that it would be kept in the Tower with less charge, and more safety, and transported from thence with much more convenience for the service of Ireland.  
The King seemed very angry at this Petition, alleging, among other things, that if any of those Arms were designed for Ulster or Leinster, the conveyance of them would be more easy and convenient from Hull, then from London. But most of all he seemed to be exasperated (for the Parliament had used timely prevention) that they had sent to keep out from thence the Earl of Newcastle, whom the King in that Answer termeth A Person of honour, fortune, and unblemished reputation, and committed that Town and Fort (without his consent) to the hands of Sir JOHN HOTHAM.  
The Parliament, as it appeared by their expression in a Declaration at that time, were much confirmed in that opinion which they had of the King's aiming at Hull, when he went Northward, by an intercepted Letter from the Lord GEORGE DIGBY, dated from Middleborough in Zealand the 20 of january 1641, to Sir LEWIS DIVES, wherein he writes, that if the King will declare himself, and retire to a safe place, he should be able to wait upon him from thence, as well as out of any part of England, over and above the service which he might do for him there in the mean time. The like expressions he used in another Letter to the Queen, intercepted in the same Packet, intimating some service he might do her in those parts; and desired a cipher, whereby to hold correspondency with her in writing. This young Lord, of whom we spoke before about the death of the Earl of Strafford, a man of excellent parts, and one that had been acceptable to the Parliament, until his Speech about that business, and some other miscarriage detected upon the same occasion, was much alienated in heart from the Parliament, because that Speech of his (which he had printed against Command) was ordered to be burned by the hands of the Hangman; so that afterward he became a great cherisher, as appeared in divers things, of those divisions which were growing between the King and Parliament, and was voted against in the House of Commons, as a disturber of the public peace, for appearing armed at Kingston upon Thames in an unusual and illegal manner, with other circumstances there to belonging. Whereupon the Lords in Parliament sent for him; and if he appeared not within twenty days, proclaimed him Traitor. But he in the mean time was transported by Sir JOHN PENNINGTON into Holland, by a Warrant under the King's hand, as the Declaration of the Lords and Commons to the King in March following expressed.  
During the time that the King and Parliament were (as aforesaid) busied about getting the Magazine of Hull, the Parliament proceeded by degrees in settling the Militia in divers Counties, and putting the Commands into such hands as they reposed confidence in; as likewise to take charge of the Navy, and provide by that means against any foreign force that might assault the Kingdom. And because the Earl of Northumberland Lord Admiral, by reason of indisposition of health, was disenabled then for commanding the Fleet in his own person, they thereupon recommended to his Lordship the Earl of Warwick (a man of such ability in Sea-affairs, and such untainted reputation, as they durst highly trust) to supply his Lordship's room in that employment. But understanding that the King had chosen Sir JOHN PENNINGTON into that Command, a Message was sent from both Houses to the King on the 28 of March, to entreat him that the employment might no longer be detained from the Earl of Warwick, as a noble person chosen by both Houses of Parliament in that Service, the Charge whereof was to be born by the Commonwealth.  
The King refused to admit of the Earl of Warwick, taking great exception at the Message from both Houses, as appeared by his Letter to the Lord Keeper concerning it, that they would take upon them the nominating of the chief Sea-Commander. But the Earl of Warwick, within few months after, though not without some opposition of divers Gentlemen, who had before been placed in Command by the King, and strove to carry away their Ships to His Majesty, was possessed of the whole Navy: of which some more particulars may hereafter be related.  
Upon the 23 of April 1642, the King, attended by some Noblemen, and no great train of Gentlemen and Soldiers, came before the walls of Hull, to demand entrance there; but he found the Gates shut, and the Bridges drawn up, by the command of Sir JOHN HOTHAM a member of the House of Commons, and by the Parliament entrusted with the Government of that Town. Sir JOHN HOTHAM appeared upon the Wall, and kneeling down there, entreated his Majesty that he would be pleased not to command that, which he must be enforced (though extremely grieved to disobey his Majesty in any thing) to deny at that time; alleging that he could not admit his Majesty, without breach of trust to the Parliament, beseeching the King to give him leave to send to the Parliament, to acquaint them with his command, and take their direction.  
The King, upon this denial, grew into choler, and after some hot words, seeming not to believe that the Parliament had commanded any such thing; & to that purpose speaking, demanded of Sir JOHN HOTHAM, that if he had Order from the Parliament to keep out his Person, he should show it in Writing; for otherwise he would not believe it. But Sir JOHN HOTHAM, because the Order was not in those express words, as naming the King's particular person, though he knew the sense and meaning of the Parliament, did not produce any Writing; only beseeching the King not to command him that which he might not do. Whereupon the King, after some hours spent in vain about the Town, proclaimed Sir JOHN HOTHAM Traitor; and returned, when he had received out of the Town his Son the Duke of York, and his Nephew the Prince elector, whom Sir JOHN the day before had admitted into the Town, entertained, and lodged there that night.  
The next day the King, in a Message to the Parliament, complained of that affront offered by Sir JOHN HOTHAM, accusing him for that he had traitorously and seditiously strove to put his disobedience upon the Parliament, the King seeming to believe that HOTHAM had done it upon his own head, without any direction or authority from them: And within two days after, sent another Message to the Parliament, complaining in a sharper manner than before, of that great indignity, which, if they afforded him no reparation, would make the World believe that his privileges were less than any Subjects in the Land; and that it was more lawful to rob him of his proper Goods, than the meanest Member of the Kingdom. He sent also, at the same time, a Letter to the Mayor of Hull, commanding him, and all Officers of that Town, to take care that no part of the Magazine should be removed, or transported out of the Town, under any pretence of Order or Power whatsoever, without his Royal Assent, under his Hand. He caused likewise all Passages between Hull and London to be stopped up, and by that means apprehended a servant of Sir JOHN HOTHAM'S, going with a Letter to the Parliament concerning the proceedings before mentioned.  
The Parliament immediately, upon notice of these things, declared their reasons for Hull, and that the stopping of Passages, and intercepting of Messengers or Letters to or from the Parliament, or in their service, was an high breach of the Privileges of Parliament, which by the Laws of the Land, and their Protestation, they were bound to defend, and punish the violators; authorising, by Ordinance of both Houses, all Sheriffs, Justices, Constables, and other Officers, to aid them employed in the said service, for their more speedy, free, and safe passage; giving Order also to the said Officers within the Counties of York and Lincoln, to suppress any Armies raised to force Hull, or stop the passages before mentioned, in disturbance of the Kingdom's peace.  
It was voted by them, two days after, that Sir JOHN HOTHAM had done nothing but in obedience to the Command of both Houses of Parliament. Resolved also it was upon the Question, That this declaring of Sir JOHN HOTHAM Traitor, being a Member of the House of Commons, was an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament. Resolved again, That declaring Sir JOHN HOTHAM Traitor, without due Process of Law, was against the Liberty of the Subject, and Laws of the Land.  
An Order of Assistance was then given to the Earl of Stamford, the Lord WILLOUGHBY of Parham, Sir EDWARD AYSCOUGH, Sir CHRISTOPHER WRAY, Sir SAMUEL OWFEILD, and Master HATCHER, as Committees of both Houses sent down to Hull, and the two Counties of York and Lincoln, for service of the Kingdom, that all Sheriffs, Justices, Majors, etc. should be assisting to them upon all occasions.  
To that Declaration, Votes, and Orders of Assistance of both Houses of Parliament, the King, on the fourth of May, returned an Answer, wherein at large he expresses how heinous the affront was, and how much he accounts himself injured by the Parliament, in not repairing him against HOTHAM; labouring to prove by ancient Statutes there cited, that Sir JOHN HOTHAM'S denial of entance to him, was absolutely high Treason by the Law of the Land.  
Upon this subject, within the space of one week, two other Declarations and Answers passed between the King and both Douses, too large to be here inserted: but the scope of the King's Declarations in general, are to vindicate his own Rights and dignity allowed him as King, by the Laws of the Land; wherein he seemeth not to take notice of the present occasion, or such things as are conceived dangers, and thought necessary to prevent, by a Parliament sitting. The Parliament on the other side, with all humility, and reverend expressions to the King's Person, seeming to take no notice of any affront offered or intended to his Majesty himself, but only of preserving Hull, the Militia, and Navy, out of the hands of those wicked Counsellors, which they conceived to be too prevalent with him, to the danger of ruining the Kingdom and himself; both which they laboured to preserve, and were lawfully called to it by that Authority which belongs to Parliaments, by the Fundamental Constitution of English Government. They desire to inform the King, that his Interest in Towns, Arms, or the Kingdom itself, is not of that kind that private men have interest in their Goods, to sell or dispose of at pleasure; but only as entrusted to him for the good of all: in performance of which trust, none but the Parliament, while it sitteth, are or aught to be his Counsellors and directors: that there can be no good or useful disputation, where the Principles are not granted: and it was ever heretofore taken (say they) for a certain Principle, That the Parliament sitting is the only Judge of what is dangerous to the Commonwealth, and what useful, as likewise what is lawful in those cases; which the King, by advice of no private Counsel whatsoever, aught to control, or contradict: which Principle till the King will be pleased rightly to apprehend, Disputations and Declarations are endless, and no true understanding between him and his people can be begotten.  
Of all these things if a Reader desire to be satisfied in particular, he may finde the questions all fully stated by the Parliament, and the King's desires expressed by himself, in two large Declarations; one called the Parliaments third Remonstrance, dated the 26 of May, 1642; and the King's Answer to that Remonstrance.  
But things began to go on in an high manner; the Parliament authorising Sir JOHN HOTHAM to issue out Warrants to Constables, and other Officers, to come with Arms for the defence of Hull: and the King on the other side, forbidding any such Warrants, bringing, or training, without an express Authority under his hand.  
The King had summoned the Gentry of that County to attend him at the City of York, which they accordingly did, upon the 12 of May, 1642; where he caused, after he had spoken some few words to them, to be read aloud in their hearing, his Answer to the Declaration of both houses concerning Hull, the Answer of the Parliament to his two Messages concerning Hull, together with his Reply to the same, and his Message to both houses, declaring the reasons why he refused to pass that Bill of the Militia: after which, he proceeded in a Speech to them, wherein he strove to make them apprehend, that traitorous attempts might be against his Person; and for that reason he desired a Guard of Horse and Foot to be levied there for his defence. He complained likewise that the Committee of Parliament consisting of four Members of the house of Commons, FERDINANDO Lord FAIRFAX, Sir HUGH CHOLMLEY, Sir PHILIP STAPLETON, and Sir HENRY CHOLMLEY, refused to obey his Command: for they being there employed in their own Country by the Parliament, to do service to the State, were commanded by the King to depart out of the County; which they durst not do, against the intention of the Parliament, who employed them there. But the King in that Speech to the County, bade them take heed of those four Gentlemen, not knowing what doctrine of disobedience they might preach to the people, under colour of obeying the Parliament. The King's Speech and Declaration read, seemed to be much applauded by many Gentlemen, and their servants: as when those things which came from the Parliament were read, the same persons expressed much scorn, hissing, and reviling the language and reason of them.  
But divers of the Gentry, and greatest part of the Freeholders', begun with sorrow to consider that this division of the King from his great Council, could produce nothing but misery to the Kingdom, and dishonour to himself: and therefore they humbly answered his Propositions concerning a Guard, Tha● they were willing to do any service, or expose their lives to any hazard for the safety of his Majesty's Royal Person; yet they thought themselves unworthy to advise him in a thing of so high consequence; but humbly beseeched him to impart the grounds of his fears and jealousies to his high Court of Parliament, of whose loyal care and affections to the King's honour and safety, and prosperity of the whole Kingdom, they were most confident. And in behalf of the four forementioned Members of Parliament lately employed to attend your Majesty (said they) from both Houses, being all Gentlemen of quality and estate in the County; we humbly crave your Majesty's leave to express our confidence in their unstained loyalty to your Majesty, so far as that you may securely admit their attendance to negotiate their employments, until they shall be recalled by the Parliament. And we do all engage ourselves for their fidelity, as being most assured that your Royal Person shall be secure in the General loyalty of your Subjects in this County, without any extraordinary Guard.  
The King was presented also, the next day, with a Petition from many thousands, who termed themselves peaceably-affected Subjects in the County of York, in which expressing their loyalty and affection to him, they speak thus: We are confident that no so absolute and hearty observance of your Majesty's just commands can be demonstrated, as when you shall in Parliament declare them: If they be divided (which God forbid) our hearts even tremble to consider the danger, and diminution of the honour and safety of yourself and Kingdom; since it is clear to every understanding, that it is not a divided part of one or several Counties, can afford that honour and safety to your Majesty, as the whole Kingdom: Which you may command, no ground of fear or danger remaining, if a good confidence were begot betwixt your Majesty and the Parliament; whose grave and loyal Counsels are, as we humbly conceive, the visible way, under God, to put a speedy end to the troubles in Ireland, and establish your Throne in Righteousness. And lastly, we humbly supplicate that we may represent our unfitness to become judges betwixt your Majesty and Parliament in any thing, or dispute the Authority of either; which we humbly conceive do fortify each other, etc.  
The king was not well satisfied, or pleased with this Petition, but persisted still in his former way of raising Forces, under the name of a Guard; whilst the Parliament were voting to maintain those Gentlemen their Committee in the North, in such things as they have done, and shall further do in obedience to their commands, for preservation of the Kingdom's Peace; as also to maintain their Ordinance concerning the Militia, and to issue out Commissions into all parts of the Kingdom, and appoint certain days for all the Trained Bands to be exercised in each County according to that Ordinance; and that some Members might be sent into the several Counties, to see the Ordinance performed; and the Magazines of those several Counties in England and Wales to be forthwith put into the power of the Lord Lieutenants of the said Counties, being such as were entrusted by the Parliament. And whereas the King had made Proclamation for all the Gentlemen and others of that County to attend him in Arms as a Guard; the Parliament three days after declared, that it was against the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, that any of the Subjects thereof should be commanded by the King to attend him at his pleasure, but such as are bound thereto by special service; and that whosoever, upon pretence of his command, shall take Arms, and gather together with others in a warlike manner, to the terror of the King's people, shall be esteemed disturbers of the public peace: and that the Sheriffs of those Counties where such raising or drawing of armed men should be, should immediately raise the power of the County to suppress them, and keep the King's Peace according to Law.  
So different and directly contrary, at this time, were the Commands of the King and Parliament, in all things, that the Lords in Parliament having been informed that the King was resolved to adjourn the next Term from Westminster to York, and had given command to the Lord Keeper to issue Proclamations and Writs to that purpose, voted that such a removal of the Term, while the Parliament sat, was illegal; and ordered that the Lord Keeper should not issue any Writs, or seal any Proclamation tending to that end.   

CHAP. FOUR  
Many Members of both Houses leave the Parliament, and repair to the King. Nine of the Lords who first went away, are impeached by the Commons, and censured by the Peers. The Great Seal is carried away from London to York. Some Votes of Parliament concerning the King's proceedings. A Petition, with nineteen Propositions sent from the Parliament to the King.  
THe King proceeded in his earnest endeavour of raising Forces, as a Guard for his Person: which in some measure he had effected, by many fair expressions of love and grace to the people of those Northern Counties, and serious Protestations of the clearness of his intent from any violation of Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, or making War against the Parliament. But the Kingdom was not much affrighted with any Forces which the King could so raise; nor could any other attempt of his in the Northern parts, make the people fear a Civil War, until they saw that great defection of the Parliament Members, which began before the end of April, and continued for the greatest part of that May: for at that time did the Lords one after another, and sometimes by numbers, abandon the Parliament sitting, and go to the King at York; insomuch that in a very short space, those Lords became the greater number; and their departure began therefore to seem less strange, than the constant sitting of the rest. The Lords who left the Parliament, were these: the Duke of Richmond, marquis Hartford, the Earls of Lindsey, Cumberland, Huntingdon, Bath, Southampton, Dorset, Salisbury (although Salisbury, within few days after, repenting himself, made a secret escape from York to London, and joined himself. It again to the Parliament, with whom he continued constant ever after) Northampton, Devonshire, Bristol, Westmoreland, Berkshire, Monmouth, Rivers, Newcastle, Dover, Carnarvan, Newport; the Lords MATREVERS, WILLOUGHBY of Eresby, RICH, HOWARD of Charleton, NEWA●K, PAGET, CHANDOYS, FAWCONBRIDGE, PAWLET, LOVELA●E, SAVILE, COVENTRY, MOHUN, DUNSMORE, SEYMOUR, GREY of Ruthen, CAPEL. Within the same compass of time, many of the house of Commons, though no great number, in respect of those who continued in that house, did likewise so far break that trust which was reposed in them, as to 〈◊〉 ●ake their ●ears in Parliament; some of them, as was reported, invited by Letters from the King, and others of their own accord.  
At the revolt of so many members from the Parliament, the Kingdom in general began to fear; and all that loved the Nations Peace, were in an high measure dismayed; among whom nothing was to be heard, in all meetings and discourses, but sad presages of misery to the Kingdom, if Almighty God did not in a miraculous way prevent it: They concluded that no other way could have been ●ound out to endanger the overthrow of that Parliament, which many open attempts and secret conspiracies could not do● That as the ruin of England could not in probability be wrought but by itself; so the Parliament could not be broken (a Prologue to the other) but by her own Members, and that sentence verified, Perditio tua ex te. Though the opinions of men differed concerning the censure of those Members; while some condemned, others in some degree excused them, according as affection and private interests did lead them: yet concerning the Effects which that Revolt in all probability must produce, all rational men concurred in opinion, that nothing but Calamity and Ruin could flow from it. What else (said they) can this Revolt do, but nourish and increase the King's disaffection to the Parliament? What, but encourage his distance from it, and attempts against it? What, but secure the Irish Rebels, and endanger the loss of that Kingdom; cherish Papists, obstruct Justice, and give impunity to all Delinquents? Nothing else had power to undermine and shake the dignity and reverence belonging to that high Court; whilst not only the People by that diminution of their number, were persuaded to esteem of it as an imperfect Parliament; but the King might take that advantage of it (which proved true in his succeeding Declarations and Writings, what he never did before) as to call them a Faction, or pretended Parliament, and such like.  
In censuring those Lords and Commons who deserted the Parliament, the People, as was said before, did much differ. Some considering how great the number was, that many of them were of whole estates, of good reputation, and able parts, began to to think, or at least to say, that the Parliament was not free enough; that those Members (which was also their own excuse) were kerbed by a prevalent faction in the Houses, and overawed by tumults from the City of London. Upon that occasion, they called to mind in what manner the names of nine and fifty Members of the House of Commons had been posted up at the Exchange, for dissenting from the rest about condemning of the Earl of Strafford; besides what menacing speeches had been given by rude people to some Lords, whom they thought illaffected.  
Others answered, that although such things had been rashly and foolishly done by some unadvised persons, yet it could not be feared that any tumults from the City would ever violate a Parliament sitting; and that the tumultuous appearance of such multitudes from the City, was rather intended for encouragement and security of the Parliament against such invasions as might be made upon them, to awe their just freedom, and treacherous Conspiracies which by report were made against them by people disaffected to that high Court; which that Plot of bringing the Army against them formerly, and late resorts of armed persons about Whitehall, gave them cause to fear: That no fears of danger could be pretended from the House itself against any Member, but such as that Member was bound to undergo and suffer, rather than betray so great a trust of the people: That it was to be presumed, no Member of Parliament who was well-affected to his Country, could suffer any thing from the house itself; whose ends and counsels must needs be supposed to tend to the public good, or else our Ancestors, who constituted that Frame of Government, were much deceived: That it was very improbable the Liberty of Subjects should be violated by that Court, which is the only defence and conserver of it, and without which, it had always suffered from Princes, yea, such Princes as were not very wicked.  
They alleged that it was very dishonourable for those Lords, being the greater number, to pretend fear for deserting the Parliament: for if it were upon a true dislike of any proceedings there, they were enough to haved stayed, and perchance have cured those inconveniences, and too many to have suffered in a good Cause; though Honour would command one man alone, lawfully called to it, to maintain a truth with any hazard. On the other side, they were too many to flee, to encourage the King against his Parliament, and thereby foment that dissension which could produce no good effect.  
It was alleged by many men, that some of those Lords were Noblemen of honourable and virtuous repute. Though that were not denied, nor could any certain sign from the former demeanours of the Lords in general, arise, to distinguish who were likely to adhere to the Parliament, and who to desert it (for they were deceived on both sides, in some particulars) yet certainly it was averred, that those Lords whom the people had most especially trusted in, as true Patriots, proved to be part of those who continued in the House; and those whom the people in general distasted or distrusted, happened to be among those who upon this occasion forsook the Parliament.  
It was likewise frequently spoken, that those Members of the House of Commons who deserted it, were men generally of as able parts as any that continued there. It was no wonder, (replied others) but very probable that they were such men, and such as had, or thought they had good parts enough to be looked upon by a Prince: for those men (though we should esteem them all of equal honesty) were likeliest to fall off. There is a difference between Wisdom and good Parts, such as we count Eloquence, Wit, polite Learning, and the like: and that Wisdom which is least adorned with such dresses as these, is usually at such times most safe in itself, and freest from being corrupted; as that Beauty is, which is set off with the least witchery of Attire: for that Beauty which is curiously decked, as it is most subject to be tempted by others; so it is most apt to be proud of itself, and by consequence, to betray itself to such a temptation as is great enough. So it hath been often seen in this case (as was observed by an old Parliament-man) that those Gentlemen of fine parts, when other men of a plainer wisdom have had the honour in a constant way to do excellent service for the Commonwealth, have been won from their country's cause, as soon as Majesty hath at all vouchsafed to tempt them, or that perchance their opinion of themselves hath made them meet or seek such a temptation. Besides that danger of invitation from a King, it hath been too often known, that men of such parts, or that think so of themselves, have been apt to take pet, and grow angry, when any Speech of theirs hath not received that honour which they expected, or any other affront hath been offered to them; and what such an anger may make proud and ambitious spirits to do, even against their own Country, and the dictates of their Conscience and Reason, the world hath been taught by many examples, some of high consequence, and very remarkable, such as CORIOLANUS the Roman, and JULIAN the Spanish General, which for the eminence of the persons, and extraordinary effects which they wrought in the world, must needs fall into Record; when the actions of mean and private men are buried in oblivion. Besides, there are many, whose Callings make them capable of easier and greater gratifications from the King than other men; as Lawyers and Divines; who will therefore be apt to lean that way where the preferment lies. Such discourses were frequent in all companies at that time, for different affections did at all meetings beget such argumentative language.  
What sense and apprehension the Parliament had of so many Members forsaking their station, shall appear anon, by a Vote passed in the House of Commons, and presented to the Lords by Master DENZIL HOLLLS, after some intervening passages have been related.  
Whilst the King encouraged and strengthened by this great accession of reputation to his side, pursued his design of raising Forces in the North; the Parliament, after that they had on the twentieth of May petitioned the King to disband such Forces, and rely for his security (as his Predecessors had done) upon the Laws, and affections of his People, contenting himself with his usual and ordinary Guards; declared that otherwise they held themselves bound in duty towards God, and the Trust reposed in them by the People, and by the Fundamental Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom, to employ their care and utmost power to secure the Parliament, and preserve the Kingdom's Peace; and immediately it was voted in Parliament, and resolved upon the Question, That it appears that the King, seduced by wicked Counsel, intends to make War against the Parliament, who in all their consultations and actions have proposed no other end unto themselves, but the care of his Kingdoms, and the performance of all duty and loyalty to his Person. It was likewise resolved upon the Question, That whensoever the King maketh War upon the Parliament, it is a breach of the Trust reposed in him by his People, contrary to his Oath, and tending to the dissolution of this Government. As also, That whosoever shall serve or assist him in such Wars, are Traitors by the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, and have been so adjudged in two Acts of Parliament; 11 RICH. 2. and 1 HEN. 4: and that such persons ought to suffer as Traitors.  
But those Lords who had forsaken the Parliament continuing still with the King in the Northern parts, the Parliament by an Order of the 30 of May, summoned nine of them, who first had gone away, to appear at Westminster; viz. the Earls of Northampton, Devonshire, Dover, and Monmouth; the Lords HOWARD of Charleton, RICH, GREY of Ruthen, COVENTRY, and CAPEL: but they utterly refused to come away, returning an Answer in writing; which the Parliament judged to be a slighting and scornful Letter: Upon which, a Vote was passed against them in the house of Commons, and presented on the 15 of june to the Lords, by Master HOLLIS; with an Oration of his own concerning the importance of the business; the greatest part of which Speech being here inserted, may give light to the Reader concerning the condition of the Kingdom at that time, and the judgement of the Houses upon it.  

His Speech began thus:  
My Lords, By command of the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the house of Commons, I come hither to your Lordships in behalf of the Parliament, or rather in behalf of the whole Kingdom, labouring with much distraction, many fears, great apprehensions of evil and mischief intended against it, and now hatching and preparing by that malignant party, which thirsts after the destruction of Religion, Laws and Liberty; all which are folded up, cherished and preserved in the careful bosom of the Parliament.  
It hath ever been the policy of evil Counsellors (who are the greatest enemies we have in the world, or can have) to strike at Parliaments, keep off Parliaments, break Parliaments, or divide Parliaments, by making Factions, casting in Diversions and Obstructions, to hinder and interrupt the proceedings of Parliament; all against the Parliament.  
Your Lordships have had experience of this Truth this Parliament; a succession of designs upon it: First, to awe it, and take away the freedom of it by the terror of an Army; then, to bring Force against it, actually to assault it, and with the Sword to cut in sunder this only Band which ties and knits up King and People, the People among themselves, and the whole frame of this Government, in one firm, and I hope indissoluble knot of Peace and Unity.  
God diverted those designs, did blow upon them; presently, another is set upon, which was, To obstruct and hinder our proceedings, that in the mean time the flame of Rebellion might consume the Kingdom of Ireland, and distempers, distractions and jealousies be fomented here at home, to tear out the bowels of this Kingdom, the Parliament being disabled from helping it, by occasion of so many diversions, so much business cut out unto it, many obstructions and difficulties, especially that great one, from whence all the rest receive countenance and support, his majesty's absenting himself, not concurring with us, and so withdrawing both his presence and influence; by which means such remedies could not be applied as were necessary, and what was done, was done with infinite trouble to the Parliament, and excessive charge to the Subject, double, treble, what otherwise would have served the turn: So the Subject is grieved, and oppressed with charge, and the blame of all is laid upon the Parliament, and the Parliament unjustly said to be the cause of all these Evils, which the authors of them had made so great, and so confirmed and secured by the frequent interruptions of the Parliament, that they could not suddenly nor easily be suppressed or removed.  
Well, by God's infinite blessing, the Parliament was in a fair possibility to wade thorough this likewise; and though the Night had been black and stormy, some Day began to appear: miraculously our Armies have prospered in Ireland, and God be praised, the malevolent practices of these Vipers at home, as they appeared, were in some sort mastered; and the Parliament began to act and operate towards the settling of the great Affairs both of Church and State, and providing for the defence and safety of this Kingdom, against either foreign Invasion, or any striving of the disaffected party among themselves.  
Then three ways are together assayed for the weakening and invalidating the proceeding and power of the Parliament, and making way for the utter subversion of it.  
1. Force is gathered together at York, under pretence of a Guard for His Majesty's Person, to make an opposition against the Parliament, and by strong hand to support and protect Delinquents, so as no Order of Parliament can be obeyed, but on the other side is slighted and scorned, to make the Parliament of no reputation, to be but Imago Parliamenti, a mere shadow, without substance, without efficacy.  
2. To send out in His Majesty's name, and as Declarations and Messages from him, bitter invectives against the Parliament, to perplex it, and engage it in expense of time to answer them: and besides, cunningly to insinuate and infuse into the people by false colours and glosses, a disopinion and dislike of the Parliament, and if it be possible, to stir up their spirits to rise against it, to destroy it, (and in it, all other Parliaments) to the ruin of themselves, their wives and children.  
3. The third Plot is: The Members are drawn away, and persuaded to forsake their duty and attendance here, and go down to York, thereby to blemish the actions of both Houses, as done by a few and an inconsiderable number, and rather a Party then a Parliament, and perhaps to raise and set up an anti-Parliament there.  
My Lords, this is now the great Design, whereby they hope by little and little the Parliament shall even bleed to death, and moulder to nothing, the members dropping away one after another: a desperate and dangerous practice, and as your Lordships well observed (when you were pleased to communicate the business to us) an effect of the evil Counsels now prevailing, and tending to the dissolution of the Parliament, of this Parliament, which under God must be the preserver of three Kingdoms, and keep them firm and loyal to their King, subject to his Crown, save them from being turned into a Chaos of disorder and confusion, and made a dismal spectacle of misery and desolarion; this Parliament, which is the last hope of the long-oppressed, and in other Countries even almost wholly-destroyed Protestant Religion: this Parliament, which is the only means to continue us to be a Nation of freedom, and not of slaves; to be owners of any thing: in a word, which must stand in the Gap, to prevent an inlet and inundation of all misery and confusion.  
My Lords, this Parliament they desire to destroy; but I hope it will destroy the destroyers, and be a wall of Fire to consume them, as it is a wall of Brass to us, to defend King, and Kingdom, us, and all we have.  
Your Lordships wisely foresaw this Mischief, and as wisely have endeavoured to prevent it, by making your Orders to keep your Members here; as that of the ninth of April, and several other Orders enjoining them all to attend; thereby restraining them from repairing to York, where the Clouds were observed to gather so fast, threatening a storm, and such preparations to be made against the Parliament, that it necessitated both Houses to pass a Vote, That the King, seduced by wicked Counsel, intended to make War against the Parliament: and all who shall serve and assist in such Wars, are declared to be Traitors: which Vote passed the 20 of May: so setting a mark upon that place, and their opinion concerning those who should at this time resort thither.  
Yet now, in such a conjuncture of time, when the Kingdom had never more need of a Parliament, and the Parliament never more need of all the help and assistance, of the best endeavour and advice of every Member; the Safety, and even Being of three Kingdoms depending on it; after such Orders and Commands of your Lordship's House to the contrary; such a Vote of both Houses; and expressly against their Duty; being called thither by Writ under the Great Seal, which is the King's greatest and highest Command, and not controllable, nor to be dispensed with by any other Command from him whatsoever; and called to treat and consult de arduis Regni, the great urging and pressing affairs of the Kingdom, never more urgent, never more pressing: notwithstanding all this, these Lords, the Earls of Northampton, Devonshire, Dover, Monmouth; the Lords, HOWARD of Charlton, RICH, GREY, COVENTRY, and CAPEL, have left their stations, withdrawn themselves, and are gone to York● and being summoned to appear by an Order of the 30 of May, in stead of obedience, return refusal, by a slighting and scornful Letter, which hath been so adjudged both by your Lordships, and the House of Commons.  
My Lords, the ●ouse of Commons hath likewise, upon the consideration and debate of this business, finding it so much to concern the safety of the Kingdom, and the very Being of the Parliament, passed this Vote; That the Departing of these nine Lords from the Parliament without leave, after such a time as both Houses had declared, That the King, seduced by wicked Counsel, intended to make War against the Parliament; and their still continuing at York, notwithstanding their Summons and Command, is an high Affront and Contempt of both Houses; and that the said Lords did as much as in them lay, that the service of Parliament might be deserted, and are justly suspected to promote a War against the Parliament.  
The House in further prosecution of their duty in this Particular, and in pursuance of their Protestation, which obliges them to endeavour to bring to condign punishment all such high offenders against, not only the Privileges, but the very Essence of Parliament, have sent me up to impeach these Lords, and desire that speedy and exemplary Justice may be done upon them.  
And accordingly, I do here, in the name of the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House assembled in Parliament, and in the name of all the Commons of England, Impeach SPENCER Earl of Northampton, WILLIAM Earl of Devonshire, HENRY Earl of Dover, HENRY Earl of Monmouth, CHARLES Lord HOWARD of Charleton, ROBERT Lord RICH, CHARLES' Lord GREY of Ruthen, THOMAS Lord COVENTRY, and ARTHUR Lord CAPEL, for these high Crimes and Misdemeanours following; viz. For that, contrary to their duty, they being Peers of the Realm, and summoned by Writ to attend the Parliament; and contrary to an Order of the House of Peers of the ninth of April last, and several other Orders requiring the attendance of the Members of that House; and after a Vote passed in both Houses the twentieth of May last, That the King, seduced by wicked Counsel, intended to make War against the Parliament; and that whosoever served or assisted him in that War, was adjudged a Traitor; did notwithstanding afterwards, in the same month of May, contemptuously, having notice of the said Votes and Orders, withdraw themselves from the said House of Peers, and repair to the City of York, where the preparations of the said War were, and yet are, in contrivance and agitation; they knowing of such preparations: and being by an Order of the thirtieth of May duly summoned by the House of Peers, to make their appearance before that House upon the eighth day of June last passed, they refused to appear, and returned a scornful Answer by a Letter under their hands, directed to the Speaker of the Lords House, and remaining there upon Record.  
For which Crimes and Misdemeanours, to the interruption of the proceedings of Parliament, and great Affairs of the Kingdom, and tending to the dissolution of the Parliament, and disturbance of the Peace of the Kingdom; I am commanded, in the name of the said Commons, to demand of your Lordships that the said Lords may be forthwith put to their Answer, and receive speedy and exemplary punishment, according to their demerits. The Commons saving to themselves liberty at all times hereafter, to exhibit any other or further Impeachment or Accusation against the said Lords, or any of them.  
Upon this Impeachment of the nine Lords, the House of Peers, about a month after, being in their Robes, entered into debate of the said Impeachment; and after divers Speeches made by some Lords, setting forth the greatness of their Offence, they were censured, 1. Never to sit more as Members of that House. 2. That they should be utterly uncapable of any benefit or privileges of Parliament. 3. That they should suffer Imprisonment during their pleasure. After which Censure, it was concluded that the said Lords should be demanded, in the behalf of both Houses of Parliament, to submit to the said Censure.  
About that time, when the Members of both Houses of Parliament did daily forsake their station, and repair to the King at York, another accident fell out, which gave a great wound to the Parliament, and much encouragement to the King in his designs; which was the carrying away of the Great Seal of England from London to York.  
EDWARD Lord LITTLETON, on whom the King, when the Lord Keeper FINCH fled out of England, as is before related, had conferred the keeping of the Great Seal (he being before Lord chief Justice of the Common-Pleas, and created a Baron of the Realm) had continued for some space of time, after the rest were gone to York, firm to the Parliament in all appearance, and upon all occasions voted according to the sense of those that seemed the best affected that way; and among other things, gave his Vote for settling the Militia by Ordinance of Parliament; insomuch that there seemed no doubt at all to be made of his constancy; till at the last, before the end of the month of june, a young Gentleman, one Master Thomas Eliot, Groom of the Privy Chamber to the King, was sent closely from York to him; who being admitted by the Lord Keeper into his private Chamber, when none else were by, so handled the matter, whether by persuasions, threats, or promises, or whatsoever, that after three hours' time, he got the great Seal into his hands, and rid post with it away to the King at York.  
The Lord Keeper L●TTLETON, after serious consideration with himself what he had done, or rather suffered, and not being able to answer it to the Parliament; the next day, early in the morning, rode after it himself, and went to the King.  
Great was the complaint at London against him for that action; nor did the King ever show him any great regard afterwards. The reason which the Lord Keeper LITTLETON gave, for parting so with the great Seal, to some friends of his who went after him to York, was this; That the King, when he made him Lord Keeper, gave him an Oath in private, which he took, That whensoever the King should send to him for the great Seal, he should forthwith deliver it. This Oath (as he averred to his friends) his conscience would by no means suffer him to dispense withal; he only repent (though now too late) that he had accepted the Office upon those terms.  
The Parliament, to prevent so sad a War, sent out two Orders; one, to all Sheriffs● Justices, and other Officers within 150 miles of the City of York, that they should take special care to make stay of all Arms and Ammunition carrying towards York, until they have given notice thereof to the Lords and Commons, and received their further direction; and to that purpose, to keep strict Watches within their several limits, to search for, and seize all such Arms, and apprehend the persons going with the same: The other was to the Sheriff of Lancashire, and other adjacent Counties, to suppress the raising and coming together of any Soldiers, Horse or Foot, by any Warrant from the King, without the advice of the Lords and Commons in Parliament; as likewise to declare all that should execute any such Warrant from the King, disturbers of the peace of the Kingdom; and to command the Trained Bands to be assistant to the Sheriffs in that service.  
These Orders of the Parliament were immediately answered by a Proclamation from the King, forbidding all his Subjects belonging to the Trained Bands, or Militia of this Kingdom, to rise, march, muster, or exercise by virtue of any Order or Ordinance of one or both Houses of Parliament, without Consent or Warrant from his Majesty. The Parliament notwithstanding proceed in settling the Militia of the Kingdom (having made on the second of june an Order for those revolted members to return to their duty again before the 16 of that month, under the forfeiture of an hundred pound, to be disposed to the Wars in Ireland, besides undergoing such punishment as the Houses should think fit) and had by this time at many places began to settle the said Militia.  
Upon the same second of june also, the Lords and Commons sent a Petition to the King, with nineteen Propositions; which the King received with great indignation, as appeared in his Answer to them both in general, and in divers Particulars concerning those Propositions, as esteeming himself injured in restraint of his Power and Prerogative. The Petition and Propositions were as followeth.   

