— JOSEPHI MEDI?—  

Assurge, quicquid uspiam es docti chori,  
Tantóque honores exhibeto nomini;  
Cui Musa nostra pangeret carmen lubens,  
Sed Medus omni major est praeconio.  
Verùm beatum te, joseph, duxerim,  
Sortita talem Scripta quòd sint vindicem;  
Qui sparsa dudum ceu Sibyllae folia  
Prodire curat debito volumine,  
Mendísque preli seculíque sordibus  
Vix illa toto liberat triennio:  
Nunc integer, comptus, nitens, concors tibi  
Vigebis infinita ad usque secula.   

O te beatam paginam tanto Hospite!  
O cui invidere cuncta possint marmora!  G. D.   

THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned joseph Mede, B. D. SOMETIME Fellow of CHRIST'S College in CAMBRIDGE.  
Corrected and Enlarged according to the Author's own Manuscripts.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
HINC LUCEM ET POCULA SACRA &  
ALMA MATER CANTA BRIGIA  
LONDON, Printed by Roger Norton, for Richard Royston, Bookseller to His most Sacred MAJESTY, M DC LXXII.   

THE WORKS OF joseph Mede, B. D. IN FIVE BOOKS.  
The Third Edition.   

Almae Matri ACADEMIAE CANTABRIGIENSI, Augustissimo Literarum Sacrario, Haec Filii Sui, JOSEPHI MEDI, S. T. B.  
Collegii CHRISTI aliquando Socii, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Auro contra non cara, Omni aestimio digna, Sed & omni majora, In honoris & Debitae observantiae Testimonium  L.M.Q. D.D. johannes Worthingtonus.  

The General PREFACE.  
THAT the Reader may have a more particular knowledge of the peculiar Advantages of This Edition, and a clearer view of the great Worth of both the Author and his Writings, as also of those Methods and Helps whereby the Author arrived at such a Perfection even in Literis interioribus, in the more abstruse and recondite parts of Knowledge; it is necessary that he be made acquainted with these following Advertisements.  

Advertisements touching This Edition.  
1. That the 
* All of them, except some few mentioned at the end of this Preface.  Works of this Great Author, printed at distant times since his Death, have been with care and attention more than once collated and examined by the Author's own Manuscripts; that so upon a second, and sometimes a third, reading it might appear where the Prints differed from the Originals, and that thereby they might be restored to that Lustre and Perfection wherein the Author left them.  
How toilsome such an Employment was, none can so well judge as they that have travelled in the like labour: But how advantageous it is for others, the judicious Reader will easily discern upon the perusal of this Edition, where he will find the Author's Notions to run more clear and smooth, now that they are freed from any interpolations and imperfections that had crept into any of the former Prints. For that all that care (how wearisome soever) was no less than necessary, may appear from what I can aver with truth and soberness, That in several of these Posthumous pieces I found that (either through the haste or incuria of the Scribe, or through his mistaking the Author's hand, or for what other reason I affect not to inquire) there were too many aberrations from the Original: Sometimes a line or more being left out; elsewhere some words omitted or mistaken, and others substituted in the room thereof, to the impairing at least of the Sense. To instance in one or two Tracts for all: In two of the former Editions of the Paraphrase upon S. Peter's Prophecy there were at least Thirty Mistakes, some of them corrected in the Third, but all in this last Edition according to the Author's Papers: And in that excellent Diatriba upon S. Mark 1. 15. (which in this Edition makes Discourse XXVI.) there were at least Fifty places 
* None of which were numbered among the Errata.  wherein the Print did swerve from the Original Copy, and sometimes not without harm done to the sense; as (in pag. 38. l. 6. of the first Edition) it was thus expressed and pointed, [And so we are now arrived at the main Cardo and hinge of Repentance. The joint or second part thereof, in which Aversion or Conversion meet and are knit together;] Whereas in the Author's Papers (and agreeably in 
* Pag. 109. lin. 21.  this Edition) it is thus, [And so now we are arrived at the main Cardo and hinge of Repentance, the joint where the two parts thereof, 
‖ These the Author a little before calls the Two parts of Repentance; Aversion from sin, the first; Conversion to God, the second part.  Aversion and Conversion, meet and are knit together.]  
I may not here forget that there was one Discourse (viz. Disc. 48. not before published) wherein one word was so written, that neither I nor any I advised with could possibly read it, and therefore I left a void space in the line 
‖ See p. 280. lin. ult. . In three other places there was a word wanting in the Author's Manuscript, and what word was plainly fit to be inserted, I have enclosed in a different letter in these two crotchets [], and accordingly given notice thereof in the 
‖ See p. 276, 279, 281.  margins. Which I here intimate as an Instance of that Diligence and Fidelity I thought myself bound to use in the preparing these Papers for the Press; endeavouring all along so to deal herein as I myself would be dealt with in the like circumstances, as being mindful of that Rule of our Saviour Christ; 
* Luk. 6.  As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise: A most equitable and obliging Rule, the observance whereof (besides the good effect it would have as to the public interest of Learning, as in the particular case for which I here remember it) would have a propitious and prevailing influence to the bettering of all the affairs and transactions of humane life. Yea there is that comprised in this compendious Aphorism (wherein is contracted the Pith and Substance, the very Quintessence and Spirits of all the many Precepts and Practical Maxims in the Doctrine not only of the Law and Prophets, but of Christ and his Apostles, as also of the Institutes, and Pandects of the Civil Law, containing what was drawn out of 150000 Verses of the old Books of Law) which would not fail to make the whole World happy, but would certainly make a true and real (and more than Poetical) Golden Age, would turn the Wilderness into a Garden of Eden, and make the World one Great Paradise, and particularly Christendom the joy and Praise of the whole Earth. For this Rule's sake did the Emperor Alexander Severus (as Lampridius relates of him) show the Christian's more than ordinary favours; who was so much in love with it, that in palatio & in publicis operibus he caused this to be written, as a memorial worthy to be regarded by all, Quod tibi fieri non vis alteri ne feceris: the same with that Rule of elder date which Tobias received from his Father, 
* Chap. 4. 15.  Quod ab alio oderis fieri tibi, vide ne tu aliquando alteri feceris; So the Vulgar Latin renders what is thus concisely expressed in the Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But to put a stop to this pleasing Digression, and to conclude this First Advertisement, one thing more I would add, which I can affirm with a safe confidence, That if in any passages of these Papers I either did or do yet demur for the present; (and it need be no wonder if, in so Voluminous a Collection as this, enriched with so great a variety of Notions, one should chance sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor would the Author himself have taken it ill in his life-time, if he had not been thought Infallible, and if every Hypothesis of his were not readily swallowed down: I know no Book, but the divinely-inspired Bible, of which it may be said as it was of the Roll to 
* Chap. 2.  Ezekiel, and of that little Book to S. 
‖ Rev. 10. 9  john, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas of any other Writing or Composure of a fallible and uninspired man, it may generally be said as Clemens Alexandrinus somewhere in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 observes of the Greek Philosophy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) yet have I in those very Passages expressed as great a diligence and faithfulness as in any other particulars of those Discourses and Treatises wherein I did most fully accord with the Author.  
2. As the Prints have been examined by the Original Manuscripts, so likewise the Quotations that frequently occur therein (not only those out of the H. Scripture, but) out of the ancient Liturgies, Councils, Fathers, the Hebrew Writers, Historians, Poets, or any other Monuments of Antiquity, have been carefully collated, and also set down more largely where they were but briefly referred to sometimes in the Author's Papers. This care (though not over-easy) I have found upon trial not to be needless, (it being ordinary (and scarce possible to be otherwise) where there are many Quotations, to mis-write the numbers of some Books or Chapters that are quoted) and being well assured it would be much for the Reader's Benefit, the desire thereof did animate me to this laborious service, which became yet more laborious in that the Authors were not always mentioned, or if the Authors, yet the Book and Chapter were not always expressed: But in this Edition these are all particularly set down, except some among so great a number of Quotations might possibly escape me; but if any were pretermitted, I am sure they were only some short ones, or such as rather added some little ornament to the matter in hand than any necessary support and strength to any of his peculiar and principal Notions.  
There is one thing more that is not impertinent to be here advertised, That whereas the Author did use, in several of his Chappel-exercises and other Discourses delivered in public, to quote the Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriack, and sometimes also the Greek; Testimonies (especially if they were long) not in those Languages, but in Latin; as judging it perhaps more fit and useful to quote them in a Language which might be understood by all that heard him, even by the younger Students, than to make an astonishing clatter with many words of a strange sound and of an unknown sense to some in the Auditory: I thought it would be most for the advantage of this Edition, (now that the forementioned reason of his then quoting in Latin did cease, his Discourses being now exposed to the public view) to set down these Authorities (all, or part of them) in their own Language, especially where it is more significant and emphatical. And this is the reason why the Reader will find some passages out of the Hebrew Writers, as also some out of S. Basil, Greg. Nazianzen, his brother Caesarius, Epiphanius, chrysostom, Theodoret and other Greek Authors, represented in their Original and proper Language: Which I thought would be a greater satisfaction to the more learned; and yet, that others might be also gratified, they are done into English.  
3. That several passages in the Author's Works (and such as I think the Author himself would have taken care for, had he revised them for the public use) I have endeavoured to make more evident and instructive by Marginal illustrations; (not to mention the many places of Scripture added also in the Margins, which were pretermitted in the Original MSs.) as (to name some amongst many) in Book I. Discourse XXXV. pag. 177. where he relates the several opinions of some Hebrew Doctors concerning Urim and Thummim, I have set in the margin their very expressions, as also the places (not mentioned by him) where their other Notions of the same argument are to be found. And in Discourse L, an elaborate piece of Sacred Geography, as also in Discourse LI, part of which treats of all the kinds of Sacrifices and Offerings under the Law, there is set down in the margins what I thought might give farther light to his Observations; besides a summary account of the Author's Method in those Discourses set all along in the margins. The like care I thought needful for his Concio ad Clerum, Book II. pag. 398.  
As for those Three Pieces published in his life-time, [viz. His Clavis & Commentationes Apocalypticae, his Tract about Churches, and that about the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] there needed nothing of Marginal observation for the explaining of the Author's sense, they were so exactly perused by himself. There are indeed in this Edition of his Commentary upon the Apocalypse some Marginal notes that were not extant in the former; but these are not mine, but were the Author's own Additions, and were transcribed out of the printed Book where he himself had written them in the margins, as he had also corrected some few faults in the print. Only sometimes in the margins of this learned Treatise I thought it might be of use (besides some marginal references) to set down where the Greek reading he chose in some few places to follow is confirmed by the authority of Tecla's, or the Alexandrian, Copy, a Manuscript of most venerable antiquity, and inserted in the Biblia Polyglotta; and to this very purpose (besides many other advantages) himself would have made use of that noble Edition, had it been extant in his life-time.  
4. That (besides that some of the formerly-printed Discourses and Tracts are now published with several 
* See a particular account both of the Enlargements and of the Additi●nals at the end of this Preface.  Enlargements out of the Author's Manuscripts) there are 
* See a particular account both of the Enlargements and of the Additi●nals at the end of this Preface.  XXXII. Additional Pieces in this Edition, (no slight nor inconsiderable accession to the Author's Works. Nor do I know of any one Tract, or Fragment of a Tract, that contained any Notion worthy of the Author, that is not brought into this Edition in Book V. which consists of Miscellanies, or set somewhere in the Margins of the other Books.  
There were indeed among his Papers Three Discourses, one upon Zech. 8. 19 which was delivered by him in public in the year 1611. after he was newly made Master of Arts, and one upon 1 john 3. 9 and another upon Matth. 6. 33. which were made a little after; but these did seem less fit for the public upon the 
* See Epistle 97. p. 881.  same reason that he was unwilling some Latin Dissertations written by him in his younger days should be made public.  
As for two short Discourses of his upon Genes. 28. 16. and upon Exod. 3. 5. found among his Papers, they had been published, but that I found they were both inserted by the Author partly into his Discourse on 
* p. 343. & p. 347.  Eccles. 5. 1. entitled The Reverence of God's House, and partly into that 
‖ p. 823.  Epistolary Tract of his touching The Holiness of Churches: nor is there any thing in them but what is incorporated into those Tracts, except this one Notion in the beginning of that forementioned short discourse upon Genes. 28. 16. Surely the Lord is in this place, and I knew it not; where the Author hath this Observation, [They are the words of jacob, when he awoke out of the Vision he saw at Bethel: He dreamed he saw a Ladder reaching from Heaven to Earth, and the Angels of God ascending and descending thereon: Above it stood the Lord himself, saying, I am the Lord, the God of Abraham thy Father, and the God of Isaac; the Land whereon thou liest, to thee will I give it and to thy seed. I will multiply thee, and in thy seed shall all the Families of the Earth be blessed. I mean not to expound the Vision unto you, it would be besides my scope; but only will tell you thus much, that the Author of the Book of Wisdom (Chap. 10. 10.) calls it a Vision of the Kingdom of God; meaning (as I suppose) the Kingdom of Messiah which is here promised; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He showed him (saith he, relating this history of jacob) the Kingdom of God, and gave him knowledge of holy things. Which passage I think so much the more worthy to be observed, because the term of [Kingdom of God,] so frequent in the New Testament, is no where to be found save in this place only.] This Observation I thought good to preserve by inserting it here upon this occasion.  
There are several Texts of Scripture set down in the beginning of a thin Paper-book in Quarto, which the Author (its likely) intended to discourse upon; but whether he perfected his intentions, or only laid in some general materials for such a purpose in some other Papers, (some such thing seems to be intimated) appears not to me from any Papers of his that have come to my hands: Howsoever it may not be amiss, but rather a gratification to some, to set down here those Passages of Scripture which he had made choice of as fit objects for his deep-searching Thoughts to be exercised upon. And they are these.  
Acts 7. 43. Ye took up the Tabernacle of Moloch, and the Star of your God Remphan, etc.  
Gen. 2. 9— The Tree of life in the middle of the Garden.  
jam. 5. 14. Is there any sick among you, let him call for the Presbyters of the Church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord: And the prayer of Faith shall save the sick, etc.  
Gen. 14. 18. And Melchizedek King of Salem brought forth bread and wine; and he was the Priest of the most high God.  
Gen. 20. 7. For he is a Prophet, and he shall pray for thee, and thou shalt live.  
Matth. 12. 39— And there shall be no sign given to it, but the sign of the Prophet jonas.  
2 Sam. 21. 1.— It is for Saul and his bloody House, because he slew the Gibeonites.  
1 Sam. 8. 7. And the Lord said unto Samuel, They have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me, that I should not reign over them.  
2 Cor. 3. 6, 7. Who also hath made us able ministers of the New Testament, not of the Letter, but of the Spirit; for the Letter killeth, but the Spirit giveth life. But if the ministration of Death written and engraven in stones was glorious— How shall not the ministration of the Spirit be rather glorious.  
Matth. 2. 18. A voice was heard in Rama, lamentation and weeping— Rachel weeping for her children, etc.  
1 Cor. 8. 10. For if any man should see thee which hast knowledge sit at meat in the Idol's temple, etc.  
joh. 16. 8. And when he is come, he will reprove the world of sin, and of righteousness, and of judgement.  
Heb. 11. 4. By faith Abel offered unto God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than Cain.  
2 Ep. joh. v. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
jos. 22. 19 If the land of your possession be unclean, then pass ye over unto the land of the possession of the Lord, wherein the Lord's tabernacle dwelleth, etc.  
Nehem. 8. 6. And all the people answered, Amen, Amen, with lifting up their hands, etc.  
1 Cor. 11. 16. But if any man seem to be contentious, we have no such custom, nor the Churches of God.  
These 
* Besides some mentioned in another loose paper, Acts 1. 3. 1 Pet. 1. 10, 11. Acts 3. 22. Rom. 3. 21. Act. 26. 22, 23.  Seventeen Texts of Scripture (together with that Title of several Psalms, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) I found set down in the beginning of that Paper-book, (the rest is wanting) and these it seems he designed for the matter of his Chappel-exercises: and if any such Diatribae or Discourses, perfected by him upon these Scriptures, be in the possession of any worthy persons, (for the Author was very communicative of his Papers) it is both desired and hoped that they would impart them for the common benefit.  
5. That upon the View of all the Author's Writings, it seemed most accommodate for the Reader's benefit, that they should be digested into Five Books.  
The First Book to contain his Discourses on several Texts of Scripture, and of a different importance: All of which were delivered in public, (either in the Colledge-Chappel or in some greater Auditory) except that one only Discourse 
* Disc. XXIX. p. 13●.  upon Esay 2. 2, 3. which was dictated by the Author 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the satisfaction of a Friend of his who desired his opinion touching that Prophecy; and (as it was related by the Author's Friend) the original Paper is thus subscribed, More time and more leisure might have afforded you better; but for this you are beholden to your Cousin B. whose pains in writing was more than mine in dictating. Vale. Yours, I. M.  
The Second Book to contain such Tracts and Discourses on several Texts of Scripture as were of the like Argument and design: viz. about Churches and the worship of God therein. There are among the first 21 Discourses in the foregoing Book some Diatribae of the like import: but those being published by the direction, or with the liking, of the Author's Executor, I would not break the order in which they are so disposed.  
The Third Book to contain his Treatises upon Prophetical Scriptures. viz. The Apocalypse. S. Peter 's Prophecy concerning The Day of Christ's second Coming. S. Paul 's Prophecy touching The Apostasy of the Latter Times. Toby 's Prophecy De duplici Iudaeorum Captivitate & Statu Novissimo. And Three Treatises upon some obscure Passages in Daniel.  
The Fourth Book to contain his Epistles to several Learned men; whose Letters are also published, otherwise his Answers to them had been less intelligible. There are several large and learned Epistles of his added in this Edition, (besides some elaborate Letters of others, as that of 
* Epist. XLVIII.  L. De Dieu, not heretofore published) but there is nothing left out among the Epistles; only some of them are placed in another (but their due) order; as also some other Tracts that were mingled with them are removed to their proper places. There is one only Tract printed among the Epistles in pag. 517. of the former Edition (viz. Specimina Interpretationum Apocalypticarum ad Prophetiam Sigillarem spectantium) which deserved to be left out, it being nothing else but a ruder draught and Specimen of what he afterwards perfected and printed in his Commentary upon the Apocalypse. But as for other Tracts and Discourses, wherein the Author did pursue the same Notions, and sometimes for some lines together in much-what the like expressions; (as he might well be bold with his own; and accordingly the Lord Verulam does sometimes in several Tracts of his harp upon the same string, repeating some Notions discoursed of in his other Papers; and of old the same was practised by Plutarch, as every one knows that is acquainted with that excellent Author:) yet because where these Notions are repeated by him in other Tracts, they are expressed with some variety, and sometimes with farther advantage and clearness; I thought it safest not to leave out any thing, nor to go about to contract them: For the same Notions being represented with some enlargements or some difference of expression, may haply enlighten and affect some Readers in this form of words, others in another.  
The Fifth Book to contain Fragmenta Sacra, or such Miscellanies as could not well come under any of the forementioned General Heads. The Three last Chapters of which Book (containing a Collection of whatsoever was found among his Papers that related to the Apocalypse, and did seem to afford some light to some expressions therein) might have been fitly placed in the Third Book among the Remains upon some passages in the Apocalypse; but they came not soon enough to my hands to he inserted there. There were written in some papers of his some Half-sentences and Memorials (best understood by himself) or short Hints of what was afterward at large treated of and made out in several Tracts perfected by him, (which Hints he usually wrote in Latin:) These were too imperfect and unfit to be numbered among his Fragmenta Sacra; and to have published them would have been as dishonourable to the Author, as it would be greatly injurious to a famous Artist, after he had with all care imaginable and to the life perfected his designed Picture, to make public his first strokes and essays, the imperfect rudiments of his Pencil.  
One thing more, and I shall conclude this Advertisement; That for the farther accommodation of the Reader, (besides the dividing the whole into Five Books) Two of the largest and most elaborate Treatises, (next to that upon the Apocalypse) viz. The Christian Sacrifice, and The Apostasy of the Latter Times, are divided into Chapters with Contents briefly, but particularly, representing the chief matters therein discoursed of. This I thought would be much for the Reader's both ease and advantage. The same care is taken for the Remains on the Apocalypse, which being divided into 12. Chapters with Contents is also thereby made more accommodate to the Reader's use, and any part thereof may be the more easily referred to. And the like accommodation of the Reader is endeavoured (not only as to the forementioned Treatises, but) as to the rest of his Works, which could not be without great inconvenience divided into Chapters, namely by the Alphabetical Tables of Words and Things, as also by what is set in the top of every Page, which doth summarily import what is contained therein.  
6. And now after all this, when I could not think there was any thing uncared-for wherein I might be farther instrumental to the Reader's accommodation and the public good, I was solicited (and with some continued importunity) to another trouble. It was desired by some That the Hebrew, Greek and Latin Quotations in these Writings (especially in the Treatises and Discourses upon any passages of Scripture) might be rendered into English, for the benefit of those Readers who had not the advantage of such Education as would have enabled them to understand Words in those Tongues, though otherwise of good abilities to understand Things and the best Notions when represented in a Language known to them.  
It was easy for me to foresee how tedious such an employment would be, both where any Author 's style is entangled and not so properly and clearly expressive as it might have been, or where the Original Greek being lost an old barbarous Latin Translation is all that is to be had, (as in some parts of Irenaeus) as also where the Quotations are many, (as in the Christian Sacrifice, the Tracts about Churches and the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and in the Apostasy of the Latter Times) and likewise large, 
* As in p. 334, to 339. and in many others.  some whole pages being filled with Testimonies of ancient Authors, as pag. 373, etc. 377. to the end of that Tract, and (to name no more) pag. 641, 642.  
Yet it was less difficult for me to deny myself some ease by undertaking this new labour, than to deny the importunity of others, their desire especially being backed with this consideration, That it would conduce more to the benefit of all Readers. And therefore in compliance with their request the several Testimonies that occur, especially in his Treatises and discourses upon Scripture are done into English, except where the sense of the Quotation is sufficiently intimated in the either foregoing or the following lines.  
As for some Quotations in Book IV, which contains his Epistles they being, most of them, written to Learned men, and several of the Quotations (not to mention such as are here repeated, and were translated in the foregoing three Books) relating to some Criticisms and other points of Learning most proper for Scholars to busy themselves about; I was less solicitous about every thing therein that was in other Languages. And as for some Epistles which are wholly in Latin, I thought good to give a summary account of them in English, either in the Margin or in the Contents.  
The Translation keeps close to the letter for the most part; it does not always: for that would be not only Pedantic and servile, but infinitely inconvenient, and would render the Translation sometime as insignificant and unintelligible to some Readers as the Original itself. And therefore in some places I found it absolutely necessary to enlarge the Translations, and so to improve them that they might seem also a little Commentary upon some Quotations out of the Fathers and Councils, particularly such as related to Ecclesiastical Antiquities, which would otherwise have been too obscure and impossible to be understood by every Reader: a Specimen whereof (to omit other places) the Readers may observe in Pag. 383. and in Pag. 331. where the Author speaks of the 5 degrees of Penitents in the ancient Church. And for the better clearing the sense of some Authors in such places as seemed most intricate, I neglected not to consult either Ecclesiastical Antiquaries or those that had commented upon the Fathers, such as I could meet with in private or public Libraries; (though oftentimes my consulting such proved but a fruitless, though toilsome, labour; it being the fashion of many Commentators to write a deal of Notes upon what is easy and needs them not, but to give the Go-by to places more difficult.) The most serviceable in all my search was the industrious and learned Rigaltius, agreeably to whose judgement and the sense of the most diligent Writers, as also to the scope of the place, (not neglecting also sometimes to consult the living, and the better, Libraries) I have rendered some Passages, which haply at first sight may seem to others to import otherwise.  
There is this yet farther to be advertised, That where the Testimonies out of Greek Authors are sometimes quoted in Latin, (as in those 2 Tracts about Churches and the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) I have in the translating attended not always to the Latin, but rather to the Original Greek, where it seemed more expressive, which I have therefore set down in the Margin, either part of it, as in Pag. 336. and elsewhere, or the whole, as in another Treatise, Pag. 642. that large Quotation out of Theodoret is more free from ambiguity in the Greek than (as it was formerly quoted) in the Latin.  
And thus much for the First Head of Advertisements. I proceed to the next.   

II. Advertisements touching the Author and his Writings.  
1. As for the Author, I shall not need to exspatiate in a large and particular recounting of the several Perfections (whether Intellectual Accomplishments or Moral ●●●owm ●ts) which were eminently conspicuous in him, there being ●●●n a true and lively Picture of him in the following History of his Life and Death, (written by some of great acquaintance with him, and that always had a just esteem for him) and in that compendious Epitaph annexed thereunto, (which, together with the Verses set in the beginning of this Volume, was sent out of the Country from a Reverend person sometime of Cambridge) as likewise in the adjoining Appendix to the Author's Life, (sent from another Doctor anciently of the same University, one who frequently resorted to Mr. Mede, and thought himself richly rewarded by his discourse for every journey he made to his Chamber.) In these Three there is an endeavour to represent the Author's Picture at large and in his full proportions. Howsoever it may not be impertinent to superadd here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some few Memorials; as Pictures of Great persons are wont to be expressed not only in their just proportions, but also in little Tables and Medals.  
In short then, His Intellectual accomplishments must needs be eminent and advanced above the ordinary pitch, they being the Effects of excellent Natural parts accompanied with an early and unwearied Industry, as also (which is a more rare conjunction) with a great judgement and a great Memory. He began his search after Wisdom betimes, and continued it unto the last; it might truly be said of him (to borrow the words of 
* Ecclus. 51. 15  Siracides) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the flower till the grape was ripe, (from the budding ingenuities of his youth till the more concocted and mature thoughts of his riper years) he delighted in Wisdom, he sought her from his youth up, 
* Vers. 20.  and had his heart joined with her from the beginning. And for a proof of that success which attended this his early enquiry after Knowledge, it may not be here impertinent to observe, That some of those peculiar Notions of his which occur in his latter Writings (as in that of the Reverence of God's House) were his eldest thoughts and studies, as he himself calls them somewhere in his Epistles. What he hath observed in his Christian Sacrifice, about the Oblation of Praise and Prayer at the celebration of the Eucharist, he had an early apprehension of; as appears by that (not till now published) 
* See Book I. Disc. II.  Discourse of his upon Psal. 50. 14. which was composed by him in his younger days. What he hath at large illustrated in his learned Discourse upon 1 Tim. 4. 1. concerning Daemon-worship and the Apostasy of the Latter Times, he had a glimpse of many years before, as is evident from his 
* S●e Disc. XLII●  Discourse upon 2 Pet. 2. 1. And as for that short, but elaborate, Tract De Numeris Danielis, or Revelatio Antichristi, perfected by him toward the latter end of his Life, he called it 
* See Book IU. pag. ●●4.  an old Notion long laid aside by him, but now upon an apprehension of its Usefulness thought fit by him to be resumed and perfected: Ita ut cano placeret quod juveni complacebat, as Walsingham (though an adversary) reports of Wiclef. By which Instances (to name no other) it may appear what a quick Sagacity he had in his younger years, and how his early studies were blest with the discoveries of such Theories as lay deep and were not obvious to every eye.  
His skill in History and Geography appeared betimes; a fair Specimen whereof the Reader may observe in those two 
* See Book I. Disc. 49, 50. not published before.  Discourses of his upon Gen. 10. 5. where he treats of the Original Habitations and First Seat of japhet 's Sons and their Colonies after the great dispersion from the Tower of Babel; (a Subject that the learned Bochartus in his Phaleg has copiously discoursed of.) And for the happiness of Mr. Mede's Conjectures in an argument so difficult and so little traced by any Writers before him, I refer the judicious Readers to those abovementioned Discourses, where they will find several Conjectures of his more easy and less unforced than in some Authors that have written either before or after him, not excepting Bochartus himself. And herein we have another proof of his early Sagacity.  
But more particularly for History, his Commentaries upon the Apocalypse and some passages in Daniel speak the eminency of his skill herein, there being no Interpreters before him that have with equal clearness accommodated those Prophecies and Visions to their proper Events. That Methodus legendi Historicos cum fructu, drawn up by him and sent to Sr. William Boswel (his ancient and inward Friend) for the private use of some studious Gentlemen, would also have testified as much. This Method for the study of History, as likewise his Catalogue of such Authors as were most eminent in the several Arts and Sciences, sent to the same Learned Knight, and (what was sent at a third time to him for the use of some Friends of his) a little Bibliotheca Theologica, or an account of such Authors as had made the best distribution of Theology into its parts, and had written best for the several parts thereof; these his Three Epistolary Discourses (for the which Sr. W. B. does in his Letters return most affectionate thanks to Mr. Mede) would certainly have been most advantageously instructive unto all, could they have been found among Sr. W. Boswel's Papers, and copied out for the public use: but as yet they cannot be retrived, notwithstanding all imaginable diligence has been used, of which they were well worthy, as containing (not mere lines of Ceremony and Compliment, such as usually pass between Friends, nor little matters of News or of private concern, but what is of greater importance) Instructions and Advices about the study of Theology, the Arts and History, and from one who was versatissimus and excellently accomplished in them all, And for the attaining a rare perfection in (that which was last named) History, he had a singular advantage from his great Memory, without which all studies of this nature would signify but little, His Memory was so officious and faithful to him, that he relied much upon it, and made little use of Common-place-Books: Accordingly in the Catalogue of his Manuscripts, written by his worthy Executor the learned Mr● john Alsop, (than Fellow of Christ's College) are set down Two thick Paper-books in folio, prepared by the Author when he was a young Student; but withal this note is there added, That little or nothing was written in them. Yet did he not wholly trust to his Memory; for he had a lesser Paper-book wherein he wrote down (besides what he had briefly observed out of the Ancients and others) some short Notes of his present Conjectures and Thoughts upon either some obscure Text of Scripture or some other difficult argument. That he had some such Repository for his Notions, (and it were well if those that are more knowing and Contemplative would be thus commendably provident,) is intimated in the 
* Sect. 2. at the end.  Appendix to the Author's Life.  
By other Letters of his (if they could be had) might farther appear his equal skill in the History of Nature and Philosophy; they being written in answer to several Inquiries of Sr. W. Boswel, an excellent Philosopher and Mathematician, some De motu Gravium & Levium, as likewise touching the Equality of Natural Motions, with some reflections upon the common opinion of their being velociores in fine quam in principio; others about the Nature of Comets, particularly about that Comet in 1618. its figure and Disposition, &c, Besides several other ingenious Quaere's mentioned in Sr. W. Boswell's Letters, as (to name two or three) about Shooting or managing the long Bow; as also about the possibility and best methods of teaching the Deaf and Dumb from birth to cast accounts, with other Mathematical calculations, to know moneys and the use thereof, to understand by sight of others writing and express by their own whatsoever may pass for civil life and conversation.  
For the Languages, (particularly the Oriental,) although his Modesty would not permit him to speak otherwise of himself than in such an humble strain as this, 
* In the like strain he somewhere speaks of his skill in Chaldees as also in the Mathematics, which yet was great in others esteem, how little soever it was in his own.  In Hebraicis modicum forte possim, as he writes in one of his Ep. to L. de Dieu: yet that his knowledge herein was more than mean and ordinary, yea such as showed him to be a man of a rare perspicacity in the Genius and Proprieties of the Sacred Language, may be sufficiently evinced from the many useful Criticisms and Observations upon several Words and Phrases of Scripture, scattered throughout his Writings, and particularly (to omit other Instances) from his clear and smooth 
* See Book III. p. 666, & 671.  rendering and explaining that difficult Paragraph in Dan. 11. 36. etc. about Mahuzzim, etc. and from his unexampled accuracy in translating and glozing upon that which is the most important of all the Prophecies in the Old Testament for the interest of Christianity, (I mean Daniel's LXX Weeks in chap. 9 from vers. 24. to the end) Concerning which (not to meddle with his Epocha of the LXX Weeks, wherein perhaps he did not fully satisfy himself, for he was 
* See Ep. 23. p. 777.  unwilling his Papers about this subject should be imparted, otherwise the most communicative of his Notions of any man living) this is to be observed, That those expressions in vers. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and those in vers. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are very intelligible, and there is scarce any tolerable sense made of them in some other Versions; but in his Translation and Notes the importance of them is very easy and natural, and agreeable to the mind of the Original: whereby is verified what he in a Letter of his to L. de Dieu observes of himself. 
See pag. 569.  Eo ingenio sum, (delicatulo, an moroso?) ut nisi ubi interpretatio commode & absque salebris eat, nunquam ntihi satisfacere soleam.  
And indeed his singular ability for interpreting the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and clearing the Obscurities of the Holy Scriptures was out of those Great Accomplishments which were most illustrious in him. His insight into the inmost Recesses of these Sacred Writings was so quick as well as sure, that it was a most true Elogium which Sr. Will. Boswel gives of him in one of his Letters. That Mr. Mede did discern Day before others could open their eyes. Nor might that Cognomen be unfitly applied to this joseph, which was given to the Patriarch joseph, I mean that Egyptian name, 
* Gen. 41.  Zophnath-paaneah, which is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Revealer or Interpreter of hidden things, according to Philo, josephus, both the Targumists, jonathan and Onkelos, several Hebrew Writers, and (to name only one more, but one whose judgement is the more considerable, because of his peculiar skill in the Coptick language) Athanas. Kircherus. And from this famous Parallel between the two Joseph's (which lies more open to every one's observation) I might take occasion to adorn this Preface with several other not less memorable, though less obvious, Resemblances betwixt them: But I must not give way to a Digression that would take up more room than I can well spare, in the Preface; especially having several other Memorials to bring in that are more useful and proper to the design thereof; which I shall dispatch with all convenient brevity.  
The most Mysterious of all the Books of Scripture is the Apocalypse: and yet, though it be more mysterious and dark than the rest, 
* Rom. 15.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it was, as well as the rest of Scripture, written for our learning, for our comfort, for the encouragement of our Patience, Faith and Hope; and therefore written to be understood: Otherwise the 
* This is mentioned both in the beginning and in the end of the Apocalypse, Ch. 1. 3. and Ch. 22. 7.  Promise of Blessedness to them that read (that is, that read with understanding) and hear and keep the words of this Prophetical Book and the things written therein, would be but a Mock-promise of a Blessedness promised upon a 
* For such an impossible condition is the understanding of this Book supposed to be according to that Hypothesis.  condition impossible, after the use of all endeavours, to be performed, and withal promised to a blind obedience, or to the keeping and observing they know not what: Which to imagine and affirm were an unworthy reproach and high dishonour done to the Divine Wisdom and Goodness.  
In the Interpretation of this Book of Mysteries (as also of Daniel's Visions) how well the Author hath quitted himself, let others judge; such as are of a free and discerning spirit, and not unacquainted with the Schemes of Prophetic style, (for these alone are competent judges in these matters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) let such as these judge between the Author's method and the Novel way of interpreting, wherein the Learned 
* In his way of interpreting 2 Thes. 2. & Dan. 7. he departs also ●●●m the sense of the Ancients, and forsakes those common Sentiments and Notions wherein the Fathers generally agree touching the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the man of Sin; the Fourth Beast and Little Horn, the Son of Man's coming in the clouds, the Stone cut out of the mountain without hards; besides other passages in th●se ch. & in ch. 11.  Hugo Grotius is the Choragus and leads the Dance, (a Dance which has made those of the Court of Rome no little sport.) For me here to make a judgement upon these two so distant Methods of Interpretation, (if it were fit, yet) it is needless; both of them being brought into view and impartially compared, and the Author's Method undeniably evinced to be the better, and fully vindicated from the little pretensions of the contrary party; and all this performed by 
‖ See Dr. More's Mystery of Godliness, Book. 5. ch. 15, 16, 17. and his Synopsis Prophetica, Book 2. ch. 2, 3, 4, etc.  one not only of the same University, but of the same College too; which renders the performance more decorous and graceful, it being as well a becoming testimony of a fair and worthy respect to the Author's memory, as a seasonable service to the Truth itself.  
This is a little of the much that might be observed touching the Author 's Intellectual Accomplishments.  
His Moral Endowments did testify his great Piety, as the other his great Parts and Learning. By his Moral Endowments I mean his Humility and Charity, his Moderation, Peaceable-Spiritedness, Long-suffering and Patience, his Meekness towards those that opposed themselves, his Benignity, Largeness and Openness of Spirit, his Zeal for God and things Holy, Just and Good, his Freedom from Ambition, Envy and Love of the World, his Sympathies and Pious Solicitudes for the Breaches in Christendom; and (not to instance in all those Virtues that shined forth in him, and rendered him an Exemplary and Useful Christian) I shall name only one more, (and it's that which is the signal Character of the Best Souls, such as approach nearest to an Heroic State of Goodness, and the greatest resemblance of the Divinity) his Communicativeness and readiness to do good, (and that particularly by a free imparting unto all ingenuous lovers of Knowledge, of his best Treasures) and his Unweariedness herein, an argument that he sensibly knew that Noble pleasure which useth to accompany the exercise of such Beneficence: And (which is the Crown of all) all these were actuated and inspirited by Faith, the Root of every Grace that is truly Christian; and accordingly the necessity of such a Living and Operative Faith the Author has with great seriousness treated in several of his Discourses. And here indeed were a large and pleasant Field to traverse, a rich argument to discourse upon: But there being in the following History of the Author's Life a very particular account of these and other his Endowments which must needs make his Memory precious to all persons of Piety and Learning, I would not by an unnecessary lengthening of this Preface detain the Reader too long from the satisfaction he may there receive.  

Thus much in brief touching The Author.  
2. Concerning his Writings (besides what has been intimated by the way in the foregoing Advertisements) these things are fit to be observed.  
1. That there were Three Treatises of his published in his life-time. The First was his Clavis & Commentationes Apocalypticae; the largest and withal the most elaborate of any of his Writings. This was his Firstborn, his might and the excellency of his strength, as 
* Gen. 49.  jacob spoke of his Firstborn. It was extorted from him by the loving violence of some great Friends; otherwise he would have deferred the publishing of it till he had perfected his Specimina upon the last Chapters of the Apocalypse into a just Commentary, agreeably to that large method of Interpreting wherein he had proceeded to the end of Chap. 14.  
The other Two short Tracts (viz. about the Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anciently given to the H. Table, and about Churches in the Apostles times) were not published neither without his modest reluctancy; he was overruled herein by his Superiors, whose Command for the former was accompanied with this high Elogium, (as some of the Author's friends have related it) That this little Piece should silence all other Tracts about that argument, there being enough therein (said they) to satisfy all reasonable men, and there having been more than enough already published, but to less purpose. The English of the many Quotations in these Two Tracts not translated by the Author, I have set (not in the body of the line, immediately after any of the Quotations, but) in another Column. To have done so in the rest of his Works would have swelled the whole into a greater bulk: But I chose to do thus in these Two Tracts, because they were published in his life-time, and without any Translation immediately following the several Testimonies out of others. And yet I am apt to think that if he had lived to prepare for the public view some other Tracts or Discourses, he would have rendered them into English; and I the rather think so, because he has done thus in some Discourses perfected by him (though not published) not long before his death. These were his Discourse upon Eccles. 5. 1. entitled The Reverence of God's House, and that upon S. Matth. 6. 9 about the Sanctification of God's Name: These were revised by him, and seem to have received his last care, besides some other Tracts, as his Paraphrase and Exposition of S. Peter's Prophecy, and that Latin Tract De Numeris Danielis.  
2. That his other Discourses and Treatises (whether formerly printed or now added) were Opera Posthuma, and yet too good to have been buried in obscurity, and consequently lost to the World; (for, according to that twice-mentioned sentence in Siracides, ch. 20. & 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;) although had they been revised by the Author in order to printing, they would doubtless have received some polishing lustre and farther enrichments from his last hand. How advantageous such a Revisal of them would have been, may appear from those forementioned Discourses of his, the former draughts whereof (as they were delivered in the Colledge-Chappel) were upon his review and going over them again much enlarged and made more full.  
This Advertisement was fit to be here mentioned, and that in justice to the Author's memory: And therefore it is a very reasonable request, to entreat the Reader to peruse them with that Candour and Fairness which is deemed by all ingenuous persons but a due respect to the Posthumous Works of Worthy men. In the confidence of such a Favour & Civility have the Posthuma of many Learned men been presented to the world; particularly some Posthumous Pieces of the eminently learned Bishop Andrews by the then Bishops of London and Ely, the Three last Books of the judicious Mr. Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity by the late Bishop of Worcester, and (to name but one more of the many that might be mentioned) the Profound Dr. Iackson's Tenth and Eleventh Books of Commentaries upon the Creed by the unexpressible industry of the Reverend Mr. Oley. Upon the like confidence of a fair respect to be afforded to the Posthuma of this Great Author did the Reverend Mr. john Alsop publish the first part of his Diatribae, being Chappel-Exercises and (most of them) short Discourses upon Texts of Scripture, which yet the Author could have made more full and perfect, had he designed them for the public view.  
Amongst his Posthuma, the largest, and which cost him most study, was his Treatise about The Doctrine of Daemons, etc. or The Apostasy of the Latter Times, containing several Discourses upon 1 Tim. 4. 1. Of this there were 3 Copies amongst his Papers. The first was a shorter Draught of his Thoughts upon this Subject, when prepared for the Colledge-auditory. The Second was larger and fuller, being delivered in several Sermons at S. Mary's before the University. Both these were in 8ᵒ. A Third in 4o, when form by him into a larger Treatise, and in several places enriched with considerable additions. And according to this Third and last Draught is this Treatise printed in this Edition, wherein also are added some Marginal Annotations of his, others, that were displaced in the former prints, restored to their due and proper places; so that the whole must needs be now more significant, clear and useful to the judicious Readers, as well as rendered more grateful and accommodate for their perusal by being distinguished into Chapters with Contents.  
There were some Friends (to whom he had communicated this Treatise) that moved him to print it; (and had it been then published by him in compliance with their desires, it would certainly have brought him in a large Return of Esteem and Honour, for the multifarious Learning and the many Notions therein, not less solid and important than ingenious and uncommon.) But he being hugely averse from appearing any more in print (as may appear from what he writes in Ep. 97.) withstood the importunity of that motion, alleging for his excuse some Deficiencies therein, which his maturer thoughts could correct, and that he could mend the Foundation thereof 
* 〈…〉 p. 43. : Which expressions of his need not seem strange, nor are they to be interpreted to the lessening the due value of that Treatise, they being the proper language of his Modesty, and usual with him, when he was put upon any such occasion of expressing his sense concerning any of his Composures. And indeed he was so infinitely curious, and so seriously solicitous that every thing which came from his pen should be exact and accurate, that in a 
‖ See Ep. 29.  Letter of his to the L. Primate of Ireland he thus writes of himself, That he should never get through that which is his own, without everlasting mending, blurring, and pausing at every sentence to alter it. Smaller matters to so quick and severe an eye as Mr. Mede had for his own Writings, would be thought to want correcting, and sometimes, it may be, expunging: But this is nothing to the main substantial Notions that influence the whole Treatise; for these the Author professedly owns and insists upon in his Commentary upon the Apocalypse (which was written after this Treatise, and contains his elder and maturer thoughts.) As for example, That grand Notion which runs through the whole Discourse upon 1 Tim. 4. 1. viz. of Daemon-worship revived amongst an Idolatrous sort of Christians, he makes use of in his Notes upon Apocal. 9 20. and refers to his Treatise about The Doctrine of Daemons for the fuller confirmation thereof: as also in his Specimina upon Apocal. 17. he makes use of that Notion discoursed of in the forementioned Treatise, chap. 8. viz. That Idolatry is the main Character of the Church's Apostasy. But without mentioning any more particulars, what in his Apostasy of the Latter Times was consonant to his Clavis & Commentationes Apocalypticae, was avowed by him; and those some things he saith in his Epistles that he could alter, were such especially as were not so 
* See pag. ●●2.  consentaneous to his Apocalyptical Notions. In short, although the Foundation and the whole Structure of this Treatise may seem, as it now is, sufficiently strong and well compact to the eye of others, yet he being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a wise master-builder says he could have mended it, that is, have added some more strength to it, (for to mend the Foundation is not to take it quite away, but rather to strengthen it:) an instance not only of his great Humility, (when he was forced to pronounce concerning any performance of his own,) but also of his equal Sagacity and Quicksightedness in discovering where any the least passage might be mended, which yet to others seemed not deficient; and withal an argument of his great Solicitude for the best satisfaction of others.  
It is not unlikely but some may have an itching curiosity to know (if it were possible) where he would have either altered or added. And for answer to such there is a Paper of his own writing with Memorandums to this purpose. His Addenda for the farther clearing or confirming of some passages in this Treatise were such as these. 1. He would have added a Paraphrastical Exposition upon the last verse of the former Chapter, in short this; God was manifest in the flesh, that is, was incarnate: justified by the Spirit, that is, 
* So the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used.  testified and witnessed by the Holy Ghost at his Baptism, etc. Seen of Angels, visited by them at his Fasting in the wilderness and at other times, etc. 2. To what is said in Chap. 2. That Daemon-worship or Idolatry is the Apostasy meant in the Text and elsewhere in Scripture, he would have added for a farther proof hereof, That it is so, as being a direct Breach of the Vow in Baptism, according to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the ancient form of Baptism, 
* Vid. Clem● Constir. Cyrill. Hierof. Catech.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And to this he would have added that of S. Augustin, lib. 1. De moribus Catholicae Ecclesiae, c. 34. where he saith, Nolite consectari turbas imperitorum, qui vel in ipsa vera Religione superstitiosi sunt, ut obliti sint quae promiserint Deo. Novi multos esse Sepulchrorum & Picturarum adoratores. 3. To what he hath observed in the second Part of this Treatise, about Lies of Miracles, he would have showed more at large, That Miracles out of the Charnels are properly those specified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2 Thess. 2. 9 because Satan ever loved to delude the world in that kind, and it appears not that God useth to work Miracles by such means. Quaere (saith he) whether the Charnel-cures are not akin to those Magical ointments made of like ingredients. As for the Alterations, he has a Memorandum to consider whether in his explication of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 somewhat may not be cut off or contracted; and another Memorandum he hath to alter somewhat in the beginning of his explication of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and withal That the 
* See pag. 652.  Scriptures of the Singular and Plural number speaking of the Last Time or Times be so fitted, that they may leave Dies judicii to be a Continued Time; for, according to his 
* See pag. 531, & 772.  Notion and Description thereof, upon his study of the Apocalypse, Dies judicii non breve aliquot horarum spatiolum designat, sed (pro more Hebraeorum, Diem pro tempore usurpantium) continuatum multorum annorum intervallum.  
These are the Addenda and Corrigenda as they are set down in that Paper; but not a word about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if any thing therein were to be altered: and yet some (and they not over-captious nor prejudiced persons) have been apt to demur somewhat upon his explication of those words. The intendment of this Preface is not to write Notes upon any of the Author's Works, yet for the sake of the Ingenuous it may not be impertinent here to observe these few things. 1. That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or, as some Copies read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) may properly enough be rendered Doctrines of, that is, concerning, Daemons; the Genitive case here, as elsewhere in Scripture in the like Forms of speech, being to be taken Passively; as the Author hath made it clear in Chap. 1. of this Treatise. 2. That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Daemons are to be taken in Scripture sometimes in a better and indifferent sense, (according to the sense of the Gentile Philosophers) for the Souls of men deceased, and need not be taken always in the worst sense, for Devils or Evil Spirits, he hath endeavoured (in Chap. 6.) to make it appear from several places of Scripture, and from an observable passage in Epiphanius; where he also shows That the worship of these Daemons or Souls of the deceased was in reality the Worship of Devils; those Evil Spirits counterfeiting sometimes the Souls of men deceased, and none but Devils being willing to admit that Honour which does certainly derogate from the Honour of the only true God. 3. That whatsoever the importance of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Doctrines of Daemons be in this place, yet what is taught and practised by an Idolatrous sort of Christians, as to the worshipping of Angels and Saints, adoring of Relics, Image-worship, etc. is a lively and express resemblance of the Doctrine and Practices of the Gentiles concerning their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Daemons: as he hath proved at large. 4. That there are only three Chapters in this Treatise (viz. Chap. 3, 4, 5.) which treat of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the use of the word, and the Gentiles Theology concerning the Nature, the Office, the Original of Daemons, the manner and way of worshipping them; but all the rest of this large Treatise is as valid and concluding as if all in those three Chapters had been omitted, nor does the strength thereof depend upon that Hypothesis pursued in those Chapters, viz. That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Daemons are to be taken here for the Souls of men deceased. 5. That the truth of the former Assertion may be confirmed from a view of these severals. 1. His Arguments (in Chap. 7, 8, 9) to prove Saint-worship and Image-worship to be Idolatry, have no dependence upon his foregoing explication of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but prove what they are brought for, be the sense of the word that or any other. 2. His Discourse of the Church's Visibility clouded in the prevailing Apostasy under the Reign of Antichrist, is not concerned in his peculiar Notion of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. And as little concerned therein is all that large and considerable part of this Treatise which discourses of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Times of the great Apostasy; as likewise that which is grounded upon that famous and express Prophecy (in Dan. 11. 36, etc.) of the Church's lapsing into Idolatry and the worshipping of Mahuzzims; the proper meaning of which word, (not easy for every one to have discovered,) as also the fitness of this Title to be applied to the worshipped Angels and Saints, with their Images and their Relics, are there explained and confirmed by him, both by comparing several Places of Scripture, and by pertinent Proofs out of Ancient and Modern Authors. 4. All the Second Part of this Treatise is unconcerned in the forementioned Notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I mean that Part which relates to verse 2, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. and makes it evident by several Proofs (collected with great industry and equal judgement out of Ecclesiastical Antiquities) That Invocation of Saints and Image-worship were advanced by Hypocritical Lying, Lies of Miracles, Fabulous Legends, etc. wherein the Professors of Monkery had the Chiefhand.  
3. There is one thing more to be added concerning the Authors Writings, (and it is fit to be advertised, as being a Right due to his Name and Memory,) That whereas in the former Editions the Discourses, being published at several times and by several persons, could not be so fitly ranked and set in order, as otherwise they might have been, had they been published all at once; but the New and Old were mingled together, without any intimating which were composed by him in his younger days and which in his elder: In this Edition care is taken to dispose them otherwise. Know therefore, that those Diatribae or Discourses 
* of this Edition.  are set first that were composed and delivered by him within the last Ten years of his life, (viz. from the year 1628. to 1638,) and the First XXVI Discourses are such: XXI of which were published by the Author's Executor, but for the Order wherein they were set, (except those two which treat upon the Lord's Prayer, and were therefore fitly placed first) he seems to have been indifferent; otherwise (if he had thought it expedient) he could have placed them according to the time when they were delivered in public, either in the Colledge-Chappel, (as most of them were, being Common-places and short Diatribae on several Texts of Scripture) or before the University at S. Mary's, (as the larger Discourses were.) For (as it appears by the Author's Papers) Discourse the 7th was delivered Anno 1637. Disc. 9 An. 1633. and in the same year Disc. 14, 21. Discourse 13, An. 1632. Discourse 19, An. 1635.  
The Nine following Discourses (viz. from Disc 26. to Disc. 35. as also 37.) were preached all of them (except Discourse 30, of which I am not so certain) between the years 1624. and 1628., as I gather from some Memorials in the Manuscripts.  
The Twelve next Discourses were between the years 1615 and 1624. some of which are more Notional than others, as Discourse 36. upon jer. 10. 11. and Disc. 35. upon Urim and Thummim, and those upon Genes. 3. 13, 14, 15. But if these and Disc. 47. be not every way so accurate and exact as those Diatribae that stand in the first rank, whereof it may be said (to use Paterculus his expression) In illis Scriptis plus limae est; it was sit that the Reader should be advertised about the distant times wherein these and the other Discourses were composed by him.  
The Six last Discourses (the 
‖ Disc. XLVIII.  First is added in this Edition) all but the 
* Disc. XLIX.  Second of them, were made by him in his 
‖ Disc. L, LI, An. 1613. Disc. LII, An. 1615. Disc. LIII, An. 1614  younger days, and all of them but the Last are elaborate, and argue his great reading and study. The Last, which is plainer than the rest, was added, because the latter part thereof especially is a fit Supplement to Discourse 39 and withal, because the whole is a pregnant proof of his freedom from Vaingloriousness and Affectation, (a Disease to which Young men are most subject) and that he knew (as to discourse learnedly before capable Hearers, and to prepare 
* Heb. 5.  strong meat for those of full age, so likewise) to become weak to those that were weak 
* 1 Cor. 9 , in imitation of the Great Apostle of the Gentiles, and, when he was to speak before a Country-Auditory, to express himself in a very plain and familiar way. Which ability and readiness of condescending to the meanest capacity was a Virtue and Perfection in him worthy of praise and imitation, rather than an unseemly debasement and lessening of himself. The Great S. Augustine was pleased to humble himself to a yet lower condescension; he would speak sometimes broken and barbarous Latin before some sort of Hearers, so it were better understood by them, as Ossum for Os, etc. upon the mentioning of which instance he adds, 
* Vid. Enar●●t. in Psal. 138.  Melius est ut nos reprehendant Grammatici, quam ut non intelligant populi.  
In general, His Style is every where grave and proper and fitly expressive of his sense, (an argument that he was Master of his Notions, and did fully comprehend them.) Nor is it easy to find many Writers that, in treating upon Prophetical and Obscure Scriptures of any other Abstruse arguments, have either illustrated them with that clearness, that easy and punctual accommodation of them to their proper Events, or represented their Notions so handsomely and advantageously, as he hath done. To be short, In his Discourses and Sermons there is nothing that is light, humorous and trifling, no little pieces of Wit or slight Fancy, no highflown nor affected Modes of expression, no needless Quotations of the meaner and less-significant Sentences out of Authors; with which some (such especially who are less acquainted with the inward sense and relish of Better things) endeavour to make their Discourses look very fine and (as they think) wondrous learned, hoping thereby to gratify some weak and Childish minds, and by them to be had in admiration, whose Applause yet is in the esteem of Wise men a Disparagement: No, His great care was to make his Discourses rather substantial and solid, sit to entertain such as are of a more Manly and serious spirit, than gaudy and acquaint and pleasing only to those that are but Children, and not grown to be Men, in Understanding; as being well assured that to men of judgement (as Petronius hath well observed) Nihil esset magnificum quod pueris placeret: His Generous Soul could not stoop so low as to humour these, such a Pedantic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Affectation being in his account a certain sign of a Poorness and Narrowness of spirit, a Littleness of Mind, when it can thus vacare rebus tam exiguis, & his interest ut suis.  
In a word, what is related in the Life of Padre Paolo, (that Oracle of Venice, the famous Author of the History of the Council of Trent, and, for his scarcely-paralleled Accomplishments, both Intellectual and Moral, the Glory and Wonder of that Age, Il miracolo di questo secolo, as the learned and excellent Vincentius Pinellus of Milan did love to style him,) may with equal truth be said of Mr. Mede and his Writings, viz. That here was an happy conjunction of those Excellencies which rarely meet in one and the same Subject, Scienza & humilita, prudenza e mansuetudine, ritir atezza & officiosita, seriosita e dolcezza, brevita e chiarezza, soavita e sodezza, Knowledge and Humility, Prudence and Meekness, Retiredness and Officiousness, Seriousness and Pleasantness, Brevity and Clearness, Sweetness and Solidity.  
I might add a word concerning some other Tracts of his, and particularly such as (besides his Clavis Apocalyptica) refer to the Apocalypse, and make the three last Chapters in Book V. But concerning these there is an Advertisement there prefixed: And for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 
* Book III. pag. 581.  Remains upon the Apocalypse, this in short may suffice to be intimated, That they were only an Additional Supplement to the first Draught of his Synchronisms privately communicated to some Friends, and were not written after, but 
* Except that Tract in Chap. 9 of the Remains he of a ●ater date.  before, his Clavis & Commentationes Apocalypticae, which were his Last labours upon that mysterious Book; and by these his Last Thoughts upon the Apocalypse should be farther cleared and rectified whatsoever may seem in those former Papers less perfect and satisfying. Concerning other Tracts of his there are particular Advertisements inserted (where thore was need) in their proper places.  
And thus much concerning the Author and his Writings; I proceed to the last Head of Advertisements.    