The humble Petition and Advice of both Houses of Parliament; with Nineteen Propositions, and the Conclusion sent unto His Majesty the second of june, 1642.  
YOur Majesty's most humble and faithful Subjects, the Lords and Commons in Parliament, having nothing in their thoughts and desires, more precious and of higher esteem (next to the honour and immediate Service of God) than the just and faithful performance of their duty to Your Majesty, and this Kingdom; And being very sensible of the great distractions and distempers, and of the imminent dangers and calamities which those distractions and distempers are like to bring upon Your Majesty and Your Subjects; all which have proceeded from the subtle informations, mischievous practices, add evil counsels of men disaffected to God's true Religion, Your Majesty's Honour and Safety, and the public Peace and Prosperity of Your People, after a serious observation of the causes of those Mischiefs; Do in al● humility and sincerity present to Your Majesty their most dutiful Petition and Advice, that out of Your Princely Wisdom, for the establishing Your Own Honour and Safety, and gracious tenderness of the Welfare and Security of Your Subjects and Dominions, You will be pleased to grant and accept these their humble Desires and Propositions, as the most necessary effectual Means, through God's blessing, of removing those jealousies and Differences which have unhappily fallen betwixt You and Your People, and procuring both Your Majesty and Them a constant course of Honour, Peace, and Happiness.   

The Propositions.  
1. That the Lords and others of Your Majesty's Privy Council, and such great Officers and Ministers of State, either at home, or beyond the Seas, may be put from Your Privy Council, and from those Offices and Employments, excepting such as shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament: And that the Persons put into the Places and Employment of those that are removed, may be approved of by both Houses of Parliament: And that Privy Counsellors shall take an Oath for the due execution of their places, in such form as shall be agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament.  
2. That the great Affairs of the Kingdom may not be concluded or transacted by the advice of private men, or by any unknown or unsworn Counsellors; but that such matters as concern the Public, and are proper for the high Court of Parliament, which is Your Majesty's great and supreme Council, may be debated, resolved and transacted only in Parliament, and not elsewhere: and such as shall presume to do any thing to the contrary, shall be reserved to the censure and judgement of Parliament: And such other matters of State as are proper for Your Majesty's Privy Council, shall be debated and concluded by such of the Nobility and others, as shall from time to time be chosen for that place, by approbation of both Houses of Parliament. And that no public Act concerning the Affairs of the Kingdom which are proper for Your Privy Council, may be esteemed of any validity, as proceeding from the Royal Authority, unless it be done by the Advice and Consent of the major part of Your Council, attested under their hands. And that Your Council may be limited to a certain number, not exceeding twenty five, nor under fifteen. And if any Counsellors place happen to be void in the interval of Parliament, it shall not be supplied without the assent of the major part of the Council; which voice shall be confirmed at the next sitting of Parliament, or else to be void.  
3. That the Lord high Steward of England, Lord high Constable, Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, Lord Treasurer, Lord Privy Seal, Earl Marshal, Lord Admiral, Warden of the Cinque-Ports, chief Governor of Ireland, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Master of the Wards, Secretaries of State, two Chief Justices, and Chief Baron, may always be chosen with the approbation of both Houses of Parliament; and in the intervals of Parliaments, by assent of the major part of the Council, in such manner as is before expressed in the choice of Counselors.  
4. That he or they unto whom the Government and Education of the King's Children shall be committed, shall be approved of by both houses of Parliament; and in the intervals of Parliament, by the assent of the major part of the Council, in such manner as is before expressed in the choice of Counselors: And that all such Servants as are now about them, against whom both Houses shall have any just exceptions, shall be removed.  
5. That no Marriage shall be concluded or treated for any of the King's Children, with any foreign Prince, or other person whatsoever abroad or at home, without the consent of Parliament, under the Penalty of a Praemunire unto such as shall be concluded, or treat any Marriage as aforesaid: And that the said Penalty shall not be pardoned or dispensed with, but by the consent of both houses of Parliament.  
6. That the Laws in force against Jesuits, Priests, and Popish Recusants, be strictly put in execution, without any Toleration or Dispensation to the contrary: And that some more effectual course may be enacted by Authority of Parliament, to disable them from making any disturbance in the State, or eluding the Law by Trusts on otherwise.  
7. That the Votes of Popish Lords in the house of Peers may be taken away, so long as they continue Papists: And that Your Majesty will consent to such a Bill as shall be drawn, for the education of the children of Papists by Protestants, in the Protestant Religion.  
8. That Your Majesty will be pleased to consent that such a Reformation be made of the Church-Government and Liturgy, as both Houses of Parliament shall advise; wherein they intent to have Consultations with Divines, as is expressed in their Declaration to that purpose: And that Your Majesty will contribute Your best assistance to them, for the raising of a sufficient Maintenance for preaching Ministers thorough the Kingdom: And that Your Majesty will be pleased to give Your Consent to Laws for the taking away of Innovations, and Superstition, and of Pluralities, and against scandalous Ministers.  
9 That Your Majesty will be pleased to rest satisfied with that course that the Lords and Commons have appointed for ordering of the Militia, until the same shall be further settled by a Bill: And that Your Majesty will recall Your Declarations and Proclamations against the Ordinance made by the Lords and Commons concerning it.  
10. That such Members of either Houses of Parliament as have during this present Parliament been put out of any Place and Office, may either be restored to that Place and Office, or otherwise have satisfaction for the same, upon the Petition of that House whereof he or they are members.  
11. That all Privy Counsellors and Judges may take an Oath, the Form whereof to be agreed on and settled by Act of Parliament, for the maintaining of the Petition of Right, and of certain Statutes made by this Parliament, which shall be mentioned by both Houses of Parliament: And that an enquiry of all the breaches and violations of those Laws, may be given in charge by the Justices of the King's Bench every Term, and by the Judges of Assize in their Circuits, and Justices of the Peace at the Sessions, to be presented and punished according to Law.  
12. That all the Judges, and all the Officers placed by approbation of both houses of Parliament, may hold their places quam diu bene se gesserint.  
13. That the Justice of Parliament may pass upon all Delinquents, whether they be within the Kingdom, or fled out of it: And that all persons cited by either House of Parliament, may appear, and abide the censure of Parliament.  
14. That the general Pardon offered by Your Majesty, may be granted with such Exceptions as shall be advised by both Houses of Parliament.  
15. That the Forts and Castles of this Kingdom may be put under the Command and Custody of such persons as Your Majesty shall appoint, with the approbation of Your Parliament; and in the intervals of Parliament, with approbation of the major part of the Council, in such manner as is before expressed in the choice of Counsellors.  
16. That the extraordinary Guards and Military Forces now attending Your Majesty, may be removed and discharged; and that for the future You will raise no such Guards or extraordinary Forces, but according to the Law, in case of actual Rebellion or lavasion.  
17. That Your Majesty will be pleased to enter into a more strict Allegiance with the States of the United Provinces, and other Neighbour Princes and States of the Protestant Religion, for the defence and maintenance thereof against all designs and attempts of the Pope and his adherents to subvert and suppress it; whereby Your Majesty will obtain a great access of strength and reputation, and Your Subjects be much encouraged and enabled in a Parliamentary way, for Your aid and assistance in restoring Your Royal Sister and her Princely Issue to those Dignities and Dominions which belong unto them, and relieving the other distressed Protestant Princes who have suffered in the same Cause.  
18. That Your Majesty will be pleased, by Act of Parliament, to clear the Lord Kymbo●ton, and the five Members of the House of Commons, in such manner, that future Parliaments may be secured from the consequence of that evil precedent.  
19 That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to pass a Bill for restraining Peers made hereafter from sitting or voting in Parliament, unless they be admitted thereunto with the consent of both Houses of Parliament.  
And these our humble Desires being granted by Your Majesty, we shall forthwith apply ourselves to regulate Your present Revenue in such sort as may be for Your best advantage, and likewise to settle such an ordinary and constant increase of it, as shall be sufficient to support Your Royal Dignity in Honour and Plenty, beyond the proportion of any former Grants of the Subjects of this Kingdom to Your Majesty's Royal Predecessors. We shall likewise put the Town of Hull into such hands as Your Majesty shall appoint, with the consent and approbation of Parliament, and deliver up a just account of all the Magazine, and cheerfully employ the uttermost of our endeavours in the real expression and performance of our most dutiful and loyal affections, to the preserving and maintaining the Royal Honour, Greatness, and Safety of Your Majesty, and Your Posterity.  Hen. Elsing, Cler. Parl. D. Com.  

To these Propositions sent from the Parliament, the King returned such an Answer, as showed that he was much displeased with the whole Business: For before his particular Answers to the several Propositions, he complaineth in general, and those very sharp, expressions of the method of their proceedings against him: and that the Cabalists of this business (for so he calls them) have used great art and subtlety against him, first to strengthen themselves with unlawful power, before they make their illegal demands. He taxes them, that first they had removed the Law itself, as a rub in their way, and pressed their own Orders and Ordinances upon the people (tending to a pure arbitrary power) as Laws, and required obedience to them, without the consent or concurrence of himself. That they had wrested from him the command of the Militia, (a thing inherent in his Crown) countenanced the Treason of HOTHAM against him, and directed to the people invectives against his Government, to weaken his just authority and due esteem among his Subjects; casting upon him aspersions of a strange nature, as, that he should favour a Rebellion in the bowels of his Kingdom. He complains likewise that they had broached (for so he calls it) a new Doctrine, namely, that the King is bound to pass all Laws that shall be offered to him by both Houses of Parliament: a point of policy fit for their present business, as destructive to all his Rights. That they have overawed his Subjects, in stifling all Petitions that did not please them; and filled the people's ears with needless fears, and jealousies, and such like things, before they thought his Majesty sufficiently prepared to take those bitter Pills. For (saith he) if they had unseasonably vented such Propositions, as the wisdom and modesty of their Predecessors never thought fit to offer to any of Our progenitors, nor We in honour or regard to Our Regal Authority (which God hath entrusted Us with for the good of Our People) could receive without just indignation (for such many of the present Propositions are) their hopes would soon have been blasted, and those persons to whom Offices, Honours, Power, and Commands were designed, by such ill timing of their business, would have failed of their expectation, not without a brand upon the Attempt. Therefore he saith, that they had made beforehand those forenamed preparations. The King seems to doubt likewise, because the Parliament have not told him that this is all they desire of him, that these Propositions are probably intended to make way for a Superfetation of a (yet) higher nature. And in the Propositions in general he observes, that the Contrivers of them (the better to advance their true ends) disguised as much as they could, their intents with a mixture of some things really to be approved by every honest man, others specious and popular, and some already granted by him: All which (saith he) are cunningly twisted, and mixed with other things of their main design of ambition and private interest.  
But the King desires not to be understood so, as if he intended to fix this design upon both or either House of Parliament: for he utterly professeth against it, being most confident of the loyalty, good affections, and integrity of the intentions of that great Body, and knowing well that very many of both Houses were absent, and many dissented from all those particulars of which he complains: but that he believes, and accordingly professes to all the world, that the malignity of this design hath proceeded from the subtle informations, mischievous practices, and evil counsels of some ambitious turbulent spirits, disaffected to God's true Religion (using their own language) the Unity of the professors thereof, his Honour and Safety, and the public peace and prosperity of the people. (And such other like General expressions.)  
In particular, the King expressed himself with great indignation against ten of their Propositions, which were the 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 15, 16, 19: averring, that if they did intend the establishment of his honour, together with the security of his people (as their profession is) they would not offer him such Propositions: for that Profession, joined to these Propositions, appeared to his judgement as a mockery and scorn.  
He averreth further, that their Demands are such, as that he were unworthy of that Royal descent from so many famous Ancestors, unworthy of the Trust reposed in him by the Laws, if he should divest himself of such a power so inherent in his Crown, and assume others into it; protesting, that if he were both vanquished, and a prisoner, in worse condition than any the most unfortunate of his predecessors had ever been reduced unto, he would never stoop so low as to grant those demands, and to make himself of a King of England, a Duke of Venice.  
The several Answers that the King made, and Arguments that he used to each several branch of those Propositions, are too large to be here inserted, and may be read by those that would be further informed, in the printed Book of Parliament-Declarations and Ordinances.    

CHAP. V.  
An Order for the bringing in of Plate and Money into Guildhall. The King's Declaration to the Lords about him: Their Profession and Protestation to him. The King layeth Siege to Hull; but raiseth it again. The Earl of Warwick taketh possession of the Navy, as Lord Admiral. The Earl of Essex is voted in Parliament to be Lord General of all their Forces.  
ON the tenth day of june following, an Order was made by both Houses of Parliament for bringing in of Money and Plate, to maintain Horse, Horsemen and Arms for Preservation of the Public Peace, and defence of the King's Person (for that the Parliament in their expressions always joined together with their own safety) and both Houses of Parliament. Wherein it was expressed, that whosoever should bring in any Money or Plate, or furnish any Horsemen and Arms for that purpose, should have their Money repaid with Interest, according to eight in the hundred; for which both Houses of Parliament did engage the Public Faith.  
Four Treasurers were ordained, whose Acquittances for the receipt of any Sum, should be a sufficient ground to the Lender's to demand their Money and Plate again with the Interest belonging thereunto. The Treasurers were Sir JOHN WOLLASTON Knight and Alderman of London, Alderman TOWES, Alderman WARNER, and Alderman ANDREW'S. Commissaries also were appointed to value the Horse and Arms which should be furnished for that service.  
It was desired in that Order, that all men resident in or about London, or within 80 miles, would bring in their money, Plate, or Horse within a fortnight after notice; and they that dwell farther off, within three weeks: and that those who intended to contribute within the time limited, but were not for the present provided of money or Horse, should subscribe, that it might be soon known what provision would be for effecting of that great and important Service. And in conclusion, it was declared, that whatsoever was brought in, should be employed to no other purposes but those before mentioned; the maintenance of the Protestant Religion, the King's Person, dignity and authority, the Laws of the Land, the Peace of the Kingdom, and Privileges of Parliament.  
Whilst this Order was drawing up, advertisement by Letters was given to the Parliament, that the Crown-Jewels were pawned at Amsteldam, and other places of the Netherlands; upon which money was taken up, and Warlike Ammunition provided in those Parts, as Battering-pieces, Culverins, Field-pieces, Morter-pieces, Granades, with great store of powder, pistols, carabines, great saddles, and such like. Whereby the Parliament thought they could not otherwise judge, then that the King did plainly intend a War against them, and had designed it long before.  
They received intelligence at the same time, that the King had sent a Commission of Array into Leicestershire, directed to the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Devonshire, and Mr HENRY HASTINGS, second son to the Earl of Huntingdon (for the Lord HASTINGS eldest son to that Earl, did then adhere to the Parliament) which three were chief in the Commission; but many other Knights and Gentlemen of that County were named in it. Together with this Commission of Array, the King sent a Letter also, containing the reasons of it, wherein he complaineth that the Parliament, by their Ordinance for the Militia, would divest him of that power which is properly inherent in his Crown. And for the occasion and reason of that Commission, he urgeth a Declaration of their own, using their very expressions and words in his Letter; that whereas it hath been declared by Votes of both Houses of Parliament, the fifteenth of March last, that the Kingdom hath of late been, and still is in evident and imminent danger, both from enemies abroad, and a Popish disconted party at home; he concludes, that for the safeguard both of his own Person and People, there is an urgent and inevitable necessity of putting his people into a posture of defence, etc. Thus did the Parliaments Prologue to their Ordinance of Militia, serve the King's turn for his Commission of Array, totidem verbis. The copy of which Commission and Letter coming into the hands of the Parliament, it was resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that this Commission of Array for Leicester is against Law, and against the Liberty and Property of the Subject: and resolved again upon the Question, within two days after, That all those that are actors in putting the Commission of Array in execution, shall be esteemed as disturbers of the Kingdom's Peace, and betrayers of the Liberty of the Subject. It was also ordered by both Houses, that this Commission of Array, and the forementioned Votes, should be forthwith printed, and published thorough the Kingdom.  
The King was not wanting to his own design in the mean time, and whatsoever might give countenance to the business he had in hand: but made a short Declaration to the Lords who then attended him at York, and others his Privy Council there, in these words:  
We do declare, that We will require no obedience from you, but what is warranted by the known Laws, as We expect that you shall not yield to any Commands not legally grounded, or imposed by any other. We will defend all you, and all such as shall refuse any such Commands, whether they proceed from Votes and Orders of both Houses, or any other way, from all danger whatsoever. We will defend the true Protestant Religion established by the Laws, the lawful Liberties of the Subjects of England, and just Privileges of all the three Estates of Parliament; and shall require no further obedience from you, then as We accordingly shall perform the same. We will not (as is falsely pretended) engage you in any War against the Parliament, except it be for Our necessary defence against such as do insolently invade, or attempt against Us and Our Adherents.  
Upon this Declaration of the King, those Lords and others of his Council made a Promise to him, and subscribed it with their hands, as followeth.  
We do engage ourselves not to obey any Orders or Commands whatsoever, not warranted by the known Laws of the Land. We engage ourselves to defend Your Majesty's Person, Crown and Dignity, with Your just and legal Prerogative, against all Persons and Power whatsoever. We will defend the true Protestant Religion established by the Law of the land, the lawful Liberties of the Subjects of England, and just Privileges of Your Majesty, and both Houses of Parliament. Lastly, we engage ourselves not to obey any Rule, Order or Ordinance whatsoever, concerning any Militia, that hath not the Royal Assent.  Subscribed by 
L. Keeper, D. of Richmond, Ma. Hertford, E. of Linsey, E. of Cumberland, E. of Huntingdon, E. of Bath, E. of Southampton, E of Dorset, E. of Salisbury, E. of Northampton, E. of Devonshire, E. of Bristol, E. of Westmoreland, E of Berkshire, E. of Monmouth, E. of Rivers, E. of Newcastle, E. of Dover, E. of Carnarvan, E. of Newport, L. MOWBRAY and MATREVERS, L. WILLOUGHBY of Eresby, L. RICH, L. CHARLES HOWARD of Charleton, L. NEWARK, L. PAGET, L. CHANDOYS, L. FALCONBRIDGE, L. PAULET, L. LOVELACE, L. COVENTRY, L. SAVILE, L. MOHUN, L. DUNSMORE, L. SEYMOUR, L. GREY of Ruthen, L. FAWLKLAND, the Controller, Secretary NICHOLAS, Sir JOHN CULPEPER, Lord Chief Justice BANKS.  
The King immediately wrote a Letter to the Lord Mayor of London, the Aldermen and Sheriffs, forbidding by express Command any Contribution of Money or Plate, toward the raising of any Arms whatsoever for the Parliament; and that they should lend no Money, unless toward the relief of Ireland, or payment of the Scots. He published then a Declaration to all his Subjects, inveighing bitterly against the Parliament, for laying a false and scandalous imputation upon him of raising War against the Parliament, or levying Forces to that end: in which he invites all his loving Subjects, to prevent his own danger, and the danger of the Kingdom from a malignant party (taking up the Parliaments language) to contribute Money or Plate to him, and they shall be repaid, with consideration of eight in the hundred. And immediately upon it made a Profession before those forementioned Lords and Counsellors about him (calling God to witness in it) disavowing any preparations or intentions to levy War against the Parliament: upon which, those forementioned Lords, and others, then present at York, made this Declaration and Profession, subscribed under their hands.  
We whose names are under-written, in obedience to His Majesty's Desire, and out of the Duty which we owe to His Majesty's Honour, and to Truth, being here upon the place, and witnesses of His Majesty's frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions of His abhorring all designs of making War upon the Parliament; and not seeing any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Design, do profess before God, and testify to all the world, that we are fully persuaded that His Majesty hath no such intention; but that all his endeavours tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion, and the just Privileges of Parliament, the liberty of the Subject, the Law, Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom.  
The King strengthened with Arms and Ammunition from Holland, and more strengthened (for as yet he wanted hands to wield those Arms) by this Protestation of Lords in his behalf concerning his intention of not making War against the Parliament, whereby the people might more easily be drawn to side with him, proceeded in his business with great policy and indefatigable industry. His Pen was quick in giving answer to all Petitions or Declarations which came from the Parliament; and with many sharp expostulations, in a well-compiled Discourse, on the 17 of june, answered a Petition of the Parliament; which Petition was to this effect, that he would not disjoin his Subjects in their duty to himself and Parliament, destroying the Essence of that high Court; which was presented to him at York by the Lord HOWARD, Sir HUGH CHOLMELY, and Sir PHILIP STAPLETON: And within three weeks, both in his own Person, and by his Messengers, with Speeches, Proclamations, and Declarations, advanced his business in a wonderful manner. At Newark he made a Speech to the Gentry of Nottinghamshire in a loving and winning way, commending their affections toward him; which was a great part of persuasion for the future, coming from a King himself. Another Speech he made at Lincoln, to the Gentry of that County, full of Protestations concerning his good intentions, not only to them, but to the whole Kingdom, the Laws and Liberties of it. In that short time also, by the help of many subtle Lawyers, whom he had about him, he returned a very long and particular Answer, with arguing the case in all points, to a Declaration which the Parliament had before made against the Commission of Array, expounding that Statute 5 HEN. 4, whereupon that Commission was supposed to be warranted. The proofs and arguments on both sides, are to be read at large in the Records, or in the printed Book of Ordinances and Declarations, where a Reader may satisfy his own judgement. Within that time also the King sent out a Proclamation against levying Forces without his Command, urging Laws and Statutes for it: And another long Proclamation to inform the people of the legality of his Commissions of Array, and to command obedience to them. Another he sent forth against the forcible seizing or removing any Magazine of Ammunition of any County; and another, forbidding all relieving or succouring of Hull against him. Upon which, the Parliament declared, that those Proclamations, without their assent, were illegal; and forbade all Sheriffs, Majors, etc. to proclaim them, and all Parsons and Curates to or publish them.  
From York the King removed to Beverley; from whence he sent a Message to both Houses, and a Proclamation concerning his going to Hull, to take it in; requiring, before his journey, that it might be delivered up to him. But that Message of his came to the House of Peers, after they had agreed upon a Petition, which was drawn up, to move the King to a good accord with his Parliament, to prevent a Civil War; to be carried to him, and presented at Beverley, by the Earl of Holland, Sir JOHN HOLLAND, and Sir PHILIP STAPLETON. That very Petition seemed to them so full an answer to the King's Message, that both Houses resolved to give no other answer to that Message, but the said Petition. But immediately after, a Declaration was published by both Houses of Parliament, for the preservation and safety of the Kingdom, and the Town of Hull; with assurance of both Houses to satisfy all loss sustained by any service done for the safety of the said Town, by reason of overflowing of water upon the grounds there, to all persons who should be found faithful in their several services.  
The King continued resolute in his intention of gaining Hull: By what means he attempted it, and how those attempts proved to be frustrate, is now the subject of a short Discourse.  
The Town of Hull was not more considerable to the Kingdom as a Maritime and strong place, than it was now made remarkable to the world in many high and famous circumstances of this Civil War: for which cause, I shall the more particularly insist upon it.  
Hull was the place which (being entrusted with so rich a Magazine of Ammunition) did probably allure the King to forsake a Parliament sitting at London, and visit the North. Hull was the place where the King in person did first find his Commands denied, and his attempts resisted in an actual way; which proved the subject of so many Declarations and Disputations of State and Government: and Hull is the place which must now bear the first brunt of his armed indignation.  
The King with an Army of three thousand foot, and one thousand horse, was removed from York to Beverley, a Town distant from Hull six miles; and intending to besiege Hull by Land (expecting also that Sir JOHN PENINGTON with some of his ships should stop the passages, and cut of provisions from relieving the Town by Sea, though that expectation were made frustrate by the Earl of Warwick his seizing on the Navy Royal) proclaimed that none, on pain of death, should convey any provision or relief thither. He disposed many men in cutting of Trenches, to divert the current of fresh water that ran to Hull, and sent two hundred horse into Lincolnshire under the command of the Lord WILLOUGHBY son to the Earl of Lindsey, and Sir THOMAS GLENHAM, to stop all relief of it from Burton upon Humber.  
Sir JOHN HOTHAM perceiving the King's intentions and endeavours, and knowing him to be in person within an hour and halfs march of the Town, having first sent three Messengers, one after another, with humble Petitions to him, who were all laid fast by the King, and not suffered to return; called a Council of War, in which it was debated, Whether or not they should permit the enemies to march near the Town with their Ordnance, holding them play from off the Walls and Outworks, until the Tide came to its height, and then draw up the Sluice, and let them swim for their lives. But a more merciful advice prevailed, which was, (for prevention of so many deaths) to draw up the Sluice presently, having the advantage of a Springtide, and drown all the Country about Hull. But Sir JOHN HOTHAM, before it was done, gave the inhabitants and owners of land thereabout sufficient and timely notice to remove their cattle, and all their goods, and assured them (which was ratified by the Parliament upon the Public Faith) that whatsoever damage they received thereby, should be repaired by the authority of Parliament, out of the estates of those persons who had been most active and assistant to the King in that design.  
Sir JOHN by Letters informed the Parliament in what condition the Town was, desiring only (so it might speedily be done) a supply of Money and Victuals, with five hundred men. Upon which, by command of Parliament, Drums were beat up in London, and other adjacent places, for Soldiers to be sent to Hull by Sea. The Earl of Warwick was desired by the Houses to send two of the King's ships from the Downs to Hull, to do as Sir JOHN HOTHAM should direct for his best assistance. And Sir JOHN MELDRUM a Scotish Gentleman, an expert and brave Commander, was appointed to assist Sir JOHN in that service.  
The King's Army were not confident to carry the Town by plain force, making their approaches with great difficulty and disadvantage, and those for the most part in the nighttime, when undiscovered they burned two Mills about the Town; they therefore had recourse to subtlety; and knowing some within the Walls sit for their purpose, a Plot was therefore laid to fire the town in four places, which whilst the soldiers and inhabitants were busy in quenching, two thousand of the King's Army should assault the walls. The sign to those within the town, when to fire those places, was, when they discerned a fire on Beverley-Minster, this should be assurance to them within the town that they without were ready for the assault. But this treason had no success, being discovered by one of the instruments, and confessed to Sir JOHN HOTHAM. Many particular services were done both by Land and Water, by Barks and Boats upon the River Humber.  
The towns men of Hull were so far provoked by this treacherous design of their enemies, and so much animated against them, that they all entered into Pay; and now the Walls could not contain them; but five hundred of the town, conducted by Sir JOHN MELDRUM, issued out, about the end of july, upon their besiegers; who seeing their approach, prepared courageously to receive and encounter them: but they were but a small part of the King's Forces which were resolute to fight; the other part, which consisted of the Trained Bands of that Country, were not forward to be engaged against their neighbours: the King's Horse, and most resolute assistants, seeing themselves deserted by the Foot, retired as fast as they could to Beverley: but Sir JOHN MELDRUM pursued them, slew two, and took thirty prisoners in the pursuit. And not long after, when the supplies from London arrived at Hull, Sir JOHN MELDRUM, with a greater Force, made so fierce a sally upon his enemies, as caused most of the Leaguer to retire disorderly, one and twenty of them being slain, and fifteen taken prisoners. Sir JOHN MELDRUM following the advantage of his success with a swift motion, arrived suddenly at a Leaguer-town called Aulby, between three and four miles from Hull; where the King's magazine was kept in a Barn, in which was a great quantity of Ammunition, Powder, and Fireballs, and certain Engineers employed there for making of Fireworks: Sir JOHN suddenly set upon it in the night, drove away the Guard, who consisted most of Trained Bands, and other Yorkshire men, bearing no great affection to the War, and therefore ran more speedily away, leaving their Arms behind them: mu of the Ammunition and other Arms they took away with them, fired the Barn, the Powder, and Fireworks, and what else they could not carry with them, and returned safely again into Hull.  
The King calling a Council of War, and considering the ill success of his proceedings, and the preciousness of that time which he consumed there, by their advice resolved to break up his siege before Hull, and march away; the chief men about him laying the fault of this failing upon the unskilfulness of the Country Captains, and cowardice of the Trained Bands. The King probably might have sped better, if Sir JOHN PENINGTON could have brought part of the Navy to his assistance: but that was seized by the Earl of Warwick; of which it will be now time to speak more particularly.  
The Earl of Warwick had in former times been so great a lover of the Sea-service, and so well experienced in those affairs, being besides a man of Courage, of Religious life, and known Fidelity to his Country, that among all the Noblemen at this time, he was esteemed by the Parliament (in this important business of settling their Militia by Land and Sea) the fittest man to take Command of the Navy as Lord Admiral. According to that, an Ordinance of both Houses was drawn up, to confer the Office on him.  
The King had given the employment to Sir JOHN PENINGTON, a man who had long been Vice-Admiral, and a successful Commander; and had written his Letters to the Earl of Warwick, with a strict Command to quit the Place. The Earl of Warwick was in a great strait between two such high Commands, being gone down to take possession of the Navy, and therefore called a Council of War, acquainting them all both with the Ordinance of Parliament, and the King's Letters. But the Earl himself was swayed in conscience to give obedience rather to the Ordinance of Parliament; and the reason of it himself gives in a Letter directed to a Lord of the House. When I considered (saith he) the great care which I have seen in the Parliaments of this Kingdom, for the good and safety both of King and Kingdom, and every man's particular in them; and that they are the great Council, by whose authority the Kings of England have ever spoken to their Subjects; I was resolved to continue in this employment, until I shall be revoked by that Authority that hath entrusted me with it.  
Most of the Captains took up unanimously the same resolution that the Earl did, excepting five, which were the Rear-admiral, Captain FOG, Captain BAILY, Captain S●INGSBY, and Captain WAKE, who alleged that they had the King's Command to obey Sir JOHN PENINGTON, whom he had appointed Admiral in stead of the Earl of Northumberland. These five had gotten together round, to make defence against the Earl: but he came to Archor about them, and having begi●● them, summoned them again; upon which three of them came in, and submitted: two only, Captain S●INGSBY and Captain WAKE stood out. The Earl let 〈◊〉 a Gun over them, and turned up the Glass upon them, sending his Boat, and most of the Boats in the 〈◊〉, to let them know their danger, if they came not within that space. But so peremptory was their answer, that the Masters and Sailors grew impatient; and although they had no Arms, assaulted them, seized upon those Captains, being armed with their Pistols and swords, struck their Yards and Top-masts, and brought them to the Fa●l. Thus by the wonderful courage of these unarmed men, the business was ended without effusion of any blood, when the Earl was ready to give fire upon them.  
Within few days after, another addition of strength was brought to the Earl of Warwick by an accident. A great and strong ship of the King's, called The Lion, putting to Sea from Holland, and bound for Newcastle, being much distressed with soul weather, was driven into the Downs. Captain FOX, who commanded that ship, saluted the Earl of Warwick, who presently acquainted the Captain with the Ordinance of Parliament, whereby his Lordship had commanded of those ships, requiring his submission thereunto. The Captain at first refused to yield obedience to the Ordinance, and thereupon was presently clapped in hold: but all his Officers in the ship submitted themselves, and struck their Sails and Top-yards in token of obedience to the said Ordinance. This ship was very considerable, carrying two and forty great Pieces of brass Ordnance; besides, a little Vessel laden with Gunpowder of a great value, was taken also together with this ship. The Earl was informed by some of her men, that young Prince RUPERT and Prince MAURICE, with divers other Commanders, intended to have come from Holland in this ship, the Lion. But after three days and three night's storm at Sea, those two Princes (in a sick and weak condition) landed again in Holland.  
The King hearing of the surprisal of the Lion, sent a Messenger to the Earl of Warwick, to demand her again, with all the goods therein, and that she should be brought to Scarborough. But the Earl returned an Answer to this effect, that the Parliament had entrusted him with the Care of the Fleet, and that that ship was a part thereof: therefore he humbly besought his Majesty to pardon him; for without their consent he might not part with her; and that he knew of no goods within her belonging to his Majesty.  
But leaving the Earl of Warwick to his Sea-employments, it is time to return to those warlike Levies and Preparations which were made by Land: for now the fatal time was come, when those long and tedious Paper-conflicts of Declarations, Petitions, and Proclamations, were turned into actual and bloody Wars, and the Pens seconded by drawn swords.  
On the twelfth of july 1642, the Parliament voted that an Army should be raised for the safety of the King's Person, and defence of the Parliament; for so they called it, desiring to join together what seemed to be at so great a distance and enmity.  
The Earl of Essex was by a great and unanimous consent of both Houses chosen General of that Army, and of all Forces raised for the Parliament; with whom they protested to live and die in that Cause.  
The Earl of Essex was a Gentleman of a noble and most untainted reputation, of undoubted loyalty to his Country and Prince; having always (what course soever the Court steered) served in an honourable way, the right Interest of the English Nation, and the Protestant Religion; and to that end had formerly engaged himself in the Palatine War, and service of the netherlands United Provinces: insomuch as at this time, when they sought a Lord to undertake the high charge of commanding in chief, there seemed to be no choice at all; but we may say of this Election, as PATERCULUS did of another, Non quaerendus erat quem eligerent, sed eligendus qui eminebat.  
The Parliament at that time were very able to raise Forces, and arm them well, by reason of the great mass of Money and Plate which to that purpose was heaped up in Guildhall, and daily increased by the free Contribution of those that were well-affected to the Parliament Cause: where not only the wealthiest Citizens and Gentlemen who were neer-dwellers, brought in their large bags and goblets; but the poorer sort, like that widow in the Gospel, presented their mites also; insomuch that it was a common Jeer of men disaffected to the Cause, to call it the Thimble and Bodk in-Army.  
The Earl of Essex was very careful and industrious in raising of his Army; in which he desired to have as great a Body of Horse as could conveniently be gotten, by reason that he conceived his chief work was to seek out the King's Forces, and prevent their spoiling of the Country, and disarming several Counties, to furnish themselves. And indeed, his Forces, considering the long Peace of England, and unreadiness of Arms, were not only raised, but well armed in a short time. Many of the Lords who then sat in the House of Peers (besides those Lords who went into divers Counties to settle the Militia, and therefore raised Forces for safety of those several Places) listed themselves in the Lord General's Army, and took Commissions as Colonels; the Lord ROBERTS, the Lord SAINT-JOHN eldest son to the Earl of Bullenbrook, the Lord of Rochfort eldest son to the Earl of Dover: and many Gentlemen of the House of Commons, of greatest tank and quality there, took Commissions for Horse and Foot-service in that Army; of whom these were some: Sir JOHN MERRICK, who was made Serjeant-Major-General of that Army; the Lord GREY of Grooby, son to the Earl of Stamford; Master DENZIL HOLLIS, Master HAMDEN, Sir PHILIP STAPLETON, Sir WILLIAM WALLER, Sir SAMUEL LUKE, Sir HENRY CHOLMLY, Master GRANTHAM, Master WHITLOCK, with divers others. The Earl of Bedford, within two days after that the Earl of Essex was chosen Generalissimo, was voted to be General of the Horse.   