III. Advertisements touching the Methods and Helps whereby the Author arrived at such an eminent degree of skill in the more abstruse parts of Knowledge.  
And because it is and ever was the General sense of all Wise and Virtuous persons in the World, That the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. P●●. in Paneg. Bene & sa●ienter Majores ins●●uerunt, ut rerum agendarum initium 〈◊〉 Precationibus cape●●●ur.  Divine Presence and Assistence is absolutely necessary, and therefore to be implored, in all weighty undertake; that which deserves first to be numbered amongst those Helps to knowledge is,  
I. His humble and fervent Prayer to Almighty God, the Father of lights, to guide him into all Truth, and to give him [
* Psal. 111.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] a good understanding in all things. This was S. 
* Chap. 1. 5.  james his advice, If any man lack Wisdom, let him ask of God— and it shall be given him. This was that memorable counsel that a venerable unknown person gave to justin Martyr in his Solitude, (after he had passed through the several Philosophies then in being, the Stoic, Peripatetic, Pythagorean and Platonic) as a preparation to his receiving the best Philosophy, that is, the Christian, That he would study the Writings of the Holy Prophets; and for his better success therein (saith he 
* In D●al. cum T●yphon. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he should first and above all things pray unto God that the Gates of light might be opened unto him: and in the following of this counsel this great Philosopher became an eminent Christian, faithful unto death. This was Daniel's practice; Daniel (whose Prophecy is much-what of the like colour and complexion with S. John's Apocalyps) he sets himself (and engages the Three Children, his companions, to do the like) 
* Dan. 2. 18.  to desire mercies of the God of Heaven concerning that Secret of Nebuchadnezzar's Vision of the Four Kingdoms, represented by the 
* Vers. 32, etc.  Image of Four differing metals. And, to mention only one Example more, (but such a one as is most pertinent on this occasion) S. john is said to have 
* Apoc. ● 5. 4.  wept much that none was found that could open the Apocalyptick Book sealed with Seven Seals: But God heard his Prayers and Tears, and upon the Lambs opening the Book he is bid 
* Chap. 6. 1.  Come and see. Thus God made the place of his banishment, Patmos, (an Island in the Archipelago) to be to him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Isai. 22.  a Valley of Vision, another 
‖ Gen. 37. & 28.  Peniel and Gate of Heaven, and, for the Oracles of Divine wisdom he there received, infinitely more illustrious than Delos, (a neighbouring Island, the middlemost and chief of the Cycladeses) so much famed for the birth and Oracle of Apollo. In this Solitude the holy Angels and Christ jesus the Sovereign over Men and Angels visited him, and blest this Eagle-eyed Apostle with the discoveries of the particular Fates of the Church till the End of the World and Christ's Second coming to judgement.  
Agreeable to such holy Counsels and these great Examples was Mr. Mede's practice, particularly when he entered upon the Apocalypse. Accordingly in a Letter of his to Mr. W. (his ancient Friend) he tells him That it was his daily Desire and Prayer to God that he might not be led away with delusions, (as some unskilful and unstable souls had been in their attempts upon so abstruse a Book as the Apocalypse) and that therefore his Hope was in God, that he would not suffer him to fall, (as they had wretchedly miscarried) but be merciful to him a sinner: and withal he earnestly desires that others would pray for him, as he would not cease to pray for them engaged in the like difficult labours. In this humble strain does he express himself in that private Letter, which needed not to be printed, it treating upon what he hath more fully and clearly discoursed of in other Tracts published in this Edition. Besides out of his printed Works upon the Apocalypse the Reader may observe the same: For those two humble Addresses of his to God, in the beginning of both his Clavis and Commentary upon the Apocalypse, [Tu qui Throno insides— and, Christ, Dei Sapientia—] are pregnant proofs how sensible he was of the availableness of continued Prayer for the safe understanding of such Mysteries. So far was he from 
* Prov. 3.  leaning to his own Understanding and 
* Prov. 3.  glorying in his own Wisdom: just as joseph the Patriarch speaks of his interpreting Pharaoh's Dream, (Gen. 41. 16.) It is not in me, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Non ex sapientia mea, says the Targum.  
II. His Ingenuous Gratitude and Thankful acknowledgements for any measure of Light received. For Praise (as it is in itself most 
* Psal. 33. praise is comely for the upright.  comely, a singular piece of the Beauty of Holiness, the Souls best dress and most graceful deportment, so likewise) it is an effectual instrument and one of the most compendious means to the obtaining of greater Favours and Blessings. Thus Daniel, out of a due sense of God's Goodness in revealing to him that Secret and Mystery of Nebuchadnezzar's Vision, repeats and doubles his affectionate Praises, in Chap. 2. 20, 22, 23. And he that was thus becomingly thankful for this First Favour, had many other Mysteries imparted to him, Mysteries of the greatest magnitude and importance: as, that of the LXX Weeks, (Chap. 9) containing (besides other Secrets of Providence relating the jewish State) the highest Mysteries of the Gospel, the Coming of Messiah into the World, his Death, the Time and the End or Intent thereof, his Anointing. Inauguration, and being instated in his Sovereign Dignity and Regal Power over all; and also that (in Chap. 7.) of the Second Coming of Christ in the Clouds of Heaven, together with the Description of the Great Day of judgement, and the Kingdom of Christ, which should not pass away nor be destroyed as were those Four 
* 1 The Babylonian, 2 that of the Medes and Persians, 3 The Greek, 4 the Roman.  Kingdoms represented (in this Chapter) by the Four Beasts divers one from another, verse 3. and (to name no more) that Mystery of the Reign of Antichrist, (for so the Ancients understood it) both in Chapter 7. 8, 20. and Chapter 11. 36, etc. together with the Time of his Discovery, 
* Of these Numbers 1290 & 1335, see Mr. Mede's Rev●latio Antichristi in pag. 717.  Chapter 12. 11, 12.  
Nor was Mr. Mede's Practice less observable in this than in the foregoing Particular; of which it were easy to produce many Instances: This for one, out of that abovementioned Letter to Mr. W. to whom he had sent the First Draught of his Notions upon part of the Apocalypse,— As for me, (saith he) I am conscious of my weakness and unworthiness; being, when these kind of thoughts first possessed me, looking another way with a prejudice incompatible with this— But if it be found the least means of farther light, to the Father of Lights be the Glory. His Epistles are full of the like thankful acknowledgements. When some, admiring his rare Sagacity in the Mysteries of the Apocalypse and other Prophecies, wrote to him in a strain full of respect and praise, he was not forward to take Glory to himself, but gave it (as he ought) to God; telling them, 
* See Ep. 14. pag. 759.  if there were any thing in his Meditations worthy of approbation, he must ascribe it to God's goodness towards him, that had in any sort enabled him to endeavour aught whereby he might not live in the world altogether unprofitably— and withal adds concerning his Clavis, If this one thing be my Talon, though but a single one, I have sufficient wherefore continually to thank the Almighty, and to beseech him that my husbanding thereof may be, by his gracious instinct, such as may be some occasion of farther light to others. Agreeable to which expressions is that most Grateful acknowledgement with which he concludes his Clavis Apocal.— Id extremum te volo, Lector, ut si mihi 
* 1 Cor. 14. 30.  assidenti quid forte revelatum esse perspexeris, aut tibi ipsi aut aliis ad haec mysteria profuturum, id tot um Dei in me misericordiae acceptum referas; cui & ego ob tantillum Sapientiae ejus radiolum grates persolvere nunquam desinam— The like humble and hearty praises for that portion of knowledge God had given him in these Mysteries, and the Opportunity he had vouchsafed him to make it known to others so far as he had done, (either of which Favours he professes he deserved not,) the Reader may observe elsewhere in his 
* See Ep. 41.  Epistles. And indeed a Soul so Humble and Meek and Thankful as his was, is in the fittest disposition and has the fairest advantages for Divine light: So true is that of Siracides, 
* Chap. 3. ●9.  Mysteries are revealed unto the meek. He with whom God 
* Exod. 33.  spoke face to face, as a man speaketh to his friend, was the 
* Num. 12.  meekest man upon earth, one whom that rare conjunction and Constellation of so great Accomplishments and Excellencies (as his being 
* Acts 7.  learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, his being mighty in words and deeds, his 
* De●t. 9  forty days converse with God in the Mount, his Greatness, Power and Dignity, together with the incomparable goodliness of his person) did not swell into an haughty, arrogant and imperious humour; as it would have been apt to have made some the proudest men upon earth.  
To conclude; To return all Thankful acknowledgements for such peculiar knowledge of the Mysterious and Prophetic Scriptures, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (to use the words of that Hymn in the Alexandrian Liturgy;) for the Interpretation of Prophecy is a Grace and Favour as well as Prophecy itself. Accordingly those two persons (one under the Old Testament, the other in the New) that were favoured above all others with the discoveries of the greatest Mysteries, were such as were peculiarly dear to God. Daniel was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Chap. 9 23. , and more fully 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Chap. 10. 11. , a man of desires or greatly beloved; and john was the Disciple whom jesus loved, (so he is styled five times in Scripture) that leaned on his breast at Supper, and lay in his bosom: and to this his bosome-Disciple did our Lord impart the deepest Mysteries of Prophecy as also of Evangelical Truth, whence he was worthily styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Divine, a Title more fitly applied to him than of old to Orpheus, Linus and Musaeus, or any the Divinest Writer among either the Philosophers or Poets of the Gentiles.  
III. His serious diligence in the use of such means as were most proper and instrumental to the attaining of that Knowledge he prayed for. Where the most seemingly-earnest Prayer is not attended with as earnest Endeavours, it is but a lazy insignificant wish, and in some a piece of vain Enthusiasm. But our Saviour's advice is not barely to 
* Matth. 7.  ask, but to seek; and such was that of 
‖ Prov. 2. 4.  Solomon, not only to lift up the voice for Wisdom and Understanding, but to seek her as Silver, and search for her as for hid Treasures. And of these counsels Mr. Mede was a careful observer, who failed not to accompany his Prayers with his best Endeavours. And as he was not slight and sudden in any thing, but proceeded with the greatest care and caution imaginable in any important argument his Thoughts were fixed upon, so was he more especially serious and thoughtful in his endeavours to interpret the Apocalypse and any other Prophetical Scriptures; a work to which he was peculiarly designed and fitted by God, and moved to it by some interior invitation and gracious Instinct of his Spirit, as the Author himself does somewhere acknowledge in his Epistles, where he also looks upon any abilities he had for interpreting such Scriptures as that particular Talon God had entrusted to him, to improve to the best advantage in his service: and therefore (as became a good and faithful Servant, desirous to approve himself to his Master in Heaven) 
* Eccles. 9 10.  whatsoever his hand did find to do herein, he did it with all his might. And that he might wholly give himself to these studies, (according to that of the Apostle, 
* 1 Tim. 4. ●Sis totus in illis.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and attend upon them without distraction, he prudently made choice of his most still and vacant hours wherein he might be most free from the noise and tumult of other cares and distractive, but less pertinent, business; for he would tell his Friends, that he could do nothing in these things but in silence and security of not being distracted by company and business. S. john received his Apocalyps in his Solitude at Patmos; and our Author found those seasons to be the most favourable and advantageous for gaining any abilities to reveal this Apocalypse, when he could be most retired and recollected in his 
* So he calls his Study or Chamber in Ep. 97.  Cell or Study, where he might gather in and intend all the Powers of his Mind and possess his whole Soul, the Soul never acting so strongly as when its whole force is thus united in such Recollections.  
One Instance (and a very remarkable one) of his great Diligence and Faithfulness in this Work he mentions in a 
* The rest of it is about News, and therefore was not published in this Edition.  Letter of his to Dr. T. where acquainting him with the leisurely and deliberate progress he made in his Exposition of Apocal. chap. 14. he adds, I am by nature cunctabundus in all things, but in this let no man blame me if I take more pause than ordinary; and he gives this Reason for it, Altius enim hoc animo meo insedit, (saith he) That rashly to be the Author of a false interpretation of Scripture is to take God's name in vain in an high degree: Words worthy to be written (to use 
* Chap. 17.  Ieremy's expression) with a pen of iron or with the point of a diamond upon the table of the heart, in the most legible and lasting characters; Words arguing the Authors most serious and pious spirit, full of reverence for the Word of God, and most sadly to be considered by the over-confident and superficial Expositors of the Divine Oracles and Mysteries.  
Thus much in general. The particular Means whereby he attained so great an insight and skill in the Apocalypse and other abstruse Prophecies of Scripture were such as these.  
1. His accurate and judicious comparing of Scripture with Scripture, and observing the proper and genuine use of the like Words and Phrases in several passages of Scripture, as they are either in the Original Languages, or in the ancient Versions thereof, especially the Chaldee, Greek and Syriack. For he found by good experience that some Scriptures do excellently illustrate others where the like Expressions are to be found, and consequently that the Word of God is 
* Psal. 119.  a Lamp unto our feet and a Light unto our path, not only as to the guiding of our life and practice, but also as to the directing our progress in the safest and clearest method of interpreting itself; and that such comparing of places is as needful for our conduct in the more solitary and dark passages of Scripture, as that burning Pillar of fire was to the Israelites in their journeying through a waist and desolate Wilderness, which God gave them to be both a guide of the unknown journey, and an harmless Sun by night, as the Author of the Book of Wisdom does elegantly express it in chap. 18. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Particularly he observed that the Style of the New Testament doth frequently imitate the Construction and Propriety of the Hebrew in the Old, as also the Greek of the LXX, and that the use of many Words in the New Testament was not Vulgar but Hellenistical, and agreeable to the use and importance of them in the Greek Bible, As for example, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apocal. 14. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Luk. 16. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Cor. 15. 54. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2 Cor. 9 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apocal. 13. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Heb. 9 5. Several other examples might be mentioned; but it is a Truth so generally acknowledged by those that are but competently acquainted with Sacred Philology, that it would be a needless task to produce the very many Instances which might be brought in confirmation thereof,  
2. His exact skill in History and the Customs both of the jews and other Nations was a singular aid and advantage to him for explaining the obscurer passages in the Apocalypse and Prophets. 'Tis true, Those things that are absolutely necessary to be known and practised in order to Salvation, they are plain and evident in the Scripture; more especially to the good and honest heart, to the sincerely-obedient Soul they are as clear as if they were written with a Sunbeam, (its 
* De Res●urr. carn.  Tertullian's expression) yea they are (as 
‖ Hom. 2 in Io.  S. chrysostom hath phrased it higher) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In those things 
* 2 Pet. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that pertain to life and godliness, which lead to an happy life hereafter, and constitute that Holiness here which is the only way to that Happiness, the Scripture is 
‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. A●ex. in Pro●rept.  clear and intelligible without any Paraphrase or Comment, without any Criticisms or Philological learning; they are not hard to understand, but hard to practise, (nor are they hard in this latter respect but through our own fault, through our unwillingness to implore and use those aids which God is ready to afford to such as diligently seek him:) Yet that 
* 2 Tim. 3.  the man of God may be perfect and throughly furnished to every good work, and particularly to that good work which most properly becomes the man of God, the understanding and explaining of many other considerable parts of H. Scripture, it is requisite that he should be well read in Histories and Antiquities, both jewish, Christian and Ethnic, and withal be endued with an happy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Sagacity for the better discovering what Events recorded in History do particularly answer the Scripture-Prophecies. And that Mr. Mede was excellently accomplished for such purposes, is manifest to all judicious Readers of his Works; in particular, his Commentary upon the Apocalypse is an illustrious proof of the great and successful use he made of his acquaintance with the best Historians that treat of the successive Changes and States of the Roman Empire, together with the Degrees of its Ruin (represented in the 
‖ Apocal. ch. 6. & 8.  Vision of the Seven Seals and Trumpets) as also of the Saracens, (those 
* Chap. 9 2, 3.  Locusts that came out of the smoky and darkening Seduction of Mahomet) together with their Successors the Turks, (those 
‖ Vers. 14, etc.  Horsemen from Euphrates) and likewise of the Christian Church, whether in its primitive Purity (chap. 11. & 12.) or in its Degeneracy and Apostasy (ch. 13. 14, etc.)  
His acquaintance with the jewish Antiquities enabled him to discover what was meant by that Glorious Session of the Divine Majesty upon a Throne, (as it is described in Apocal. 4.) and by those 
* A Lion, a Bullock, a Man, and an Eagle.  Four Animalia (the Ensigns of the Four Standards of the Israelitish Camp in the Wilderness) that were placed about the Tabernacle or Throne of God. From the same Antiquities he explained the Two Courts of the Temple (mentioned Apocal. 11.) the Inner Court for the Priests, the Outer for the Israelites, between which and the Atrium Gentium was a Wall of stone about three cubits high, with an Inscription upon it forbidding any alien or uncircumcised Gentile to come within the Sacred limits; and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Ephes. 2. 14.) Middle wall of partition between the jews and Gentiles does plainly allude hereunto. But not to mention any more Observations of this nature, there are several Phrases also in the Scripture illustrated by him out of the same Monuments of Antiquity; as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Vid. p. 913.  the second Death, (an expression four times used in the Apocalypse) and (that which occurs thrice in the same Book) 
‖ Vid. p. 447, & pag. 909.  the being arrayed or walking in white garments. Other Instances might be added, but these may suffice for a Specimen.  
His acquaintance with the Ethnic Antiquities enabled him to explain the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or Tenth part of the City, (Apocal. 11. 13.) the two Eagles' wings, (chap. 12. 14.) the receiving the Beast's mark in their right hands or in their foreheads, (chap. 13. 16.) as there is mention also of the Virgin-Company having the Lamb's and his Father's name in their foreheads, (chap. 14. 1.) with sundry other Passages in that Book of the like import.  
But besides these and the foregoing Instances, I might here mention several other Passages in Scripture which the Author had not occasion to touch upon in his Discourses, whether Words and Phrases, or whole Paragraphs, (if not almost whole Chapters sometimes) not to be illustrated without skill in History and Antiquities: as (to name only some few) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 1 Cor. 4. 9 and the white Stone, with a new name written therein, given to him that overcometh, Apocal. 2. 17. as also that in Acts 19 2. where the Christians at Ephesus tell S. Paul, We have not so much as heard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whether there be an Holy Ghost, or (as the Hebrew Masters phrase it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And for that Paragraph in S. john 7. from vers. 37. to vers. 40. containing what was spoken by our Saviour in the last day, that great day, of the Feast of Tabernacles, the elegancy and fitness, as well as the genuine importance, of those expressions is most clear to such only as apprehend the reference they have to the Customs and practices of the jews on that day, recorded in their ancient Authors. Nor can that in 1 Cor. 9 from vers. 23. to the end be illustrated without skill in the Ethnic Antiquities, the whole Paragraph alluding to the Customs of those Exercises and Games kept at Corinth, (as they were also in 3 other places of Greece) and called Isthmia certamina from that Isthmus on which that great and wealthy City of Corinth was situate, and where those Sports were celebrated every fifth year: Upon the knowledge of which Customs it would appear that the Apostles expressions in this Paragraph are most pertinent and Emphatical. Much of S. Matth. chap. 24. relating to the Destruction of jerusalem, (together with the Signs and Forerunners thereof) is to be explained out of jewish and Ethnic Historians, and very particularly and clearly too out of those Authors who yet knew nothing of our Saviour's Predictions therein, nor of that ancient Prediction in Micah, ch. 3. 12. (quoted also by the Prophet 
‖ Ch. 26. 18.  jeremy) Zion shall be ploughed as a field; which was also most punctually fulfilled, as were the other. I will name but one Book of Scripture more, and it shall be that of Daniel, where the Interpretation of both the 8th and 11th Chapters do wholly depend upon History; as also what in Ch. 7. is said of the Four Monarchies, and particularly the fitness of representing the Third Monarchy (that of the Greeks) by the Leopard with four wings. vers. 6. and in chap. 8. by the 
* See Comment. Apoc. p. 473.  He-goat, and the 
‖ Alexander did affect to be called, and worshipped as, the Son of jupiter Hammon, the upper part of whose Image was a Goat: and in his Pictures and Coins he would be represented 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  first King thereof by that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or notable Horn (vers. 5, & 21.) together with the Four Horns that came up after it was broken (vers. 8.) as likewise the fitness of representing the Second Monarchy (that of the Medes and Persians) by the Ram with two Horns (vers. 3.) of which the Author has a short hint in his Com. Apoc. p. 474. to which might be added that Moris erat apud Persas aureum caput arietinum pro diademate gestare, as appears from Ammian. Marcellinus l. 19 The clear understanding of these and many other particulars in those Chapters depends altogether upon History.  
By all which it is manifest how necessary it is for the full understanding of several parts of Scripture to be acquainted (as the Author was) with the Original Languages, ancient Versions, the Genius and Idioms of the Scripture-style, and also with History, and the ancient Customs both of the jews and others: without which it would be a fruitless attempt, even for such as otherwise are of good abilities, to undertake to give a pertinent and satisfying account of the forementioned (and other the like) passages of Scripture. And as for those who, though they are 
* jud. 19  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and bring not forth the 
‖ Gal 5. 22.  Fruits of the Spirit, would engross the Spirit wholly to themselves, (as the jews did the Messias to their Nation, to the excluding of the Gentiles,) and ignorantly despise all humane Learning and means of Knowledge; what has been said may abundantly check their vain confidence; such Scriptures as I have instanced in (and others of the like nature) being not to be explained without skill in the learned Languages, History and Antiquity, which is not to be had but by a studious converse with the best Authors: except they will say that such skill and knowledge is infused, and that the particular Events and Res gestae, at large treated of in Books, are made known to them by extraordinary Revelation; which yet they are so wary as not to pretend to, as they are also so wise as not to pretend to the Gifts of Tongues or Interpretation of Tongues, those Gifts of the Spirit not unusual in the Apostles Age.  
3. His diligent enquiry and happy insight into the Oriental Figurative Expressions and Prophetic Schemes throughout the Scripture. For he observed that there were, especially in the Writings of the Prophets, certain Symbols, Emblems and Hieroglyphical representations, which were no less familiar to those Eastern Nations than our Poetical Schemes and Pictures are to us: and that the true meaning of these Symbols was to be found out by some such means as these; as 1. By comparing those several places of Scripture where they occur, and observing what they use to stand for, or what their uniform signification and notion is in such places, which may be farther cleared (as by considering the fitness and analogy between those Symbols and the Things represented by them, so likewise) by attending to some Plainer expressions in the Context, which are a certain Key to the understanding of those that are Figurative and Emblematical. Thus what in jer. 4. 23. is figuratively described, The Earth is without Form and void [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the words used, Gen. 1. 2, of the old Chaos] and the Heavens have no light, is the same with what is plainly expressed in the Context, The whole Land is spoiled, The whole Land shall be desolate. And that in Haggai 2. 6, & 21. I will shake the Heavens and the Earth, is explained by the words immediately following. Thus in Zech. 11. 2. The Cedar is fallen, the defenced Forest is come down, is no other than that which is plainly set down in the same verse, The mighty (or the Nobles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) are spoiled. But in Dan. chap. 7. and ch. 8. and in Apoc. 17. much of the Visions is there explained, and the Symbols therein are rendered out of the Prophetical style afterwards into more easy and familiar sense. 2. By observing how these Oriental Symbols are interpreted and rendered into plainer expressions by the Chaldee Paraphrasts, who may justly be presumed to know best what was meant thereby in those Countries: as (for example) when the Prophets frequently speak of the Sun's being darkened in its going forth, the Moon not giving her light, and elsewhere of the Stars falling from Heaven upon the Earth (a phrase not to be understood Literally) the Targum renders these and the like Prophetic strains in words that signify the diminution of the Glory and Felicity of the State, and the Downfall of the Grandees and Chiefs therein; 
See a particular account of such Prophetic Symbols as these m●he Author's Comment. Apoc. p. 448, 449, 459, 466. and a yet more particular account in Dr. More's Prophetic Alphabet in his forementioned Syn●psis Pr●p●●●●a, Book I. Changed 3, 6. 7, 8, 9  Sun, Moon and Stars being put according to the Prophetic style for the Higher Powers, Princes and Peers, those Great Lights shining in the Firmament of the Political World. Thus also when the Prophets denounce God's judgements to come upon all the Cedars and Oaks, (Esay 2.) and when the Firre-trees and Oaks are bid to howl (Zech. 11.) the Targum in stead of mentioning these tall and goodly Trees has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Princes of the People and Rulers of Provinces. 3. By consulting such Authors as had collected any Fragments and Remains of the ancient Onirocriticks, as Apomasar or Achmetes the Arabian (published by the learned Rigaltius) had of the Onirocriticks of the Indians, Persians and Egyptians; concerning which I need not enlarge, the Author having inserted some pertinent Extracts thereof (together with his judgement of their fitness to illustrate the meaning of the Prophetical Representations) in his Commentary upon the Apocalypse, p. 451. and elsewhere. By which Onirocriticks it may appear what the Eastern nations did commonly suppose to be signified by such Symbols.  
4. His observing things in distant places of the Apocalypse to Synchronize and belong to the same time: whence he was well assured That it was a false Hypothesis and a fundamental Error in any Commentators to think That all the Prophecies and Visions in this Mysterious Book are placed in such an order as is agreeable to the order of time wherein they were fulfilled, or That the Events succeeded one another in the same Series and order as the Visions do; and consequently for them to frame their Interpretation of the Visions according to that deceitful Hypothesis, and not according to that safe guidance and light which the Synchronisms afford, must needs expose them to manifold mistakes from first to last, and encumber the whole work with such Difficulties, Inconsistencies and Incongruities in applying the Prophecies to History and Events, as cannot possibly be excused and removed by all their wit, were it greater than it is. Of such consequence it is for all that would interpret the Apocalyptick Visions to take heed to the Apocalyptick Synchronisms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (to use S. 
* 2 Ep. 1.  Peter's expression) as unto a light that shineth in a dark place: Otherwise their whole Fabric of Annotations will be but as a Building without a sure Groundwork and Foundation, an House built upon the Sand, which is but a fluid and uncertain bottom; a Pile of private Fancies, slight Conceits and weak Conjectures: And though there may be some things therein which may have a show of Learning and a seeming Concinnity to the injudicious and unskilful in the Prophetic Style; yet the main of their performance (for want of attending to this and the other means of knowledge mentioned in the foregoing particulars) will be little better than a more pompous, solemn and plausible Impertinency, and upon the whole matter their Enterprise no other than magno cona●u nugas agere, with a great deal ado to do nothing.  
The glory of the First discovering these Synchronisms is peculiarly due to Mr. Mede, and upon this score shall the present and succeeding Ages owe a great respect and veneration to his Memory: For of these Synchronisms he might justly affirm what Aristotle doth of his Syllogisms, (the invention of which method of reasoning he challengeth to himself) 
* De Sophist. Elench. l. 2. c. ult.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and again, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was Mr. Mede's noble 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as well useful and serviceable as new and curious: and it was an argument of his great judgement, as to discern the proper Events and Times to which these Visions are to be applied, so likewise to discover those Passages in the Apocalypse which, though dispersed here and there, are Synchronal and Homogeneal; there being certain Characters and Intimations secretly couched in this Book of Mysteries, whereby (as also by considering the nature of the things themselves that are Contemporary) the Synchronisms of the Visions may be found out.  
I shall not need to show how necessary it is for those that go down to this Prophetic Sea to steer by the guidance of these Synchronisms, (that lightsome Pharos, and indeed the only Cynosura to direct those that are upon this great Deep,) the Author himself having fully and undeniably done this all along in his Clavis Apocalyptica, and summarily in the 
* See pag. 431, 432. See also pag. 381.  two last pages thereof: Nor will the excellency and advantages of this Discovery be doubted of by any that shall with patience and attention peruse what he hath written in a close and concise way (agreeably to his Mathematical Genius) of the Apocalyptick Synchronisms in that Clavis.  
Thus much for the Third General Means of Knowledge. I must be shorter in what follows.   

IV. A Fourth means whereby he arrived at so great a measure of Knowledge was, His Freedom from Partiality, Prejudice and Prepossession, Pride, Passion and Self-love, Self-seeking, Flattery and covetous Ambition.  
1. How free he was from all Partiality, there are many pregnant Proofs in his Writings. It is a common, yet a most true, observation, That with many men Maxima pars studiorum est studium partium; but with him it was otherwise. In some of his 
* See the last lines in his Epistles p. 86●.  Epistles he complains that it was Partiality that undoes all, and that Studium partium together with Prejudice is an invincible mischief, while it leaves no place for admission of Truth that brings any disadvantage to the Side or party; that being the Rule which they examine all by. And therefore being sensible and aware of this evil, he professeth (in Ep. 96.) that he endeavoured as much as possibly he could to subdue himself to such a Free temper of Mind as not to desire to find for this side rather than that, And his Endeavours herein being hearty and serious, they were consequently (through God's blessing) successful, insomuch that he judged himself highly obliged upon this account to return this grateful acknowledgement to Almighty God, (in Ep. 56.) I thank God (saith he) I never made any thing hitherto the caster of my resolution but Reason and Evidence, on what side soever the advantage or disadvantage fell. The singular availableness of such free and unbiased affections in the pursuit of Knowledge he hath excellently expressed in that clear profession of his (in Ep. 96.) If I have hit upon any Truth, it is wholly to be attributed to my indifferency in such searches, to embrace whatsoever I should find, without any regard whether it were for the advantage of one side or other. This and the forementioned passages are excellent words, the genuine language of a Son of Wisdom, the lively picture and true character of his and every generous Soul, every way becoming a right Virtuoso and member of the Philalethean Academy. From this Freespiritedness (together with the ingenuous effects thereof) were the 
* Acts 17. 11.  Bera'ans styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a more noble sort of Christians. They that are short of this Excellency and Largeness of spirit, seldom attain 
* Phil. 1. 10.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to prove things that differ, or to approve things that are excellent, seldom rise to what is above mean and vulgar, slight and superficial, but are condemned to what is servile and Pedantic, and judge themselves unworthy of the noblest Truths, and withal are exposed to the same Falsehood and Mistakes that the Person or Party whom 
* jude 16.  they have in admiration because of advantage, or the Vulgus in any rank of men (being of the same illiberal and contracted spirit with themselves) are liable to: For it is a Maxim equally true and generous, Suum est cuique Ordini vulgus, & optima semper paucissimis placuere. To which I may fitly adjoin that pertinent Observation of Seneca, 
* De rita beata.  Non tam bene cum rebus humanis agitur, ut meliora pluribus placeant.  
2. Nor was he less free from all Prejudice and Prepossession, with the attendants thereof, Pride, Passion and Self-love.  
Men come to be prejudiced against Truth, either by their disgust and disaffection to the person that represents it: an argument this is of their little judgement but great Passion: but from this he was secured by his Charity enlarged to all men, and by the cool and calm temper of his spirit; he could patiently endure the contradiction of others, and reply without passion; witness his sober and pacate Answer to Lawenus his hot 
* Pag. 550.  Strictures.  
Or else they are prejudiced by their scornful disesteem of others: an effect this is of their high Self-conceit and surely Pride: and from this he was secured by his great Humility and Modesty, whereof there are many clear Proofs in his Writings. Accordingly when he had to do with Mr. Hayns about some Tenets of his in reference to several passages in Daniel and the Apocalypse, he plainly tells him, 
* 〈◊〉. p. 748.  I profess to you, I contemn not your discourses, but do diligently and apud conscientiam meam weigh your arguments, howsoever it comes to pass I am not persuaded by them: and farther, so far he was from slighting what was done by those that were eager for the same Tenets, that he assures him 
* Ep. 8. p. 742.  he had read the most that had or could be said for those Opinions either by the chief Patrons thereof or their followers, and so had used all that Diligence that was due in the search of Truth. And herein he was Exemplary to every ingenuous lover of Knowledge, and contrary to the proud and passionate man that is conceited and resolved upon his Opinion, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and is therefore impatient to hear or consider any thing that opposes it. But Humility affords a very considerable advantage for the clearer discerning what is True and Right, while it prepares men to receive any better information from others. This effect it had in Mr. Mede, and upon this score how heartily does he thank Lud. de Dieu for suggesting to him an easier explication of 
* Pag. 567, & 569.  [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apocal. 4. 6.] and for acquainting him with his 
‖ Pag. 567, & 569.  notion about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cherub signifying an Ox, from the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Hence also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Ager 〈◊〉 a●●s.  Cherab, which is Aravit, whereby his observation upon the 4 Animalia in Apocal. 4. 7. was confirmed? And with the like affection he acknowledges Mr. Haydock's 
‖ See pag. 790. etc.  ingenious conjecture about the form of the Seven-sealed Book, (Apocal. 5.) as also his being better informed about the Number of the Beast [666] by Mr. Potter's Discourse concerning it, with which Discovery he was so highly pleased, that (not without some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) he affirmed it 
* Pag. 877.  to be one of the happiest Tracts that had come into the world, and such as could not be read without much admiration. In short, He did not take himself to be Infallible, and therefore was not Unalterable, where the change was for the better, (and the change is ever such, where we part with a plausible Mistake or with a specious Probability for solid Truth and clear Demonstration) but he was always ready to hear another's Reason, and to yield himself a willing Captive to the Evidence of Truth. For to be overcome by Truth and Reason, makes the conquered a gainer, and puts him into a better state than he was in before; nor will he fail (if he know his own happiness) to make one in that joyous acclamation, 
‖ 1 Esde. 4.  Great is Truth, and mighty above all things: She is the Strength, Power and Majesty of all ages. Blessed be the God of Truth.  
Or else men come to be prejudiced by an undue affection to their Idola specus, (as the L. Verulam calls them) their peculiar Conceits, some Notions and Speculations of their own, by which they either are or would be known; being fond persuaded that things are so as they imagine them, or vehemently desirous that they should be so: and therefore it is no wonder if, being thus prepossessed, they have lost their taste, and wronged their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that they cannot readily discern between Good and Evil, but (as the Prophet Esay speaks) put bitter for sweet and sweet for bitter, and are easily brought to fancy that to be True and Right which they passionately will to be such, in order to some corrupt design and interest eagerly pursued by them, or to the gratifying of those several Lusts wherewith they are led away, (as the Apostle speaks) and are therefore unable to come to the knowledge of the Truth. And if they that are thus affected do sometimes for a pretence consult the Holy Scriptures, they come so fully possessed that this or that Opinion and Practice of theirs is True and Right, or so strongly resolved to find it so, that even the Divine Oracles seem to them to return such an Answer as they promised themselves they should receive and most impetuously lusted after. And so it fares with them herein as in another case it did with the Romans, who having taken Veii, (a famous City in Hetruria) went into Juno's Temple, and there with great ceremony and affectionateness ask juno, Velletne cum illis Romam ire? to some the Image seemed annuere, to others etiam id ipsum affirmare. Upon which story in 
* l. 5.  Livy there is this observation of Machiavelli in his Discurs. de Repub.— Cum tanta veneratione interrogassent, visum est ipsis tale responsum audivisse quale se audituros prius pollicebantur, The application is obvious.  
But against this other Instance of Pride expressing itself in an over-dear regard that such men have to their own Sentiments, and oftentimes for some self-ends and undue advantage to themselves, against this, I say, Mr. Mede was secured by that Universal Alexipharmacum, his truly-Christian Humility, as also by that Generosum honestum which dwelled and ruled in him, the noble Integrity of his spirit, that which the Scripture calls 
* Luke 8.  the Good and Honest Heart, a Principle not less (yea more) necessary to the right discerning of Divine Truth than the Subtle Head: And from this Principle he thus expresseth himself in some of his Diatribae, That we should be more willing to take a Sense from Scripture than bring one to it. Agreeable to which is that Maxim of his, worthy to be written in letters of Gold, (it was mentioned once before, but cannot be too often inculcated) that Maxim which (he said) was deeply impressed upon his own Soul, That rashly to be the Author of a false Interpretation of Scripture, is to take God's name in vain in an high degree. How then shall they escape, and where shall they appear, who, being resolved to walk after their own lusts, pervert and distort the Scriptures (as of old the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezek. 22. 26. Zeph. 3. 4.  Prophets complained of some that did violence to the Law) and wrest them to their own destruction, which were designed by God to make men wise unto Salvation?  
There are others that are prejudiced through a servile regard to those Idola fori, as the forenamed Lord styles Popular Opinions and Vulgar Persuasions, the Opinions of the Many, or of such a Party among the Many whose Persons first, and consequently their Persuasions, they have in admiration; (for generally these two go together, They that do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (in S. Iude's language,) go on also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the respecting of Persons introducing also the respecting of Opinions:) And herein they show themselves a kind of Servum pecus, receiving for Doctrines the Traditions or Customary Notions of such men without any serious consideration; (which yet is no other than a blind, implicit, stupid and irrational respect to persons and Opinions, as not being founded upon Knowledge and judgement:) But withal they do hereby oftentimes design to serve their own ends by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all this being done (as S. jude observes) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for advantage sake. And against such Prejudices as these what could better secure the Author than his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (to use S. 
* 2 Ep. 3.  Peter's expression) his clear and sincere Mind, his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* 1 Kings 4.  and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
‖ Psal. 51. , his Largeness of Heart, his Vast Understanding, his Free and Ingenuous Spirit, those Intellectual and Moral Endowments of his, whereof I have already given a brief account in the Second Head of Advertisements?  
3. As free he was from all Self-seeking, Flattery and covetous Ambition, as from Partiality and Prejudice: each of which has a very inauspicious influence upon any growth in Knowledge and Understanding. Accordingly he does more than once observe in his Epistles, That Mundus ama● decipi magis quam doceri: and that by constant observation he had found, That no man loved, any Speculations but such as he thought would advance his profitable Ends, or advantage his Side and Faction. But for his own part, he thus opens his heart in one of his Epistles to a Friend, and plainly professeth, That he had not made the Bend of the Times the Rule of his Opinion. For, being free from any aspiring after Applause, Wealth and Honour, and from 
* jer. 45.  seeking Great things for himself, he was consequently secured from Flattery and Temporising, the usual artifice of the 
‖ 1 Tim. 6. 9  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those that will be rich, that are resolved to make it their chief design and business to be great and wealthy in the world, their heart is wholly upon it, they are dead to the World to come, and relish not the things above, and are alive only to this present world, being as eagerly intent and active about earthly things, as if their portion were to be only in this life.  
But such was the excellency of his spirit, that he could not but abhor all Servile obsequiousness whatsoever; as accounting it a certain argument of a Poorness of spirit either to flatter, or to invite and receive Flatteries; and withal considering that if those of Power and high degree were men of inward worth and excellent spirits, they would show themselves such in their valuing him not the less, but rather more, for his not applying himself to those ignoble arts and course policies proper to Parasites and ambitious men, who speak not their own words nor seem to think their own thoughts, but wholly enslave themselves to the thoughts and words, the lusts and humours of those by whom (for this pretended doing honour to them) they seek to be advantaged. Besides, he might well think that he should rather undervalue and lessen them, if he supposed they would regard him the more for those or the like Instances of an officious flattery: as if they were not able to discern that Frankness and Openness of Spirit and Conversation, Singleness of Heart and a Cordial readiness to serve others in love 
* 1 Pet. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  out of a pure heart, is truly Christian, Generous and Manly; and, on the contrary, that Flattery and Fawning is Doglike, Base and Mercenary, and lasts not long: for though Parasites pretend to serve their Masters with great devotion, (a devotion so great, as if they thought themselves rather their Creatures than God's) yet in truth 
‖ Rom. 16.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they rather serve their own belly; and when their Masters cease to be in a capacity of serving them, these men also cease to regard them, and value them no more than an useless Tool, (or to use the Prophet's expression) a broken Vessel, wherein there is no pleasure.  
Other particulars might be added, but these may suffice to show how Free he was from that which is apt to tempt men to judge amiss: For it appears from the nature of the things themselves, that Partiality, Prejudice, Pride and Passion, Self-love, Love of the World, Flattery and Covetous Ambition do importunely solicit men to make a false judgement, corrupt their Affections, wrong their Understandings, enfeeble their Faculties, unhappily dwarf their growth in useful Learning, and keep them back from such an excellent improvement in Knowledge, especially Divine Knowledge, as otherwise they might attain. And therefore had not Mr. Mede been free from the power of these Lusts, he could never have performed so well as he hath done in any of his Tracts or Discourses, especially upon the more abstruse and mysterious passages of H. Scripture. Those therefore that are not of such a free and enlarged spirit, but are fond addicted either to themselves or Parties, and are enslaved to Honour, Wealth and particular narrow Interests, and are under the power of Pride & Passion, serving divers Lusts and Pleasures, they must needs be less excellent, less improved in their studies, less successful in their Intellectual adventures than otherwise they might have been, had they been 
* Psal. 51.  established with a Free spirit. Nor had some Authors of great reading and fame for Learning ever fallen into such mistakes, but their Writings had been freer from imperfections, and a greater respect they had secured to their Memories, had they been less Passionate, less Envious, Proud and Selfconceited, more Free and unbiased, more Humble and Modest, as also more faithful to that excellent Rule of S. Paul, 
* Rom. 12. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
This is somewhat of that great deal more which might be observed of the Author's Largeness and Freedom of spirit; which yet in him was not accompanied with any unbecoming reflections upon others, (as if he designed to lessen the due esteem of what was laudable in their performances) much less with any irreverence and opposition to the established Articles of Religion, and prejudice to the Peace of the Church or State; but on the contrary was an innocent, ingenuous, peaceable Freedom of enquiring into such Theories only as do not at all clash with the Doctrine established, and was ever attended with a sweet Modesty, a singular Sedateness and Sobriety of spirit, and a due regard to Authority. And whosoever would read the Author with most profit and judgement, must read him also with a free, unpassionate and unprejudiced spirit: That Saying, Omnis Liber eo spiritu legi debet, quo scriptus est, is true as well of every useful Book as of the Divinely-inspired Books of Holy Scripture.  
Thus much of the Fourth Help or Instrument of Knowledge. I shall mention but one particular more, but it is a very weighty and important one, of singular use and absolute necessity for the gaining the Best Knowledge; wherein I might be as large as in the foregoing, but because I would hasten to conclude the Preface, I shall dispatch it in fewer lines.   

V. The Fifth and Last Means whereby the Author arrived at such an Eminency of Knowledge was, His faithful endeavour after such a Purity of Soul as is requisite to fit it for the fuller and clearer discerning of Divine Mysteries.  
The necessity of such a Purity of Heart and Life in order to this End appears by several express places of Scripture: as where it is said, The Secret of the Lord is with them that fear him, Psalm 25. The Fear of the Lord is the beginning of Wisdom, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the knowledge of the holy ones is Understanding, Prov. 9 (their way of knowing is Knowledge and Understanding indeed) and again, The pure in heart shall see God, (Matth. 5.) But none of the wicked shall understand, (says the Angel to Daniel concerning the Mysteries mentioned in Chap. 12.) And agreeable to these and many such passages of H. Scripture is that in the Book of Wisdom, chap. 1. Into a malicious Soul Wisdom shall not enter, nor dwell in the Body that is subject unto sin.  
The same Truth is plainly acknowledged by the Best and more Divine Philosophers; and accordingly they frequently discourse of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Purgative Virtues as necessary to prepare the Soul for the knowledge of the most Excellent and Highest Truths, (as the Mystical or Contemplative Divines speaking of the way to Divine knowledge place the Via Purgativa before the Via Illuminativa:) and it is a known Maxim of Plato in his Phaed●, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, implying that Impure Souls are not admitted to any inward converse with God most Pure and Holy. That Wickedness is destructive of Principles, is also Aristotle's observation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Immorality or a Vicious life unfits men for the noblest Speculations, so that they can neither know Divine nor Moral Truths 
* 1 Cor. 8.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they ought to know, and as they might have known, had they had a true resentment of Morality, and an inward esteem of the 
* Phil. 4.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the things that are just, pure, and lovely, and of good report. And though such men may sometimes hit upon some Philosophical Notions; yet even in the discovering the Mysteries of Nature they had done far better, and had excelled themselves, had they been more purged from brutish Sensuality and all filthiness of flesh and spirit. I will only add this, That for a most clear and undeniable proof of this Assertion, [That Morality and a Good life affords the greatest advantages to a more excellent knowledge of not only Divine, but Philosophical Truths] we have in this Age the unparallelled Works of some eminently-learned and nobly-accomplished Writers, who really are Virtuosos according to the ancient Latin importance of the word, and not merely in the Italian sense, which applies only to the Wits and such as are any way Ingenious, be they or be they not morally Virtuous.  
But that which I chiefly intended under this last Particular was, to acquaint the Reader how deeply sensible Mr. Mede was of the indispensable necessity of a Purified Mind and Holy Life in order to the fuller and clearer discerning of Divine Mysteries. This was his firm belief, and it obliged him to endeavours worthy of it. To which purpose I shall here produce a very observable passage out of a Letter of his to an ancient Friend in Lincolnshire, who having received, and with great satisfaction read, some Papers from Mr. Mede containing his first Essays upon part of the Apocalypse, and thereupon writing to him with all serious importunity, That he would earnestly pray for and endeavour after a great measure of Holiness, to the mortification of Sin more and more, that thereby he might be prepared to receive a greater measure of Divine Illumination, and be as a Vessel of honour chosen by God to bear and convey his Truth to others, with much more of the like import, concluding with this request, You see how bold I am with you, but let love bury that Exorbitancy, etc. To this his Christian advice Mr. Mede returned this excellent Answer.  
Sir, I thank you heartily for your good Admonitions, and am so far from interpreting your Love Exorbitancy, that I confess myself to have much need of this and more; and therefore desire you to second this your Love with Prayer to God for me, that he would vouchsafe me that his Sanctifying Spirit, and that measure of Grace which may make me capable of such things as he shall be pleased to reveal, and hath in some sort (praised be his Name) already revealed unto me; in the contemplation whereof I find more true Contentment than the greatest Dignities, which Ambition so hunteth after, could ever have afforded me. I have considered what S. Paul saith 
* 1 Cor. 2. , The Natural and Carnal man is altogether uncapable of the things of God's Spirit, neither can he know them, etc. and what our Saviour saith 
* Io. 7. , If any man will do his Father's will, he shall (then) know of the doctrine whether it be of God: and I give thanks to Almighty God, who hath made the Light of these his wonderful Mysteries to kindle that Warmth in my Heart, which I felt not till I began to see them, and which have made me that which they found me not—  
This passage out of Mr. Mede's 
* The r●st of the Letter did not need to be published, it treating either of private business, or of what he has in other Letters of Tracts more fully spoken of.  original Letter I thought very worthy to be made public and inserted here upon so fit an occasion, both for that excellent and genuine relish of an humble and serious Piety in every line thereof, as also because it is an illustrious Attestation to the forementioned Truth, That an Holy Heart and Life is a necessary Qualification to the right discerning of Divine Mysteries; agreeable whereunto is that in the Greek Version of Prov. 1. 7. (which yet is rather a Paraphrase than a bare Translation, there being more in the Greek than in the Original Hebrew) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
AND now I have passed over the Three long Stages of this Preface. In the last Head of Advertisements I have acquainted the Reader by what Methods and Helps the Author arrived at so great a measure of skill in the Scripture, particularly in the more abstruse and mysterious parts thereof. And thus may others also attain to a considerable Knowledge, and purchase this goodly Pearl, this Treasure hid in the field of Prophetical Scriptures, if they are willing to be at the same cost and bid to the worth of it, and not ignorantly nor sordidly undervalue it: For Wisdom, and particularly this kind of Wisdom and Knowledge, is not to be had at a cheaper rate; it is 
* Matth. 13.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; a Pearl of great price, and worthy of all that we have to bestow, to purchase it. They that look as little into the Apocalypse as some do into the Apocrypha, and mind the Book of Daniel no more than they do the Apocryphal Story of Bell and the Dragon, and therefore exercise not their good parts nor bestow that serious diligence about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture as they use to do about other kind of difficulties, whether in Philosophy or other parts of Learning, it's no wonder they complain the jewel is too dear, when they have no mind to give the full price for it; and that all Labour after such knowledge is either excessively hard or useless, whenas yet through their delicateness and love of their own ease, or for some other reason, they never made any due trial. But in other things Difficulty is no argument, it rather whets and animates men of brave spirits: and that all 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Excellent things are hard, is so confessed a Truth, that it has passed into a vulgar Proverb. The first and least therefore that is to be done by such as are of another spirit, and are minded to search these as well as the other Scriptures, is by a frequent attentive reading of the Prophetical Visions to fix the main passages thereof in their minds: (otherwise both the style and matter, the great things of the Prophets (as Hosea speaks of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Host 8. 12.  the great things of the Law) will be always counted as a strange thing.) This being done, they must (if they would succeed in their search) apply themselves to those Five Means and Instruments of Knowledge, as Mr. Mede did, and prospered, and by his Writings hath lessened the difficulty of these Studies, and made the way plainer for others than he found it for himself. And as the study of the Prophetic Scriptures would by an heedful attending to those Five Directions and Helps prove a successful labour, and therefore far from being excessively hard or encumbered with invincible difficulties; so would it likewise be far from vain and useless: for these Scriptures, as well as the other, being written for our learning and use, (as I have briefly and (I think) clearly proved in this Preface under the Second Head of Advertisements,) there would accrue to us this peculiar Advantage, (besides many others) That by a right understanding of the genuine meaning of these Prophetic Visions, we should be the better enabled to vindicate the Prophecies from those corrupt Glosses which unlearned and unstable Souls (ill-willers also to the stability and peace of Christian States and Kingdoms) would force upon them, perverting these Scriptures for their own Self-ends to the favouring of their unquiet humours and unpeaceable practices, which being rightly understood are the grand Interest and Concernment of Christendom, and certainly make for the Support and Encouragement of the Reformed part thereof, of which through God's mercy we are Members.  
In the Second sort of Advertisements I have observed some few things of the Author and his Writings, and shall not need here to superadd any thing to court the Reader to a due esteem of them; His own works will praise him (I say not, in the Gates, as the phrase is Prov. 31. ult. but) in the private Closets and quiet Retirements of the studious enquirers after Truth, if read there with serious attention (which is most necessary in the perusing of his Labours upon the Prophetical Scriptures) and with a mind as free from prejudice as from distractions. It is not to be doubted but that some parts of these Writings may generally please and (as the Author of the Book of 
* Chap. 16.  Wisdom observes of Manna) agree to every taste; nor is it unlikely but that some other parts, though highly pleasing to some, may be less grateful to others of a different persuasion, as Manna itself was loathsome to some murmuring Israelites. But for the better disposing of them to what is fair and ingenuous, this may be fit to be added, That the Author in his life-time did not affect any 
* 2 Cor. 1.  dominion over the faith of others, (as if he were Infallible) nor was he ambitious after his death to be Idolised; but this was clearly his disposition, (as he expresseth himself in a 
* See Epist. 51.  Letter to Dr. T.) not to be affected how much or how little others differed from him; and this disposition (he said) did so much the more increase in him as he took the liberty to examine either his own or other men's persuasions: so desirous he was that the Apostle's Rule should in this case prevail, Try all things, hold fast that which is good. And therefore such men would show themselves very ill-natured and illbred as well as indiscreet, and unmindful of the Fallibility of Humane nature, as also unacquainted with ingenuous Learning, (of which the old Verse is most true, 
Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros)  if they should unwisely disvalue and peevishly reject the whole for some passages not agreeing to their particular Sentiments; or prove so rigid and tenacious, as not to afford that Candour and Charity which is but a just respect, as well easy, as fit to be paid to the Labours of Worthy men highly meriting the Republica literaria. And their Rudeness and Incivility would be the greater, because Mr. Mede doth propound his sense not with any either magisterial or provoking language, but with such modesty, calmness and sobriety, as may deserve rather a fair reception than any churlish and unkind usage in the world.  
In the First Head of Advertisements I have given the Reader (for his fuller satisfaction) some account of those long and toilsome labours which I could not think too hard and grievous to undergo both for the honour of the Author's memory and the Reader's greater benefit; choosing (though at an humble distance) to follow that great Labourer in God's Vineyard, Blessed S. Paul, who was 
* 2 Cor. 11. 27.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rather than 
* jer. 48.  to do this work of the Lord negligently. May the Reader with ease and delight, with profit and advantage peruse these Writings thus prepared for him with a diligence and industry not very ordinary nor over-easy, and therefore not overhasty, and yet not more leisurely or slow than the labour and weightiness of the undertaking (together with the urgency of other intercurrent cares) did exact.  
HE who is the Father of mercies and the God of all grace, that 
* Isa. 40.  giveth power to the faint, and reneweth their strength who wait upon him, who worketh both to will and to do, and to continue patiently in so doing unto the end; to his Name alone (not unto me, not unto me) be the Glory and Praise for his Mercy and for his Power sake— The same Father of lights, who 
* 2 Cor. 4.  commanded the light to shine out of darkness, shine into our Hearts, 
* Psal. 119.  unveil our Eyes, that we may behold wondrous things out of his Law; purify our Souls from Prejudice and Passion, from every false Principle and corrupt Affection, that we may 
* 2 Thess. 2.  receive the love of the Truth, and know the Mysteries of the Kingdom of God; that being 
* Col. 1.  filled with all wisdom and spiritual understanding, we may walk worthy of the Lord unto all pleasing: To whom be 
* Apocal. 7.  Blessing and Glory, and Wisdom, and Thanksgiving, and Honour and Power, for ever and ever.  
Amen.  I. W.   

The Additional Pieces First published by the Reverend and Learned Dr. WORTHINGTON.  
IN Book I. Discourse 49, 50, 51, 53.  
In Book II. His Concio ad Clerum, pag. 398.  
In Book III. Among his Remains upon the Apocalypse, Chap. 4. pag. 589. Chap. 8. pag. 594.  
In Book IU. Epist. 34, 41, 51, 56, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 73, 75, 85. many of them in answer to some Letters of enquiry from Learned men, which for the fuller understanding of the Author's Answers are also published; as that large Letter from Lud. de Dieu, viz. Epist. 48. and those from others, Epist. 55, 57, 59, 62, 65, 70, 72. together with a large Extract of Mr. Potter's Letter about the Number 666.  
In Book V. Those Tracts that make Chap. 4. Chap. 7. Chap. 10. Chap. 12. In all XXXII.  

Discourses, Tracts, Epistles, enlarged out of the Author's Manuscripts, with several Additions.  
IN Book I. Discourse 11, 31, 32, 33.  
In Book II. The Christian Sacrifice, and Disc. upon Ezra 6. 10. pag. 379.  
In Book III. In Comment. Apocalypt. are several marginal Notes added by the Author since the first Edition. In the Remains upon the Apocal. Chap. 3. Chap. 6. Chap. 9 Paraphrase on S. Peter, 2 Ep. Chap. 3.  
In Book IU. Epist. 43, 54, 58. whereof almost all in the first and last pages is added, Epist. 61. besides several other Epistles with large additions.  
In Book V. Chap. II. Besides the smaller additions of some Words or a few lines in several other parts of these Volumes, too many to be here particularly mentioned.  
The Discourses, Tracts, or Epistles, whereof there wanted the Original Manuscript to examine them by, are in Book I. Discourse 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49. In Book IU. Epist. 4, 6, 10, 12, 29, 34, 93, 97.    

THE LIFE Of the Reverend and most Learned joseph Mede, B. D.  

1. IT hath been the practice of the best Historians, sometimes in short Characters and sometimes in larger Descriptions, to represent the Nature, Sayings and Manners of those Persons whose Actions have rendered them Illustrious whether in War or Peace. And it is a Custom very commendable; for by this means a just Right is performed to the Glory of their Memories, their Exemplary Virtues are preserved in the world by Monuments which Time cannot demolish, and Ingenuous Readers are highly gratified, who are naturally desirous to know as much as they can of those of whom they have heard any thing which is extraordinary.  

2. The same Reason hath made it a Custom to write the Lives of Authors eminent for their Learning, and to annex them to their Works. And indeed such Historical Pictures seem no where placed more fitly than in the Beginnings of those Books which were designed by their excellent Authors to promote true Religion and Piety in the world: Men being no less prepared for a cheerful reception of Divine Truth, when they see it presented by a Worthy person, than they are apt to give an easy credit to good News, when they are persuaded of the Integrity of him that brings it.  
We have therefore attempted to give a Faithful, though Imperfect, Portrait of this Excellent Person, the Author of the ensuing Discourses; that the Reader may know what he was who in so high a degree obliged not only the Age wherein he lived, but all succeeding Generations, by his excellent Studies and exemplary Life. The History whereof is briefly as follows.   
3. JOSEPH MEDE was born in October 1586. of Parents of honest rank, at 
* A Country-town not far from BishopsStoriford.  Berden in Essex, and related (as the learned Mr. Alsop did particularly remark in his Funeral Sermon) to the Family of Sir john Mede of Lofts-Hall in the same County, who did much please himself in so worthy a Kinsman, to whom also (when Fellow of Christ's College) he sent his eldest Son to be his Pupil; accounting it a singular felicity to have him under the care and conduct of so worthy and accomplished a Tutor.  