CHAP. VI  
A brief Relation of the condition of divers Counties in England, when the Parliaments Ordinance for the Militia, and the King's Commission of Array were put in execution. With a mention of some Lords and others who were actors on either side. The Lord Mayor of London committed to the Tower, and sentenced by the Parliament. A mention of some Declarations, Messages, and Answers that passed between the King and the two Houses of Parliament.  
DUring the time that this Army was raising for the Parliament, to be conducted by his Excellency in person, the King with small strength as yet, was removing from place to place to gather Forces, and draw people to his side. Of whose proceedings, and by what degrees he increased in power, I shall speak hereafter in a continued Series, to avoid confusion in the Story. But in the mean time, the Parliaments Ordinance of Militia, and the King's Commission of Array, were justling together almost in every County: the greatest of the English Nobility on both sides appearing personally, to seize upon those places which were deputed to them either by the King or by the Parliament. No Ordinances from the One, or Proclamations from the Other, could now give any further stop to this general and spreading Mischief. God was not pleased that one Chimney should contain this Civil fire; but small sparks of it were daily kindling in every part of the Land.  
Let it not therefore seem amiss, if in the first place I make a brief Relation into what posture every particular County, or most of them, had endeavoured to put themselves, during that time, which was since the twelfth of july, when the first apparent denouncing of War began, and the General was elected in Parliament; till the three and twentieth of October, when it broke out into a fierce and cruel Battle. But let not the Reader expect any full or perfect Narration of this, which would take up too great a time, and prove as tedious as unnecessary. The only reason why I have entered into it, is to inform the Reader what Lords and Gentlemen did first appear in action on either side, in those particular Counties, that in the progress of the Story he may be better acquainted with those names, whose Actions proved of so high concernment in the future War. Nor can any perfect Judgement be made of the affections or condition of any one County in this brief Narration of so short a time: for scarce was there any City or Shire, but endured in process of time many Changes, and became altered from their first condition, either by unconstancy of affections, or else enforced to take a new side, as they were threatened by approaching Armies of either party, when the War grew to a greater height.  
In some Counties there was no struggling at all, one side wholly prevailing, and the People's affections bending the same way: as it appeared in Lincolnshire at the first, (which was the first account given to the Parliament of their Militia, and where some circumstances are of that note, as to make it justly deserve a more particular recital than other places) when the Lord WILLOUGHBY of Parham went down thither, being chosen by the Parliament Lord Lieutenant of that County. This young Lord being come to Lincoln, expresseth to the Parliament what cheerful and hearty obedience he found from the Captains and Officers of the Trained Bands, and in how good a posture they were, beyond all expectation; considering the unhappiness of the Plague being then in the Town, which hindered the appearance of some: but that was fully supplied by a Company of Volunteers, equal in number and goodness of Arms to the Trained Bands. Yet that Change which I spoke of before, did afterwards sadly appear in this County, which was afterwards as much divided in itself as any part of England, and by that means a most unhappy seat of War, often gained and regained by either side. Lincolnshire was then very forward for the Lord WILLOUGHBY (however afterward he found some resistance from the Earl of Lindsey, who sided with the King) as he wrote up to the Parliament, and sent also to them the King's Letter, and his own Answer: Which are both fit to be inserted into the Story, being the first of that kind, and much unfolding the nature of the business.  

The King's Letter to the Lord WILLOUHBY of Parham.  
CHARLES' REX. Right Trusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well.  
Whereas We understand that you have begun to assemble, train and muster the Trained Bands of Our County of Lincoln, under pretence of an Ordinance of Parliament whereto We have not given Our consent, which is not only contrary to the Law, but to Our Command and Pleasure, signified by Our Proclamation sent to Our high Sheriff of that Our County. Wherefore, that you may not hereafter plead ignorance of such Our Prohibition, We do by these Our Letters command and charge you, upon your Allegiance, to desist and forbear to raise, train, exercise, or assemble together any part of the Trained Bands of Our County, either by yourself, or by any others employed under you, or by warrant from you. And because you may, for what you have already done concerning the Militia of that Our County, plead, that you had not so particular a Command, We shall pass by what you have already done therein, so as presently, upon your receipt hereof, you shall desist and give over meddling any further with any thing concerning the Militia of that Our County. But if you shall not presently desist, and forbear meddling therewith, We are resolved to call you to a strict account for your disobedience therein, after so many particular and legal Commands given you, upon your Allegiance, to the contrary; and shall esteem and proceed against you, as a disturber of the Peace of the Kingdom.  
Given at Our Court at York the fourth of june, 1642.   

To Our Right Trusty and Well-beloved, the Lord WILLOUGHBY of Parham.  
The Lord WILLOUGHBY of Parham his Letter, in Answer to His Majesty.  
SIR,  
As there can be nothing of greater unhappiness to me, then to receive a Command from Your Majesty whereunto my endeavours cannot give so ready an obedience as my affections; so I must confess the difficulty at this time not a little, how to express that Duty which I owe to Your Majesty's late Commands, and not falsify that Trust reposed in me by Your high Court of Parliament; through whose particular directions I am now come into this County to settle the Militia, according to the Ordinance of Parliament, which by the Votes of my Lord LITTLETON, and others in the House of Peers, better versed in the Laws then myself, passed as a legal thing; and hath since been confirmed (if I mistake not) by his example, and Your Majesty's Chief justice Sir JOHN BANKS, both in accepting their Ordinance, and nominating their Deputy-Lieutenants: how much further they proceeded, I know not.  
But, Sir, if the opinions of those great Lawyers drew me into an act unsuitable to Your Majesty's liking, I hope the want of years will excuse my want of judgement. And since by the Command of the Parliament, I am now so far engaged in their Service, as the sending out Warrants to summon the County to meet me this day at Lincoln, and afterwards in other places; I do most humbly beseech Your Majesty not to impose that Command on me, which must needs render me false to those that rely on me, and so make me more unhappy than any other misery that can fall upon me.  
These things, Sir, I once more humbly beseech Your Majesty may be taken into Your Gracious consideration; and that You would never be pleased to harbour any misconceit of me, or of this Action; since nothing hath yet passed by my Commands here, or ever shall, but what shall tend to the honour and safety of Your Majesty's Person, to the preservation of the Peace of Your Kingdoms, and to the content (I hope) of all Your Majesty's Subjects in these parts, amongst whom I remain  
Your Majesty's most humble and most dutiful Subject and Servant, FRA. WILLOUGHBY.  
Upon the receipt of these Letters, the Lords sent a Message to the House of Commons, in which they expressed how much they did value and approve the endeavours of this Lord, in a service so much importing the safety of this Kingdom, not doubting of their readiness to concur with them, upon all occasions to manifest the sense they have, and shall retain of his deservings; which appear the greater, by how much the difficulties (appearing by the circumstances of those Letters) have been greater. The Lords therefore, as they resolved to make his Interest their own, in this Service for the public good and safety of the Kingdom; so they desired the Commons to join with them in so just and necessary a work. To this the House of Commons consented, and resolved to join with the Lords in this Vote, making the like resolution also for the Deputy-Lieutenants for the County of Lincoln, and desired the Lords concurrence therein. Upon which it was ordered by the Lords in Parliament, that they agree with the House of Commons for the resolution concerning the Deputy-Lieutenants of the County of Lincoln.  
In Essex also, which proved a most unanimous County, and by that means continued in peace and happiness, the Earl of Warwick (whose care and action was not confined only to the Sea) chosen Lord Lieutenant by the Parliament, when he went down to muster and exercise the Country, was received with great applause. The Trained Bands were not only complete, but increased by Volunteers to unusual numbers; and so affectionate to that Cause they were in general, that they presented a Petition to the Earl of Warwick and the Deputy-Lieutenants, in the name of all the Captains and Lieutenants of the several Companies, and in the name of all persons belonging to the Trained Bands. To which Petition, when it was read in the field, they expressed a full consent by their general acclamations and applause in every Company. The Earl of Warwick therefore sent the Petition to the Parliament, to let them see the extraordinary alacrity and affection of that County of Essex to them: which was in these words which follow.   

To the Right Honourable ROBERT Earl of Warwick, Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Essex; and to the worthy Gentlemen the Deputy-Lieutenants of the same County, confided in by the most Honourable the high Court of Parliament.  
We the Captains and Lieutenants, with the full consent of the Trained Bands and Volunteers of the County now assembled, having, before the access of this present Parliament, seen our Religion, our Laws and Liberties brought to the brink of ruin and subversion, by the results of most desperate and wicked Counsels, could not but with ex●●ding joy behold the assembling and continuance of so great and faithful a Council (the Representative Body of this Kingdom) and with most certain confidence commit thereto all that was dear unto us.  
And having also seen the late hellish designs and actings of a malignant party in this Kingdom, and the bloody Rebellion in Ireland, all working to retard the progress, or subvert the being of this worthy Parliament, and therein to bereave us of all our hopes of Reformation, or future peace and happiness to this Church or State; we cannot but ascribe all glory & praise unto the Lord of lords, & express most hearty thankfulness to his blessed Instruments, that great Assembly, for their undaunted resolutions, unparallelled endeavours, and happy proceedings for the common good. And herein (as not the least means of our safety) for the most necessary and seasonable Ordinance of theirs touching the Militia, whereby we are put under the Command and Guidance of so noble a Lord, and such worthy Gentlemen, whereunto we humbly desire this present day and meeting may be an evidence and pledge of our free and willing obedience.  
Having entrusted our Religion, our Laws, and all, into the hands of that great and most faithful Council the Parliament, whose care and fidelity we have so abundantly found, we even bleed to see the heart and actions of our Royal King (contrary to his own Royal expressions) declining from the Counsels of his Parliament, & carried after other Counsels, whom, as the Laws and Constitutions of this Land have not known nor reposed upon; so we (for our own parts) neither will nor dare intrust with our Religion or Laws: and whom, we verily believe, could they prevail against that highest Court, (under God our chiefest Bulwark and Defence) would soon deprive us both of Religion and Law, and (notwithstanding all their specious pretences) reduce us to a condition no less miserable than slavish.  
From the deep apprehensions of all which, we do freely and heartily promise and tender our persons and estates to assist and defend (to the uttermost) the high Court of Parliament now assembled, the Members, Power and Privileges thereof; and therein, his Majesty's Person and Authority, and the Kingdom's Peace, (according to our late Protestation) against all contrary Counsels, Power, or force of Arms whatsoever, which shall be reared up or attempted against them.  
And this our humble Acknowledgement and Resolution, (which, we doubt not, will be accorded unto by all good Subjects) we humbly desire your Honour and Worships to tender, on our behalf, to that most honourable Assembly of Parliament: for whose happy progress and success we shall daily pray.  Subscribed, 
J. KITELEY, HENRY far, JOHN BALLET, JOHN FLEMING, WILLIAM MARSHAM, ROBERT BARRINGTON, Captains. THO. HARPER, JOHN WOODCOCK, RICH. LAURENCE, GEORGE COLWEL, THO. CLARK, WIMLIAM BURLS, Lieutenants.  
The Parliament were very forward to express their approbation of this most affectionate Declaration of the Essex men, and returned them an Answer; part of which was in this manner.  
This just and faithful resolution of theirs to the public good, the Lords and Commons do not only approve, but commend; assuring them, that as their endeavours have been for the Peace and Happiness of the King and Kingdom; so they will persist in discharge of the great and public Trust which lies upon them; to go thorough all difficulties which may oppose the public Peace and Welfare of this Kingdom; and will upon all occasions be ready to express particularly to those persons, that respect which is due to persons from whom they have received so great assurance of affection and fidelity.  
In Kent there was cheerful obedience (without any open opposition) showed to the Ordinance of the Militia; as it appeared by their Petition and Proclamation, and more by their real and constant actions. True it is, that some Gentlemen of that County were not much affected to the Parliaments Cause, who did accordingly frame a displeasing Petition to the Houses, and brought it up to London, accompanied with many Gentlemen of that County: but the Parliament having notice of it, sent Officers, and disarmed those Gentlemen who brought the Petition, before they passed over London-bridge: and the two which presented it to the House of Commons, Sir WILLIAM BUTLER and M. RICHARD LOVELACE, were both committed. Those in Kent who favoured the King's party and Commission of Array, were not a number considerable enough to bring that County into any combustion; the Gentlemen which adhered to the Parliament used so great a care and industry in settling the Militia, in disarming those few (but great) Papists among them, in raising Arms, and taxing themselves at high rates for the ser●vice of the Parliament, that they not only preserved their own County in quiet, but gave great assistance to the Parliament-Armies in other places, as will appear in the sequel of this Story.  
The Eastern end of Sussex (it being a long and narrow County lying for many miles upon the Sea) stood firm to the Parliament, and were very industrious in settling of the Militia, by which means they were so happy, as to preserve themselves in peace and quietness. But the Western part of that County, by means of many revolted Members of the Parliament, inhabitants there, together with their Allies and friends, was at the first in some distraction, though it continued not very long.  
Surrey and Middlesex, by fortune of their situation, could not but side with, and by consequence be protected by the Parliament.  
The Eastern Counties, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cambridgeshire, once the Kingdom of the East-Angles, were happily kept from the beginning without any great combustion; though it were certain that many of the chief Gentry in those Counties, bended in their affections to the King's Commission of Array: but they were not a part strong enough to engage their Countries in a War: For the Free holder's and Yeomen in general adhered to the Parliament; and those Gentlemen who attempted to raise men, or draw Forces together, or provide Arms for the King, were soon kerbed, and all their endeavours crushed at the beginning, by those of the other side; especially by the great wisdom and indefatigable industry of Master OLIVER CRUMWEL, a Member of the House of Commons, who had taken a Commission for Colonel of Horse from the Parliament: of whose particular actions, there will be high occasion to discourse hereafter.  
The County of Southampton began at the first to be divided, and continued so, being long and variously perplexed with the changing fortunes of either side. Colonel GORING, eldest son to the Lord GORING, who had been, the year before, a means to detect that Conspiracy of bringing the Northern Army against the Parliament, (of which already hath been spoken) and by that, grown into some Trust with the Parliament, of which he was a Member, was sent down to Portsmouth, to keep that place for them, and three thousand pounds allowed him for the charges of Fortification. He receiving that money from the Parliament, broke his Trust, and kept the Place for the King against them; with what success, shall hereafter be declared. But immediately after his revolt, the Earl of Portland, Governor of the Isle of Wight, a man suspected by the Parliament, was committed to custody in London, for security of his person, lest he should comply with Colonel GORING, and command that Island for the King's party. The Government of Wight was then committed to the Earl of P●mbrook, a man of whose fidelity the Parliament doubted not.  
Though the Southern and Eastern parts of England enjoyed some show of rest, the Counties more remote from London, toward the North and West, could not at all partake of that happiness.  
In Lancashire the Lord STRANGE, son to the Earl of Derby, who was made Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire and Cheshire by the King, seeking to put the Commission of Array in execution, found great resistance from the Parliamentary Gentlemen, Sir THOMAS STANLEY, Master HOLLAND, Master HOLCRAFT, Master EGERTON, Master BOOTH, as also Master ASHTON, and Master MOOR, both Members of the House of Commons; by whom, within the space of few months, he was quite driven out of the County, and that Shire wholly ruled by the Parliament, though it abounded more with Papists then any other.  
The Lord STRANGE upon the fifteenth day of july had made an attempt to gain Manchester, and by those Gentlemen was repulsed; where one man was slain; which was the first blood shed in these Civil Wars. But this Lord was not at all fortunate in service against the Parliament; who not long after, returned again with a great Force, consisting of three thousand men, to the Town of Manchester; where, after he had sharply besieged it for the space of two whole weeks, he was at last quite beaten, with the loss of many of his men.  
In Cheshire also, the other County of which he was made Lieutenant by the King, his fortune was no better; where he was resisted by Sir WILLIAM BRERETON and other Gentlemen, and hindered from seizing the Magazine of that County, as he intended. Nor could the Earl of Rivers, whom the King had put into the Commission of Array (being a Papist) assist him sufficiently to make good that County for the King, but that the Papists were all disarmed there by those Protestant Gentlemen that adhered to the Parliament.  
Further North, the Countries were more full of variance. The Earl of Newcastle, with a strong Garrison, kept for the King the Town of Newcastle. And the Earl of Cumberland, made Lord-Lieutenant of Yorkshire by the King, was active in putting the Commission of Array in execution: but resisted they were by the Lord FAIRFAX, and others of the Parliamentary Gentlemen. But this business of the North shall now be passed over, deserving a larger Story hereafter, when time shall require, to speak of the Earl of Newcastles greatness, and the various fortunes of the Lord FAIRFAX, and his son Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX.  
In Derbyshire, where many great Lords and Gentlemen inhabited, none at all of note stood for the Parliament, but Sir JOHN GELL and his brother: of whose actions it will be seasonable to speak in another place.  
Staffordshire and Nottinghamshire were in no less combustion.  
In Leicestershire the troubles were far greater, and early begun by Master HENRY HASTINGS, second son to the Earl of Huntingdon, whom the King had made Sheriff of that County, and put into the Commission of Array; who raised great Forces to seize upon the Magazine of that County. Against whom the Earl of Stamford was sent by the Parliament, as Lord Lieutenant, with a considerable strength: who arriving there, did much curb the proceedings of Master HASTINGS, and took possession of the Town of Leicester.  
Great was the Contention about that time in Warwickshire, between the Earl of Northampton for the King, and the Lord BROOK for the Parliament, not without sharp encounters, and slaughter on either side. The Earl having seized the Ordnance at Banbury, marched with great fury into Warwickshire, spoiling the Country as he went, though not without opposition of the people, and the Lord BROOK'S Forces; against whom he could not at all prevail.  
The Earl of Pembroke had settled the Militia in Wil●shire with small ado, though it continued not long so. And the Earl of Holland in Berk-shire, being but saintly resisted by the Earl of Berk-shire, the Lord LOVELACE, and others. For soon after, the Earl of Berk-shire, together with Sir JOHN CURSON, Sir ROBERT DORMER, and others for the Commission of Array, who came to Watlington in Oxfordshire, to seize the Magazine of that part of the County, which was laid up in that Town, were there taken prisoners, and sent up to the Parliament by Colonel HAMDEN and Colonel GOODWIN, two Members of the House of Commons, and Knights of the Shire for Buckingham.  
But the further that this Discourse travels Westward, the greater and more remarkable you shall find such contestations; especially considering the number of Lords and Gentlemen of great rank, and many of them Members of Parliament, who sided with the King against the Parliament, and were therefore afterward voted out of the House. One great Head there was of all those Western Counties, WILLIAM marquis of Hartford, whom the King, by his Commission of Array, had appointed Chief, and made him Lord Lieutenant-General of Devon, Cornwall, Somerset, Dorset, Wilts, Southampton, Gloucester, Berks, Oxford, Hereford, and seven Counties within the Principality of Wales: who, notwithstanding his high Command, was never able to achieve any great matter for the King's side; so much were the common people of the West at that time inclined to the Parliament, and so active were those Gentlemen who stood for it; such as were the sons of Sir FRANCIS POPHAM, Master ALEXANDER POPHAM, HUGH, and EDWARD, who were more animated by the example of their aged father; Master STRODE a Deputy-Lieutenant, and others, against all those frequent attempts which the marquis made.  
Great was the number of considerable men in those Countries, which took part with the marquis against the Parliament, and very industrious in their several Stations, to put in execution the Commission of Array; as the Lord PAWLET, Sir RALPH HOPTON, and Sir JOHN STOWEL, both Members of the House of Commons, and for that reason put out of the House. Sir RICHARD SLANY in Cornwall, another Member, put out also for the same cause; as likewise were Sir EDWARD RODNEY and Master COVENTRY, both Parliament-men, who followed the marquis in some of his actions. Sir BEVILE GREENVILE an active man, another Member of Parliament, was very industrious for the Array, both in Cornwall and Devon, joining himself with the Earl of Bath, who came for that purpose to his house at Tastock in Devonshire, and assisted by many Gentlemen, as Master CULINS, Sheriff of that County, M. BAMFIELD, M. ASHFORD, M. GIFFORD, M. SAINTHIL, Baronet SEYMOUR, and M. COURTNEY; to whose assistance Squire ROGERS came with Forces out of Dorsetshire.  
Various were the Successes which marquis Hartford, assisted by so many of the Gentry, found in his several Enterprises; sometimes prevailing, but more often distressed. In one Skirmish, which about the beginning of August, himself, the Lord PAWLET, Sir RALPH HOPTON, Sir JOHN STOWEL, and M. SMITH, another Member of the House of Commons, made against the Deputy-Lieutenants in Somersetshire, he prevailed against them, and possessed himself of the Town of Shepton-Mallet: Ten men were slain, and many wounded. Going afterwards to Wells, he had been besieged by many thousands of the People, who arose against him; but that having timely notice of their coming, he escaped a backway out of the Town. About which time, the Earl of Bedford was sent down by the Parliament against him with three hundred Horse: by whom the Lord marquis, the Lord PAWLET, Sir RALPH HOPTON, Colonel LUNSFORD, and many other considerable men, were besieged in Sherburn. For great numbers out of the Country came daily to the assistance of the Earl of Bedford. Many weeks did that Siege continue; many Sallies were made out, and sharp encounters on both sides performed with great courage: the Parliament side being in firm hope to have taken them at last; which was conceived a thing of great moment, and advantage to their affairs, if they could have possessed the persons of so many men, considerable both in their Fortunes and Valour; and who proved afterwards very strong and cruel enemies. Yet that hope was frustrate: for about the beginning of October, they all escaped out of Sherburn: the Earl nevertheless pursued after them, and in the Chase took M. PALLART, Sir HENRY, Sir JOHN, and Sir CHARLES' BARCLAY prisoners. Within a week after, the Earl of Bath was apprehended, and brought up a prisoner to the Parliament.  
It cannot be much wondered at, that Division was found in Countrey-Towns and Villages so far remote from the Parliament, where the people were variously wrought upon by persuasions or fears from either side: when London itself, the Seat of that great Council, and chiefest Bulwark of their defence, was not without some taste of these Distractions. Which, besides the actions of some private Citizens, too petty to be here rehearsed, may appear to the Reader in one thing, which cannot be omitted: The Lord Major of London was at this time a prisoner in the Tower, committed by the Parliament.  
Sir RICHARD GURNEY, Lord Mayor of London for that year, was charged by the House of Commons on the seventh of july, for being a mover of Sedition in the Kingdom, in causing the King's Proclamation concerning the Commission of Array (which was declared by both Houses to be illegal) to be proclaimed in the City. And the Charge being perfected, was sent up to the Lords, desiring that he might forthwith be called to his Answer; which was accordingly granted.  
Four days after, while the Lord Maior was attending the Lords House upon this Charge, and additional Impeachment was read against him in the House of Commons, brought in by the Common-Councel of London, for divers breaches of his Oath in execution of his Office, for proclaiming divers illegal Proclamations, and contemning the Orders of Parliament.  
This Impeachment was forthwith sent up, and read in the Lord's House. Upon the reading of which, it was ordered that he should be sent to the Tower, from thence to be brought to a legal Trial upon his Impeachment.  
Many days, during the space of a whole month, was this Lord Maior brought from the Tower to Westminster, to attend the Lords of Parliament, and many times returned back without being heard, by reason of so great a multiplicity of Businesses as the Houses were then in.  
At last, after some hear, he was brought, on the twelfth of August, to the House of Lords, to receive his Censure: The effect whereof was, that he should be put from his Majorality, never bear Office in the City or Commonwealth, be uncapable of all Honour or Dignity to be conferred on him by the King, and stand committed prisoner to the Tower, during the pleasure of both Houses.  
During the time of these contentions between the Ordinance of the Militia and Commission of Array, which is briefly touched by itself; it will not be amiss to return to the King's proceedings in his own Person, by what degrees he came to increase in strength, and what contestations happened betwixt Himself and the Parliament: wherein, that which concerned the Pen, shall be first briefly touched, and then his other actions. But those Declarations, Petitions, and Proclamations, which upon all occasions were then published, are too many and too long to be recited in a Story: in the Records, and printed Books of Ordinances, they may be read. I shall only mention some of the chief, and excerp the most material contents of them.  
The Parliament, about the end of july, had petitioned the King to forbear all preparations of War, and remove his Garrisons. To which he gave Answer, and upbraided them with their preparations of War, for appointing the Earl of Essex to be their General, and the Earl of Warwick Admiral. In that Answer, he descants at large upon particulars, commanding his said Answer and their Petition to be read in all Churches. To which the Parliament reply, as they had done before, that they cannot lay down Arms, nor rejourn the Parliament to any other place, as he would have them, unless he leave off those Warlike preparations, and comply with that Council, to which only he ought to adhere, by the Constitution of this Government. They likewise command the Petition, Answer, and Reply to be read in all Churches.  
But things proceeding still higher, the King, being returned to the City of York, from thence sent forth a Proclamation, to suppress (as he there styleth it) the present Rebellion under command of ROBERT Earl of Essex; offering withal free pardon to him, and all such as shall within six days after the date thereof, being the ninth of August, lay down their Arms. In which Proclamation also he commanded the marquis Hartford to raise speedily what Forces he could, within all those Counties whereof he had made him Lieutenant-General in the Commission of Array (of which before was spoken) and to march against, destroy, or apprehend the said Earl of Essex.  
The Parliament, upon this Proclamation, make a Declaration, wherein they briefly recount all the King's former proceedings against them and the Kingdom: All which they attribute (after their usual manner) to his wicked Council; and promise still to make him great and happy, if he will return to his great Council.  
But the next day after his former Proclamation, the King, continuing still at York, sent forth another, declaring that no Papist should serve him in his Army, and that his Soldiers should commit no rapine upon the people. And within two days after that, he published a Discourse, called A Declaration to all his loving Subjects concerning the proceedings of this present Parliament. This Declaration was of a great length, containing fifty pages in a large Quarto. In which was comprised a kind of History touching all former passages betwixt himself and them, from the beginning of these divisions: which is to be read in the printed Book of Parliament-Ordinances. Toward the end of that Declaration, he protesteth a wonderful love to Parliaments, and to the peace and happiness of the Kingdom: but he requires that some persons (as disturbers of the public peace) may be delivered into the hands of Justice, to be tried by their Peers, naming the Lord of Kymbolton, and those five Members of the House of Commons whom before he came to surprise in that House, Master HOLLIS, Sir ARTHUR HASLERIG, M. PYM, M. HAMBDEN, and M. STRODE; as likewise M. HENRY MARTIN and Sir HENRY LUDLOW, two Members also of the House of Commons, for speaking some bold Speeches in that House. He also desires to have delivered up to him Alderman PENINGTON, who succeeded in the Majorality to the forenamed Sir KICHARD GURNEY, and Captain VENN, one of the City-Captains: those two last he accuses of bringing tumults from the City, to terrify the Parliament at Westminster. Another desire of the King's is, that Inditements of high Treason upon the Statute of the 23 year of King EDWARD the third, may be drawn against the Earls of Essex, Warwick, and Stamford, the Lord BROOK, Sir JOHN HOTHAM, and Serjeant-Major-General SKIPPON, an expert and religious Soldier, a man of high action in the succeeding War, whom the City had employed in exercising of their Militia; as likewise against all those who shall hereafter exercise the Militia by virtue of the Ordinance of Parliament.  
The Pen was very quick upon all occasions: and the King, the next day after the publication of this long forementioned Declaration, sent a Message to the Parliament, upbraiding both Houses with an Order which they had then made, for the borrowing of an hundred thousand pounds out of that money which the Adventurers had raised for reducing of Ireland, and subduing the Rebels there; affirming, that out of his Princely care and piety toward distressed Ireland, he cannot but take notice of it; commanding them immediately to retract that mischievous and unjust Order (for so he calls it) as they would answer the contrary to Almighty God, himself, and those that have trusted them: Wherein he expecteth their speedy Answer and Obedience; and the rather, that he may thereby be secured, that such part of the four hundred thousand pounds as is or shall be collected from his good Subjects of England by virtue of the late Act of Parliament whereby the same is granted, may not likewise (under false pretences) be diverted from the proper use to which it was intended, and misemployed to the disturbance of the Kingdom's peace, in a War against him.  
The Lords and Commons in Parliament make Answer to this Message, expressing what caution there was in the very Order (which upon that very occasion was printed) for speedy repayment of that Sum, and disposing of it to the right use. But first they tell the King, that this very Message of his to them, is an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament: and upon that occasion, they call to remembrance and declare many particulars of their care for the relief of Ireland, and the King's hindering of it. Those particulars there expressed, are as followeth. They declare, that this bloody Rebellion was first raised by the same Counsels that had before brought two Armies within the bowels of this Kingdom, and two Protestant Nations ready to welter in each others blood, which were both defrayed a long time at the charge of the poor Commons of England, and quietly at last disbanded; by God's blessing upon the Parliaments endeavours. That this design failing, the same wicked Counsels who had caused that impious War, raised this barbarous Rebellion in Ireland; and recommended the suppressing thereof (for the better colour) to the Parliaments care: who out of a fellow-feeling of the unspeakable miseries of their Protestant Brethren there (not suspecting this horrid Plot, now too apparent) did cheerfully undertake that great work, and do really intend and endeavour to settle the Protestant Religion and a permanent Peace in that Realm, to the glory of God, the honour and profit of his Majesty, and security of his three Kingdoms. But how they have been discouraged, retarded, diverted in and from this pious and glorious Work, by those traitorous Counsels about his Majesty, will appear by many particulars.  
They there mention the sending over at first of twenty thousand pounds by the Parliament, and that good way found out to reduce Ireland by the Adventure of private men, without charging the Subject in general, which would probably have brought in a Million of money, had the King continued in or near London, and not, by leaving his Parliament, and making War upon it, so intimidated and discouraged the Adventurers, and others who would have adventured, that that good Bill is rendered in a manner ineffectual.  
They mention, that when at the sole charge of the Adventurers, five thousand Foot and five hundred Horse were designed for the relief of Munster, under the command of the Lord WHARTON, and nothing was wanting but a Commission to enable that Lord for the Service, such was the power of wicked Counsel, that no Commission could be obtained from the King; by reason whereof, Lymrick was wholly lost, and the Province of Munster since in very great distress.  
That when well-affected persons, at their own charge, by way of Adventure, had prepared twelve Ships, and six Pinnaces, with a thousand Land-forces, for the service of Ireland, desiring nothing but a Commission from his Majesty; that Commission, after twice sending to York for it, and the Ships lying ready to set Sail, three weeks together, at the charge of near three hundred pounds a day, was likewise denied. And those Adventurers (rather than lose their Expedition) were constrained to go by virtue of an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament.  
That, though the Lords Justices of Ireland earnestly desired to have two Pieces of Battery sent over, as necessary for that Service; yet such commands were given to the Officers of the Tower, that none of the King's Ordnance must be sent, to save his Kingdom.  
That CHARLES FLOYD, Engineer and Quartermaster-General of the Army in Ireland, and in actual employment there against the Rebels, was called away from that important Service, by express command of the King.  
That Captain GREEN, Controller of the Artillery, a man in Pay, and principally employed and trusted here by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland for providing and ordering the Train of Artillery which was to be sent to Dublin, and who had received great sums of money for that purpose, was commanded from that employment and trust, to serve the King in this unnatural War against his Parliament. And when the Parliament had provided six hundred suits of Clothes for present relief of the poor Soldiers in Ireland, and sent them towards Chester, WILLIAM WHITAKER that undertook the carriage of them, was assaulted by the King's soldiers lying about Coventry; who took away the six hundred suits of Clothes, and the poor man, his Wagon and Horses, though they were told that the Clothes were for the soldiers in Ireland, and though the poor Carrier was five times with the Earl of Northampton, to beg a release of his Wagon.  
That three hundred suits of Clothes sent likewise by the Parliament for Ireland, with a Chirurgion's Chest of Medicaments, towards Chester, were taken all away by the King's Troopers under command of one Captain MIDDLETON, together with the poor Carrier's Horses and Wagon, for the King's service. As likewise, that a great number of Draught-horses prepared by the Parliament for the Artillery and Baggage of the Irish Army, and sent to Chester for that purpose, being there, attending a passage, are now required by the King for his present service in England; whose forces are so quartered about the Roads to Ireland, that no Provision can pass thither by Land with any safety.  
That Captain KETTLEBY and Sir HENRY straddling, the Admiral and Vice-Admiral of the Ships appointed to lie upon the coast of Ireland, to annoy the Rebels, and to prevent the bringing of Ammunition and relief from foreign parts, are both called away from that employment by the King's command: and by reason of their departure from the coast of Munster, to which they were designed, the Rebels there have received Powder, Ammunition, and other relief from foreign parts.  
By which particulars (say they) it may seem that those Rebels are countenanced there, upon design to assist the enemies of the Parliament here: especially considering that those confident Rebels have presumed, very lately, to send a Petition to the King, intituling themselves his Majesty's Catholic Subjects of Ireland, and complaining of the Puritan Parliament of England; and desiring, that since his Majesty comes not thither, according to their expectation, they may come into England to his Majesty.  
The Parliament therefore, finding what danger both Kingdoms are in, by the designs of cruel enemies, thought fit to provide for the safety of both, by preparing a competent Army for the defence of King and Kingdom. But in regard that the Plate brought in by so many well-affected men, could not be co●●ed to suddenly as the service required; and well knowing that one hundred thousand pounds might for a short time be borrowed out of the Adventurers money for Ireland, without any prejudice to the affairs of that Kingdom, whose Subsistence depends upon the Welfare of this, and resolving to make a speedy repayment of that money, made this Order: which that it may appear (say they) to all the world to be neither mischievous, illegal, nor unjust (as the King calls it) the House of Commons thought fit to recite it in haec verba; and instead of retracting the Order, to repay that money with all possible speed.   

The Order. july 30.  
It is this day Ordered by the Commons House of Parliament, That the Treasurers appointed to receive the Moneys come in upon the Subscriptions for Ireland, do forthwith furnish, by way of Loan, unto the Committee of Lords and Commons for the defence of the Kingdom, the sum of one hundred thousand pounds, for the supply of the public necessity, for defence of the King, Parliament, and Kingdom, upon the public Faith, to be repaid duly and carefully within so short a time, that it shall not be diverted from that purpose for which it was intended, or any way frustrate the Acts already made in the behalf of that Adventure.  
During the time of these Paper-conflicts, the King in person had often removed, and visited many places. To the Gentry of Leicestershire he made a Speech on the 20 of july, after his usual manner, with Protestations of his great love to the people, and care of the Kingdom. And from thence removing Northward, on the fourth of August he made a Speech after the same manner to the Gentry of Yorkshire; from whence he returned back to Nottingham, and there set up his Standard Royal. Very few people resorted to it. Nor had the King at this time a considerable strength to guard his Person, if any attempts had been to have seized upon him. From Nottingham, on the 25 of August, the King sent a Message to the Parliament by the Earls of Southampton and Dorset, and Sir JOHN CULPEPER, one of the Members of the House of Commons, who had deserted the Parliament, and went to the King at York; having not long before been made by him Chancellor of the Exchequer.   

The King's Message to both Houses of Parliament from Nottingham, Aug. 25. 1642.  
We have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the Distractions of this Our Kingdom. Our very Soul is full of Anguish, until We may find some Remedy to prevent the Miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a Civil War. And though all Our endeavours tending to the composing of those unhappy Differences betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament (though pursued by Us with all Zeal and Sincerity) have been hitherto without that Success we hoped for; yet such is Our constant and earnest care to preserve the public Peace, that We shall not be discouraged from using any Expedient, which by the blessing of the God of mercy may lay a firm foundation of Peace and Happiness to all Our good Subjects. To this end observing that many Mistakes have arisen by the Messages, Petitions and Answers betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament; which haply may be prevented by some other way of Treaty, wherein the matters in difference may be more clearly understood, and more freely transacted: We have thought fit to propound to you, That some fit persons may be by you enabled to treat with the like number to be authorized by Us, in such a manner, and with such freedom of Debate, as may best tend to that happy Conclusion which all good men desire, The Peace of the Kingdom. Wherein, as We promise in the word of a King, all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent unto Us, if you shall choose the place where We are for the Treaty, which we wholly leave to you, presuming the like care of the safety of those We shall employ, if you shall name another place: So We assure you and all Our good Subjects, that (to the best of Our understanding) nothing shall be therein wanting on our part, which may advance the true Protestant Religion, oppose Popery and Superstition, secure the Law of the Land (upon which is built as well Our just Prerogative, as the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject) confirm all just Power and Privileges of Parliament, and render Us and Our people truly happy, by a true understanding betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament. Bring with you as firm resolutions to do your duty, and let all Our People join with Us in Our prayers to Almighty God for his blessing upon this Work.  
If this Proposition shall be rejected by you, We have done, Our duty so amply, that God will absolve Us from the guilt of any of that blood which must be spilt. And what opinion soever other men may have of Our Power, We assure you, nothing but Our Christian and pious care to prevent the effusion of blood, hath begot this motion; Our provision of Men, Arms and Money being such, as may secure Us from further violence, till it please God to open the eyes of Our People.   

The Answer of the Lords and Commons to the King's Message of the 25 of August, 1642.  
May it please Your Majesty:  
The Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled having received Your Majesty's Message of the 25 of August, do with much grief resent the dangerous and distracted state of this Kingdom, which we have by all means endeavoured to prevent, both by our several Advices and Petitions to Your Majesty, which have been not only without success, but there hath followed that, which no evil Counsel in former times hath produced, or any age hath seen, Those several Proclamations and Declarations against both the Houses of Parliament, whereby their Actions are declared Treasonable, and their Persons Traitors; and thereupon Your Majesty hath set up Your Standard against them, whereby you have put the two Houses of Parliament, and in them this whole Kingdom, out of Your Protection: So that until Your Majesty shall recall those Proclamations and Declarations whereby the Earl of Essex and both Houses of Parliament, their adherents and assistants, and all such as have obeyed and executed their Commands and Directions, according to their duties, are declared Traitors, or otherwise Delinquents; and until the Standard, set up in pursuance of the said Proclamations, be taken down, Your Majesty hath put us into such a condition, that, whilst we so remain, we cannot by the Fundamental Privileges of Parliament, the public Trust reposed in us, or with the general good and safety of this Kingdom, give Your Majesty any other Answer to this Message.  
Within few days after, the King sent Instructions under his Privy Signet to his Commissioners of Array for the several Counties of England and Wales; as to marquis Hartford, whom the King had made Lieutetenant-General of all the Western Counties, as is before expressed; to the Earl of Cumberland, Lord-Lieutenant of Yorkshire; and the Lord STRANGE, Lieutenant for Lancashire and Cheshire: in which Instructions he commands them to pursue the Earl of Essex, whom he again calls Rebel and Traitor.  
Immediately after, the King sent a Reply to that Answer of the Parliament to his last Message of the 25 of August; which being short, that the Reader may the more truly inform himself of the nature of this strange division, I shall wholly insert in the very words.  
We will not repeat what means We have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted estate of the Kingdom, nor how those means have been interpreted, because, being desirous to avoid effusion of blood, We are willing to decline all memory of former Bitterness, that might make Our offer of a Treaty less readily accepted. We never did declare, nor ever intended to declare both Our Houses of Parliament Traitors, or set up Our Standard against them; and much less to put them and this Kingdom out of Our protection: We utterly profess against it before God and the world. And further, to remove all possible Scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired by Us; We hereby promise, so that a day be appointed by you for the revoking of your Declarations against all persons as Traitors or otherwise for assisting Us, We shall with all cheerfulness upon the same day recall our Proclamations and Declarations, and take down Our Standard. In which Treaty, We shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of Our subjects: conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland, and the dangerous condition of England, in as high a degree, as by these Our Offers We have declared Ourselves to do: and assuring you, that Our chief desire in the world, is to beget a good understanding and mutual confidence betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament.   

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty: The humble Answer and Petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament to the King's last Message.  
May it please Your Majesty:  
If we the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled should repeat all the ways we have taken, the endeavours we have used, and the expressions we have made unto Your Majesty, to prevent those distractions and dangers Your Majesty speaks of, we should too much enlarge this Reply therefore as we Humbly, so shall we Only let Your Majesty know, that we cannot recede from our former Answer, for the reasons therein expressed: for that Your Majesty hath not taken down Your Standard, recalled Your Proclamations and Declarations whereby You have declared the Actions of both Houses of Parliament to be Treasonable, and their Persons Traitors: And You have published the same since Your Message the 25 of August, by Your late Instructions to Your Commissioners of Array. Which Standard being taken down, and the Declarations, Proclamations and Instructions recalled; if Your Majesty shall then upon this our humble Petition, leaving your Forces, return unto Your Parliament, and receive their faithful advice, Your Majesty shall find such expressions of our fidelities and duties, as shall assure You that Your Safety, Honour and Greatness can only be found in the affections of Your People, and the sincere Counsels of Your Parliament, whose constant and undiscouraged endeavours and consultations have passed thorough difficulties unheard of, only to secure Your Kingdoms from the violent mischiefs and dangers now ready to fall upon them; who deserve better of Your Majesty, and can never allow themselves (representing likewise Your whole Kingdom) to be balanced with those persons whose desperate dispositions and counsels prevail still so to interrupt all our endeavours for the relieving of bleeding Ireland, as we may fear our labours and vast expenses will be fruitless to that distressed Kingdom. As Your Presence is thus humbly desired by us; so it is in our hopes that Your Majesty will in Your Reason believe, There is no other way then this, to make Your Majesty's Self happy, and Your Kingdoms safe.  
The Parliament, immediately after, published a Declaration, that the Arms which they were enforced to take up for the preservation of the Kingdom, Laws and Liberties, could not be laid down, until the King should withdraw his Protection from such persons as had been voted Delinquents by both Houses, and leave them to the Justice of Parliament.  
The King, within few days after, made another Reply to the last Answer of the Parliament. The substance of it was, that he could neither do nor offer any more than he had already: and that he should think himself clear and innocent from any blood that might be spilt in this Quarrel; praying God so to deal with him and his posterity, as he desired to preserve Religion, Law, and Liberty of the Subjects, and Privilege of Parliament. The Parliament returned Answer, that while the King thinks himself bound in Honour to protect such Delinquents, in whose preservation the Kingdom cannot be safe, nor the Rights of Parliament at all maintained, but must needs fall into utter contempt; they must needs think he hath not done what he can o● ought to do. They tell him it is impossible that any reasonable man should believe him to be so tender of bleeding Ireland, when at the same time divers of the Irish Traitors, the known favourers of them, and agents for them, are admitted into his Presence with grace and favour, and some of them employed in his service.     

THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT OF England.  
The third Book.  

CHAP. I.  
Prince RUPERT and Prince MAURICE arrive in England. The Earl of ESSEX taking leave of the Parliament, goeth to his Command. The King increaseth in strength at Shrewsbury. A Skirmish at Worcester. The great Battle of Keynton is fought.  
ABout the beginning of this September Prince RUPERT, second Son to FREDERICK Prince Elector Palatine of the Rhine, who had long been detained Prisoner of War by the Emperor, and newly released, arrived in England, to offer his Service to the King his Uncle in those Wars, which were now visibly begun in this unhappy Kingdom; together with him came his younger Brother Prince MAURICE, an addition rather of Gallantry than strength to the King's side, being both young and unexperienced Soldiers. Neither indeed, though they were near in birth to the Crown of England, were they near enough to add any security to the King, by purchasing the People's hatred to themselves; though that were imagined, and talked of by many, as the cause why they were sent for. Their elder Brother, CHARLES', Prince Elector, might have served more fitly to play that part: But he, having long remained in the Court of England, had lately left the King, not above two Months before the arrival of his Brothers; The reasons why he went away were partly expressed by himself afterward in a Message, which he sent out of Holland to the Houses of Parliament, wherein he professed sorrow for these distractions, and protested that whilst he was in the Court of England, he had by all means endeavoured to bring the King into a good opinion of his Parliament; acknowledging that his own interest, and that of the Protestant Religion in Germany, did more depend upon the happiness of the English Parliament, then upon any thing else under God. True it is, that this Prince left not the King, until he saw the rent between him and his Parliament too great to close; and having before been exposed by the King to some probability of envy, as when he attended his Majesty to the House of Commons for surprisal of the five Members; and with him afterwards, when some things unpleasing to the people had been done; he might in likelihood, being of that opinion that he was of this cause, think it the wisest way to take a fair leave in time of the King.  
These two young Princes arrived in England, were soon put into employment and Command under the King their Uncle, in which they showed themselves very forward and active, as will appear afterward, and if more hot and furious than the tender beginnings of a Civil War would seem to require, it may be imputed to the fervour of their youth, and great desire which they had to ingratiate themselves to the King; upon whom, as being no more than Soldiers of fortune, their hopes of advancement wholly depended.  
Prince RUPERT, the elder brother, and most furious of the two, within a fortnight after his arrival, commanded a small party of those Forces which the King had at that time gathered together, which were not of so great a body as to be termed an Army, with which he marched into divers Counties, to roll himself like a snow ball, into a larger bulk, by the accession of Forces in every place: Through divers parts of Warwickshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Worcester-shire, and Cheshire, did this young Prince fly with those Troops which he had, not inviting the people so much by fair demeanour (for such was the report to the Houses of Parliament) as compelling them by extreme rigour to follow that side which he had taken. Many Towns and Villages he plundered, which is to say robbed (for at that time first was the word plunder used in England, being borne in Germany, when that stately Country was so miserably wasted and pillaged by foreign Armies) and committed other outrages upon those who stood affected to the Parliament, executing some, and hanging up servants at their Master's doors, for not discovering of their Masters. Upon which news, the Houses of Parliament fell into a serious debate, and agreed that a Charge of High Treason should be drawn up against him, for endeavouring the destruction of this State, which was voted a great breach of the Kingdoms Laws, and breach of the privilege of that great Council, representing the whole state of it.  
Let it not seem amiss in this place to insert a passage, happening at the same time, which cannot be omitted by reason of the eminence of that person whom it concerns, in the succeeding Wars.  
Colonel GORING, who was before spoken of to keep the Town of Portsmouth against the Parliament, being now no longer able to hold it out, was permitted by Captain MERRICK, not without allowance from the Earl of Warwick, to leave the place, and to be conveyed to the Brill in Holland, according to his own desire: This the Parliament were contented with, because the Captain was necessitated to agree to it, for preservation of that Town, and many persons therein well affected to the Parliament; for GORING had threatened to destroy the Town with wildfire, if he might not preserve his own life by a peaceable surrender.  
Whilst Prince RUPERT was thus active with a flying Party, the King himself was moving with those Forces which he had, but in a gentler and calmer way; for the reverence which the people bore to his Person, made him find less resistance; as winds lose their fury when they meet no opposition; but howsoever, the King desired to go in such a way, as to be taken for a Father of his Country, and a Prince injured by the Parliament; professions of love, persuasions, and Protestations of his affection to the people, were the chief instruments which he used to raise himself a strength, and complaints against the proceedings and actions of the Parliament; as when he was marching toward Shrewsbury, where he intended to make his chief Rendezvous, being a place convenient to receive and entertain such Forces as should come to him out of Wales: Which place (as will appear afterward) failed not his expectation, though it were more than the Parliament could suspect. As he was marching thither with a small Army, he made a Speech between Stafford and Wellington, on the 19 of September, and caused his Protestation to be then also read in the head of his Army; wherein among other things, he tells them (for their comfort and hope to prevail) that they should meet no Enemies but Traitors, most of them Brownists, Anabaptists, and Atheists, who would destroy both Church and Commonwealth. And in this Protestation, with deep vows, and imprecations upon himself and his posterity, he declares his whole care and intentions to be for the maintenance of the Protestant Religion, the Laws and property of the Subject, together with the Privilege of Parliament, as he was accustomed to do in his former Speeches.  
But the King not many days before, had taken a more harsh and coercive way; for marching thorough Derbyshire, Leicestershire, and Nottinghamshire, he commanded the Trained Bands of those Counties to attend and guard his Person; and when they were met, disarmed the greatest part of them, taking as many Arms as served for 2000 men, besides good sums of Money, which, not without some constraint, he borrowed from them.  
But to leave the Kings proceedings for a while, it is time to return to the Lord General for the Parliament, and the Army raised under his conduct, which at that time, when Prince RUPERT began to march, was grown to a considerable body, consisting of about ●4 thousand Horse and Foot; their general Rendezvous was at Northampton, where many of the chief Commanders, as the Lord BROOKE, Lord ROBERTS, Colonel HAMDEN, and others, stayed with them, expecting the presence of his Excellence, who on the ninth of September taking his leave of the Parliament and City of London, bend his journey toward Northampton, and was waited on by the Trained Bands, and a great number of armed Gentlemen from Essex House to the end of the City with great solemnity. But the love and wishes of the people that did attend him, were far greater than any outward signification could express: To whom he seemed at that time, though going to a Civil War, as much an English man, and as true a Patriot, as if he had gone against a foreign Enemy. Great was the love and honour which the people in general bore to his Person, in regard of his own virtue, and honourable demeanour; and much increased by the Memory of his noble Father, the highest example that ever I yet read, of a Favourite both to Prince and people; of whom that was most true, which VELLEIUS PATERCULUS speaks with flattery and falsehood of SEJANUS, In quo cum judicio Principis certabant studia populi, The people's love strove to match the Prince his judgement. That Cause, wherein the Earl of ESSEX had engaged himself, seemed to them religious enough to require their prayers for the success of it: For the Parliament, though they raised an Army, expressed much humility and reverence to the King's Person; for not many days after the departure of the Lord General, by consent of both Houses, a Petition to the King was drawn up, to be carried by Sir PHILIP STAPLETON, a Member of the House of Commons, often spoken of before, and at this time a Colonel in the Lord General's Army. This Petition he carried to Northampton to the General, to be by him presented (according to the Parliaments desire) to His Majesty, in a safe and honourable way: In which Petition nothing at all (according to their former Declarations) is charged upon the King himself, but only upon his wicked Council, and the former mis-governments briefly mentioned; and that this wicked Council have raised an horrid Rebellion and Massacre in Ireland; and ever since, by opposition against the Parliament, hindered the relief of that Kingdom, and at last drawn his Majesty to make a War upon his Parliament, leading an Army in Person, to the destruction of his people, depriving his good Subjects of his Majesty's protection, and protecting those Traitors against the Justice and Authority of Parliament.  
WE the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, have (for these are the words of the Petition) for the just and necessary defence of the Protestant Religion, of your Majesty's Person, Crown, and Dignity, of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, and the Privileges and power of Parliaments, taken up Arms, appointed and authorized ROBERT Earl of ESSEX, to be Captain General of all the Forces by us raised, to conduct the same against those Rebels and Traitors, to subdue and bring them to condign punishment: And we do most humbly beseech your Majesty, to withdraw your Royal Presence and Countenance from these wicked persons; and if they shall stand out in defence of their rebellious and unlawful attempts, that your Majesty will leave them to be suppressed by that Power which we have sent against them; And that your Majesty will not mix your own dangers with theirs, but in peace and safety, without your Forces, forthwith return to your Parliament, and by their faithful advice compose the present distempers and confusions abounding in both your Kingdoms, and provide for the security and honour of yourself and Royal Posterity, and the prosperous estate of all your Subjects. Wherein if your Majesty please to yield to our most humble and earnest desires; We do in the presence of Almighty God profess, That we will receive your Majesty with all Honour, yield you all due obedience and subjection, and faithfully endeavour to secure your Person and Estate from all dangers; and to the uttermost of our Power, to procure and establish to yourself, and to your People, all the blessings of a glorious and happy Reign.  
According to this Petition were those Directions from the Parliament to the Lord General sent at the same time; wherein the Lord General is required by the Houses, to use his utmost endeavour by Battle or otherwise, to rescue the King's Person, the Persons of the Prince, and Duke of York, out of the hands of those desperate persons now about them. Another Direction was, That if his Majesty upon this humble Petition, should be pleased to withdraw himself from the persons now about him, and return to the Parliament, that then the Lord General should disband, and should serve and defend his Majesty with a sufficient strength in his return. Another Direction was, That his Excellency should proclaim pardon to all those who were at that time seduced against their Parliament and Country, if within ten days after that Proclamation they would return to their duty, doing no hostile act within the time limited: Provided that this should not extend to admit any man into either House of Parliament, who stands suspended, without giving satisfaction to that House whereof he was a Member; and excepting all persons impeached for Delinquency by either House, and those persons who have been eminent Actors in these Treasons, and therefore impeached in Parliament of High Treason; such as were at that time declared, and there named; the Earls of Bristol, Cumberland, Newcastle, and Rivers, Secretary NICHOLAS, Master ENDYMION PORTER, Master EDWARD HIDE, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Carnarvan, Viscount Newarke, and Viscount Fawkland; These were the persons at that time voted against, and declared Traitors, though afterwards others were added to the number of them, and many of these left out, as occasions altered.  
Such Directions, and others for the advantage of the Army, and behoose of the Countries, thorough which he was to march, were given by the Parliament to his Excellency; but above all things to restrain carefully all impieties, profaneness, and disorders in his Army.  
The General arriving at Northampton, was there possessed of a great and gallant Army, well furnished at all points, consisting of about twenty thousand, with those that within few days were to come thither: An Army too great to find resistance at that time from any Forces a foot in England; for the King's side had then small strength: What they had, consisted of Horse, who in small Parties roved up and down, to make Provision, and force Contribution in several places. Prince RUPERT especially, like a perpetual motion, with those Horse which he commanded, was in short time heard of at many places of great distance. The care therefore which his Excellency especially took, was so to divide his great Army, as to make the several parts of it useful, both to annoy the straggling Troops of the Enemy, and ptotect those Counties that stood affected to the Parliament, as also to possess himself, either in his own Person, or by his Lieutenants, of such Towns as he thought might be of best import, if this sad War should happen to continue.  
From Northampton he marched to Coventry, to make that considerable City a Garrison for the Parliament; and from thence to Warwick; and having fortified that Town, marched away towards Worcester, upon intelligence that the King himself intended to come thither with his Forces; for his desire was to find out the King; and the Parliament, to whom he imparted his design by Letter, approved well of his advance towards Worcester.  
The City of Worcester, as well as the whole County, had been in great distractions, by reason not only of the dissenting affections of the Inhabitants, but the frequent invitations from both sides; if we may call that an invitation, which is made by armed force. Sir JOHN BYRON had first entered Worcester for the King's side, whom Master FIENNES Son to the Lord SAY, had opposed for the Parliament; and afterward Prince RUPERT with five hundred Horse, not far from the City, was encountered by Master FIENNES, who commanded another Body about that number; the skirmish was but small, and not above twelve men slain, as the report was made at London. But before the Lord General could arrive at Worcester, (who was marching thither from Warwick, as was before expressed) there happened a fight there, not to be omitted, in regard of the persons that were there slain or wounded, though the number of men in general that fell were small. Prince RUPERT was then at Worcester with twelve Troops of Horse, when about that City divers of the Parliaments Forces were, though not joined in one Body, but dispersed: The Prince marched out of the City into a green Meadow, and there set his men in Battle Array, to encounter whom he could first light upon. Within half a mile of that Field were the Parliament Troops, Colonel SANDYS with his Regiment of Horse, Captain HALES, and Captain WINGATE, who made toward the Prince; but their passage was very disadvantageous, as being thorough a narrow Lane, where only four of a breast could march: Colonel SANDYS, whose fault was too much courage, charging with his own Regiment thorough that Lane, too soon, before the rest of the Parliament Forces could come up (for besides the forenamed Captains, HALES and WINGATE, Captain FIENNES, and Captain AUSTIN, were not far off, and marching apace to their assistance) made notwithstanding some slaughter of the Prince his men, and maintained the Fight until the mentioned Forces approached the place; but then the Prince, the two sides growing into some equality of number, fearing, perchance, to be too long engaged in a Fight, until the Lord General's Army might approach, some of the forerunners not being far off, retreated back into the City of Worcester, thorough which he marched away with as much speed as he could, the Parliament Forces following him thorough the Town, and so over a Bridge, about which some of the Parliament Dragoneers were placed, who cut off twenty of the Prince his Troopers, and took thirty Prisoners. There were sound dead at the place of their first encounter 13. men. There were slain of the Parliament side of note, Colonel SANDS his Cornet, who first of all fell, and Sergeant Major DOUGLAS; Colonel SANDS himself was desperately wounded, of which wounds he died about a Month after. It was reported that Colonel WILMOT, of whom we have spoken before, and who was afterward an eminent Champion on the King's side, was in this conflict run thorough the body by Colonel SANDS.  
His Excellency immediately after this fight, came to Worcester with his Army, where he resolved to quarter a while, as a place convenient to send out Parties upon all occasions, and watch the motion of the King's Forces. This discourse shall here leave him, and relate the passages of the other Armies.  
Prince RUPERT having left Worcester, marched with his Troops to Ludlow, twenty miles distant thence; and the King with a small Body of Horse, passed into Wales, and having made a Speech full of Protestations, to the Inhabitants of Denbigh and Flintshire, and gained some Parties there, the next day he marched to Shr●wsbury, where he intended to quarter for a time, as a fit Rendezvous for those Forces expected from Wales, and other near adjacent parts. To Shrewsbury the King caused a Mint to be brought, and there coined all the Plate which he then had, or was then and soon after presented to him; for many Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others, about that time had furnished the King, not only with Horses and Arms, but Money and Plate, as the Citizens of London, and other Gentlemen had done to the Parliament, upon their Public Faith, as is before expressed. It is a wonderful thing, almost beyond what himself could hope, or the Parliament suspect, how much and how suddenly the King grew in strength, in that little time that he quartered at Shrewsbury; The King, within few days after his coming thither, had in public, to the Gentry, Freeholders, and other Inhabitants of that County, made an Oration full of persuasive Art, and such winning expressions, as fitted the purpose he had in hand, such as might render him to the thoughts of those people, an injured Prince, and move compassionate affections toward him. Which Speech of his, as it was reported and printed in London, I shall here insert.  
Gentlemen:  
IT is some benefit to me, from the insolences and misfortunes which have driven me about, that they have brought me to so good a part of my Kingdom, and to so faithful a part of my People: I hope neither you nor I shall repent my coming hither; I will do my part that you may not; and of you I was confident before I came. The residence of an Army is not usually pleasant to any place; and mine may carry more fear with it, since it may be thought (being robbed and spoiled of all mine own, and such terror used to fright and keep all men from supplying of me) I must only live upon the aid and relief of my people. But be not afraid; I would to God my poor Subjects suffered no more by the insolence and violence of that Army raised against me (though they have made themselves wanton even with plenty) than you shall do by mine; and yet I fear I cannot prevent all disorders; I will do my best: And this I promise you, No man shall be a loser by me, if I can help it.  
I have sent hither for a Mint; I will melt down all my own Plate, and expose all my Land to sale or mortgage, that if it be possible, I may bring the least pressure upon you: In the mean time, I have summoned you hither to do that for me and yourselves, for the maintenance of your Religion, and the Law of the Land (by which you enjoy all that you have) which other men do against us. Do not suffer so good a Cause to be lost, for want of supplying me with that, which will be taken from you by those who pursue me with this violence. And whilst these ill men sacrifice their Money, Plate, and utmost industry to destroy the Commonwealth, be you no less liberal to preserve it. Assure yourselves, if it please God to bless me with success, I shall remember the assistance that every particular man here gives me, to his advantage. However, it will hereafter (how furiously soever the minds of men are now possessed) be honour and comfort to you, that with some charge and trouble to yourselves, you did your part to support your King, and preserve the Kingdom.  
But with such skill had the King managed his affairs there, and so much had fortune crowned his endeavours, that before the middle of October, which was about three weeks after his first coming to Shrewsbury, with an inconsiderable Body of an Army, he was grown to a great strength, consisting of about six thousand Foot, three thousand brave Horse, and almost two thousand Dragoneers; And purposing about that time to remove from thence, he issued out Warrants to the Inhabitants of Shrewsbury, and other adjacent Towns and Villages, to send Horses and Carts for his removal.  
The King marched a long within the view of Coventry, but not intending to lose any time there in sitting down before it, unless the Town had been freely surrendered to him: But that was denied, though in a very humble Message, by the Governor of it. Marching on, he came and lay at Southam, when the Lord General Essex was not many miles distant from him. So much was the King now grown in strength, that he was able, at so great a distance, to strike some terror into the City of London itself, and provoke their sedulous endeavour for a defence against his feared approach, though the Lord General Essex with as great an Army, were then abroad to attend his Marches. The Parliament itself took the business into their strict care: For both Houses conceiving that the City was in imminent danger of the King's Forces, ordered, That the Trained Bands thereof should be speedily raised for a Guard; That such Fortifications as could suddenly be made, should not be wanting; That a Committee should be appointed to consider of the present setting up Courts of Guard, and raising Works, for planting of Ordnance in special places about the City and Suburbs. According to which Order many hundreds of men fell presently to work, in digging of Trenches, and other Bulwarks. It was Ordered likewise, That the Trained Bands of London, Middlesex, and Surrey, should be put into a readiness; And that the close Committee, by help of the Lord Mayor, should with all diligence search out, and secure the persons of all the illaffected Citizens, or the chief of them, that were suspected to be most able, or active, to raise a Party against the Parliament.  
Twelve Companies of London, were by Order of Parliament sent to Windsor, to possess and secure that Castle; and many Seamen raised to guard the passages of the River Thames.  
The Parliament about that time considering how much these Civil distractions increased over the whole Kingdom, passed a Vote, That it was and should be lawful for all Counties in England to enter into an Association, for mutual defence of each other, of their Religion, Laws, and Liberties. Whereupon, within a short time after, Buckingham, Hartford, and Nottinghamshire, began to associate after that manner, raised Forces for the Parliament, and advanced both Plate and Money upon their Propositions.  
The danger that seemed to threaten London at that time, though distant in place, yet in reason was near. For the King's Army was judged to be nearer to it, than the Lord Generals was; and it was probable enough, that his desires would rather lead him to attempt the City, then to engage against the Army; and it was thought and spoken by some, that London was a place where he had many friends, who upon the approach of such an Army, would appear for him, and to facilitate his achievements, would fill the City with intestine tumults and seditions. That London was the only place where the Parliament was to be totally suppressed, and his Army enriched to the height of their desires. But others were of opinion, that such an attempt, as it was preposterous, would prove frustrate, and that the City could not be gained, unless the Army were first subdued. For besides the consideration, that the supposed Party for the King in London, were not in probability of power enough to accomplish his ends, it might be thought they were not so desperately inclined to him, as to throw themselves and estates into such hazard, as must be undergone in the confused rage of a licentious Army. The main reason against it was, That the Lord General Essex, with an Army as strong as the Kings, would follow his March near at hand, and by the help of those Forces which the City of London would pour forth upon him, utterly ruin his enclosed Army. But howsoever the counsels were, it pleased God that it was brought to a Battle, to which probably the King might be the more invited by that advantage of the absence of a great part of the Parliaments Army.  
This famous Battle, called by some the Battle of Edgehill, by others the Battle of Keynton (that Keynton is a little Town in Warwickshire, almost in the mid way between Stratford upon Avon and Banbury) was fought on a Sunday, being the 23. day of October. The King on Saturday the 22. of October, came within six miles of Keynton, and that night at Cropredy, and Edgecot lodged his great Army, consisting of about 14000. Foot, and about 4000 Horse and Dragoneers; a far greater number than the Lord General Essex had together at that time (though his whole Army consisted of more,) for that opportunity the King took of the absence of many Regiments of the Parliament. The Lord General Essex on that Saturday night quartered at Keynton with his Army, consisting then but of 12. Regiments, and about 40. Troops of Horse, little in all exceeding the number of 10000 men; the reason why his Forces at that time were no more in number, was, besides that by reason of the suddenness of his march, and diligence to follow the King's Army, he had left behind two Regiments of his Foot, one under the Command of Colonel HAMDEN, the other of Colonel GRANTHAM, together with 11. Troops of Horse, behind but one day's March, and left to bring on the Artillery, which was seven Pieces of Canon, with great store of Ammunition, and came not to Keynton till the Battle was quite ended; the Lord General also had before left for preservation of the Countries thereabout (and whom on such a sudden he could not call together to his Assistance) one Regiment of Foot, and two Troops of Horse, under command of the Earl of Stamford, at Hereford, that the power of Wales might not fall into Glocestershire; another Regiment was left at Worcester, another at Coventry, for the safety of that Town, and one Regiment occasionally lodged then in Banbury.  
In Keynton the Lord General intended to rest Sunday, to expect the residue of his Forces and Artillery, but in the morning the Enemy was discovered not far off, which made him give present order for drawing that Army which he had there into the field; the King's Forces had gotten the advantage of a very high and steep ascent, called Edgehill, from whence they were discovered that morning; not far from the foot of that hill, was a broad Champion, called, The vale of the red Horse, a name suitable to the colour which that day was to bestow upon it, for there happened the greatest part of the encounter. Into that field the Lord General was forced presently to march, making a stand about half a mile distant from the foot of Edgehill, where he drew his Army into Battalia, and saw the King's Forces descending the Hill, ready for their encounter; that Army at the first having two advantages, of the hill, and of the wind; it was full of skilful Commanders, and well ordered; their greatest Body of Horse was on the right wing, on the left were some Horse and Dragoneers.  
The Parliament Army was drawn up, and put into Battalia upon a little rising ground in the forenamed Vale, the Foot being, many of them, a good space behind the Horse, when the Charge began. Three Regiments of Horse were on the right wing, the Lord Generals own Regiment, commanded by Sir PHILIP STAPLETON, Sir WILLIAM BA●FORES Regiment, who was Lieutenant General of the Horse; and the Lord FIELDING Regiment, which stood behind the other two, in the way of a Reserve, Sir JOHN MELDRUMS Brigado had the Van; Colonel ESSEX was in the middle; the Lord General's Regiment, the Lord BROOKE, and Colonel HOLLIS, were in the Rear; in the left wing were about 20. Troops of Horse, commanded by Sir JAMES RAMSEY their Commissary General. In this posture they stood, when the other Army advanced toward them, the strength of their Horse being (as aforesaid) on their right wing, opposite to the left wing of the Parliament Army.  
The Canon on both sides with a loud thunder began the Fight, in which the success was not equal, the Parliaments Canon doing great execution upon their Enemies, but theirs very little.  
The Earl of Lindsey, General for the King, with a Pike in his hand, led on the main Body of that Army, in which was the Kings own Regiment, encountered by the Lord General Essex, who exposed himself to all the danger that a Battle could make, first leading on his Troop, than his own Regiment of Foot, and breathing courage into them, till being dissuaded by divers from engaging himself too far, he returned to the rest of the Army, to draw them on. The chief Regiments having begun the Battle, Sir PHILIP STAPLETON, with a brave Troop of Gentlemen (which were the General's Life Guard, and commanded by him) charged the King's Regiment on their right flank within their Pikes, and came off without any great hurt, though those Pikemen stoutly defended themselves, and the Musqueteers being good firemen, played fiercely upon them. The Battle was hot at that place, and so many of the King's side slain, that the Parliament Army began to be victorious there; they took the Standard Royal, the bearer thereof Sir EDMUND VARNEY, being slain, and the General the Earl of Lindsey sore wounded, was taken Prisoner. But the same fortune was not in every part; for the King's right wing, led by Prince RUPERT, charged fiercely upon the left wing of the other (consisting most of Horse) and prevailed altogether, for the Parliament Troops ran almost all away in that Wing, and many of their Foot Companies, dismayed with their flight, fled all away, before they had stood one Charge; Colonel ESSEX being utterly forsaken by that whole Brigade which he commanded, went himself into the Van, where he performed excellent service, both by direction and execution, till at the last he was shot in the thigh, of which he shortly after died; (some part of their disheartening was caused by the revolt of their own side; for Sir FAITHFUL FORTESCUE, at the beginning of the Fight, instead of charging the Enemy, discharged his Pistol to the ground, and with his Troop, wheeling about, ran to the King's Army, to whom he had formerly given notice thereof by his Cornet.) The Parliament Army had undoubtedly been ruined that day, and an absolute Victory gained on the King's side, if Prince RUPERT, and his pursuing Troops had been more temperate in plundering so untimely as they did, and had wheeled about to assist their distressed friends in other parts of the Army; for Prince RUPERT followed the chase to Keynton Town, where the Carriages of the Army were, which they presently pillaged, using great cruelty, as was afterward related, to the unarmed Waggoners, and labouring men; A great number of the flying Parliament Soldiers were slain in that Chase, which lasted two miles beyond Keynton; and so far, till the Pursuers were forced to retire, having met with Colonel HAMBDEN, who marched with the other Brigado of the Army, that brought on the Artillery and Ammunition, before spoken of, Colonel HAMBDEN discharged five Pieces of Canon against them, some were slain, and the rest ceasing the pursuit, retired hastily to the field, where they found all their Infantry, excepting two Regiments, quite defeated; for in the mean time, Sir WILLIAM BALFORE, Lieutenant General of the Horse, with a Regiment of Horse, charged a Regiment of the King's Foot, before any Foot of his own side could come up to him, and breaking most bravely into it, had cut most of them off; and afterward, by the assistance of some Foot, who were come up to him, he defeated another Regiment, and so got up to the greatest part of the King's Ordinance, taking some of them, cutting off the Gears of the Horses that drew them, and killing the Gunners, but was enforced to leave them without any Guard, by reason that he laboured most to make good the day against several Regiments of the King's Foot, who still fought with much resolution, especially that which was of the King's Guard, where his Standard was; by which Sir WILLIAM BALFORES Regiment road, when they came back from taking the Ordnance, and were by them mistaken for their own side, passing without any Hostility, was the cause, that immediately afterward, Sir WILLIAM riding up toward the Lord General ESSEX his Regiment of Horse, they gave fire upon Sir WILLIAM BALFORES men, supposing them to be Enemies, but soon discovering each other, they joined Companies, and were led up with half the Lord General's Regiment, by his Excellency himself, against the King's main strength, where a terrible and bloody encounter happened: At the same time Colonel BALLARD, who led a Brigado there of the Lord General's Regiment, and the Lord BROOKS his, forced a stand of the King's Pikes, and brook thorough two of his Regiments.  
In this great conflict the Standard Royal (as aforesaid) was taken, and Sir EDMUND VARNEY slain, the Earl of Lindsey, with his Son, taken Prisoners, together with Colonel VAVASOR, Lieutenant Colonel of that Regiment, Colonel MUNROE also was there slain.  
The Standard thus taken, and put into the Lord General's hand, was by him delivered to his Secretary Master CHAMBERS; but the Secretary, after he had carried it some time in his hand, suffered it to be taken from him by an unknown person, and so privately it was conveyed away. There also was great service performed by the Lord GREY, Son to the Earl of Stamford, and Sir ARTHUR HASLERIG, and a considerable help given to the turning of the day, by defeating a Regiment of the Kings, called the blue Regiment.  
By this time all the King's Foot, excepting two Regiments, were dispersed, and the Parliamentarians had gotten the advantage of the wind, and that ground which their Enemies had fought upon. Those two Regiments of the Kings, retiring themselves, and finding their Ordnance behind them without any guard, took stand there, and made use of their Canon, discharging many shot against their Enemies. But at that time the Parliament Foot began to want powder, otherwise (as was observed by a Commander in that Army) they had charged them both with Horse and Foot; which in all probability would have utterly ruined the King's Infantry, consisting in a manner but of two Regiments.  
Thus the Parliament Army, partly for want of Ammunition, and partly being tired with so long a fight (for the whole brunt of the Battle had been sustained by two Regiments of their Horse, and four or five of their Foot) made no great haste to charge any more.  
The King's Horse, who had been long pillaging about Keynton, by this time had leisure to come about on both hands, and join themselves to their Foot; but as they came back on the left hand of their Enemies, Sir PHILIP STAPLETON with his Horse, gave them a terrible Charge, which they were not long able to endure, but finding a gap in an hedge, got from him upon the Spur as fast as they could, to the rest of their broken Troops, and so at last joined with their Foot that stood by the Ordinance. And now on both sides the Horse were gathered to their own Foot, and so stood together both Horse and Foot, one against another, till it was night.  
The Parliament Army being wholly possessed of the ground which their Enemies had chosen to fight upon, stood upon it all night, and in the morning returned to a warmer place near Keynton, where they had quartered the night before; for they were much pinched with cold, and the whole Army in extreme want of Victuals.  
The King's Army had withdrawn to the top of the hill, for their more security, where they made great fires all the night long.  
About nine of the clock the next morning the Parliament Army drew out again into Battalia, and so stood about three hours, until the other Army was quite gone from the hill, and then they withdrew themselves into their Quarter towards Keynton, and to their other Brigado, Artillery, and Ammunition, which being commanded by Colonel HAMBDEN and Colonel GRANTHAM (as aforesaid) was now come to Keynton, and lodged there. The King had drawn out his Horse upon the further side of the hill, where he stayed till toward night, whilst his Foot were retiring behind the Hill, and marching away. A little before night, his Horse also withdrew themselves; and about an hour after, the Parliament Horse marched quite away, and went with the rest of the Army to Warwick to refresh themselves.  
That going to Warwick was thought by a noble Gentleman of the Parliament side to be ill designed, For (saith he) had the Army, instead of going to Warwick, marched toward Banbury, we should have found more Victuals, and had, in probability, dispersed all the Foot of the King's Army, taken his Canons and Carriages, and sent his Horse farther off, whereas now, because we did not follow them, though they quitted the field whereon they fought, and left their Quarter before us, yet they began soon after to question who had the day. Howsoever it were, true it is, that the King, no less than the Parliament, pretended to be victorious in that Battle; and so far ascribed the Victory to his own side, that a Prayer of thanksgiving to God was made at Oxford for it. A thanksgiving was also on the Parliament side for the Victory of that day. And it is certain, that there were many marks of Victory on both Armies, Colours and Canon were taken on both sides, without any great difference of the number of them And though in Speeches made afterwards by either Party, and Books printed, there is no consent at all concerning the number of men slain, but so great a discrepancy, as it is almost a shame to insert into an History; yet surely by the best account there were more slain on the King's side, then on the other; Those of quality that were lost on both Parties, were of the Kings, the Earl of Lindsey, Lord General of his Army, the Lord AUBIGNY, brother to the Duke of Lenox, Sir EDWARD VARNEY Standard-Bearer, Colonel Sir EDMUND MONROY, a Scottish Gentleman, and Colonel LUNSFORD his Brother, with other Gentlemen and Commanders, besides Common Soldiers, whose number (as is before said) would not be agreed upon; yet I have heard, that the Country people thereabouts, by burying of the naked bodies, found the number to be about six thousand that fell on both sides, besides those which died afterwards of their wounds. There were taken Prisoners of the King's side, the Lord WILLOUGHBY, Son and Heir to the Earl of Lindsey, Colonel VAVASOR, Colonel LUNSFORD, Sir EDWARD straddling, with others of less note; a George, the Badge of a Knight of the Garter, was found in the field by a Common Soldier (besides that which the Lord General Lindsey wore, and had about his neck when he was slain) and bought of him by a Captain, which was sent up to the Parliament, there viewed, and restored again to the Captain.  
On the Parliament side were slain only these of mark and quality, the Lord St. JOHN, eldest Son to the Earl of BULLENBROOKE, Colonel CHARLES ESSEX, and Lieutenant Colonel RAMSEY, and none of any great note taken Prisoners.  
The Battle was fought with great courage on both sides, both by the Generals and other Commanders, besides some particular Regiments of Soldiers, who were observed to perform their parts with great courage and bravery, such as Colonel HOLLIS his Regiment of Redcoats, and others, too many to be all named in a short Discourse.  
It could not but fall into the observation of many men, that the year before, upon the same day of the Month, namely, the 23. of October, that this famous Battle of Keynton was fought, the bloody Rebellion of the Irish broke out, with that inhuman Massacre of the English Protestants in that Kingdom, where the English by their own loss and bleeding, were sadly put in mind, that they had too long deferred the revenge of their butchered Brethren in Ireland.  
It was likewise observed by many men of the Parliament side (who seemed to make no question but that the Victory was on their side, as a further blessing of God to the Protestant Cause) that on the very same day that this Battle was won in England, the Sweads obtained a very great and notable Victory against the Imperialists, and those of the Roman Religion in Germany.  
But the King, supposing himself victorious at Keynton●ield ●ield, immediately published a Declaration, To all his loving Subjects (for so it is styled) after his Victory against the Rebels. Wherein, though the expostulation be very bitter, yet he indeavoureth that it should not seem to be made against the Parliament itself, but against some of them, whom he termeth malignant, malicious, with such like Epithets, as have laboured to lay aspersions upon him of things, whereof he professeth himself altogether innocent. Those aspersions he makes of two sorts, the first is, concerning his favouring of Popery, and employing Papists in his Army; the second, of raising that Army against the Parliament. Both which he labours to wipe off, with a recrimination against the Parliament. For the first, after a great Protestation of the truth of his Religion, and his past, present, and future care for the better establishing of it in his Dominions, with the extirpation of Popery; though he cannot but acknowledge, that some eminent men of that Religion are armed in his Service, which he thinks excusable in so gteat a necessity and danger as he was in; yet he tells the Parliament, That in their Army there are more Papists Commanders and others then in his.  
For the second, That he leavyed his Army against the Parliament. He seemeth to hope, That none of his good Subjects will believe it, unless they will believe, that a dozen or twenty factious and seditious persons be the high Court of Parliament, which consists of King, Lords and Commons. For the Privileges of Parliament, he avers, That whosoever will not believe the raising of an Army to kill their King; To alter the government and Laws by extravagant Votes of either or both Houses; To force the Members to submit to their Faction, and take away freedom of consultation from them, to be the Privilege, of Parliament; must confess, That the Army now raised by the King, is no less for the vindication and preservation of Parliaments, then for his own necessary defence.  
The King chargeth them likewise with uncharity, That they have endeavoured to raise an implacable hatred between the Gentry and Commonalty of the Kingdom, by rendering all persons of Honour odious to the Common People under the stile of Cavaliers; and to persuade the people, that there was an intention by the Commission of Array, to take away a part of their Estates from them. Which he denies, and concludes with Protestations to the contrary.  
The Parliament returned answer to this Declaration, but not as being the Kings (according to their oft mentioned custom) but coming from wicked and malicious contrivers of falsehood and scandals, Who (say they) to our unspeakable sorrows, have gained so much power with his Majesty, as to vent the same under the Title of his own Royal Name.  
For the first objection; They do not affirm that the King favours Popery himself, but justify that things have been carried in the favour of it by some about him, according to the particular instances in many of their former Declarations. They seem to be amazed at the strange boldness of the Contrivers of that Declaration, in averring that there are more Papists in their Army, then in the Kings; whereas they cannot, or at least, do not name any one, which they desire may be done, if there be any such, that the Parliament may know how to displace them. But the Parliament in their Answer name many of greatest rank and quality of that Religion in the King's Army, who have raised him in some Counties the most considerable Forces which he hath; and many Commissions granted by himself to Papists, acknowledged so. That it were senseless to think that any Papists favoured the Parliaments Cause at all; whereas it is certain, that there are none of that Religion, but are either openly or secretly assistant to that cause which the King hath taken.  
For the second objection; That the King's Forces are not leavyed against the Parliament itself, but a few seditious persons. They think it an impossible thing, that twelve or twenty such persons (as they are termed) should have power to compel the rest of that Body to submit to their Faction, and to have their freedom of consultation taken from them.  
The truth is (say they) not a few persons, but the Parliament itself, is the thorn that lies in these men's sides; which heretofore, when it was wont to prick them, was with much ●ase, by a sudden dissolution, pulled out: But now that it is more deeply fastened by an Act of continuance, they would force it out by the power of an Army.  
That whosoever will read the Speeches and Declarations made upon the breaking up of all former Parliaments, ever since the beginning of this King's Reign, will find the pretences of those unjust dissolutions, to be grounded upon exceptions against particular Members, under the name of a few factious and seditious persons; so that the aspersing and wounding of the Parliament thorough the sides of a few Members, is no new invention.  
But (say they) those former Declarations in the King's name, being groundless invectives, not against particular Members, but against the Votes and Proceedings of both Houses; and declaring the Earl of Essex, General of the Forces raised by them, to be a Traitor; and that all those which assist him, thereby comprehending both Houses of Parliament, by whose Command and Authority he bears that place, to be Rebels, and guilty of High Treason, is argument sufficient (no groundless accusation) to prove the King's Army to be raised against the Parliament, or to take away the Privileges thereof.  
Those Privileges of Parliament, consisting in three things: 1. As they are a Council to advise. 2. A Court to judge. 3. A representative body of the Realm, to make, repeal, or alter Laws. These Privileges have (say they) during the sitting of this Parliament, been all apparently broken, to the view of all men, by the King's wicked Council. Their advice scarce at all harkened unto by the King, but other counsels of unknown persons preferred before them. For the second, as a Court to judge; The Delinquents, so pronounced by the Parliament, have been p●o●ected by the King against them; of which they give many particular instances. Touching the third, for making Laws; They instance his refusal of many wholesome Bills for Church and State, besides the breaking of their Privileges, they produce some attempts utterly to subvert them, as the forementioned endeavour of bringing up the Northern Army, to force Conditions upon the Parliament; the King's Letters and Commands to Members of both Houses to attend him at York, leaving their true and legal station; which when they obeyed, it was scandalously alleged that they were driven away.  
For any violence intended to the King's Person, as they utterly deny it, so they refer it to indifferent men to judge, by all their long sufferings, and humble Petitions to him, to avoid those indangering of his Person. But for that imputation laid upon them, of an endeavour to raise an implacable malice and hatred between the Gentry and Commonalty of the Kingdom; They conceive it a Charge of a strange nature, that they should endeavour to raise the hatred of the Commonalty against themselves. For so it must follow, unless the Contrivers of that Declaration will deny the Parliament to be Gentlemen. But though we know (say they) well, there are too many of the Gentry of this Kingdom, who, to satisfy the lusts of their own ambition, are content to sell their birthright, to render themselves and their posterity to perpetual slavery, and to submit themselves to any arbitrary and unlimited power of Government, so they may for their own time partake of that Power, to trample and insult over others; Yet we are certain that there are many true hearted Gentlemen, who are ready to lay down their lives and fortunes (and of late have given ample testimony thereof) for maintenance of their Laws, Liberties, and Religion, with whom, and others of their resolution, we shall be ready to live and die.  
Lastly, they prove by particular instances, that in the King's Commission of Array, there is not only an intention to take away part of men's Estates, but that it hath been put into real execution; with many other things in justification of all their proceedings and Declarations; which may be read more at large in the Records. This was the effect of that verbal Skirmish, which immediately followed the great and bloody Battle of Keynton.   