4. When he was about Ten years old, both he and his Father fell sick at the same time of the Small pox: to the Father it proved mortal, to the Son very hazardous: But Almighty God, who designed him for a great Blessing to the world, delivered him then out of that, and afterwards out of other Dangers; of which merciful Preservations he had by him his thankful Memorials, the better to excite himself to a due celebration of the Divine Goodness.  
His Mother afterward married one Mr. Gower of Nasing in Essex, by whom he was sent to School first to Hodsden, and after that to Wethersfield in Essex. In which time going to London upon some occasion, he bought Bellarmine's Hebrew Grammar. His Master, having no skill in that Language, told him it was not a Book fit for him; but he, being of the same generous temper with Demonax, who (as Lucian reports) was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, would not be discouraged from the perusal of it; but setting upon it industriously, attained no small skill in the Hebrew Tongue before he left the School: by these fair Blossoms giving an early assurance to his Friends of those excellent Fruits which he afterward brought forth being planted in a very fertile Soil, and one of the most delightful Seats of the Muses, in the University.   
5. His Friends, being encouraged by the pregnancy of his Parts, his assiduous Industry and Proficiency in Learning, (the best grounds of Hope) sent him, in the year 1602, to Christ's College in Cambridge, where he was admitted Pupil to Mr. Daniel Rogers, Fellow of that College. When he had been there three years, Mr. Rogers leaving the College, Mr. William Addison became his Tutor, to whose Pupils, after he was Bachelor of Arts, he used to read, as afterward, when he was Master of Arts, he moderated at Dis', upon the desire of his Tutor, one of the then Proctors of the University.  
6. The Emprovements which he made in a short time by his industrious Wit were so conspicuous, that they drew upon him the eyes not only of his own College, but of the whole University; which could not but be the more observable in him, because he wanted that felicity of Utterance which useth to set off slight parts, and had so great an Hesitation in his speech as rendered his expression painful to himself and less pleasing to others. Which made him decline (as much as he might) all public Disputations and other Exercises, as not to be performed by him without great difficulty; his Labour in them (as he was wont to tell his familiars) being double to that of others, in regard he was put to study not for matter only, but for words; not to express his mind, (for such words, the matter being excogitated, do not unwillingly follow, and even offer themselves,) but for words that he could utter; yea and to take care to dispose them too in that order, that the contexture might suit with his Ability. Wherein yet he in time became a rare Example, how much a discreet observation of such an Imperfection can work toward the cure of it. For by an heedful inspection into the nature of his defect, what words he most stuck at, either single or in conjuncture, and at what times he was more or less free, he attained so great a mastery over that Infirmity, that he was able to deliver a whole Sermon without any considerable Hesitation.  
7. That also of his own relation is here not unworthy the remembering, That not long after his entrance into Philosophical studies he was for some time disquieted with Scepticism, that troublesome and restless disease of the Pyrrhonian School of old. For lighting upon a Book in a neighbour-Scholars Chamber, (whether it were Sextus Empericus, or some other upon the same Subject, is not now remembered) he began upon the perusal of it to move strange Questions to himself, and even to doubt whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the whole Frame of things, as it appears to us, were any more than a mere Phantasm or Imagination. The Improvement of this Conceit (as he would profess) rendered all things so unpleasant to him, that his Life became uncomfortable. He was then but young, and therefore the more capable of being abused by those perplexed Notions by which Pyrrho had industriously studied to represent the Habitation of Truth as inaccessible: But by the mercy of God he quickly made his way out of these troublesome Labyrinths, and gave an early proof that he was designed for profound Contemplations, by falling so soon upon the consideration of subjects so subtle and curious.  
8. By that time he had taken the Degree of 
* ●nno 1610.  Master of Arts, he had made so happy a progress through all kind of Academical studies, that it was manifest to all that that Title was not (as with too many it is) any false Inscription: He was justly so styled, and was universally esteemed as one who did well understand all those Arts which make up the accomplishment of a Scholar. He was an acute Logician, an accurate Philosopher, a skilful Mathematician, an excellent Anatomist, (being usually sent for when they had any Anatomy in Caius College) a great Philologer, a master of many Languages, and a good proficient in the studies of History and Chronology, of which we shall give a more particular account in the following part of this short History. We mention these things not only to show his indefatigable Diligence, but also to declare how great Perfections may be attained by an assiduous Industry, and withal to manifest the unreasonableness of that complaint, Ars longa, Vita brevis; by which many think themselves sufficiently excused who (as Seneca says) spend most of their life aut nihil, aut aliud, aut malè agendo.  
9 His first showing himself abroad was by an Address he made to that Great Patron and Example of Learning, Dr. Andrews, (then L. Bishop of Ely, afterward of Winchester) in a Latin Tract De Sanctitate Relativa, etc. A piece of that commendable Learning, that, had it been published when it was first written, would have discovered the Author's pregnant Parts, and raised his just Estimation in the world. And though himself in his latter time was pleased to censure it as savouring too much of his infancy in Divinity, and first thoughts, and affectation of style, (they were his very words to an intimate friend of his soliciting him to publish it) and that upon this score (as likewise because he had in his elder days and upon mature deliberation published in 
* Upon 1 Cor. 11. 22.  another Treatise of his (besides what he had delivered in public in his 
‖ Upon Levit. 19 30. Sanctuarium meum reveremini.  Concio ad Clerum) the Sum and substance of it with farther emprovements of that Notion) he would not permit the forementioned Tract to see the light; yet this early Specimen of his Theological studies gained the approbation of so great a judgement as his was to whom it was presented, insomuch that shortly after, he having need of the King's favour concerning his Election to a Fellowship, that worthy Bishop stood his firm friend, and not only maintained his Right then, but afterward desired him for his Houshold-Chaplain: Which place notwithstanding he civilly refused, as valuing the liberty of his Studies above any hopes of Preferment, and esteeming that freedom which he enjoyed in his Cell (as he used cheerfully to term it) as the Haven of all his wishes.  
10. And indeed these thoughts had possessed him betimes: For when he was a Schoolboy, he was sent to by his Uncle, Mr. Richard Mede a Merchant, who being at that time without children, offered to adopt him for his Son if he would live with him: He accepted not the proffer, but showed betimes that no worldly allurement was sufficient to entice him from his studies. And here it may not be amiss to observe a parallel memorial in the 
* See. Dr. I●●son's Life written by E. V. and his Ep. Dedicat. before hi● l. Book upon the Creed.  Life of his honoured friend Dr. jackson. As they both were eminent for their Sweetness of disposition and carriage, their piercing Wit and profound judgement, their unweariedly industrious pursuit after such Notions as were out of the vulgar road of Studies; particularly their Genius prompted them to inquire into the more Abstruse and Mysterious parts of H. Scripture: so they agreed in this also, that they were in their youth tried with the like Temptations; for agreeably to what was observed of Mr. Mede, was Dr. jackson solicited by his friends at Newcastle to a Merchant's life, as being likely to be a more Gainful course than a Bookish life in a Colledge-retirement. Had they listened to such charming suggestions, what gainers soever they might have been by the bargain, to be sure the World had lost those Treasures of Wisdom and Learning which (by the publishing of their Learned Labours) it has been happily enriched with. But both of them (surely not without a secret guidance and assistance from Heaven) resisted even in those their younger days any attempt to allure them from a Studious life, and chose rather the humble way, to wrap up themselves in a Gown, as the pious and elegant both Poet and Orator, Mr. G. Herbert, did phrase it, and practised accordingly. The Alwise God intended them for better employments and other kind of Traffic than their Friends designed: Through his blessing they traded prosperously in the best Commodities; (for, according to that Arabic Proverb, Ditissimae sunt divitiae Intellectûs) and (which is a rare way of growing rich) they emproved their Stock by their free communicating to others, both of them being worthily honoured for their very communicative disposition. In short, to Mr. Mede (as likewise to Dr. jackson) 
* Prov. 3.  the Merchandise of Wisdom was better than the Merchandise of Silver, and the gain thereof than fine Gold: He chose the more solitary way of Knowledge, rather than the so-much-beaten and frequented way of Wealth, and made as much haft in his Study to become a more than ordinary knowing and learned man, as others abroad in the World do to be rich even to abundance.  
11. Wherefore Divine Providence being favourable to his design, that he might have a fair opportunity to perfect his own Accomplishments, and be the better enabled to promote the good of others, and eminently approve himself the Servant of CHRIST, he was chosen Fellow of that College upon which the Name of CHRIST is called, to whose Service he had seriously devoted his best studies and endeavours. The Fellowship into which he was elected was that of K. Edward's foundation, and therein he was Successor to Mr. Hugh Broughton and Mr. Dillingham, both of them famous for Hebrew learning; the first abroad, the other at home, being one of those appointed by Royal Authority to translate the Bible. This place was supernumerary to the Institution of the Foundress, the Lady Margaret; a Society of Divines she intended it, and by a Master and twelve Fellows alluded to Christ and his College of Apostles: Which Conceit (as some thought) was intentionally spoiled by the addition of that supernumerary Fellowship, but however gave occasion of an ill-placed jest against Mr. Mede at his Election; one opposite to his admission venting this piece of wit without either civility or judgement, We are twelve of the Foundation, and there (said he, pointing to Mr. Mede) sits the odd Fellow. Which Conceit could have no true sense as touching the quality and character of Mr. Mede, unless by odd had been meant singular, and that for Piety and Learning; which Eminencies could not make him less eligible according to Statute.  
12. Being thus chosen Fellow of the College, he was not long after made Reader of the Greek Lecture of Sir Walter Mildmay's foundation, and held it all his life-time: which rendered that Tongue, as also several others, very familiar to him. For his constant Readins upon Homer did not only make him perfect in that Author, but he being a diligent Collator of the Greek with the Hebrew, Chaldee and Syriack, acquainted himself familiarly with the Idiotisms of all those Languages at once. He had besides made a Collection of such Greek, Latin and English words as he had observed to have a near sense and like sound with the Hebrew; as we have been informed by some that saw in his study a Book of his in Quarto, containing the Hebrew Radices, etc. with Greek, Latin and English words derived from many of them: By which means as he made the Language more familiar to him, so he consulted the pleasure and advantage of his Friends; being from this store furnished with what might render his converse more acceptable to them in whose contentment he had a true satisfaction.  
13. He preserved his knowledge in Academic Learning by the private Lectures which he read to his Pupils, to whom he was an able and faithful Guide. For, being a Fellow of a College, he esteemed it a part of his Duty to further the Education of young Scholars; which made him undertake the careful charge of a Tutor: and this he managed with great Prudence and equal Diligence. After he had by daily Lectures well grounded his Pupils in Humanity, Logic and Philosophy, and by frequent converse understood to what particular Studies their Parts might be most profitably applied, he gave them his Advice accordingly: And when they were able to go alone, he chose rather to set every one his daily Task, than constantly to confine himself and them to precise hours for Lectures. In the Evening they all came to his Chamber to satisfy him that they had performed the Task he had set them. The first question which he used then to propound to every one in his order was, Quid dubitas? What Doubts have you met in your studies to day? (For he supposed that To doubt nothing and To understand nothing were verifiable alike.) Their Doubts being propounded, he resolved their Quaere's, and so set them upon clear ground to proceed more distinctly: And then having by Prayer commended them and their studies to God's protection and blessing, he dismissed them to their lodgings. Thus carefully did he discharge the Trust of a Tutor, though he well knew and was used to say That the Office of training up young Scholars in the University proved oftentimes but a thankless business. In short, He was not for a soft and easy, self-pleasing course of life; but was most willing to spend himself in a laborious endeavouring the best improvement (not of himself only, but) of others, those especially committed to his care. And here we might take occasion to recount several of his Pupils upon whom his excellent Instructions were not bestowed in vain: Some of them Persons of Honour and Eminency in the State, Honourable as well for the noble Accomplishments of their Minds and their exemplary Virtues, as for the height of their Descent and Parentage: others of great Merits and Esteem in the Church, both for their personal Endowments, and for their adorning their holy Function by an agreeable Conversation. But we must respicere titulum, and remember that our present business is to write Mr. Mede's Life and what concerns his Story, rather than the Characters of others, though otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Gen. 6.  men of renown and 
‖ Ecclus. 44.  the Glory of their times.  
14. To return therefore to our Author: He did so entirely devote himself to the study of all excellent Knowledge, that he made even the time which he spent in his Recreation serviceable to his design. He allowed himself little or no Exercise but Walking; and oftentimes, when he and others were walking in the Fields or in the Colledge-Garden, he would take occasion to speak of the Beauty, Signatures, useful Virtues and Properties of the Plants then in view: For he was a curious Florist, an accurate Herbalist, throughly versed in the Book of Nature, not unseen in any kind of ingenuous Knowledges, such especially as were both for delight and use. The chief delight which he took in company was to discourse with Learned friends; particularly for several years he set apart some of his hours to spend them in the conversation of his worthy Friend Mr. William Chapel, (afterward Provost of Trinity College near Dublin in Ireland, and L. Bishop of Cork and Ross) who was justly esteemed a rich Magazine of Rational Learning, and who again did as highly value the interest he had in Mr. Mede and the singular advantage of his Converse. Accordingly when he was to leave the College and prepare for Ireland, he made it his particular request to Mr. Mede, that he would favour him with his Papers, and permit the transcribing of them for his private use. So high, and yet so just, an esteem had he for those Papers richly stored with unvulgar, but not unuseful, Notions. Mr. Mede, who was made up of love and kindness, did readily gratify him herein, as he did also afterwards, when he wrote to him from Ireland for more of his Papers, desiring that some that had been his Pupils might transcribe what he would please farther to impart to him, who was one that did highly prise all that came from his deliberate pen: They were the very words of his Letter.  
15. In his retirement to his private Studies he employed himself principally in a curious enquiry into the most abstruse parts of Learning, and endeavoured for the knowledge of those things which were remote from the vulgar tract. 
Among other things he spent no small pains (in his younger years) in sounding the depths of Astrology, and much paper he blotted in calculating the Nativities of his near Relations and Fellow-students, having to this Art (as he would say) above all other Studies a natural propension: Yet did not that propension so far sway his judgement, as not to discover the vanity and weakness of those grounds upon which the Professors of that pretended Art very often build their too confident Predictions. That which he thought himself to have found by all his search was only this, That the Celestial Luminaries having an unquestionable Influence upon all sublunary Bodies, in the like position of the Heavens, may reasonably be thought to have a similitude in their Operation, and thereby to cause a Sympathy in things produced under like Constellations, and an Antipathy under different. But this not extending farther than a Natural inclination, and being in men alterable by Custom, Education and infinite external impediments, he judged it not (without extreme vanity) to be presumed upon as any infallible ground of Prediction of future actions; especially in such things wherein men, acting out of choice, run counter many times to their Natural inclinations. But to give the Reader his positive judgement (as near as we can) in his own most apposite and fit words, thus he was wont in familiar discourse to determine touching the Necessity and Contingency of these Subordinate Causes: That the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coeli does beget in man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Temperamenti, and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Temperamenti begets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ingenii, in the way of direct and natural subordination: But that here the Chain is broken off; because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ingenii does beget or produce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Actionis in man only contingently and without any necessity. And thus è contrà, That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coeli does beget 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Temperamenti, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Temperamenti begets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ingenii; This naturally as before: But that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ingenii should beget 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Actionis, this is from no necessity, because it is in man's power and liberty, who is naturally ill-disposed, yet through the emprovements of Art, and especially by the Grace of God, to become good, or better, as the Divine Goodness shall minister opportunity. Which is as much as can be said in so few words, and might determine the question to all judicious and knowing men, concerning the power of the Stars and those Celestial Influences into and upon this inferior world; where their Operations are genuine and natural and properly efficient, and where they have their stint and their Nè plus ultrà, nothing at all to do, unless by a remote disposition, which is properly no Cause at all. This is enough also to vindicate Man, born to Liberty and to command the Stars, from that supposed vassalage whereunto the juggling Astrologers of our days would fain subject him, and cast the credulous world into a Trance of blindness, to believe Lies and Follies and gross Vanities for very Truth.   
16. But leaving the hot pursuit of Astrological fancies, (the busy idleness of some even to their old age) he applied himself to the more useful study of History and Antiquities, particularly to a curious enquiry into those Mysterious Sciences which made the ancient Chaldeans, Egyptians and other Nations so famous; tracing them, as far as he could have any light to guide him, in their Oriental Schemes and Figurative expressions, as likewise in their Hieroglyphics, not forgetting to inquire also into the Oneirocriticks of the Ancients. Which he did the rather, because of that affinity which he conceived they might have with the language of the Prophets, to the understanding of whom he showed a most ardent desire. His Humanity-studies and Mathematical labours were but Initial things, which he made attendants to the Mysteries of Divinity: and though they were Preparatives, as he could use them, yet were they but at a distance off and more remote to his aim; for he had more work to do before he could be Master of his design. A well-furnished Divine is compounded of more Ingredients than so. For Histories of all sorts, but those especially which concern the Church of God, must be studied and well known; and therefore he made his way by the knowledge of all Histories, General, National, Ancient and Modern, Sacred and Secular. He was a curious and laborious searcher of Antiquities relating to Religion, Ethnic, jewish, Christian and Mahometan: the fruits of which studious diligence appear visibly in several of those excellent Treatises which have passed the Press; particularly in his Apostasy of the Latter times, The Christian Sacrifice, his Discourses upon Daniel, his Paraphrase and Notes upon S. Peter's Prophecy, and in (his great Masterpiece) those elaborate Commentaries upon the Apocalypse, where the Fata Imperii (i.e. the Affairs of the Roman State) there predicted are to admiration explained out of Ethnic Historians, and the Fata Ecclesiae illustrated with no less accuracy out of Ecclesiastic Writers. His Writings best speak his eminent skill in History; yet it may not be amiss to superadd upon this occasion the Testimony of a very judicious person, and one of long and inward acquaintance with Mr. Mede and his studies, (we mean that forementioned ancient Colleague and Consocius of his, Mr. W. Chapel,) who before his going into Ireland was heard thus to express himself, That Mr. Mede was as judicious a man in Ecclesiastical Antiquities, and as accurately skilled in the first Fathers of the Church, both Greek and Latin, as any man living.  
17. Unto Histories he added those necessary attendants which to the knowledge of the more difficult Scriptures must never be wanting; viz. an accurate understanding of the Ichnography of the Tabernacle and Temple, the Order of the Service of God therein performed, as also of the City of jerusalem, together with an exact Topography of the Holy Land; besides other jewish Antiquities, Scripture-Chronology and the exact Calculation of Times, so far especially as made for the solving or clearing of those difficulties and obscure passages that occur in the Historical part of Scripture, which the vulgar Chronologers have perplexed, and the best not fully freed from scruple. And how great his abilities were for the Sacred Chronologie, may appear (to omit other proofs) from that clause in a Letter of the then Archbishop of Armagh to him— I have entered upon the Determination of the Controversies which concern the Chronology of the Sacred Scripture, wherein I shall in many places need your help. That great and laborious Work which this equally Learned and Humble Prelate was now entered upon, was his Chronologia Sacra, wherein he intended to confirm those dispositions of Years and accounts of time he had set down in his Annals of the Old and New Testament, lately published by him. This Work had exercised his industry for many years, and he laboured in it to the last minute of health he enjoyed; but he lived not to finish it. Yet that the fruit of all his travels herein might not die with him, so much as he had elaborated was published by the Learned Dr. Barlow, Provost of Queen's-Colledge in Oxford, whose great care and industry herein did deserve in this place an express celebration: For such useful Labours justly entitle a man to the honour of being a Benefactor to the world.  
18. By the fruit of these Studies, particularly by his happy Labours upon the Apocalypse and Prophetical Scriptures, what honour our Author purchased abroad (besides what he gained at home) among men studious in this way, and therefore capable of judging, is evident by the many Letters sent him from Learned men in several parts, expressing their own and others high esteem of his Writings: As, the abovementioned Primate of Ireland, Archbishop Usher, who also acquainted Mr. Mede with the great esteem that another Archbishop in Ireland had for his accurate labours upon the Apocalypse; The judicious and moderate Paulus Testardus, Pastor of the Reformed Church at Blois in France, who was so highly pleased with his Clavis & Commentationes Apocalypticae, as to take the pains (amidst his other pressing labours to translate them into French, designing the printing of them for the benefit of his Countrymen; Lud. de Dieu, a singular Ornament of the University at Leiden, famous at home and abroad for his skill in the Oriental Tongues, whose Letters to and of Mr. Mede were full of honour and respect, and, as a testimony of his great respect, he presented Mr. Mede betimes with his Comment upon the Acts of the Apostles; Dr. Walaeus, Divinity-Professor there, who being one of the Principal persons concerned in the last Belgic Translation of the Bible, and his care (together with some associates) being peculiarly employed about translating and illustrating with marginal notes the New Testament, (no part of which bred him more labour than the Apocalypse) did hugely applaud himself in the happiness he had to be acquainted with Mr. Mede's unparalleled Commentary upon that mysterious Book. The great acceptance and kind entertainment which his Writings found abroad among learned persons, might be confirmed also from not only M. Hartlib ●s but Sr. William Boswell's Letters, who professed It was better than Music to him to hear the innumerable commendations of so near a Friend. But because we would not exspatiate in this (perhaps invidious) argument, we shall crave leave only to superadd this, That though some at home, less affectionate to studies of this nature, for Reasons best known to themselves, were induced to speak somewhat diminishingly, and below the worth, of his Clavis and Commentary upon the Apocalypse; (a Prophet, and a Prophet's Interpreter, wanting sometimes their due honour in their own Country) yet Scholars of good note in their Travels beyond the Sea have heard his Name most honourably mentioned for those Works. And though he was Anonymus in what he had done upon the Apocalypse; yet when Foreiners travelling into England came to visit the University of Cambridge, they would carefully seek him out, and endeavoured to gain his acquaintance as much as any others then more eminent in place.  
19 And though possibly it cannot be said that he attained to an infallible Solution of every Point in those Prophetic Mysteries, (they being a Depth which perhaps no Humane understanding can reach, till assisted by a more full and clear view of Events;) yet judicious men, who are but in the least candid, cannot but say that he proceeded upon grounds never traced by any, and infinitely more probable than any laid down by those who before him undertook that task, and such as, though they should not everywhere exempt from all possibility of erring in the application, do yet afford an incomparable help to the understanding of many things otherwise scarce discernible, and in the mean time do strongly convince the overdaring vanity of very many confident, but unskilful, Expositors. So that upon the whole matter we doubt not to affirm, (and for the truth of it we appeal to judicious and unprejudiced Readers) That if Mr. Mede's Method of interpreting the Apocalypse be freely and carefully compared with the elder (we may add also, the newer) methods of any Annotationists whatsoever, it will certainly be acknowledged to be the most natural and unstrained, most agreeable to the style of the Prophets, as likewise to History and Events; and, in short, that his Clavis Apocalyptica (if compared with other Keys) seems most worthy to be deemed Clavis non errans.  

20. Nor is this high, but most deserved, character of his Labours upon the Apocalypse to be disparaged by one or two Exceptions, which the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 marvellously please themselves in, nay one of them they make the petty matter of a poor rejoicing within themselves: It is their First Exception, grounded upon his Conjecture about the King of Sweden, in his Exposition of the Fourth Vial. But there needed not so much noise nor such ado to be made about this. For be it granted that the King of Sweden is certainly meant there, (although the Author doth not expressly name him) yet consider,  
First, He doth not positively and confidently affirm him to be the person whom God designed to perform the business of this Vial; but intimates only his hope and wishes (in behalf of the afflicted Protestants in Germany) that it might be so: nay instead of a confident saying it would be so, he chose rather to express himself Question-wise, which is the more modest and allowable way: Anon hic est (saith he) quem Dominus exercituum ad hujusce Phialae opus exsequendum destinavit? Which Ingenuity of his might have disposed the less-kind Reader to some degree of Candour, rather than to the indecencies of an hasty and over-severe Censure.  
Secondly, And the rather may he seem to merit the most candid and favourable usage, because in his Epistle to the Reader, before his Commentary, he makes it his particular request, That the Reader would not over-rigidly censure every passage in his Book, but he pleased to read him with that civility and candour and those fair allowances not unusually afforded to the Writings of well-meaning men, such as are free from arrogancy and imposing upon others, and are most ready to express the same Charity and Fairness to other Writers. The request is every way Justiniano and Necessary; considering that there are more Depths and Obscurities in the Prophetical Writings than in any other parts of H. Scripture; and withal, that the best of men are not privileged from all possibility of erring, no not in plainer and less abstruse matters than the Apocalyptick Visions, those especially about things future and unfulfilled. And farther how Necessary the request is as well as Just, the Author himself hath prudently observed in the forementioned Epistle, where, speaking of the Interpretation of Prophecies, etc. he lays it down as a most certain and approved Truth, Nist in hisce talibus liberiùs paulò sentiendi, imò & errandi, venia concedatur; ad profunda illa & latentia Veritatis adyta viam nunquam patefactum iri.  
Thirdly, Were this mistake as great a matter as some would make it, (which yet was in truth a smaller 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and more venial, because not expressed positively and confidently, but only in the form of a Question,) yet is there not any just ground from this single instance to disvalue and reject the Author and his Commentary upon the Apocalypse. For this Conjecture, or rather Quaere, of his was no principal or necessary part of the Structure, and therefore by its failing as to the Event doth not so much as endanger, much less demolish, the whole Fabric. His Scheme of Synchronisms, upon which is grounded his method of interpreting the Apocalyptick Visions stands firm and entire, and is unconcerned herein. Nor is there any other part of his Commentary endamaged hereby, the truth and solidity thereof not depending upon this Event. Besides, let it be considered, that it would be the extremest Severity, the highest Rigour imaginable, to condemn the useful labours of Worthy men for some one misapprehension in a particular of little or no importance to the whole. And what one Author, ancient or modern, (though never so highly meriting) what Book (though never so carefully and exactly written) could possibly scape at such a a rate of judging as this? But to speak yet more closely to the present Exception; Thought here was a mistake in applying the Fourth Viol to that Northern King, yet that mistake in the particular is no real prejudice to the general and main scope of his Interpretation of that part (much less of the other parts) of the Vision: And, considering the abstruseness of the matter, it may be held very laudable not toto coelo errare in the explication of some part of a Vision, especially when other Learned men are deprehended to do so, not only in some one whole Vision, but in a manner universally in the whole Apocalyps; and that not only in those Visions which relate to things unfulfilled and future Events, (about which if a careful Interpreter be at a loss sometimes and chance to misconjecture, it is more pardonable) but in such Visions and Prophecies as are already fulfilled, wherein to mistake is the less excusable, because Prophecies are supposed to clear up when accomplished, according to that of Irenaeus, (which is sometimes quoted to an ill purpose, viz. to damp all modest Inquiries into Prophetical Scriptures) cum evenit quod propheratum est, tunc Prophetiae liquidam habent & certam expositionem. And here (if it were not an over-tedious Digression) it would be no hard task to bring in a large Catalogue of gross Parachronisms, manifest misapplications and mistakes of another nature than this single one they urge against our Author; and these not a few, nor thinly scattered in their Comments, but to be met with in every page. The reason of which Misfortune (in which the Interpreters that go the new way are as much concerned as any) is plainly this, Their want of attending to that only safe Rule and Groundwork of Interpretation, the Apocalyptical Synchronisms; the usefulness and necessity of attending to which is fully made out by Mr. Mede (to omit other places) in his Corollary at the end of his Clavis Apocalyptica: Without this Clue Interpreters will miserably lose themselves in this Sacred Labyrinth; without this Card to guide them in this Mystical Sea, they must needs, like distressed Mariners, 
* Psal. 107.  reel to and fro, and often be at their wit's end.  
Lastly, Let it be considered that this short passage, concerning the Application of the Fourth Vial, excepted against is not any part of the Author's large and more throughly-concocted Commentary upon the Apocalypse; for that ends with Chap. XIV. And as for the following Chapters, what he has briefly observed upon some passages therein, (as in Chap. XVI. which treats of the Vials) he calls only Specimina, his Essays, and First adventures; intending (if he had health and free leisure) to go over them again, and then to perfect his thoughts, and as fully to enlarge himself upon them as he had done upon the foregoing Chapters. This he expressly advertises the Reader of at the end of his Commentary upon Chap. XIV; in the mean while commending these Specimina (which at the solicitation of some Friends he permitted to go along with his Commentary) to the Reader's Candour and Benignity; persuading himself (as the best natures at least apt to suspect any unkindness) that what he thus offered with his right hand, others would not take with their left.  
This is enough to wash away the supposed stain of this Exception, and perhaps more than was needful, but that some, devoid of Charity: and therefore but 
* 1 Cor. 13.  tinkling Cymbals, made such a noise about it, such as childishly affect excitare fluctus in simpulo, and love to make ex musca elephantem, ex festuca trabem; in the mean while (through fond self-love and partiality) not minding the more than motes, the great beams in their own eyes, or in the eyes of those whose persons they have in admiration. But to such our Saviour's Counsel is not unseasonable, Why beholdest thou the mote that is in thy brother's eye, but considerest not the beam that is in thine own eye? Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam out of thine own eye.   

21. Proceed we now (cum bon● Deo) to the Vindication of our Author from the other Exception, which in short is this, That he may seem to have afforded too much countenance to the Opinion of the Chiliasts. This Exception (though not the former) is taken notice of by that Reverend person, who was familiarly acquainted with Mr. Mede, and wrote that short View of his Life, published at the end of his Epistles. And the Sum of the Answer he there returns to this Exception is this, That what Mr. Mede did herein cannot be justly counted any blemish to his name and honour: For grant that Opinion were an Error, yet (saith he) it hath very much to plead its toleration and their pardon that hold it. Whatever it be, it past for a precious Truth, even in the purest and most untainted Ages of the Church, (those next the Apostles) for the space of above 300. years, and had the suffrages of the most eminent Doctors that lived in those times. [viz. justin Martyr, (who lived within 30 years of S. John's death) Irenaeus, (who was brought up at the feet of Polycarpus who was S. John's Disciple;) they both lived and conversed with the Apostles immediate Disciples: as also Tertullian, (the most ancient of the Latin Fathers now extant) Cyprian Bishop of Carthage and Lactantius: besides several others, of whose Writings we have only some small Fragments; all these within 300. years after Christ] Nor was it ever discountenanced, till the Church (recovering breath from her Persecutions) began perhaps a little too much to prise her peace, and (disvaluing her expectations) to set up her rest in her enjoyed tranquillity. And certainly (not to argue its verisimilitude from the consonancy it seems to have with the many glorious 
* See Dan. ●. 44. & ch. 7. 14. Esay 6●, 17. & ch. 66. ●2. with many other places in that Prophecy.  Prophecies of Christ's Kingdom in the Old Testament, which otherwise find many cold interpretations among Expositors) a man can hardly, without admitting it, make good sense of those places in the 20 and 21 Chapters of the Revelation, which tell us of a 
* See Mr. Medes ● Letter to Dr. Meddus, p. 77●.  First and Second Resurrection, and of a jerusalem descending out of Heaven from God: Which last (I have often heard our Author say) seemed to him extremely harsh to expound of the State of Bliss in Heaven; and to make [descending out of Heaven] to signify [ascending up thither] was more absurd than that of the Canonist, who expounded [Constituimus] by [Abrogamus:] So that he was compelled by that and many other places, against his inclination, to allow so much of Chiliasm as might make sense of those Prophecies; yet always keeping himself from falling into those dotages which some of that opinion fancied, or at least were charged with; 
* See his Remains, p. 603. where he would have us wary and careful, that we admit nothing into our imaginations which may cross or impeach any Catholic T●net of the Christian Faith.  neither denying any necessary Catholic Verity, nor admitting any thing inconsistent with the analogy of Faith; and 
‖ See his Preface before his Commentary, p. 435, and what he adds at the end of his Specimen d● mille annis Tubae Septimae, p. 532.  submitting his Opinion to the judgement of the Church. And within these limits, I never yet learned why he or any other learned man may not have the liberty of his own sense, or in such Problematical points should incur any censure for dissenting from others.  
Thus far that Reverend person now deceased, the Author's ancient Friend in the View of his Life.   

22. In pursuance of which Argument (to which we hold ourselves obliged both from the great zeal we have for the honour of the Author's Memory, and from an honest ambition to endeavour the removing of any the least dissatisfaction which may lodge perhaps in the breasts of some even ingenuous and well-tempered persons; that so none may be offended in him) it may not be unnecessary to superadd (as a Mantissa) these few particulars.  
First, That the Author had not the least fond inclination to this or any other Hypothesis, as those have that affect to be talked of for some new or uncommon Theory: (his humble Soul was far from any such design of Vain-glory.) Nay when he first applied himself to the study of the Apocalypse, he came (as he told a Friend of his) with a mind rather possessed against it; and (being desirous to differ as little as might be from the sense of others (he tried all ways imaginable to place the Millennium elsewhere, and, if it were possible, to begin the 1000 years at the Reign of Constantine, (for whom he had a great veneration;) which was the commonly-received opinion of those that wrote before him or after him, as Brightman, Grotius and others. But after all his striving he was 
* See also his Epistle to Lud. de Dieu, (pag. 571.) In quam sententia●● de Millenario ●e nu●â animi levitate aut studio prae●●stero d●●apsum credas velim; sed postquam alia omnia frus●rà ten●âssem, tandem rei ipsius claritudine perstrictum Paradoxo succubuiss●.  forced (as he ingeniously confessed) to yield to the light and evidence of this Hypothesis in a sober and qualified sense. He was forced to it by the unresistible Law of Synchronisms; according to which the Millennium could not possibly be placed otherwhere than it is by him; which he nothing doubted but he had demonstrated in his Clavis, Part. 2. Synchron. 4. and 5. Concerning which performance we shall only say to the Reader, as the Author himself used to do, (and it was a great word with him, whenever he brought forth any unordinary and important Notion) Expende, (he would say, or else) Consider it. And here it is not unworthy to be remembered, that the late learned archdeacon of Surry, 
* See his Apology, edit. 3. p. 451.  Dr. Hakewell, gives this fair testimony of Mr. Mede, that in his Clavis he hath showed himself an able man, and particularly that this part of his Synchronisms is a very exact piece, and such as gives a marvellous great light to the Prophecies of that Book. Besides, this would farther forbid him to make the Millennium: of Satan's being bound and restrained from deceiving the world to begin at Constantine, namely, That the great deceiving of the world by Mahometism (a most vile and yet prevailing Imposture) began before less than half of the Millennium from Constantine was run out, and strangely prospered in the world for the space of 600 years within that Millennium: and not this only, but Antichristian Idolatry and the greatest Cruelty imaginable against the faithful Servants of Christ fell out within the same Millennium; wherein the Devil was so far from being chained and shut up, that he never deceived the world more grossly, nor raged more furiously, and consequently was never more loose and at liberty to do mischief.  
Secondly, Our Author was not fond desirous to proclaim this or any other peculiar Sentiment of his before others, as one that was eagerly solicitous to get Disciples or make Proselytes to his Persuasion. No man did ever dictate less than he, or propounded his judgement, with the Reasons thereof, with more modesty and submission: none was more averse from the humour of masterly imposing an Opinion upon others: none with less impatience and more civility could bear another's dis●ent. It was his own expression, There are few men living who are less troubled to see others differ in opinion from them than I am. If any man can patiently suffer me to differ from him, it nothing affects me how much or how little they differ from me. In short, He was not big with a Paradox, and in pain to be delivered of it, as some are when they have discovered (as they think) some rare and unvulgar Notion; (which temper in them is a certain sign of a Weak mind foolishly over-pleased with its own conceptions:) Nay he was so far from proclaiming this or any other new Opinion, that when he was invited by others to speak of it, (for he chose rather to be led into such discourse than over-forwardly to begin it of himself) he would speak but sparingly and in general, especially before such who for want of age and experience were less prepared for such Speculations; and therefore when such proceeded to inquire more particularly concerning his thoughts herein, his way was not to declare himself magisterially, but having quoted such or such a Text of Scripture) modestly to express himself thus, What if it should be so understood? Why may it not be thus? And when he was urged by Friends to add at the end of his Commentary upon the Apocalypse some Notions of his upon the following Chapters, (that the whole might be the more complete,) he only published a short Specimen or Essay about this Hypothesis, together with some short 
* See this Testimony illustrated and vindicated from a corrupt reading, p. 533.  Notes upon a passage in justin Martyr, purporting that it was the General opinion of all Orthodox Christians in the Age immediately following the Apostles, and that none were known to deny it then but Heretics which denied the Resurrection. Let the whole Specimen be carefully perused by any unpassionate and judicious person, and it will approve itself to be a great Instance of the Author's both Modesty and Prudence as to the way of communicating his particular thoughts concerning the Millennial mystery. And accordingly the Reverend Dr. Charles Potter, sometime Provost of Queen's College in Oxford, a person of a very discerning and candid spirit, (in a Letter to his worthy friend Mr. Mason) gave this fair account of Mr. Mede's proceeding in this abstruse Argument, That, whereas others are confident, he does but modestly conjecture, (viz. in his Specimen de Mille annis) and that upon other and better grounds than their dreaming heads ever thought of. Whereas others would sally out into curious and minute descriptions of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and venture to speak as particularly of the Quality of that State as Dionysius the Areopagite (so called) does of the Angelical Hierarchy, intruding into those things which they have not seen; our Author on the contrary kept himself to Generals, industriously abstaining from expressing himself de modo or concerning the particularities of the state of Christ's Kingdom, and was far from being definitive in the least as to any circumstantial account thereof. This was his pious Prudence: He contented himself with that more General account the H. Scripture gives of this Millennium, and in his explication of it he kept within the compass of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Form of Ecclesiastical Doctrine set forth by the First Nicene Council, not swerving one jot therefrom, as he somewhere professeth in his 
* See Epistle LII pag. 813.  Epistles. Yea so cautious and careful was he not to determine positively where the Scripture was not express, that he confessed he durst not so much as imagine that Christ's presence in this Kingdom should be a Visible converse upon Earth. He was also well aware that some both of elder and of later times (degenerating from the Piety of the most ancient and purest Ages of the Church, and swerving from that Primitive sober sense and harmless Notion of the Millennium which the Christian Church generally entertained in the days of justin Martyr) had shamefully disfigured and deformed it with several erroneous conceits and idle fancies of their own. But herein our Author's name and reputation is not concerned; he had nothing to do with the wood, hay and stubble, which some foolish builders had built upon the old foundation, nor with those unseemly assumenta and disgraceful opinions which some (that were miserable bunglers at the Interpretation of Prophecies) had fastened upon the ancient Hypothesis: He disavowed with as much zeal as any one the extravagancies of such men; and yet he would not in a rash heat wholly reject an ancient Tenet for having some Error annexed to it, for so he might sometime cast away a Truth; as he that throws away what he finds because it is dirty, (it was his own comparison) may perchance cast away a jewel or a piece of Gold or Silver.  
Thirdly and lastly, (to conclude this argument) His Notion of the Millennial State was both Pure and Peaceable, and therefore not unworthy of a fair construction. Pure and clean it was, altogether free from the least suspicion of Luxury and Sensuality. It was his 
* See his Remains, p. SIXPENCES.  express Caution, to beware of gross and carnal conceits of an Epicurean happiness misbeseeming the Spiritual purity of Saints. If we conceit (saith he) any Deliciae, let them be Spirituales, which S. Austin confesseth to be Opinio tolerabilis, (lib. 20. De Civit. Dei.) And therefore he was justly offended with Hierom. who (being, according to his wont, a very unequal relator of the opinion of his Adversary's) imputed to the most ancient Fathers of the Church such an Unspiritual notion as this, That the Felicity of this State was Beatitudo ventri & gutturi judaico serviens; and in several parts of his Writings, he has clearly detected the unfaithfulness and falsehood of Hierom in loading those Holy Souls with the charge of judaism and Epicurism; as foul and undeserved an aspersion as could be imagined. And verily such a Sensual State is so contrary to the character of the Kingdom of Christ and the true importance of what is meant by Reigning with Christ, that it is no other in reality than the Kingdom of the Devil and a Reigning with him. He well remembered that the proper Character of the New Heavens and the New Earth (that is, of the World renewed) is thus described in 
* 2 Ep. c. 3.  S. Peter's Prophecy— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Wherein dwelleth Righteousness. A greater increase of Piety and Peace than has yet been in the world, is that which makes up the Primary notion of Felicity of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or World to come. And what hearty Christian does not most affectionately desire that Righteousness and true Holiness, Peace on earth and Good will towards men may spread and obtain more universally in the world? These things would as naturally make the world Happy, as the abounding of Iniquity with the decays of Charity in any age makes the world Miserable.  
Nor was his Notion lets Peaceable and Pure, as may partly appear by what hath been already observed. He was a true Son of Peace, and lived a life of Obedience to the Laws of the Realm, and of Conformity to the Discipline of the Church: He 
* P●●●. 24.  feared both the Lord and the King, and meddled not with them that were given to change. And his Writings bore the Impress and Character of his Peaceable Spirit and Life; for, not one clause, not a syllable, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that naturally tends to blow men up into such furious heats as threaten public Disquietnesses and Embroilments, is to be found therein, as neither in the Writings of justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Cyprian and others of utmost Antiquity, whose Doctrine touching this Point, as also their Practices, were far from any show of Unpeaceableness, far from provoking to any thing but Love and Good works. As our Author himself was a man of a cool Spirit, (
* Prov. 17.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) so likewise is his Notion and representation of the Millennium cool and calm and moderate, not ministering to Faction and Sedition, to Tumults and subversion of all Degrees and Orders of Superiority in the public. And assuredly the Happiness of the Millennial State shall take place in the world without that Disorder and Confusion which some men have extravagantly imagined, men of unhallowed minds and consciences, who, judging of things according to the lusts of ambition and love of the world reigning in them, have depraved and stained this Primitive Tenet, the ancient, sober and innocent notion of the Kingdom of Christ, as likewise every other Mystery, with not a few carnal conceits and intolerable fancies of their own: And thus 
* Titus 1.  unto them that are defiled is nothign pure. Nor shall those 
a Acts 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Times of cool refreshing.  Tempora refrigerii ever be brought in by hot fanatic Zelots, men set on fire, (in the Psalmist's phrase) and ready also to set on fire the Course of Nature, (as S. james speaks) such as are skilful only to destroy and overturn; 
b Isai. 59  Destruction and Wasting are in their ways, (they are good at making the World a miserable, uncomfortable and unhabitable place) but the way of Peace they have not known, (as for Peace and Charity, they have no right sentiments thereof, and know not what belongs to them.) And therefore the Temper and Frame of their spirit being perfectly contrary to the Temper and Quality of those Better times, they are thereby rendered uncapable either of furthering and 
* 2 Pet. 3.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  hasting the Felicities of the New Heavens and Earth, or of enjoying them when the New jerusalem shall be come down from God out of Heaven, and the Tabernacle of God shall be with men. For the primary Character of that Future State being (as was before observed) Universal Righteousness and Good will, Piety and Peace, it naturally follows, That they who are men of embitter d passions and of a destroying Spirit, altogether devoid of civility, gentleness and moderation, kindness and benignity towards men, and altogether unacquainted with what is lovely, decorous, venerable, praiseworthy, equitable and just, can have no part nor lot in this matter; so gross and course a constitution of spirit as theirs is speaks them unqualified for the Happiness of this Better State. Nor can they ever be made meet for the World to come and the Kingdom of Christ, till they have got the victory over their Self-love and Love of the world, over their Pride and Envy, their Wrath and Bitterness, their enormous Affections and the Lusts that war in their members; howsoever they may vainly conceit and fancy themselves to be upon easier and cheaper terms Kings and Priests to God, fit and worthy to reign with Christ, though they never suffered with him, nor was their old man crucified with him, that the body of Sin might be destroyed, as the Apostle speaks, Rom. 6.  
And thus we have seen that our Author's Notion of the Millennium was both Pure and Peaceable, and consequently right and genuine, (these being the two first Properties of the Wisdom from above, in S. 
c Ch. 3. 17.  James' account:) As for any other representation of it, which is 
d Ver. 15.  Earthly, Sensual, Devilish, (the three Properties of the Wisdom 
e Io. 8. 23. ●e are from beneath.  from beneath) our Author had nothing to do with it, nor with the Patrons thereof, his Soul came not into their secret. And therefore if any ill-tempered persons, men of wild Principles and Practices, should abuse his name to the countenancing of any bad purposes and selfish designs: (as Antinomians have in like manner abused the names of some ancient Protestant Worthies to the gracing of their unwholesome Opinions,) if any unlearned and unstable souls wrest S. John's Apocalyps and the Prophetical Scriptures; (as well as some did in S. Peter's time the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Paul's Epistles, and do so still) they shall bear their own condemnation, they do it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to their own destruction: But in the mean while S. john, S. Paul, the Prophetical Scriptures are holy, harmless and without fault; nor ought our Author and those Protestant Writers to bear the blame of other men's either misapprehensions or misdoings; but let every man bear his own burden. It is no new thing, but is and hath been an usual artifice of worthless men to derive some reputation to their Opinions and Practices from the pretended authority of some worthy and excellent Writers: and we are the less to wonder at it, since they have not spared in the same kind to abuse the divinely-inspired Prophets and Apostles. Yet should not this (or the like) abuse of S. John's Apocalyps and other Prophecies be deemed a sufficient ground to dissuade from the study of the Prophetical Scriptures, no more than the abuse of some passages in S. Paul's Epistles to Antinomianism and evacuating of the Law, should be of force to take men off from the study of S. Paul's Writings. Nay rather should all serious and judicious persons, out of an holy indignation against such wrongful perverting of the Holy Oracles of God, excite and oblige themselves unto a more studious enquiry and diligent search into the genuine meaning of those Scriptures; that thereby they may be the better enabled to detect the falsehood of those Glosses which men of corrupt minds have for their own ends put upon them, and by discovering the true importance and scope of such Prophecies put to silence those men of Noise and Confidence rather than of Reason and judgement. And certainly this would be the happy effect of such studious diligences: For they should find that S. Paul's Epistles afford no favourable countenance to Antinomian principles, nor do in the least disparage the indispensable necessity of internal Righteousness and uniform obedience to the Divine Law. It would also appear to them that S. John's Apocalypse contains nothing that may in the least encourage to disobedience and disorder; but on the contrary represents Christian Kings and Princes (those that are Defenders of the Holy Apostolical Faith) under a fair Character, as 
* Rev. 21. 24.  Friends to the Holy and Beloved City, the New jerusalem, but Enemies to the Whorish City, the mystical Babylon, which they shall 
* Ch. 17. 16.  hate and make desolate: They shall do it; not the People without their Princes, but Kings with the help of their Subjects; so hard a work requiring many hands, and the concurrence of several aids.  
These Three Considerations (and more such might have been added) may amount (we hope) to a full Answer to the second Exception: And these severals being laid together may be available (through God's blessing) to recover some from their inward malady of an Uncharitable Censorious humour, and to sweeten others who have some disgust against the Author and particularly upon the score of this Exception. Nor was this an unnecessary Digression, (if any Digression at all) it being of so grand importance for the vindicating of the Author, in whose Story and Character we are now concerned, as also of those Holy and most Ancient Fathers of the Church, and withal of their sober and harmless Notion of the Millennium, yea and for the vindicating of the Holy Scriptures themselves, from all unworthy misconstruction.   
23. Having thus somewhat largely (though not without good cause) evinced both the great Exquisiteness and the no less Usefulness of Mr. Mede's Labours in that Masterpiece of his, his Key and Commentary upon that mysterious Book of the Apocalypse, (a well-chosen Object for his great Understanding to exercise itself upon;) we proceed now to observe to the Reader, That besides these, his Endeavours were happily employed in other (though neither easy nor ordinary) undertake. For his noble Genius leading him on to encounter difficulties, he ever seemed most delighted with those studies wherein he might strain the sinews of his brain: And as if he accounted them but Half-scholars that did only ex commentario sapere, and knew only so much as taken up from others they held in memory, he was not wont to take Expositions of Scripture upon the credit of any Author, how great or plausible soever, nor to look upon their Resolves as if they were Herculeses Pillars with a Nè plus ultrà upon them. And therefore he used, as occasion offered itself, to set upon those difficult places of Scripture which seemed to be of more use and concernment, and much time did he spend that way to give light to those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and dark places in Holy Writ; so that scarce could the question be propounded to him about any obscure and knotty passage therein, whereabout he had not bestowed many serious thoughts beforehand. He was taken notice of by many for his singular faculty in this kind, and sent too by several Learned men for his resolution of such Doubts; which was usually so clear, that there was no person, who loved Truth and was not addicted to jangling, but would be satisfied with his Answers, if not as certain and unquestionable, yet as ingenious and very probable: insomuch that Strangers of other Universities, who had never seen him, gave him this high Elegy, That for assoiling of Scripture-difficulties he was to be reckoned amongst the best in the world. It is agreeable to this which the learned Mr. Alsop spoke of him in his Funeral Commemoration before the University, That if he had been encouraged to write in difficiliora loca Scripturae, and that God in mercy to the world had been pleased to lengthen out his days, assuredly he would have outgone any Author then extant, and probably would have given light to some hard places of Scripture which now may remain dark and unassoiled till the last Day of judgement.  
24. As these various Perfections and useful Accomplishments made his company very desirable to Scholars, so the goodness of his Disposition made him equally Communicative and free to impart his Knowledge to those who came to him either out of the same University or from abroad. To these he used to impart himself with that willingness, that it seemed questionable whether had the greater desire, they to hear, or he to communicate his Studies to them: Which made a familiar Friend of his once merrily to say to one that, having been partaker of his discourse, gave him thanks, That he might spare his thanks; for that they were not so much beholding to him for delivering himself to them, as he was to them for hearing him. For this great advantage he made himself of the Civility which he showed to others, that by the communication of his Notions to his Friends they became so fixed in his memory, that he was afterward able readily to deliver them in a well-formed discourse, and was wont, as often as he had occasion to express himself in public, (especially in those Colledge-exercises which they call Common-places) to make use of the forementioned Discourses, which with a little labour he could put into an apt form. Some of which are those excellent Diatribae, which with the rest of his Works are published for the common Benefit of the Church. Which though but few in comparison of that great store wherewith so rich a magazine was furnished, yet even in those few he hath discovered more rare pieces of recondite Learning than are to be found in some vast Volumes of many much-admired Authors.  
25. Concerning which Diatribae this is fit to be advertised, That though there are in some of them several things of a strain that transcends the capacities of common Readers, yet it would be a great mistake for that reason to suspect this worthy person as guilty of Ostentation or Affectedness. For as they were Academical Exercises, and not fitted for a vulgar Audience; so he himself was of all knowing men the greatest Hater of that vanity. He always disapproved the unnecessary quotations of Authors, and the use of Foreign Languages and Terms of Art in popular Sermons; and expressing his dislike of such practices, (too much in use among some, not only young Fellows of Colleges and other young Preachers, but even those of more age and experience) would sometimes say, That they savoured of as much Inconsiderateness, as if Shoemakers should bring Shoes to be drawn on with their Lasts in them: judging it a scarce pardonable folly for men going about the instruction of the ignorant, to propound things in such Terms as themselves understood not till they had spent many years at the School or University; and which, how significant soever in themselves and to the Learned, yet were but as so many Stumbling-blocks to common Auditors, or at the best but as Styles, which though some might possibly leap over, yet they interrupted the progress of their attention.  

26. Nay, to give this Excellent person his just right, he was so far from the vanity of Ostentation, that it is hard to say whether he was more eminent for his rare Knowledge, or for his singular Humility and Modesty in valuing his own Abilities; insomuch as he could not without trouble hear of that great Opinion and Esteem which some (deservedly enough) had conceived of his great Learning: he owning only some diligence, freedom from prejudice and studium partium, as his best abilities; as himself hath excellently expressed it in a 
* See Ep. 96. p. 881.  Letter of his to his friend Mr. Samuel Hartlib. To which may be added, That having received some notices of the great value which some Learned men both at home and in a foreign University put upon his Apocalyptick Labours, he made only this modest return to a Friend, who perhaps thought he might highly please him with that news, That he saw no great cause for all that why he should think much better of himself; adding withal, That he had frequently observed it to be the hap of many a Book that had little or no worth in it, to find applause in the world, when in the mean while a well-deserving Book is scarce taken notice of. So far was this Good man from all proud self-reflections, from glorying in his wisdom and strength of Parts, or in any performance of his own.  
Of this rare Temper of Spirit this also may be remembered as another pregnant Instance, That when he was earnestly importuned by some to write in difficiliora loca S. Scripturae, (for which task he was incomparably furnished) he answered with a sigh, No, and being pressed to give a reason; besides many things which he offered, as That it required ● more time than he could reckon upon he had to live, and 2 more and better Books than he had at present or could command, and 3 that such a work must be done in an Age when men's thoughts are not imprisoned or circumscribed within the pale of overruling parties; he added this also, 4 That it would require more Learning than he had or was capable of.   
27. To omit many other Instances of his Humility, (for his life was full of them) we shall add The little desire which he had either to Academical Honours or to great Preferments and worldly Advantages. For the former, this may not unfitly be here remembered, That he was studiously regardless of Academical Degrees, as being unwilling to make any great noise and report in the world: And, but that he was overpowered to do it by the then Master of the College, he had never so far proceeded as to have been 
* Anno 〈◊〉  Bachelor in Divinity. Thus he expressed himself to some in private. A Master of Arts he was, and a great Master of them too before he was so called; but more than so to be he affected not. An argument that that Grace was eminent in him, wherein others most commonly are too short and defective. And for the latter, how far he was from any ambitious and eager pursuing the advantages and great things of this world, appeared, as by his refusing the offer made him by his Uncle, and that also by the then Bishop of Ely, (which we intimated before) so likewise by his modest denial of the Provostship of Trinity College near Dublin in Ireland, to which he was elected upon the recommendation of another great Prelate, the L. Primate of Armagh, and by his unwillingness the second time to accept of it, when he was in danger to be put into that Preferment. The height of his Ambition was only to have had some small Donative sine cura made additional to his Fellowship, or to have been placed in some Collegiate Church or Rural College: Some such place of quiet retirement from the noise and tumults of the world, with a Competency moderated by Agur's wish, (Neither Poverty, nor Riches) was the top and utmost of his desires. And yet when he spoke thus, he would add, not that he should be restless or discontented till he could obtain some such thing, but to show what kind of life he did affect, and in how low an Orb of this world's Preferments he would have been content to be placed. This sense of his mind is clearly expressed by himself in a Letter of his to a worthy Friend, (written upon occasion of certain ungrounded conjectures made by some upon his being by the then Archbishop of Canterbury admitted into the number of his Chaplains) in which he affirms That he had lived, till the best of his time was spent, in tranquillitate & secessu; and now that there is but a little left, should I (saith he) be so unwise (suppose there were nothing else) as to enter now into a tumultuous life, where I should not have time to think my own thoughts, and must of necessity displease others or myself? Those who think so, know not my disposition in this kind to be as averse as some perhaps would be ambitious.  
28. This inward sense of his Soul (which was also his most deliberate choice) did not arise from any sad melancholy or sour discontent upon some great disappointment, (for he that had no great Ambitions could have no great Disappointments;) nor did it spring out of a fond and over-dear affection to Privacy, or from an unfitness for business and converse with the world, (the property of some who are styled Mere Scholars;) for his Colleagues, and others who had the happiness to be acquainted with him, knew him to be a person of singular Prudence and admirable abilities both for giving pertinent directions and advice in any important case, as a Friend, and for the managing of Colledge-affairs, as Fellow, and for discharge of his particular Trust, as Tutor. He was wont indeed to call his Study his Cell; but not as if he meant (according to the lazy and useless Monastic way of life) to immure and shut up himself there from converse with others. He was far from affecting such an unprofitable, unactive Solitude: for none was more free and open for Converse, especially with ingenuous and enquiring Scholars. Let who would repair to him, provided they were not captious and impertinent, he would give them their fill of discourse, and enlarge to ample satisfaction; yea he would farther take the pains, if so much were desired, to give his full mind in writing; even himself would do it without the help of an Amanuensis.  
29. There is one thing more to this purpose which here offers itself to be considered, That though our Author loved a retired studious life, yet his Thoughts were not shut up within his Cell; but his Soul covered the whole Earth, (to borrow that expression of 
* Chap. 47. 17.  Siracides concerning Solomon) his Heart was as large and wide as the Universe. He so lived and was affected as became a Citizen of the World: More especially, as became a Christian and a member of the Church Catholic, his Thoughts and Cares were particularly concerned in the affairs of Christendom. And accordingly for the gaining of foreign Intelligence (besides his Letters from some knowing Friends with whom he kept correspondence) he was not unwilling to expend yearly something out of his small Incomes, and when he sent it to such as were at charge to furnish him (weekly for the most part) with Intelligence, he used in his Letters to them to call it His Tribute, (that was his word, implying his ingenuity and withal his respect; not Wages, or any the like word of a mercenary or servile signification:) and to one of them he was pleased once pleasantly to say, I am neither Dean nor Bishop; but thus much I am willing to set apart to know how the World goes; adding that if it were with him as it is with some (whose Incomes were greater, and who wanted neither Riches nor Honour, but a good Heart and the power to do good with them in the world) he should do a great deal more than that he did; as numbering the affairs of Christendom amongst his best concernments, and the gaining a more particular acquaintance therewith (by helping to maintain correspondencies amongst Learned and wise men in distant Countries) amongst the best uses he could make of that estate which God had given him. Herein he also verified that of the 
* Psal. 111.  Psalmist, The works of the Lord are Great, sought out of all them that have pleasure therein.  

30. But yet more particularly he had a very pious solicitude for the affairs of the Protestant Reformed Churches, being heartily desirous that the Design then on foot for procuring Peace amongst Protestants might take effect: And therefore he could not but greatly wonder to see so little life and affection toward this negotiation for Peace in too many of the Protestant profession, yea even in some who would seem best affected to the foreign Churches; these (he observed) would profess a desire that such a Pacification could be accomplished, but yet with a kind of heaviness and deadness, as he thought, who in the mean time was not so coldly and indifferently affected, it being his heart's desire and prayer to God that all Protestants would follow after the things which make for peace, and things wherewith each might edify the other: then would not those who were come out of Babylon be so unwise and desperate, as manifestly to weaken the Protestant Interest by their fierce animosities and violent contests about some Doctrines neither Fundamental nor Necessary to Salvation, and consequently expose themselves as a prey to the common Enemy that breathes out nothing but threatenings and slaughter against the true Worshippers, the faithful Servants of Christ, and would triumphantly rejoice to see their memorial cut off from the earth, that the Name of Protestants may be no more in remembrance.  
This truly Heroic Design for Peace (that was the Epithet our Author gave it) he foresaw would prove Difficult; but yet he judged it Feasible, and the enterprise was the more Heroic, because accompanied with Difficulties. That which made it Difficult was (as he well observed) Prejudice and Studium partium, and a fond esteem of some Opinions peculiar to each side, or contended for by some of note amongst them, who having once drawn blood in such Controversies, (that was his apt expression, whereby he meant their having publicly engaged and declared themselves therein) were therefore the more averse from harkening to any Overtures of Peace as fearing some beloved Dogmata (and consequently their Reputation) should thereby receive no little prejudice. But that this Pacifick design was Feasible he nothing doubted; and that it might the better attain an happy issue, he thought in general this was the most compendious and effectual way, viz. That neither side should be roughly, pressed or urged to relinquish presently their Opinions of difference, but rather all fair and calm endeavours should first be used to persuade both parties That the difference betwixt them is not in Fundamentals, but that they both agree in so much as is necessary to Salvation; and therefore That their differing in other matters of lesser import should not so far prevail to the either causing or continuing any uncharitable Disunions, as their agreeing in other Points, such as are Fundamental and Necessary to Salvation, should oblige and persuade them to Charity and mutual Forbearance, and the owning each other as Brethren and members of the same Body, whereof Christ is the Head. And by this means when their Affections were once put into a better temper, and the acrimony of their spirits was hereby corrected, they would certainly be in a better disposition to judge of the points of difference between them. Besides, he did not judge it necessary for the procuring and establishing this desirable Union between both parties, that there should be a full Decision of all Controversies in every minute particular thereof; but rather that both of them should abate of that vast distance which their eager contentions had made, not widening the breach, not enlarging, but lessening their differences as much as might be by their candid constructions, fair concessions and condescensions to each other. For except each party would abate, and cease to maintain stiffly their supposed advantage against the other entire, it would be as impossible to attain this Union, as for a joiner to set two pieces of timber together, without paring something from either: it was the Author's fit comparison.  
This in general was the way of Peace which he chalked out for those whom the Love of Christ should constrain heartily to seek and pursue the Peace of the Reformed Religion, the happy uniting of divided Protestants. But as for the more particular methods for carrying on this Pacifick design, they are at large discoursed of by three Reverend Prelates of our Church, Bishop Morton, Bishop Hall, and Bishop Davenant, and by the last especially, who besides his Tract De Pace inter Evangelicos procuranda, wrote another entitled Adfraternam Communionem inter Evangelicos Ecclesias Adhortatio. Nor was our Author asymbolus and altogether silent: for though at first he declined upon some prudential considerations to express himself otherwise than in general upon this argument, yet after that his Superiors had declared themselves, he was pleased also to communicate his particular Instructions about this affair; as appears by several Epistles of his written to Mr. H. and Mr. D. heretofore 
* In this Edition these (besides some others) are published with some Enlargements out of the Original MSS.  published, wherein the judicious Reader may observe his great Prudence and equal Moderation, and that he was 
‖ 1 Pet. 5.  clothed as with Humility (of which we have given several pregnant Instances) so likewise 
* 1 Pet. 3.  with a meek and quiet spirit, a disposition of near alliance to that of Humility, and an Ornament of as great price and value in the sight of God, as the outward bravery of jewels, gay attire and curious dress is highly (but undeservedly) valued and admired in the eyes of men.   

31. But it is not fit we should so easily go off from what we last intimated, it fairly leading us to offer unto the Reader's observation that which added no small lustre to our Author's Character, we mean His prudent Moderation in the either Declaration or Defence of his private Opinions. He was never forward in any company to catch at hints of discourse, or to take any other occasion to reveal his particular judgement: So far was he from the Temper of those men who, being puffed up (it may be) with a small knowledge, account it nothing to know, unless others know that they do, who must talk or burst; not so much for benefit to others, as to disperse and publish their own praise. He knew there was 
* Eccles. 3.  a time to speak, and a time to keep silence; and he knew how to do both with as much ease as any man living. There is that keepeth silence, (saith Siracides, Chap. 20.) knowing his time: so did he. It was a frequent Proverbial speech of our Authors, He that cannot hold his tongue can hold nothing; and he practised accordingly. Not that he was a niggard of his Notions, or backward to impart to others what himself knew, (for he was most communicative both of his Notes and Notions;) but he prudently considered the Character of the Persons then in presence and the Temper of the Times; nor did he neglect to follow that other Maxim of the Son of 
‖ Chap. 32.  Sirach in a more improved sense, Show not forth wisdom out of time. He was always more modest and sober than to prostitute his Thoughts to unworthy persons; which were to cast pearls before swine: But if any were seriously desirous to be informed, and did seem out of no ill design to ask his opinion, especially if it were in re nova & paradoxa, to such he was not unwilling to communicate his inward Sentiments privately & sine arbitris. (So the wisest and best Philosophers had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were not publicly and promiscuously imparted to all (as were their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) but to those only who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and prepared for such mysteries. Yea our Blessed Saviour himself did speak some things to his Disciples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and taught them as they were able to bear.) Otherwise our Author was well content and satisfied without even these private communications, 
●uk. 15. joh. 16.  not caring to impart any of his peculiar Notions, but (as he would say) where he found some appetite; nor would he offer them and try whether they had a stomach, but they themselves must discover it; much less would he go about (as he said) to cram them. So far was he from being obtrusive unto any, that even some of familiar acquaintance with him (he professed) knew as little of his Notions as any Stranger whatsoever.  
Nor did his Modesty and Good Temper less appear in the Defence of his private Opinions: For he would not be offended with others who were not of his mind, not eagerly contend with those who differed from him; having resolved never to abandon Love in his prosecution of Truth. I never found myself prone to change my hearty affections to any one for mere difference in Opinion, was a worthy return of his to one who had opposed him with more heat than needed. And therefore only as occasion required, having fairly propounded his judgement and the Reasons of it, he ingenuously left every man to judge for himself, without expressing the least ambitious zeal to win others to his Opinion. To this purpose he expressed himself to a tenacious piece he had once to do with, one that would be always replying, having found out some shift or other that must go for an Answer; It is sufficient (said he) for a man to propound his Opinion with the strongest evidence and arguments he can, and so leave it: Truth will be justified of her children. He observed also that in most points of Controversy men's passions are vehemently engaged, and the Disputants generally argue according to their Interests: and therefore when he saw men impetuous in the assertion of their Opinions, and peremptory in the rejection of other men's judgements, he commonly answered such only with silence; not caring to entertain discourse with them who, in stead of a sober and modest Enquiry into Truth, were addicted to a disingenuous humour of Disputacity; that was his term, which in his sense signified To be always resolved for the last word, (which is the troublesome temper and practice of selfconceited and pertinacious wranglers) for after he discovered any to be such, he would give them full leave to have the last word and all, because he would speak no more, whatever he thought.  
Nor was he less unwilling to allow them also the last word in writing. Witness those Paper-collations between him and Mr. T. H. a great follower of that man of more Reading than Consideration, Mr. Hugh Broughton. Indeed T. H. had a great opinion of his own performances in this kind, and of the much good might be done by such Conferences, and accordingly did ply Mr. Mede with one Paper after another, who yet was wholly of another mind, and plainly told him, Of these reciprocations of discourse in writing, wherein you place so much benefit for the discovery of Truth, I have often heard and seen Truth lost thereby, but seldom or never found. And for this reason (as also because Conferences by writing were tedious and less safe, and would take away a great deal of his time) he was averse from all such Pen-work, (as he called it,) desiring him not to make any Reply, for he was resolved to answer no more, whatsoever he should send, and he was as good as his word: for though Mr. H. could not hold, but would needs send him another large Paper of the same complexion with the former, yet could not this provoke him to recede from his fixed and well-grounded resolution against all multiplying of unnecessary and fruitless Replies. So true was he to that expression of his, I can with much more patience endure to be contradicted, than be drawn to make Reply; having little or no edge to contend with one I think settled and persuaded, unless it were in something that nearly concerned his Salvation: and withal he added, You know as much of my Opinion and my Grounds for the same as I would desire of any man's; and I think I perfectly understand yours: Why should then either of us spend our time any farther to no purpose?   
32. But not to dwell only in Generals; His Prudent moderation particularly discovered itself in an Instance of no small weight and importance: In short thus. When that unhappy difference about the point of Praedestination and its Appendants (instead of a more free, sedate and Christianlike method of debating it) was blown to so high a flame in the Low-countrieses, and began to kindle strifes here at home, he would often say, he wondered that men would with so great animosity contend about those obscure Speculations, and condemn one another with such severity, considering that, as the 
* Wisd. 9  Wise man saith, (to whose words he would often allude) We hardly guests aright at things that are upon Earth, and with labour do we find the things that are before us: But the things that are in Heaven who hath searched out? But if at any time (as it was said of 
‖ Act. 15.  S. Paul at Athens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) his spirit was stirred within him, it was when he observed some to contend with an unmeasureable confidence and bitter zeal for that black Doctrine of Absolute Reprobation; upon which occasion he could not forbear to tell some of his Friends, That it was an Opinion he could never digest, being herein much of Dr. Iackson's mind, That generally the Propugners of such Tenets were men resolved in their Affections of Love and Hatred, both of which they exercised constantly and violently, and according to their own Tempers made a judgement of God and his Decrees. To the like purpose he expressed himself (about two years before his death) in a Letter to an ancient Friend of his, formerly of the same College, It seems harsh that of those whom God hath elected ad media Salutis, and calls by the preaching of his Gospel, any should be absolutely and peremptorily ordained to damnation. And afterwards, by way of Reply to the objected authority of S. Austin as to some part of the Predestinarian Controversy, he added, If those were Heretics which followed not S. Austin, the most part of the Fathers before him were in Heresy, and a part of the Church after him. Zelots are wont to be over-liberal in such charges. Thus would he sometimes in private reveal his judgement, but in his public performances he was reserved and did purposely abstaìn from meddling with these matters. And accordingly we have received this from some old acquaintance with him, That in those days when the Controversies between the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants made so great a noise in the world, he was wont to bring his Common-places to an ancient Friend and Colleague to be perused by him, with a desire that he would expunge whatsoever did but seem to countenance the Positions of either party. To which may be added this other Instance of his own relating in a Letter to another Friend about four years before his death, viz. That there being great combustions and divisions among the Heads of the University in preparation to the Commencement, each party being desirous to get the advantage in the Election of the Answerers, and so to fit the Questions to their mind, and the more Calvinian party having prevailed upon this occasion; I went not (saith he) to— this week (as commonly I use to do,) for fear of being taken to be of a side. These things we have noted particularly, to show with how much Sweetness as well as Prudence the great Learning of this Good man was admirably tempered.  

33. But besides his Prudent Moderation, there was also to be observed in him, that which by the Epigrammatist is made one main Ingredient of an Happy life, Prudens Simplicitas, a mixture of what our Saviour Christ commends as imitable in the wise Serpent and in the harmless Dove. He was not so Imprudent as always to utter all his mind, (that's the property of a Fool, Prov. 29.) or before any company to reveal what new Notion or unvulgar Truth he had discovered: But he was always so generously Honest, so Apart and Single-hearted, as not 
* job 13. 7.  to speak wickedly for God, or talk deceitfully for him; nor would he apply himself to any unwarrantable policies for the promoting or commending of Truth to others. Such little crafts and undue practices were below the Nobleness and Integrity of his spirit. To this purpose we may fitly take occasion here to remember a serious and excellent passage of his, I cannot believe that Truth can be prejudiced by the discovery of Truth; but I fear that the maintenance thereof by Fallacy or Falshood may not end with a blessing. Thus did he upon occasion express himself, with a just reflection upon some who, pretending to Policy, did (prudently, as they thought) advise, That for the better securing and advancing some Doctrines, men should be born in hand that they were Fundamental, and accordingly were to receive them as such. But our Author (who was a great lover of Truth, (endeavouring to judge and speak of every thing according to the truth of the thing) and who always valued the jacob-like Plainness and Simplicity of spirit, a free Openness and Singleness of heart, in any faithful Christian, as an high Perfection) looked upon all such Practices with the greatest disgust and abhorrence; and so will every one who is an Israelite indeed, in whom there is no guile: And yet, though it be a most unworthy, it has been nevertheless a too common and usual artifice among some of the divided Churches in Christendom, to heighten Speculative Doctrines and such as are less weighty (and sometimes doubtful and uncertain) into Fundamental Articles, especially when it is for the advantage of the party that they should be deemed such. But it had been infinitely better if the Moderation of the Church of England as to Articles of Religion had been imitated in other Churches; for want whereof elsewhere Ex Religione Arsfacta est, cui deinde consequens fuerit, ut ad exemplum eorum qui turrim Babylonicam aedificabant, affectatio temeraria rerum sublimium dissonas locutiones & discordiam pareret; as Grotius complains upon a like occasion in his De Veritate Relig. Christ. l. 6.  
We might also briefly observe another Instance of his Prudence, and that was as to the choice of the fittest and most seasonable Time for communicating Truth to others. And indeed this was a point of Prudence which he would advise should be most carefully considered, as being in his esteem half the work: otherwise some Useful Notions might, because they were Uncommon, be rashly condemned, before they were well considered and understood: and there are none more ready to condemn, than the half-learned and half-witted (which are not the less numerous nor the less confident) sort of men, who steer not (as he observed) by Reason, but by another Compass, viz. Faction, or Interest, or Affection, etc. So true is that of the Comedian, 
Homine imperito nunquam quidquam injustius;  
Qui, nisi quod ipse facit, nihil rectumputat;  
Whereasmen of the greatest Reason, deepest judgement and noblest Accomplishments, are also men of the greatest Civility, Candour and Ingenuity;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.    

34. And now having advanced thus far in the Description of his Virtues, we may not silently or slightly pass over his Charity, a Grace that was very eminent and conspicuous in him; and so it ought to be in every Christian, it being the peculiar Badge and Livery of Christ's Disciples, as well as their indispensable Duty and necessary Qualification for their doing good here and their receiving a Reward hereafter. And therefore (to allude to that in 1 Cor. 13.) although our Author had great skill in Tongues, and had the gift of 
* That by the gifts of Prophecy (in 1 Cor. 13. and in other places) is meant the gift of interpreting Scripture, is clearly proved by the Learned Dr. H●●●●ond and others.  Prophecy, and understood Mysteries, and was also able to remove Mountains of Difficulties, so as to make all become plain and smooth, particularly as to the understanding of hard passages in the more Mysterious and Prophetical Books of H. Scripture; yet (notwithstanding all these Accomplishments) had he not had Charity, he had been nothing better, nay he had been just nothing, (according to those two observable expressions in that forenamed Chapter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) His Knowledge, if alone, might have been apt to puff him up; but his Charity, which accompanied it, both disposed and enabled him to edify and build up others in the most holy Faith, in sound Wisdom and Understanding. His Charity was of the right kind, and could have approved itself such to those that were capable to judge thereof, by all those Fifteen Properties mentioned in that Chapter as the sure Marks and proper Characters of the genuine Christian Charity. But to insist upon so many particulars would be an unreasonable Excursion, and an unmerciful usurping upon the Reader's Patience: And besides, it is not very needful, some of those Properties having been more or less spoken to already in some foregoing Sections. To pretermit therefore his most endearing Sweetness and obliging Affability in converse with others, his absolute Inoffensiveness either in words or behaviour towards all men, his rare Communicativeness and singular Alacrity in imparting what he knew to those who were of a soberly-inquisitive Genius, (all which were the fair Fruits and excellent Effects of the true Christian Love) we shall select only Two more General Instances whrein he expressed his Charity towards men, (for of that we are speaking:) and they were, 1. His careful 
* 1 Cor. 13. 7. Charity covereth (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) all things.  concealing or lessening of others Failings and Imperfections: So far was he from making the worst of every thing, as some do, who without making any favourable allowances are extreme in marking what is amiss. And 2. His free relieving of the Necessitous; So far was he from hiding his face and shutting up his bowels from the poor and needy in the day of their distress.  
He was so perfect in the first instance, that he would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speak evil of no man: much less would he 
* jer. 20.  watch for their halting, as one that 
‖ 1 Cor. 13. 6. Charity rejoiceth not in iniquity.  rejoiced in iniquity. Nay at such a distance he was from that evil, but epidemical, humour, that he chose rather to speak well of those in whom he had only Hope for a ground of commendation. Nor did he only conceal and cover the faults of others, even of his Enemies, (as far as the circumstances would bear, and in case it were not a greater Charity sometimes to disclose them) but he would also avoid the company of such as he had observed to please themselves or thought to tickle ill-minded persons in passing unworthy censures upon other men. And thus sometimes by silence, sometimes by rebuke, and (when it was convenient) by withdrawing from the place and company, he declared he would have no share in the sin of those who endeavoured to show their uncharitable wit in either disparaging the parts or vilifying the performances of others. As for himself, when his own name was concerned, he was signally Patient, even another Moses for Meekness, 
* Num. 12:  vir mitissimus; he knew how to bear personal disrespects with an untroubled spirit, nobly and meekly, and thus (according to that of 
* Chap. 10.  Siracides) he glorified his Soul in Meekness. An instance whereof appears in his civil Reply to the Strictures of Dan. Lawenus, which were not without some angry and unhandsome reflections upon our Author. The man had a long time been poring upon the Apocalyps, and seemed to envy him the praise due to him for his Apocalyptick Labours; fearing (belike) that thereby Mr. Mede would increase, and his writings must proportionably decrease in same and reputation. Nor could any one that looked upon our Author, his parts or pains with an evil eye, speak so meanly and diminishingly of him as he would of himself; innocently revenging their great Envy, Passion or Prejudice with his as great Modesty and Meekness. Thus was he a rare Pattern of Patience, when himself was touched: But otherwise (which was his Virtue and Honour) justly Impatient he would be, when any, especially worthy persons, were reproached and unworthily dealt with in his presence: Which may be verified by this remarkable and illustrious example among many others. After many invitations both by Letters and otherwise, he purposed to give a visit to the famous University of Oxford, and particularly for the sake of his much honoured and much obliging friend, Dr. jackson, Precedent of Corpus●Christi College; (whose Piery and Learning (together with the great Candour and Benignity of his spirit) are eminently conspicuous in the lasting Monuments of his elaborate Works, published partly by himself and partly by the unwearied industry and care of the Religious and Learned Mr. B. Oley.) There he was entertained (together with some of his quondam Pupils, who attended him from Cambridge) very civilly and nobly by the forementioned Doctor, whose Courtesy was most observable in this, (to omit other particulars) That some choice and eminent men of the University were desired by the Doctor to accompany Mr. Mede during his stay in Town. It chanced at dinner one day that the Theme of their discourse was displeasing to this Good man; for, by the liberty which was taken, some were criticising upon and speaking (as he thought) but unduly, or at least not up to the worth of their Learned and worthy Professor Dr. Prideanx, (afterwards the R. Reverend Bishop of Worcester.) Mr. Mede could not hold, but (as some then present have made the report) broke out into these or the like words; Gentlemen, I beseech you desist; the man of whom you now speak deserves far better words. It was his infirmity, let it be admitted, in this to be overseen: But he hath Virtues and great Accomplishments far more than enough to make up this defect. That he is both Learned and Pious, it may not be questioned; and one Infirmity amidst so many Perfections is not to be regarded nor ever made mention of by one Christian towards another. Let me therefore take the boldness to crave this at your hands, that you would desist from this discourse, and fall upon some other more profitable argument. A noble example and most worthy of imitation. Proceed we to that other instance of his Charity.   

35. As he was thus Christianly careful to conceal or lessen the Failings and Imperfections of others; so he was no less diligent to express his Charity in relieving those Wants which could not be concealed. For as to his Temper, he was 
* 1 Pet. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inwardly sympathising and affected with the tenderest of Compassions towards others in their straits and difficulties, as feeling in himself their very griefs, and resenting their calamities and hardships as his own. And agreeable to this Temper was his Practice: For as became him that was so Christianly affected, and was therefore 
* 1 Tim. ●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he forgot not to do good and to communicate upon all just occasions. And he was the more exactly careful to observe all the due seasons and objects of Beneficence, because he looked upon Charity and almsgiving not as an arbitrary thing, left to men's choice or discretion to be done or omitted; (under which Notion too many consider it, for what ends it is easy to guests) but as a necessary and indispensable Duty. It was an ingenious observation of his to this effect, That the word for Alms (in the language which our Saviour spoke) was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which imports Righteousness, and consequently carries an Obligation with it. And farther he considered Alms under the Notion of a Lords-rent and Tribute of Thanksgiving, which God the Lord of all (whose is the Earth and the Fullness thereof) justly requires from us, that thereby we may testify our acknowledging of God as our Great Landlord, and ourselves his Tenants, that hold all we have, of him. And thus 
* Prov. 14.  He that hath mercy on the poor, honoureth his Maker; and 
‖ Ecclus. 35.  He that giveth Alms, sacrificeth praise. Moved therefore to this great Duty of Charity by these and other Considerations, (as that it is expressly commanded and earnestly inculcated in very many places of H. Scripture, and withal enforced from that Equity (and it is the greatest Equity imaginable) which shines out in that 
* jam. 2.  Royal Law, Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thyself; as also from some peculiar Motives which the Gospel propounds whereby a Christian's obligation to this Duty is rather increased and heightened) he persevered and was not weary in doing good even unto all men, as he had opportunity or 
* So some tender 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. 6.  ability; wisely contriving to proportion and suit his Charitable reliefs answerably to the Necessities of others.  
Nor would he be discouraged and taken off from such acts of merciful Beneficence by the unworthy returns he sometimes met with from some disobliging persons. One instance whereof it may not be amiss here to insert. There was one in Cambridge to whom Mr. Mede had showed favour in lending him money at a time of need; but he being put in mind of his engagement, instead of making due payment, repaid Mr. Mede only with undue words to this effect, That upon a strict and exact account he had no right to what he claimed. No right? answered he. No, no right, it was told him, because he was none of God's children, for that they only have right who are gracious in God's sight. Ungracious and Unthankful Sectary! His name might be mentioned, but let him be Anonymus, as fit to be numbered only among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Chap. 30.  as job doth express men of a vile character. The Story was related by Mr. Mede upon the occasion of some Intelligence received from London, That there was at that time a more strict examination there of those who came to take Holy Orders, concerning that strange Position, Dominium temporale fundatur in gratia; at which one then in company being astonished, as supposing none would be so impudent as to assert it, Mr. Mede replied that he had particular experience of the evil effect and consequence of such Doctrine, as in the forementioned Story. Yet notwithstanding such unworthiness (which some perhaps would have made a gain of, as fancying themselves thereby excused from Charity) he was not 
* Gal. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  slothful not tired out in well-doing, but, as became a Follower of God, (the Highest Pattern of Charity) who is 
‖ Luke 6. 35.  kind even to the unthankful and to the evil, he continued patiently in doing good, choosing rather 
* Rom. 12.  to overcome evil with good, than to be overcome of evil. Other Charities seemed to him but low and easy and common, such as even 
* Luke 6. 32.  Publicans and Sinners (those of the worst note in the world) do perform, who love those that love them and do good to those who do good to them: But the Charity which is extended to All, even to Enemies, to those who are contrary to us in either judgement or Affection, is the more noble, Godlike, unordinary: and such was our Author's; for were men of different persuasions from him, and at as great a distance from one another as from Rome to Geneva or Amsterdam, etc. yet even all these might more or less upon occasion be influenced upon by his Charity.   
36. As his Charity was thus largely Extensive and Universal, so was it likewise accompanied with the greatest Cheerfulness. He so showed mercy as one that indeed 
* Micah 6. 8.  loved mercy; and by giving cheerfully he made it appear that he well remembered that of the Apostle, 
‖ ● Cor. 9  God loveth a cheerful giver; not forgetting that of 
* Ecclus. 35. 〈◊〉 32.  Siracides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He so gave, as one possessed with the grand importance of that noble Maxim of our Saviour, (not recorded in the Gospels, but preserved from oblivion by S. Luke in the Acts Chap. 20.) IT IS MORE BLESSED TO GIVE THAN TO RECEIVE. He gave with a 
* Ecclus. 35.  cheerful heart and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a cheerful eye, as if he sensibly and feelingly knew the Deliciousness of that inward joy and Satisfaction which arises from the conscience of doing good, so as to rescue others by a seasonable Charity from sorrow and misery. For besides the great Gains and rich Advantages that come in by Charity in this life, (as well as the Promise of a great Reward and an unspeakable and glorious joy hereafter) there is an incomparable Pleasure that attends it here, and renders the very work and labour of Love it's own Reward: and upon this score does that Prince of Divine Poets, Mr. G. Herbert, not impertinently in his Church-porch (a piece enriched with most Divine Morality) persuade to a cheerful and frank Beneficence, 
— All worldly joys go less  
To the one joy of doing kindnesses.   

37. His Charity was large as well for the Measure and Proportion thereof as for its Extensiveness: It was not wrung or squeezed out of him by slow and small drops, (for he gave neither grudgingly nor sparingly) but freely and bountifully flowed from him, who was (as the 
* Esay 58:  Prophet speaks of the Merciful man) like a Spring of water, whose watersfail not. He remembered and followed the Apostle's advice for 
‖ 2 Cor. 9  sowing bountifully, and was not for an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that cheap and easy and saving Religion, affected by most men; a Saving Religion indeed, but how? of their Purses only, not of their Souls: and yet not Saving neither, as they imagine; for very often is verified that of Solomon in Prov. 11. There is that withholdeth more than is meet, but it tendeth to poverty. But from such Illiberal, and in the end Improvident and disadvantageous, courses our Author was far removed: With him it went for a great Imperfection and Blemish in a Christian to be attentior ad rem quam sat est; and the more of that Worldly spirit and Earthy temper in a man, the less a Christian, the less a Wise man; for Covetousness betrays men to many Indecencies, to ignoble and unbecoming practices, and withal blinds their eyes that they see not those Indecencies in themselves which are easily espied by others. In his account it was unworthy and dishonourable for a Christian to express his Charity in a parsimonious and scant measure, whenas the promised Reward is set forth by our Lord so fully and significantly under the similitude of 
* Luke 6.  Good measure, pressed down, and shaken together, and running over.  
And therefore our Author leaving 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Psal. 10.  the man of the earth and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
‖ Psal. 17.  the men of the world, such as do only 
* Phil. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, relish and mind earthly things, to their penurious scantlings, their low and weak degrees of Charity, beyond which their Nigardise will not suffer them to move; and leaving also the more common and ordinary measure and proportions of Beneficence, wherein the better sort think they quit themselves like Christians and come off fairly and creditably; he chose the more Excellent way, and (to the Glory of God and the Honour of the Author's memory be it here remembered) He devoted unto God and set apart the Tenth of his yearly incomes for charitable and pious uses. To this his Vowing unto God so large a Free-will-offering not any vainglorious humour, but the Love of Christ constrained him, and a deep sense of Gratitude to Almighty God for his many and undeserved favours. Nay so far he was from that poor design of gaining hereby a thin reward of Airy applause from the world, that he studied as much to keep it secret, as the Pharisaic Hypocrites contrived to do their Alms with noise and all the pomp and observation imaginable; for they did all 
* Matth. 6.  to be seen and to receive glory of men, and so were no less Beggars than those they gave to; Praise and Applause was the Alms they begged of men, while they were solemnly and publicly (after their sounding the Trumpet) giving Alms to others.   

38. The same noble proportion of Charity is recorded (though too briefly) of that Religious young Lord, the Lord Harington, in the Sermon preached at his Funerals by Mr. Stock, where this is said for a Memorial of him, That (besides his Occasional Charities) he gave the Tenth of his yearly revenue to the poor. The same is particularly remembered of the Learned and Pious Dr. Hammond, among several other Excellencies worthy of celebration, in his Life. The like is also recorded (though but 
* See this at large and particularly related in the Appendix to Mr. Mede's Life, Sect. I.  briefly mentioned) in the Life of that Practical Preacher Mr. W. Whately, one of the same College and Contemporary with Mr. Mede. And herein these Israelites indeed, the spiritual seed of jacob, followed that high Pattern which of old that holy Patriarch jacob had set the world, who devoted the Tenth part of his estate to God, Gen. 28. Nor did he lose by it, for God blessed him exceedingly: And those that have been followers of jacob, as in his Plainness and Singleness of heart, so likewise in the Largeness of his Charity, have found it true, and upon their experience have delivered it for a most certain Aphorism, That such Giving is the surest way of Getting, and That thus to 
* Prov. 11.  scatter is the safest means of increasing.  
And for a yet more particular and pregnant proof hereof, it is worthy here to be remembered what the Reverend Mr. Gataker delivered in his 
* The Title of the Sermon is, The Decease of Lazaru●.  Sermon preached at the Funeral of Mr. john Parker, Merchant and Citizen of London, a person eminent for his exemplary Beneficence, (as also for all other Christian Virtues) and therefore worthy to be added to those other Charitable Heroes mentioned by us. In short thus: At his first effectual Call, this, among other things he then resolved upon, was one, To set apart every year a Tenth of his Gain for the relief of the poor. Hereunto he was induced by this Reason, (besides others set down by him in his Memorials) That he might show his Love and Thankfulness unto God, as for raising him from a mean condition to that Wealth he then had, so especially for his Spiritual Goodness to him. This proportion he constantly set apart, and out of this Treasury it was that he so liberally dispensed upon all just occasions. This was his Practice, and it was agreeable to his daily Prayer, That as God increased him in Wealth, so he would be pleased withal to increase in him Humility, Thankfulness, together with a constant Perseverance in that lovely Grace of Charity. But what was the issue of all? God heard his Prayers, and rewarded his Alms: but he would fist try him. For (which is not to be unremembered) he reported it himself, that for some space of time (some three or four years) after that his resolution of setting apart the Tenth of his Gain for Charitable purposes, he found no increase, nor did it appear that he thrived in the world: yet was he not thereby discouraged, but still gave bountifully and cheerfully. And this he did (to use his own words) out of love to God; freely leaving Prosperity in Temporal things to God's good pleasure, and conceiving that God in wisdom and Goodness prospered him not, thereby to try his Sincerity to him and his Charity to others; and that he himself might thereby have experience of his Love to God, his Faith, Patience and Constancy: nor would he forgo those Evidences hereof that thereby he gained for ten thousand times ten thousand times more than they cost him. And thus God recompensed his patient continuance in doing good with Inward Blessings, and he then thrived in his Spiritual estate, if not in his Worldly. But from that time forward (after this proving of him for a season) God abundantly advanced his Temporal estate, so that he professed he found experimentally those gracious Promises of God to be true, of his blessing him that 
* Psal. 112.  disperseth and giveth to the poor, and of the 
‖ Prov. 19 17.  repayment of that with interest that is lent unto the Lord, and of the 
* Eccles. 11. 1.  finding again after many days with increase the bread that is cast upon the waters.  
This was his Constant and Stated Charity, besides what over and above all went out of his Poors-purse, which he never carried out empty, that he might ever be doing good. Nor did he in all this seek his own Praise, but God's, that so his Charity might occasion 
* 2 Cor. 9  many thanksgivings unto God. And therefore, when he himself gave to others, his usual word was, Praise God; or when he sent to others any sum to be distributed among the poor, his manner was to add in his Letter, Will them to praise God for it: Just according to the mind of the Religious Mr. G. Herbert, who in his Character of the Country-Parson doth thus express himself; whenever he gives any thing, and sees men labour in thanking of him, he exacts of them to let him alone, and say rather, God be praised, God be glorified; that so the Thanks may go the right way, and thither only where they are only due.  
These excellent Memorials of this Merciful man's Charity we thought good to excerp out of the forenamed Funeral Sermon, and to present them here, though in a more contracted form, they being so highly Exemplary and Useful, and therefore worthy to be made more public; too good to be lost, as else they might be, that Sermon being printed many years since, and by itself, and not extent in the Volume containing his other Sermons.   

39 But to return to Mr. Mede; There were not a few that wondered at his Diffusive Charity, considering his Incomes were not great, (for he had nothing but what his place in the College afforded him, no Dignity or advantageous Preferment abroad.) But their wonder might have been lessened, had they either seriously considered the Promises of Plenty and outward Blessings in this life made by God peculiarly to this Grace of Charity, or had they known how great a Sum the prudent charitable man is able to lay up for the poor by a Frugal management of a little Stock. But our Author knew it well and by Experience, which is the mother of Wisdom, the surest way of knowing for ourselves and of convincing others. Experimentis optimè creditur. Accordingly to this purpose (upon an occasion which proved expensive to him through the disingenuity of some who yet were obliged to ease him) he thus expressed himself— I take it patiently, and put it among my Erogations of Charity; and I thank God I have not been so ill a husband of a poor Fellowship, but I can spare so much for pious uses. He warily therefore avoided the occasions of unnecessary expenses, and when he saw others lavishly spending beyond their Income, and not wisely proportioning their expenses to their Receipts, he used to say, (with a pleasant allusion to that Philosophic term) They wanted the Estimative Faculty. And indeed in Prudence it was not less than needful for him to husband well his small Stock, who employed his thoughts and cares, his studies and best diligences about other things than Wealth, Honour and Pleasure, which yet are the things that not a few men pursue eagerly and industriously, with all their mind and heart, with all their soul and all their strength; to the dishonour of their Function, if any Clergymen should be so Secular and Unspiritual in their Disposition and Practice, as also to the dishonour of the Doctrine of the Holy jesus delivered in his Sermon in the Mount, be they Christians of what denomination soever. Besides that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Plurihabitio, this covetous ambition greedily hunting after more and more still, is contrary to the great and many obligations of our Religion, to that High, Holy and Heavenly Calling wherewith Christians are called, as also to the expectation of that 
* Heb●. 10.  better and enduring substance, that great recompense of Reward, reserved in Heaven.  
His honest Thrift and Frugality was the more able to administer to his Charity, because it was accompanied with a constant Temperance. His feeding for the most part was rather to suffice Nature than to allow any pleasure to his Appetite, which, being usually good, sometimes (though very seldom) he would gratify with making a larger meal; but his ordinary was his Colledge-Commons (to which no man was more constant) with the smaller sort of Beer, (the Wine which he drank at the Communion being usually more than he drank all the year besides:) Which made him merrily to tell them who observed the thriving of his Body, (which in his latter years was very apparent) that They might see what Colledge-commons could do.  
And in his both Frugality and Temperance he verified that of the Psalmist, 
* Psal. 112.  A good man will guide his affairs with discretion: It being a most approved and experienced Truth, That for the enabling a man to a free and cheerful exercise of Christian Charity it is absolutely necessary that he retrench and cut off all needless expenses either about Apparel or Diet, Building or Sports and Recreations, etc. Otherwise Frequent or Expensive Treatments, Pride and Curiosity about Attire and Dress will soon make Charity bare and cold, make it look pale and meager, and at last quite starve it. Where much is laid out upon Back or Belly, there will be but little spared for Beneficence. Where a man, through his Voluptuousness and Sensuality, finds himself too dear for himself, so that it becomes difficult to maintain his deliciousness, it will be thought too grievous to maintain good works for necessary uses, as the Apostle speaks, Tit. 3. Such a one will be greedily scraping for himself, that he may have to consume upon his Lusts, rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to distribute (proportionably to his estate) to him that needeth. Where so much is solemnly offered in Sacrifice (as especially at great Feasts) to that false God, the 
* Phil. 3. W●●s● God ●s the 〈◊〉 Belly.  Belly, (and the best and fattest is offered up, and withal the sweetest, for large Drink-offerings, to that mortal and perishing God,) there will be but little reserved for the 
* Heb. 13.  Sacrifices of communicating and doing good, with which the Eternal and only true God is well pleased. But Christian Religion (as it designs to cherish and advance every thing that is worthy, lovely, and useful for the good of man) is excellently prepared and accommodated to secure the Grace of Charity, by obliging to Modesty and Humility, sober Frugality and Temperance, and (in order thereunto) to the subjugating of all inordinate Affections, to the resolute denying of the clamorous cravings and impetuous desires of the Sensitives Powers; the subduing whereof is a great instance of Spiritual Valour, inward Health and Strength: as on the contrary it is a great Imperfection and Weakness, and withal a dishonourable thing, for one that owns the name of Christian, not to have power over his Sensual appetites, but to have impatient desires, vehement affections for such or such delicacies, and as vehement delights in them, to be overcurious and studious for pleasing his Appetites, to be enslaved to his Palate, 
* Tit. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  enslaved to Wine, and 
‖ Chap. 3●  serving various pleasures, as the Apostle describes the temper of some unworthy Christians. Besides, it argues a man not to have had so true a 
* Hebr. 6. 5. ●  Gust of the powers of the world to come, nor to be as he ought affected with the Hope of those pure and permanent Felicities in the Future Life, which Christianity (over and above the present ease and pleasure that accompanies Humility and Temperance here) hath more fully brought to light and set before us: For were these cordially believed, they would work in men a generous disregard of those Sensual enjoyments which too many (such is the courseness of their Temper) count their Felicity, making themselves hereby like the Beasts that perish, who (if this were Felicity) enjoy as much or more of it than Man himself. To conclude: If men are not so much under the Power of Religion as to deny the solicitations of their inordinate Appetites, and bring in subjection the Flesh with the Passions and Lusts thereof to the Spirit, they do but Parrot-like, and as they are taught, talk of Self-denial and Mortifications; and being 
* 2 Tim. ●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lovers of Pleasures rather than Lovers of God and their Neighbour, they plainly and in reality deny the Power of Godliness, though they may have the Form of it. Whereas if they were under the power and energy of Religion, they would find themselves throughly furnished and cheerfully disposed to every good work.  
So true a Friend is Frugal Temperance, so hurtful an Enemy is a Delicious, Soft and Luxurious (as well as the Covetous) humour to that Divine, Amiable, and universally-Beneficial Grace of Charity!   
40. And now having spoken of his Charity or Love towards men, it aptly falls into this place that we should observe something of his Love towards God; wherein yet we need not be so large as in the former Instances; for what we have already observed of his Character doth abundantly prove it. His Meekness, Patience, Christian Prudence and Moderation, and (those Two bright Graces of the Greatest magnitude) his Humility and Charity are pregnant evidences and real demonstrations of the Love of God dwelling in him. Where these Fruits of the Spirit grow and flourish, it's a sure sign that such a Christian is 
* Ephes. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rooted in Love. To be Meek and Patient, Humble and Lowly in spirit, to have an Heart full of Charity, and melted into all compassionate endeavours for the good of others, even of Enemies, these are higher and harder things than to talk of Religion, 
* Matth. 7.  to say, Lord, Lord, 
‖ Ezek. 33.  to show much love with their mouth, to abound in the external observances of Religion; for so did the Pharisees, who therefore by their outward specious profession gained a great reputation of Sanctity from the world, but yet of them our Saviour Christ pronounces freely and smartly, 
* Io. 5. 42.  I know you, that ye have not the Love of God in you: a startling and grievous word to the Pharisees then, and the like it would be to the Pharisaic Christians to be told so now. In brief, He testified his Love to God in that which is the most eminent and genuine expression of it, viz. an Entire, Sincere, Uniform and Constant Obedience to his Commandments, 
* 1 john 5.  For this is the Love of God, that we keep his Commandments; or (according to those two main Characteristics of the Pure and Undefiled Religion in S. 
* Chap. 1. 27.  james) in Vnspottedness from the world and Charity to the poor and desolate. What's less than this is but Lip-devotion, religious Courtship, insignificant and empty Compliments. And whereas he observed that too many seemed to make conscience of the Duties of the First Table, but had little or no care of the Duties of the Second; he had 
* Psal. 119. 6.— I have respect unto all th● Commandments.  respect unto both: For (said he) None can be truly Religious towards God, that is not truly Honest in his conversation towards his Neighbour. Thus he believed, and thus he practised.  

41. But to superadd some other particular Instances of his Love to God; He farther showed the Tenderness of this Affection by the Zeal he had for the Honour of God, and by the dear regard he expressed to every thing wherein he thought the Divine Interest was concerned. He could in no wise brook the bestowing Religious Worship upon Creatures, and therefore with a just severity he would equal the practices of the present Roman Church in their Saint-worship and Image-worship with those of the Israelites in following the 
* See Discourse 43. pag. 238.  ways of Ahab and jeroboam; and constantly asserted That the Great Apostasy or Antichristianism did (as to one main part thereof) consist in Spiritual Fornication or Idolatry. Nor need any Protestant be disturbed at the word Antichristian or Antichrist so frequently used by our Author when he has to do with the Roman Polity and the Chief thereof: For (to obviate any impertinent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and contest about the word as used in S. John's Epistles) our Author was well aware that the Antichrist and Antichrists mentioned there might particularly and primarily respect some 
* See Book V. Chap. 7. which seems to be an Essay or First Draugh● of his Notio●s upon that Subject.  Impostors that began then to appear in the world about the end of the jewish State; but withal he thought that what was said of those Antichrists [in chap. 2. 22, etc.] might interpretatively (though not explicitly and directly) be verified of the Great Antichrist than not in being, but to come, and by no unnatural consequence be applied to him, of whom those other Antichrists were in some sense Figures or Forerunners: For this was his Notion in this particular, He that sets up and substitutes in the room of Christ Saints and Angels, as so many Mediators between us and God, (agreeably to the practice of the Heathens, who of old set up Daemons as Agents between the Sovereign Gods and Men) eo ipse negat jesum esse Christum, does thereby really deny that jesus is the Christ; as he that worships more Gods than one, does ipso facto deny that jehovah he is God. And in pursuance of this his Notion he had this not improper Observation, viz. That after S. john had said concerning Christ, 
* Chap. 5. 20.  This is the true God, and eternal life, he immediately adds, Little children, keep yourselves from Idols; intimating (said he) thereby, That in that Fatal and Great Apostasy which was to surprise the Church, Christians would worship Idols (i.e. false Christ's and Mediators) in stead of Christ, and thus deny the Lord that bought them, the Lord Christ, the true and only Mediator between God and men.  
Not being fond addicted therefore to the use of this word, he does frequently in his Commentary upon the Apocalypse make choice of other Forms of speech, and such as were suggested to him from the style of that Mysterious Book, [as, Bestia Bicornis, Pseudo-propheta Romanus, Meretrix Babylonica, Bestia Pseudoprophetica sev Pontificia, Caesar Papanus, Regnum Pontificale, etc.] when he has occasion to speak of the Roman Polity and the Head thereof: yet withal he was not so weakly nice as wholly to decline that word [Antichrist] in his Apocalyptick labours; as appears in his Comment● upon what concerns the Third Trumpet in Chap. 8.— Episcopus Romanus— nihil aliud effecit quam ut hoc quasi ●ppanso velo, nè ipse pro Capite Novissimo, id est, Antichristo, tandem à minùs perspicacibus tam liquidò haberetur; as also in his Comment. upon Chap. 14. vers. 17, etc. Nos qui Occidentalem Antichristum asserimùs, etc. and (to name no more) in his Specimina upon Chap. 16. are to be found Bestia Antichristiana, Terra in Vniversitate Antichristiana designat Scabellum Antichristi, Vniversitas, Pontificia, Mundus Antichristianus, jurisdictio Antichristiana, Mare Antichristianum est Ditionis Pontificalis ambitus, with other expressions of the like import, concerning which the Reader without an Oedipus may know the Author's mind, and to whom they are there applied. Wherefore though this Title was properly and primarily meant (in S. John's Epistles) of some Impostors and Heretics that appeared about that Age: yet seeing the ancient Fathers made use of this word to signify and characterise some other Enemy of Christ yet to come, (whether a more open Enemy of Christ, or a more close one that is rather against the Interest of Christ though he pretends to be for him;) and seeing that after-Writers have taken the word from the Fathers; and (it being a compendious significant expression) have made use of it in their Writings, as well Papists, who apply it to one that is to come at the end of the world, as Protestants, who apply it to some in being; our Author was not so scrupulous as to decline a word that was become thus currant and passable in all Ages, (and as allowable, if not unfitly used, as any Technical word in any Faculty) though sometimes it were improperly and unworthily used by rash Zelots, to the gratifying of their pride and passion. And accordingly whosoever has been conversant in the Writings of the Renowned Archbishop Whitgift against T. C. and the Disciplinarians, will find that more than once he makes use of this word when he has occasion to speak of the Roman Church, although T. C. and his Adherents were over-apt to call things not only innocent, but laudable and decorous also, Antichristian: wherein they expressed a Zeal not less Imprudent than Uncharitable; for hereby as they did the Common Enemy no small credit and service, so they likewise weakened the true Interest and hazarded the safety of the Protestant Reform Religion. Which was piously and prudently observed by the forementioned Archbishop, and accordingly he tells them faithfully and plainly, 
* See his Defence of the Answer to the Admonition, pag. 349.  I know that Sects and Heresies gave strength unto Antichrist, and at the length were one special means of placing him in his Throne; even as I am also persuaded that he worketh as effectually at this day by your stirs and contentions, whereby he hath and will more prevail against this Church of England than by any other means whatsoever. Therefore it behoveth you to take heed how you divide the Army of Christ, which should unanimiter sight against that Antichrist. By which passage (to omit others) it appears this Reverend Prelate was Semper idem, of the same judgement in his elder days and in his greatest Height, as when formerly he maintained this Thesis at the public Commencement, answering for his Degree of D. D. Papa est Ille Antichristus, as Sir George Paul relates in the History of his Life.  
And therefore our Author, in applying that Title to the Papal or Roman Hierarchy so miserably degenerate, was not alone, but did tread in the steps of those who were of greatest eminency in our Church, and (not to mention those other great Names) particularly in the steps of the Renowned Bishop Andrews, his ancient and constant Friend, whose multifarious reading and great judgement did abundantly qualify him for an able and most accomplished Guide in this affair. What his Sentiments were herein appears by several passages in his Tortura Torti, [particularly in pag. 183. to pag. 188.] where he proves against the cavils of that busy Romanist, That by Babylon in Apocal. chap. 17. & chap. 18. is meant non Roma Ethnica, sed Antichristiana; and withal evinces the vanity of that poor subterfuge, (and yet made use of (as that other also of Roma Ethnica) by H. Grotius in his Annotations) That by the Destruction of Babylon there foretold is to be understood the Burning of Rome by the Goths and Vandals about the year 455. as afterwards [in pag. 312, 315.] the makes it clear that Idolatry (the great Character of Antichristianism, or that Token of Antichrist's Kingdom, as the sumptuous decking of Images is styled in the Homily against the Peril of Idolatry) is justly charged upon the Roman Church: and in the same place likewise he detects the impertinency of that trivial shift of the Romanists in distinguishing between Idolum and Imago; with much more of the like import in that Treatise of his, which the Learned Is. Casanbon worthily styles 
* In Ep. ad Er. Ducaeum.  Exactissimae fidei & diligentiae Scriptum.  
To conclude, It may not be amiss here to add a short story not impertinent to the argument in hand. Mr. Mede having lately preached a Sermon at 
* Febr. 25. 1635/ 6.  S. Mary's in Cambridge upon Eccles. 5. 1 about the Reverence of God's House, a young Master of Arts took the freedom sometime after to tell him (as who might not be free with him, 
That learned Tract of his about the Numbers in Dan. 12. is called by him Revelatio Antichristi; it was finished by him three years before his death. And in Epistle 98, written within less than two months before his death, it is plain whom he means there by the Man of Sin and Antichrist. See pag. 882 & pag. 834.  a person of such exemplary Humility and Condescensions?) That from some passages in that Discourse the world concluded that he had changed his Opinion, and that he did not now think as formerly that the Pope was the Hoghen Moghen, (that was his drolling expression.) No? replied Mr. Mede, But I do, and shall think so as long as I live, for all this.   

42. And here we have a fair occasion to represent another of those worthy Qualities that adorned his Character, His well-grounded Constancy and unchangeableness of judgement. We say, Well-grounded; otherwise for a man to persist resolvedly in an Opinion, because it has been his Opinion, is neither Virtue nor matter of Praise, but rather a piece of troublesome Stiffness and Pertinacity, usually accompanied with fond Self-conceitedness and a design to secure his fame and some emolument he receives from his easy admirers: From which humour none was more free than our Author, who would profess That (so far as he could judge of himself by experience) he was as willing to embrace Truth, when he saw evidence for it, as any man living; as well considering that it is the part of a true Christian, (as Aristotle observes it to be of a true Philosopher) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the interest and advancement of Truth to forgo and quit his own private conceits and speculations, how dear soever they were formerly unto him; and on the contrary, an argument of a low and servile spirit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be either fond addicted or enslaved to any Hypothesis and Opinion either of his own or others. Our Author was not indeed light of belief, nor would be easily take up an Hypothesis: But when any new Notion was presented to him by others, or offered itself to his thoughtful mind, he would first make a stand and pause well upon it, strictly examining the Grounds thereof; and if, upon a serious and due weighing of all that was fit to be taken into consideration, he found it to be a solid Truth, he was not apt 
* 2 Thess. 2.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be shaken from his judgement; a right 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as Aristotle both in his Ethics and Rhetoric styles a Virtuous man) or, in the Apostles language, 
* 1 Cor. 15.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
‖ 2 Pet. 1.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, steadfast, unmovable, and established in the present Truth: Yea he was ever so impartial and constant a Lover of Truth, that nothing but the Holy Scripture and sound Reason could prevail upon him. 'Tis true, To conceal his judgement, not to divulge every thing that was Truth to him, he was not hard to be persuaded. The remembrance of the Apostles Rule, (Rom. 14.) Hast thou faith? have it to thyself, as also his own Charity, Prudence and Peaceableness of spirit, did dispose him to it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and whe●e it was convenient: But neither Friends, nor Interests, nor any worldly Allurements whatsoever were of force to corrupt his affections, or pervert his judgement; much less could they prevail with him unworthily to deny any Truth, how unplausible soever it was to some men, and therefore disadvantageous to himself. For a proof of his constant and unremovable affection to Truth, as also of his patient enduring the contradiction of others against himself, take this Instance, viz. That in the revolution of about twenty years bypast (the saying was his own) he had by the selfsame persons been looked upon, and accordingly reported of, as Popish, Protestant, and Puritan; and yet he would protest it, as in the presence of God, that to his knowledge he had not in the least receded from his very first persuasions: So that all the while he was the same without wavering, although varied to their appearance, because they sailing with the tide and wind varied towards him. Thus they in the Vessel under sail, being always in motion, think the Land moves, (so it seems to their erring sense) which yet is never the less fixed and unmoved for their thinking amiss. But our Author, as he considered that Precept in Siracides, (chap. 5. 10) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Be thou steadfast in thy understanding; so he knew likewise that the ready way to attain to this establishment was this, (according to the counsel in the foregoing verse) not to winnow, or 
* Grotius upon the place expounds this phrase by that in Plantus, V●● ven●us est● velum ver●ere.  sail with every wind.  
But we must not indulge ourselves the liberty of enlarging upon every thing in our Author which rendered him justly exemplary, worthy of praise and imitation: Return we therefore from this Digression to what has a near affinity to our former argument: In speaking to which and the remaining particulars we must study to be short, and take the nearest way to our journey's end, left we over-drive the more infirm, and therefore the more querulous, sort of Readers, and wear out their patience; otherwise, to those that are of sounder and stronger judgements (and consequently capable to value and honour and 
* Non pillow me quicquam nescire de eo quem amem. Plin.  love the Author) we doubt not but a larger Narrative than this would seem not tediously long, but too short rather, as indeed the most enlarged History of his Life, his Piety and Learning, is in itself and upon a true account a short History, too short, if we consider the great Worth and manifold Perfections of the Person; of whom though we should speak much, we shall yet certainly come short, if we may here use in an inferior sense what is said of God by the Son of Sirach, chap. 43. To proceed then:   

43. As he abhorred Idolatry and Superstition, so he likewise abhorred Sacrilege and all Profanation of Holy things. As for Sacrilege, his judgement is well known to those who have read his Works with attention: amongst which (to omit several passages in his other Discourses) there is one Diatriba wholly spent upon the Story of Ananias and Sapphira in Acts 5. wherein the nature and proper notion of the Sin there mentioned is clearly explained, as also the heinousness and danger of Sacrilege is fully proved from several Examples of special remark in H. Scripture, all eminently verifying that of Solomon, 
* Prov. 20. 25.  It is a snare to the man who devoureth that which is holy. With the consideration whereof our Author being deeply affected, as also of the great disservice done hereby to any Intendment of Pious Charity, and the no less dishonour done to Religion, when what is devoted to Pious purposes is less secure from the evil eye and rapacious hands than what is given to any other use or service whatsoever, yea though it were to the service of Vanity, Luxury or any other Lust; he could not but heartily with that some of the Protestant Churches would seriously lay it to heart, and approve themselves more and more Reformed, in the cleansing and purifying themselves from any the least stain of Sacrilege; from which yet (so tempting is this Sin with the seeming advantages it presents) they that call themselves Catholics are not free neither, yea even he that is peculiarly styled Rex Catholicus is wont to be accursed and excommunicated at Rome on Maundy-Thursday for detaining part of S. Peter's Patrimony, as they are pleased to call it.  
And it is as well known how much he abhorred any kind of Sacrilegious profanation of what is Relatively holy, whether Times, Places, or Things Sacred, as Bona Ecclesiastica, the Sacred Revenues and the like; and that in more than a few Discourses he hath largely asserted the Distinction between Things Sacred and Common, and that therefore what is Sacred, and consequently is become God's by a peculiar right, should be used appropriately and with a different respect from things Common: such an appropriation and discriminative usance of Holy things being a just testimony and expression of the respect and honour due unto Almighty God, whose Name is called upon them. The like Zeal he had particularly for God's House, his Worship, and Service therein; that all things might be done there 
* 1 Cor. 14. 40.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and 
‖ Verse. 26.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, decently (for the honour of God,) and to edification (for the benefit of our Neighbour.) Which two Rules of the Apostle excellently score out the way, and exactly contain, even in external and indifferent things, what course is to be taken, as the Religious and Prudent Mr. G. Herbert 
* In his Character of the Country Parson, Ch. 13.  hath stated the case; who hath also in his Poem [The British Church] elegantly and fully expressed the very same Sentiments that our Author had touching the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of God's House, the keeping the mean between Superstition and Slovenliness, between the painted looks, lascivious gaudiness of the Church upon the Hills, and the careless neglected dress of some Churches in the Valley. Both our Author and this Good man were after David's heart, (the man after God's heart) who thus breathed forth his affection, Domine, dilexi decorem Domûs tuae, and thought it unworthy that the Ark of God should dwell within curtains, when as he himself dwelled in an house of Cedar; nor was he of so ungenerous a disposition in Religion as to serve the Lord his God of that which did cost him nothing. 
2 Sam. 24.  So agreeable is it to a Soul that is established with a religious and free spirit, as well as it is agreeable to the Light of Nature, That God, the Best of Being's, should be served and honoured with the Best: Which was shadowed out of old in the Sacrifices and Drink-offerings; In the Peace-offerings, 
Levit. 3.  wherein God did feast with the people, the Fat upon the inwards, etc. was God's Mess, his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Food; All the Fat is the Lords; and was therefore to be burnt upon the Altar and offered unto the Lord. Nor were the Drink-offerings to be of any sort of Wine, but of Shecar, the best Wine, Num. 28.  
Nor had our Author herein any ambitious design to please men, and thereby to advantage himself in the world, (as some that less knew him were apt rashly to impute unto him Time-serving;) for this just right was done to him in print by one better acquainted with him, though of a different persuasion, That he had, many years before the Times did relish those Notions, declared himself to the same purpose, instancing in his Concio ad Clerum, 
This Concio ad Clerum, now published, was preached Anno 1618.  which particularly treated De Sanctitate Relativa & Veneratione Sacra: and to the same effect he had expressed himself in an early Specimen or first Draught of his Thoughts, which he presented to the R. R. Bishop Andrews, after he was newly made Fellow of Christ's College.   

44. With his zeal for God's honour and Church- decorum, we may not unfitly join his mindful observance of the Apostle's Precepts, 
* 1 Pet. 2.  Honour the King, and 
‖ Heb. 13.  Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit yourselves; for they watch for your Souls, as they that must give account: and herein he showed himself a true Son of peace, as we observed before, and shall now farther add, That he had so great a value and so hearty an affection for the Peace of our jerusalem, 
1 Pet. 2.  and, in order thereunto, for submitting to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether to be King as Supreme, or unto Governors as those that were sent by him; that when he received notice of the evil that was then breaking forth out of the North, to apply that of jeremy, (chap. 1.) who elsewhere complains in the same note, 
* Chap. 10.  Behold, the noise of the bruit is come, and a great commotion out of the North-country; upon this intelligence of wars and rumours of wars, his righteous and meek Soul was grieved within him, and in a Letter of his written to a Friend within less than three months before his death he thus expressed his resentments, concluding in a strain almost Prophetical, If the Scotish business be no better than you write, I pray God both they and others have not cause to curse the time at length when such courses were first resolved upon, and that in the event the cause of Religion pretended be not advanced thereby as it is in Germany, and no better. I am firmly persuaded there will never come good of it. God avert his judgements, and make them wiser.  
His reverential regard to the established Government and Discipline of the Church was well known to them that knew him; and they that knew not his Person, may know it from his Writings, these testify of him, how great a Lover he was of Unity, Peace, all good and decent Order, and whatsoever might make for the beauty and strength, the honour and safety of the Protestant Reformation both here at home and abroad; as considering that (those Characters of 
* 1 Cor. 3.  a Carnal and Unspiritual temper) Envying, and Strife and Divisions, and (the consequents thereof) 
* jam. 3.  Confusion and Disorder, would at once both weaken and dishonour the Protestant Cause, and occasion the Grand Enemy to triumph, who, seeing much of his work done for him by those who would seem to be most averse from him, while they by't and devour one another, claps his hands, saying, Aha, Aha, Our eye hath seen it, So would we have it. But our Author thought it his becoming duty to study Obedience for peace and good order sake, and not to expose the Protestant Interest to danger and ruin.  
'Tis true, There were not wanting even in his days some who, breaking themselves off from the Great Congregation, were apt to say, Lo, here is Christ; Behold, he is in the secret chambers: as if Christ were not where the Name of God is called upon in public, through the Mediation (not of Saint or Angel, but) of the One Mediator Christ jesus; and where the Word of Christ (not unwritten and uncertain Traditions and fabulous Legends) is publicly read and preached, and hath prospered (through God's blessing) to the conversion and salvation of many thousand Souls. But our Author (being a strong and adult Christian, one that could see into the nature and reasons and consequences of things, one that had 
* jam. 1.  looked into the perfect Law of liberty, and was 
* Psal. 51.  established with a free spirit) well knew the slight insignificancy of what is pretended by some for their uncharitable Separations, and that their way was not Perfection, but Weakness, an argument of a low, narrow and jewish spirit, that would engross Messias only to themselves, and confine him to their particular modes; and no less an argument of a weak, servile and really Superstitious spirit, to be unreasonably scrupulous about things of an indifferent nature, to forbid themselves such things as God hath nowhere forbidden, and to put a greater stress upon the doing of some things and the not-doing of other things than either the Scripture hath or the nature of the things will bear. And therefore the Scripture represents those of this temper as Weak in the faith, in opposition to the Strong, who as they manifest themselves to be such in a not being over-solicitous about those little things, (though in the mean while most mindful and strictly observant of the necessary and substantial things of Religion, which are all clearly declared in the H. Scripture) so likewise in that they can better bear the censurings and sometimes unhandsome dealings of those that are Weak, and find it more easy to treat such civilly, and to look upon them with a more benign and clear aspect than the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do, at least some of them, if we may judge of men by their behaviour. But of that better temper was our Author, a person that did not proudly or passionately despise or behave himself unseemly to those that dissented from him; (for then of Strong he had become Weak;) nor would he do any thing that was uncivil or unhuman unto any: he could say in a very good sense (to borrow that of the Comedian) Homo sum, humani à me nihil alienum puto.   