CHAP. II.  
The Parliament send to the King, concerning an Accommodation. A fight at Branford. Another Treaty with the King begun, and broken off. Reading besieged by the Lord General ESSEX, and surrendered to him. A Conspiracy to betray Bristol. A treacherous Plot against the Parliament and City of London, discovered and prevented.  
AT the famous Battle of Edgehill, the great cause of English Liberty, (with a vast expense of blood and Treasure) was tried, but not decided, which did therefore prove unhappy, even to that side, which seemed victorious, the Parliament Army.  
For though the King's Forces were much broken by it, yet his strength grew accidentally greater, and more formidable than before; to whom it proved a kind of victory, not to be easily or totally overthrown.  
For the greatest Gentlemen of divers Counties began then to consider of the King, as one that in possibility might prove a Conqueror against the Parliament; and many of them, who before as Neuters had stood at gaze, in hope that one quick blow might clear the doubt, and save them the danger of declaring themselves, came now in, and readily adhered to that side, where there seemed to be least fears, and greatest hopes, which was the King's Party; for on the Parliament side the encouragements were only public, and nothing promised but the free enjoyment of their native Liberty; no particular honours, preferments, or Estates of Enemies; and on the other side, no such total ruin could be threatened from a victorious Parliament, being a body as it were of themselves, as from an incensed Prince, and such hungry followers, as usually go along with Princes in those ways. And how much private interest will oversway public nations, Books of History, rather than Philosophy, will truly inform you; for concerning humane actions and dispositions, there is nothing under the Sun which is absolutely new. Look upon the Discourse of one Historian in that subject, DION CASSIUS', a Writer of as little bias, in the opinion of all Critics, as any among the Ancients, when he relates the last War about Roman Liberty, after which (as himself speaks) that People never again looked back toward it. Which was the War of BRUTUS' and CASSIUS' against CAESAR and ANTONY; Etsi ante hanc pugnam civilibus bellis, etc. Although (saith DION) before this War they had many Civil Wars, yet in others they fought who should oppress the Roman Liberty; in this War, one side fought to vindicate Liberty, the other to bring in Tyranny, yet the side of Tyranny prevailed, and drew most to it: Of what quality they were, the same Historian speaks also: The Armies of BRUTUS' and CASSIUS', that stood for Liberty, consisted of the lower sort of people, and Ex subditis Romanorum, the other that stood for Tyranny, consisted (saith he) Ex Romanis Nobilibus, & Fortibus. BRUTUS' and CASSIUS', two chief Soldiers, before the Battle making Orations, encouraged them to fight for their ancient freedom, and Roman Laws. CAESAR and ANTONY promised to their Soldiers the Estates of their Enemies, Et imperium in omnes Gentiles suos, and power to rule over their own Countrymen; which proved, it seems, better Oratory than the other, and more persuasive. BRUTUS' and CASSIUS' delayed the Battle, as loath to waste so much blood, if by any other stratagem they might have subdued; because they were (saith DION) good men, and pitied their Countrymen, loving the safety, and striving for the Liberty even of those men, who fought against them, to overthrow that Liberty; Yet that delay proved ill, and many Noblemen in that time forsook them, and turned to the other side, whither their private hopes or fears led them. Whether the parallel will in some measure fit this occasion or not, I leave it to the Reader, and return to the Narration.  
The Earl of Essex, the next day after Keynton Battle, marched with his Army toward Warwick, to which Town he arrived safe, disposing of the Prisoners, Wagons, and Ordnance, which he had taken, into that Castle, with resolution after some short refreshment of his men there, to march nearer to the King: But the King returned toward Oxford, seizing by the way upon Banbury, from whence he took 1500. Arms, and turned out the Parliament Soldiers that were quartered there.  
His Army, consisting especially of Horse, was divided into several Bodies, and Prince RUPERT with part of it, visited the Towns near adjacent, as Abingdon, Henly, and other places; from whence he returned with great booty.  
Within few days he made a nearer approach toward London, but with a flying Army, resting in no place, sometimes as far as Stanes and Egham, which made the City of London careful to provide for their safety against sudden incursions, and send Forces to possess and fortify Windsor Castle.  
In the mean time, to secure London, and free those parts from greater fears, the Earl of Essex had marched with his Army nearer to that City, and on the seventh day of November came himself to Westminster (his Army being billitted about Acton, and other near places) and was welcomed by both Houses of Parliament, who presented him with a gift of 5000 l. as an acknowledgement of their thanks, in behalf of the Kingdom, for his care, pains, and valour, in the actions already passed.  
But before the Earl of Essex departed from London, another bloody tragedy was acted, and the scene no farther than Brainford, about eight miles' distance, the King himself being there, or not far off in Person. The manner and occasion of it shall be in brief related.  
The Parliament expressing great grief for this unnatural War and bloodshed, that this endangered Kingdom might be saved from ruin, and the better means made to recover Ireland, had agreed upon a Petition for Accommodation, to be presented to the King, then at Colebrook, by the Earls of Northumberland and Pembroke, with four Commons, the Lord WAINMAN, Master PERPOINT, Sir JOHN EVELIN, and Sir JOHN IPSLEY; Sir PETER KILLIGREW was sent before to procure a safe Conduct. But the King refused to admit of Sir JOHN EVELYN, because he was one whom himself had named Traitor the day before. Which exception of the Kings was extremely distasted by the Parliament; yet so great was their desire of Accommodation, that although this excepting of Sir JOHN EVELIN, were voted by them a breach of Privilege, and a flat denial from the King, the Petition was sent by the five forenamed Lords and Gentlemen, Sir JOHN EVELIN being very willing to be left out.  
The King being then at Colebrook, fifteen miles distant, seemed to receive the Petition with great willingness, and returned them a fair Answer, calling God to witness in many Protestations, that he was tenderly compassionate of his bleeding people, and more desirous of nothing, than a speedy peace; to which purpose he was most willing, at any place where he should reside, not far from London, to receive such Propositions of Peace as they should send, and to treat with them.  
As soon as the Parliament Lords returned with this Answer, the King's Artillery (according to all relations) advanced forwards with divers Troops of Horse, thorough that Town of Colebrook, after them towards London; and taking advantage of a great mist which happened that Friday night, they marched to Brainford, and fell upon the Parliament Forces which were there quartered, which were a broken Regiment of Colonel HOLLIS, but stout men, who had before done great service. Of them the King's Forces killed many, and had quite destroyed all in probability, if the Lord BROOKS, and Colonel HAM●DENS Regiments, billitted not far off, had not made haste to their relief, who coming in, maintained a great and bloody fight against the King's Forces, where many were slain on both sides, and many taken Prisoners; both Parties, as before it happened at Keynton Battle, esteeming themselves conquerors, and so reporting afterwards. The news of this unexpected fight was soon brought to London, whither also the noise of the great Artillery was easily heard.  
The Lord General Essex, then sitting at Westminster, in the House of Peers, took Horse immediately, and with what strength he could call together on such a sudden, came in to the rescue of his engaged Regiments; but night had parted them, and the King was retired to his best advantages; all that night the City of London poured out men toward Brainford, who every hour marched thither, and all the Lords and Gentlemen that belonged to the Army, were there ready on the Sunday morning, being the 14. of November, a force great enough to have swallowed up a far greater Army than the King had. Besides, the King's Forces were encompassed on every side; insomuch as great hope was conceived by most men, that the period of this sad War was now come. But God was not yet appeased toward this Nation; a fatal door was opened to let out the enclosed King: Three thousand of the Parliament Soldiers were then at Kingston upon Thames, a Town about ten miles distant from the City; which Soldiers were all (as it happened) commanded to leave that Town, and march thorough Surrey, with what speed they could, and over London Bridge, so thorough the City toward Brainford, to prevent the Enemy's passage to London. The reason of that Command was afterward given, for that the Lord General was not assured of strength enough to stop the Enemy from London, nor could before hand be assured of so great an Army, as came thither before morning. But this was the event of it; and thorough Kingston thus abandoned the King retreated; and leaving some Troops to face his Enemies, brought all his Foot and Artillery over that Bridge, which drawing up afterward, he had time enough securely to plunder many places of that Country, and retire safely to Oxford, where he intended to take up his winter Quarters.  
The Parliament, upon this Action of the King, began to be out of hope of doing any good by Treaties, resolving that the Lord General, with all speed that might be, should pursue the King's Forces, and fall upon them about Oxford and Reading, for news was daily brought them how active his Parties were under the conduct of Prince RUPERT and others, in plundering all the places thereabouts. And the City of London, to encourage the Parliament with a free tender of their service, framed a Petition to them, to entreat them, That they would proceed no further in the business of Accommodation, because evil Counsel was so prevalent with the King; That he would but delude them; That they had heard his Forces are weak, and that if his Excellency would follow and fall upon them, and that no delays be made for fear of foreign Forces coming over, the City, as heretofore; would with all willingness spend their lives and fortunes to assist the Parliament.  
The City was thanked for their Petition and Protestation, and the Lord General moved by the Parliament to advance, who, though the season of the year were not very fit for so great a Body to march, was very desirous to obey their Commands. The best way was thought to divide his Army, and send several parties to several places, to restrain the Enemies from annoying the Countries, as to Buckingham, Marlowe, Reading, and other parts, until himself with his whole force could be well accommodated to march from Windsor (where he lay that winter) toward the King. But it so fell out, either by reason of ill weather at some times, and at other for want of Money or fit accommodation, that the General himself, with his main Army, marched not forth until the spring, whose first business was to lay siege to Reading, which was fortified by the King's Forces, and maintained by a Garrison of 3000. Soldiers, and 20. Piece of Ordnance; before which Town he sat down upon the five and twentieth day of April, 1643. with an Army of about 16000 Foot, and 3000. Horse.  
Now (leaving the Lord General before Reading with his Army) in the mean time we will show one main reason why he did no sooner advance; The expectation of another Treaty, which the Parliament had desired to have with the King, for settling of the Kingdom's Peace, which proved fruitless, in debate lasted a long time. Propositions were drawn up by the Parliament, and sent to Oxford on the 31. of january, 1642. by four Lords and eight Commoners, the Earls of Northumberland, Pembroke, Sarum, and Holland, Lord WAINMAN, Lord DUNGARUAN, Sir JOHN HOLLAND, Sir WILLIAM LITTON, Master PERPOINT, Master WALLER, Master WHITLOCK, Master WINHOOD; the Propositions were: 

1. That the King would pass those Bills which the Houses had made ready.  
2. To pass a Bill for settling Parliament Privileges and Liberties.  
3. For bringing to trial those Delinquents whom the Houses had impeached since january last.  
4. For clearing the six Members before mentioned.  
5. For restoring all Judges and Officers of State lately removed.  
6. To pass a Bill for re-paying the charge of the Kingdom.  
7. A Bill for an Act of Oblivion.  
8. An Act for a general pardon without exception.  
9 That there may be a Cessation of Arms for fourteen days, to agree upon these Propositions.    
The King not liking, nor yet utterly refusing these Propositions, sent the Commissioners home to their Parliament, within a week after they came, to carry six Propositions from him to the Houses; which were: 

1. That his Revenue, Magazines, Towns, Forts, and Ships, may be delivered to him.  
2. That all Orders and Ordinances of Parliament wanting his assent, may be recalled.  
3. That all power exercised over his Subjects by Assessments, and imprisoning their persons, may be disclaimed.  
4. That he will yield to the execution of the Laws against Papists, provided that the Book of Common-Prayer be confirmed.  
5. That such persons as upon the Treaty shall be excepted out of the general Pardon, shall be tried by their Pe●res only.  
6. That there be a Cessation of Arms during the Treaty.    
The Houses, upon receiving of these Propositions, though at first it were the opinion of many, not to send any Answer at all to them; yet at last, to show respect to the King, entered into a further debate about treating with him concerning the Propositions on both sides, and concerning the Cessation of Arms, or disbanding; with such limitations and restrictions touching the order of treating, as would perchance seem too tedious to be here related; and on the 20. of March the Earl of Northumberland, Sir JOHN HOLLAND, Sir WILLIAM ARMINE, Master PERPOINT, and Master WHITLOCK (the Lord SAY should have been one, but the King excepted against him, as formely against Sir JOHN EVELIN, upon the same ground, which though the Parliament took ill at the first, yet they proceeded in the business) were sent to Oxford as Treaters upon those Propositions. In vain was this Treaty; so high the demands were judged to be on both sides, that there seemed no possibility of ever meeting; where the fault lay I judge not; but the Parliament, after many Messages between London and Oxford, at last sent for their Commissioners home again; who returned to London upon the 17. of April; upon which the Lord General immediately advanced with his Army (as aforesaid) to besiege Reading.  
Reading was not able to hold out long, but the Lord General was loath to storm it for fear of destroying so many innocent people as remained in the Town; which compassion of his was well approved of by the Parliament; therefore upon composition it was rendered within sixteen days to his Excellency, by the Deputy Governor Colonel FIELDING, for the Governor Sir ARTHUR ASTON, was before wounded by an accident, and could not perform the Office: The Terms were easy, for they all marched out with bag and baggage. This siege had not at all advantaged the Parliament, if another business had not fallen out during that short siege; which may also be thought a reason, why the Town was so soon rendered. A good Body of the King's Forces, both Horse and Foot (the King himself in Person not far from them) came to relieve Reading, assaulting one Quarter of the Parliament Army at Causum Bridge, within a mile of the Town, and were beaten back with great slaughter, which fell especially upon Gentlemen of quality, of whom the King at that encounter lost a considerable number; but how many they were, or their particular names, I find not mentioned.  
The gaining of Reading might seem an addition of strength to the Parliament side; it proved otherwise: Nothing was gotten but a bare Town, which had been happier, had it been only so: The Town was infected, and caused afterwards a great mortality in the Parliament Army. The Soldiers besides were discontented, that being already much behind in pay, they were not suffered to plunder, or make any benefit of their victory. For the Parliament, before Reading was delivered up, had approved of the Conditions, and promised to the Lord General's Soldiers, to forbear plundering, twelve shillings a man, besides their pay. But neither of these were then performed; money began already to be wanting, and the great Magazine of Treasure in Guild-Hall quite consumed. While they stayed there, expecting money, the sickness and mortality daily increased, and the Lord General, by advice of his Council of War, intended to march thence for better air. But such a general mutiny was raised for want of Moon, that his Excellency, though with much courage and just severity he began to suppress it, was advised by his Council of War to desist, for fear of a general defection, till money might come from the City. Notwithstanding upon this discontent in the Army, whilst his Excellency removed to Causum House, to avoid the infection, many of the Soldiers disbanded, and went away. Then began a tide of misfortune to flow in upon the Parliament side; and their strength almost in every place to decrease at one time; for during the time of these six months, since the Battle of Keynton, until this present distress of the Lord General's Army about Causum, which was about the beginning of May, the War had gone on with great fury and heat, almost thorough every part of England; the particulars of which shall hereafter be related by themselves, to avoid confusion in the Story: The Lord General had at that time intelligence that Sir RALPH HOPTON had given a great defeat to the Parliament Forces of Devonshire; and that Prince MAURICE, and marquis HARTFORD were designed that way, to possess themselves wholly of the West.  
Leaving therefore the Lord General a while, I shall proceed to speak of some things which happened at other places in that Month of May. The King's Armies were then in fair possibility of gaining the whole West; and seemed of strength enough to archieve it by open War, without the assistance of secret treacheries and conspiracies; which notwithstanding were then in agitation, though they proved not successful against the Parliament, but destructive to the contrivers. As at Bristol, a place of great import, and much desired by the King's Forces, when the plot of betraying that City to Prince RUPERT, was set on foot; which I here relate, as falling out about the beginning of May, 1643.  
The City of Bristol was then in the Parliaments protection, and governed by Colonel NATHANIEL FIENNES, second Son to the Viscount SAY and SEAL, though many of the Inhabitants there, as appeared by this design, were dis-affected to the Parliaments side.  
This design was very bloody, and many of that City had perished in it, had not the Conspirators been discovered and apprehended a Little before they were to put it in execution.  
ROBERT yeoman's, late Sheriff of Bristol, WILLIAM yeoman's his brother, GEORGE BOURCHIER, and EDWARD DACRES, were the chief managers of this Design; who, with many others of that opinion, had secretly provided themselves of Arms, intending to kill the Sentinels by night, and possess the main Guard, (with other particulars, to be found in the Records of their examinations, and proofs against them) whereby to master the greatest part of the other side within the Town, to kill the Mayor, and many others that were known to stand affected to the Parliament; and by that means to betray the City to the King's Forces. In expectation of which act, Prince RUPERT with other Commanders, and about 4000 Horse, and 2000 Foot, stayed upon Durdam Downes, about two miles from the City. But the Plot was discovered, the Conspirators apprehended, and brought to trial by a Council of War, where the four forenamed were condemned, and two of them hanged at Bristol, namely, ROBERT yeoman's, and GEORGE BOURCHIER; although great means had been made to save them, and Colonel FIENNES to that purpose had been threatened from Oxford, by General RIVEN (created by the King Earl of Forth) in a Letter unto him; which being of great consequence, for the clear understanding of this War, and the nature of it, I thought fit to insert here, together with the Answer thereunto.  

PATRICK Earl of Forth, Lord ETTERICK, and Lord Lieutenant of all His Majesty's Forces.  
I Having been informed, that lately at a Council of War you have condemned to death Robert yeoman's, late Sheriff of Bristol, who hath His Majesty's Commission for raising a Regiment for his Service, William yeoman's his brothers, George Bourchier, and Edward Dacres, all for expressing their Loyalty to His Majesty, and endeavouring his Service, according to their Allegiance; and that you intent to proceed speedily against divers others in the like manner: Do therefore signify to you, that I intent speedily to put Master George, Master Stevens, Captain Huntley, and others, taken in Rebellion against His Majesty at Cicester, into the same condition. I do further advise you, that if you offer by that unjust judgement, to execute any of them you have so condemned; that those here in custody, Master George, Master Stevens, and Captain Huntley, must expect no favour or mercy.  
Given under my hand at Oxford, this 16. of May. 1643. To the Commander in FORTH. Chief of the Council of War in Bristol.   