45. Before we conclude this argument, it may be Operae-pretium to superadd one useful Observation and Notion of our Author's, not impertinent to the present business. There were some in his time who thought themselves excused for noncompliance with the established Liturgy and Orders Ecclesiastic, by a vulgar (yet false) notion of Scandal, as if To Scandalise were To displease or aggrieve others, or To occasion the dislike or anger of others, as of such particularly who had formerly entertained a good opinion of them and their Ministry. Now as these things came sometimes to be mentioned in discourse, he was wont to express his Thoughts concerning the right and genuine notion and importance of that word to this sense; That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (being Verbum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having a Transitive signification, as words in the Conjugation Hiphil have in Hebrew, and therefore well rendered To make to offend, 1 Cor. 8. 13. and so in the Margin, Matth. 5. 29.) doth (according to the Syle of the Scripture) generally import thus much, By our actions to induce another to sin in imitation of our evil example, and so to put a Stumbling-block in the way of piety; and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is fitly rendered Stumbling-block in Rev. 2. 14. where Balaam is said to have taught Balak 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to cast a stumbling-block before the children of Israel, etc. or when it is joined with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Stumbling-block, it is as fitly rendered an occasion of falling, Rom. 14. 13 
* In 1 Io. 2. 10. it's rendered an occasion of s●umbling. . Nor is this sense much distant from the Etymon of the word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à claudicando; and accordingly To Scandalise is to make or to occasion one to fall, or some way or other to hinder one from walking evenly, steadily and regularly as he ought. And agreeable to this sense is that observable description of Scandal given by 
a In his De velandis virginib●s. l. 1. c. 3.  Tertullian, Scandalum (ni fallor) non bonae rei, sed malae exemplum est, 
b Aliuding perhaps to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. in 1 Cor. 8. 10.  aedificans ad delictum. This our Author did apprehend to be the proper notion of the word, rather than that which the other did pretend, viz. To do that which may displease or grieve or vex others. For some are angry without a cause, and are offended and displeased sometimes at that which is not in itself evil; yea are grieved and vexed when another is doing his duty; and being so affected are therefore far from being induced and emboldened to the practice of that which the other accounts his duty, and consequently far from being Scandalised, according to the general sense of the word in Scripture; only they are displeased, offended and angry, but without any just cause, and therefore not to be justified in that humour, as neither are the Ministers upon that score to think themselves excused from their duty. For a man to neglect his Duty (and such as the performance whereof is accompanied with the advantage of being instrumental to the best good of others) is plainly to displease and offend God, who is never displeased but justly. But to offend man is not always to sin against our Brother; and to do that which may displease or dislike others (and how is it possible, in such a contradiction of humours and vast contrariety of fancies, not to be displeasing unto some?) is not necessarily to Scandalise in the Scripture-idiom. Besides what the great Apostle saith would be seriously considered, 
* Gal. 1. 10.  Do I seek to please men? For if I yet pleased men, I should not be the Servant of Christ?  
To this purpose has our Author been known to express himself in familiar discourse with some Friends: And much-what like the Notion did the Learned Dr. Hammond happily light upon, as appears by his elaborate Tract of Scandal.   

46. HITHERTO we have endeavoured (though in a rude and imperfect draught) to represent the rich Endowments of his Mind, together with those Virtues and Graces that adorned and beautified his Inward man, and made his Soul a meet Habitation for the Divine Shechinah, which loves to rest in such Souls as are Holy, Humble and Meek, full of Charity and Good will towards men. It remains now, before we conclude this Narrative, that we add something concerning the Frame and Temper of that Body wherein this excellent Soul dwelled, that Earthen Vessel wherein these Heavenly Treasures were deposited, and which only of him was capable of Mortality; and thence pass to the last Scene and Epilogue of his Life.  
His Body was of a comely proportion, rather of a tall than low stature. In his younger years (as he would say) he was but slender and spare of body; but afterwards, when he was full grown, he became more fat and portly, yet not to any such excess as did diminish but rather increased the goodliness of his presence to a comely decorum. His eye was full, quick and sparkling. His whole Countenance composed to a sedate seriousness and gravity; Majestas & Amor were well met here, an awful Majesty, but withal an inviting sweetness. His Behaviour was friendly and affable, intermixed with a becoming cheerfulness and inoffensive pleasantry. His Complexion was a little swarthy, as if somewhat over-tinctured with Melancholy, which yet rather seemed to serve the design of his studious Mind, than to clog it with those Infirmities which commonly attend the predominancy of that Humour. And as for the whole Constitution and Temperament of his Body, it could not be observed but his Vitals were strong; and yet it was noted of him that there was an asymmetry and disproportion in the subservient Faculties, 
The like is related in the life of F. Paul of Venice (a person of eminent parts, of a clear Head and profound judgement) concerning the constitution of his body, D' ordi●ario stav●●rè giorui, alle volie tut●a la s●ttimana senza che le parti naturali destinati all● espul●ione d● gl● escrementi sacessero i●or' officio, etc.  as not all duly performing their particular offices in so exact time and measure as ordinary; and yet Nature was so faithful in her compensations, that there were no such irregularities in her Oeconomy as made him fall short of that chief desire of all wise men, the having Mentem sanam in Corpore sano.   
47. He was patient of Cold, and well able to go through a Winter without much Fire; so that his rule was for divers years together to have no Fire made in his Chamber before All-Saints day; and then after that but some times, now and then (and not constantly) as the weather did require. But that year in which he died he found an alteration, being somewhat i'll and indisposed a month or two before; so that he was forced to alter his custom, and could not stay for a Fire till November, because he found himself indisposed and not perfectly well. His expectation was in the interim that Nature by some way or other would have relieved herself: which encouraged him to go on in his attending upon those Offices which were performable in his place, and the rather because his Aguish indisposition was not constant.  
48. Upon the 29 day of September, being Saturday, 1638. (the day of the weekly Accounts, when (according to the laudable custom of that College) the Manciple after Dinner was to give up the particulars of all the Expenses of the whole College that week to the Master and Fellows then present, amongst whom Mr. Mede never failed to be one, unless detained by some extraordinary occasion) he appeared in the Hall at dinnertime as usually. But before all was ended, he was forced to rise up and to haste to his Chamber, being sick and ill at ease. Thither when he was come and set down in his chair, he presently fainted away and sunk down upon the hearth; and the posture that he was found lying in was not without some danger to one of his Legs from the Fire. A Master of Arts of that College, a Friend to Mr. Mede and who honoured him very much, comes upon a particular occasion to his Chamber, (so the good Providence of God did order it;) who seeing him lie in that posture, at which he was surprised with no little astonishment, put to all his strength to recover him to his seat: and that he did indeed, but with very much ado. Being a little come to himself, he complained he was ill. And ill it proved for him, (or rather for the surviving) that it happened to be so at a time when the best noted Physicians were from home; (the University being then the more thin by reason of the Plague which had been in Cambridge that Summer.) An Apothecary being sent for, he went to Dr. N. an ancient, learned and very judicious Physician, but less fit for practice, being gouty and bedrid. He prescribed a Clyster to be presently administered him. But the Apothecary unacquainted with the state of his Body (not having that special regard to the tenderness of those parts, which, had he been acquainted with before, he should reasonably have had) did so irritate his Haemorrhoid Veins, that they swelled up immediately; and so angry they grew, that they shut up the passage. And now this Good man began to be in extremity of pain; for the Clyster working inwardly (because no passage downward was to be found) tormented him exceedingly. But the next day, being Sunday, and the last of September, the adventurous Apothecary (whether with the foresaid Doctor's advice or not, it could not clearly be resolved) adventured upon a farther experiment, and so gave him a strong Purge; imagining (its likely) that this would force all downward. But contrary to that fancy it wrought still but within, and so procured more torment and sickness to the distressed Patient. All that day he continued very ill and out of order, worse and worse still, as 'twas easy to observe. But to those that were Eye-witnesses of his pain and great affliction, it was as easy to observe his Christian Patience at this time. We may easily conceive the exquisiteness of the pain he endured by reason of the Physic tearing him within: but some then present have professed that they could not but admire his Incomparable Patience under this sore trial, and that he lay under the extremity of his distemper with so much Meekness and quiet Submission to the hand of God, that they never knew the like. Thus had 
* Ia●●. 1.  Patience her perfect work in him: and as he 
‖ 1 Thess. 4.  possessed his Vessel (his Body) in sanctification and honour, having lived a life of Chastity and Purity; so he likewise 
* Luke 21.  possessed his Soul in patience, while he possessed it in this earthen and brittle Vessel of the Body; and hereby gave an illustrious proof that he had well learned that great Lesson of Self-denial and Resigning up himself to the Will of his Heavenly Father: It was, in the time of his Health, his Meat and Drink to do his Will; and now to be enabled meekly to submit to it was his Cordial. Thus was he still and silent before God, 
‖ 1 Pet. 4.  committing himself to him as unto a Faithful Creator, and unto Christ jesus, that 
* Heb. 2. & 7.  Merciful and Faithful Highpriest, who ever liveth to make intercession for us, the Glory and Prerogative of whose Sole Mediation at the Right hand of God he had always faithfully asserted in his 
‖ See this more largely discoursed of in his Apostasy of the Latter Times,  Discourses.  
49. In the Night following his spirits began to fail; yet being in perfect memory, an hour or two before daybreak he desired to have Mr. john Alsop sent for, (a most worthy Consocius of that Learned Society;) who being come, Mr. Mede told him he hoped he should do well, for that now he perceived his Physic to work downward. But Mr. Alsop, by what he saw, was fearful of the work, suspecting (as it proved true) that that purging downward proceeded not in that case from any activity or strength of Nature, but rather from debility and weakness: thereupon, like a wise and good man, he advised him, however it might please God to deal with him, to set his House in order, and to dispose of by Will whatsoever God had given him. It was readily accorded to by Mr. Mede, and Mr. Alsop was by him constituted the Executor of his Will, whereby he gave to the poor of the Town of Cambridge an Hundred pound, and to the College whereof he was a Member all the remainder of his Estate, (after some Legacies to his Kindred) amounting to Three hundred pounds, (a large Legacy out of a Scholar's purse) for and towards the New building then intended, as also for the adorning of the Chapel; nor was he unmindful of the Library, for he knew well the excellent use of good Books. This he did in way of a Grateful return for the Mercies he had so long enjoyed in that College, the enlarging and increase of whose prosperity and good estate was his great desire and endeavour, and that which he 
* Psal. 137.  preferred above his chief joy.  
50. And now having finished the care of his Secular affairs, he composed his Soul for its address into the Divine presence with holy Thoughts and humble Prayers; desiring also to strengthen his Faith and heighten his Love, whilst by the participation of the Sacred Eucharist he made a thankful Commemoration of his Saviour's Death, by which he hoped for an Entrance into the Happiness of an Eternal Life. But in this he was prevented (shall we say?) by the sudden approach of Death; or not rather more suddenly and in an higher measure satisfied in his desire by the Love of his Saviour, who, in stead of giving him a taste of the Bread of Life here on Earth by Faith, received him into the present possession and more full participation of the ineffiable joys in Heaven?  

51. Thus died this Religious and Learned person, upon Monday-morning, about break of day, the first of October 1638. having lived Fifty two years, and spent above two thirds of his time in that College, to which, whilst he lived, he was so great and illustrious an Ornament, and which, now he is dead, is his Monument.  
The next day in the Evening (being October 2.) he was decently carried to his Grave by the Fellows of the House, and there in the Inner Chapel of the College, about the middle of the Area on the Southside, close to the Bachelors or Sophisters Seats, he lies interred; his Memory being embalmed with his Virtues, (of more force to preserve his Name than the Spices which the Hebrews or Egyptians used for the embalming of Bodies) and having left his most Learned Writings as his truest Picture and best History.   
52. The Executor 
* Upon Febr. 1. 1638/ 9  some time after (against which time he had gathered in some scattered debts and paid out some Legacies) preached his Funeral Sermon in a full Congregation of Regent's and Non-Regents at S. Mary's, before the whole University, with high approbation of all that heard it, upon that Text in Gen. 5. 24. And Enoch walked with God, and he was not, for God took him. A thousand pities it is that that excellent Sermon miscarried in the late Troubles; had it survived to have been printed with these Works, it would have been for its own sake very acceptable to the world, being a Texture (as all his were) of an accurately-spun thread: And that part of it which particularly commemorated Mr. Mede was so full and expressive to the life, as might have made any after-endeavours to represent this Great Author less necessary.  

53. We will only observe one thing more concerning the Time of his Death, That he was taken away from the Evils that were then ready to come upon this Island: a Favour which God vouchsafes to many of the righteous (Esay 57 1.) So of good josiah it is said, 
‖ 2 King. 22.  He should be gathered to his grave in peace, and not see all the evil which God would bring upon jerusalem. So Posidonius in the life of S. Austin relates that he was taken away by death when the Goths and Vandals had begun to besiege Hippo, so that he saw not the direful Miseries that were coming upon that place. Thus that good God who had favoured our Author with a life of Tranquillity and Freedom from worldly encumbrances, made his Death a preservative against those approaching Evils which then hovered over this Kingdom, and closed his eyes that he saw not those dreadful Calamities which were so grievous and afflictive unto all meek and humble Christians to behold.  
'Tis true, he beheld them at a distance, and by the presage of his own divining spirit he guessed at what afterwards came to pass. For, about a year or two before he died, he would sometimes mention an Observation of his upon that in judg. 3. 30. The Land had rest fourscore years, (the longest period of time (as he noted) that the people of Israel ever enjoyed it, and then which scarcely any other Nation ever enjoyed a longer) Such a rest (would he say) from the beginning of Blessed Queen Elizabeth's Reign we of England have enjoyed, 
The Preface to Mr. Herbert's Remains observes of those 3 pious persons, Dr. jackson, Mr. Herbert, Mr. ●●r●ar, that they spoke Prophetically of the like Events.  and who knows whether our period be not near at hand? And whether it be so or not, whosoever shall live but a year or two may know it certainly. It happened accordingly; and what havoc the devouting Sword made amongst us, after God had sent it to revenge our abuse of his Mercies, is well known, and can never be remembered without horror. That God who maketh wars to cease, and by his miraculous Providence in the peaceful reduction of his Sacred MAJESTY hath dissipated those Storms of fire and dried up those Shours of blood, he of his Goodness grant that, whilst we all offer up our due Thanks for his so great and undeserved Mercies, we may so carefully avoid the Sins which drew down our late Punishments, and so zealously make up the defects of our former Omissions, that God may be pleased not only to perpetuate the Felicity of our present Peace, but also to increase it by the accumulation of all necessary Blessings.    
The End of the Author's Life.   

Effare, Marmor iners; Dic, Cujus Cinis? Salvis modestissimi Viri Manibus, JOSEPHUS heîc MEDUS jacet, S. T. B.  
Collegii Christi apud Cantabrigienses Socius, Ipse Musarum Hospitium solenniorum, & justa in Collegio Vniversitas; Qui Omnes Linguas calluit, Artes excoluit, Philosophiae & Mathematicae adjungens Quicquid AEgyptii occultârunt, aut invenerunt Chaldaei; Chronologiam insuper, ac Historiam, omniúmque Reginam Theologiam:  
Quarum praelucente face, Induit se in abditissimos Prophetiarum recessus, & Speluncâ Apocalypticâ exuit Romanam Belluam; Confligendi cum Difficultatibus avidissimus, Mysteriorum Interpres felicissimus; Ut in JOSEPHO hoc nostro Facilè agnovisset Gens Hieroglyphica Zaphnath Paaneah redivivum.  
Hic Nullis addictus partibus, omnibus, aequus fuit, Veritatis ac Pacis amans; Benignus aliis, Amicis totus patens; Verbis, Voto, Vitâ, sanctus, castus, humillimus.  
Ast Imminentis tunc Ecclesiae & Reipublicae Tempestatis Mens, Prophetis contubernalis, praesaga Coelestem portum occupavit Anno post natam Salutem MDCXXXVIII. AEtatis Suae LII.   

Some Additionals to Mr. Mede's LIFE, by One who had the Honour and Happiness to be intimately known to him many years.  
UNderstanding what rich Materials are prepared for Mr. Mede's Life, and into what accurate Hands they are come for the Composure; I can never give my consent that these course and ragged Papers be admitted otherwise than Postscript wise, or as a Godicill (which may pass through any ordinary hand) annexed to an exactly-penned Testament: yet so, as that the one may justly pretend to the same Veracity and Authenticness with that of the other.  
Upon this condition I proceed, and in this Order, contriving what I have to say into certain distinct Particularities: Which I humbly conceive will be less unacceptable to the Reader.  
As for the purpose,  

1. Remarkables concerning Mr. Mede's Election into his Fellowship, together with the Occasion of his devoting the Tenth of his Estate to Pious uses.  
MR. Mede had now continued in the University until after he took the Degree of Master of Arts, and had already received some strange Preteritions at Elections, Dr. Carey, (after Bishop of Exeter) the then Head of the College, entertaining a very causeless jealousy of him, that he looked too much towards Geneva. About this time a worthy Gentleman in the North earnestly invited him to live with him, and upon very handsome Terms. Yet Mr. Mede took time to consider of it. It was then Sturbridge-Fair, and there in a Stationer's shop Mr. Mede lighted on a Book of Mathematics which he had great use of, and had long thirsted after. The lowest price was 50s. He thought the Book worth the money: But the great Question was, Whether the taking so much Money out of his Purse would not be as the taking away too much Blood from an extraordinary weak Body. Hereupon he, retiring into a private walk hard by, entered into a serious Consultation with himself what he should do; whether he should buy the Book and leave the University, (embracing the Gentleman's noble Proposal) or else whether he should leave the Book and continue there longer. For his slender Income would not allow him to enjoy both Conveniences together, nor could have possibly afforded his Continuance in the College so long, had it not met with the great felicity of so Frugal and Prudent a Manager of it as himself was. Whilst he was busily pondering and weighing Conveniencies and Inconveniencies, one against another, on both sides, who should accidentally pass by but that Excellent Person and his very dear Friend, Sir William Boswell, than Fellow of jesus College, and a rare Ornament to the whole University? He, perceiving who it was that walked there in such a deep study, drew near to him, closed with him, and (as he might well do it) demanded the Reason of that his solicitous Thoughtfulness. Mr. Mede, glad of the Opportunity, readily disclosed all to him. Mr. Boswell (that was his Title then) at first encouraged him to accept of the Gentleman's Propositions, who himself knew to be a Worthy Person, Noble, Ingenuous, Learned, and Master of a well-furnished Library: alleging farther, that the good Leisure, the good Conversation, the now good Competency, (that honest Salary being twisted with what he had of his own) and other good Accommodations he should there enjoy, would enable him to do the Church and Commonwealth of Learning more service with his Pen, than perhaps his Impediment of Speech would suffer him to do in the Pulpit. Mr. Mede easily consenting to the Advice of so great and good a Friend, parted from him with a Resolution to go that way. He was not gone many steps, when Mr. Boswell called him back again; But, joseph, (saith he) it is great pity though that thou shouldst leave us for want of a Book: Lo, here is all my stock at present, (showing him 5 pieces;) but come, we will divide, Go and buy the Book. Mr. Mede began modestly to refuse this Courtesy, as too great to be received, and objected, How shall I be able to be solvent in convenient time? Mr. Boswell as importunately forced it upon him with these friendly words, I pray thee take no care of repayment; let that be when thou canst, or in what small parcels thou wilt, or whether it be ever or never, it will be all one to me. And so Mr. Mede is possessed of his Book, and become a Continuer again.  
Within a short time after, the College had privy notice of a Stranger who had got a Mandamus for a Fellowship, either Fallen or Falling. This news hastened them to a preventing Election; and now the Master is contented to hear of Mr. Mede. He is chosen, but conditionally and provisionally, that if the Mandamus be not diverted and shall be over-powerfully urged, he must recede. Mr. Mede therefore maturely makes his Applications to that Great both Oracle of Learning and Protector of Learned men, the thrice Renowned L. B. Andrews; by whose propitious Assistence he is now confirmed Fellow of that College to which he owed his Education, and for which he had so Filial a Dearness. This Signal Providence and Goodness of Almighty God Mr. Mede was so piously sensible of, that he solemnly vowed (and as Religiously kept that Vow) to lay aside every Tenth shilling he should ever receive in the College, and to dedicate it to Pious uses. This Story (to me not inconsiderable) left so deep an Impression in me, that I am able to warrant not only the Substance, but even almost every Circumstance of it, as I have related it. And as to the Interlocutory part, I verily believe I scarce vary in a word, as I received it (and all the rest) immediately from the lips of that Miracle of Worth, (whether as a Scholar, or a Statesman, or a Friend, or a Patriot, or a Christian) Sir William Boswell, whiles he was Ambassador Resident in the Nether-lands.  
As concerning this strange Vow, I had heard of it accidentally in Mr. Mede's life-time, and once I took the freedom to ask him about it. He startled at it, that I should come to the knowledge of it; and, after a pause, he only said this, I charge you as a Friend to keep it to yourself; which I faithfully did, till after his death.  
And now, if the Reader will not think his Patience too much imposed upon, I could furnish him with another like Instance, and that out of Mr. Mede's own College, one who was Contemporary with Mr. Mede, (but a long and early Discontinuer) and one, I think, not unknown to him; I am sure, a great Admirer of him. And this was Mr. William Whately, sometime Vicar of Banbury, that famous and perfect Preacher, and that not only ad Populum, as some great Wits have liberally acknowledged, who would often slip out of Oxford on purpose to hear him, and came at first with prejudice enough. This Rare Preacher (and therefore the Rarer because so Frequent) had in his Pulpit (upon a Holiday, when there was a very full Auditory) with great Zeal, and with as great Solidity of Reason and Embroidery of Rhetoric, pressed (as his Theme led him) Works of Charity. Among other passages he exhorted his Hearers to make this Experiment; When they had received good gain by Traffic or Bargain, etc. to take 6d or 4d in the Pound, and put it in a Purse by itself, for works of Piety. This (he warranted) as it would be very beneficial to their Estate, so it would take away all secret Grudge: For now they had laid so much aside for such a purpose, they would rather wish for an Opportunity of disbursing it, etc.  
After Sermon, being visited by a neighbour-Divine, (and one allied to him) they presently fell into discourse about that Subject, and Mr. Whateley's judgement was desired more particularly concerning the Quotapars to be so devoted. As for that (saith he) I am not to prescribe to others; but since here are none but very good friends, and we are all so private, I will tell you what hath been my own practice of late, and upon what occasion. You know, Sir, some years since I was often beholden to you for the Loan of 100L at a time: The truth is, I could not bring the year about, though my Receipts were not despicable, and I was not at all conscious to myself of any vain Expenses or of Improvidence. At length I began to examine my Family what Relief was given to the Poor: And although I was assured that was not done niggardly, yet I could not be so satisfied, but resolved instantly to lay aside every Tenth shilling of all my Receipts for Charitable uses. And (to let you see how well I have thrived this way in a short time) now, if you have occasion to use an 100L or more, I have it ready for you. Just Mr. Mede's Method, and with a like prosperous Success. This I can avouch, for I was present both at the Sermon and at the Conference.  
Neither do I conceive I have been wandering far from Mr. Mede all this while; these two Persons meeting so near in so many Respects: Both of them of the same House in the University; both Contemporaries; both Eminent, though in far distant ways; both inviolably kept their Principles of Loyalty to their Prince and Obedience to their Mother the Church; both suffered injuriously; some (when time was) made themselves too (Poetically) merry with Mr. Whately's Name; both met in the same practice of Charity, for which chiefly the latter was instanced in; lastly, both of them were peaceably and honourably Interred a little before the late unnatural War.  
I do not ask the Reader's Pardon for this seeming Impertinency, because I rather expect his Thanks for helping him to so rare a Project how he may no less certainly than Piously improve his Estate, if he please to make due Trial of it. Howsoever, I shall make him amends, as to Brevity, in the ensuing Particularities. Whereof the next is   

2. Concerning Mr. Mede's Communicativeness.  
AS to be Communicative of Good is a Royalty and Beam of Glory even in the Divine Majesty itself: so upon what Person soever this shall be more or less shed and diffused, it must needs render him proportionably Godlike. Now that such a Quality was eminently conspicuous in this divine Person is altogether as unquestionable as Whether there ever was such a Man as Mr. joseph Mede.  
I shall not instance in his Writings, wherewith he hath blest the world; concerning which (I speak of those few then extant) (if the commending of them would not be but as the Gild of Gold and the Painting of Rubies) I could give you the opinion of 
* Dr. Steward late Dean of the Royal Chapel, etc.  one (among many others) who was Master of as great a Treasure of choice Learning, and of as curious a Pen and Tongue, as few Ages have seen; which he hath often expressed to me in these words, I never in all my life met with such a Useful Critic as Mr. Mede, with many other Encomiums.  
That I have now to speak to is his Communicativeness in ordinary Discourse. And this indeed he made the main of his Divertisement and Recreation. I never heard he used any other, unless it were in and upon the Fellows Orchard; the Beautifying whereof he took great delight in, and towards that he would not only lend his handsome and happy Contrivances, but also disburse Money beforehand, till the Colledge-Audit. Here he hath been found very busy (at due hours) and sometimes knuckle-deep, when he would say smiling, Why? this was Adam's work in his Innocency. But then, instantly, taking for his Theme either a Plant or a Weed, or almost any thing next hand, he would fall into some very significant discourse. All his Discourses (to speak it once for all) were extremely distant from any thing that looked like either Levity, or Vanity, or Paedantry.  
These Charitable works of his Tongue, (for so I call Mr. Mede's Discourses) as well as those other of his Hand, proved no less Gainful to himself than they were Beneficial to others. A double Gain, he hath often acknowledged, came in to him this way.  
One, That his Notions, by often Repeating them, became more fixed and riveted in his Memory: And therefore he would merrily say to a Familiar, whose Studies lay quite another way, (and in that kind of Learning was confessedly incomparable and unmatchable) when he seemed not so attentive to some of his Discourses, Choose (saith he) whether you will hear me or no; I love to repeat what I have been gathering, though it be but to the Walls, for my own memory's sake.  
The other Gain was, That hereby his Notions were better shaped and form, and so more accommodated to use. For (said he) every time I am imparting them to others, it is great odds but some fitter and clearer Expression will casually come out of my Mouth than at first came into my Mind. So that his Notions always lay by him ready, in good Currant Coin, whiles others (who too much affect the hoarding up) have theirs at the best but in the Bar and Ingot, and perhaps sometimes but in the Ore.  
Wherefore I am apt to believe it was not a mere Compliment of Mr. Mede's, when he thanked those for Hearing him, who thought they had a great deal more reason to thank him for his so Edifying them; because he knew his own Gains hereby were still multiplied.  
When my Acquaintance with him was of that Standing as to take the Degree of one of his Familiars, he would treat and entertain me in this manner.  
After some short prelusory talking of News and Occurrences, Come now, (saith he) what be your Questions? Which as I was never to come unprovided of, so was he always much more provided to resolve them to my unspeakable satisfaction. Yea more than that, (such was his Obligingness) he would sometimes fetch out of his Study divers of his College and Public Exercises; and sometimes one peculiar Paper-book, wherein he was wont to write sundry knotty Questions and difficult Texts of Scripture, and under them set down in brief his present Conjectural thoughts, which afterwards (at better leisure) he would bring to the Test, and pursue with more accurateness. Pitching upon some of these, he hath done me the honour to promote me to be his Amanuensis: And then first causing me to turn to Texts in the Hebrew Fountain and in the LXX, he would Critically give the Importance of the words, and here drop many a rich Observation. That done, he would take down many of the Ancients, whether Church-Historians or Fathers, Greek and Latin, etc. and directing me to what places I should turn, make me read them to him: Upon which again he would, by the By, give out very considerable Notes; and still as he had done with each Author would say, You see it holds yet, and yet, etc. So at last, one of those Conjecturalls and What Ifs (as he called them) became an adopted Verity. And this he called Hunting of Notions. At this Sport, no less profitable than pleasant, we have, upon Fasting-days, continued from three after Midday until the knocking of the College-gates at Night, and then he has dismissed me richly laden.   

3. Of his Advice to young Students in Divinity.  
TO those who intended Curam Animarum he would give, among many other, these Three Counsels.  
1. That they familiarly acquaint themselves with and constantly make use of that Golden Observation of Isabella Casaubon, viz. Vniversam Doctrinam Christianam Veteres disting●ebant in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, idest, ea quae enunciari apud omnes poterant, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, arcana temere non vulganda. It is in his Exercit. XVI. ad Annal. Eccles. Which whole Exercitation he would commend to their often reading, and indeed the whole Book.  
And here he would sadly complain, to the same effect, and almost in the same words, with the Admired Lord Verulam, It is a Point of great Inconvenience and Peril, to entitle the People to hear Controversies and all kinds of Doctrine. 
* In his Advertisements touching the Controvers● of the Church of England.  They say no part of the Counsel of God is to be suppressed, nor the People defrauded: So as the Difference which the Apostle maketh between Milk and Strong Meat is confounded; and his Precept, That the weak be not admitted unto Questions and Controversies, taketh no place.  
Upon neglect of which sage Counsel we have lately seen those Dismal and Tragical Consequences, which Mr. Mede did indeed Prophetically presage would be thereupon. And for the present he gave some Instances (but not without Indignation) of them who, under pretence of Revealing the whole Truth to the People, would make choice of strange Texts, in Leviticus and elsewhere, and out of them vent such Stuff as no modest Ear could endure to hear.  
2. His next Counsel was, That with other Practical Doctrines they should not forget to preach and press Charity: and this not in a slight perfunctory manner, but Studiedly and Digestedly to give the People the true Nature of it, the full latitude of it, the absolute and indispensable Necessity of having it, (both Praecepti and Medii) and (as the 
* Ibid.  L. Verulam hath expressed it) to bring down Doctrines and Directions ad Casus Conscientiae; otherwise the Word, the Bread of Life, they will but toss up and down, and not break it.  
3. His last Counsel was, When they had some Necessary Truths to deliver, against which the present Humour of the Times ran counter, that in this case they should go Socratically to work: as to lay down at a convenient distance, first one Postulatum, and then another (that will be clearly inferred from the former,) and so a third, and a fourth, etc. still depending upon and strengthening each other. A Truth brought in thus Backward (saith he) will be swallowed down unawares: Whereas if you first show its Horns, there will be such startling and flinging, that there will be no coming near with it.   

4. How far he was from Ambition.  
FOR proof hereof we cannot desire a clearer Evidence or Demonstration than his so constant declining Preferments even then when they sought him out.  
Witness his 
* See Book 4. Epist. 2.  Answer to the Letter of the Fellows of Trinity College near Dublin. And, by the way, that Election into that Provostship was so firm, as well as free, that he was desired to make a Formal Resignation before his 
* Mr. Bedel, afterwards B, of Kilmore.  Successor could be elected and admitted into it: which he did, as himself hath told me more than once.  
Witness again his 
* See Book 4. Epist. 29.  Third Letter to the then Lord Primate, what time some new hopes began to be raised of his acceptance of the same Provostship, upon the remove of Bishop Bedel.  
To all this I can add two more Instances, which I believe are not known to many.  
One, That divers years after the refusal of the Provostship, he received a Letter from a Friend in Ireland, assuring him there was then kept for him a Dignity worth at the least 1000 per ann. and stayed only for his acceptance. To persuade him to which, he used many potent arguments; among the rest this, The great freedom from molestations and encumbrances that place would indulge him in, etc. This Letter he was pleased to communicate to myself, when freshly received, concealing indeed the Name subscribed, though that was not hard to guests at. But here again his Modesty proved inflexible.  
The other Instance is this: When he newly related to his then Grace of Canterbury, and now glorious Martyr, (neither of whom, I believe, had seen each others face in all their lives, I am sure he told me so not long before his death) he desired me to tell him freely what I heard men say concerning his Chaplainship, etc. The sum of my Answer was, That I perceived he was looked upon as a Rising man, and that many rejoiced at it because of his known merits, etc. To the latter part of my Answer he replied, I am much beholden to my Friends for their good opinion of me, etc. But no man knows my Defects so well as myself. And this was but the native Language and Dialect of his innate Modesty. But when he came to reply to the former part, which spoke him a Rising man, here he used more than ordinary Solemnity, and with a grave, composed countenance uttered these words; At to my Rising,— come now, I will make you my Confessor. I can safely appeal to that Infinite Majesty who hears me, (which words were accompanied with a gesture of great Reverence) that if I might obtain but a Donative sine cura, (sine cura, he repe●ted it) which I may keep with my Fellowship, I would set up my staff for this World. And the reason why I desire this is, that I might be able to keep a Nag for my Recreation sometimes, in taking the air, and in visiting my friends in the Country, since this my Corpulency (then growing upon him) makes me unwieldy for walking.  
In pursuance of this discourse, I chanced to smile at a Conceit then coming into my mind; which he quickly observed, and was very earnest to know the reason of it. After a pardon obtained for my freedom, I thus declared; That I thought in one case he would be persuaded to accept of a Bishopric for all this. Why think you so? rejoined he suddenly, and with some warmth. Presuming upon the licence granted me, I shall tell you, replied I, and, more than that, I believe you will acknowledge as much yourself. At this he began to bungle at being angry, for indeed that Passion was so great a stranger to him and so little in favour with him that, unless it came in the company of (or rather attending upon) true Zeal to God-ward, he would not endure its presence.  
In short, I remembered to him, how often I heard him wonder why none of our Christian Kings had ever erected a Bishopric in S. Alban's, that Martyr being of such Fame and Antiquity, and the Place so many ways convenient, etc. And then I propounded this case:  
That if our then present Sovereign (who afterwards, in spite of Hypocrisy and Treason, became indeed so Glorious a King, that of all Kings He was the First Martyr) should resolve upon an Erection of a Bishopric at S. Alban's, upon this one only condition, That Mr. Mede will be persuaded to be the First Bishop there, otherwise there shall be no Bishopric at all; I ask whether, in this case Mr. Mede would not be willing to accept of a Bishopric. Hereat he laughed heartily, and said at first, Now thou puttest me to it indeed. But by and by recollecting himself, he concluded gravely to this purpose: As there is no great fear of such a Temptation, rebus sic stantibus; so I dare reassume my former Protestation. A Donative sine cura with my Fellowship will confine the utmost of my Ambition in this life. 
Then Clouds began to gather in the North.    

5. Of his Zeal against Sacrilege.  
WHich had been heightened to a superlative degree, yet in him of most men living would have been lest to be wondered at and most to be justified; because few men of his (or any) Age could pretend to that absolute sovereignty over themselves, in point of Interest or ambitious Designs, which he had; and, because none was more punctual in paying his Homage and Rental to Almighty God than he was. But yet that his Zeal was according to knowledge, and guided with great judgement and Discretion, will manifestly appear unto all men who will but cast their eyes upon some of the Principles and Grounds he went upon. E. g.  
1. That, 
See his Discourse upon Acts 5. 3, 4.  according to the common Law of Nature, the great Landlord of the whole World ought to receive Homages from his Tenants and Dependants.  
This God claimed in Paradise itself, when Man was in the Zenith of his Perfection. For (would he say) the Prohibited Tree there was a Sacred and a Sacramental Tree. Wherefore he was positive and dogmatical in determining that the Formalis ratio and specifical Nature of Original Sin was Sacrilege. Whereunto by the way he annexed this grave and serious Meditation: Adam was turned out of his Paradise for Sacrilege; and do we not frequently see many men turned out of their Paradises likewise (their fair Estates) for the very same sin?  
This, again, hath been imprinted in the breasts of all Mankind, who naturally and universally have ever abhorred Sacrilege. Why then should Christians (said he) presume more upon their God in this case than others? why more than the Pagans, or jews? Here he quoted that of Malachi 3. ver. 8. Will a man rob God? Durst ever any man entertain such a thought? And that of 1 Cor. 9 ver. 13, 14. See how dextrously he hath handled that Scripture in a set and just 
* See Book 1. Discourse 21.  Diatribe. As also that, Rev. 5. ver. 12. in that New song, Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive Power, and Riches, & Strength, etc. Lo here (said he) is mention of Riches due to the Lamb that was slain. But what need hath He of our Riches? True, no more than a great rich Landlord hath need of a Pepper-corn. But yet, as it is an Homage, it is expected from the Tenant, and may not be neglected by him without the Forfeiture of the whole. And then for those who confidently deny Tithes to be due under the Gospel, they do not consider how in so saying they must deny also Christ to be a Priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek: For as Tithes were paid to Melchizedek long before Aaron; so are they due to Him who is a Priest after that Order, now after Aaron.  
2. And this minds me of another of his Grounds, viz. God's so favourably dealing with Men in requiring but the Tenth; which is, in truth, (said he) the least part of our Goods, according to the first division. For as Ten is the Periodical number of things of a fixed and substantial nature; so when we proceed beyond Ten, we begin to make a new division; as Eleven is Ten and one, Twelve Ten and two, etc. Thus likewise God contents himself with the least part of our Time, when he demands but the Seventh, as the number Seven is the Periodical number of Time, etc.  
3. A third Ground was, That the chiefest things now dedicated to God are, for the most part, laden with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Here he related at large with what Solemnity many of those Ancient Deeds and Writings (specifying Goods and Lands devoted to the Service of God) were wont to be offered at the Altar; and what Volleys of all the hideous Curses imaginable, touching either Body, or Soul, or Estate, or Posterity, were enumerated in those Writings, and denounced against any who would offer to alienate them.  
Upon this occasion he was wont to discourse very gravely How that, at the first Reformation in England, if the violent heat of seeming Zeal, but indeed of Interest, would have admitted so much of Consideration, those Church-Lands of Abbeys, etc. might have been most happily disposed of in some such manner.  
If one Part had been allotted to the Advancement of Learning, and to the Augmentation of smaller Salaries for Cures, and to the Reparation and beautifying of Churches. Colleges, etc.  
If another Part had been for Provision of clergymen's Widows and Orphans: which God took special care of in the time of the Legal Priesthood, (the Sons being to inherit their Father's places, and the Daughters to be matched as well as their Mothers before them) and which is not neglected by any of the Reformed Churches abroad.  
If a third Part had been reserved for Bellum Sacrum, in the defence of Church and Kingdom.  
By this means (pursued he) our Kings would not have needed such Subsidies, etc. from their Subjects, and the Church had kept her Patrimony, and very many great Families (who too greedily possessed themselves of Church-lands) had not been totally ruined and extinct.  
4. And this leads me to a Fourth Ground, which was the Series of Punishments which have constantly pursued this Sin.  
It is to be observed (said he) that God did always set a special Mark of his Displeasure upon every one who durst First presume upon a notorious Sin, thereby to give Warning to all others. As, upon Cain the first Murderer, upon Corah and his Complices who first moved a Sedition upon the point of Equality in the Priesthood, upon Absolom the first unnatural Rebel, etc. But now for this Sin of Sacrilege, as God began to punish it very early, even in Paradise itself, (ut suprà) so hath he continually pursued and hounded this Sin; as in Achan in the Old Testament, in Annanias and Sapphira in the New, that no man may pretend the Antiquateness of the Old Testament, etc. And in latter Ages, besides what the learned Pens of Sr. Henry Spelman and others have published, he had collected many rare Instances of his own private Observation, which upon prudential Considerations I forbear to recite.  
And now after all this, Is it not admirable to consider, how strangely the seeming present Profit of this Sin doth infatuate men? That though they daily experiment these Truths, yet they will not be persuaded either from Venturing on the Sin, or from Continuing in it? What doth this but betray in Men the same Shortness and Shallowness of Understanding that we see in Rooks and martin's and other silly Fowls, which will needs be building every year in those very places where they are sure to be disturbed, and endangered themselves, and to have their Nests demolished, and their Young destroyed; or if any chance to escape, yet they always lie at the mercy of every Passenger?   

6. Of his becoming Facetiousness.  
THose his so grave, knotty and crabbed studies did not at all render him Sour or Morose, but in due Time and Place he knew how to be Pleasant and Facetious. To give the Reader a Taste of this, for Divertisement: By this time perhaps he will but need it, having tired himself with reading these dull and flat Narratives.  

1. The Chamber he kept in was known to be a Ground-chamber just under the Colledge-Library. Partly for the benefit of that, (for the Library was his other Study and Closet) and partly for the conveniency of having no Students over him to disturb him by walking, etc. he continued there very many years. His Bed-chamber-window opened into the Street, and in the Summertime, when the Evenings were clear and serene, he would leave his Window open all night for fresh air. This was not long un-observed by the Hooker, who once began to draw away his Bed-cloaths whiles he lay awake. Nay, friend, (saith he) I pray thee stay till I am asleep, etc. with that the Hooker ran away, and he slept securely with his window still open. Not long after the same (or another of his Tribe) came again; and then he was asleep. But when the Fellow was plucking away the clothes, he soon awakened, and then said, Oh friend, if thou takest away my Bed-cloaths, (his wearing-cloaths he had secured well enough) I shall take cold, etc. And so he was rid of his Chapman again, and never heard more of him, though his windows were still continued un-shut. With which pretty Confidence of his he overcame that of the hooker's, and made himself very merry with the story among his friends.  

2. In the Vacations he was wont to be invited into the Country by a Kinsman and a Knight. At his first coming thither, (being then a young Master of Arts) he in curiosity stood observing the Falconer feeding his Hawk, and in way of complaisance began to praise the Hawk: As first, What a brave sharp Bill she had. Bill? said the Falconer, it is a Beak, Sir. By and by, What notable Claws she had. Claws, Sir? said he, they are Pounces. Anon he commended her fine Feathers? Feathers, Sir? they are Plumes. After that, her goodly Tail. Tail, Sir? it is a Train.  
Mr. Mede not a little abashed that he should be thus mistaken all along in those Terms of Art, and believing the Falconer would expose him for his Ignorance to his fellow-servants, he studied this innocent piece of Revenge: The Falconer, he saw, used to wait at Table, and therefore taking his time, three or four days after, when he thought the thing was quite forgotten, he sets them all at the Table on reading of Riddles. And when they were well in, he turning to the Falconer, asked him, Friend, What kind of Bird is that which hath neither Bill, nor Claw, nor Feathers, nor Tail? The Falconer was utterly posed, and stood mute. Why then (said Mr. Mede) I will tell you: It is your Hawk. That hath no Bill, but a Beak; no Claws, but Pounces; no Feathers, but Plumes; no Tail, but a Train, There was I even with him, would he say triumphingly.   

3. Such Fellow-commoners who came to the University only to see it and to be seen in it, he called The Vniversity-Tulips, that made a Gaudy show for a while, & c.  
To these might be added many more; whereof some perhaps would taste a little too salt to some, but all of them would relish well enough to younger Palates.  
But I must remember the Gravity of the Person I am speaking of, and whiles I am upon this pleasant Argument, shall endeavour to imitate his Practice which was, to make his Facetiousness always usher in something that was Serious. To the next then.     

7. Some of his handsome and serious sayings.  
SO I call them rather than Apophthegms, though some of them may possibly lay claim to that Title.  

1. It was often in his Mouth, Overdoing always undoes; very applicable many ways.  
2. To that stale triumphing Demand of the Romanists, Where was your Church before Luther? he answered with another Question, 
* And sometimes thus, Where was the Meal before the Corn was ground?  Where was the fine Flour when the Wheat went to the Mill?  
3. Where there is Siding and Studium partium, the prevailing Party always makes the other complain: Just as it is at the great Crowding in the Commencement-House when an extraordinary Praevaricator comes up; the Crowdsways sometimes on one side, than they that are crushed to the walls cry out, Oh, Oh, and being sensible of the pain, they set their feet against the walls, and with their backs and all their strength cause the Press to turn as much to the other side; and then these cry out as fast, oh, oh, as the other did before: and so alternis vicibus.  
4. To that old Complaint, (now newly dressed up and followed with such noises and Hubbubs) Is it not great pity that men should be silenced and laid aside only for their not Subscribing? his answer was, So it is great pity that some goodly fair Houses in the v●idst of a populous City should take fire, and therefore must of necessity be pulled down, unless you will s●ffer the whole Town to be on a flame and consume to ashes.  
5. That which followeth cannot properly be called a Saying, but rather a Discourse, resembling a rich jewel made up of divers costly Gems.   
After he had been speaking very judiciously and very Piously what great reason we all had to pray earnestly for our Governors in the Church, That God would direct and assist them, as in many other things, so in this, viz. in their Choice of or Recommending Persons to those Dignities in the Church which do ipso facto make them Convocation-men; Because (said he) as the Convocation is properly the clergy's Parliament, so such Men are the lasting Members of that House, and therefore a special care to be had that they be well qualified; not only of good Learning and good Life, but of good Experience, good Temper, and of good Repute with the Gentry. This last he added, and gave good reasons why, and then proceeded, Although it is possible, yea very probable, that some who sit high in the Church, enjoying the benign Aspect and happy Influence of a Good and Gracious Prince, may very much advantage and advance the Church in other respects; yet, without a great regard had of sit Convocation-men, all the rest will be but as building high without Buttresses, and it may suddenly tumble down again.   

8. What opinion Strangers had of Mr. Mede and of some others of our Countrymen; with a modest Advertisement.  
Foreign Testimonials are held to be the more considerable, because they are supposed to be less partial, as proceeding rather from right judgement than from any biased Affection. I shall not here repeat any thing out of Sir William Boswell's Letters, or out of those of Lud. de Dieu and of others; but I shall tell you what I have received from the mouths of some Grandees in Repub. Literaria. They pronounced him not only a most judicious and Profound Divine, but a Person Eminent in almost all variety of choicest Learning, besides Languages. And therefore they did not doubt to rank him with the Lord Verulam and with Mr. Thomas Lydiat. To which three Persons (I speak still of men of great variety of Learning; for otherwise they had an exceeding high Veneration for very many of our Divines, and for others of other Faculties: but to these three) they gave such a Preeminency as was given to David's three first Captains in the List of his Worthies.  
Here I cannot conceal what dropped from one of their mouths, because I wish good use may be made of it at home.  
Enquiring what Fortunes these men had, and understanding they were but ordinary, especially that of Mr. Lydiat; he burst out into this speech, You in England deserve not to have such Brave men among you, since you make no more of them.  
That his Zeal for good Worth had been the more excusable, had it not exceeded so much as not to suffer his judgement to consider what afterwards he was minded of.  

1. That the L. Verulam was advanced to as high a Place in the State as a Subject is capable of: but how he lost his footing, no ingenuous man is willing to remember.  
2. That some men, who are very Bookish and Studious, usually prefer their Leisure and Liberty before all Preferments whatsoever. Which was Mr. Mede's and Mr. Lydiat's case. The former of whom might have been much higher than he was, if he had pleased 
* Of the preferment in Ireland that was offered him, Vide supr●, ; and was as high as he desired to be, had he lived to get but a Donative to his Fellowship. And in that his Condition (such as it was) he thrived so well, as to become a considerable Benefactor to his College.  
3. But now concerning Mr. Lydiat, (for whose sake chiefly that smart speech was uttered) here the Difficulty rises higher and grows more perplexed.   
His great Worth hath been celebrated enough by those his rare Pieces now extant. In his many Chronological Disquisitions he conflicted, as with Christoph. Clavius, and with the whole College of Romish Mathematicians, so with that great Goliath of Literature, joseph Scaliger, whom yet he so manifestly worsted, as to make him forsake his Weapon, and to betake himself unmanly to his Tongue. When the news of his Death came beyond Sea, I knew a certain great Maecenas and Patron of Learning there, whose Industry traveled very much to collect what of his Papers might be had, and to that end employed divers, (among the rest myself,) with a Resolution to have them fairly and faithfully printed at his own charges. But they were not to be retrieved.  
Now let us see what Favours and Encouragements were afforded to a Person of so great Merits.  
It is true, Prince Henry, of Famous and Glorious Memory, took so much notice of him, as to receive him into His Service, and to have him read to Him. Here questionless he had found a very Bountiful and Royal Master, had not that Peerless Prince been cropped just in his Bloom and Blossom. But now, alas! Mr. Lydiat's Hopes saw their own Funeral in that of his Royal Master's. Wherefore retiring into a small obscure Living at Alkerton in the Edge and Fringe of Oxfordshire, there he solaced himself in his private Study, until, being unhappily engaged for the Debts of one nearly allied to him, he was thrown into Prison, where he lay a long time. At length, partly by the assistance of Sir William Boswell, (never to be named without very great Honour) and partly by the helps of the excellent Dr. Pinke, (that most worthy Warden of New-Colledge, whereof Mr. Lydiat had been sometime Fellow, as I have heard) and by the noble bounty of some other Friends of that University, he was restored to his Liberty, and returned to his little Living, wherein (maugre all the Disasters he had felt before, and all that savage usage he after suffered for his Loyalty in the late Troubles) he left behind him at his Death a very neat and substantial Parsonage-house, with Barns and Stables, Garden and Orchard suitable, all which he built and raised from the ground, as also a new Chancel (of his own building likewise,) wherein he lies buried, as in his own proper Tomb and Monument.  
But to say the Truth, when all is said that can be said, It were heartily to be wished  
That Public Spirits would come up a little thicker in the World. It was a memorable Passage of an Italian Ambassador here in England, who, having taken his leave, and being now under sail homeward, stood upon the Deck, and looked wistly towards our Country as long as he could well discern it, and then for a Vale uttered these words, O troppo selice Isola, etc. O too happy Island, if thou hadst but some more Public Souls in thee. This I have heard frequently repeated, and most feelingly, by as great a Statesman, and as good a Commonwealths-man, and as sound a Christian, as our Nation hath bred in many Ages. 
* The thrice Renowned Sir Thomas Row●, who, after so many Ambassages to almost all the Princes and States in Christendom, and to the greatest Emperors beyond Christendom, (all which were managed with admirable Dexterity and Success and Satisfaction) was last of all Ambassador extraordinary to Ferdinand III. Emperor of Germany, who gave him this Character, I have met with many Gallant Persons of many Nations, but I s●arce ever met with an Ambassador till now. .  
It were to be wished again, That there were not too much of Truth in a speech that fell from a through-Scholar and Divine,— Many (by their fine Arts and Methods) get into Preferments, whiles Scholars (of good deserts) are hard at their Studies. It was not the least Ruby or Diamond in that fair Brooch stuck upon the Memory of the ever-Blessed B. Andrews, 
* See the Funeral Sermon, etc.  That he sent for men of Note that he thought wanted Preferment, and gave them prebend's and Benefices under Seal before they knew of it; as to Mr. Boys, Mr. Fuller, etc. And I can never forget with what a Gusto that Brave Sir William Boswell was wont to relate this (among the infinite more observable Passages) in the Happy Reign of Q. Elizabeth, That she gave a strict Charge and Command to both the Chancellors of both Her Universities, to bring Her a Just, True and Impartial List of all the Eminent and Hopeful Students (that were Graduates) in each University, to set down punctually their Names, their Colleges, their Stand, their Faculties wherein they did eminere, or were likely so to do. Therein Her Majesty was exactly obeyed, the Chancellors durst not do otherwise: and the use She made of it was, That if She had an Ambassador to send abroad, than She of Herself would nominate such a Man of such an House to be his Chaplain, and another of another House to be his Secretary, etc. When She had any places to dispose of, fit for Persons of an Academical Education, She would Herself consign such Persons as She judged to be pares Nego●iis. Sir William had gotten the very individual Papers wherein these Names were listed, and marked with the Queen's own hand, which he carefully laid up among his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now (as Sir William pursued) this could not be long concealed from the young Students, and then it is easy to be imagined (or rather it is not to be imagined) how this Consideration, that their Sovereign's Eye was upon them, (and so Propitious upon the Deserving among them) how this, I say, would switch and spur on their Industries.  
I end these Additionals to Mr. Mede's Character with that plain ordinary Vote, wherein yet, I believe, I shall have very many join with me,  Sic mihi contingat vivere, sicque mori! 
God grant we may all in some proportion live as humbly, as faithfully, as fruitfully and Christianly, and then die as peaceably and comfortably as he did.  
Amen.  
THE END.   

If any one should scruple my Fidelity in relating some speeches of Mr. Mede's, because spoken so many years since; he may please to satisfy himself with this, That it was my Custom, presently when I went from Mr. Mede's Chamber, to set down in writing what I conceived observable: which writings I have yet by me, and consulted with them in these my Narratives.    

DIATRIBAE. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned joseph Mede, B.D. SOMETIME Fellow of CHRIST'S College in CAMBRIDGE.  
Containing as many DISCOURSES On Several Texts of SCRIPTURE as there are Sundays in the Year.  
Corrected and Enlarged according to the Author's own Manuscripts.  
August. de Doctr. Christ. l. 2. c. 6. & in Psal. 140. Praefat.  
Spiritus Sanctus magnificè ac salubriter ità Scripturas modificavit, ut locis apertioribus fami occurreret, obscurioribus autem fastidium detergeret.  
Si nusquam aperta esset Scriptura, non te pasceret; Si nusquam occulta, non te exerceret.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE FIRST BOOK.  
DISCOURSE 1. ● 
Page 1   
S. Matthew 
6. 9  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Thus therefore pray ye; Our Father, etc. 
  
DISC. II. 
pag. 4  S. Matthew 6. 9 S. Luke 11. 2. Sanctificetur Nomentuum. Sanctified, or Hallowed, be thy Name. 
  
DISC. III. 
pag. 19  Acts 17. 4. There associated themselves to Paul and Silas of the worshipping Greeks a great multitude. 
  
DISC. IU. 
pag. 23  2 Peter 2. 4. For if God spared not the Angels which sinned, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] ... but cast them down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness, to be reserved unto judgement, etc. so we translate it: 
 To which of S. Peter answers that of S. jude, (as almost that whole Epistle doth to this) vers. 6. And the Angels which kept not their first estate, [or principality,] but left their own habitation, he hath reserved in everlasting chains under darkness unto the judgement of the great Day, 
  
DISC. V. 
pag. 25  1 Cor. 4. 1. Let a man so account of us as of the Ministers (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) of Christ, and Stewards of the Mysteries of God. 
  
DISC. VI 
pag. 28  S. john 10. 20. He hath a Devil, and is mad. 
  
DISC. VII. 
pag. 31  Proverbs 21. 16. The man that wandreth out of the way of understanding, shall remain in the Congregation of the Dead, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in coetu Gigantum. 
  
DISC. VIII. 
pag. 34  Genesis 49. 10. The Sceptre shall not depart from judab, nor a Lawgiver from between his feet, until SHILOH come, and unto him shall the gathering of the People be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
  
DISC. IX. 
pag. 36  Psalm 8. 2. Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained strength, ● because of thine Enemies; that thou mightest quell the Enemy and the Avenger. 
  
DISC. X. 
pag. 40  Zachariah 4. 10. These Seven are the eyes of the Lord, which run to and fro through the whole earth. 
  
DISC. XI. 
pag. 44  S. Mark 11. 17. Is it not written, My House shall be called a House of Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to all [the] Nations? 
  
DISC. XII. 
pag. 46  S. john 4. 23. But the hour cometh, and now is, when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in Spirit and Truth: For the Father seeketh such to worship him. 
  
DISC. XIII. 
pag. 49.  S. Luke 24. 45. Then opened he their understanding, that they might understand the Scriptures: 46. And said unto them, Thus it is written, and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day. 
  
DISC. XIV. 
pag. 52.  Exodus 4. 25. Then Zipporah took a sharp stone, and cut off the foreskin of her son, and cast it at his feet, and said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sponsus sanguinum tu mihi es. 
  
DISC. XV. 
pag. 55.  Ezekiel 20. 20. Hollow my Sabbaths; and they shall be a sign between me and you, to acknowledge that I jehovah am your God. 
  
DISC. XVI. 
pag. 58.  1 Cor. 11. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Every woman praying or prophesying with her head uncovered, dishonoureth her head. 
  
DISC. XVII. 
pag. 62.  Titus 3. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By the washing of Regeneration, and renewing of the Holy Ghost. 
  
DISC. XVIII. 
pag. 65.  joshua 24. 26. And joshua took a great stone, and set it up there (viz. in Sichem) under the Oak which was in the Sanctuary of the Lord: Alii, by the Sanctuary. Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
  
DISC. XIX. 
pag. 70.  1 Tim. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double Honour; especially they that labour in the Word and Doctrine. 
  
DISC. XX. 
pag. 74.  Acts 2. 5. And there were [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] sojourning at jerusalem jews, devout men, out of every Nation under Heaven. 
  
DISC. XXI. 
pag. 77.  1. Cor. 9 14. Even so hath the Lord ordained, that they which preach the Gospel, should live of the Gospel; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
  
DISC. XXII. 
pag. 80.  Psalm 112. 6. The Righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance. 
  
DISC. XXIII. 
pag. 84.  S. Matthew 10. 41. He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall receive a Prophet's reward. 
  
DISC. XXIV. 
pag. 89.  S. Luke 2. 13, 14. And suddenly there was with the Angel a multitude of the heavenly Host, praising God, and saying, Glory be to God on high, (or, in the highest) and on earth Peace, goodwill towards men. 
  
DISC. XXV. 
pag. 97.  S. Mark 1. 14. 15. Now after that john was put in prison, jesus came into Galilee, preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom of God. And saying, The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand; Repent ye, and Believe the Gospel. 
  
DISC. XXVI. 
pag. 106.  S. Mark 1. 15. Repent ye, and believe the Gospel. 
  
DISC. XXVII. 
pag. 115.  Acts 5. 3, 4, 5. But Peter said, Ananias, why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie to the holy Ghost, and to purloin of the price of the land? 
 Whiles it remained, was it not thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thy power? why hast thou conceived this thing in thine heart? Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God. 
 And Ananias hearing these words, fell down and gave up the ghost. 
  
DISC. XXVIII. 
pag. 124.  Proverbs 30. 8, 9 Give me neither Poverty, nor Riches; Feed me with Food convenient for me. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 
 Lest I be full and deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord? or lest I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 
  
DISC. XXIX. 
pag. 135.  Isaiah 2. 2, 3, 4. And it shall come to pass in the last days, that the Mountain of the Lords House shall be established [or, prepared] in the top of the Mountains, and exalted above the Hills; and all Nations shall flow unto it, etc. 
  
DISC. XXX. 
pag. 140.  judges 1. 7. As I have done, so God hath requited me. 
  
DISC. XXXI. 
pag. 150.  S. Matthew 11. 28, 29. Come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. 
 Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart: and ye shall find rest unto your souls. 
  
DISC. XXXII. 
pag. 157.  S. Matthew 11. 29. ... Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart; and ye shall find rest unto your souls. 
  
DISC. XXXIII. 
pag. 164.  Acts 10. 4. And he said unto him, Thy Prayers and thine Alms are come up for a memorial before God; or (as it is verse 31.) are had in remembrance, etc. 
  
DISC. XXXIV. 
pag. 173.  Nehemiah 13. 14. Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and wipe not out my good deeds [Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] that I have done for the House of my God and for the Offices thereof. with Verse 22. 
 Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and spare me according to the greatness of thy mercy. 
  
DISC. XXXV. 
pag. 177.  Deuteronomy 33. 8. And of Levi he said, Let thy Thummim and thy Urim be with thy Holy One. 
  
DISC. XXXVI. 
pag. 187.  jeremiah 10. 11. Thus shall ye say unto them, The Gods that made not the Heavens and the Earth, (even) they shall perish from the Earth, and from under these Heavens. 
  
DISC. XXXVII. 
pag. 199.  Proverbs 4. 23. Keep thy heart with all diligence [Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 above all keeping:] For out of it are the issues of life. 
  
DISC. XXXVIII. 
pag. 206.  Isaiah 55. 7. Let the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous man his thoughts: and let him return unto the Lord, and he will have mercy upon him; and to our God, for he will abundantly pardon. 
  
DISC. XXXIX. 
pag. 213.  S. Matthew 7. 21. Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the Kingdom of heaven; but he that doth the will of my Father which is in heaven. 
  
DISC. XL. 
pag. 220.  Genesis 3. 13. And the Lord God said unto the woman, What is this that thou hast done? And the woman said. The Serpent beguiled me, and I did eat. 
  
DISC. XLI. 
pag. 228.  Genesis 3. 14. And the Lord God said unto the Serpent, Because thou hast done this, thou art cursed above all cattle and above every beast of the field: upon thy belly shalt thou go, and dust shalt thou eat all the days of thy life. 
  
DISC. XLII. 
pag. 234.  Genesis 3. 15. And I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed: it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel. 
  
DISC. XLIII. 
Page 238  2 Peter 2. 1. But there were false Prophets also among the people, even as there shall be false Teachers among you, who privily shall bring in damnable Heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them, and bring upon themselves swift destruction. 
  
DISC. XLIV. 
pag. 245  1 Cor. 10. 3, 4. And they did all eat the same Spiritual meat; And did all drink the same Spiritual drink: (for they drank of that Spiritual Rock that followed them: and that Rock was Christ) 
  
DISC. XLV. 
pag. 251  1 Cor. 10. 3, 4. ... And they did all eat the same spiritual meat: And they did all drink the same Spiritual drink. 
  
DISC. XLVI. 
pag. 255  1 Cor. 10. 5. But with many of them God was not well pleased: for they were overthrown in the Wilderness. 
  
DISC. XLVII. 
pag. 260  Deuteronomy 16. 16, 17. Three times in a year shall all thy males appear before the Lord thy God, in the place which he shall choose: in the Feast of Unleavened bread, and in the Feast of Weeks, and in the Feast of Tabernacles: and they shall not appear before the Lord empty. Every man shall give as he is able, according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he hath given thee. 
  
DISC. XLVIII. 
pag. 265  Deuteronomy 16. 16, 17. ... In the Feast of Unleavened bread, and in the Feast of Weeks, and in the Feast of Tabernacles: and they shall not appear before the Lord empty. Every man shall give as he is able, according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he hath given thee. 
  
DISC. XLIX. 
pag. 271  Genesis 10. 5. By these the Isles of the Gentiles [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] were divided [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in their lands; every one after his tongue, after their families, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in their nations. 
  
DISC. L. 
pag. 276  Genesis 10. 5. By these were the Isles of the Gentiles divided in their lands, etc. 
  
DISC. LI. 
p. 284  Psalm 50. 14. Offer unto God praise, and pay thy Vows unto the most High. 
  
DISC. LII. 
p. 295  Revel. 3. 19 As many as I love, Irebuke and chaslen: Be zealous therefore, and repent. 
  
DISC. LIII. 
pag. 303  1 Ep. john 2. 3. Hereby we do know that we know him, if we keep his Commandments. 
   

THE FIRST BOOK; CONTAINING DISCOURSES ON DIVERS TEXTS OF SCRIPTURE.  

DISCOURSE 1.  

S. MATTHEW 6. 9  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Thus therefore pray ye; Our Father, etc.  
IT was well hoped, after the question about the lawfulness and fitness of a set Form of Prayer had been so long debated in our Church, that the Sect of those who opposed it had been ere this well-nigh extinguished: But experience tells us the contrary, that this Fancy is not only still living, but begins, as it were, to recover and get strength afresh. In which regard my Discourse at this time will not be unseasonable, if, taking my rise from these words of our Saviour, I acquaint you upon what grounds and example this practice of the Christian Church hath been established, and how frivolous and weak the Reasons are which some of late do bring against it.  
To begin therefore; You see by the Text I have now read, that our Blessed Saviour delivered a set Form of Prayer unto his Disciples, and in so doing hath commended the use of a set Form of Prayer unto his Church: Thus therefore (saith he) pray ye; Our Father which art in Heaven, etc.  
Is not this a set Form of Prayer? and did not our Saviour deliver it to be used by his Disciples? They tell us, No. For Thus, say they, in this place is not thus to be understood; but for, in this manner, to this effect or sense, or after this pattern; not in these words and syllables. To this I answer, It is true that this form of Prayer is a Pattern for us to make other Prayers by; but that this only should be the meaning of our Saviour's Thus, and not the rehearsal of the words themselves, I utterly deny: and I prove it out of the eleventh Chapter of S. Luke, where the same Prayer is again delivered in these words, O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When ye pray, say, Our Father which art in Heaven— that is, do it in haec verba. For what other phrase of Scripture is there to express such a meaning, if this be not? Besides, in this of S. Luke the occasion would be considered. It came to pass (saith he) as jesus was praying in a certain place, that when he ceased, one of his Disciples said unto him, Lord, teach us to pray, as john also taught his Disciples. From whence it may not improbably be gathered, that this was the custom of the Doctors of Israel to deliver some certain Form of Prayer unto their Disciples, to use, as it were a badge and Symbolum of their Discipleship; at least john Baptist had done so unto his Disciples: and thereupon our Saviour's Disciples besought him, that he also would give them in like manner some Form of his making, that they might also pray with their Master's spirit, as John's Disciples did with theirs. 
Matth. 6. 9  For that either our Saviour's or John's Disciples knew not how to pray till now, were ridiculous to imagine; they being both of them jews, who had their certain set hours of prayer, which they constantly observed, as the third, sixth and ninth. It was therefore a Form of Prayer of their Master's making, which both john is said to have given his Disciples, and our Saviour's Disciples besought him to give them.  
For the fuller understanding whereof, I must tell you something more, and the rather, because it is not commonly taken notice of; and that is, That this delivery of the Lord's Prayer in S. Luke is not the same with that related by S. Matthew, but another, at another time, and upon another occasion: That of S. Matthew in that famous Sermon of Christ upon the Mount, whereof it is a part; that of S. Luke upon a special motion of the Disciples at a time when himself had done praying: That of S. Matthew in the second; that of S. Luke in the third year after his Baptism. Consider the Text of both, and you shall find it impossible to bring them into one and the same. Whence it follows, that the Disciples, when it was first uttered, understood not that their Master intended it for a Form of Prayer unto them, but for a pattern or example only, or, it may be, to instruct them in special in what manner to ask forgiveness of sins. For if they had thought he had given them a Form of Prayer then, they would never have asked him for one now. Wherefore our Saviour this second time utters himself more expressly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When ye pray, say, Our Father which art in Heaven— Thus their inadvertency becomes our confirmation: For as joseph said to Pharaoh, 
* Gen. 41. 32.  The dream is doubled unto Pharaoh, because the thing is established by God; so may we say here, the delivery of this Prayer was doubled unto the Disciples, that they and we might thereby know the more certainly that our Saviour intended and commended it for a set Form of Prayer unto his Church.  
Thus much of that set Form of Prayer which our Saviour gave unto his Disciples, as a precedent and warrant to his Church to give the like Forms to her Disciples or members; a thing which from her infancy she used to do. But because her practice is called in question, as not warranted by Scripture, let us see what was the practice of the Church of the Old Testament, than whose example and use we can have no better rule to follow in the New.  
First therefore, we find two set Forms of Prayer, or Invocation, appointed by God himself in the Law of Moses. One, the Form wherewith the Priests were to bless the people: Num. 6. 23, 24, 25, 26. On this wise, saith he, shall Aaron and his sons bless the children of Israel, saying unto them, The Lord bless thee and keep thee; The Lord make his face shine upon thee, and be gracious unto thee; The Lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace. Is not this a set Form of Prayer? For what is to bless, but to pray over or invocate God for another?  
The second is the Form of profession and prayer to be used by him who had paid his Tithes every third year: Deut. 26. 13. O Lord God, I have brought away the hallowed things out of mine house, and also have given them unto the Levite, and unto the stranger, and fatherless, and unto the widow, according to all thy commandments which thou hast commanded me: I have not transgressed thy Commandments, nor have I forgotten them. 14. I have not eaten thereof in my mourning, neither have I taken away thereof for an unclean use, etc. 15. Look down from thy holy habitation, from heaven, and bless thy people Israel, and the Land which thou hast given us, as thou swarest to our Fathers, a Land that floweth with milk and honey.  
But what need we seek thus for scattered Forms, when we have a whole Book of them together? The Book of Psalms was the jewish Liturgy, or the chief part of the Vocal service wherewith they worshipped God in the Temple. This is evident by the Titles of the Psalms themselves, which show them to have been commended to the several Quires in the same, To Asaph, To the sons of Korah, To jeduthun, and almost forty of them To the Magister Symphoniae the Perfect or Master of the Music, in general. The like we are to conceive of those which have no Titles; as for example, of the 105 and 96 Psalms, which, though they have no such Inscription in the Psalm-book, yet we find 1 Chron. 16. 7. that they were delivered by David into the hands of Asaph and his Brethren for forms to thank the Lord. This a man would think were sufficient to take away all scruple in this point; especially when we ourselves, and all the Reformed Churches, use to sing the same Psalms, not only as set Forms, but set in Metre that is after a humane composure. Are not the Psalms set Forms of Confession, of Prayer, and of Praising God? And in case there had been no Prayers amongst them, yet what reason could be given, why it should not be as lawful to pray unto God in a set Form, as to praise him in such a one?  
What therefore do they say to this? Why, they tell us, that the Psalms are not sung in the Church unto God, but so rehearsed for instruction of the people only, namely, as the Chapters and Lessons are there read, and no otherwise. But if either we do, ought, or may sing the Psalms in the Church with the same end and purpose that the Church of the Old Testament did, (and it were absurd to say we might not,) this Exception will not subsist. For what is more certain than that the Church of Israel used the Psalms for Forms of praising and invocating God? What mean else those Forms, Cantemus Domino, Psallite Domino, Let us sing unto the Lord, and, Sing ye unto the Lord, and the like so frequent in them? But there are more direct and express testimonies. In 1 Chron. 25. 3. it is expressly said of jeduthun and his sons, that their office was to prophesy with a Harp, to give thanks, and to praise the Lord. In the second of Chron. 30. 21. we read, that the Levites and the Priests praised the Lord day by day, singing with loud Instruments unto the Lord. And, as ye heard even now, out of 1 Chron. 16. David, at the time when he brought up the Ark unto jerusalem, than first delivered the 105 and 96 Psalms into the hands of Asaph and his sons to confess or give thanks unto the Lord. And lastly, to leave no place for farther doubt, we read Ezra 3. 10, 11. that the Levites the sons of Asaph were set with Cymbals to praise the Lord, after the ordinance of David King of Israel: and that they sung together by course, in praising and giving thanks unto the Lord, because he is good, for his mercy endureth for ever. For this reason, the four and twenty Courses or Quires into which the Singers of the Temple were divided by King David to serve in their turns, consisted each of them of twelve, according to the number of the Tribes of Israel; that so every Tribe might have a mouth and voice to praise and to give thanks unto God for him in the Temple.  
Thus we have seen what warrant topray and call upon God in a set Form hath from the practice of the Church of God in the Old Testament. And, if Reason may have place, in the public service of God, where one is the mouth of many, there is none so proper and convenient. For how can the Minister be said properly to be the mouth of the Congregation in prayer unto God, when the Congregation is not first made acquainted and privy to what he is to tender unto God in their names? Which in a voluntary and extemporary form of Prayer they are not, nor well can be; I am sure neither so properly nor conveniently as in a set Form, which both they and the whole Church have agreed upon, and offer unto God at the same time, though in several places, in the selfsame form and words. And this may be a second Reason, I mean from Uniformity: For how can the Church, being a Mystical Body, better testify her unity before God, than in her uniformity in calling upon him? especially your Saviour telling us, that if but two or three shall agree together on earth, as touching any thing that they shall ask, 
Matth. 18. 19  it shall be done unto them of his Father which is in heaven. So prevailable with Almighty God is the power of Consent in Prayer.  
LET us now, in the last place, see what Reasons they bring who contend altogether for voluntary Prayer, and would have no set Forms used.  
First, they say, It is the ordinance of God, that the Church should be edified by the gifts of her Ministers as well in Praying as Preaching. Ergo, their Prayers should be extemporary or voluntary; because in reading a set Form of Prayer this gift cannot be shown.  
To this I answer, First, That there is not in this point the same reason for Prayer and for Preaching: for in Prayer (I mean public) the Minister is the mouth of the Church unto God, and therefore it were convenient they should know what he puts up to God in their names; but in Preaching he is not so. Secondly, Why should not the Pastors and Ministers of the Church edify the Church by their gift of Prayer, as well in composing a set Form of Prayer for her use by general agreement, as in uttering a voluntary or extemporary Prayer in a particular Congregation? Thirdly, Are not the members of the Church to be edified as well by the spirit of the Church, as the Church or some part thereof by the spirit of a member? But how can the Church edify her members by her gift of Prayer, otherwise than by a set Form agreed upon by her consent? Fourthly, Ostentation of gifts is one thing, but Edification by them another. Ostentation of the gift of Prayer is indeed best shown in a voluntary or extemporary Prayer; but the Church may be edified as well by a set Form. Yea such a Form in the public service of God is more edificative than a voluntary: And that, both because the Congregation is first made acquainted therewith; and secondly, because they are better secured from being engaged in aught that might be unfit to speak unto God, either for matter or manner, or such as they would not have given their consent to if they had been aware of it. For now that extraordinary assistance of the Holy Ghost, which was in the Primitive and Apostolical times, is long since ceased; and all men, to whom that office belongeth to speak to God for others, are not at all times discreet and well advised, when they speak to him at will and extempore, but subject to miscarriage. Lastly, I answer, That the Church is to be edified by the gift of her Ministers in voluntary Prayer, loco & tempore, in fit place and upon fit occasions, not in all places and upon all occasions. And thus much to this Objection.  
But they object secondly, That the Spirit ought to be free and unlimited, and that therefore a Book or set Form of Prayer, which limits the Spirit in praying, is not to be tolerated or used.  
To this I answer, It is false, that the acting of the Spirit in one Christian may not be limited or regulated by the spirit of another; especially, the spirit of a particular man in the public worship, by the Spirit of the Church whereof he is a member. For doth not the Apostle tell us 1 Cor. 14. 29, 30. that even that extraordinary Spirit of prophecy, usual in his time, might be limited by the spirit of another Prophet? Let the Prophets, saith he, speak two or three, and let the other judge: If any thing be revealed to another that sitteth by, let the first hold his peace. Is not this a limiting? He gives a reason v. 32. For the spirits of the Prophets, saith he, are subject to the Prophets. Besides, are not the spirits of the people as well limited and determined by a voluntary Prayer, when they join therein with their Minister, as they are by a set Form? True, the spirit of the Minister is then free; but theirs is not so, but tied and led by the spirit of the Minister as much as if he used a set Form. But to elude this, they tell us, that the Question is not of limiting the spirit of the people, but of the Minister only: For, as for the people, no more is required of them but to join with their Minister, and to testify it by saying Amen; but the spirit of the Minister ought to be left free, and not to be limited. But where is this written, that the one may not be limited as well as the other? We heard the Apostle say even now, The spirit of the Prophets is subject to the Prophets: If in prophesying, why not in praying? And what show of Reason can be given, why the spirit of a particular Minister in the public worship of the Church may not, yea ought not to be limited and regulated by the spirit of the Church Representative, as well as the spirit of a whole Congregation by the spirit of a particular Minister? For every particular Minister is as much subordinate to the spirit of the Church Representative, as the spirit of the Congregation is to his. So much for this Objection.  
There remaineth yet a third, which may be answered in two or three words. No set Form of Prayer, say they, can serve for all occasions. What then? yet why may it not be used for all such occasions as it serves for? If any sudden and unexpected occasion happen, for which the Church cannot provide, the spirit of her Ministers is free: Who will forbid them to supply, in such a case, that by a voluntary and arbitrary form, which the Church could not provide for in a set Form? And this is what I intended to say of this Argument.    

DISCOURSE II.  

MATTHEW 6. 9 LUKE 11. 2.  
Sanctificetur Nomen tuum. Sanctified, or Hallowed, be thy Name.  
ALthough I make no question but that which we so often repeat unto Almighty God in our daily prayers, is for the general meaning thereof by the most of us in some competent measure understood: yet because by a moreful and distinct explication the knowledge of some may be improved, and the meditations of others occasioned to a further search; I hope I shall not do amiss, nor be thought to have chosen a Theme either needless or not so fit for this Auditory, If I shall inquire What that is we pray for in this first Petition of the Prayer our Lord hath taught us, when we desire that God's Name may be sanctified: For perhaps we shall find more contained therein than is commonly taken notice of.  
The words are few, and therefore shall need no other Analyse than what their very number presents unto us, 
Matth. 6. 9 Luke 11. 2.  viz. God's Name, and the sanctifying thereof; Sanctificetur Nomen tuum. I will begin first with the last in order, but first in nature, Nomen tuum, God's Name. By which, according to the style of Holy Scripture, we are to understand in this place, First of all, God himself, or His sacred Deity, to wit, abstractly expressed, according to the style of eminency and dignity, that is, Dei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Divine Majesty: as we are wont for the King to say, His Majesty, or the King's Majesty, and of other persons of honour and eminency, their Highness, their Honour, his Excellency, and the like; so of God, His Name, and sometimes, with the selfsame meaning, His Glory; as jer. 2. 11. Hath any nation changed their Gods, which yet are no Gods? but my people have changed their Glory (that is, their God) for that which is good for nought. So Psalm 106. 20. of the Calf made in the wilderness, They changed their Glory into the similitude of an Ox that eateth grass: And S. Paul, Rom. 1. 23. They changed the Glory (that is, the Majesty) of the incorruptible God into an Image made like to corruptible man, etc. Such is the notion, but much more frequent, of God's Name. In a word, Nomen Dei in this kind of use is nothing else but Divinum Numen. Whence it is that in Scripture, to call upon the Name of God, to blaspheme the Name of God, to love his Name, to swear by his Name, to build a Temple to his Name, for his Name to dwell there; and in the New Testament, to believe in the Name of the Lord jesus, to call upon the Name of the Lord jesus; these, I say, and the like expressions have no other meaning, than to do these things to the Divine Majesty, to the Lord jesus, whose is that Name above every name, whereat every knee must bow. Accordingly here, Sanctisicetur Nomen tuum, Hallowed be thy Name, is as much as to say, Sanctificetur Numen tuum, Sanctified be thy Divine Majesty.  
Secondly, Under the Name of God here to be sanctified or hallowed, understand, besides the Majesty of his Godhead, that also super quod invocatum est Nomen ejus, whereupon his Name is called, or that which is called by his Name, (as we in our Bible's commonly express this phrase of Scripture;) that is, all whatsoever is God's, or God is the Lord and owner of by a peculiar right; such as are Things sacred, whether they be Persons, or whether Things by distinction so called, or Times, or Places, which have upon them a relation of peculiarness towards God. For such as these are said in Scripture, to have the Name of God called upon them, or to be called by his Name; that is, to be His. Thus we read in Scripture of an House which had the Name of God upon it, or which was called by his Name, that is, God's House, 1 Kings 8. 43. jer. 7. 10, etc. Of a City upon which the Name of God was called or named, to wit, the Holy City, jerusalem, the City of the great King, the Lord of hosts, jer. 25. 29. Dan. 9 18. Of an Ark upon which the Name of God the Lord was called, 1 Chron. 13. 6. 2 Sam. 6. 2. that is, the Lord's Ark, or the Ark of his Covenant, as it is elsewhere named. Of a People upon which the Name of the Lord was called, or which were called by his Name, Deut. 28. 10. Dan. 9 19 and elsewhere; that is, were his peculiar and holy people; as is said in like manner, and with like meaning, of the Church of the New Testament, james 2. 7. Acts 15. 17. I represent not these places of Scripture at large, because I know that every ear that is acquainted with Scripture can bear witness unto them. And for the meaning of this expression of God's Name to be called upon a thing, or a thing to be called by his Name, that it is all one as to say it to be His, (besides the evidence of the matter whereabout it is used,) appears by the same phrase used in two other places, of the like relation of men to that which is theirs: as Gen. 48. 16. where jacob blessing Ioseph's sons saith, The Angel which redeemed me from all evil, bless the lads, and let my name be called upon them; that is, let them be mine, namely, as Reuben and Simeon are mine, as he saith a little before; for they are words of adoption. Again, in the 4. of Esay 1. where it is said, that seven women should take hold of one man, and say, We will eat our own bread, and wear our own apparel, only let thy Name be called upon us, to take away our reproach; that is, Do thou own us, or let us be thine, that it may not be a reproach unto us that we have no husband. The Ancients were wont to set the Names of the Owners upon their houses and other possessions; which they called Tituli, Titles. Chrysologus Serm. 145. Sicut dominos praediorum liminibus affixi Tituli proloquuntur, As the Titles fixed to doors do speak the owners of the possessions. S. Augustine in Psal. 21. Quando potens aliquis invenerit Titulos suos, nun jure rem sibi vendicat, & dicit, Non poneret titulos meos, nisi res mea esset? When any great man shall spy his own Titles, does he not justly challenge the goods, and say, No man would put my Titles to it, unless the thing were mine? Whether this phrase of Scripture, of God's Name to be called or named upon a thing, hath reference unto any such custom, I cannot affirm; but surely the meaning is the same, to wit; that God is the Lord and Proprietary of them. And thus ye have heard what is this Name of God we pray here to be sanctified; to wit, a twofold Name, first, his Name and Majesty which we call upon; secondly, that also which is called by his Name: The first we may call his Personal, the other his Denominative or Participated Name.  
HAVING learned what Nomen Dei importeth, and so cleared the Object of what we pray for; let us next inquire what that is which the word Sanctify, or To be sanctified, implieth, being that which our vote witnesseth aught to be done thereunto. And this I intended for the main and principal Argument of my present Discourse, being a matter not so well traced as the former, and perhaps not altogether freed of obscurity and difficulty to be understood.  
For our more certain and assured discovery whereof, we will first examine the abstract thereof, Sanctity, and find out the true notion of it, namely, what is the ratio formalis, the formal state or nature of that which the Scripture entitleth in the general 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Holy; not regarding what notion the Greeks or Latins had respect to in their Languages, but what the Holy Scripture properly intendeth under that name. For because to be sanctified can have but these two senses, either to be made holy, or to be used and done unto according to, or as becometh, its holiness; and that the Majesty of God, which is the prime object of this Act, is not capable of the first sense (viz. to be made holy) but of the second only: if we therefore once rightly understand what is the condition and property of Sanctity according to the notion of Scripture, we shall not be long ignorant what it is either for the Name or Majesty of God, or that which is called by his Name, to be hallowed or sanctified, namely, to be done unto according to their Holiness.  
Now R. David Kimchi upon the 56 of Esay, ver. 2. Blessed is the man that keepeth the Sabbath from polluting it, hath these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To sanctify the Sabbath is to separate or distinguish it from other days; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Because all words of Sanctity import a thing separated or divided from other things by way of preeminence or excellency. Thus the Rabbi. And that this which he saith is true, namely, That Sanctity consists in a discretion and distinction from other things by way of exaltation and preeminence, may appear by these instances and examples which I shall now produce out of Scripture.  
And first from that Law touching the Holy oil, Exod. 30. 31. where, after the composition thereof described, This (saith the Lord) shall be an holy anointing Oil unto me. What is that? why, it follows, v. 32. Upon man's flesh shall it not be poured, neither shall ye make any other like it, after the composition thereof. It is Holy, therefore it shall be Holy unto you. That is, As this Oil is holy and discrete from other Oils, so shall it accordingly by you be used with difference and discrimination: For the Text goes on v. 33. Whosoever compoundeth any like it, or putteth any of it upon a stranger, (that is, upon any besides those it was appropriated to,) shall be cut off from his people. What else means all this, but that this Oil should be a singular or peculiar Oil, set apart and distinguished from all other Oils both in its composition and use; and that to be such, was to be Holy or Sacred.  
The like we shall find in the 35. verse of the same Chapter, concerning the Holy Presume there described: Thou shalt make it, saith he, (to wit, the ingredients he afore mentioned) a presume, a consection, after the art of the Apothecary, tempered together, pure and Holy. Verse 37. You shall not make to yourselves (that is, not for your own use) according to the composition thereof: It shall be unto thee Holy for the Lord. Ver. 38. Whosoever shall make the like unto it, to smellthereto, shall be cut off from his people.  
But above all others this notion of Sanctity or Holiness is most expressly intimated and taught us in those divine Periphrases or circumlocutions which the Lord himself more than once makes of an Holy People: as Leu. 20. 24. speaking on this manner; I am the Lord your God which have separated you from other people.— Ver. 26. And ye shall be Holy unto me: for I the Lord am Holy, and have severed you from other people, that ye should be mine. Mark here, that to separate is to make Holy; and that to be Holy is to be separated from others of the same rank. Again, Deut. 26. 18, 19 The Lord hath avouched thee (to wit, Israel) this day to be his peculiar (or appropriate) people, as he hath promised thee:— And to make thee high above all nations which he hath made, in praise, in name, and in honour; namely, that thou may est be an Holy people unto the Lord thy God, as he hath spoken. Now what is this but Rabbi Kim●hi's definition almost verbatim? that to be sacred or Holy is to be separated or set apart from other things by way of excellence; or, which is all one, to be set in some state of singularity or appropriatedness, whereby it is advanced above the common condition of things of the same order. He that will, may compare also two other passages, Deut. 7. 6. & 14. 2. parallel to those I have produced; where to be an Holy, and to be a Peculiar people, are made one and the same, or the one expounded by the other.  
It may be yet further confirmed by comparing Deut. 19 2, 7. with joshuah 20. 7. For whereas in the former of these places it is said concerning the Cities of refuge, Thou shalt separate, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, three Cities for thee in the midst of thy land: in joshuah, where this commandment is put in execution, we read in stead of separated, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. they sanctified three Cities, Kedesh, Shechem, and Hebron. Where that the one is equivalent to the other, the Seventy so well understood, that even in this place of joshuah, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is, Sanctificârunt they sanctified, they rendered 
* By which they are wont otherwise to render the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, separârunt, or discreverunt, they separated or set apart.  
The same notion of Holiness may be gathered from the Antithesis or opposite thereunto, to wit, Unholy, or unclean, which the Scripture is wont to express by the name of Common. So S. Peter in his Vision, Acts 10. 14. Lord, saith he, I have never eaten any thing that is common or unclean, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For know, that because that which is Holy aught to be kept pure and clean; or rather, because Cleanness imports a separation from filth, as Holiness doth from common; thence Clean and Holy, and so also Unholy and unclean, are used the one for the other: whence 1 Cor. 7. 14. unclean and Holy are opposed. But to go on; the voice from heaven answers S. Peter in the same language v. 15. What God hath cleansed, (that is, sanctified,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, account not thou common. So in 1 Mac. 1. 47. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are unclean beasts; and v. 62. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to eat unclean things.  
The like Antithesis of Holy and Common is to be found Heb. 10. 29. where the Apostle saith of a Believer or Christian that lives an ungodly and wicked life, He hath trodden under foot the Son of God, and counted the blood of the Covenant wherewith he was sanctified, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as a common thing; that is, he had profaned it. Our translation rendereth it an unholy thing; the opposition thereof to sanctified witnessing that to be the meaning. Now then, if to be Unholy or unclean be to be Common; surely it follows by the Law of opposition, that to be Holy is to be separated from the common, or to be singular and appropriate in some manner or other.  
Lastly, it is to be observed, that whereas in the Law given Numbers 6. concerning the Vow of Nazarisme (which word signifies separation, of Nazar, to separate) the words, to separate, and separation, come very often in the Text; the vulgar Latin renders for them above ten times, consecrare, consecratio, sanctificare, and sanctificatio: which shows, 
As the 〈◊〉. once or twice in this place, and e●●●w●●re sometimes render the same word.  that this notion, namely, that Holiness consists in a state of separation, is no new conceit, but such as Antiquity took notice of.  
The nature of Holiness, wherein it consisteth, according to the idiom of Scripture, being thus found out and cleared, that which was aimed at in this inquisition, to wit, what the same meaneth by to sanctify, and to be sanctified, will be no hard matter to resolve. For Sanctity and to sanctify being Conjugates or Denominatives, as Logicians call them; the one openeth the way to the knowledge of the other. If therefore Sanctity or Holiness be a condition of discretion and distinction from other things, as we have showed it to be; then to sanctify must either be to put a thing into that state, which we call, to consecrate; or if it be such already, to use and do unto it as becomes the sanctity thereof: that is, haberè cum discrimin●, to put a difference between it and other things by way of excellency, or in a dignîfying wise, by appropriating and severing it in the use thereof from things of ordinary and common rank; or, which is all one, to use it singularly, appropriately, and, in a word, uncommonly. For not to use it so, it being such, were to abuse it, which the Scripture calls to profane; to sanctify and to profane being opposites. Whence Ezek. 22. 26. to profane is expounded by not putting a difference: The Priests (saith the Lord) have violated my Law, and have profaned my holy things; they have put no difference between the holy and profane.  
This to be to sanctify, all the places almost which I have alleged out of the Law for the notion and nature of sanctity do apparently proclaim: for the one is so nearly linked to the other, that they could not well be separated. Thus was Israel, God's holy people, to sanctify themselves by a discriminative manner of living or usance, because the Lord their God had discriminated or separated them from other people. So Leu. 20. 24, 25, 26. I am the Lord your God, which have separated you from other people. Ye shall therefore put difference between clean beasts and unclean, and between unclean fowls and clean: And ye shall not make your souls abominable by beast or by fowl, or by any manner of living thing that creepeth on the ground, which I have separated from you as unclean. But ye shall be holy unto me; for I the Lord am holy, and have severed you from other people, that ye should be mine.  
After the same manner were the Holy Ointment and the Holy Perfume or Incense to be sanctified by a discriminative, singular, appropriate usance of them, and not to be used as other Ointments and Perfumes: to wit, the one not to be poured upon man's flesh, nor the other used for man's smelling unto; yea none of the like composition to the one or the other to be made for any profane or common use, upon pain of his being cut off from his people who should dare to do it. That is, not the particular or Individuum only, but even the whole kind of that composition was to be accounted sacred: otherwise this caution needed not; since for the Individual, all sacred things ought to be appropriate and incommunicable in their use.  
And to this notion it is not altogether improbable but the Apostle may allude, 1 Cor. 11. 29. when he expresseth the profanation of the Holy Supper in coming to it, and using it as a common banquet, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not differencing the Lord's body; that is, not sanctifying it, or using it as became so holy a thing.  
HITHERTO I have considered the words of my Text apart: but now let us put them again together, and see How the Name of God ought to be Sanctified in the manner now specified, both in itself, and in the things which it is called upon; as in the beginning I distinguished. For the better understanding of which, we are to take notice of a twofold Holiness; one Original, Absolute, and Essential in God; the other Derived or Relative in the things which are His, properly (according to the use of the Latin) called Sacra, Sacred things. Both these have their several and distinct Sanctifications belonging unto them. For whatsoever is Holy, aught to be sanctified, according to the condition and proportion of the Holiness it hath.  
To speak of them distinctly. The first, Original or Absolute Holiness, is nothing else but the incommunicable Eminency of the Divine Majesty, exalted above all, and divided from all other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Eminencies whatsoever. For that which a man takes to be, and makes account of as, his God, (whether it be such indeed, or by him fancied only) he ascribes unto it, ●in so doing, a condition of Eminency above, and distinct from all other Eminencies whatsoever, that is of Holiness. Hence it comes that we find the Lord the God of Israel, and the only true God, in Scripture so often styled Sanctus Israelis, the Holy One of Israel, that is, Israel's most Eminent and Incommunicable One, or, which is all one, His God: as namely Psal. 89. 18. The Lord is our defence, the HOLY ONE of Israel is our King. Esay 17. 7. At that day shall a man look unto his Maker, and his eyes shall have respect to the HOLY ONE of Israel. Habak. 1. 12. Art not thou from everlasting, O Lord my God, mine HOLY ONE? Agreeably whereunto the Lord is said also now and then to swear by his HOLINESS, that is, by Himself: as in the Psalm before alleged v. 35. Once have I sworn by my HOLINESS, that I will not lie unto David, etc. Amos 4. 2. The Lord God hath sworn by his HOLINESS, that lo, the days shall come upon you that he will take you away with hooks, etc. According to this sense I suppose also that of Amos 8. 7. is● to be understood; The Lord hath sworn by the Excellency of jacob (that is Iacob's most Eminent and Incommunicable One, 
See Esay. 24. 14.  or by Iacob's HOLY ONE) Surely I will never forget any of their works, etc. For indeed the Gods of the Nations were not properly and truly Holy, 
Micah 4. 3.  because but partially and respectively only; forasmuch as the Divine eminency which they were supposed to have was, even in the opinion of those who worshipped them, common to others with them, and so not discriminated from, nor exalted above all: But the God of Israel was simply and absolutely such, both in himself and to them-ward who worshipped him, as who might acknowledge no other; and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by way of distinction from all other Gods, called Sanctus Israelis, The Holy One of Israel; that is, that sole absolute and only incommunicable One, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as the Author of the Book of Wisdom calls him, chap. 14. 21.) That God exalted above all, and divided from all, without pareil; there being no other such besides him. There is none holy as the Lord, (saith Hannah) for there is none besides thee; 
1 Sam. 2. 2.  [Lxx. 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  none Holy besides thee;] neither is there any Rock like our God. Wherefore it is to be observed, that although the Scripture every where vouchsafes the Gentiles Daemons the name of Gods; yet it never, I think, calls them Holy Ones, as indeed they were not. Thus you see that as Holiness in general imports a state of eminency and separation; so this of God, as I have described it, disagrees not from that general notion, when I affirm it to consist in a state of peerless or incommunicable Majesty: for that which is such, includes both the one and the other. But would you understand it yet better? Apply it then to his Attributes whereby he is known unto us, and know that The Lord is Holy, is as much as to say, He is a Majesty of peerless Power, of peerless Wisdom, of peerless Goodness, and so of the rest. Such a one is our God, and such is his Holiness.  
Now then to Sanctify this peerless Name or Majesty of his must be by doing unto him according to that which his Holiness challengeth in respect of the double importance thereof: namely, to serve and glorify him, because of his Eminency; and to do it with a singular, separate, and incommunicated worship, because he is Holy. Not to do the former is Irreligion and Atheism, as not to acknowledge God to be the Chief and Sovereign Eminency; not to observe the second is Idolatry. For as the Lord our God is a singular and peerless Majesty, distinguished from and exalted above all things and eminencies else whatsoever; so must his Worship be singular, incommunicable, and proper to him alone. Otherwise, 
josh. 24. 19  (saith joshnah to the people) Ye cannot serve the Lord. Why? For (saith he) He is an Holy God, He is a jealous God, (that can endure no corrival,) He will not forgive your transgressions nor your sins. I● ye forsake the Lord and serve strange gods, etc.  
Whence in Scripture, those who communicate the Worship given unto him with any besides him, or together with him, by way of Object, that is, whether immediately or but mediately, are deemed to deny his incomparable Sanctity, and therefore said to profane his Holy Name. See Ezek. 20. 39 and chap. 43. 7, 8. Levit. 18. 21.  
In a word; All that whole immediate Duty and Service which we owe unto God, whether inward or outward, contained under the name of Divine Worship, (when either we confess, praise, pray unto, call upon or swear by his Name) yea all the Worship both of men and Angels, is nothing else but to acknowledge in thought, word and work, this peerless preeminence of his Power, of his Wisdom, of his Goodness and other Attributes, that is, His Holiness; by ascribing and giving unto him that which we give and ascribe to none besides him, that is, to sanctify his most Holy Name. This is that the Holy Ghost would teach us, when describing how the Seraphims worship and glorify God, Esay 6. 3. he brings them in crying one unto another, Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God of hosts, the whole earth is full of his glory; that is, Sanctifying him. From whence is derived that which we repeat every day in the Hymn, To thee all Angels cry aloud, the heavens and all the powers therein; To thee Cherubin and Seraphim continually do cry, Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of Sabbaoth; Heaven and earth are full of the Majesty of thy Glory.  
And because the pattern of God's holy worship is not to be taken from Earth, but from Heaven; the same Spirit therefore in the Apocalypse expresseth the Worship of God in the New Testament with the same form of hallowing or holying his Name which the heavenly Host useth. For so the four Animalia, representing the Catholic Church of Christ in the four quarters of the world, are said when they give glory, honour and thanks to him that sitteth upon the throne and liveth for ever and ever, to do it by singing day and night this Trisagium, 
Apoc. 4. 18.  Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God Almighty, which was, and is, and is to come: that is, the sum of all that they did was but to agnize his Sanctity or Holiness, or, which is all one, to Sanctify his holy Name. When therefore the same four Animalia are afterwards brought in chanting, Worthy is the Lamb that was slain, 
Ch. 5. 12.  to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength, and honour, and glory, and blessing; and again, Blessing, and honour, and glory, and power be unto him that sitteth upon the Throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever: 
V. 13.  all is to be understood as comprehended within this general Doxology, as being but an exemplification thereof; and therefore the Eulogies or blazons mentioned therein, to be taken, according to the style of Holiness, in an exclusive sense, of such prerogatives as are peculiar to God alone.  
And according to this notion of sanctifying God's Name which I contend for, would the Lord have his Name sanctified, 
As Gen. 31. 42, 53.  Esa. 8. 12, 13. when he saith, Fear ye not their Fear (that is, the Idolaters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Gods; for so Fear here signifies, to wit, the thing feared) neither dread ye it: 
Psal. 76. 11.  but sanctify the Lord of Hosts himself, 
So the Chaldee uses their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and more than once renders I A H the name of God by it.  and let him be your Fear, and let him be your Dread, that is, your God.  
Again chap. 29. 23. They shall sanctify my Name, (saith he) even sanctify the Holy One of jacob, and shall fear the God of Israel. The latter words show the meaning of the former.  
The like we have in the first Epistle of S. Peter chap. 3. vers. 14, 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i. Gentilium) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Fear ye not their Fear, nor be in dread thereof: (that is, Fear not nor dread ye the Gods of the Gentiles which persecute you) But sanctify the Lord God in your hearts, that is, Fear and worship him with your whole hearts. For that this passage (howsoever we are wont to expound it) ought to be construed in the same sense with that of Esay 8. before alleged, and the words to be rendered suitably, I take it to be apparent for this reason, because they are verbatim taken from thence; as he that shall compare the Greek words of S. Peter with the Lxx. in that place of Esay, will be forced to confess.  
Besides this evident and express use of the word Sanctify, in the notion of religious and holy worship and fear of the Divine Majesty, there is yet another expression sometimes used in Holy Scripture which implieth the selfsame thing; that, namely, to worship God with that which we call holy and divine worship, is all one with to agnize his holiness, or to sanctify his Name. Those speeches, I mean, wherein we are exhorted to worship the Lord, because he is Holy. As Psal. 99 5. Exalt ye the Lord our God, and worship at his footstool; for he is Holy. Again, in the end of the Psalm, Exalt the Lord our God, and worship at his holy hill; for the Lord our God is Holy. The same meaning is yet more emphatically expressed by those that sing the Song of victory over the Beast, Apoc. 15. 3, 4. Great (say they) and marvellous are thy works, Lord God Almighty; just and true are thy ways, thou King of Nations. Who shall not fear thee, O Lord, and glorify thy Name? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* So Editio Compl●. Andrea●, & Exempl. 15.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (for that I believe is the true reading, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) thou only art Holy; therefore all the Nations shall come and worship before thee: that is, they shall relinquish their Idols and plurality of Gods, and worship thee as God only. For this was the Doctrine both of Moses in the Old Testament, and of Christ jesus the Lamb of God in the New; That one God only, that made the heaven and the earth, was to be acknowledged and worshipped, and with an incommunicable worship. In respect whereof, as I take it, these Victors are there said to sing the Song of Moses, and the Lamb, that is, a gratulatory Song of the worship of one God, after that his 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jur●.  Ordinances were made manifest. For otherwise the Ditty is borrowed from the 86. Psalms, the 8, 9, and 10. verses, where we read, Among the gods there is none like unto thee, O Lord, neither are there any works like unto thy works. All Nations whom thou hast made shall come and worship before thee, O Lord, and shall glorify thy Name. For thou art great, and dost wondrous works: Thou art God alone; that is, Thou only art Holy. Compare jer. 10. ver. 6, 7.  
I have one thing more to add before I finish this part of my Discourse, lest I might leave unsatisfied that which may perhaps seem to some to weaken this my explication of the sanctification of God's Name. For the word, to sanctify, or be sanctified, is sometimes used of God in a more general sense than that I have hitherto specified, namely, as signifying any way to be glorified, or to glorify; as when he saith, He will be sanctified in the destruction of his enemies, or in the deliverance of his people, and that before the Heathen, and the like; that is, he would purchase him glory, or be glorified thereby. I answer, It is true, that to be sanctified is in these passages to be glorified; but yet always to be glorified as God, and not otherwise. Namely, when God by the works of his Power, of his Mercy, or justice extorts from men the confession of his great and holy Godhead, he is then said to sanctify, or make himself to be sanctified amongst them, that is, to be glorified and honoured by their conviction and acknowledgement of his Power and Godhead. For although men may be also said to glorify, or purchase honour unto themselves, when by their noble acts they make their abilities and worth known unto the world: yet, for such respect, to be said to be sanctified, is peculiar unto him alone whose Glory is his Holiness, that is, unto God.  
THUS we have learned How the Name or Majesty of God is to be sanctified personally or in itself; which is the chiefest thing we pray for, and aught so to be in our endeavour; namely, To worship and glorify him incommunicably, according to his most eminent and unparallelled Holiness: and so, o Lord, Hallowed be thy Name. But there is another Sanctification or Hallowing of God's Name yet behind, which must be joined therewith; which is, To sanctify him also in the things which have his Name upon them, that is, be separate and dedicate to his service, or, in a word, which are His, namely, by a peculiar relation. For otherwise it is true, The whole earth is the Lord's, and the fullness thereof, the World and those that dwell therein. But there are some things His not as other things are, and so as they are no longer Ours; such as according to the style of Scripture (as I have already noted) are said to be called by his Name, or to have his Name called upon them. These are things sacred. Therefore I told you before of a twofold Sanctity or Holiness: the one Original, Absolute, and Essential in God; the other Derived or Relative, in that which is set apart to be in a peculiar and appropriate manner His. For whatsoever belongeth unto him in this manner, is divided from other things with preeminence, whether they be Things or Persons which are so separated. For in such separation we showed the nature of Sanctity in general to consist. Now as the Divine Majesty itself is separate and holy; so know, it is a part of that honour we owe unto his most Sacred Name, that the Things whereby and wherewith he is served should not be promisenous and common, but appropriate and set apart to that sacred end. It is an honour which in some degree of resemblance we afford unto Kings, Princes, and other persons of dignity, (of infinite less eminency than God is) to interdict the use of that to others which they are wont to use; sometimes the whole kind, sometimes the individual only. As we know in former times, to wear purple, to subscribe with the Ink called Encaustum, of a purple colour, and other the like, which the diligent may find were appropriate to the use of Kings and Emperors only. In the Book of the Kings we read of the King's Mule, so appropriate to his use, as to ride upon him was to be made King, 1 Kings 1. 33, 44. In the Book of Esther, Chap. 6. 8. of the Horse that King Ahasucrus used to ride upon, put in the same rank with the Crown and royal apparel, which none but the King might wear. And of individual Utensils thus appropriated, and as it were dedicated to the alone use of persons of eminency, our own times want not examples. Whence natural Instinct may seem to prompt unto us, that such appropriation is a testimony of honour and respect. Sure I am, that Almighty God hath revealed it to be a part of that Honour we owe unto him. Thus all the Utensils of the Tabernacle and Temple were sacred and set apart to that use; and not the Utensils of the Altar only, but even the Instruments of Music, which David ordained to praise the Lord with in the Temple, were not common, but consecrated unto God for that end: whence they are called, 1 Chron. 16. 42. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Instrumenta musica Dei, the musical Instruments of God, that is, sacred ones, and 2 Chron. 7. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the musical Instruments of the Lord. Agreeably whereunto those who sung the fore-alledged song of victory over the Beast are said to have had in their hands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Apoc. 15. 2.  the harps of God, that is, not profane or common, but sacred Harps, the Harps of the Temple; for there they sung this their Anthem, standing upon the great Laver or Sea of glass which was therein.  
Nay, our Blessed Saviour, Mark 11. 16. would not suffer a profane or common vessel to be so much as carried through his Father's House, accounting it as great a profanation as to buy and sell there. And yet was not this abuse (which is a thing well to be marked) within those Septs of the Temple which the jews accounted sacred, but in the outmost Court called Atrium gentium & immundorum, the place whither, together with such as were unclean, the Gentiles and uncircumcised were admitted to pray; as that of the Prophet cited by our Saviour, rightly rendered, intimates, My house shall be called a house of Prayer, to (or for) ALL NATIONS. Consider Esay 56. 6, 7. This Court therefore the jews made no other account of than as of a profane place: but our Saviour proved by Scripture, that this Gentiles Oratory was also part of his Father's house, and accordingly not to be profaned with common use. Lastly, There was never any age of the Christian Church (till of late) wherein it was not commonly believed, that God was to be honoured by such appropriation or consecration as we speak of; that is, that God's Name was in this manner to be sanctified. But are there any (will you say) now that deny it? Yes, there are some in our age so far carried away into a contrary extreme to that they fly from, that they hold no oblation or consecration of things unto God by the devotion of men in the New Testament, whether of Utensils, Goods, Times, or Places, aught to be esteemed lawful; but that all distinction between sacred and profane in external things by virtue of such consecration (excepting only the Sacraments) is flat superstition. Yet to him that seriously considers it, it cannot choose, methinks, but seem strange and absurd to affirm, (as this assertion doth,) that men now in the time of the Gospel are exempted and freed from agnizing God to be Lord of the creature, by giving some part thereof unto him; than which no part of Divine Worship is more natural, and which hath been used by mankind ever since the beginning of the world. Yea, in the state of Paradise, among all the Trees in the Garden, which God gave man freely to enjoy, one Tree was Noli me tangere, and reserved to God as Holy, in token he was Lord of the Garden. So that the first sin of Mankind, for the species of the fact, was Sacrilege, in profaning that which God had made holy.  
They say, It is true, that in the Old Testament this way of honouring and acknowledging God was warranted by the Divine Law; but in the New we find no precept given concerning it, nor confirmation of that which was before. Now God is not to be worshipped with any worship but what he hath himself prescribed in his Word. I answer, What though there be no particular precept in the New Testament for this, no more than for divers other duties which a Christian is bound to? yet if a general warrant be, the particular needs not. But our Saviour saith in his Gospel, in that Evangelical Sermon he preached upon the Mount, that he came not to dissolve the Law and the Prophets, but to fulfil and perfect them: Think not (saith he 
* Mat. 5. 17. ) that I am come to dissolve the Law and the Prophets, [that is, to take away the obligation of that Rule of the duty of man to God and his neighbour, given first by Moses in the Law, and afterwards repeated and inculcated by the Prophets; for so Prophets are here to be 
* According as in that Matt. 22. 40. On these two Commandments [viz. To love God above all, and our neighbour as ourselves] hang all the Law and the Prophets; and in that Luke 16. 29. They have Moses and the Prophets.  understood, and not of predictions] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but to fulfil them, that is, to supply, accomplish, or perfect those Rules and Doctrines of Just and Unjust contained in them, by a more ample interpretation, and other improvement befitting the state of the Gospel. For surely this must be the meaning of this speech of our Saviour, if we be more willing (as we should) to take a sense from Scripture, than to bring one to it. Doth not the whole context following evince it? Indeed the Law, that is, the Legal Covenant or Covenant of works, (as Law is oft taken in the New Testament) together with all the Rites depending thereon, is dissolved by the coming of Christ; and a better Covenant with new Rites established in stead thereof: but the Law, that is, the Doctrine and Rule of life, given by God, contradistinct from those ordinances which were only appendages of that Covenant, (though these were also in some sense perfected, by bringing the truth and substance in stead of the figure and shadow thereof) is not disannulled, but confirmed and perfected by him, in such manner as became the condition of the Covenant of the Gospel. For that this confirmation is not to be restrained to the Decalogue only, is manifest, because our Saviour in the following words insists upon other Precepts besides it. If it be said, they are reducible thereto; this will not serve the turn, for so are all the rest of God's Commandments. Unless therefore it can be shown, that to honour God by an oblation of his creature is no part of the Law here confirmed by our Saviour, let no man be so daringly bold as to exempt himself and others from the obligation thereof; unless he means to be one of them of whom our Saviour speaks immediately, saying, Whosoever therefore shall break one of the least of these Commandments, and shall teach men so to do, (mark it) he shall be called (i. he shall be) the least in the Kingdom of heaven. The word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, loose, or dis-bind, as he doth both, that abrogates, and that observes it not; much more he that affirmeth it unlawful to be observed.  
Nay, how dare we dis-bind or lose ourselves from the tye of that way of agnizing and honouring God, which the Christian Church from her first beginnings durst not do? Irenaeus, witness of that age which next succeeded the Apostles, is plain. Lib. 4. c. 34. Offer oportet Deo (saith he) primitias creaturae ejus; sicut & Moses ait, Non apparebis vacuus ante conspectum Domini Dei tui.— Et non genus Oblationum reprobatum est: oblationes enim & illic, (sc. in V.T.) oblationes autem & hîc; sacrificia in populo, sacrificia & in Ecclesia: sed species immutata est tantùm; quip cum jam non à servis, sed à liberis offeratur. Vnus enim & idem Dominus; proprium autem character servilis oblationis, & proprium liberorum, uti & per oblationes ostendatur indicium libertatis. It behoveth us (saith he) to offer unto God a present of his creature; as also Moses saith, Thou shalt not appear before the Lord thy God empty.— For offerings in the general are not reprobated: there were Offerings there, (viz. in the Old Test.) there are also offerings here in the Church: but the specification only is changed; forasmuch as offerings now are not made by bond, but freemen. For there is one and the same Lord still; but there is a proper character of a bond or servile offering, and a proper character of freemens, that so even the offerings may show forth the tokens of freedom.— Now where in Scripture he believed this doctrine and practice to be grounded, he lets us know in the 27. chap. of the same Book: Et quia Dominus naturalia Legis, per quae homo justificatur, (quae etiam ante legisdationem custodiebant qui side justificabantur, & placebant Deo) non dissolvit, sed extendit, sed & implevit, ex sermonibus ejus ostenditur. That is, That our Lord dissolved not, but enlarged and perfected the natural precepts of the Law, whereby a man is just (which also, before the Law was given, they observed who were justified by faith, and pleased God,) is evident by his words. Then he citys some of the passages of that his Sermon upon the Mount, Mat. 5. 20. And a little after adds; Necesse fuit auferre quidem vincula servitutis quibus jam homo assueverat, & sine vinculis sequi Deum; superextendi verò decreta libertatis, & augeri subjectionem quae est ad Regem, ut non retrorsus quis renitens indignus appareat ei qui se liberavit.— Et propter hoc Dominus, pro eo quod est, Non moechaberis, nec concupiscere praecepit; & pro eo quod est, Non occîdes, neque irasci quidem; et pro eo quod est, Decimare, omnia quae sunt pauperibus dividere. That is, It was needful that those bonds of servitude which man had before been enured to should be taken off, that so he might without Gyves follow God; but that the laws and ordinances of freedom should be extended, and his subjection to the King increased, lest that drawing backward he might appear unworthy of him that freed him.— And for this reason our Lord, in stead of, Thou shalt not commit adultery, commands not so much as to lust; in stead of, Thou shalt not kill, not so much as to be angry; in stead of, To Tithe, to distribute all we have to the poor, etc. All which, saith he, in the same place, are not solventis Legem, sed adimplentis, & extendentis & dilatantis, not of one that dissolves the Law, but fulfils, extends and enlarges it: alluding still to that in our Saviour's Sermon upon the Mount.  
Besides, those who are acquainted with Antiquity can tell, that the Primitive Christians understood the holy Eucharist to be A commemoration of the Sacrifice of Christ's death upon the Cross, in an oblation of Bread and Wine. 'Tis witnessed by the Fathers of those first Ages generally. Whereupon the same Irenaeus also affirmeth, that our Saviour by the institution of the Eucharist had confirmed Oblations in the New Testament: Namely, to thanks give or bless a thing in way to a sacred use, he took to be an offering of it unto God. And was not David's Benediction and thanksgiving at the preparation for the Temple and Offertory? Where note well, That as he, upon that occasion, 
1 Chron. 29. 11. etc.  blessed the Lord, saying, Thine, O Lord, is the greatness, and the power, and the glory— all that is in heaven and earth is thine, thine is the Kingdom— Both riches and honour come of thee— Ergo, because all things come of the● of thine own have we given thee: so do Christ's redeemed, in their Evangelical S●●●, Apoc. 5. ascribe no less unto him, saying, v. 12. Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength, and honour, and glory, and blessing. Yea, the 24. Elders, which are the Christian Presbytery, expressing (ch. 4. 11.) the very argument and sum of that Hymnologie which the Primitive Church used at the offering of Bread and Wine for the Eucharist, worship God, saying, Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receive glory, and honour, and power: for thou hast created all things, and for thy pleasure they are, and were created.  
TAKING therefore for granted that which the Practice of the Church of God in all ages, yea, I think, I may say the Consent of mankind from the beginning of the world, beareth witness to; that among those duties of the Sanctification of God's Name, wherewith his Divine Majesty is immediately and personally glorified, (of which I have before spoken) this is one, and a principal one, to agnize and confess his peerless Sovereignty and dominion over the creature, by yielding him some part thereof toward his worship and service, of which we renounce the propriety ourselves; and that accordingly there are both Things and Persons now in the Gospel (as well as were before the Law was given) in this manner lawfully and acceptably set apart and separated, by the devotion of men, unto the Divine Majesty, and consequently relatively Holy (which is nothing else but to be God's by a peculiar right:) I say, that these are likewise to be done to according to their degree of sanctity, in honour of him whose they are: not to be worshipped with divine worship, or the worship which we give unto God, communicated to them; (far be it from us to defer to any creature the Honour due unto the Divine Majesty, either together with him, or without him;) but yet habenda cum discrimine, to be regarded with a worthy and discriminative usance, that is, used with a select and differing respect from other things: as namely, if Places, not as other places; if Times, not as other times; if Things by way of distinction so called, not as other things; if Persons set apart unto the service and worship of God, neither to be used by others, nor they to carry themselves in their fashion of life, as other persons, (for that which in other things sacred is their use, in persons sacred is their conversation, demeanour or carriage of themselves;) But all to be sanctified with a select, appropriate, or uncommon usage; that as they are God's by peculiar relation, and have his Name called upon them; so to be separate, as far as they are capable, from common use, and employed as instruments and circumstances of his worship and service: which is the highest and most singular honour that any creature is capable of. Nay, (as I have said before) even this is to the honour of God, That as himself is that singular, incommunicable and absolutely Holy One, and his service and worship therefore incommunicable; so should that also which hath his Name thereon, or is coasecrated to his service, be in some proportion incommunicably used, and not promiscuously and commonly, as other things are. They are the words of Maimonides the jew, but such as will not misbecome a Christian to make use of, concerning that Law, Levit. 5. 15. If a soul commit a trespass, and sin through ignorance in the holy things of the Lord; then he shall bring unto the Lord for his trespass a Ram, etc. Behold, saith he, how great weight there is in the Law touching sacrilegious transgression. And what though they be wood and stone, and dust and ashes? when the Name of the Lord of all the world is called upon things, they are sanctified (that is, made holy.) And whoso useth them to common use, he transgresseth therein; and though he do it through ignorance, he must needs bring his atonement, Yea, it is a thing worthy to be taken special notice of, that that so presumptuous and most dreadfully vindicated sin of Korah, Dathan, Abiram and their company, in offering Incense unto the Lord, being not called thereunto, did not discharge their Censers of this discriminative respect due unto things Sacred. For thus the Lord said unto Moses, after that fire from heaven had consumed them for their impiety, 
Numb. 16. 37, 38.  Speak unto Eleazar the Son of Aaron the Priest, that he take up the Censers out of the burning, and scatter thou the fire yonder; for they are hallowed: The Censers of these Sinners against their own souls; let them make them broad plates for a covering of the Altar: for they offered them before the Lord, therefore they are hallowed, or holy.  
Now that by this discriminative usance or sanctification of Things sacred the Name of God is honoured and sanctified, according to the tenor of our petition, is apparent, not only from Reason, which tells us that the honour and respect had unto aught that belongs unto another, because it is his, redounds unto the owner and Master; but from Scripture, which tells us that by the contrary use of them his Name is profaned. Hear himself, Leu. 22. 2. Speak unto Aaron (saith he) and his sons, that they separate themselves from the Holy things of the children of Israel, and that they profane not my Holy Name in the things which they hollow unto me. Also in the Chapter next before, v. 6. the Priest that should not discriminate himself according to those singular observations or differing rules there prescribed him, is said to profane the Name of his God. Again, Ezek. 22. 26. when the Priests profaned God's holy things, by putting no difference between the Holy and Profane; I (saith the Lord) am profaned amongst them. Likewise chap. 43. 7. Together with other abominations there mentioned, the Lord saith, that his Holy Name had been polluted, or profaned, by the carcases of their Kings, that is, of Manasseh and Amon, buried in the King's Garden hard by the walls of the Temple: for so by the Hebrews and others that place is understood. See 2 Kings 21. 18, 26. By the pollution of the Temple the Lord esteemed his own Name profaned. Take in also, if you will, that of Malachi ch. 1. where the Lord says of those who despised and dishonoured his Table or Altar, by offering thereon for sacrifice the lame, blind, and sick, which the Law had made unclean and polluted, that they had profaned his Holy Name. But if the Name of God be profaned by the disesteem and misusage of the things it is called upon; then surely it is sanctified when the same are worthily and discriminatively used, that is, as becometh the relation they have to him.  
I HAVE already specified the several Kind's of Sacred things which are thus to be sanctified: yet lest something contained under some of them might not be taken notice of by so general an intimation, it will not be amiss a little more fully and particularly to explicate them than I have yet done. Remember therefore that I ranged all Sacred things under four heads. First, of Persons Sacred; such as were the Priests and Levites in the Old Testament, and now in the New the Christian Clergy or Clerus, so called from the beginning of Christian Antiquity, either because they are the Lord's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Portion, which the Church dedicateth unto him out of herself, (namely, as the Levites were an offering of the Children of Israel, which they offered unto him out of their Tribes,) or because their inheritance and livelihood is the Lord's portion. I prefer the first; yet either of both will give their Order the title of Holiness, as doth also more especially their descent which they derive from the Apostles, that is, from those for whom their Lord and Master prayed unto his Father, saying, 
john 17. 17.  Father, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Sanctisie them unto, or for, thy Truth: thy Word is Truth; that is, Separate them unto the Ministry of thy Truth, the word of thy Gospel, which is the truth and verification of the promises of God. It follows, As thou hast sent me into the world, 
V. 18.  so have I also sent them into the world, (this is the key which unlocks the meaning of that before and after.) And for them I sanctify myself, that they might be sanctified for thy Truth; 
V. 19  that is, And forasmuch as they cannot be consecrated to such an Office without some sacrifice to atone and purify them, therefore for their consecration to this holy function of ministration of the new Covenant, I offer myself a Sacrifice unto thee for them, in lieu of those legal and typical ones wherewith Aaron and his sons first, and then the whole Tribe of Levi, were consecrated unto thy service in the old. An Ellipsis of the first Substantive in Scripture is frequent. So here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Truth, for the Ministry of Truth.  
Now that the Christian Church (for of the jewish I shall need say nothing) hath always taken it for granted, that those of her Clergy ought, according to the separation and sanctity of their Order, to be distinguished and differenced from other Christians, both passively in their usance from others, but especially actively, by a restrained conversation and peculiarness in their manner of life, is manifest by her ancient Canons and Discipline. Yea, so deeply hath it been rooted in the minds of men, that the Order of Churchmen binds them to some differing kind of conversation and form of life from the Laity; that even those who are not willing to admit of the like discrimination due in other things, have still in their opinions some relic thereof remaining in this, though perhaps not altogether to be acquitted of that imputation which Tertullian charged upon some in his time, to wit, Quum excellimur & inflamur adversùs Clerum, tunc unum omnes sumus, tunc omnes Sacerdotes; quia Sacerdotes nos Deo & Patri fecit. Quum ad peraequationem Disciplinae Sacerdotalis provocamur, deponimus insulas, 
De Mo●ogamia cap. 12.  & impares sumus. When we vaunt and are puffed up against the Clergy, than we are all one, than we are all Priests; for he made us Priests to God and his Father. But when we are called upon to equal in our lives the example of Priestly Discipline, than down go our Mitres, and we are another sort of men.  
Another sort of things Sacred which I named, was Sacred Places, to wit, Churches and Oratories, as the Christian name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implieth them to be, that is, the Lord's. A third, Sacred Times, that is, dedicated and appointed for the solemn celebration of the worship of God, and Divine duties: such are with us (for those of the jews concern us not) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, our Lord's days, with other our Christian Festivals and Holidays. Of the manner of the discrimination from common, or sanctifying both the one and the other, by actions some commanded, others interdicted to be done in them, the Canons and Constitutions of our Church will both inform and direct us. For holy Times and holy Places are Twins, (Time and Place being, as I may so speak, pair-circumstances of action;) and therefore Leu. 19 30. and again 26. 2. they are joined together, tanquam ejusdem rationis, Keep my Sabbaths, and reverence my Sanctuary.  
The fourth sort of Sacred things is of such as are neither Persons, Times nor Places, but Things in a special sense, by way of distinction from them. And this sort containeth under it many particulars, which may be specified after this manner.  
1. Sacred Revenues of what kind soever: which in regard of the dedication thereof, as they must not be profaned by sacrilegious alienation, so ought they to be sanctified by a different use and employment from other Goods; namely such a one as becometh that which is the Lord's, and not man's. For that Primitive Christian Antiquity so esteemed them, appears by their calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as they did their Place of Worship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and their Holy day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all of the Lord, as it were Christening the old notion of Sacred by a new name. So Can. Apostol. XL. Manifestae sint Episcopi res propriae (si quidem res habet proprias & manifesta sint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. res Dominicae— Let it be manifest what things are the Bishop's own, (if he have any things of his own,) and let it be manifest what things are the Lord's. Author constitut. Apost. Lib. 2. c. 28. al. 24. Episcopus ne utatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dominicis rebus, tanquam alienis aut communibus, sed moderatè— Let not the Bishop use the things that are the Lord's, as if they were fewer or as if they were common, but moderately and soberly. See also Balsamon in Can. 15. Concilii Ancyrani, and the Canon itself.  
2. Sacred Utensils, as the Lord's Table, Vessels of ministration, the Books of God, or Holy Scripture, and the like. Which that the Church, even in her better times. respected with an holy and discriminative usance, may be learned from the story of that calumnious crimination devised by the Arrian Faction against Athanasius, as a charge of no small impiety, namely, that in his Visitation of the Tract of Marcotis, Macarius one of his Presbyters, by his command or instinct, had entered into a Church, of the Miletian Schismatics, and there broken the Chalice or Communion-Cup, thrown down the Table, and burned some of the Holy Books. All which argues that, in the general opinion of Christians of that time, such acts were esteemed profane and impious; otherwise they could never have hoped (as they did) to have blasted the reputation of the holy Bishop by such a slander.  
Touching the Books of God, or Holy Scripture, (which I referred to this Title) especially those which are for the public service of God in the Church, I add this further; That under that name I would have comprehended the senses, words and phrases appropriated to the expression of Divine and Sacred things; which a Religious ear cannot endure to hear abused with profane and scurrilous application.  
3. Under this fourth head of Things Sacred I comprehend Sacred Acts; such as are the Acts of God's holy worship and administration of his Sacraments. For albeit these Acts are duties of the first and personal Sanctification of God's Name, whereof the immediate object is God; yet are the Acts themselves Sacred things, and therefore have some sanctification due to them also, as other Sacred things have: of which although it be most true that the unseigned devotion of the Heart (as before him who alone knoweth the Hearts of the children of men) be the main and principal requisite; yet unless, even in the outward performance, they be for the manner and circumstances discriminated from common acts by a select accommodation befitting their holiness, their sanctification is defective, and by such defect, if voluntary, God's Name is profaned, even then when we are worshipping him. How much more when our carriage therein cometh short even of that wont reverence wherewith we come before an earthly Potentate? May not God here justly use the same expostulation with us, that he did with those in the Prophet Malachi, who presented themselves before him with such an offering as was, in regard of the blemishes, unworthy of and unbefitting so great a Majesty, and therefore to be accounted rather an affront than an act of honour and worship? Ye have, 
Malach. 1. 6, 8, 12, 14.  saith he, despised and profaned my Name— Offer it now unto thy Governor; will he be pleased with thee, or accept thy person?— yet I am a great King, saith the Lord of hosts. And this is the document or lesson which this place naturally and unavoidably ministereth to us; That to come before the Divine Majesty with less reverend and regardful deportment than we do before earthly Kings and Potentates, is to despise and profane his holy Name. And not that, which some would shelter under this Text, and lean too much upon; namely, That the Acts of God's external worship ought to be wholly conform to the use of the semblable actions performed unto men, and not differ from them; and upon this ground charge the Christian Liturgies with absurdity in their forms of praying and praising God with responsals, singing by turns, and speaking many together. For this principle is directly repugnant to the nature of Sanctification, which consists in discrimination and difference. And therefore, though the material of our gestures and other expressions, vocal or visible, be borrowed from the use and custom of men; yet for the formality of them, not only they may, but aught to be differenced from them. Moreover, touching this reproof of the Prophet, take notice that it is grounded upon the Law, Levit. 22. where we are taught, that when that is not observed concerning the Rites of God's service which the Sanctity of them requireth, as in other particulars, so in this of a not defective or unblemished offering, his Name is thereby profaned. See verse 32. with the rest of the Chapter foregoing it. And if so, then by the contrary it is sanctified.  
Lastly, Unto this head of Sacred Acts I reduce Oaths and sacred Covenants, that is, such as are made either with God, or between men, God's Name being called upon; which therefore 1 Sam. 20. 8. are styled Covenants of the Lord. For that the observance due touching both is a sanctifying of them, as things upon which the Name of the Lord is called, is apparent; forasmuch as when they are violated by falsehood they are said to be profaned, as Levit. 19 12. Psalm 55. 20. jer. 34. 15, 16.  
Thus, together with my Explication of these several sorts of Sacred Things, I have briefly and in general pointed at that also wherein the proper Sanctification of each consisteth: which though far short of such a tractation as the matter requireth; yet if it may serve only but to give occasion to others, who are better able, to bend their thoughts upon this Argument (which perhaps the Times call for,) I shall fully attain the end I aimed at. For mine own part, to descend to particulars would be a task too high for me, and (as I suspect) not very acceptable. For it is ten to one (if the grounds I have laid be true) but that the most of us would be found faulty in some things, and some of us in all. Well, the sum of my argumentation hath been this; Is there any thing in the New Testament God's by a peculiar right? To say there is not, is absurd, and against the perpectual tradition of Christianity. If there be, than it is holy; if holy, then to be sanctified; if sanctified, then to be discriminated in the usance and respect thereof from that which is of common condition.  
NOW out of this Discourse which I have hitherto made you may see and take notice, that (contrary to the vulgar opinion) the Prohibition of Idolatry, and the discriminative observance of things sacred, not to profane them by a promiscuous and common use, are derived both of them from one and the same principle, namely, God's Incommunicableness, which derives a shadow and resemblance upon the things which have his Name called upon them, to wit, a sta●e of appropriateness and singularity. Wherefore the Apostle, Rom. 2. 22. not without good reason, compares together the transgressions of the one and the other kind, as parallel sins or sins of affinity: Thou that hatest Idols, (saith he) dost thou commit Sacrilege? Where by Sacrilege understand not only the usurpation of things sacred, but the violation of that which is sacred in general. And it is as if he had said, Thou hast mended the matter well indeed; for still thou dashest against the same principle. For it is one of the exemplifications of that he saith in the beginning of the Chapter: He that judgeth or condemneth another, and doth the same or the like himself, is inexcusable. By this it appears how much they are mistaken who, under pretence of avoiding Idolatry and Superstition; cannot endure that any distinction should be made between things Sacred and Common. Is not this to unhallow God's Name one way, that so we might not profane it another? Far be it from me to be a patron of Idolatry or Superstition in the least degree: yet I am afraid lest we, who have reform the worship of God from that pollution, (and blessed be his name therefore,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as S, Basil speaks, that is, by bending the crooked stick too much the other way, have run too far into the contrary extreme, and taken away (some of us) all difference in a manner between Sacred and Profane; and by this our transgression in doing God's work made ourselves liable to that upbraid of the Apostle, In qui idola abominaris, sacrilegium admittis? Thou that abhorrest Idols, dost thou commit Sacrilege? that is, profanest thou God's Name by violating that which is sacred?  
Let no man think it strange or incredible that such an enormity should be committed, or an occasion at least given thereof, in the manage of so holy and glorious a work; seeing the experience of all ages sufficiently witnesseth how prone the nature of man is, in flying one extreme, to run too far towards the other. Why then should we think it unlikely, or rather not think it very likely, that we also may have miscarried in the same manner? unless we will arrogate unto ourselves that privilege of infallibility and freedom from error, which we condemn as intolerable presumption in our Adversaries.  
Besides, it is to be taken notice of, because of the prejudicated misprision of many to the contrary, That the measure of Truth and Falsehood, Best and Worst, is not the greater or lesser distance from Popery, (forasmuch as Popery also containeth much of Christianity;) nor that which is most destructive of the Man of Sin, always most warrantable and safe to be embraced. If it were, there be some in the world (whose religion we would be loath to admit of) that would be found more orthodox and better reformed Christians than any of us all.  
Nay, give me leave, without offence, for the better awakening of some out of their deafness to whatsoever else may be said to this purpose, to propound such a Demand as this; Who knoweth whether this transgression I speak of be not a main and principal ingredient of that guilt which the Divine Majesty admonisheth us to take notice of in this his so long and so severe visitation of our neighbours and brethren? whether he doth not visibly, or, if some passages be considered, almost vocally, upbraid them, Thou that hatest Idols, dost thou commit Sacrilege? I know right well, that rashly to assign the particular causes of God's judgements, without rule or precedent of Scripture, is a sin of presumption, and a bold intrusion into God's secrets; and therefore I affirm not, but demand only, whether there be not here some cause which may minister such a suspicion. But whatsoever it be, the compassion of their woeful affliction calls upon me rather to pray for them, than to follow this harsh and unpleasant passage any further. Only thus much, If that which the Apostle saith in particular of the things which befell the Israelites, God's first people, in the Wilderness, These things happened unto them for ensamples, 
1 Cor. 10. 11.  and they are written for our admonition, upon whom the ends of the world are come, if this be to be extended also unto those punishments and their analogy which besel them afterwards; then may perhaps two things further not unseasonably be enquired into. First, For what other sins it is remembered in Scripture that God gave his people, during that his first Covenant, (especially after they came to dwell in their own Land) under the sword of an external enemy, or his worship thereby at any time to be trodden under foot, besides these two, Idolatry, and Profanation of that which was holy, or Sacrilege. Examples of the first who knows not? Of the second, see the Story of Achan, josh. 7. of Eli'sons, 1 Sam. 2. the punishment of the Sacrilege of the seventh or Sabbatical year, 2 Chron. 36. and the parallel places; for by the Law every seventh year, not only the whole Land, but all servants and debts were holy unto the Lord, and therefore to be released, Leu. 25. 2, 4. Deut. 15. Exod. 21. Secondly, What was that Transgression, after the return from Babylon, mentioned in that Prophecy of Antiochus Epiphanes, Dan. 8. 12. for which it is there foretold, that An host should be given him against the daily Sacrifice, and that it should cast down the truth unto the ground, and practise and prosper. Perhaps the Story in the 2, 3, and 4. Chap. of the second Book of Maccabees will tell us.  
To that which is commonly alleged, That such distinction and reverend regard of things Sacred as we contend for, opens a way for Idolatry; I answer, No otherwise than the eschewing of Idolatry may also, through the preverseness of men, be made a bridge to profaneness, that is, by accident, not from its own towardness, but our distemper. Otherwise this Discrimination or Distinction, if we would understand or heed the ground thereof, prompts the clean contrary. For we should reason thus: If the things which are God's, eo nomine, in that name and because they are His, are therefore to be held segregate in their use; then surely God himself, who is the Fountain of Holiness, aught to have a prerogative of segregation in the most eminent and absolute manner; namely, such an one, as that the worship due unto him must not be communicated with any thing else besides him. And indeed, unless both be done, God's Name is neither fully nor rightly sanctified.  
AND here I should now make an end, but that there is one thing yet behind of principal consequence, which I have deferred hitherto, because I could not elsewhere bring it in conveniently without somewhat disturbing the coherence of my Discourse. There is an eminent species or kind of Sanctification which I may seem all this while to have neglected, forasmuch as it seemeth not to be comprehended under this notion of discretion and separation, wherein I place the nature of Holiness; and that is Sanctification, or Holiness of life. To which I answer, That all notions of Sanctity and Sanctification in Scripture are derived from discretion and separation, and that this now mentioned is likewise derived thence. For it is to be reduced to the Sanctification of Persons Sacred and set apart unto God. By which though in the strict and proper sense are intended only Priests and such as minister about Holy things; yet in a larger sense, and, as it were, by way of resemblance, the whole body of the People of God are a Royal Priesthood, and 
* Hea●● the 〈…〉 called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the 〈◊〉 Catholic Church.  Holy Nation, which the Almighty hath selected unto himself out of the rest of the world, and set apart to serve him in a peculiar and different manner from the rest of men: For you have heard it is a requisite of that which is Holy, to be used in a peculiar and singular manner, and not as things common. Hence it is that the observation of that peculiar and different form of life which God hath commanded those whom he hath called and set apart from the world unto himself, in Scripture carries the name of Holiness or Sanctity, (especially in the New Testament) that is, of such as becometh those that are Holy; according to that, Be ye Holy, as I am Holy. And here I might have a large field of discourse, to show how the Name of God is sanctified by the lives of his Children, when they 
* Rom. 12. 2. jam 4● 4. 1 john 2. 15. 1 Pet. 4. 2, 3. Gal 6. 14. jam. 1. 27. 1 john 3. 3. 1 Pet. 1. 15. Eph●s. 4. 17. to verse 25.  conform not themselves to the fashions of the world, but as the Apostle speaks, are crucified thereto and keep themselves unspotted from the pollutions and vanities thereof.  
But this I leave to be supplied by your meditations, according to the general intimation given thereof.    