The Answer to this Letter was as followeth: NATHANIEL FIENNES Governor, and the Council of War in the City of Bristol.  
HAving received a Writing from your Lordship, wherein it is declared, that upon information of our late proceedings against Robert yeoman's, William yeoman's, and others, you intent speedily to put Master George, Master Stevens, Captain Huntley, and others into the same condition; We care well assured, that neither your Lordship, nor any other mortal man, can put them into the same condition; for whether they live or die, they will always be accounted true and honest men, faithful to their King and Country, and such as in a fair and open way have always prosecuted that Cause, which in their judgement, guided by the judgement of the highest Court, they held the justest; whereas the Conspirators of this City, must both in life and death, carry perpetually with them the brand of Treachery and Conspiracy: And if Robert yeoman's had made use of his Commission in an open way, he should be put into no worse condition, than others in the like kind had been; but the Law of nature among all men, and the law of Arms among Soldiers make a difference between open Enemies, and secret Spies and Conspirators. And if you shall not make the like distinction, we do signify unto you, that we will not only proceed to the execution of the persons already condemned, but also of divers others of the Conspirators, unto whom we had some thoughts of extending mercy. And do further advertise you, that if by any inhuman and un-Souldier-like sentence, you shall proceed to the execution of the persons by you named, or any other of our friends in your custody, that have been taken in a fair and open way of War; then Sir Walter Pie, Sir William Crofts, and Colonel Connebey, with divers others taken in open Rebellion, and actual War against the King and Kingdom, whom we have here in custody, must expect no favour or mercy. And by God's blessing upon our most just Cause, we have powers enough, for our friend's security, without taking in any that have gotten out of our reach and power, although divers of yours, of no mean quality and condition, have been released by us.  
Given under our hand the 18 of May, 1643. To patrick Earl of Forth, Lord Lieut. General. Nathaniel Fiennes, President, Clement Walker, etc.  
The King also at that time writ a very sharp command to the Mayor and Citizens of Bristol, to raise what power they could to hinder the execution of those men, which he terms the murder of his loyal Subjects: But nothing availed to save their lives, for the forenamed ROBERT yeoman's, and GEORGE BOURCHIER, according to the sentence, were both executed. The loss of Bristol from the Parliament, a place of great import, was thus by the detection and prevention of this Conspiracy, respited for a while only. For not long after it was surrendered to Prince RUPERT, and happier it was for the Prince himself, to gain that City in a more honourable way, and less effusion of English blood.  
At the same time that these Conspirators against Bristol were by sentence of a Council of War put to death; another Plot of higher nature, and more full of horror, was detected at London; a Plot, which if not discovered, had quite ruined the Parliament itself, and struck at the very head, and chief residence of it, the Cities of London and Westminster; which cannot be omitted in this Relation, though with as much brevity as can be possible, it shall be touched.  
The scope of it was to have put in execution the Commission of Array within London and Westminster, and so to have raised a sufficient force for the King's side to ruin the Parliament. Many Citizens of London were in the Plot, together with some Gentlemen besides, who had taken an Oath of secrecy among themselves; and were the more animated in it, upon promises; which Master WALLER, the chief man in eminence among them (a Member of the House of Commons) had made to some of the rest, that many Members of both Houses of Parliament were engaged in the Plot, and would in due time be assistants to it. Though it proved in conclusion, that Master WALLER was not able to make good so much as he had promised. The Plot was horrid, and could not possibly have been put in execution, without great effusion of blood, as must needs appear by the particular branches of it, which were confessed upon the Examinations of Master WALLER, Master TOMKINS, Master CHALLENOR, Master HASELL Master BLINKHORNE, Master WHITE, and others the chief Actors in it.  
That which appeared by the Narrative Declaration, published by Authority of Parliament, was to this effect: That 

1. They should seize into their custody the King's Children.  
2. To seize upon several Members of both Houses of Parliament, upon the Lord Mayor of London, and the Committee of the Militia there, under pretence of bringing them to legal trial.  
3. To seize upon all the Cities out-Works and Forts, upon the Tower of London, and all the Magazines, Gates, and other places of importance in the City.  
4. To let in the King's Forces, to surprise the City with their assistance; and to destroy all those, who should by Authority of Parliament, be their opposers; and by force of Arms to resist all payments imposed by the Authority of both Houses, for support of those Armies employed in their defence.    
Many other particulars there were, too tedious to relate at large, as what signals should have been given to the King's Forces of Horse, to invade the City; what Colours for difference, those of the Plot should wear, to be known to their fellows, and such like. Much heartened they were in this business by a Commission of Array sent from Oxford at that time, from the King to them, and brought secretly to London by a Lady, the Lady AUBIGNY, Daughter to the Earl of Suffolk, a Widow ever since the Battle of Keynton; where the Lord AUBIGNY her husband was slain.  
That Commission of Array was directed from the King to Sir NICHOLAS CRISPE, Sir GEORGE STROUD Knights, to Sir THOMAS GARDINER Knight, Recorder of London, Sir GEORGE BINION, Knight, RICHARD EDES, and MARMADUKE ROYDEN Esquires, THOMAS BROWNE, PETER PAGGON, CHARLES genning's, EDWARD CARLETON, ROBERT ABBOT, ANDREW KING, WILLIAM WHITE, STEVEN BOLTON, ROBERT ALDEM, EDMUND FOSTER, THOMAS BLINKHORNE, of London Gentlemen; and to all such other persons, as according to the true intent and purport of that Commission, should be nominated and appointed to be Generals, Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, Sergeant Majors, or other Officers of that Council of War. The Commission itself is to be read at large in the Parliament Records.  
But this Conspiracy was prevented, and proved fatal to some of the Contrivers; being detected upon the last day of May (which happened at that time to be the day of the Monthly Fast) and Master WALLER, Master TOMKINS, with other of the forenamed Conspirators, being apprehended, were that night examined by divers grave Members of the Parliament, of whom Master PYM was one; and afterwards reserved in custody for a Trial. They were arraigned in Guild-Hall, and Master WALLER, Master TOMKINS, Master chaloner, Master HASELL, Master WHITE, and Master BLINKHORNE, were all condemned; none were executed but Master TOMKINS, and Master chaloner, being both hanged, Master TOMKINS in Holborn, and Master chaloner in Cornhill, both within sight of their own dwelling houses; Master HASELL died in Prison, BLINKHORNE, and the other, were by the mercy of the Parliament, and the Lord General Essex, reprived, and saved afterwards; Master WALLER, the chief of them, was long detained Prisoner in the Tower, and about a year after, upon payment of a Fine of ten thousand pounds, was pardoned, and released to go travel abroad. It was much wondered at, and accordingly discoursed of by many at that time, what the reason should be, why Master WALLER, being the principal Agent in that Conspiracy, (where Master TOMKINS and Master chaloner, who had been drawn in by him, as their own Confessions, even at their deaths expressed, were both executed) did escape with life. The only reason which I could ever hear given for it, was, That Master WALLER had been so free in his Confessions at the first, without which the Plot could not have been clearly detected; That Master PYM, and other of the Examiner's, had engaged their promise, to do whatever they could to preserve his life. He seemed also much smitten in conscience, and desired the comfort of godly Minister, being extremely penitent for that soul offence; and afterwards in his Speech to the House (when he came to be put out of it) much be wailed his offence, thanking God that so mischievous, and bloody a Conspiracy was discovered, before it could take effect.    

CHAP. III.  
Matters of State trans-acted in Parliament, touching the Assembly of Divines. The making of a new Great Seal. Impeaching the Queen of High Treason, and other things. The Lord General Essex, after some Marches, returneth to quarter his wasted and sick Army about Kingston. The King's Forces Masters of the West. The Earl of Newcastle, his greatness in the North. Some mention of the Earl of Cumberland, and the Lord FAIRFAX.  
AT the same time that these Conspiracies were closely working to undermine the Parliament, and War was raging in highest fury throughout the Kingdom; many State-businesses of an unusual nature had been trans-acted in the Parliament sitting. For things were grown beyond any precedent of former ages, and the very foundations of Government were shaken; according to the sense of that Vote, which the Lords and Commons had passed a year before, That whensoever the King maketh War against the Parliament, it tendeth to the dissolution of this Government.  
Three things of that unusual nature fell into debate in one month, which was May, 1643. and were then, or soon after fully passed; one was at the beginning of that month, concerning the Assembly of Divines at Westminster. Among other Bills which had passed both Houses, and wanted only the Royal Assent, that was one; That a Synod of Divines should be chosen and established, for the good and right settlement of Religion, with a fit Government for the Church of England. This Bill was oft tendered to the King to pass, but utterly refused by him: The matter therefore was fully argued, what in such cases might be done by Authority of Parliament, when the Kingdom's good is so much concerned, when a King refuseth, and wholly absenteth himself from the Parliament. And at last it was brought to this conclusion; That an Ordinance of Parliament, where the King is so absent, and refusing, is by the Laws of the Land of as good Authority to bind the people, for the time present, as an Act of Parliament itself can be.  
It was therefore Voted by the Lords and Commons, That the Act for an Assembly of Divines, to settle Religion, and a form of Government for the Church of England, (which the King had oft refused to pass) should forthwith be turned into an Ordinance of Parliament; and the Assembly thereby called, debate such things for the settlement of Religion, as should be propounded to them by both Houses; which not long after was accordingly put in execution.  
The case seemed of the same nature with that of Scotland, in the year 1639. when the Scottish Covenanters (as is before mentioned in this History) upon the King's delay in calling their national Synod, published a writing to that purpose; That the power of calling a Synod, in case the Prince be an Enemy to the truth, or negligent in promoting the Churches good, is in the Church itself.  
In the same month, and within few days after, another business of great consequence, was by the Lords and Commons taken into consideration, which was the making of a new Great Seal, to supply the place of that which had been carried away from the Parliament, as before is mentioned. This business had been fully debated in the House of Commons, and the Month following, at a Conference between both Houses, the Commons declared to the Lords what great prejudice the Parliament and whole Kingdom suffered by the absence of the Great Seal; and thereupon desired their speedy compliance in Votes for the making of a new one.  
The matter was debated in the House of Peers, put to Votes, and carried for the negative. The only reason which they alleged against the making of a new Seal; was this, That they have hitherto dispatched all business since the absence of the Seal, by virtue of Ordinances of Parliament, and they conceived that the same course might still be kept in what matters soever were necessary to be expedited for the good of the Kingdom, without a Seal. Yet the Lords gave a respective answer, That if the House of Commons would inform them in any particular cases, wherein the Kingdom's prejudice, by absence of the Great Seal, could not be remedied by virtue of an Ordinance, they would take it into further consideration, to induce compliance accordingly.  
Neither was it long before the Lords, upon reasons showed, concurred with the House of Commons; who about the beginning of july, presented to the Lords at a Conference the Votes, Which had before passed in their House, together with the reasons for making of a new Great Seal. The Votes were these:  
Resolved upon the Question. June 14. & 26.  

1. THat the Great Seal of England ought to attend the Parliament.  
2. That the absence of it hath been a cause of great mischief to the Commonwealth.  
3. That a remedy ought to be provided for these mischiefs.  
4. That the proper remedy is by making a new Great Sale.   
The reasons which they gave, were divided into two branches; The first declaring those mischiefs which were occasioned by conveying away the Great Seal from the Parliament: The second expressing those inconveniences and mischiefs which proceeded from the want of the Great Seal with them. The reasons of the first kind were thus:  
1. It was secretly and unlawfully carried away by the Lord Keeper, contrary to the duty of his place, who ought himself to have attended the Parliament, and not to have departed without leave; nor should have been suffered to convey away the Great Seal, if his intentions had been discovered.  
2. It hath been since taken away from him, and put into the hands of other dangerous and illaffected persons; so as the Lord Keeper, being sent unto by the Parliament, for the sealing of some Writs, returned answer, That he could not Seal the same, because he had not the Seal in his keeping.  
3. Those who have had the managing thereof, have employed it to the hurt and destruction of the Kingdom many ways; as by making new Sheriffs in an unusual and unlawful manner, to be as so many Generals, or Commanders, of Forces raised against the Parliament; by issuing out illegal Commissions of Array, with other unlawful Commissions for the same purpose; By sending forth Proclamations against both Houses of Parliament, and several Members thereof, proclaiming them Traitors, against the Privileges of Parliament, and Laws of the Land, By sealing Commission of Oyer and Terminer to proceed against them, and other of His Majesty's good Subjects, adhering to the Parliament, as Traitors; By sending Commissions into Ireland, to treat a peace with the Rebels there, contrary to an Act of Parliament, made this Session. Besides divers other dangerous Acts passed under it, since it was secretly conveyed away from the Parliament; whereby great calamities and mischiefs have ensued, to the prejudice of the Kingdom.  
Mischief's arising through want of the Great Seal.  
1. The Terms have been adjourned; the course of Justice obstructed.  
2. No original Writs can be sued forth without going to Oxford; which none who holds with the Parliament can do, without peril of his life or Liberty.  
3. Proclamations in Parliament cannot issue out, for bringing in Delinquents impeached of High Treason or other crimes; under pain of forfeiting their Estates, according to the ancient course.  
4. No Writs of Error can be brought in Parliament, to reverse erroneous judgements; nor Writs of Election sued out for choosing new Members upon death, or removal of any; whereby the number of the Members is much lessened, and the Houses in time like to be dissolved, if speedy supply be not had, contrary to the very Act for continuance of this Parliament.  
5. Every other Court of Justice hath a peculiar Seal; and the Parliament, the Supreme Court of England, hath no other but the Great Seal of England; which being kept away from it, hath now no Seal at all; and therefore a new Seal ought to be made.  
6. This Seal is Clavis Regni, and therefore aught to be resident with the Parliament (which is the representative Body of the whole Kingdom) whilst it continues sitting; the King, as well as the Kingdom, being always legally present in it, during the Session thereof.  
The Lords upon these reasons concurred with the House of Commons, and order was given, that a new Great Seal, should forthwith be made, which was accordingly done.  
It should seem the King was not well pleased with this action of the Parliament, as appeared by what was done at Oxford above a year after, when the King assembled together the Lords which were with him, and all those Gentlemen that had been Members of the House of Commons, and had deserted the Parliament at Westminster, whom the King called his Parliament at Oxford, and propounded many things for them to debate upon; amongst which it was taken into debate, and resolved upon the Question by that Assembly at Oxford, That this very action (which they style counterfeiting the Great Seal) was Treason, and the whole Parliament at Westminster, eo facto, guilty of High Treason. But this was passed at Oxford long after; of which occasion may be to speak further hereafter.  
But at the time when the Parliament made their new Great Seal, the people stood at gaze, and many wondered what might be the consequence of so unusual a thing. Some that wholly adhered to the Parliament, and liked well, that an action so convenient and useful to the present state, was done by them, looked notwithstanding upon it, as a sad mark of the Kingdom's distraction, and a sign how irreconcilable the difference might grow between the Parliament and the King's Person. For the legality or justness of making of the Seal, there was little dispute or argument among those who were not disaffected to the Parliament; and though there were no direct or plain precedent for it (for the case of a Kings being personally in War against the Parliament sitting, was never before) yet by comparison with other times, when the necessities of State have required such a thing, it was not only allowed, but thought requisite. I do not know of any thing written against it by any Lawyers, or other of the King's Party; but Master PRYNNE, a learned Lawyer, and great Antiquary, of the Parliament side, hath written a copious discourse in justification of it, both by arguments of reason, and many neere-resembling precedents of former times) called, The opening of the Great Seal of England, which is extant to be read by any that would be satisfied, what power from time to time Parliaments have challenged and been allowed, over that Seal, both in making of it in the infancy or absence of Princes, and disposing of it in the dotage or wilfulness of others.  
But before this business was fully concluded, another thing, which seemed as great a sign how wide the rent was grown, fell into debate in the House of Commons: Some time was spent in consultation about it, and much arguing on both sides. The matter was about charging the Queen of High Treason. To that purpose many Articles of an high nature were drawn up against her; some of them were, That she had pawned the Crown Jewels in Holland; That she had raised the Rebellion in Ireland; That she had endeavoured to raise a Party in Scotland against the Parliament; That she had gone in the head of a Popish Army in England: For not long before this time, the Queen with Arms and Ammunition from the Low-Countries, and Commanders of War from thence, had landed in the North of England, been entertained there by the Earl of Newcastle, and by him and others, with strong Forces conveyed to the King at Oxford, whereof more particulars will be related hereafter. Divers other Articles were framed against the Queen, upon which within few Months after, she was impeached of High Treason by the House of Commons, and the Impeachment carried up by Master PYMME to the House of Peers, where it stuck for many months, but was afterward passed there also; and may be further discoursed of in the due time.  
It had been likewise before Ordered by both Houses, and was now accordingly put in execution, that the King and Queen's Revenue coming into the Exchequer, should be detained, and employed to the Public Service of the Commonwealth; a Committee was chosen of Lords and Commons to dispose of it to the best uses. Divers necessary charges of the State were defrayed by it, and among others (which seemed a kind of just retaliation) many Members of both Houses of Parliament, whose whole Estates had been seized upon by the King's Armies, were in some measure relieved at London, out of his Revenue, and thereby enabled to subsist in that Public Service, to which they had been called.  
But so exceeding great by this time, were the charges grown for supportation of so spreading a War, that no Contributions nor Taxes whatsoever, were thought sufficient, unless an Excize were imposed upon Commodities (according to the way of the Netherlanders) such as Beer, Wine, Tobacco, and Meat; which was taken into consideration by both Houses, and this Summer agreed upon. But the Excize was laid with much gentleness, especially upon all Victuals of most common and necessary use, insomuch that it was little felt either by the rich, or poor people, and yet amounted monthly to a very considerable sum, though the King's Quarters were then the greatest part of England; for the City of London was within the Parliament Quarters.  
To return again to the Lord General ESSEX; His Excellency in May, 1643. having, as aforesaid, received intelligence of the defeat given to the Parliament Army in the West, and in what condition things there stood; not being able with his own Forces to give them relief, sent order to Sir WILLIAM WALLER (whose actions shall be anon mentioned in a Series by themselves) to march thither in assistance of the Devonshire Forces; and writ his Command to the Governor of Bristol, to aid him with such Horse and Foot, as he could conveniently spare out of his Garrison. But things could not at that time be put in execution according to his desires; and before Sir WILLIAM WALLER could get far into the West, Prince MAURICE, marquis HARTFORD, and Sir RALPH HOPTON were joined all together.  
The Lord General, since it was much desired by the City of London, from whom the supplies of money were to come, that he should move with his whole Army towards Oxford, was content, though somewhat against his judgement, to proceed in that Design; and marched with the main Body to Thame, to meet there with the Forces sent from the associated Counties to his assistance; from whence (as a person, whose care and Command extended over the whole Kingdom, which was now overspread with a general War, and wasted by many Armies at once) he granted a Commission, by direction of the Parliament, to the Lord FIELDING, (now Earl of Denbigh by the late death of his Father, who was slain in a Skirmish, fight against the Parliament) to be General of four Counties, Shropshire, Worcester, Stafford, and Warwickshire; to levy Forces there, and conduct them into any part of the Kingdom, against the King's Power, according to directions from the Parliament, or Lord General. He granted also at the same time another Commission in the like manner to Sir THOMAS MIDDLETON, to raise Forces as General of all North Wales.  
At Thame the hand of God, in an extreme increase of sickness (hundreds in a day desperately ill) did visit the Lord General's Army; and by strange unseasonableness of weather, and great rain continuing fourteen days, the place being upon a flat, moist, and clayie ground, made it impossible for him to advance from that Quarter. In which time the Army was by sickness, and departure of most of the Auxiliary Forces, brought to a number utterly unable to attempt the former design, without certain ruin, the situation of Oxford upon the River of Thames considered; for the Lord General conceived it impossible (as himself expressed) to block up the Town, without a double number to what he then had.  
But when the rain ceased, and the waters were so much abated, as to make the ways passable, intelligence was brought that Prince RUPERT had drawn out his Horse and Foot toward Buckingham, with his Canon also; and had called in the Country, making open profession before them, that he would give Battle to the General: The General marched with some speed toward Buckingham, to fight with him. When he came within two miles of that Town, he found the case far otherwise, and had intelligence that the Prince had quitted Buckingham in a kind of disorderly manner; that the night before, he had horsed his Foot, and marched away, leaving some of his Provisions behind him.  
The Lord General understood well, that it was not possible for him with his Train of Artillery and Foot Companies, to follow the Enemy to any advantage. For if he had been at that time strong enough in Horse, his desire was to have hindered Prince RUPERT from joining with the Queen, who then was marching with a good Convoy of Horse from the Northern parts of England, (where she had arrived from the Netherlands) toward Oxford. But being not able to follow that design, he desisted from his march to Buckingham, sending into the Town a Party of his Horse, to quarter there that night, and to bring away that Provision which the Enemy had left there. He himself, with the rest of his Army, marched to great Brickhill, a place most convenient to lie between the Enemy and London, to defend the Associated Counties, to assist or join with the Forces of the Lord GREY of Grooby, Sir JOHN MELDRUM, and Colonel CROMWELL, to whom he had before written, that if they could possibly, they should fight with the Queen's Forces, and stop her passage to the King. But it seemed that the business could not be done; that the Queen and Prince RUPERT were suffered to join together with all their Forces. Sir WILLIAM WALLER had been long victorious in the West, yet now the Parliaments fortune, almost in every place, began to fail; and intelligence was brought to the Lord General, that Sir WILLIAM having almost gained the whole West, and besieging Sir RALPH HOPTON in the Devizes, a Town of Devonshire, was on a sudden by unexpected Forces from Oxford, under the conduct of the Lord WILMOT, totally routed and forced into Bristol. The Lord General intending at the first report of this news, to have marched himself for relieving of the West; upon more particular information, that Sir WILLIAM waller's Forces were so far broken, that no assistance at all could be given by them, was enforced to desist from that enterprise; considering also that his own Army was shrunk, through the continual increase of violent sickness, want of pay, clothing, and other necessaries, to a most unconsiderable number, he resolved to proceed no further, nor to engage that weak Army to the ruin of itself, and danger of the Kingdom; especially since the Forces of the Associated Counties could not with safety be commanded so far from home. He therefore returned toward London, quartering that poor remainder of an Army at Kingston upon Thames, and other places near adjacent. In this distressed condition I must a while leave that great General, until some few week's time shall recruit his power, and enable him to make that famous and honourable expedition to the relief of Gloucester.  
So great at this time were the successes which in all parts crowned the King's Armies, that they seemed to possess an absolute Victory, and the Parliament in probability quite ruined; on one side the Lord General's Army mouldered away by long sickness, and other wants; the long successful Sir WILLIAM WALLER, quite broken in the West; and about the same time the Lord FAIRFAX, and his Son Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX (though reserved by divine Providence for a transcendent height of honour in the future) with all the Gentlemen almost which served the Parliament in those Northern parts, being defeated by the Earl of Newcastle; and the Lord FAIRFAX, with his Son, driven into the Town of Hull: On the other side, the King's Armies were full and strong; Sir RALPH HOPTON, whom for his valour and industry the King had honoured with the Title of a Baron, was possessed of a gallant Army in the West, and seemed to want nothing so much as a considerable Enemy; the Kings other Forces were free to choose what stage they pleased, to act their parts upon. Prince RUPERT was sent to besiege Bristol, where Colonel NATHANIEL FIENNES, second Son to the Viscount SAY, was Governor; which City in this low ebb of the Parliament, could not long hold out, but was soon delivered ●o the Prince, a place of as much concernment as any in the Kingdom. Prince MAURICE with another Army came to besiege the City of Excester, into which the Earl of Stamford was retreated after his defeat at Stretton in Cornwall, a Nobleman who had long struggled with various success, and in sharp encounters against Sir RALPH HOPTON, and other Commanders of the King's side in those Western Counties, ruined at last by the treacherous revolt of some, who had taken the same cause with him at the first. This City was likewise after a long siege, for want of supplies, delivered upon Articles to the Prince that besieged it.  
But the great cloud, which not only overshadowed the Parliament in the North, but threatened to pour out storms upon parts far remote, was the Earl of Newcastle, with his mighty Army, who was grown formidable to the Associated Counties, and many other places of the Kingdom. His Army was at that time the greatest of any in England, which he maintained in brave equipage, by large Contributions enforced from the Country, and seemed of strength enough, not only to master any opposition of English Forces, but to serve as a Bulwark against the greatest Army which the Kingdom of Scotland could be able to send in aid of the English Parliament. For the Parliament had then sent into Scotland, for the brotherly assistance of that Kingdom, and agreed upon entering into a Covenant with them for defence of Religion, and the common Liberty of both Nations.  
It pleased the Divine Providence (whose workings are many times beyond the reach of humane conjectures) that this strong Army, before the entrance of the Scots, found an Enemy in England worthy of their fear; and were by the personal valour and successful conduct of Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX, who seemed lately in a low condition, so far broken (together with other defeats given to parts of it sent abroad) that the passage for the Scots into England was much facilitated, as shall hereafter appear in more particular.  
But it is worthy consideration (and therefore cannot but deserve a mention) with what unwearied constancy, and wondrous magnanimity, the two FAIRFAXES, Father and Son, did labour to preserve those Northern parts for the Parliament, especially observing what great Enemies they dealt withal; how many unexpected disadvantages happened to them, and accessions of power to their Foes at several times; which, though it cannot be here related with full circumstances or particulars, yet may be touched in a general way.  
The Lord FAIRFAX, ever since that there was any appearance of this unhappy War; and that the King's Commission of Array began to justle with the Parliaments Ordinance of Militia, had been very industrious in raising strength; and joined himself most unanimously in that cause with Sir JOHN HOTHAM, and his Son Master JOHN HOTHAM, a Member also of the House of Commons, and a Gentleman, not only active but prosperous, whilst he continued faithful to that side which he had chosen. And since the War broke out into action, the Lord FAIRFAX, either singly by himself, or some times joined with Master HOTHAM, had taken and fortified many Towns and Forts for the Parliament, and made many sharp and fierce encounters against potent Enemies. The Earl of Cumberland, who was first made Lord Lieutenant of Yorkshire by the King, was not able to suppress them, nor scarce maintain the War against that power which they had raised: Maugre whose Forces, they took and fortified Cawood Castle, and the Town of Selby, in the Month of October, 1642. and surprised presently after the Town of Leedes, where part of the Earls Forces were quartered, of whom they took divers Prisoners, Knights and Gentlemen of good quality, one of which was Sir GEORGE DETHERICK, together with his whole Troop.  
The Earl of Cumberland himself, within few days after was driven into the City of York, and there besieged, and summoned by the Lord FAIRFAX and Master HOTHAM; which happened about the same time that the famous Battle between the King and the Lord General Essex, was fought at Keynton.  
But the Earl of Newcastle with a greater force, entered into York, whilst the Lord FAIRFAX and Captain HOTHAM, lay not far off; who, notwithstanding his great strength when he marched out of York, was encountered by them at Tadcaster, upon the 7. of December, the Fight or several Skirmishes continuing about five hours; in which the Parliament Forces did so well take their advantages, that they slew (as was reported to the Parliament) 200 of the Earls men, with the loss of eight Soldiers of their own, of whom Captain LISTER was one, whose death was much lamented in the Country, being esteemed a brave and religious man. After several Skirmishes, the Parliament Army had the fortune to make a fair retreat to Cawood Castle, and Selby, and leave all to the Earl, whose Forces were reported to be about eight thousand Horse and Foot, the Lord FAIRFAX and Captain HOTHAM having not above 2100. Foot, and seven Troops of Horse; their number had been greater, if Sir HUGH CHOLMELY and Colonel BAINTON, with their Regiments of Foot, and two Troops of Horse (who were expected) had accordingly come in to them.  
The Earl of Newcastle was now grown, not only master of the field there, but formidable to all the adjacent Counties; who did therefore implore aid from the Parliament. The Parliament upon that occasion, hastened the Association of those Counties which lay nearer to them, that they might be the more able to supply their remoter friends.  
The King's side received then an addition of strength in the North, by the landing of Colonel GORING at Newcastle, with 200. Commanders from Holland, and other Provisions for the War.  
The Earl of Newcastle marching from Tadcaster, surprised Leedes, in which Town he took many Gentlemen Prisoners, and forced them to ransom themselves at high rates; whereby he was further enabled to pay his great Army. Then also he gave Commissions to Papists in that Country to arm themselves in the King's Service, which he justified by writings published upon that occasion; and at the same time proclaimed the Lord FAIRFAX Traitor.  
The Lord FAIRFAX notwithstanding, marched with such Forces as he had gotten together, and proved successful in divers attempts, against several parts of the Earl of Newcastles Forces, one of them happening at Sherburne, between Tadcaster and Doncaster, and another at Bradford, against a party of the Earl of Newcastles Army, under the conduct of Colonel GORING, Colonel EVERS, Sir WILLIAM SAVILE, and Sir JOHN GOTHERICK, who came with a good strength of Horse and Dragoneers to surprise on a sudden that Town of Bradford; but were by Forces timely sent to the relief of it, forced to retire with some loss; which, though it were not a Victory against Colonel GORING and the rest, may notwithstanding be termed a successful Action, in being able to repel an Enemy too potent for them in all probability.   

CHAP. IU.  
Some Actions of Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX in the North. The Queen lands in England. The revolt of Sir HUGH CHOLMELY, and the two hotham's. The state of this War in the Western parts. The condition of the Associated Counties. A short relation of Sir WILLIAM WALLER his Actions; of Colonel CROMWELL, Sir WILLIAM BRERETON, and Sir JOHN GELL.  
GReat were the achievements of Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX in that month of january and the following February; for no season of the year, nor storms of winter, could quench the rage of this Civil Fire. Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX on the 23. of january, 1642. marched from Bradford (six miles distant from Loedes) with six Troops of Horse, and three Companies of Dragoones, under the command of Sir HENRY FOULIS Baronet, his Lieutenant General of his Horse, and near 1000 Musqueteers, with 2000 Clubmen, under the Command of Sir WILLIAM FAIRFAX Colonel, and Lieutenant General of the Foot. When Sir THOMAS approached the Town of Leeds, he dispatched a Trumpeter to Sir WILLIAM SAVILE, Commander in chief there, under the Earl of Newcastle, requiring the Town to be delivered to him for the King and Parliament. But receiving a resolute, and seeming-scornefull answer from Sir WILLIAM SAVILE, he drew nearer, and prepared to make an Assault, though there were great strength in the Town, namely, 1500 Foot, and 500 Horse and Dragoones, with two Brass Sakers. Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX drew out five Companies of his most expert Soldiers, whom he disposed of at a fit side of the Town, under the command of Major FORBES, Captains, BRIGGS, LEE, FRANK, and PALMER. Sir WILLIAM FAIRFAX, at the head of his Regiment, and the face of the Enemy, stormed the Town with great skill and courage, whilst Major FORBES did the like in his place, and Sir THOMAS himself every where encouraging, and teaching valour by his own example, brought on his men; so that after two hours of hot fight, though the besieged behaved themselves well, the Town was entered by Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX, Sir WILLIAM FAIRFAX, and Sir HENRY FOWLS, on one side, and Major FORBES, with his fellow Captains, on the other. They take within the Town their two Brass Sakers, with good store of Arms and Ammunition, four Colours, and 500 Prisoners, among whom were six Commanders: The Common Soldiers, upon taking of an Oath, never to fight in this cause against the King and Parliament, were set at liberty, and suffered to depart, but without their Arms. There were slain about forty men, of which number the besieged lost the greater half. Sergeant Major BEAUMONT, endeavouring in the flight to save his life, by crossing the River, so lost it, being drowned therein; and Sir WILLIAM SAVILE himself, crossing in flight the same River, hardly escaped the same fate. Public thanksgiving to Almighty God was given at London for this Victory.  
Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX with his victorious Forces, immediately marched to another Quarter of the Earl of Newcastles Army at Wakefield, from whence the chief Commander, Sir GEORGE WENTWORTH sled, and left it to him. Not long after, he marched to Tadcaster; at whose approach the Earls Forces, though a considerable number, fled away, and forsook their Works.  
From that time scarce any one fortnight of all the following Spring, passed without some remarkable addition of strength to the King's side, in those Northern parts. In February General KING, a Scottish Commander, of great experience in Military affairs, came out of Holland, landed at Newcastle, joined himself with the Earl of Newcastle, and passed to York with 6000. Arms. In the same Month also the Queen landing from Holland, near to Sunderland, with great Provision of Arms and Ammunition, and many Commanders of note in her Retinue, was convoyed by the Earl of Newcastle to the City of York.  
The Earl of Montrosse about the same time, a young Lord of great esteem in Scotland, who before in the Scottish War (as is there mentioned) had showed himself one of the most active and zealous Covenanters of that Nation, forsook his Party there, and with the Lord OGLESBY fled out of Scotland with 120. Horse, to the Queen at York. Upon which both those Lords were proclaimed at Edinburgh Traitors to their King and Country, for that, contrary to their Covenant, they stole out of Scotland, to assist the Popish Army, (for so they called that of the Earl of Newcastles) against the Parliament of England.  
Another great wound to the Parliament, not long after, was the revolt of Sir HUGH CHOLMELY, a Member of the House of Commons, and one that had carried a good esteem among them, who had before (as is already mentioned) been employed by the Parliament, as a Commissioner in the North, together with the Lord FAIRFAX, and Sir PHILIP STAPLETON; and was at this time highly entrusted by them; for he was Governor of Scarborough, a place of great importance. He falsely betrayed his Trust, and forsook the Cause he had undertaken, going to the Queen with 300. men. Upon which he was impeached of High Treason by the Parliament; but it was not his fortune to suffer for that offence, as others did, who about the same time failed in their Trusts. The Town of Scarborough was left in possession of a Parliament Captain, who was usually called Brown Bushel, a man that some thought would have kept it to the Parliaments use; he likewise revolted, and delivered it to their Enemies.  
Upon the landing of General KING, and the Queen presently after, a suspicion began to arise, by some circumstances, that the two unfortunate hotham's, the father and the son, were false to the Parliament. Which by the strict observation of some vigilant men on that side, was further discovered, and began at last to be discoursed of, with as little belief for a long time, as CASSANDRA'S Prophecies; and when it came more plainly to appear, with as much, not only wonder, but sorrow of honest men, that so much unconstancy should be found. The particulars of this discovery, and how much the Parliament, if not timely prevented, had suffered by it, there will be time hereafter to discourse of more at large. But they were both accused to the Parliament, seized upon at Hull, and sent up to London, where they long remained Prisoners in the Tower, before the time of their Trial and Execution.  
Not all these disadvantages, by the growth of Enemies, and revolt of friends, could dishearten the Lord FAIRFAX and his Son, who still persisted with great courage, and raising the Clubmen of the Country, to piece up those small Forces which remained with them, were able for a while to make considerable resistance, and perform divers services against some parts of the Earl of Newcastles vast Army. But one Victory was gained by Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX at Wakefield, which may be termed rather miraculous then strange; though I shall relate nothing save known truth, such a Victory, against so much odds, and so many disadvantages, as may serve to teach how much success may possibly crown bold attempts, and justify that old saying, Audaces fortuna juvat.  
The Lord FAIRFAX, General of the Parliaments Forces in the North, on the 20. of May gave Order for a Party to be drawn out from the Garrisons of Leedes, Bradford, Halifax, and Howley: They marched, 1000 Foot, three Companies of Dragoneers, and eight Troops of Horse; Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX commanded in Chief; the Foot were commanded by Sir WILLIAM FAIRFAX, and Sergeant Major General GIFFORD; the Horse divided into two Bodies, four Troops whereof were commanded by Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX himself, the other four by Sir HENRY FOWLYS. From Howley, which was their rendezvous, they marched away, and by four a clock in the morning came before Wakefield: Those of the Town were ready for them, and sent out some of their Horse to encounter with theirs, and Musqueteers to line some hedges, even to the very Town. There were in Wakefield 3000. Foot, and seven Troops of Horse, besides Colonel LAMPTONS' Regiment, which came into the Town after that the Parliaments Forces entered into it. But at the first encounter the Parliaments Forces beat their Enemy's Horse back; and their Foot also drove those Musqueteers from the hedges, even into the Town; which they assaulted in two places, called Wrengate, and Northgate. After an hour and an half fight, recovered one of their Enemy's Pieces, and turned it upon them; and withal entered the Town in both places at the same time. When the Baracadoes were opened, Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX with the Horse, also fell into the Town, and cleared the street, there was a cruel and fierce encounter; in which place Colonel GORING was taken Prisoner by Lieutenant MATTHEW ALURED (brother to Captain JOHN ALURED, a Member of the House of Commons;) yet in the Market place stood three Troops of Horse, and Colonel LAMPTONS' Regiment; to whom Major General GIFFORD sent a Trumpet, with proffer of Quarter, if they would lay down their Arms. To which when they returned a scornful Answer, he fired a Piece of their own Ordnance upon them, and the Horse also falling in with great fury, soon beat them out of the Town, and took all their Officers Prisoners. They took withal 27. Colours of Foot, three Cornets of Horse, and about 1500. Common Soldiers. They were likewise forced when they fled, to leave behind them four Pieces of Ordnance, with Ammunition, which the Parliament Forces carried away with them. For when they had thus taken the Town, they found their number and strength too weak to keep it, and their Prisoners too. And therefore they quitted the place, and marched away with this brave booty.  
This great Victory at Wakefield, seemed (according to the common saying) like a lightning before death; for not long after, these Forces were quite broken by the Earl of Newcastle, whose greatness overspread those Countries, and was never encountered by any Enemy, but in parts of his Army. He had managed the whole business, and attained his height of power by great skill and policy; and now having no near Enemy in the field, was gone to besiege the Lord FAIRFAX in Hull, which was by some talked of as an error in him, no less than besieging Gloucester soon after, by the King was censured.  
Such a continual and sad War had the Northern parts been forced to endure all the winter. Nor was it their case alone; scarce any County of England was free from it. The whole West, consisting of so many rich and flourishing Shires, had been as sad a stage of civil Tragedies. Many Armies and small Parties of either side (too many for one History to describe at large, or give particular due to the actions of every Gentleman) had been engaged, without any intermission in those parts.  
Of all Commanders there, that sided with the King against the Parliament, Sir RALPH HOPTON, by his unwearied industry, and great reputation among the people, had raised himself to the most considerable height, and continued the longest a Leader of Armies, as the sequel of the Story will hereafter declare: But his successes, through the whole course of his Actions, were very various, and many ebbs and flows were in his fortune.  
The marquis HARTFORD, though far higher in Dignity, and greater by power of his large Commission from the King (of which before is spoken) was not able to act so largely in the field as Sir RALPH did, though he were seldom idle, but busy about Towns, and in small Parties. They were both opposed in their beginnings, not so much by any Noblemen, or great Commanders employed by the Parliaments Commissions, as by private Gentlemen of those Counties; the chief of which were Sir FRANCIS POPHAM, and his Sons, Master STRODE a Deputy Lieutenant there, with others before named, besides plain Freeholders of the Country, who seemed to understand their own Liberties and interest, which they had in the Commonwealth. Until at the last the Earl of Stamford, a stout Gentleman, (who had been before employed about Leicester, against Master HASTINGS, with a Commission from the Parliament, as General of Some Counties) was sent into the West.  
The Earl of Stamford was by the Parliament made Lord General of all South-Wales, and the four next adjacent Counties, as Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford, and Cheshire; with power to raise Forces in all those Counties, to appoint Officers and Commanders over them, to train and exercise the men, and to fight with all that should oppose him. The Lord GREY, Son and Heir to the Earl of Stamford, was appointed to succeed his Father, in his former Charge, and made Lord Lieutenant of five Counties, Leicester, Nottingham, Derby, Rutland, and Lincoln, to continue the War against Master HASTINGS, the Earl of Chesterfield, and others, who opposed the Parliament in those parts.  
The Earl of Stamford, at his first coming into the West, was successful against Sir RALPH HOPTON, whom he raised from the siege of Plymouth, but Sir RALPH HOPTON not long after, by a stratagem of feigning flight, entrapped many of the Earls men, conducted by a Lieutenant of his, and gave an overthrow to the Parliament Forces; betwixt whom, and the Earl of Stamford, upon the fifteenth of March, 1642. a Truce was made for twenty days. The Earl, after the expiration of that Truce, again taking the field, with a competent Army, was a while prosperous against Sir RALPH HOPTON; but not long after overthrown by the revolt of young CHUDLEY, Son to Sir JOHN CHUDLEY, by whose assistance before, those Parliament Forces had been victorious. The Earl of Stamford was then enforced to betake himself to the City of Excester, whither HOPTON and CHUDLEY followed him, to lay siege to the place. But Prince MAURICE was soon after sent thither to command in chief; to whom at last (as is before expressed) it was upon fair Articles surrendered by the Earl of Stamford.  
Notwithstanding so many misfortunes, as had then fallen upon the Parliament side; about the end of May, 1643. they did not despair of regaining the whole West, by the active valour of Sir WILLIAM WALLER, who about that time was very prosperous in those Counties, and some parts of the Principality of Wales, and whose name was grown to be a great terror to his Enemies. Of his actions, and by what degrees he grew into esteem and strength, it will not be amiss to relate in a continued Series, considering how great a General he became afterwards in these Wars, and in what low Command he began. He was a Gentleman of fair experience in Military affairs by former travels, and services abroad, of good judgement, and great industry, of which he gave many testimonies to the Kingdom.  
Sir WILLIAM WALLER, about the time of the Battle of Keynton, received a Commission to be Colonel of Horse; and moving that winter following, as occasions of the present War required, performed many exploits; he took in Farnham Castle, and passed Southward, after that Portsmouth by his assistance had been taken from Colonel GORING, and some other quick services at Winchester, and in the Country thereabouts, which he had performed, joining himself with Colonel BROWNE, a Citizen of London (who took up Arms at the beginning of this Civil War, and continued till the very end, in high Commands, and reputation as high; of whose actions more must be delivered in the sequel of this History.) Colonel HURREY, and some others, passing into the Western part of Sussex, he laid siege to the City of Chichester; in that City many Gentlemen of rank and quality had fortified themselves, and gathered together much Arms and Ammunition for service of the King against the Parliament.  
About the middle of December appearing before Chichester, he was there met with some Forces, Troops of Horse and Dragoniers, that came to his assistance from Kent and Sussex, under the conduct of Colonel MORLEY, a Member of the House of Commons, a Gentleman of good rank in Sussex, and great activity in the Parliament Service, and Sir MICHAEL LE●VESEY, a Kentish Knight. The Battery was placed by Sir WILLIAM at fit places, and all things ordered with great skill; but before the battery began, to save effusion of blood, Sir WILLIAM, by the consent of all his Officers, summoned the Town by a Trumpet, with such Conditions offered, which were judged too high by the besieged, and therefore at first not accepted of; yet after eight days it was rendered to him upon no other Conditions then only Quarter and fair usage. The Prisoners which were taken there of note, were immediately sent toward London to the Parliament, who were Sir EDWARD FORD, high Sheriff of Sussex, Sir JOHN MORLEY, Colonel SHELLEY, Master LEAUKNER, Colonel LINDSEY, Lieutenant Colonel PORTER, Major DAWSON, and Major GORDON, with Doctor KING, then Bishop of Chichester, and many other Officers and Commanders in Arms, to the number of 60. about 400. Dragoniers, and almost as many Foot Soldiers. In the March following, his employment was in the Western parts of England, where he raised Forces. The next in command under him, who continued with him in almost all his actions, was Sir ARTHUR HASLERIG, another Member of the House of Commons, serving as Knight for Leicestershire, a man that in all Battles and Skirmishes gave great proofs of his prowess and personal valour. Sir WILLIAM WALLER having now raised a competent force, and marching out of Bristol on the nineteenth of March, within two days after approached Malmesbury. Colonel HERBERT LUNSFORD a stout Gentleman, and a good Soldier, Brother to Sir THOMAS LUNSFORD, that was taken at Keynton Battle, was then Governor of Malmesbury; who upon the first approach sent out seven Troops of Horse, to begin an encounter with him; but they were no ways able to endure the force of those Horse which Sir WILLIAM had drawn out against them, but fled immediately, some of them back into the Town; many of them conceiving that there was small safety in the Town for them, fled quite away.  
Sir WILLIAM assaulted the Town the same day, but not prevailing then, he lodged there all night, preparing the next morning for another, and more fierce assault. But the besieged conceiving the place unteneble, desired a Parley, and yielded upon Quarter. He took at Malmesbury one Piece of Ordnance, about three hundred Prisoners, whereof Colonel LUNSFORD, and Colonel COOK were the chief, with almost twenty Officers great and small; good store of rich prize and Ammunition; the Conquest was bloodless, and very few slain on either side.  
Within few days after he obtained a very considerable Victory near to Gloucester, against the Lord HERBERT of Ragland, Son to the Earl of Worcester, who with a great Army of Welshmen lay against that Town; which, for the manner of it, in brief was thus: Sir WILLIAM with his Forces, coming near to Cirencester, made show (the better to conceal his purpose) as if he intended to fall upon that Town; but his design was for Gloucester, and had taken such provident care, that the men in Gloucester had notice of his purpose; and that with the help of his flat-bottomed Barges, which thence were brought to him in the nature of Wagons (useful both by land and water) he would transport his Forces over the River Severne, beyond Gloucester, and fall upon the Rear of the Lord HERBERT'S Welsh Forces, when he was least feared or expected; withal, he gave notice to the Gloucester Forces to fall upon the Front of that Army, as he would upon their Rear. The Plot, as it was wisely contrived, was successful in the event, and took so good effect for him, that when the Lord HERBERT was in skirmish with the Forces of Gloucester, and confident to cut them all off, being very few in comparison of his own; Sir WILLIAM with his Army, near High●am their Quarter, fell suddenly upon the Rear of the Lord HERBERT'S men, with such fury, that they were all routed, and would gladly have fled, if they had known any way to escape. There were slaine of that Welsh Army about 500 upon the place, near a thousand taken Prisoners, with all their Arms and Ammunition, the rest wholly dispersed and scattered, the Lord HERBERT himself escaped by flight, and got to Oxford.  
Sir WILLIAM WALLER, after this great Victory, marched from thence to Tewksbury; at whose approach, those of the King's Soldiers, that were Garrisoned there, fled away, and left it to him; from whence marching further into the Country, he surprised divers straggling Troopers of the other side, with some Arms, Pistols, and Carbines, together with sixteen thousand pound in Money, and carried away his booty to Gloucester.  
Within as short a distance of time, he took Chepstow in Monmouthshire, and seized upon divers of those that were Conspirators for the betraying of Bristol (of which Treason I have spoken before) and who, upon the discovery of it, had fled from thence. At that place he took a Ship called the Dragon of Bristol, and great store of wealth in her, belonging to those who were his Enemies; which he seized, as a just booty, and much to his advantage.  
From Chepstow he marched with a swift pace to Monmouth; the Town upon composition was soon rendered to him; from whence, after he had put a Garrison into it, he marched to Vske, and summoned the Country; where divers Forces came in to him; among others Sir WILLIAM MORGAN his Son, of Tredegan, brought him five hundred armed men, and some Money; where also Master HERBERT of Colebrook raised a thousand men, and seized on Abergaine for the Parliament.  
Sir WILLIAM WALLER in this high career of his fortune, was commanded back from the West by the Lord General Essex, to come to the chief Army: Which being soon understood among those of the King's Army, he was way-layed by Prince MAURICE. The intention of Sir WILLIAM WALLER was to get to Gloucester with his Forces; having therefore sent away his Ordnance and Baggage, with his Foot to guard it over Wye to Aust; himself with his Horse and Dragoones, resolved to fall upon Prince MAURICE his Army, and force a passage thorough, which he did with great success, and small loss; and as he marched afterward, cut down all the Bridges behind him; whereby he hindered Prince MAURICE from marchimg after him. This course if the Prince had taken before him, Sir WILLIAM WALLER might have been kept in Wales to his great disadvantage. But by that means of cutting down the Bridges, Prince MAURICE his pursuit being hindered, Sir WILLIAM WALLER, by assistance of the Governor MASSEY, regained many Towns possessed by the King's Forces, especially Tewksbury, Sir MATTHEW CAREW being fled from thence. But there he took many Prisoners, much Arms and Riches; he placed a Garrison there; and from thence, according to his first design, arrived safe at the City of Gloucester.  
Sir WILLIAM WALLER continued not long at Gloucester, but (being now dispensed with for returning to the Lord General) according to his usual celerity, he flew to Hereford, before any fear or expectation of his coming. He took that Town upon Quarter, and in it many Prisoners of great rank and quality, among whom was the Lord SCUDMORE, with five revolted Members of the House of Commons, viz. The Lord SCUDMORES' Son, Colonel HERBERT PRICE, Sir RICHARD CAVE, Lieutenant Colonel CONISBY, Master CONISBY, and besides them, Sir WALTER PIE, Sir WILLIAM CROFTS, Lieutenant Colonel THOMAS PRICE, Sergeant Major MINTRIDGE, Sir SAMUEL AMBY, Sergeant Major DALTON, Captain SOMERSET, Captain SCLATER, Doctor ROGERS, Doctor GOODWIN, Doctor EVANS, and divers others; who were all carried away to Gloucester.  
Within three days after that service, he surprised the Town of Leinster in that County, twelve miles distant from Hereford, where he took good prize, disarmed many of the King's Party there, and placed a Garrison in the Town.  
It was feared at that time by those of the King's side, that Sir WILLIAM WALLER, going on in so prosperous a way, might perchance surprise Worcester and Ludlow: To prevent therefore his further proceedings, Prince MAURICE, with a good strength of Horse, was sent from Oxford, with whom also the marquis of Hartford was joined, to fall upon him. But Sir WILLIAM scouring the Countries thereabouts with his active Forces, and having disarmed many of the other side in Wilts and Somersetshire, came to Bath with an Army much increased of late both in number and reputation; at which place Sir EDWARD HUNGERFORD, Sir JOHN HORNER, and Master STRODE, joined with him to oppose Prince MAURICE and the marquis Hartford. About that part of the Country were frequent and fierce encounters, which lasted for a long time, and many retreats with great skill and courage were made on both sides, when night parted the fury of their sights. But Sir WILLIAM WALLER proved for the most part victorious (whose particular actions there deserve a more peculiar relation) and at last became Master of the field, chase his Enemies so far as a Town called the Devizes, to which place he followed and besieged them. The losses in all those several encounters were very uncertain, and variously reported, by reason that both Parties had many times liberty to bury their dead; but on the Parliament side were lost one Major, one Lieutenant, and two Cornets. Sir ARTHUR HASLERIG was there wounded, but the danger was not very great. On the other side, besides the uncertain number of Common Soldiers, some of quality were slain, among whom was Sir BEVILE GREENVILE, Lieutenant Colonel WARD, Major LOWER, with five or six Captains, Sir RALPH HOPTON, the Earl of Carnarvan, and the Lord MOHUN were reported to be wounded.  
Sir RALPH HOPTON was besieged in the Devizes by Sir WILLIAM WALLER, and began to treat about the surrender of it; for Prince MAURICE and the marquis of Hartford were retired toward Oxford, where suddenly the fortune of war changed, and Sir WILLIAM WALLERS Army, by an unexpected party of fresh Forces, which came from Oxford (for the Lord General ESSEX his Army was so much wasted by sickness, and other distresses, that he could not at all straiten Oxford, nor hinder any Forces from issuing thence) under the conduct of the Lord WILMOT, was utterly defeated, scattered, and ruined, as was before mentioned. He himself for security at the present, retired into the City of Bristol, from whence within few days he road, accompanied with some Gentlemen toward London, and was there received with great affection, and many promises of their best endeavour to set him forth with another Army.  
The King's Forces seemed now to have done the greatest part of their work, being in a manner sole Masters of the West, and most Northern Counties of England, and having ruined the Lord FAIRFAX and Sir WILLIAM waller's Armies. Yet in all Counties the fortune was not alike; in many places those Gentlemen which adhered to the Parliament, were able not only to guard themselves, but get ground upon their enemies, though those actions were for the most part performed in skirmishes between small parties, in preserving their own strengths, or taking Towns from the other side, such as had been in Cheshire, Lancashire, Staffordshire, Derby, Leicester, Nottingham, and other places, which I shall briefly touch anon, after I have related in how contrary a condition to the North and West, which had been the seat of a fierce war, and a prey to the greatest and most potent Armies of either side; and how much happier than those other Counties, which had been always molested with Alarms and Skirmishes, and suffered by pillaging on both Parties; the Eastern Counties of England had remained all the foregoing Winter, and continued so during the whole progress of this bloody War, which were the Counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge, Essex, Hartford, Huntingdon. etc. who never were made the seat of any part of this civil War. These parts of the Kingdom had joined themselves in an Association by Authority of Parliament, with power to defened each other, and levy Forces against all enemies to that cause; this great happiness of peace and quiet that they enjoyed, may be supposed to flow from the unanimity of their affections, which carried them all the same way; and true it is, that there was as much unanimity of opinion and affection in those Counties among the people in general, as was to be found in any part of England, but it was especially among the common people; for a great and considerable number of the Gentry, and those of highest rank among them, were dis-affected to the Parliament, and were not sparing in their utmost endeavours to promote the King's Cause, and assist his Force against it; which might have thrown those Countries (if not wholly carried them to the other side) into as much distraction, and sad calamity, as any other part of the Land had felt; nor could that Association have been possibly made, if those Gentlemen had not been kerbed and suppressed by that timely care which the Parliament took, and more particularly by the successful services of one Gentleman, Master OLIVER CROMWELL of Huntingdon, a Member of the House of Commons; whose wisdom, valour, and vigilancy, was no less available in this important business, then remarkable afterwards in the highest services, and greatest battles, of the whole War. Of this man's Actions (because it pleased God to raise him afterward into the greatest commands, and prosper in so high a measure all his undertake, that he became within few years one of the chief props, on which the Parliament leaned, and greatest scourges of the other sid) let it not seem amiss if I discourse in a continued Ser●es, during those Months that intervened the Battle of Keynton; and that low ebb of the Parliament which preceded the siege of Gloucester.  
The first Action that CROMWELL undertook, was to secure the Town of Cambridge for the Parliament, about the middle of January. Universities were of all places most apt to adhere to the King's party, esteeming Parliaments, and especially this, the greatest depressors of that Ecclesiastical Dignity, in hope of which they are there nurtured.  
Upon which reason they were packing up a large quantity of the Plate that belonged to all the Coledges, to send it away to the King, which would have made a considerable sum. This was foreseen by CROMWELL; who by a Commission from the Parliament, and Lord General Essex had raised a Troop of Horse, and came down into that Country, with authority to raise more Forces as occasion served; he came to Cambridge soon enough to seize upon that plate, which was going to Oxford; but before his arrival there, he performed by the way another service: Sir THOMAS CONESBY, lately made High Sheriff of Hartfordshire, had received a Proclamation from the King, to proclaim the Earl of Essex, and all his adherents Traitors; and was then at St. Albon upon a Market day, proclaiming of the same; CROMWELL with his Troop seized upon him, and sent him up to the Parliament.  
Not long after he collected in convenient time the Forces of that County, and invited the neighbour Counties of Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk, to their assistance, against an invasion of the Lord CAPELL, who should have been seconded by Prince RUPERT also, to invade that place, and hinder the Association; which had been done, if that timely prevention had not been used. This made them forbear their intended invasion, and retire to other parts.  
About the beginning of March CROMWELL having raised a Regiment of Horse, consisting of 1000 marched into Suffolk with much celerity, upon intelligence of a great and considerable confederacy held among those Gentlemen which adhered to the King's Party, at a Town in that County called Lowerstost, a place of great consequence: He surprised them unawares, gained the Town with small difficulty, and no shot at all. In which he took Prisoners Sir THOMAS BARKER, and his Brother Sir JOHN PETTUS, Master THOMAS KNEVET, two of the CATLINES, Captain HAMMOND, Master COREY, Master TURRILL, Master PRESTON, and about 20. others of quality and substance. In that Town he gained good store of Ammunition, Saddles, Pistols, Powder, Shot, and several Engines for War, enough to have served a considerable Force. And certain it was, that if CROMWELL had not surprised them in that nick of time, it had proved a matter of great danger to the County; for within one day after, as many more Knights and Gentlemen, that were listed before, had met at the same place. This was a timely service to the Parliament, and a great discouragement to all that Party in Suffolk and Norfolk, which adhered to the King's side.  
But when the Spring grew further on, and it was seasonable to make longer Marches, about the beginning of April, CROMWELL having well settled the businesses of those Associated Counties, for the Parliaments use, and not confining his care and services within those parts only, raised a greater Force, of such as came freely and heartily in to him; with whom he marched along towards Lincolnshire, with purpose to assist those of his side, that warred against Newarke. Newarke was one of the strongest Garrisons, which was then held of the King's side, replenished with many Gentlemen of Lincolnshire, and other Shires, and some expert Soldiers, who enforced large Contributions from the adjacent Country, and made roads often times even to the Walls of Lincoln. Colonel CROMWELL in his March thither, as he passed thorough the County of Humingdon, disarmed many that were ill affected to the Parliament, and increased by that means his strength so far, that he was grown above two thousand strong; and before he came to Newarke, receiving an addition of Horse from Captain HOTHAM, he also joined with some Forces of Lincolnshire. At his first approach near to Newarke, it was his fortune to perform a good service for his side; for when Captain WRAY with his Lincolnshire Horse, had too rashly quartered within a little of that Town, he was set upon in the night time by a strong Party from the Town; where after some little bickering, nor being able to resist so great a number, he was surprised with his whole Troop; but the Alarm coming to CROMWELL, he advanced, and at ten a clock at night fell upon the Newarkers, rescued Captain RAYS Troop, and took three Troops of theirs, with the slaughter of many of them.  
After this, when he sat down before the Town, he was so vigilant upon all Sallies that were made out, and so successful, that he took many men and Colours at several times; and with his Horse, watching all occasions, he once defeated a strong Party of the Newarkers, near to Grantham, where the odds of number was so great on their side, that it seemed almost a miraculous Victory. At another time he fell upon a Party of the Earl of Newcastles Army sent toward Newarke, and quartering between that Town and Grantham, of whom he slew many, took an hundred Horse, and forty Prisoners.  
Such things as these were the beginnings of CROMWELL, at his first entrance into the Soldiery; those that must be called his deeds; were in the following years of this unhappy War, and will require a larger and more full expression.  
In those other Counties which were named before this Discourse of the Association, the fortune of War, during the aforesaid Months, had been very various, and daily contestations happened, being for the most part betwixt small Parties, and in besieging, taking, and re-taking of Towns and Forts. In Cheshire Sir WILLIAM BRERETON, a wise and vigilant man, who from the beginning of these troubles had taken charge of that County, serving in Parliament as Knight thereof, had so well acted his part against the Earl of Derby (made by the King Lord Lieutenant of that County, as well as of Lancashire) that he was the chief instrument of delivering Cheshire out of his hands, and preserving it for the Parliament, though the greater part of Gentry there adhered to the King: But it pleased God to give many Victories to Sir WILLIAM BRERETON against them.  
He obtained about the beginning of March, a great Victory against those of the King's Party at Middlewich in Cheshire; which Town, after a sharp encounter in the fields before it, he finally took, with 500 Prisoners, whereof many were Commanders and Gentlemen of great worth; which Victory did much advance the Parliaments Cause in those parts.  
He resisted with great success the Lord CHOLMELY, and Sir THOMAS ASTON, two powerful men, and zealous for the King's Party.  
Having settled in some measure, by extraordinary care and wisdom, his own County for the Parliament, and raised many stout and well armed men there, he was forward to give assistance to other parts; and advancing into Shropshire against the Lord CAPELL, he surprised a Town called Dreyton, in which Sir VINCENT CORBET, a Commander of the King's side, was quartered: But Sir WILLIAM BRERETON with small opposition entered the Town, and took two complete Troops of Horse, and six Companies of Dragoneers. Sir VINCENT CORBET escaped by flight.  
He marched thence along thorough those Counties, and took some places of great import, as the affairs of both Parties stood at that time.  
Sir WILLIAM went on prosperously, and within a short time after took Whitchurch, upon the edge of Shropshire, with great store of Arms and Ammunition, and many Prisoners of the Lord CAPULETS Forces.  
But Sir WILLIAM BRERETON, when he joined Forces with other men, or came in opportunely to the relief or rescue of engaged friends, performed divers great and advantageous services to the side he took, especially when he joined in Action with Sir JOHN GELL of Derbyshire, a constant and successful Actor for the Parliament; of whom by himself, and together with Sir WILLIAM BRERETON, I shall make a further mention.  
The County of Derby, full of Nobility and Gentry, was much swayed, even from the beginning of these distractions, against the Parliament; for scarce did any Gentleman in all that County, but Sir JOHN GELL, appear for it at the first. He, with his brother, and some of his kindred, by the help of those Freeholders and Yeomen that inclined that way, made a Party to resist those great ones, at such a time, as must needs renown his courage and constancy. And it pleased God to make him prosperous in that great and hazardous undertake, and to carry it so during the whole War.  
After the Battle at Keynton, he took a Commission from the Earl of Essex, with great care and cost he provided Arms, and timely seized upon the Town of Derby; which Town he so well fortified, that it proved a sufficient defence against the assaults of potent Enemies, and a refuge upon all occasions to the Parliaments friends; it was likewise, no doubt, a great encouragement to many of the neighbouring Counties, to stand upon their guard in the like kind.  
But the Walls of Derby could not immure Sir JOHN GELL, nor hinder him from acting his part abroad. In many Services he joined himself (not without good success) with Sir WILLIAM BRERETON, with Colonel CROMWELL, and marched sometimes with the Lord GREY of Grooby (before mentioned, Lord Lieutenant of those Counties) against Master HASTINGS, and against the Town of Newarke.  
In the Month of February he marched with those Forces which he had, under the conduct of the Lord BROOKE, into Staffordshire, to take in Lichfield, which was then possessed by a Garrison of the King's side. Having entered the Town, they found hot and sharp resistance, from a place of great strength, called the Close, or Cathedral yard, a place famous in the succeeding War, as being often gained and regained, with the loss of much blood on either side.   