DISCOURSE III.  

Acts 17. 4.  There associated themselves to Paul and Silas of the worshipping Greeks a great multitude. 
PAUL and Silas preaching in the jewish Synagogue at Thessalonica, and proving out of the Scriptures that Messiah or Christ was to suffer, and to rise again from the dead, and that jesus was that Christ; it is said, that some of them which heard, believed; and that there associated themselves to them a great multitude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the worshipping Greeks. Of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is elsewhere mention in the Acts of the Apostles more than once; but what they were our Commentators do not so fully inform us; nor can it be understood without some delibation of jewish Antiquity. The explication whereof will give some light not to this passage only, but to the whole Story of the Primitive Conversion of the Gentiles to the Faith, recorded in that Book.  
We must know therefore, that of those Gentiles which embraced the worship of the God of Israel, (commonly termed Proselytes) there were two sorts. One of such as were circumcised, and took upon them the observation of the whole Law of Moses. These were accounted as jews, (to wit, facti, non nati, made, not born so) bound to the like observances with them, conversed with as freely as if they had been so born; neither might the one eat, drink, or keep company with a Gentile more than the other, lest they became unclean. They worshipped in the same Court of the Temple where the Israelites did, whither others might not come. They were partakers with them in all things, both divine and humane. In a word, they differed nothing from jews, but only that they were of Gentile race.  
This kind the jewish Doctor's call● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Proselytes of Righteousness, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Proselytes of the Covenant, namely, because they took upon them the sign thereof, Circumcision. In the New Testament they are called simply Proselytes without addition. Of which Order was Vriah the Hittite, Achior in the Book of judith, Herod the Idumaean, Onkelos the Chaldee Paraphrast, and many others both before and in our Saviour's time.  
But besides these there was a second kind of Gentiles, admitted likewise to the worship of the true God, the God of Israel, and the hope of the life to come; which were not circumcised, nor conformed themselves to the Mosaical rites and ordinances, but were only tied to the observation of those Precepts which the Hebrew Doctors call The Precepts of the sons of Noah; namely, such as all the sons of Noah were bound to observe.  
These Precepts are in number Seven, recorded in the 
a Gemara Sanhedrin, in Per●k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Talmud, 
b Ma●em. Hal. M●lachim c. 9 Vide Schick de jure Regio Hebraeorum, p. 128, 129.  Maimonides and others, under these following titles. First, the precept of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to renounce Idols and all Idolatrous worship. Secondly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to worship the true God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth. Thirdly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bloodshed; to wit, to commit no Murder. Fourthly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, detectio nuditatum, not to be defiled with Fornication, Incest, or other unlawful conjunction. Fifthly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rapine, against Theft and robbery. Sixthly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, concerning administration of justice. The seventh, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Membrum de vivo; so they call the Precept of not eating the flesh with the blood in it, given to Noah when he came out of the Ark; as Maimonides expressly expounds it, and adds besides; Whosoever shall take upon him the observation of the Seven precepts of the sons of Noah, he is to be accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of the pious men of the nations of the world, and shall have a portion in the world to come. Note that he saith [one of the pious men of the nations of the world, or of the pious Gentiles,] for this kind were still esteemed Gentiles, and so called, because of their uncircumcision; in respect whereof (though no Idolaters) they were, according to the Law, unclean, and such as no jew might converse with: 
Acts 10. 〈◊〉. & ch. 11. 3.  wherefore they came not to worship into the Sacred Courts of the Temple, 
Acts 17. 4.  whither the jews and circumcised Proselytes came; but only into the outmost Court, called Atrium Gentium & immundorum, the Court of the Gentiles and of the unclean, which, in the second Temple, surrounded the second or great Court, whereinto the Israelites came, being divided therefrom by a low wall of stone made battlement-wise, not above three Cubits high, called (saith josephus, from whom I have it) in the Hebrew Dialect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
De bello judaico lib. 6. ca 6. Grac. 〈◊〉.  in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Lorica; close by which stood certain little pillars, whereon was written in Greek and Latin letters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In atrium sanctum trans●re alienigenam non debere, That no alien or stranger might go into the inner or holy Court. And this, I make no question, is that which S. Paul, Ephes. 2. 14. alludeth unto, when he saith, that Christ had broken down the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the partition-wall, (namely, that Lorica which separated the Court of the Gentiles from that of the Circumcision) and so laying both Courts into one, hath made the jews and Gentiles Intercommoners; whereby those that were sometime far off, were now made nigh, and as near as the other, unto the Throne of God. But in Solomon's Temple this Court of the Gentiles seems not to have been, but in the second Temple only; the Gentiles formerly worshipping without at the door, and not coming within the Septs of the Temple at all.  
This second kind of Proselytes the Talmudists call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Proselytes of the Gate, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Proselyte-inhabitants; namely, because they were under the same condition with those Gentile-strangers which lived as Inquilini in the Land of Israel. 
See Levit. 17.  For all Gentiles dwelling within the Gates of Israel, whether they were as servants, taken in war, or otherwise, were bound to renounce their false Gods, and to worship the God of Israel: but not to be circumcised, unless they would: nor farther bound to keep the Law of Moses than was contained in those Precepts of the sons of Noah. These are those mentioned (as often elsewhere in the Law, so) in the fourth Commandment, by the name of the Stranger within thy gates: whereby it might seem probable, that the observation of the Sabbath-day (so far as concerneth one day in seven) was included in some one or other of those Precepts of the sons of Noah, namely, in that of worshipping for their God the Creator of Heaven and earth, and no other; whereof this consecration of a seventh day, after six days labour, was a badge or livery; according to that, The Sabbath is a sign between me and you, that I jehovah am your God: because in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea and all that in them is; and rested the seventh day. See Exod. 31. 16, 17. Ezek. 
* 〈◊〉 Disce●●se XV.  20. 20. But this obiter and by the way. From the example of these Inquilini, all other Gentiles, wheresoever living, admitted to the worship of the God of Israel upon the same terms, were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Proselyti Portae, or Proselyti inquilini; of which sort there were many in all Cities and places of the Gentiles where the jews had Synagogues and used to frequent the Synagogues with them, (though in a distinct place) to hear the Law and the Prophets read and expounded.  
But in the New Testament they are found called by another name, to wit of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Worshippers, so often mentioned (though not observed) in the Acts of the Apostles. For first, these are those meant in that of Acts 17. 4. alleged at my entrance into this Discourse, where it is said that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A great number of the worshipping ●reeks believed, and adhered to Paul and Silas; which the Vulgar rightly translateth, de colentibus Gentilibus multitudo magna, a great multitude of the worshipping Gentiles, taking the name of Greeks here, as elsewhere in the New Testament, to be put for Gentiles in general. And this place will admit of no evasion: For that they were Gentiles, the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 betokeneth expressly, being given them by way of distinction from the jews then and there present also.  
That they were worshippers of the true God, the God of Israel; their coming into the Synagogue, their name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, their capableness of S. Paul's discourse, (which was to prove out of the Scriptures, that Messiah was to suffer death, and that jesus was he) argue sufficiently, yea abundantly. For who could have profited by such a Sermon as this, but those who already had knowledge of the true God, and believed the reward of the life to come? This place therefore may serve as a Key to all the rest of the places in this Book where these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are mentioned.  
To that in the same Chapter, ver. 17. where it is said that S. Paul in the Synagogue at Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● discoursed to the jews and the worshippers.  
To that in Acts 16. 14. where S. Paul preaching the Gospel in the jews Proseuchae or Oratory at Philippi, a woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the City Thyatira, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Proselyte-worshipper, was converted unto the faith, and baptised with all her household.  
In like manner, to that in Acts 18. 4. when S. Paul is said at Corinth to have reasoned in the Synagogue every Sabbath, and to have persuaded the jews and the Greeks: For these Greeks were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, what did they in the Synagogue else so regularly every Sabbath-day? True, the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here wanting; but it presently follows, when the jews opposed Paul, (there testifying jesus to be the Christ) and blasphemed, that he shook his raiment, and said, Your blood be on your own heads: from henceforth I will go to the Gentiles. And he departed thence, saith the Text, and entered into the house of one justus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Gentile-worshipper, whose house joined hard to the Synagogue.  
But above all, that narration Acts 13. deserves our consideration and attention. There vers. 43. it is said, that S. Paul having preached the Gospel in the jews Synagogue at Antioch of Pisidia, there followed him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, many of the jews and worshipping Proselytes: and v. 42. that when the jews were gone out of the Synagogue, the Gentiles, that is, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, besought the Apostles that the same things might be preached unto them the next Sabbath; which being accordingly done, and many of the other Gentiles (who were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) upon the same of such a new Doctrine unwontedly assembling with them, it is said, that the jews when they saw the multitude, were filled with envy, contradicted and blasphemed, v. 45. that then Paul and Barnabas waxed bold, and said, it was necessary that the word of God should first be spoken unto you; but seeing you put it from you, and judge yourselves unworthy of eternal life, lo, we turn to the Gentiles: for so hath the Lord commanded us, saying, I have set thee to be a light to the Gentiles, etc. v. 46, 47. that when the Gentiles heard this, they were glad, and glorified the word of God; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and there believed as many as were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to eternal life, v. 48. that is, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were already in procinctu and in the posture to eternal Life. The jews blasphemed, the rest of the Gentiles were uncapable, only the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (who were already Candidati vitae aeternae, having been instructed in the worship of the true God, and hoping for the reward to come) they believed. Yet perhaps not all of them neither, (the words require not 
* For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often put for o●, and the sense then but indefinite.  so much, but that none but such:) And it follows, v. 50. that the jews found out some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, worshipping women, such as were of fashion, (who yet perhaps had not been at the Apostles Sermon,) by whose mean they stirred up the chief men in the City, and raised persecution against Paul and Barnabas. This I take to be the true and genuine meaning of this passage, upon which no charge of Pelagianisme can be fastened; nor needeth it any spinous Criticisms for its explication. The use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the acie & collocatione militum, de ascriptione in ordinem vel classem, as it relates to an army, the disposing or marshalling of soldiers, the being listed or enroled into such a rank or company, (in which signification the Passive is most frequent) is well enough known. 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Xenoph●n. In eam classem ●● ascribe. Plutar●. in Solone. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In pauperum ordinem se redigit, inter pauperes se numerat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicuntur milites, unde & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellantur: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in numerum virerum ascribi. Compare the 1 Cor. 16. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They ●o● themselves to the Ministry of the Saints.  According to which sense and notion, the words might be rendered, Crediderunt quotquot nomina sua dederant vitae aeternae; or, [per Ellipsin Participii] qui de agmine & class fuerant sperantium vel contendentium ad vitam aeternam; otherwise, qui in procinctu stabant ad vitam aeternam; or most fitly, (sensu modò militari, non destinationis) quotquot ordinati fuerant ad vitam aeternam. The sense whereof is in brief this; There believed as many as had listed themselves, or were of the company of those that did hope or earnestly labour for eternal life, or were in a ready posture and disposed to or for eternal life. De re tota judicent viri docti, & à studio partium alieni.  
Besides, it will not be impertinent, as a Mantissa to these quotations for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to note That the same persons are otherwise (namely twice) characterised by the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those that fear God. As first of Cornelius, concerning whom there is no question but he was a Gentile-worshipper, the Text saith, 
* Acts ●o ●. ●.  There was a man in Gaesarea, called Cornelius, a Centurion of the Italian Band. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a pious man, and one that feared God, (i) the God of Israel. Again in that 13. of the Acts (whereon we have dwelled so long) S. Paul speaking at first to that mixed multitude assembled in the Synagogue, consisting partly of jews and partly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the worshipping Proselytes, he compellates them both distinctly in these words, v. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ye men of Israel, and ye that fear God, give audience. By the former meaning the jews; by the latter, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Gentile-worshippers.  
Of this kind of Converts (as I have in part already intimated) were in our Saviour and his Apostles time very many in every Nation and City where the jews lived and had their Synagogues; yea far more in number than of that other sort of Proselytes which were circumcised. The reason being, because it was the more easy condition, and not so prejudicial to their outward liberty as the other; inasmuch as they might notwithstanding still live and converse with their friends, kindred and Countrymen, bear office and enjoy honours among them, (as Naaman the Syrian did, who was of this kind,) which the other might not do.  
These impediments being out of the way, The hope of the Resurrection from the dead, and the Reward of the life to come, were powerful Inducements to draw many to the worship of that God, who only among the Gods 
* For since then, the Devil hath been God's Ape.  at that time promised this reward to such as worshipped and served him, and no other: which was the bait wherewith the jews alured them; and that to their own no small emolument, this kind, as it were to recompense their want of Circumcision, seeming to have been very bountiful towards their Nation; as may be gathered both from Cornelius, 
Acts 10. 2.  who is said to have given much alms to the people, (namely of the jews;) and from the Story of that Centurion, Luke 7. 4, 5. whom the jews besought our Saviour so instantly for, alleging, that he loved their Nation, and had built them a Synagogue, and therefore deserved that favour they sued for on his behalf.  
NOW, out of this Discourse, besides the clearing of the passages aforementioned, we may learn two things: One, How so many of the Gentiles, by the preaching of the Apostles, could so soon and so readily be converted to the Faith of Christ; It was because they had already embraced the Principles which led thereunto. For we are to take notice, that the foundation of the Church among the Gentiles was laid of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who had already embraced the worship of the true God, had knowledge of his Promises, believed, and hoped for the life to come. For was not S. Peter (to whom the Instructions for this Embassage were first given) sent first to Cornelius a Centurion, a Gentile of this order? wherefore? but that this might be for a pattern for them, with what kind of men they were first to deal in this great work; namely with such as were idonei Auditores Evangelii, fit and capable hearers of the Gospel; those which were puri pu●i Gentiles, mere Gentiles, being not so, as who knew nothing of the Principles requisite thereto. This will appear, if we consider well the tenor of the Apostles Sermons to such Gentiles as they converted; which we shall observe to presuppose that they already knew the true God, and the promise of Eternal life to such as worshipped him; and so had no more to learn but the way and means now revealed by God for attainment thereof, which was by the Gospel of jesus Christ.  
The other thing we may learn is, 
Acts 1●.  What was the true state of the Question which the Apostles met to decide in the Council at jerusalem; Whether the Gentiles which believed in Christ were to be circumcised or not, and so bound to keep the whole Law. It was this, to resolve (that, whereas all such as embraced the worship of the God of Israel, conformed to one of these two kinds of Proselytes) to whether of them the Gentiles which had or should receive the Gospel of Christ, were to conform themselves; whether to the Proselytes of the Covenant, or to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Proselytes of the Gate. S. Peter standing up in the Council, demonstrates it to be the will of God that they should conform to the latter, and not to the first; and that upon this ground, Because that Cornelius, the first Christianed Gentile, unto whom himself was sent by Divine Commission, was no circumcised Proselyte, but a Proselyte of the Gate, or a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a worshipper only; yet received he no Commission to circumcise him: yea the Holy Ghost, as he was Preaching, fell upon him and his household being uncircumcised, as it did upon those of the Circumcision; whereby it appeared that God would have the rest of the Gentiles which embraced the Faith, to be after the pattern of Cornelius, and to have no more imposed upon them than He had. And accordingly the Council defines, That no other burden should be laid upon them, but only to abstain from pollutions of Idols, from blood, from things strangled, and from fornication, and (as some Copies 
* Together with 〈◊〉 twice Lib. 3. cap. 12. Cyprian. Lib. 3. Tellimon, ad Qui●num in fine.  have it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not to do that to others, which they would not should be done to themselves; that is they should as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 observe the Precepts of the sons of Noa●, which here [by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] are briefly reckoned up.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.    

DISCOURSE IU.  

2 PETER 2. 4.  
For if God spared not the Angels which sinned, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉]— but cast them down to Hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness, to be reserved unto judgement, etc. so we translate it:  
To which of S. Peter answers that of S. jude, (as almost that whole Epistle doth to this) verse 6. And the Angels which kept not their first estate, [or principality,] but left their own habitation, he hath reserved in everlasting chains under darkness unto the judgement of the great Day.  
THese two places are brought to prove, That the Devils, or Evil spirits, are now in Hell, before the Day of judgement: Which I cannot see how it can possibly stand with the rest of the Scripture, which testifies every where that they have yet their mansion in the Air, and here about the Earth, where they tempt, seduce, and do all the mischief they can to mankind: hence their Chiestain Satan is styled The Prince of the power of the Air, 
Ephes. 2. 2.  that is, of the Airy Dominion or Princedom. Therefore hither they were with their Prince exiled from Heaven, and no further, nor shall be until the Day of judgement. And of this I shall speak at this time: First, to clear these Texts, which seem to make for the contrary; secondly, to inquire what was the opinion of the Ancients about this point.  
As for this place of S. Peter, and that imitation thereof in the Epistle of S. jude, I can believe the translation of neither. Piscator (not conceiving how that of S. jude (especially because of the word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] eternal) could be reconciled with other Scripture, and Experience which shows us that the Evil spirits are not yet bound with eternal chains, having so much liberty of gadding about) supplies in the Text vinciendos, as if there were an Ellipsis, reading it thus, judicio magni illius Diei vinculis aeternis (vinciendos) reseruâsse; He hath reserved them (to be bound) in eternal chains at the judgement of the great Day.  
In that of S. Peter, if I understand him, he takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not for Dativus instrumenti; with chains of darkness, but as Dativus acquisitionis, for chains of darkness; and construes it with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if it were, He delivered them for chains of darkness; namely, supposing a trajection of the words.  
But for my part I take both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Peter, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. jude, to be neither of them Dativus Instrumenti, but both Acquisitionis or Finis, and governed the one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the other of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— As in the Hebrew, the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 serves both for the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for the Dative Case, whose propriety the style of the Greek Testament every where imitates, and why not in this? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; therefore and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for (not, with) chains. Nay, among the Greek Grammarians we find observed, that the Dative Case is sometimes put for the Accusative with the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in this example, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much more in the sacred Greek, which so frequently imitates the Hebrew Construction.  
Next for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Peter, it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but once used, and so not bound by any use or example to the signification which we here give it, to wit, casting down to hell. I would therefore render it, ad poenas tartareas damnavit, he hath adjudged them to hellish torments, to wit, thus, Angelos qui peccaverunt, cum ad tartari supplicium damnasset, catenis caliginis servandos tradidit ad Diem judicii; Having adjudged the Angels that sinned to hell-torments, he delivered them to be kept or reserved (in the Airy region, 
2 Pet. 2. 4.  as in a prison) for chains of darkness at the Day of judgement. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 judgement here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Day of judgement, as S. jude hath it: So also Matth. 12. 42. The Queen of the South shall rise in judgement with this Generation, that is, in or at the Day of judgement. Or if I would render it, not casting down to hell, but casting down to hellward, so the meaning in both places will be, That the wicked Angels were cast down from Heaven to this lower Orb, there to be reserved for chains of darkness at the Day of judgement: Which sense the ninth verse of this Chapter of S. Peter plainly intimates by way of reddition; Novit Dominus pios in tentatione cripere, The Lord knoweth how to deliver the godly in temptation, as he did Noah and Lot; Injustos verò in diem judicii cruciandos servare, But to reserve the unjust unto the Day of judgement to be punished, as he doth the wicked Angels. Moreover verse 17. where the same hellish darkness is spoken of, it is said to be reserved for the wicked, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to whom that hideous darkness is reserved for ever; whence it is probable that S. Peter, in the foregoing passage of Angels, referred also those chains of darkness to reserving, and not to delivering; that is, not that the evil Angels were now already delivered to chains of darkness, but reserved for them at the Day of judgement.  
AND thus much for clearing of the words of these two parallel Texts. Now what hath been anciently the current opinion about this point? And first, for the jews, it is apparent to have been a Tradition of theirs, That all the space between the Earth and the Firmament is full of Troops of Evil spirits and their Chieftains having their residence in the Air; which I make no doubt but S. Paul had respect to, when he calls Satan the Prince of the power of the Air. 
Ephes. 2. 2.  Drusius quotes two Authors, one the Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, another one of the Commentators upon Pirke Aboth, who speak in this manner; Debet homo scire & intelligere, à terra usque ad firmamentum omnia plena esse turmis & praefectis, etc. A man is to know and understand, that all from Earth to the Firmament is full (and no place is empty) of Troops of Spirits together with their Chieftains and such as are Praepositi; all which have their residence and fly up and down in the Air: some of them incite to peace, others to war; some to goodness and life, others to wickedness and death. By Praepositi, I suppose, he means such among the Spirits as are set as Wardens over several charges, for the managing of the affairs of mankind subject to their power. This was the Opinion of the jews, which they seem to have learned by Tradition from their ancient Prophets; for in the Old Testament we find no such thing written, and yet we see S. Paul seems to approve it.  
Now for the Doctors of the Christian Church, S. Hierome upon the sixth of the Ephesians tells us, that their Opinion was the same; ' 'tis the opinion of all the Doctors, (●aith he) that the Devils have their Mansions and residence in the space between the heaven and the earth. And that the Fathers of the first 300 or 400 years nor did, nor could, hold the evil Angels to have been cast into Hell upon their sin, is evident by a singular Tenet of theirs. For justin Martyr, one of the most ancient, hath this saying; That Satan before the coming of Christ never durst blaspheme God, and that (saith he) because till then he knew not he should be damned. The same is approved by Irenaeus (lib. 5. cap. 26.) Praeclarè (saith he) dixit justinus, quòd ante Domini adventum Satanas nunquam ausus est blasphemare Deum, quip nondum sciens suam damnationem: Post adventum autem Domini, ex sermonibus Christi & Apostolorum ejus discens m●nifestè quoniam ignis aeternus ei praeparatus sit;— per hujusmodi homines blasphemat eum Deum qui judicium importat. It was a worthy saying of justin, That Satan before the coming of our Lord never durst blaspheme God, as not till then knowing he should be damned: But after the coming of our Lord, he clearly understanding by the Discourses of Christ and his Apostles that everlasting fire was prepared for him— by these men (Irenaeus means those Heretics who blasphemed the God of the Law) he blaspemes that God who brings that punishment upon them. Eusebius (lib. 4. Hist. Cap. 17.) citys the same out of both, with approbation: So doth Oecumenius upon the last Chapter of the first of S. Peter. Epiphanius against Heresy 39 gives the same as his own assertion, almost in the same words with justin and Irenaeus, though not naming them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Before the coming of Christ the Devil did not dare to speak a blasphemous word against his Lord; for being in expectation of the coming of Christ, he imagined he should obtain some mercy. I will not inquire how true this Tenet of theirs is, but only gather this, that they could not think the Devils were cast into Hell before the coming of Christ: For then how could they but have known they should be damned, if the execution had already been done upon them?  
Saint Augustine, as may seem, intending to reconcile these places of Peter and jude with the rest of Scripture, is alleged to affirm, that the Devils suffering some Hell-like torment in their Airy Mansion, the Air may in that respect in an improper sense be called Hell. But that the Devils were locally or Actually in Hell, or should be, before the Day of judgement, it is plain he held not; and that will appear by these two passages in his Book de Civitate Dei. First, where he saith, Daemons in hoc quidem aere habitant, quia de Coeli superioris sublimitate dejecti, merito irregressibilis transgressionis, in hoc sibi congruo velut carcere praedamnati sunt. Lib. 8. Cap. 22. The Devils indeed have their habitation in this Air; for they being cast out of the highest heaven, through the due desert of their unrecoverable apostasy and transgression, are fore-condemned and adjudged to be kept in this Airy region, as in a prison very congruous and fit for such transgressors. The other (in the same Book, chap. 23.) where he expounds that of the Devils 
* Vide●tur etiam Orig●●, in Numer. cap. 22. Non vuit Deus Daemo●umgenus an●● temsus damnage; Sciu●● enim & ipsi Daemons, quia tempus eorum praesens hoc seculum continet: Proptevea & Dominum rog●bant, ut non torqueret eos ante tempus, etc. Et ob hoc neque Diabolum removit à principatu hujus seculi● etc.  Matth. 8. Art thou come to torment us before the time? that is, (saith he) ante tempus judicii, quo aeternâ damnatione puniendi sunt, cum omnibus etiam hominibus qui eorum societate detinentur; before the time of the last judgement, when they are to be eternally punished, together with all those men who are entangled in their society.  
The Divines of latter times, the Schoolmen and others, to reconcile the supposed Contrariety in Scripture, divide the matter; holding some Devils to be in the Air, (as S. Paul and the History of Scripture tell us,) some to be already in Hell, (as they thought S. Peter and S. jude affirmed:) which opinion seems to be occasioned by a Quaere of S. Hierom's upon the sixth of the Ephesians, though he speaks but obscurely, and defines nothing. But what ground of Scripture or Reason can be given, why all the Devils which sinned, should not be in the same Condition? especially that Satan, the worst and chief of them, should not be in the worst estate, but enjoy the greatest liberty? It follows therefore that these places of S. Peter and S. jude are to be construed according to the sense I have given of them; namely, That the evil Spirits which sinned, being adjudged to Hellish torments, were cast out of Heaven into this lower Region, there to be reserved, as in a prison, for chains of darkness at the Day of judgement.    

DISCOURSE V.  

1 COR. 4. 1.  Let a man so account of us as of the Ministers (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) of Christ, and Stewards of the Mysteries of God. 
A Man would think at first sight, that this Scripture did exceedingly warrant our use of the word Minister in stead of that of Priest, and leave no plea for them who had rather speak otherwise. Howsoever I intent at this time to show the contrary, and (even out of this Text,) that we have very much swerved herein from the Apostles language, and abuse that word to such a sense as they never intended, nor is any where found in Scripture. I favour neither superstition nor superstitious men; yet truth is truth, and needful to be known; especially when ignorance thereof breedeth error and uncharitableness. My Discourse therefore shall be of the use of the words Priest and Minister; wherein shall appear how truly we are all Ministers in our Apostle's sense, and yet how abusively and improperly so called in the ordinary and prevailing use of that word.  
I will begin thus. All Ecclesiastical persons or Clergymen may be considered in a Threefold relation: First, to God; secondly, to the People; thirdly, one toward another. In respect to God, all are Ministers of what degree soever they be; because they do what they do by commission from him, either more or less immediate: for a Minister is he qui operam suam alicui, ut superiori aut domino, praebet, who serves another as his Superior or Master. In respect of the People all are Bishops, that is, Inspectores or Overseers, as having charge to look unto them. But lastly, compared one to another, 
1 Cor. 4. 1.  he whom we usually call Bishop is only Overseer of the rest, Inspector totius Cleri. Deacons are only Ministers to the rest, Ministri Presbyterorum & Episcoporum: and in that respect have their name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
There are properly but two Orders Ecclesiastical, Presbyteri & Diaconi: the one the Masters, Priests; the other the Ministers, Deacons. The rest are but divers degrees of these Two. As Bishops are a degree of Presbyters of divine ordinance, to be as Heads, Chiefs, and Precedents of their Brethren: So Subdeacons', Lectors, and indeed any other kind of Ecclesiastical Ministers, whether in Ecclesia or Foro Ecclesiastico (I mean whether they attend divine Duties in the Church, or jurisdiction in Ecclesiastical Courts) are all a kind of Deacons, being to the Presbyters, either single or Episcopal, as the Levites were to the Sacerdotes, in the Old Testament, namely, to minister unto or for them. Thus when we say, Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons, we name but two Orders, yet three Degrees.  
These grounds being forelaid and understood.  
I affirm, first, That Presbyters are by us unnaturally and improperly called Ministers either of the Church, or of such or such a Parish: we should call them, as my Text doth, Ministers of God, or Ministers of Christ, not Ministers of men.  
First, Because they are only God's Ministers, who sends them; but the People's Magistri, to teach, instruct and oversee them. Were it not absurd to call the Shepherd the Sheep's Minister? If he be their Minister, they surely are his Masters. And so indeed the People by occasion of this misappellation think they are ours, and use us accordingly. Indeed we are called Ministers, but never their Ministers; but, as you see here. God's Ministers, Christ's Ministers, who employeth us to dispense his Mysteries unto his Church.  
There are Three words in the New Testament translated Minister, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●the first is most frequent; but not one of them is given to the Apostles, in the whole Scripture, with relation to the Church or People: you shall never find them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ministers of the Church, which is so frequent with us, but Ministers of God, 2 Cor. 6. 4. 1 Thess. 3. 2. Ministers of Christ, as in my Text, and 2 Cor. 11. 23. Col. 1. 7. Ministers of jesus Christ, 1 Tim. 4. 6. or Ministers of that which they minister, as Ministers of the New Testament, 2 Cor. 3. 6. Ministers of the Gospel, Ephes. 3. 7. Coloss. 1. 23. But not Ministers of them to whose behoof they minister. Yet might this speech, Minister of the Church, if rightly construed, be admitted; namely, if it be spoken by an Ellipsis, for Minister of God for and over the Church: so the Apostle Coloss. 1. 7. A faithful Minister of Christ for you, that is, Christ's Minister, not theirs; yet not for Christ, but for them. But those who use this speech commonly mean otherwise.  
Secondly, 
Hebr. 1.  Angels are called ministering spirits, but not our Ministers, but God's Ministers to us-ward, or for our behalf: So Ministers of the Gospel, not the People's or Congregation's Ministers, but God's Ministers for their behoof.  
Thirdly, This speech [Minister of the Church, or, of this or that Church] is so much the more incommodious, because it hath begotten (as incommodious and unapt speeches do] an erroneous conceit, not only among the vulgar, but some of better understanding; namely, That a Minister is not lawfully called, unless he be chosen by the People, because he is their Minister, and so to be deputed by them. And indeed if he be their Minister in proper relation, they are his Masters, and so it is good reason they should appoint him, as Masters do those who are to serve them: But if in proper relation they are God's Ministers, and not theirs, (though for them) than God is to appoint them, or such as he hath put in place to do it. It is an erroneous conceit that some maintain, That the power of Sacred Order and of the Keys is given by God immediately to the Body of the Congregation; and that they depute him who is their Minister, to execute the power which is originally in them: That power is conferred by God immediately to those who are Bishops and Pastors, and by and through them belongs to the whole Body, and no otherwise. Sed tantum potuit incommodi sermonis usus.  
Some perhaps will object against my whole Assertion that of S. Paul, 2 Cor. 4. 5. We preach not ourselves, but Christ jesus 
* Viz. esse Deminum.  the Lord, and ourselves your servants for jesus sake: If the Apostles were the Church's Servants, why not their Ministers? I answer, the Apostle says not they were the Corinthians servants, but that he had made himself so, in his Preaching to them. So he says expressly, 1 Cor. 9 19 For though I be free from all men, yet I have made myself a servant to all, that I might gain the more. Yet he confesses the Corinthians began to vilify him for this condescent, 2 Cor. 11. 7. Have I committed an offence in abasing myself that you might be exalted, because I have preached unto you the Gospel of God freely? This was that wherein he carried himself toward the Corinthians as a Servant, but to other Churches he did not so. It would be a strange assertion to say the Apostle were the Corinthians Servant in a proper relation: we know he says, Gal. 1. 10. If I pleased men, I should not be the servant of Christ; and Rom. 6. 16. Know ye not that to whom ye yield yourselves servants to obey, his servants ye are to whom ye obey?  
I come now to a second Assertion, which is, That howsoever any Ecclesiastical person may be rightly called a Minister, (so it be in a proper relation to God-ward,) yet the word Minister is again most unfitly used by us for a name of distinction of one Ecclesiastical Order from another: as when we call those which are Presbyters, Ministers, by way of distinction from Deacons; for so we speak Ministers and Deacons, in stead of Priests and Deacons.  
The reason we thus speak is to avoid the name Priest, which we conceive to signify Sacerdos, that is, one that sacrificeth, such as were those in the Law: But our Curates of holy things in the Gospel are not to offer Sacrifice, and therefore ought not to be called Sacerdotes, and consequently not Priests. This is the reason. But if it be well examined, Priest is the English of Presbyter, and not of Sacerdos; there being in our Tongue no word in use for Sacerdos: Priest, which we use for both, being improperly used for a Sacrificer; but naturally expressing a Presbyter, the name whereby the Apostles call both themselves and those which succeed them in their charge. For who can deny that our word Priest is corrupted of Presbyter? Our Ancestors the Saxons first used Preoster, whence by a farther contraction came Pressed and Priest. The high and low Dutch have Priester, the French Prestre, the Italian Prete; but the Spaniard only speaks full Presbytero.  
But, to come more near the point, our men in using the word [Minister] for a distinctive name in stead of Priest, incur four Solecisms; I mean, when we use the word Minister (not at large, but) for a distinction from the Order of Deacons, saying Ministers and Deacons.  
First, We run into that we sought to avoid. For we would avoid to call the Presbyters of the Gospel by the name of the Sacrificers of the Law; and yet run into it in such sort, that we style those of the Gospel by the Legal name, and those of the Law by the Evangelical name. The Hebrew calls them of the Law Cohanim, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which properly signifies to minister, and thence comes the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: but we call those of the Gospel Cohanim, when we style them Ministers. On the contrary, the Apostles style those of the Gospel, Presbyteri; but we transfer that name to those of the Law, when we call them Priests. This is counterchange;  Incidit in Scyllam qui vult vitare Charybdim. 
Secondly, It is a confusion or Tautology, to say Ministers and Deacons, that is, Ministers and Ministers; for Deacon [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] is, in Greek, a Minister; the one is Minister in Latin, the other in Greek: as if one should say, Homo and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Dil●vium and Cataclysmus, and think so to distinguish things of several natures or conditions.  
Thirdly, We impose upon that Order a name of a direct contrary notion to what the Apostles gave them: The Apostles gave them a name of Eldership and Superiority in calling them Presbyteri; we of Inferiority and Subordination in calling them Ministri. The jews had no name more honourable than that of Elders, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for so they called their Magistrates: so we read of Elders of the people, and Elders of the Priests and Levites, meaning the chief in both sorts. This honourable name the Apostles gave as a name of distinction to the Evangelical Pastors; whereby they dignified them above those of the Law, whose name in the Hebrew (as I said before) is but a denomination of Ministry: And we have rejected the name of Dignity, of Fathership, of Eldership; and assumed in stead thereof a name of under-service, of subjection, of Ministry, to distinguish our Order by: I say, to distinguish our Order; for in a general sense and with reference to God, we are all his Ministers; and it is an honour unto us so to be, more than to be other men's Masters, as our Apostle in my Text intimates.  
Fourthly, In the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas there is a worse Solecism by reason of this misapplied speech. They have a kind of Officers who are the Pastor's assistants in Discipline, much like to our Churchwardens; these they call Elders, we style them Lay-Elders: These are but a kind of Deacons at the most, and of a new erection too; and yet these are dignified by the name of Elders and Presbyters, who are indeed but Deacons or Ministers; and the Pastor himself is called a Minister, who in the Apostles style is the only Presbyter or Elder. For so they speak, The Minister and his Presbyters or Elders.  
To conclude, it had been to be wished that those whom the term of Priest displeased, as that which gave occasion by the long abuse thereof to fancy a Sacrifice, had rather restored the Apostolical name of Presbyter in the full sound, which would have been as soon and as easily learned and understood as Minister, and was no way subject to that supposed inconvenience. But the mis-application of the word [Presbyter] in some Churches to an Order the Apostles called not by that name, deprived those thereof to whom it was properly due. Howsoever when they call us Ministers, let them account of us as the Ministers of Christ, and not of men: not as deputed by the Congregation to execute a power originally in them, but as Stewards of the Mysteries of God.    

DISCOURSE VI.  