CHAP. V.  
The death of the Lord BROOKE, and of the Earl of Northampton. A short mention of some Actions in divers Counties. The low condition of the Parliament at that time. The siege of Gloucester.  
WHile the Parliament Army continued at the siege of Lichfield Close, their General the Lord BROOKE, as he looked out of a window, was unfortunately shot into the head, and died immediately; a man as much lamented by the Parliament, as any that ever fell on that side, and as much honoured for his Piety, Valour, and Fidelity.  
After his death, Sir JOHN GELL succeeded in that Command, and about the beginning of March took the Close, with very little loss of blood, though they had their Ours ready prepared to blow up the Walls of the Close, and had thrown Granades into it; which made the besieged cry out for Quarter, which they obtained; for the Soldiers thought it not honourable (being in cold blood) to revenge their General's death, by putting them to the Sword. But they took a good and rich booty of Money, Bag, and Baggage, about a thousand Arms, and very considerable Prisoners, the Earl of Chesterfield, with his Son, and divers other Gentlemen of Ranke.  
About the middle of that March, Sir JOHN GELL with an Army of fifteen hundred Horse and Foot, advanced from Lichfield toward the Town of Stafford; where it was his fortune to meet with the Earl of Northampton and his Forces, consisting of about twelve hundred Horse, at a place called Cranock-Greene, or Salt-Heath, almost four miles from Stafford: The Earl gave a brave and furious Charge upon them, and being stronger in Horse, made Sir JOHN GELLS Horse to retreat and disorder at this first Charge; in which he took divers of them Prisoners, and surprised two Drakes. After that, he wheeled twice about their Foot, seeking his best advantage where to break them: But Sir JOHN GELL, and his Commanders, did so well order their Battalia, that the Foot kept unbroken, and made good the field again together with their Horse, and resaluted their hot Assailants, fight Pell mell for a long time.  
At this fierce encounter the Earl of Northampton himself was slain in the place, one Master LUCY and Captain BAGOT, with many more, about whose number relations did not agree; a Cornet of the Kings also was here slain, and his Colours taken, having on it a Crown, and this Inscription, Carolus Rex. Two other Cornets were there taken, of which one was the Princes, for the King, and Prince his Troops were both there. They took Prisoner one of the Earl of Chesterfields' younger Sons; and Sir JOHN GELL, by the timely coming in of Sir WILLIAM BRERETON to his assistance, before the sight was ended, obtained a great Victory, and drove his Enemies quite out of the field. Among the rest, Master HASTINGS (as was then reported) having been once taken Prisoner, and rescued, fled away wounded.  
Thus it fell out, that these two Peers, the Earl of Northampton, and the Lord BROOKE, who first of all the Nobility, at the breaking out of this Civil Distraction, had personally contested in one County, about the Parliament Ordinance of Militia, and the King's Commission of Array, within a small distance both of place and time, ended their days by this unhappy War. They were both much lamented by their own Parties, both men of worth and courage, though much different in the manner of their lives and conversations.  
As Cheshire, though a County where many Papists inhabited, was by the successful care of Sir WILLIAM BRERETON and other Gentlemen, kept from deserting the Parliament, and able to resist the Earl of Derby, the King's Lieutenant there: So her sister Lancashire, more full of Papists, and more fiercely assaulted by that Earl, under the same authority, being the place of his chief residence and power, was able not only to resist him, but finally beat him out of the Country by the courage and industry of divers Protestant Gentlemen of that Shire; of whom I have named many in the precedent Book. But it is fit to give a little touch of the chief actions.  
The Parliament, in midst of winter, when that County was in the greatest distraction, had sent down Sir JOHN SEATON, a Scottish Knight, an experienced and stout Commander, as Major General of the Forces in that Shire, that he might direct the unskilful valour of that people, though many of those Gentlemen had done great services before, as appeared at Manchester, and some other places.  
One of his exploits was at Preston: Sir JOHN SEATON having settled himself at Manchester, marched from thence about the beginning of February toward Preston, with Major General SPARROW, Colonel HOLLAND, Captain BOOTH, Sergeant Major BIRCH, Master NOWELL of Mearkley, and some other, with about ten Companies, and almost two thousand Clubmen, to take in Preston, a Town well fortified, and very stoutly defended; but it was so furiously assaulted (Captain BOOTH in person first sealing the Walls) by the Parliament Forces, that after two hours of extreme hot fight, the Parliament Forces were Masters of it: The Town was taken with small loss of the assailant side, which was wonderful; not one Officer, and not above seven or eight Common Soldiers. On the other side many fell, the Mayor of the Town, ADAM MORTE, with his Son, Sir GILBERT HOUGHTONS' Brother, a Captain of Horse, with divers others of quality; Sir GILBERT himself fled to WIGHAM. They took two hundred Prisoners, whereof many were Gentlemen of good rank in the Country. They took three Pieces of Ordnance, many Muskets, and other Arms, with two or three Colours. The taking of this Town was of great consequence, both toward the maintenance of the Parliament Forces, and also to stop the passage from Newcastle to Chester and Shrewsbury.  
Shortly after Sergeant Major BIRCH was sent from Preston to Lancaster Town; who without any great opposition (for he came suddenly and unexpected) soon entered the Town with his whole Company; and being entered, the Townsmen assisted him very freely to win the Castle there; which he took into his possession for the Parliament.  
Wiggon also in Lancashire, was taken in, with great store of Arms and Prisoners, by Sir JOHN SEATON, with those Gentlemen that followed him, together with the Townsmen of Manchester, and other Clubmen of the Country, whom they had gotten together.  
The Earl of Derby desisted not from his endeavours to reduce that County; but marched with a considerable strength to take in Whaley, which he had almost accomplished, but was notwithstanding repelled from thence by the Forces of the Country.  
The same Earl had likewise possessed himself of Warrington, a considerable Town in Lancashire; and left a Garrison in it; but at the beginning of june, that Town was regained by the Forces of Manchester, with eight Pieces of Ordnance, and five or six hundred Prisoners; by which all Lancashire seemed to be reduced to the obedience of the Parliament, scarce any place of considerable strength being left in the power of the Early of Derby.  
The Lord GREY of Grooby, had been long possessed of Leicester, as the chief quarter where he resided; and besides his actions at other parts about that place, with various fortunes had opposed the Forces of Master HASTINGS, who kept a Garrison at Ashby de la zouch, and acted with great fervour and constancy for the King's Cause.  
Hampshire had been much distressed by both Parties; but the King's Garrison of Winchester, and that of Basing-House, the dwelling place of marquis Winchester, were there predominant, and at their pleasure forced Contribution from the adjacent Country; Wales was almost wholly at the King's dispose, except very few places, which with much difficulty preserved themselves for the Parliament; and some Gentlemen, who with much hazard continued their fidelity to that side, such as Colonel GLYNN, Colonel MITTEN, and LAUGHERNE, with other private Gentlemen. But indeed the Parliament was then in a low ebb; and before the end of that july, 1643. they had no Forces at all to keep the Field; their main Armies (as is before touched) being quite ruined, and no hope in appearance left, but to preserve a while those Forts and Towns which they then possessed; nor could they long hope to preserve them, unless the fortune of the field should change.  
Thus seemed the Parliament to be quite sunk beyond any hope of recovery, and was so believed by many men. The King was possessed of all the Western Countries, from the farthest part of Cornwall, and from thence Northward as far as the Borders of Scotland. His Armies were full and flourishing, free to march whither they pleased, and enough to be divided for several exploits; one part was sent to take in Exe●er, where the Earl of Stamford was shut up, not able long to hold the place. The King in Person with a gallant Army, designed his March towards Gloucester, the only considerable Town in those parts, which the Parliament held. What the King's Party conceived then of the other side, was expressed in many Writings, one in the nature of a jeering Epigram, was made at Oxford, which I thought fit to insert, because of the particular expressions of the Parliaments low Condition: The thing is written in an odd manner, and the names of the Parliament Commanders, FAIRFAX and WALLER, expressed by a rebus way of Latin, as likewise those of the King's side, marquis of Hartford, and Earl of Newcastle. I leave it to the Reader without either Translation or Comment.  
EXtincta Castro Fax pulchra novo est;  
Nec Nautae postea nec militi  
Sit nota Pharos, Auster disparem  
Hand tulit casum: Murus, cui addita est  
Canina littera, mersa est suis  
Cum turmis nuper Leporis vado.  
Euri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bristonia  
Leporinos' horrescens vortices.  
Anglica Claudii timet pares  
Vrbs casus; Herois Teutonici  
Myrmidones astant magno cum Deuce.  
Pacata Thule est; nec Noto timor  
Popello aut Regi. Nihil relictum est  
Britanicum domare Caesarem  
Ni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preces Gregis.  
Haec Sphinges raptim Oedipo suo.  
julii 20. 1643.  
London was then altogether unfortified, no Works were raised; nor could they, if their Enemies, than Masters of the field, had come upon them, have opposed any Walls, but such as old SPARTA used for their Guard, the hearts of courageous Citizens. But at that time London began her large entrenchment; which encompassed not only the City, but the whole Suburbs on every side, containing about twelve miles in circuit. That great work was by many hands completed in a short time, it being then a custom every day to go out by thousands to dig, all Professions, Trades, and Occupations, taking their turns; and not only inferior Tradesmen, but Gentlemen of the best quality, Knights, and Ladies themselves, for the encouragement of others, resorted daily to the Works, not as spectators but assistors in it; carrying themselves Spades, Mattoks, and other instruments of digging, so that it became a pleasing sight at London, to see them going out in such order and numbers, with Drums beating before them; and put life into the drooping people (being taken for an happy Omen) that in so low a condition they seemed not to despair. But bootless in probability had that labour proved, and not timely enough to save London, if the King had marched thither instead of Gloucester.  
But that storm of Fortune was strong enough to shake off divers of the loose leaves, that seemed to grow on the Parliament side, and unsettle the resolutions of such, as were not enough rooted in that Cause which they had chosen: For divers men of great quality, and Members of both Houses, some Lords, and many of the Commons, did at that time desert the Parliament, and fly to Oxford: Whose names (though the Lords were named, who first deserted it) are here spared, because this-latter revolt must needs carry the face of a crime; as being no matter of opinion or conscience, by which the first justified themselves; but proceeding, in all probability, from weakness, and fear for their private fortunes. They therefore lost much of their esteem on both sides; becoming like a foil to set off the constancy of those few Members who durst yet continue there, and remain firm to their first Principle 〈◊〉 public Interest; wading thorough more difficulty and dangers, than any former Parliament had been enforced to do.  
But in the Parliament itself there appeared no show of despair, as they observed who were then witnesses of their proceedings; and the City of London expressed much forwardness and alacrity in recruiting the Lord General Essex both with their persons and purses; besides their great endeavour to raise another Army for Sir WILLIAM WALLER, to be as a Reserve to the other, upon the great occasion then in hand.  
The Earl of Manchester, to his lasting Honour, chose that very time to begin his Martial employment; and raising Forces thorough the Eastern Associated Counties (of which he was then made General by the Parliament, those Counties having been before prepared for that Association, by the wisdom and activity of the forementioned Colonel CROMWELL) performed that year and the next great services for the Parliament.  
While the Parliament and City of London were thus busied in recruiting their decayed Armies, Gloucester began to be made the chief Seen, on which this Civil Tragedy was acted, and place of great concernment in the Kingdom, where the first turn of Fortune grew. The City of Gloucester was then governed by Colonel EDWARD MASSEY, a man of excellent skill to defend it; of such a courage, as no threats of a powerful Enemy could shake; and such a fidelity, as no promises of a King could overcome. This MASSEY was brought to Gloucester by the Earl of Stamford, under whom he had served as Lieutenant Colonel, and by deputation from that Earl, had for many Months governed that City.  
Now there was no more expectation of the Earls return thither; and therefore MASSEY, as the fittest man, by consent both of Citizens and Soldiers, was appointed Governor, and made a Colonel by Commission from the General.  
The surrender of Bristol to the King's Forces (which was more sudden than could be feared, and for which afterward the Governor Master FIENNES was questioned, and condemned by a Council of War) must needs strike a great terror, and sad amazement into Gloucester, which now seemed to stand forlorn, and without hope of any rescue, in the midst of a large Country, possessed by their victorious Enemies.  
It cannot be denied, that the resolution which this City had taken up, of resisting the King at such a time, was very admirable, if a man consider the small strength they had within; the many discouragements round about them; the great distance of any aid that could be sent to them. Their strength within was very small; the whole number of Soldiers, Horse, Foot, and Dragoones, together with the Trained Bands, and those Horse and Dragoones, which on a sudden they got from Barclay Castle, consisting of few more than fifteen hundred; forty Barrels of Powder was all their store, with a very mean and slender Artillery for such a Service: The Works were of a vast compass, and little more than half perfected, when this rough storm did first threaten them.  
The whole Country round about them, instead of encouraging this resolution of theirs, did rather endeavour to shake and weaken it, by intimations of the danger, and persuasions to make Peace with such an Enemy: For they had revolted from the Parliament, or resolved so to do; and wished, for their own private Interests, that the King were quietly possessed of that City; for they conceived (not without reason) that the standing out of Gloucester would be unhappy for that Country; because by the falling down of a great Army, they could not but expect a destruction of their Corn, Cattle, and all other Provisions; and at the last, if it should so fall out, that the King should fail of taking in that Town, they must be enforced to stoop perpetually under two burdens, and be cast into a sad condition of povety and misery. Whereas if that Army did prevail, they were sure to rest in the heart of the King's Country, far from spoil and plunder, and for an easy Contribution, enjoy free and ample Trade.  
The succour which the City could expect, was as far off as London, and in what condition the Parliament Armies than were, is before related. Notwithstanding all this, the Citizens of Gloucester, together with examining what strength they had, examined also the grounds of their perseverance. A Common-council was held, where the Officers of the Soldiery were present; their late Protestation was called to remembrance, and read there; by which they were all obliged, never to act or comply with the adverse Faction. Upon which consideration they heightened their courages, and unanimously resolved to refuse the tender of peace. Privare cares were then forgotten, and not only men, but women and children, acted their parts, in making up those defects that were in the Fortifications.  
In this condition stood Gloucester, when the King in Person attended with a great and gallant Army, full of the flower of English Nobility and Gentry, was come to besiege it, being the tenth of August, 1643.  
Part of the King's Forces, some days before, had been discerned hover on the top of the hills; and a Summons had been sent from Prince RUPERT to the City: To which the Major gave answer, That he kept the Town for His Majesty's behoof, and could not render it. Which Answer, though laughed at by those of the Army, the Major conceived very justifiable, and that he did truly hold it for the use of His Majesty, but according to the sense of both Houses of Parliament.  
The King was full of indignation, that such a forlorn City should stand out against him; yet he desired to gain it without blood, and loss of time, which seemed then precious in his full career of Victory. To that purpose he came in Person before it, that the reverence or terror of his presence might prevail with them; and being come before the City, he gave this honourable Summons by two Heralds of Arms.  
CHARLES' REX.  
Out of our tender compassion to our City of Gloucester, and that it may not receive prejudice by our Army, which we cannot prevent, if we be compelled to assault it: We are Personally come before it, to require the same, and are graciously pleased to let all the Inhabitants of, and all other persons within that City, as well Soldiers as others, know, That if they shall immediately submit themselves, and deliver this City to us, we are contented freely and absolutely to pardon every one of them without exception; and do assure them in the word of a King, That they nor any of them, shall receive the least damage or prejudice by our Army, in their Persons or Estates: But that we will appoint such a Governor, and a moderate Garrison to reside there, as shall be both for the ease and security of that City, and the whole Country. But if they shall neglect this offer of Grace and Favour, and compel us by the power of our Army to reduce that place (which by the help of God we shall easily and shortly be able to do) they must thank themselves for all the calamities and miseries which shall befall them. To this Message we expect a clear and positive Answer, within two hours after the publishing hereof; and by these Presents do give leave to any persons safely to repair to, and return from us, whom that City shall desire to employ unto us in that business. And we do require all the Officers and Soldiers of our Army, quietly to suffer them to pass accordingly.  
After some debate upon this Message, an Answer was drawn and consented unto, both by the Citizens and the Soldiers; which was presented to the King by Sergeant Major PUDSEY, and a Citizen; as followeth:  
WE the Inhabitants, Magistrates, Officers, and Soldiers within this Garrison of Gloucester, unto his Majesty's Gracious Message return this humble Answer, That we do keep this City, according to our Oath and Allegiance, to and for the use of his Majesty, and his Royal Posterity; and do accordingly conceive ourselves wholly bound to obey the Commands of His Majesty signified by both Houses of Parliament; and are resolved, by God's help, to keep this City accordingly.  
The King received this Answer to his Summons, without any expression of choler or indignation, seeming only to wonder at their great confidence, and from what hope of relief it should proceed, using these words before the Messengers, WALLER is extinct, and ESSEX cannot come. But by this time the King's Army was drawn into the fields about Gloucester, Prince RUPERT and General RIVEN facing it on one side with about six thousand Horse and Foot, and two thousand Horse on the other; and immediately after this Answer, advanced forward into the Suburbs, on the East side of the City; but were there entertained with an hot Skirmish, and fired out. For upon the return of the Messengers, the Suburbs were set on fire, and flaming round about, became an object of great terror; by which the Citizens seemed more engaged to pursue their resolution; and the King's Army to settle themselves for gaining by force what they perceived would not be yielded on other terms.  
That very night the King's Army began their Intrenchments within Musket shot of the Walls, on two sides of the City, taking advantage for their security, of the shadow and shelter of some few Houses which the flames had not catched. Which being perceived, the Musketeers plied them from the Walls, but could do little hurt so against the Pyoneers; which caused the besieged to make several Sallies by small Parties into those Trenches, and at some places beat them out, gaining both Arms and Prisoners, and retreating safe.  
Sir WILLIAM VAVASOR had advanced with his Welsh Forces on the West side, and made near approach that way, intending to join with other Forces that came from Worcester, and had drawn themselves together on the North-West side. On the South side General RIVEN placed his Leaguer, taking advantage of a rising ground in the midst, to shelter himself from the shot of the besieged. Sir JACOB ASHLEY, who in the first Skirmishes had received a wound, was quartered with a strong Brigado at the East side of the City.  
Thus was Gloucester on all sides blocked up, and nothing expected but a most furious and bloody business. The King's Commanders, being many of them Gentlemen of great skill, and experience of Conduct, had made their approaches (by the confession of all) with as much advantage as could be; and placed their Batteries accordingly; the Soldiers on that side had showed themselves very swift and indefatigable in their Intrenchments, and as bold in all attempts which they made upon the Town. Nor were the besieged behind hand in courage, patience, and activity; as appeared not only in their defences, but frequent Sallies; the Governor MASSEY being admired by his Enemies, for the great skill and dexterity which he showed upon all occasions: Of which I shall discourse 〈◊〉 particularly and at large, by reason of the great importance of this famous Siege; the condition of the whole Kingdom depending so much upon the success of it.  
Many strange and successful Sallies were made by the besieged.  
Three days after the Siege was laid, an hundred and fifty Musketeers, commanded by Captain GREY, fallyed over the Works, upon the Worcester Forces, with whom the Welsh had not yet joined, sell into their Quarters, marched up to their Main Guard, killed a Captain, with eight or nine Common Soldiers, took five Prisoners, divers Arms, burnt their Guard, and retreated without the loss of any. Captain MALLERY, with the like number of Musketeers, within a day after was commanded forth, to surprise some Ordnance of their Enemies, which were suspected to lie at a certain place; but finding none, retreated without loss, having killed some, taken a few Prisoners, and fired part of their Quarters. Within a week after, another Party of an hundred and fifty Musketeers, commanded by Captain CRISPE, sallied forth, and fell into their Enemy's Trenches under the Town Wall, marched above half way thorough them, performed strangely, and killed above an hundred men, as was confessed by some of that side, and by the help of the Musketeers on the City Walls, retreated safe, without the loss of any, only two wounded.  
The Besiegers proceeded with great skill and industry in making their Batteries, and undermining at several places; which labour of undermining, at some places was made frustrate by water springs, and in others by the extreme hardness of rocky ground; and where the business was more feasible, the skill of the Governor prevented them by countermining. Many Granades were shot of great bigness from their Morterpieces into the Town, but guided by a strange hand of providence into such by-places, that they did very little hurt. One thing is worthy the relating; when the Welsh and Worcester Forces of the King came up, and four Pieces of Ordnance were drawn a good distance before the place of their Leaguer, and one of them planted for battery; a Party of about four hundred Musketeers, commanded by Major PUDSEY, and Captain GREY, assisted by Captain FAULKNER, and Captain MASSEY, sallied forth of one of the Gates; mean while a Lieutenant with fifty Musketeers, was sent over the Works to give them an Alarm, whilst the greater Party got behind their Canon and Breast-Works; fell upon their main Guard, slew many Officers, two Canoniers, slew, or mortally wounded, about an hundred Common Soldiers; took a Lieutenant, with four more Prisoners, nailed their Canon; and retreated with the loss only of two slain, and four taken Prisoners.  
Two Sallies of such Parties were not long after made, though not with the same success altogether (by reason of some misguidance) yet so much, as that they retreated without any sensible loss; and were enough to amaze their Enemies, that such small Parties should run up to their head Quarters, force their men, and be able in that manner to recover back. And it was observed by those who well understood War, that it was a more than ordinary providence, which did preserve and bring off those many several Parties, when the vanquishing of any one of them, must needs run the City into extreme hazard; whose whole strength remained upon the Works day and night, except the reserve of an hundred and twenty men at the main Guard. One rare and slender rank were to receive all the storm without seconds: Yet it was the opinion of best Soldiers, that the safety of the whole did require those frequent Sallies, as the best remedies for so desperate a disease: Which did not only retard their Enemy's Preparations, but put them into an Amaze, that the besieged should continue in such an height of resolution; which resolution was to be kept up by the heat of Action. And it was the Governors' care, to keep his Enemies waking by continual Alarms, to waste and weary them.  
The King's Army were still preparing for a general storm, and striving in the mean time to waste the Magazine of the Town, which they hoped would soon fail, they spent their own store, and daily acted to the terror of the besieged; shooting Granades and Fireballs out of their Mortar-pieces; and from one Battery which they had planted, shot in one night above twenty fiery bullets, which flew thorough the air like so many falling Stars, some eighteen pound weight, others two and twenty; some of them passing thorough Stables and Hay-ricks, did notwithstanding by their swift motion, fail of kindling; and, which seemed strange, could not set one house on fire. Many Ours and Countermines were every day working with great industry on both sides, the Governor MASSEY, striving to animate his men, and prevent the Town's despairng, by showing the probability of a sudden relief; withal adding, that their so late yielding would not at all mollify the King's Army. On the other side, the King seemed loath to invite them to yield solemnly by public Summons, lest he should detract from the honour of his enterprise. Yet many dealt with them underhand, by advertisements of the King's displeasure, using also persuasions, and some intimations of the possibility of Grace.   

CHAP. VI  
The Expedition of the Lord General ESSEX for relief of Gloucester. The great Battle of Newbury described.  
Whilst Gloucester was thus besieged, and the Siege so strait, that no intelligence could possibly arrive at it; the Parliament, who after serious considerations and debates, had for the present resolved upon the relief of that City, as the only means to preserve the Kingdom; were as much straightened how to proceed in the business, with that expedition which was required. To recruit an Army so much wasted as the Lord Generals was, seemed too slow for this Service; and therefore the Trained Bands of London, and their Auxiliaries, must of necessity be made use of: Those that were well affected to the Parliament encouraged each other to the Work: The disaffected on the other side, laboured in all discourses to breed despair of the Achievement, and to discourage the Lord General from marching; false reports were every day raised in London, that Gloucester was taken. The Lord General Essex was fourscore miles off, with no present or visible Army at that time; his March lying thorough those Countries which were already harrowed by the Enemy: Insomuch that all considered, it was a question which was more wonderful, that he undertook it, or that he did it. The Parliament was at that time so far sunk, both in strength and reputation, and so much forsaken by those who followed fortune, that nothing but an extraordinary providence could make it again emergent. The Cause, and very being of it, was now at stake; by the success only of this Expedition to be redeemed or quite lost. But it pleased God, that according to that extremity, the resolutions of men were fitted. The City Regiments and Auxiliaries came cheerfully in, to perform the Service; and that poor remainder of the Lord Generals old Army was with all speed recruited. An Army was likewise intended to be speedily raised for Sir WILLIAM WALLER to march after, as a Reserve. But that was not so suddenly done as the occasion required; if it had, and that Sir WILLIAM could (as was intended) have come in with a supply at Newbury, it was the opinion of most men, that the King's side had received an irrecoverable Defeat.  
On the 24. of August the Lord General Essex on Hownslow Heath, ten miles from London, mustered his men; where almost all the Members of both Houses of Parliament road with him to survey the Army; and toward evening took leave of their General, who marched on, and that night lodged at Colebrook.  
Upon intelligence of this Armies advance, Prince RUPERT, with the greatest part of the King's Horse, drew off from Gloucester, to oppose their March, and take what advantages he could against it: But the King with his main Army continued the Siege, resolving so to do till the last hour; hoping that every moment might work somewhat for his end; either by failing of the Town's store of Ammunition, or some other want that might happen. Neither was that hope without reason. And so much more wonderful was the fortune of that Town, to be relieved at such a nick of time, when their Ammunition was so far consumed, that but three single Barrels of Powder were left in their Magazine.  
On Saturday the 26. of August 1643. the Lord General Essex began his March from Colebrook to Beckensfield, and so forward to Beerton, where he clothed his Army, and marched on. The City Regiments and Auxiliaries joined not with the Lord General's Army till the first of September, when the general Rendezvous was on Brackley Heath. But before the joining of all their Forces, a small Party of the King's Army, consisting of 400. Horse, had faced a part of the Parliament Army, and skirmished with them about Bicister, but soon retreated upon the approach of greater numbers. The General taking up his Head Quarter at Aynow, sent a Regiment to quarter that night at Deddington under the Conduct of Colonel MIDDLETON; who hearing there of two Regiments of the King's Horse, sent two Companies of Dragoones, and a Party of Horse to approach the Town. But the King's Horse retreated to a passage toward Oxford, where the Lord WILMOT was with 50. Troops more. The next morning two Parliament Regiments, conducted by MIDDLETON and Sir JAMES RAMSEY advanced to that pass; where their Enemies stood in two great Bodies, and after some Skirmish gained the pass, placing Dragoneers to maintain it. But the King's Forces drew up again toward it, and were received with a very hot Skirmish, which lasted many hours, till at last the King's Forces made a retreat; but perceiving that Colonel MIDDLETON marched back toward the main Army (which he did by the Lord General's Command) they sent a Party of Horse to fall on his Rear, who followed them thorough Deddington but were beaten back thorough the Town in some confusion. The loss of men in these Skirmishes was not much on either side; neither could it certainly be known, but was imagined by the Parliament side to be more on their Enemy's Party then on theirs.  
The Lord General with his own Regiment of Horse, and the Lord GREY, quartering at Adderbury, upon intelligence that some of the King's Horse from Banbury were abroad, sent out a Party from both Regiments, who beat them in again, and pursued them into Banbury Town, whence they took divers Horses and Prisoners, those in the Castle not daring to stir out. The General marched from thence to Chipping Norton, where some of the King's Forces appeared again, but soon retreated, as they did almost every day, during the March of that Army.  
On the fourth of September, when the Lord General marched toward Stow the old, he sent Colonel HARVEY with his Regiment of Horse, and two Regiments of Foot, to advance a little before toward the right hand, and the City Regiments upon the left, under the Conduct of Lieutenant Colonel BAILY, General Adjutant of the Foot. Prince RUPERT appeared with about 4000 Horse, drawn up on the Hills, facing the Parliament Forces, and sent a strong Party of Horse into a bottom near Stow on the old, to encompass Colonel HARVEYS Regiments. Which being perceived, three Regiments from the Van of the Parliament Army advanced to his rescue, and made that Party of the King's Forces retreat to their main Body: Many Skirmishes there happened, but little loss on either side.  
From thence the General marched in the Foot of his Infantry, Sir JAMES RAMSEY in the Rear, and Sir PHILIP STAPLETON had the Van Guard. When the King's Horse again appeared, and were by Sir PHILIP STAPLETON, and others of that Army encountered with divers Skirmishes; but they retreated in a great Body, and still appeared before the Parliament Army, as they marched on, for the space of seven miles.  
On the fifth of September the Lord General advanced, and came to Presbury Hills; where he drew up his whole Army in view of the City of Gloucester, and discharged four Pieces of great Ordnance, to give them notice of his approach. Soon after he might discover the King's Quarters on fire: For upon the Lord General his advance, they deserted the Siege, and marched away all night. The Reereguard of the Lord General's Army, some Ordnance and Ammunition, stayed on the top of the Hill, by reason of the steepness thereof, darkness of the night, and tempestuousnes of the weather, whereby (besides a famine of Victuals) the whole Army had for three days March before extremely suffered, through a Country that their Enemies had already destroyed. But the Lord General marched from thence to Cheltenham, though during his March, the King's Forces skirmished with some Parts of his Army, and divers times beat up his Quarters whilst he stayed at Cheltenham, which was two days, till the eight of September, when he marched with his whole Army to Gloucester; and was there with great expressions of joy, and much honour, received by that long besieged, and now rescued City; The General much extolling the skilful valour, and indefatigable industry of Colonel MASSEY, and praising the patient constancy of the City; They on the other side highly honouring his Excellency for bringing them this relief, thorough so many difficulties, discouragements, and disadvantages; both joining in thanks to Almighty God, for his divine providence over them, and great mercy in sending so timely a deliverance.  
The Lord General lodged two nights in Gloucester, furnishing the City with Ammunition, Money, and other necessaries; and from thence marched to Tewksbury, staying betwixt the King's Forces and that Garrison four days, to give them more time to furnish themselves better with Provision of Victual; which was to be brought from Herefordshire, and parts beyond the Severne, since the other parts had been before ransacked by the King's Forces.  
When the General with his whole Army arose from Tewksbury, and intended to quarter at Cheltenham, he was advertised, that a Body of the King's Army were then in Cirencester (which were reported to be Prince MAURICE his Forces) and had there laid in great store of Provision for their Army. Upon that advertisement the General, his want of Victuals and necessaries still continuing, and miserably increasing upon his whole Army, made a long March with the Vanguard of his Army to fall upon them, which he did about one of the clock in the night, sending in a Party of Horse to seize upon the Sentinels and Guards, whilst himself, with the rest of the Horse begirt the Town; and a Forlorn hope of Foot, with his own Foot Regiment, entered the Town, and surprised two Regiments of Horse (belonging to Sir NICHOLAS CRISPE, and Colonel SPENCER) which were by the confession of some Prisoners taken, intended for raising a Commotion in Kent. The Lord General at that Town of Cirencester took forty Loads of Victual, which, under God's providence, was the preservation of his Army, until the day that the great Battle of Nembury was fought. He took there likewise six Standards, all the Officers, except the two Colonels, which were absent, with divers other Gentlemen of quality; above 300. Common Soldiers, and 400. Horse.  
The General from Cirencester, in short Marches, not above five miles a day, went to Cricklade, and to Swinden, from thence intending to pass to Hungerford. But when the Van and Body of his Army had marched almost all over A●burne Chase, a gallant Body of the King's Horse, consisting of about 6000. approached hard to the Reereguard of his Army; which not being a sufficient number to resist them, endeavoured to make an orderly retreat to the Body of their Army. But the King's Horse pursued so hotly both on Rear and Flank, that those Horse Regiments of the General's Reereguard could not retreat but with confusion, and some loss. But being come to the Body of the Foot, they were drawn up again into order, and faced their Enemies, until all the Foot were marched. Nevertheless the King's Horse again advancing, put their Enemies the second time into the like disorder; till some of the General's Regiments facing about towards them, charged the Forlorn Hope of the King's Forces, consisting of 500 Horse, and put them wholly into disorder; and then charging the two Regiments which seconded that Forlorn Hope, they routed them likewise; but the King's Horse came on bravely with fresh Bodies, and stopped their Enemies further pursuit. Immediately followed a brave Charge, made by two of the Parliaments Regiments, which was encountered with as much Gallantry on the other side, so that they both retreated at one time. Another Charge was made by some Regiments of the Parliament Army, and so answered by the other, that they were forced to retreat to their main Body; at which time S●r PHILIP STAPLETON (who had the Vanguard of the Parliament Army that day) came purposely back, and drew up his Regiment to succour his friends, which caused the King's Forces to retire altogether; and the night stopped any further proceedings.  
On the King's Party in these hot encounters, were slain the marquis De Vieu Ville, with other Officers of good quality, whose worth and valour appeared highly, though I find not their names recorded. Many Common Soldiers were there slain, and one Lieutenant Colonel; two Lieutenants and a Cornet taken Prisoners. On the Parliaments side were slain of Officers, Captain MIDDLETON, and Captain HACKET; divers Officers were wounded, some Common Soldiers slain, and Co●onell SHEFFIELD lost a Standard. The Lord General Essex marched that night with his Army to Hungerford; Sir PHILIP STAPLETON, who before had the Van, bringing up the Rear.  
The next day the famous Battle of Newbury was fought; which Battle may deserve (because the condition of the whole Kingdom so much depended on the success of it) to be related in a large and particular manner. But because I have found nothing written of it by those of the King's Party; and that there was a punctual Narrative published by some Colonels of the Parliament Army, Gentlemen of great and unstained Reputation, concerning this Battle; which Narrative I have heard some of their Enemies confess to be full, not only of modesty, but truth in the General, or for the most part; let the Reader be pleased to take it from their Relation. If any thing may hereafter appear of greater truth, it will not trouble any honest man to see it published. Neither is it a thing unheard of, for men to describe their own actions with impartial truth; since JULIUS CAESAR is acknowledged to have written his own Commentaries, not only of the Gallike but Civil War, with so much clear integrity, that his Enemies had nothing to blame in it. Take it therefore in their Language.  
On Tuesday the nineteenth of September, 1643. we marched from Hungerford towards Newbury; and when we approached within two miles of the Town, we might discover the Enemy's Forces upon an hill; their whole Army having prevented us, were gotten to Newbury, and possessed the Town. But the next morning, being Wednesday, by break of day order was given for our March to an Hill called Biggs Hill, near to Newbury, and the only convenient place for us to gain, that we might with better security force our passage. But when his Excellency perceived that the Enemy's Forces had possessed themselves of that hill, marching himself upon the head of his own Regiment, Colonel BARCLAYS, and Colonel HOLBOURNES Brigades, he charged so fiercely, that he beat them from the hill, and kept it (rather gaining then losing ground) the whole day. His Excellency's Regiment, and those other Brigades, all the while they continued there, were hotly charged by the Enemy's Horse and Foot, whilst much prowess was showed on both sides. The General in Person bestirred himself, giving directions wherever there was occasion, and present in all places of danger, discharged the part of an excellent General, as the Enemies themselves witnessed. But he considered not the danger of his Person, whilst he laboured to maintain that place, which of all others was most advantageous for his prospect. By this time came up the two Trained Bands of London, who, though they were often charged by the Horse and Foot, stood to it with undaunted resolution.  
The Battle thus begun by the Foot, Sir PHILIP STAPLETON, with his Excellency his Guard and Regiment of Horse, advanced upon the plain of the Hill; when he had no sooner drawn up out of the Lanes end, seconded by Colonel DALBEIRES Regiment of Horse (no other Horse being advanced to the place) but the Enemy perceiving this advantage, being all drawn already in several great Bodies of Horse, part of them advanced immediately, and charged our Horse; whom we so well received (giving no fire till we joined close with them) that the Enemy was wholly routed, and pursued with much execution near to the place where their whole Body of Horse stood. From thence by order we drew back to our first ground; by occasion whereof, opportunity was gained to bring up the remainder of our Horse, which had the Vanguard that day: whereupon the Enemy drew out some fresh Regiments of his Horse, and with all possible speed advanced again upon Sir PHILIP, but received no better entertainment than before, being again routed by him. By that time that he had drawn up his Regiment again into some order, the other Regiments (RAMSEY, HARVEY, GOODWIN) were come up to him, when the Enemy with their whole Body charged upon them bravely, and were as well received. Sir PHILIP STAPLETON was here charged both in Front and Flank, his whole Regiment having spent both their Pistols, and was so encompassed, that the Enemy and ours, with both our whole Bodies, were all mixed together; and in this confusion many were slain on both sides, and our men at last were forced towards the Lanes end, where they first came in; which being near our Foot, the Enemies endeavoured to disengage themselves, and drew back to their own Forces. Those that entered the Lane with ours were most of them slain.  
We took three Colours of Horse complete, and a piece of another Colours. In the first Charge Colonel DALBEIRE, and Commissary COPLEY, charging stoutly, were both wounded. In the third Charge Captain HAMOND, Captain FLEETWOOD, Captain PYM, and Cornet DOILY, were all wounded. Captain DRAPER, who had a Forlorn Hope of Sir PHILIP STAPLETONS' men, did good Service; as Captain ABERCROMY, and Captain SHIBBORNE did with their Dragoones. The left wing of our Horse, commanded by Colonel MIDDLETON, and the right wing of the Enemy's Horse, could not be engaged, but in small Parties, by reason of the hedges.  
The actions of our Horse thus described wholly (because we were loath to interupt the Series, for the Readers clearer understanding) return we to the Foot. Major General SKIPPON in the morning, when his Excellency (as aforesaid) was engaged upon the hill, hastened to the top of the hill, where our Vanguard was in fight; having before ordered the March of our Train of Artillery, and those that attended it (which were the Lord ROBERTS his Brigade, and his own, Sir WILLIAM SPRINGERS, Colonel MANWARINGS, and the red and blew Auxiliary Regiments) to be near to his Excellency. Looking from the Hill toward Newbury, he perceived a great strength of the Enemy, both Horse and Foot, in divers great Bodies advancing directly toward the way which all our Train was of necessity to march. To prevent therefore what he suspected, which was, that the Enemy would fall upon our Train, or upon the Rear of those that fought on the hill, or gain that hill behind us, our last night's Quarter, or all; he speedily disposed (which his Excellency did also send him a Command to do) Forces in places most convenient: Mean while the General sending for more Foot, that Brigade wherein his Regiment and SPRINGERS were, with the red Auxiliaries, were sent up; placing the Lord ROBERTS his Brigade, with four small Pieces, just where the Enemy advanced, who gave them so warm an entertainment, that they made them run; and the Lord ROBERTS possessed the ground, which the Enemy came first up unto: His Lieutenant Colonel was shot in the face.  
That Forlorn Hope which he had commanded the night before, being now strengthened with 300. Musketeers, and led by Major FORTESCUE, Major General SKIPPON placed on the left of the Lord ROBERTS his Brigade, upon the high way that came from Newbury just upon us; upon which way four Drakes were likewise placed, and well defended, though the Enemies came up so close, that they took away a Limmer of one of our Pieces, but it was with loss of many of their lives.  
Colonel MANWARINGS Regiment was placed on the right hand, between the hill and the Lord ROBERTS his Brigade. This Regiment his Excellency a while after commanded away, to the relief of his own Regiment, Colonel BARCLAYS, and Colonel HOLBORNES' Brigades, which had been four hours upon very hot Service. It fortuned that this Regiment was no sooner brought on, but they were overcharged with two great Bodies of Horse and Foot so, that they were forced to retreat, and lose that ground which the forenamed Forces had gotten; which Colonel HOLBORN perceiving, with his Brigade gave the Enemy a Round Salvo, and instantly his own, and Colonel BARCLAYS Brigades, and the General's Regiment again advancing, beat back the Enemy, regained the ground, and made good the place all the day after.  
The blue Auxiliary Regiment was commanded to relieve and assist the Forlorn Hope, which had been three or four times in their turns at the point. The Fight all along the Valley (more than half a mile in length) was continued as long as in any other part of the Army, which was till ten a clock at night; about which time the Enemy gave a good Round Salvo upon Colonel BARCLAY, and Colonel HOLBORNS Posts. These things ordered, the Major General road up to the top of the hill, where he espied an advantage to bestow eitht or nine Demi-Culvering shot upon the Enemy; who out of an house pelted the forenamed Gentlemen at near distance. Then he rallyed the two Train-Band Regiments into one Body, drew them up, and placed them before, where the Train of Artillery did afterwards draw up to the top of the hill, and desired Major BOTELER to draw the Musketeers of his Regiment on the right hand before the two Demy-Culverings that were placed at the end of the Lane, on the top of the Hill; and the red Auxiliaries he placed on the left hand of those Pieces, which before were slenderly guarded. The Artillery was well ordered that day, by the skill and care of Sir JOHN MERRICK.  
While this was acting, two Pieces which belonged to the Major General's Regiment, and one Drake of Sir WILLIAM BROOKES, were by the General's Regiment, under the Command of Major BOTELER, with the assistance of 200. Musketeers recovered; and the Enemy drew away from their Pikes (which with their Colours kept standing, with many great Bodies of Horse to guard them) five or six hundred Musketeers, besides Dragoones, to encompass our men on the right hand among the hedges; just at which time his Excellency sent to have 300. Musketeers of the Forlorn Hope, to go to the relief of Colonel BARCLAY, and Colonel HOLBORNES' Soldiers. But then the Enemy falling on upon our right hand, diverted them, who with other of our Musketeers thereabouts, beat the Enemy off, who else had done us great mischief. This was about four a clock in the afternoon, when all our whole Army of Foot was engaged in the Fight. But then he also caused some of the red Auxiliary Regiment to draw nearer to Colonel BARCLAYS Post, as he himself required. At length night drew on, when the Enemy, both Horse and Foot, stood in good order on the further side of the Green, where we expected their stay till next morning, and that they were working (as was reported) to place their Canon, to make use of them against us when day should break: Against which supposed encounter we encouraged our Soldiers before hand, and resolved by Gods help the next day to force our way thorough them or die. But it pleased God to make our passage without blows; for the Enemy was gone by night; so that the next morning we marched quietly over the same ground where the Battle was fought, and where the Enemy stood; for on Thursday early, his Excellency gave Command for the Armies March towards Reading; to which purpose it was all drawn up upon the Heath, where the Battle was fought; and after that his Excellency had given order for burying the dead, about ten a clock we began to march. Colonel MIDDLETON, with his own, and three Regiments more (Lord GREY, SHEFFIELD, MELDRUM) and 400. commanded Musketeers under Colonel BARCLAY, had the Reereguard: During which March, the Enemy at a great distance shot from several hedges, but troubled us not. When we came to a long Heath, we drew up the whole Army several times, and no Enemy appeared. But at the entrance of a narrow Lane toward the evening, the Enemy fell upon us with 800. commanded Musketeers, and most of their Horse, who caused our Horse then in the Rear, to make a very disorderly and confused retreat But when Colonel MIDDLETON, with the rest of the Commanders in the Rear, hasted to charge the Enemy with our Foot, he made them retreat with as much confusion over the Heath, as they had us before; the loss not great on either side. Lieutenant BROWNE was taken Prisoner.  
After this, the same evening the Lord General drew up the Army to Theale, and taking some refreshment there, marched the next morning, being Friday, with the whole Army to Reading; where he stayed till the Sabbath was past, and gave public thanks for the great Victory.  
This was a Victory not denied to the Parliament, nor at all disputed; although the Lord General Essex, for want of Victuals, marched away to the necessary relief of his Army, and could not stay to pursue the Victory which he had gotten. The number of slain in that Battle, were judged to be, by those who speak most moderately, four times as many of the King's Party as of the Parliaments; but others have spoken of a far greater difference Divers Captains, as Captain MASSY, and Captain HUNT, with others, were slain on the Parliament side; but scarce any of higher rank. Three of the Nobility fell on the King's side, the Earl of Carnarvan, the Lord SPENCER (newly made by the King Earl of Sunderland) and the Lord Viscount Fawlkland.  
After this Victory, the Lord General was received at London with great joy and Honour. The Trained Bands and Auxiliaries of London marched home in full Companies, and were welcomed by their friends; and met by the Lord May or and Aldermen at Temple Bar: And now the face of things seemed much to change, and the reputation of the Parliament rise higher.  
At the time of this Expedition for relief of Gloucester, a Cessation of Arms was made by the King with the Irish Rebels; of which, together with the great Victories which small numbers of the English Forces obtained over great multitudes of those Irish Rebels, before the time of that Cessation (which was here omitted, as not to interupt the Relation of proceedings in the English Wars) there may be a larger Discourse in the continuation of this History; as also of the Covenant which the Parliament, and that part of the Nation which adhered to them, about this time entered into with their Brethren of Scotland, for maintenance of the Religion, Laws and Liberties of both Kingdoms.    
FINIS.