S. JOHN 10. 20.  He hath a Devil, and is mad. 
IT is a matter of greater moment than perhaps every man thinks of, under what notions Things are conceived, and from what property or Character the Names we call them by are derived. For hereby not seldom it comes to pass, that the same things, presented to us under different notions, and names derived therefrom, are not taken to be the same they are: Even as he that meets a man well known unto him, in an exotic disguise or antic habit, takes him to be some other, though he knew him never so well before. For example; a man would wonder that a Comet, (as we call it) being so remarkable and principal a work of the Divine power, and which draws the eyes of all men with admiration towards it, should no where be found mentioned in the Old Testament: neither there where the works of God are so often recounted to magnify him, (whenas Hail, Snow, Rain and Ice, works of far less admiration, are not pretermitted;) neither by way of allusion and figured expression, in the Prophet's predictions of great calamities and changes, whereof they were taken to be presages; especially when we see them borrow so many other allusions both from heaven and earth to paint their descriptions with. Should a man therefore think there never appeared any of them in those times or to those Countries? It is incredible: Or that the jews were so dull and heedless as not to observe them? That is not like neither. What should we say then? Surely, they conceived of them under some other notions than we do, and accordingly expressed them some other way. As what if by a Pillar of fire, such a one perhaps as went before the Israelites in the Wilderness? Or by a Pillar of fire and smoke? as in that of jeel 2. 30. I will show wonders in the heavens, and in the earth, Blood and Fire and Pillars of smoke: Or by the name of an Angel of the Lord, (whereby no doubt they are guided?) according as it is said of that Pillar of Fire which went before th●●● raclites, 
Exod. 14.  that the Angel of God, when they were to pass the Red Sea● came and ●●ood between them and the Egyptians, when that Pillar did so. And who knows whether that in the 104. Psalms, v. 4. may not have some meaning this way? He maketh his Angel's Spirits (or winds,) and his Ministers a Flame of fire, to wit, because they are wont to appear in both. It comes in, in the Psalm, among other Works of God, in a sit place for such a sense, both in regard of what goes before and follows after. These, I say, or some of these may be descriptions of those we call Comets; which because they are disguised under another notion, and not denominated from Stell● or Coma, hence we know them not.  
Now to come toward my Text; alike instance to this I take to be that of the Daemoniacks so often mentioned in the Gospel. For I make no question but that now and then the same befalls other men whereof I have experience myself, to wit, to marvel how these Daemoniacks should so abound in and about that Nation, which was the People of God; (whereas in other Nations and their writings we hear of no such;) and that too, as it should seem, about the time of our Saviour's being on earth only, because in the time before we find no mention of them in Scripture. The wonder is yet the greater, 
john 10. 20  because it seems notwithstanding all this, by the Story of the Gospel, not to have been accounted then by the people of the jews any strange or extraordinary thing, but as a matter usual; nor besides is taken notice of by any foreign Story.  
To meet with all these difficulties, (which I see not how otherwise can be easily satisfied) I am persuaded (till I shall hear better reason to the contrary,) that these Daemoniacks were no other than such as we call Madmen and Lunatics, at least that we comprehend them under those names; and that therefore they both still are, and in all times and places have been, much more frequent than we imagine. The cause of which our mistake is that disguise of another name and notion than we conceive them by; which makes us take them to be divers, which are the same.  
That you may rightly understand this my Assertion (before I acquaint you with the Reasons which induce me thereunto) you must know, That the Masters of Physic tell us of two kinds of Deliration or alienation of the Understanding. One ex vi morbi, that, namely, which is from or with a Fever, called Delirium or Phrenitis (the latter being a higher degree than the former:) Another kind sine Febre, when a man, having no other disease, is crazed and disturbed in his wits.  
And this they say is either simple dotage, proceeding from some weakness of the Brain or Intellective faculty; or Melancholia and Mania, which they describe and distinguish thus: Both of them to be when the Understanding is so disturbed, that men imagine, speak, and do things which are most absurd and contrary to all reason, sense, and use of men: but their difference to be in this, that Melancholia is attended with fear, sadness, silence, retiredness, and the like Symptoms; Mania with rage, raving and fury, and actions suitable; which is most properly styled Madness. Now when I say that those Daemoniacks in the Gospel were such as we call Madmen, understand me to mean not of Deliration ex vi morbi, or of simple dotage, but of those two last kinds, Melancholici and Maniaci; whereunto add morbus Comilialis or falling sickness, and whatsoever is properly called Lunacy.  
Such as these, I say, the jews believed (and so may we) to be troubled and acted with evil Spirits, as it is said of Saul's Melancholy, that an evil Spirit from the Lord troubled him; and therefore, passing by all other Causes or Symptoms, they thought sit to give them their Name from this, call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. An occasion of the more frequent use of which expression in our Saviour's time and the ages immediately before him than formerly had been, may seem to have been given by the Sect of the Sadd●cees, which, after the time of Hyrcanus, had much prevailed, and affirmed (as S. Luke tells us) that there was no Resurrection, neither Angel, nor Spirit. To affront and cry down whose error, 
Acts 23. ●.  it is like enough the Pharisees, and the rest of the right-believing jews who followed them, affected to draw their expressions (wheresoever they could) from Angels and Spirits; as presently they did, in the 
* Changed 23. 6●.  Acts, when S. Paul awakened their faction in the Council, saying, I am a Pharisee, and the son of a Pharisee, etc. We find no evil, say they, in this man; but if a Spirit or an Angel hath spoken unto him, let us not fight against God.  
Having thus sufficiently stated and explicated my Assertion; now you shall hear what grounds I have for the same. First, therefore, I prove it out of the Gospel itself, and that in the first place from this Scripture which I have chosen for my Text, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He hath a Devil, and is mad. Where I suppose the latter words to be an explication of the former. Secondly, I prove it out of Matth. 17. 14, 15. where it is said, There came to our Saviour a certain man kneeling down to him, and saying, Lord, have mercy on my son, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he is Lunatic and sore vexed: for ofttimes he falleth into the fire, and oft into the water. That this Lunatic was a Daemoniack, it is evident both out of the 18. verse of this Chapter, where it is said, Our Saviour rebuked the Devil, and he departed out of him, and the child was cured from that very hour: as also out of the 9 of the Gospel of S. Luke, V. 39 where it is said of the selfsame person, Lo, a spirit taketh him, and he suddenly crieth out, and it teareth him that he foameth again, and bruising him, hardly departeth from him. By comparing of these places, you may gather what kind of men they were which the Scripture calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Daemoniacks.  
Now I come to other Testimonies. And first, take notice that the Gentiles also had the like apprehension of their Madmen, whence they called them Larvati and Cerriti: where Larvati is as much as Larvis, id est, Daemonibus, acti: so Festus, Larvati, saith he, furiosi & ment moti, quasi Larvis exterriti. And for Cerriti, they were so called, quasi Cereriti, hoc est, à Cerere percussi. And therefore you may remember that when Menaechmus in Plautus feigns himself mad, and talks accordingly; the Physician who was sent for to cure him asks the old man who came to fetch him, whether he were Larvatus or Cerritus. If the Gentiles thought thus of their Madmen, should we think it strange the jews should? I could tell you here, that the Turks conceit of their Madmen is not unlike this; but that they suppose the Spirit that works in them to be a good rather than an evil one. But I let this pass.  
My next Testimony shall be out of justin Martyr, who in his second Apology ad Antoninum, to prove (at least to a Gentile) that the Souls of men have existence and sense after death, brings for an Argument their Necromancy and their callings up the spirits of the deceased, together with other the like, and in the last place this of Daemoniacks; where by his description of them, we may easily gather what kind of people they were which were so taken to be. They also (saith he) which are seized upon by the Spirits of the deceased (for such were these Daemonia taken to be) and are cast and tumbled upon the ground, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which all call Daemoniacks and Madmen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were all one, as men then conceived. Note here, that these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were taken to be the Souls of men deceased, and that not among the Gentiles only, but (as may seem) among the jews also. For josephus in his seventh Book De Bello judaico, Chap. 25. mentioning these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon occasion of a certain Herb supposed to be good for them, saith expressly by way of Parenthesis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (scil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, these Daemonia are the Spirits or Souls of the worst sort of men deceased, which are gotten into the bodies of the living. I tell not this with a meaning to avouch it for true; but only that you might understand how justin Martyr's argument proceeds, to prove that Souls have existence after Death, from the Daemoniacks.  
My last proof is taken from those Energumeni (which are all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) so often mentioned in the Church-Liturgies, in the ancient Canons, and in other Ecclesiastical writings, many Ages after our Saviour's being on earth; and that, not as any rare and unaccustomed thing, but as ordinary and usual. They were wont to send them out of the Church when the Liturgy began; as they did the Poenitentes, Auditores, and Catechumeni, which might not be partakers of the Holy Mysteries. If those were not such as we nowadays conceive of no otherwise than as Madmen, surely the world must be supposed to be very well rid of Devils over it hath been; which for my part I believe not. Nay, that these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possessed with the Devil, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Daemoniacks, were such as I speak of, Balsamon and Zonaras both in their Scholia upon the Canons of the Church will, I think, inform us: For, to reconcile two Canons concerning these Energumeni or possessed, which seem contradictory; 
●a●. Apost. LXXIX.  one (called of the Apostles) in these words ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If any hath a Devil, or is mad, let him not be made a Clergyman, nor let him be admitted to pray with the faithful; another of Timotheus sometime Patriarch of Alexandria, speaking thus ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, If any of the faithful be a Daemoniack, he ought to partake of the holy Mysteries: To reconcile these, I say, they affirm the former (which admits them not,) to be meant 
a Balsamon in Can.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or 
b Zonar. in Can.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of him that is continually and always mad, namely, 
c Balsamon.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. lest one so affected should, either by some indecent actions and foul miscarriages of his own, or by his daemoniacal clamours, disturb the people of God and the Church-service; but that of Timotheus, that admits them, to be understood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of him that is mad but by fits, and hath his Lucida intervalla. And thus I have acquainted you with what I have observed to confirm me in this opinion, and make no doubt but there are more passages yet to be found this way than I have met with. 
Vide Chrysostomi epistol, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eum omnino affectum videbis pro●t quos nos Melancholicos appellamus. Vide eundem de precibus in Ecclesia pro Energaments; Hom. 4, & 5. de Incomprehensibili Dei natura, versus finem, inter Sermones ad Pop. Antioch.     

DISCOURSE VII.  

PROVERBS 21. 16.  The man that wandreth out of the way of understanding, shall remain in the Congregation of the Dead, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in coetu Gigantum. 
IT is a question sometimes moved amongst Divines, and worth resolving, How and by what name the Place and condition of the damned (which in the Gospel is called Gehenna) was termed or expressed in the Old Testament before the Captivity of Babylon, and whilst the first Temple stood. For presently after the Return the aforementioned name Gehenna began to be frequented: as appears both by the second of Esdras, the Chaldee Paraphrast, and other jewish writings, where that name is often found; as also by the Gospel, where our Saviour useth it as then vulgarly known amongst the jews. But it is as certain that before the Captivity or second Temple (for so the jews call the time of their state after their return) this name was not in use: both because it is no where to be found in the Canonical Scriptures of the Old Testament, which were all written within that time; and especially, because the ground and occasion thereof was not till about that time in being, which was the pollution of the valley of the sons of Hinnom, or Tophet, by King josiah, and the dreadful execution of divine vengeance in that Place: Hence it became to posterity to be a Name of execration, and applied to signify the Place of eternal punishment.  
For this valley of Hinnom (Gehinnom, or, as afterward they pronounced it, Gehenna) was a valley near jerusalem, in a place whereof called Tophet the Children of Israel committed that abominable Idolatry, in making their Children pass through the fire to Moloch; that is, burned them to the Devil. For an eternal detestation whereof King josiah polluted it, and made it a place execrable, ordaining it to be the place whither dead Carcases, Garbage, and other unclean things should be cast out: for consuming whereof, to prevent annoyance, a continual fire was there burning. Yea, not man only, but the Lord himself as it were consecrated this place to be a place of execration, by making it the field of his vengeance both before and after. For first, this was the place where the Angel of the Lord destroyed the host of Sennacherib King of Assyria, and where one hundred and eighty thousand of their Carcases were burnt, according to that, Esay 30. 31. Through the voice of the Lord shall the Assyrian be beaten down. V. 33. For Tophet (this was a place, I told you, in the valley of Hinnom) is ordained of old; yea for the King it is prepared: he hath made it deep and large, the pile thereof is fire and much wood, the breath of the Lord like a stream of brimstone doth kindle it. This was also the place where the Idolatrous jews were slain and massacred by the Babylonian armies when their City was taken, and their Carcases left, for want of room for burial, for meat to the fowls of heaven and beasts of the field; according to the word of the Lord by the Prophet jeremy, in his seventh and nineteenth Chapters, 
je. 7. 31, 32, 33. and ch. 19 v. 4, 5, 6.  The Children of judah have built the high places of Tophet, which is in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and daughters in the fire, which I commanded them not, neither came it into my heart. Therefore behold, the days come, saith the Lord, that it shall be no more called Tophet, nor the valley of the son of Hinnom, but the valley of slaughter: For they shall bury in Tophet till there be no place. And the carcases of this people shall be meat for the fowls of heaven and the beasts of the field, and none shall fray them away.  
Hence, as I said, this place being so many ways execrable for what had been done therein, especially having been as it were the gate to eternal destruction, by so remarkable judgements and vengeance of God there executed for sin, it came to be translated to signify the Place of the damned, as the most accursed, execrable, and abominable place of all places; the invisible valley of Hinnom. For such was the property of the jewish Language, to give denominations unto things unseen from such analogical and borrowed expressions of things visible. By all which it is apparent that this notion of that name took its beginning after the Captivity and was not in use before. 
Prov. 21. 16.   
Still therefore we are left to seek, by what other name and under what other notion this place of the damned was expressed before the word Gehenna or Gehinnom came to be used. I answer, out of my Text, it seems to have been called Domus or Coetus Gigantum. Vir qui erraverit à via intelligentiae, in Coetu Gigantum commorabitur, The man that wandreth out of the way of understanding, shall remain in the congregation of the Giants; in the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Coetu Rephaim, which word [Rephaim] properly signifies Giants, and to that sense is always rendered by the Seventy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though we and the later Interpreters, both in this and some other places, take it for manes or mortui, the Souls of the deceased: but the ancient, I think, deserve the more credit, especially it being confessed that the word elsewhere so signifies. In Coetu Gigantum therefore, that is, of those Giants and Rebels against God of whom we read Gen. 6. those mighty men and men of renown of the old World, whose wickedness was so great in the earth, that it repented and grieved God he had made man; and to take vengeance upon whom he brought the general Deluge upon the earth, and destroyed both man and beast from the face thereof. Vir qui erraverit à via doctrinae [intelligentiae,] The man that wandreth out of the way of understanding, shall go and keep them company; that is, go to that accursed place and condition which they are in.  
That this construction of Coetus Rephaim is not improbable, may appear, First, by the gloss of Rabbi Solomon upon this Text, In Coetu Rephaim, that is, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Coetu Gehennae. This notion therefore is not altogether new.  
Secondly, it is strengthened by comparing with other places of Scripture where the like expression is used; as twice more in this Book of the Proverbs. First, Chap. 2. 18. where we read according to the Vulgar, Domus mulieris alienae inclinata est ad mortem, & ad in●eros semitae ipsius, The house of the strange woman inclineth unto death, and her paths unto Hell. Here for ad inferos, unto Hell, the Hebrew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the Giants; and the Seventy render it with an Exegesis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, She hath put, or set, her paths in Hades, or Hell, with the Giants. Again, Chap. 9 17, 18. Aquae furtivae dulciores sunt, & panis absconditus suavior: Et ignoravit quòd ibi sint Gigantes, & in profundis Inferni convivae ejus: Stolen waters are sweeter, and hidden bread is more pleasant: but he knoweth not (namely, he that goes in to a Strange woman) that the Giants are there, and that her guests are in the depths of Hell. Here in some Editions of the Vulgar are added these words; Qui enim applicabitur illi, descendet ad inferos; & qui abscesserit ab illa, salvabitur: For he that is joined to her, shall go down to Hell; but he that departs from her, shall be saved. An Argument how this place hath been understood; for the meaning of both these places seems to be no other, but, that the strange woman will bring them who frequent her, to Hell, to keep the Apostate Giants company.  
There is another place in the Hagiographa where these Rephaim are mentioned, to wit, job. 26. 5, 6. which though of a more ambiguous sense and scope, yet as it is translated by the vulgar Latin (and well enough to agree with the Hebrew) seems to be no other than a description of Hell, with the former. Gigantes, saith he, gemunt sub aquis, & qui habitant cum eyes: Nudus est infernus coram illo (id est, Deo) & nullum est operimentum perditioni. The meaning hereof seems to be this; The place where the old Giants mourn or wail under the waters, and their fellow-inhabitants, the rest of the damned with them, even infernus, and the place of Perdition itself, is naked and open to the eyes of God, from whom nothing is hid. Which is agreeable to that, Proverbs 15. 11. Hell and Destruction are before the Lord: how much more than the hearts of the children of men? In this place the jews take the word Abaddon, which we render Destruction, for Gehenna; that is, Elliptically, for Beth Abaddon, the House of Destruction. And why then should not the same word be so taken in that place of job; and Nullum est operimentum perditioni, There is no covering for Destruction, be as much as, Nullum est operimentum loco perditionis, or Gehennae, There is no covering for the House or Place of Destruction, or for Hell?  
Compare with these places in the Hagiographa two in the Prophets: One in the 14. of Esay v. 9, 10. where by way of a Poetical or Prophetical hypotyposis of the destruction or fall of Babylon, the King thereof is brought in coming to the Rephaims or Giants in the other world. Hell (saith the Text) from beneath is moved for thee, to meet thee at thy coming: it stirreth up the Rephaims for thee, even all the chief ones of the earth. And they shall say unto thee, Art thou also become weak as we? art thou become like unto us?  
The other is the 32. of Ezekiel, concerning the fall of Egypt, where their slain are bestowed in like manner in the nethermost parts of the earth, with the Gibborim; 
Ver. 18. & ●1.  which signifies not only mighty men, but Giants, and so is rendered in this place by the Seventy 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  And thus much from comparison of places of Scripture.  
A third Argument to make this notion probable which I have represented, is this; Because all the expressions almost in Scripture whereby this place of eternal punishment is represented, relate and allude to some places or Stories remarkable for God's exemplary vengeance executed upon sinners. As that of Gehenna to the notorious judgements of God in the valley of the sons of Hinnom, for Idolatry and Blasphemy: that of the Lake of fire and brimstone, so often mentioned in the Apocalypse, to the Lake Asphaltites, the lasting monument of those showers of fire and brimstone from heaven, wherewith Sodom and Gomorrah with the rest of the Cities of the Plain perished for their abominable Lusts. Our Saviour's expression in his sentence of condemnation [Go ye cursed into everlasting fire, prepared for the Devil and his Angels] seems to relate to the punishment of the Apostate-Angels, who for their rebellion were delivered unto chains of darkness against that great day.  
And was not the destruction of the old world by the general Deluge of water as famous as any of these? yea, not to be paralleled by any but that second Deluge of fire at the last judgement? How improbable is it then, that this should not lend a denomination to the place or state of eternal punishment as well as the rest?  
Nay, which is more, S. Peter in his second Epistle and second Chapter recites these last three together, as if they had been intended as Patterns of the eternal judgement and punishment of sinful men. V. 4. For (saith he) if God spared not the Angels that sinned, but cast them down to Hell, and delivered them to chains of darkness to be reserved unto judgement; 5. and spared not the old world, but saved Noah the eighth person, a Preacher of righteousness, bringing in the Flood upon the world of the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  ungodly, (that is, of the Rephaim; for so the Seventy sometimes turn it;) 6. And turning the Cities of Sodom and Gomorrah into ashes, condemned them with an overthrow, making them an Ensample or Pattern (mark it well) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (i.e.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the punishment of such as should after live ungodly; (Hence, as I told you, was the Lake Asphaltites, or the Lake of fire and brimstone, borrowed by S. john for a denomination of Hell) 7. And he delivered just Lot, vexed with the silthy conversation of the wicked: (If God did this) 9 He knoweth how to deliver the godly out of temptations, and to reserve the unjust unto the day of judgement, to be punished. Ye see the application or reddition; and accordingly how prone the destruction of the world of the Rephaim or ungodly by the Deluge is to give denomination to the punishment of Hell, as well as the other two.  
And now, I suppose, you look for my Application and putting of the whole Text together; which I shall dispatch quickly, but with it may be laid to heart often. He that goeth astray from the way of understanding, that is, He that wandreth from the Law and Discipline of God: (for that indeed is the true Wisdom, Timor Domini principium sapientiae, The fear of God is the prime Wisdom, (that's the meaning) or, to speak after our Academical notion, the chief Philosophy; whence, through all this Book of the Proverbs, the wicked man who hath no skill in this Divine Philosophy or Discipline of God, goeth for a Fool, and so is called) must one day go even to his Fellow-giants; who, as Baruch says in his third Chapter. v. 28. were destroyed because they had no wisdom, and perished through their own foolishness. Vir qui erraverit à via Doctrinae, in Coetu Gigantum commorabitur. Are there then any of these Fools amongst us, who profess the study of wisdom, but who shake off the yoke of Discipline, giving themselves to debauched courses, and neglecting the fear of the Lord? Here they may see whither they must one day go; even to those Rephaims of the old World, whose true sons they are, that is, unto the place of everlasting punishment: From which God deliver us.    

DISCOURSE VIII.  

GENESIS 49. 10.  The Sceptre shall not depart from judah, nor a Lawgiver from between his feet, until SHILOH come, and unto him shall the gathering of the People be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
IT is a Prophecy of the coming of Christ and the time thereof; namely, when the Sceptre should depart from judah, then should the coming, reign and Sceptre of Messiah begin, and not till then: the end of the one should be the beginning of the other. Whence ariseth our Demonstration against the jew; If the Sceptre be already departed from judah, as we know it is many hundred years since, then must Christ needs be come. For the Sceptre was not to depart from judah, nor a Lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh came.  
For, that Shiloh here is the name of Messiah, appears by the subjunction annexed, that the People or Nations (for it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plural number) should be gathered, or be obedient, unto him: Ergo, He is to be a King of the Nations; and who should this be but Christ?  
That the ancient jews so understood it, appears by all the three Targums or Chaldee l'araphrasts. The Targum called of jerusalem renders expressly, Until the time when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King Messiah shall come. jonathan, Until the time when Messiah shall come, a little one of his sons, that is, of Iudah's sons; which one of the late Rabbis (saith Buxtorf) expounds, Rex Messiah, qui venit ex David, etc. The King Messiah, who came of David, who was the least among the sons of jesse his father. Onkelos, Until Messiah come, whose is the Kingdom. Likewise in their Talmud, Shiloh is reckoned among the names of Messiah.  
Thus we and the ancient jews agree about the aim and purport of this Scripture. But we Christians believe further, that it is long since fulfilled; howsoever for the very Point of Time when this Sceptre departed from judah, we vary in our opinions. Some will have it to have been when Pompey first brought the jewish State under the Roman subjection. Others a little after, when Herod, an Idumaean stranger, yet formerly incorporated into the jewish State and blood, was by the Romans invested to be their King, and the Hasmonaean or Maccabaean race (which till then had born the chief rule) by him extinguished. Others, not till the destruction and final dissolution of the jewish State by Titus.  
These are principal moments of time to be pitched upon. But against the first, the subjecting of the jewish State to the Romans, is objected, First, That it anticipates the time of Christ's birth too much, being sixty years before it. Secondly, That it m●ght as well be affirmed, that the Sceptre departed from judah, when Nabuchadnezzar carried them captive to Babylon, or when they were subject to the Persian and Greek Monarchies, as when they were made subject to the Romans.  
Against the second, of Herod, lies the same exception that did against the former, That it was too early, being thirty years and more before the birth of Christ; and more than twice as much more before his Passion and Ascension, at what time he began his Kingdom. Secondly, That under the reign of Herod the Sceptre of judah might seem rather to be advanced than departed, forasmuch as they had then a King of their own reigning over them; and though not of jewish original, yet a Proselyte, and so one of their own body. And if the Sceptre were departed from judah, because one not of their own Tribe had the sovereign rule over them; why was it not departed all the time the Hasmonaean or Maccabaean families, who were Levites, reigned? No man would say that the Sceptre were departed from Poland, though the Polanders should choose a Swede, a Germane, or a Frenchman for their King: So neither from judah, though a Levite, or Idumaean Proselyte were their Prince.  
Against the last point of time, the dissolution of the jewish Sat by Titus, is excepted, That it is as much too long after either the Nativity or the Passion of Christ, 
Gen. 49. 10.  as the other two were before it, to wit, seventy years after the one, and near forty after the other.  
I mean not to enlarge myself any further, in acquainting you with each particular passage agitated concerning these differing opinions, or alleged in the disputing of them; lest I should confound rather than instruct the younger sort, who I desire might have some smack of these speculations betimes, lest all their life-time after they neglect them, as many do. I have therefore selected only so much as I thought requisite for the understanding of what I aim at, which is, to show you such a construction of these words, with but a little alteration of the common translating, as, being admitted, will leave no more place for those difficulties wherewith this Question is entangled.  
FOR the handling whereof, I will divide the remainder of my Discourse into these two parts: First, I will unfold the words of my Text which seem to have any difficulty or obscurity in them; secondly, I will apply them to the time wherein they were fulfilled.  
For the first; I begin with the word Sceptre: which is not to be restrained to Kingly Dominion only, but signifies any Power or Majesty of Government, under what form or name soever; whereof a Rod or Staff was anciently the ensign; whence every Tribe is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (by the word here used) as being united together under one staff or power of Government. The meaning therefore is not, that judah should never cease from having a King, or being a Kingdom; but that it should not cease from being a State, a body Politic, or Commonwealth, having a power of Government and jurisdiction within itself, until Messiah came: wherefore the Seventy here for Sceptrum or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Ruler, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a King; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, say they, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, There shall not fail a Ruler from judah. For it is certain that judah was so far from being a continued Kingdom until Messiah should come, that there was no Kingly Royalty in that Tribe for more than two third parts of that time, namely, not till David, nor after Zedekiah, saving that of the Maccabees (who were Levites) and of Herod (by original an Edomite,) which both put together will not make eighty years; yet were they never without some Ruler or Rulers of their own all that time.  
The next word I consider is Lawgiver; which it will not be hard to understand, if we mark well what is implied by Sceptre: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word here translated Lawgiver, signifies not only a maker of Laws, but qui jus dicit, he that exerciseth jurisdiction; and so differs not much from the former, if they be not altogether Synonyma's.  
As for the phrase, from between his feet, it means nothing else but of his posierity: for so the Scripture modestly expresseth the place of generation; as it doth also by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● the thigh. For where we read in Genesis 46. 26. and again in Exodus 1. 5. All the souls that came out of the loins of jacob, were seventy souls, in the Hebrew it is, All the souls that came out of his thigh: whence, by the way, you may observe the occasion of that Fable, that Bacchus or Dionysius was bornex Jupiter's thigh, which according to the Oriental expression (whence that whole story of Bacchus came) implied no more than that he was Jupiter's son; but the Greeks, not understanding the meaning, converted it into that Fable which you all know.  
Now for the word Shiloh, if we derive it as I think we should, it will signify a Peacemakers or Saviour, of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● which signifies Tranquillus, Pacificus, or Salvus fuit. And if the Masorites had so pleased, they might have pointed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was the name of the eldest son of judah that survived; in the Hebrew Etymology can signify nothing else but Peaceable or Peacemaker. And whether the Patriarch jacob, or the holy Ghost directing him, might not choose this name before any other, to design Messiah in this Prophecy, in respect of the allusion it had to one of Iudah's sons, I will not affirm, but leave to your better consideration. Others, following the jewish Rabbis, go farther about, to bring the word Shiloh to signify Filius ejus, his Son, that is, Iudah's; construing the Prophecy thus; The Sceptre shall not depart from judah, till his son (namely, Messiah) come. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they will have put for the affix Vau, as sometimes it is elsewhere; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Secundina, (that wherein the Infant is wrapped in the womb) and so by a Metonymy to signify here the Child itself. In a word, they will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Secundina ejus; and that to mean Filius ejus. But this, methinks, is somewhat too ambiguous, and therefore less probable: but let every one follow his own judgement.  
AND now I am come to the Application, to show at what Point of Time this Prediction was fulfilled. To make the way plain whereunto, I must first alter a little the construction of the remaining words, namely, And unto him shall the gathering of the People, or the Nations, be. For here the word [shall, or shall be] is not in the Hebrew, but added in translating, and so may be left out; the words in the Original being only, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et ei aggregatio, or obedientia, populorum, And to him the gathering, or the obedience, of the people. I construe therefore the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Until 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as common to this with the former sentence, namely thus; The Sceptre shall not depart from judah, etc. until Shiloh come, and the gathering of the people be to him; that is, Until Messiah come, and the People or Nations be gathered unto him, the Sceptre shall not depart from judah, etc. Where note, that two things are specified to come to pass before the Sceptre depart from judah, or judah ceases from being a Commonwealth: First, The coming of Christ or Shiloh into the world; Secondly, The gathering of the Nations or Gentiles unto him. For I construe the word Until, as I told you, as common to both sentences, Until Shiloh come, and, Until the Nations be gathered unto him.  
And now methinks, your thoughts might almost prevent me in designing the Time when this Prediction was fulfilled. Namely, neither when the jews came first under the Roman subjection; for then Shiloh was not yet come: nor under Herod, or (as some will) seven years after him, when, his son Archelaus being banished, judaea was reduced into a Province; for though Christ was then born, to wit, in the end of Herod's reign, yet were not the Nations or Gentiles yet gathered unto him. But at the destruction of the jewish State by Titus, when both these things were come to pass, (Christ being come, and the Gentiles converted unto his obedience,) then did the Sceptre depart from judah, and they cease from being any more a Commonwealth.  
That this is the true Application of this Prediction, besides the evidence of the Event, 
Ch. 24. 14.  appears by our Saviour's Prophecy of this Destruction of the jewish State in the Gospel of S. Matthew; where, after he had named some other things to precede it, he adds this for the last Sign, And this Gospel of the Kingdom (saith he) shall be preached in all the world for a witness unto all Nations, and then shall the End come, that is, the end of the jewish State. When the Gentiles, by the preaching of the Apostles, should be gathered unto Christ, then should the jewish Church and Commonwealth be utterly dissolved; which till then had continued united under some Polity and form of Government from its first beginning. For so it pleased the wisdom of Almighty God, when he would reject the jews, not to dissolve their State, till he had erected him anew among the Gentiles.    

DISCOURSE IX.  

PSALM 8. 2.  Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained strength, because of thine Enemies; that thou mightest quell the Enemy and the Avenger. 
THESE words are alleged by our Blessed Saviour, Matth. 21. 16. and three more of the verses following this by S. Paul, to prove that Christ must reign till he had subdued all his enemies under his feet: As Heb. 2. 6. etc. fully; v. 4. What is man, that thou art mindful of him? or the son of man, that thou visitest him? 5. For thou hast made him little lower than the Angels, and hast crowned him with glory and honour. 6. Thou hast made him to have dominion over the works of thine hands; thou hast put all things under his feet. Again, 1 Cor. 15. 24. Christ (saith he) shall deliver up the Kingdom to God the Father, when he shall have put down all rule and all authority and power. 25. For he must reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet. 26. The last enemy that shall be destroyed is Death. 27. For he hath put all things under his feet. 
Psal. 8. 2.  This is the quotation; for it follows presently, When he saith, All things are put under him, it is manifest that he is excepted which did put all things under him.  
How principal a part of the Argument of this Psalm, what is in these two places cited by S. Paul contains, every man may see that reads and compares them. But how it should be consonant to the meaning of the Psalm, seems very difficult to apprehend. For he that reads the whole Psalm, would think it were nothing else but a description of Man's excellency, whom God had made next to the Angels in Dignity, and given him dominion over all things he had made. For so after those words, Thou hast put all things under his feet, it follows immediately, All sheep and oxen, yea and the beasts of the field, the fowls of the Air, and the fishes of the Sea, and whatsoever passeth through the paths of the Sea. But what is the dominion over these to subduing of Enemies, which the Apostle citys it for? or how is that which is a description of mankind in general, a Prophecy of Christ in special?  
Some therefore, as in other citations of the Old Testament, so here also, betake themselves to the covert of an Allusion; namely, That the Apostle only borrows the words of the Psalmist, to express his own, and not the Psalmist's meaning. But howsoever this may have place in some other allegations of the Old Testament, which are for Illustration or Exornation only; yet when the Testimony is brought for proof and Demonstration, as this is, it can in no wise be admitted. For how can that Testimony be of force to conclude any thing, where not the Author's meaning is brought, but his words only made use of? Others therefore say, That whatsoever is spoken of the Dignity and Excellency of Man in general, is to be understood by way of eminency of Christ, the chief of the sons of men. This indeed is something, but not enough. For what is the Dignity of man in regard of his Dominion and Lordship over the creature, to conquering and subduing of Enemies? which is that the Apostle seeks to demonstrate thence.  
Well, to hold you no longer in suspense, the Key of the interpretation of this Psalm, and the ground of S. Paul's accommodation of that passage [Thou hast put all things under his feet] to Christ's victory, is to be sought in the words I have now chosen; Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings, etc. which being first alleged by our Saviour in the Gospel, in defence of that acclamation given unto him by his followers, Hosanna, (that is, Save now) to the Son of David; (which the Pharisees thought too high an attribute to be deferred to flesh and blood) this application thereof by Christ himself gave the Apostle good warrant to interpret the Psalm as he did, and to ground a Demonstration thereon.  
I shall therefore divide my Discourse into two parts: First, I will show the meaning of the words as they stand in the Psalm; and secondly, make it appear that our Saviour in the Gospel citys them according to that meaning.  
The whole drift therefore of the Psalm is to praise and glorify God for the dignity wherewith he hath invested Man: What is man (saith he) that thou art mindful of him? or the son of man, that thou visitest him? For thou hast made him a little (or not much) lower than the Angels, and hast crowned him with glory and honour. This glory and honour is exemplified in two particulars: First, in that God hath ordained Man, even that weak and feeble creature, Man, to subdue and conquer his Enemies; which is that my Text expresses in the words before named, Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained strength, because of thine Enemies, that thou mightest quell the Enemy and the Avenger. Secondly, in that he hath made man the Lord of all his Creatures; Thou hast made him (saith he) to have dominion over the works of thine hands: then follows, as it were the summing up of both, In a word, Thou hast put all things under his feet. For having ordained him both the Champion to conquer thine Enemies, and made him at his Creation the Lord and Ruler of the works of thine hands, Quid reliquum est? what honour couldst thou have given him which thou hast not? Lord, (therefore) what is man, that thou art mindful of him? or the son of man, that thou visitest him? Where is to be observed, that the Corollary, Thou hast put all things under his feet, comes in before his time, namely, before the description of this exemplification of man's dominion over the creature was fully ended; as if the Prophet out of admiration, could hold no longer from telling us the sum of that Dignity wherewith man was invested. Thou hast made him (saith he) to have Dominion over the works of thine hands, and so, one way or other, Thou hast put all things under his feet. Then follows the other part of the Description, All Sheep and Oxen, over these thou hast made him have Dominion, the Beasts of the field, the Fowls of the Air, and the Fishes of the Sea: whereas in direct order it should have stood thus; Thou hast made him have Dominion over the works of thine hands, over all Sheep and Oxen, the Beasts of the Field, and Fowls of the Air, and Fishes of the Sea; and so in the upshot, Thou hast put all things under his feet.  
For this last particular of man's Dignity, to have Dominion over the Creatures, it is so plainly and evidently intended in the Psalm, that I shall need speak no more of it: I return therefore to the former, to make it clear also, That God ordained man, not only to exercise Dominion over the visible creatures, but to be the Champion to conquer and subdue his Enemies: Which is the drift of the words I have chosen for my Text.  
Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings (saith he) that is, of Mankind, who springs from so weak and poor a beginning as of Babes and Sucklings; namely, out of the mouths of Babes, not in sensu composito, but diviso, of such whose condition is to be Babes and Sucklings: Not that they should exercise this strength he speaks of, to quell the Enemy and the Avenger, while they were Babes; but that this power should be given to such whose condition was to be such. And this is marvellous enough, that God should advance so weak a creature, and of so despicable a beginning, to such a power, as to grapple with the Enemy and overcome him. But behold, there is yet something more admirable, namely, that this should not be done by the strength of his Arm, but by the breath and power of his Mouth; Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained strength, because of thine Enemies, etc. What Enemies? Thine, saith the Psalmist, and such too as be Vltores, Avengers, the Enemies of both God and Mankind. And who are those but Satan and his Angels, those Principalities and Powers of the Air, those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Rulers of the Darkness of this world, as S. Paul speaks? For when Mankind is the one party, what can the other be but some Power that is not of Mankind? Besides, who are the Enemies both of God and Mankind but these? and of mankind especially; I will put Enmity (saith God to the Serpent) between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed: hence he is called Satan, the Adversary or Fiend, and the Enemy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Behold I give you power, (saith our Saviour to the seventy Disciples, Luke 10. 19) to tread on serpents and scorpions, and over all the power of the Enemy; Your Adversary the Devil (saith S. Peter.) 
1 ●p. 5. 8.  And this is he (as I conceive) who is here called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Enemy and the Avenger; man's tormentor: which words being found again in the 44. Psalm v. 16. may, for aught I know, by warrant of this place, be taken for the same Enemy, and the usual distinction altered, and the place read thus, By reason of the Enemy and the Avenger, all this (to wit, the Calamity and confusion he spoke of before) is come upon us; that is, by the malice of Satan. Now that such Enemies as these should be subducd by an Arm, yea, by a Mouth of flesh, is a thing which might justly make the Prophet cry out, Lord, what is man, etc.  
Now that this which I have given is the true meaning of this place, may be gathered from S. Paul's inculcating the word Enemy, when (1 Cor. 15. 24. etc.) he demonstrates out of this Psalm, that Christ, before the end, shall abolish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all rule, and all authority, and power; For he must reign, saith he, till he hath put all Enemies under his feet: The last Enemy which shall be destroyed is Death: and then he alleges for his proof that Corollary in this Psalm, For he hath put all things under his feet. But in all this Psalm there is no mention of Enemies, or subduing them, but only in the Verse I have in hand; which unless it be thus expounded, S. Paul's allegation from hence will be too narrow to prove what he intendeth.  
HAVING thus cleared the words I chose for my Theme, I shall not need spend much time to show you how directly and literally the purport of them was fulfilled in our Blessed Saviour's Incarnation: You have, in part, heard such Scriptures already as do evince it. The sum is this: The Devil by sin brought mankind under thraldom, and became the Prince of this world, himself with his Angels being worshipped and served every where as Gods; and the service and honour due to the great God, the Creator of heaven and earth, cast off and abandoned: and all this to receive at last, for reward, eternal woe and everlasting death. To vanquish and exterminate this Enemy, and redeem the world from this miserable thraldom, the Son of God took upon him, not the nature of Angels, (which might have been the Enemy's matches) but the nature of weak and despicable Man, that grows from a babe and suckling. Who (saith Esay, in that famous Prophecy of Messiah) hath believed our report? and to whom is the Arm of the Lord revealed? (namely, that works such powerful things by weak means:) For he shall grow [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] as a tender plant or sucker; 
Chap. 53 1, 2.  (it is the very word here used in my Text for a sucking child, and translated by the Seventy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and as a root out of a dry ground, that is, a small and little one.  
This is that whereof S. Paul discourses so divinely in the Epistle to the Hebrews: To which of the Angels said he at any time, 
Heb. 1. 13.  Sat thou on my right hand, till I make thine enemies thy footstool? 
Chap. 2. v. 5.  For unto the Angels hath he not put in subjection the world to come, whereof we speak: but unto him of whom it is said, What is man, that thou art mindful of him, & c? 
V. 6.  Again, We see jesus, who was made little lower than the Angels, 
V. 9  (that is, was made man, that's the meaning) for the suffering of death, crowned with Glory and Honour: what can be so plain as this? 
Luke 1. 74.  It is the Son of man by whom in part we are, and more fully shall be, delivered out of the hands of our enemies, that we might serve the true God without fear; as Zachary says in his Benedictus. It is the Son of man that delivered us from the power of darkness, Col. 1. 13. The Son of man, that spoiled Principalities and Powers, and made a show of them openly, Col. 2. 15. It was no Angel that did all this, but the Son of man; even as was prophesied from the beginning, when the Devil first got his Dominion, that the Seed of the Woman should break the Serpent's head.  
Nor is this all; For this Son of man enables also other Sons of men, his Disciples and Ministers, to do the like in his name. The seventy Disciples in the Gospel returned with joy, 
Luke 10. 17.  saying, Lord, even the Devils are subject to us through thy name: Yea, not these only, but as many as fight under his Banner against these Enemies have promise they shall at length quell and utterly subdue them; yea, at that great Day shall sit with their Lord and Master, 
1 Cor. 6. 2, 3.  to judge and condemn them. Do ye not know, saith S. Paul, that the Saints shall judge the world? know ye not that we shall judge Angels?  
Lastly, This victory, as for the event, so for the manner of achieving it, is agreeable to our Prophecy: Forasmuch as Christ our General nor fights nor conquers by force of Arms, but by the power of his Word and Spirit, which is the power of his Mouth, according to my Text, Out of the mouth of Babes, etc. Hence, in the 
* Chap. 1. 16. & c●ap. 19 15, 21.  Apocalypse, Christ appears with a sword going out of his mouth: In the 2 Thess. 2. 8. it is said, He shall consume that wicked one (that is, Antichrist) with the Spirit of his mouth: Esay prophesies, Chap. 11. 4. that the Branch of jesse should smite the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips should slay the wicked; that is, he does all nutu & verbo, by his word and command, as God made the world: By the word of the Lord were the Heavens made, and all the Host of them by the breath of his mouth● Psal. 33. 6. So doth Christ vanquish his enemies, and enable his Ministers to vanquish them, Verbo & Spiritu oris, by his Word and the Spirit of his mouth, according to that Host 6. 5. I have hewed them by my Prophets, and slain them by the words of my mouth.  
I come now to the Second thing I propounded; namely, to show that our Saviour in the Gospel, when he cited this place, alleged it for and according to this, and no other, meaning. 
Matth. 21. 15, 16.  The Evangelist relates it thus; When the chief Priests and Scribes saw the wonderful things that jesus did, and the children in the Temple crying, and saying, Hosanna to the Son of David; they were sore displeased, and said unto him, Hearest thou what these say? how they ascribe the power of salvation (which is God's peculiar) to thee who art a Son of man? Is that solemn acclamation of Save now, wherewith we are wont to glorify God, fit to be given to thee? Our Saviour answers, Yes; For have ye not read, (saith he) Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained strength? Consider what that means: You will wonder perhaps, that a thing so plain could be taken in a differing meaning; for it is commonly supposed to be alleged only to prove that children should glorify Christ, whilst the great ones of the world despised him. And there are two things which have occasioned this mistake, and drawn the sense awry. The first is, because the Seventy (according to which the Evangelist reads this place) in stead of strength translate here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praise, Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained praise. Secondly, because those that made this acclamation are said to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Children, When they saw the wonderful things which jesus did, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Children crying in the Temple. To the first I answer, Our Saviour alleged not the words of the Psalm in Greek, but in Hebrew; where it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● Strength, which is the constant signification thereof through the whole Bible, and never Praise: nor do the Seventy themselves ever translate it otherwise, save, as it seems, in this place. But whatsoever the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be otherwise, it must be here regulated by the Hebrew verity, according to which our Saviour alleged it, and must signify not simply Praise, but Robur praedicandum, or Robur laude dignum, Robur celebrandum, Strength worthy to be celebrated or praised, or the like. To the second, That they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Children who made this acclamation of Hosanna to our Saviour, I answer, Be it so; yet I am sure they were no Babes and Sucklings, but of reasonable years: How then would our Saviour's quotation have in such a sense been pertinent? Besides, Young children are not properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Again, the Pharisees found no fault with the speakers, but with the thing spoken, which they thought too much for a man; and therefore our Saviour, when he alleged this Scripture, answered to that, and intended not to apologise for the speakers. Fourthly, In all reason, those who cried here Hosanna in the Temple, were the same company that brought him crying Hosanna all the way thither: But these (saith S. Mark) 
Mark 11. 9  were of the multitude which followed him; as S. Luke, 
Luke 19 37.  of the multitude of the Disciples; who also tells us, that the 
* V. 39 Christ calls his Disciples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. john 21. 5.  Pharisees, who were offended thereat, bade him rebuke his Disciples. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore here signifies either Christ's Disciples, or the retinue which followed him, and brought him up thither as a King: Take which you will, you shall not fasten upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any notion other than usual. I shall not need to tell you, that the Disciples of the Prophets are called the Sons of the Prophets, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or that Herod's Courtiers, Matth. 14. 2. are termed his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This is john the Baptist, etc.    

DISCOURSE X.  

ZACHARIAH 4. 10.  These Seven are the eyes of the Lord, which run to and fro through the whole earth. 
IT is hard to keep a mean; which as it appears in many things else, so in the Doctrine and Speculation of Angels, whereunto men were heretofore so much addicted, as they pursued it not only to vain and ungrounded Theories, but even to Idolatry and Superstition. There were in the Apostles times who intruded into things they had not seen: There were then who beguiled men with a voluntary humility in worshipping of Angels, Col. 2. 18. What aftertimes brought forth, I shall not need speak. That ancient and high-soaring (though counterfeit) Dionysius describes the Hierarchy of Angels as exactly as if he had dwelled amongst them, delivering unto us nine Orders of them out of nine words, found partly in the Old, partly in the New Testament; Seraphims, Cherubims, and Thrones; Powers, Hosts, and Dominions; Principalities, Archangels, and Angels; and tells us the several natures, distinctions, and properties of them all. Whereas it cannot be shown out of Scripture, either that some of these names concur not, (as Angels not to be a common name to all the rest, especially to comprehend Archangels) or that these are denominations of the natures of Angels, and not of their offices and charges only: yet have these nine Orders passed for current through so many Ages of the Church.  
But we, who together with divers Superstitions have justly rejected also these vain and ungrounded curiosities, are fallen into the other extreme, having buried the Doctrine of Angels in silence, making little or no enquiry at all, what God in his Word hath revealed concerning them: which yet would make not a little for the understanding of Scripture, wherein are so many passages having reference to them, and therefore questionless something revealed concerning them.  
I shall not therefore do amiss, if I choose for my Discourse at this time a particular of that kind which Dionysius in all his Speculations hath not a word of, and yet seems to have strong footing in Scripture: It is this.  
The jews have an ancient Tradition, that there are Seven principal Angels which minister before the Throne of God, 
Zach. 4. 10.  and are therefore called Archangels; some of whose names we have in Scripture, as Michael, Gabriel, Raphael, and in the second Book of 
* Chap. 4. 36 〈…〉  Esdras mention is made of jeremiel the Archangel. This Tradition we shall find recorded in the Book of Tobit (whose antiquity is before the Birth of our Saviour:) For there the Angel who in the shape of Azariah had accompanied his son into Media, when he discovers himself, speaks in this manner, I am Raphael, one of the Seven Angels which stand and minister before the Holy Blessed One, (that is, God.) The Greek hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. which present the Prayers of the Saints, and go in and out before the Glory of the Holy One. But neither S. Hierome, who translated it out of the Chaldee, nor the ancient Hebrew Copy set forth by Paulus Fagius, (and in likelihood translated out of the same Chaldee Original) hath any such matter, but read as I first quoted. And therefore it se●ms to be an addition, or liberty of the greek Translator, who thought their Ministry to consist in presenting the Prayers of the Saints, and so translated accordingly.  
This Tradition is farther testified by jonathan ben Vziel the Chalde● Paraphrast, Gen. 11. 7. where the Lord's words, spoken in the plural number, 〈…〉 go down, and let us confound their language, are paraphrased in this 〈…〉 spoke unto the Seven Angels which stand before him, Go to now let us go 〈…〉 Whether rightly or fitly in this place, it matters not: the Testimony is 〈◊〉 for the jewish Tradition of Seven Archangels that stand before the Throne of God.  
This Tradition junius saith is Magical, and not a little triumphs therein, a● an undoubted Argument to evince the Book of Tobit not to be Canonical. But whatsoever the Book of Tobit be, I hope to show this Tradition to have firm ground and footing in Scripture, and not so rashly to be rejected.  
The chief and most clear place is this I have now read, which gives us to understand that these Seven Angels were represented by that Candlestick of Seven Lemps which continually burned in the Temple, before the Veil, over against the Mercy-seat, which was the Throne of God. For in the beginning of the Chapter the Prophet being showed this Seven lamped Candlestick in a Vision, and two Olive-branches on each side ministering oil to the Lamps thereof; the Angel asketh him (ver. 5.) if he knew what these meant. The Prophet answers, No, my Lord. Then the Angel, discoursing a little by way of Preface, tells him what they were; These Seven, saith he, that is, the Seven Lamps, are the seven Eyes of the Lord, which run to and fro through the whole earth; 
〈…〉 16. 9  that is, those Seven Vigils, or prime Ministers of his Providence, the Seven Archangels. As for the two Olive-trees on each-side, These are, saith he, the two anointed ones, which stand before the Lord of the whole earth, (v. 14.) that is, Zorobabel and jesua, the Prince and Priest of that time; which should be God's two Instruments on earth, whereby his Church (signified by the Candlestick) should be reestablished, and his Temple builded: and that not by force or strength, (as he saith in his Preface v. 6.) but by the Spirit of God working with them; as the Olive-trees here conveyed oil to the Candlestick, not after a natural and usual, but a supernatural and secret manner. This interpretation of the latter hath the suffrage of the best Expositors, both jews and Christians; and so I shall need say no more of it, but betake myself to make good the first, concerning the words I chose for my Text, That those Seven Eyes of God, signified by the Seven Lamps, are Seven Angels.  
That this is so, I prove out of two places of the Apocalypse derived from hence; where as well the Seven Lamps before the Throne, as the Lamb's Seven Eyes, are said to be the Seven Spirits of God: I saw (saith S. john Ch. 4. 5.) Seven Lamps before the Throne, which are the Seven Spirits of God. And again, Ch. 5. 6. I saw in the midst of the Throne, and of the four Beasts, (as we translate it) and of the four and twenty Elders, a Lamb, as if he had been slain, having seven horns, and seven eyes, which are the Seven Spirits of God sent forth into all the earth. Here, first, we have zachary's very words, Seven eyes sent forth into all the earth: secondly, that these Seven eyes are the Seven Spirits of God: thirdly, that these Seven Spirits were represented by the Seven Lamps burning before the Throne. If this be not sufficient to make my interpretation of zachary's good, I know not what can be. For who can now but think that the jews derived their Tradition of these Seven Angels from this place of Zachary, and the Apocalypse from them both?  
And that indeed the jews supposed some such thing meant by the Seven Lamps in the Temple, appears by the report of josephus, though depraved and fashioned unto the capacity of the Gentiles. For he tells us (both in his Antiquities, Lib. 3. cap. 7. and in his De Bello judaico, Lib. 6. cap. 6. Gr. 〈◊〉.) that the Seven Lamps signified the seven Planets, and the most holy place within the veil, (Antiq. l. 3. cap. 5.) the Heaven of God or Heaven of Glory; and that therefore the Lamps stood 
* Antiq. l. 3. cap. 7.  slope-wise, as it were to express the obliquity of the Zodiac. Now it is true that the jewish Astrologians, favouring of Gentilism, make these Seven Angels the Prefects of the Seven Planets; which they seem to have learned in part from the Greek Philosophy: which conceit, howsoever it be vain and groundless, yet may be as a Key to understand the meaning of this of josephus. And one thing more; 
1 Rom. 19  If the visible things of God may be learned, as S. Paul says, from the Creation of the world, why may not the Invisible and Intelligible World be learned from the Fabric of the Visible? the one (it may be) being the Pattern of the other. But to let this pass, and return again to the Apocalypse:  
Where concerning the places alleged, there may be two things objected. First, That the Seven Spirits there mentioned are, and may be, expounded of the Holy Ghost, thus represented in respect of those sevenfold (that is, manifold) Graces he communicates unto the Church. I answer, that many indeed have so taken it: but, besides the uncouthness of expressing one Spirit by seven, there is a reason in the Text why they cannot be so taken; namely, because not only the Seven Lamps are said to be those Seven Spirits of God, but the Seven eyes and Seven Horns of the Lamb also to be the same. Now it will be very hard and harsh to make the Holy Ghost the Horns and Eyes of Christ, as he is the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world, that is, as he is Man: Above Angels indeed the Man jesus is exalted, and that too for the suffering of death, that is, as the Lamb; but not above the Holy Ghost. This made not only Drusius, but even Beza himself, in his Notes upon this place to affirm, it could not be meant of the Holy Ghost, but of Seven created Spirits.  
A second scruple is, How (if they be created Spirits) john could pray for Grace and Peace from them: 
Rev. 1. 4, 5.  Grace be unto you, (saith he) and peace from him which is, which was, and is to come; and from the seven spirits which are before his Throne, and from jesus Christ the faithful witness, etc. Would he pray for Grace and Peace from Angels? I answer, Why not? For first, He prays not to them; but unto God, unto whom such votes are tendered. Secondly, He prays for Grace and Peace from them, not as Authors, but as the Instruments of God in the dispensation thereof. Are they not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministering Spirits, 
H●●. ●. 14.  sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of Salvation? And, if it be no Idolatry to pray unto God to give Grace and Peace from the outward Ministry of his Word; no more is it to pray unto him for it from the invisible Ministry. For certainly it is lawful to pray unto God for a blessing from an Instrument, which he is wont to give us by an Instrument. Secondly, It may be said, it being a Salutation, that the words [Grace and Peace] need not be taken in that special and strict sense, but in the large and general, wherein Grace sounds favour at large, and Peace all manner of prosperity. In which sense no man will deny but the blessed Angels have an interest in the dispensation of the favours and blessings of God to his Church; and so God may be prayed to to give them, as he is wont, by their Ministry. Grace and Peace from him which is, which was, and is to come, as the Author and Giver; and from the Seven Spirits, as the Instruments; and from jesus Christ, as the Mediator.  
There is yet one place more in the Apocalypse to confirm this Tradition, Chap. 8. 2. I saw, saith S. john, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Seven Angels which stood before God. Is not this as plain as Tobit? Why should then the one be accounted Magical rather than the other?  
I add moreover, that these Angels are those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Principes primarii or chief Princes, mentioned in the 10. of Daniel 13. Michael one of the chief Princes (saith the Angel there) came to help me: Now Michael, we know, is one of the Archangels; 
1 Tim. 5. 21.  and why therefore may not these chief Princes be those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereof S. Paul speaks in his adjuration to Timothy? I charge thee (saith he) before God, and the Lord jesus Christ, and the Elect Angels; not the good Angels at large, but those Angeli eximii, the Seven Archangels which stand before the Throne of God.  
And it may, not without reason, be conjectured, that those Seven chief Princes famed in the Persian Monarchy took their beginning from hence; namely, that Daniel (who in respect of his account for wisdom, and of his power under Darius the Mede, had a main stroke in the moulding and framing the Government of that State) caused the Persian Court to resemble that of Heaven, ordaining Seven chief Princes to stand before the King. Of which we find twice mention in Scripture: as in the Book of Esther, 
Chap. 1. 14.  where they are recorded by name, and styled the seven Princes of Media and Persia, who saw the King's face, and sat first in the kingdom: and in the Commission granted to Ezra by Artaxerxes, Ezra 7. 14. they are called the King's seven Counsellors; Forasmuch as thou art sent by the King, and his seven Counsellors, etc. And, it may be, the Church of jerusalem, when they chose Seven Deacons to minister unto their Bishop, had an eye the same way.  
HITHERTO of the Number of these Archangels; now a word or two of their Office. And that is, First, to be the universal Inspectors of the whole world, and the Rulers and Princes of the whole Angelical host: which appears in that they are called Principes primarii, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chief Princes, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archangels (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Chief of the Angels: their universal jurisdiction is meant by the words [sent forth into the whole world,] whereas the rest are limited to certain places. Secondly, to have the peculiar Charge and Guardianship of the Church and affairs thereof, whilst the rest of the world, with their Polities, Kingdoms and Governments, is committed to the care of 
* Clemens Alex. Strem. lib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (s●●l, F●●us Dei) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the subordinate Angels. Vide & Cleme●●m Romanum Epist. ad C●rinth, ubi ci●●● Deut. 32. 8, 9 s●cundum versionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, legisse videntur. Vide & Irenaeum, l. 3. cap. 12.  subordinate Angels, who, according to their several charges, may seem to carry those names of 
a Origen seems to acknowledge but feur Orders, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Contra C●●s. l. 4.  Thrones, Principalities, Powers and Dominions. That the charge of the Church, quà talis, belongs thus peculiarly and immediately to the Seven Archangels, may appear by S. John's saluting the Churches with a Benediction of Grace and Peace from their ministry; and the typing of them by the Seven Eyes and Horns of the Lamb, as Powers which the Father, since he exalted Him to be Head of his Church, hath annexed to his jurisdiction. Hence it comes to pass, that we find these Angels peculiarly, both before and in the Gospel, to have been employed about the Church-affairs. In the Old Testament, the Angiel Gabriel (one of the Seven) revealed to Daniel the time of the restauration of the jewish State, and coming of Messiah: and the Angel Michael (one of the chief Princes) was his assistant, when he strengthened Darius the Mede who founded the Monarchy which should restore them, and is in special termed (Dan. 12. 1.) the Prince that stood for Daniel 's people. In the Gospel, we find the same Angel Gabriel employed both to Zachary and the Blessed Virgin with the Evangelical Tidings; and that Zachary might take notice that he was one of the Seven, 
Luke 1. 19  he says unto him, I am Gabriel that stand in the presence of God. Likewise in the Church's combat with the Dragon, Apocal. 12. 7, etc. Michael and his Angels are said to be her Champions, and in her quarrel to have cast the Dragon and his Angels down to the Earth. And in this Prophecy of 
* Chap. 3. 9  Zachary it is said, that these Seven eyes of the Lord took care of one stone, which Zorobabel laid for the foundation of the Temple; and therefore the work could not be disappointed, but should certainly at length be finished. So as by this time we may guests the meaning of that which Hanani the Seer told King Asa (2 Chron. 16. 9) The Eyes of the Lord (that is, these Seven Eyes) run to and fro through the whole Earth, to show themselves strong in the behalf of those whose hearts are perfect towards him.    

DISCOURSE XI.  

S. MARK 11. 17.  Is it not written, My House shall be called a House of Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to all [the] Nations? 
THEY are the words of our Blessed Saviour, when he cast the Buyers and Sellers and Money-changers out of the Temple, and forbade to carry any vessels through it. Concerning which story it is worth observ●●●on, that our Saviour whilst he was upon earth never exercised any Kingly or coactive jurisdiction, but in vindicating his Father's House from profanation. And this he did two several times: Once at the first Passeover, after he began his Prophecy, whereof you may read john 2. 14, etc. and now again at his last Passeover, when he came to give his soul a sacrifice for sin. This is that which S. Mark relates in this place, as do also two other of the Evangelists, S. Matthew and S. Luke. 
Matth. 21. 〈◊〉.  The vindication of God's House from Profanation (how little account soever we are wont to make thereof) was with out Blessed Saviour Alpha and Omega, 
Luke 19 46.  the first and last of his care; ubi incipit, ibi desinit. The consideration of which, how momentous it is, I leave to yourselves to judge. Thus much by way of Preface.  
NOW for understanding the words I have chosen, I will divide my Discourse into a Question and an Observation. The Question is, In what part of the Temple this Market was kept. A thing not commonly by Expositors enquired after, much less defined. The Observation is, That this fact of our Saviour more particularly concerns us of the Gentiles than we take notice of.  
For the first, [In what part of the Temple this Market was kept;] The jews Religion and scrupulosity to keep their Temple from profanation was such as might seem to make this story incredible. Those who were so chary that no uncircumcised or unclean person should come therein, who trod the pavement thereof with so much religious observance and curiosity, 
〈◊〉 2●. 〈◊〉. 7.  who would not suffer (as josephus relates) any other building, no not the Palace of Agrippa their King, to have any prospect into it, lest it should be polluted by a profane look; how unlikely is it they would endure it to be made a place of buying, selling, and bartering, yea a Market for sheep and oxen, as john 2. 14. it is expressly said to have been? Neither will it serve the turn to excuse it by saying, it was to furnish such as came thither with offerings: For the sheep and oxen, whilst they were yet to be bought to that purpose, were not sacred, but profane; and so not to come within the sacred limits. You see the difficulty.  
But I answer, that this Market was kept in the Third or Gentiles Court, which was the outmost of the Temple. For the Temple in our Saviour's time had Three Courts, each surrounding one another. First, the inmost or Priest's Court, wherein stood the Temple and the Altar of burnt-offering: Into this none but the Priests and Levites came. Secondly, the middle or great Court, which surrounded that of the Priests: whereinto the jews of all sorts and circumcised Proselytes came to worship. Without this was a third Court for the Gentiles, which surrounded the Israelites Court, as that did the Court of the Priests. The two first Courts they accounted sacred, calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into which therefore none might enter but such as were circumcised and clean according to the Law. The third was without the sacred limits, and so accounted profane and common: 
Lib. 6. de ●●llo jud. cap. 5. Gr. ●●.  which may be learned out of josephus, who tells us of certain little pillars or columns, placed by the Lorica or Septum, which severed this Court from the rest, whereon was inscribed in Greek and Latin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In Atrium sanctum transire alienigenam non debere, That no stranger pass within the sacred limits; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the second part of the Temple was called Holy; implying that the Outmost was not so.  
Into this Court therefore, which had no legal sanctity and was without the 〈◊〉 limits, the Gentiles were admitted, and had their station, together with such 〈◊〉 jews as were in their uncleanness; further they might not go. By Gentiles 〈…〉 mean such, which though uncircumcised, yet worshipped the God of Israel, and were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Mark 11. 17.  For (as I have told you 
* See Discourse 3.  heretofore) the jews had two sorts of Proselytes which worshipped their God and frequented his Temple. One of such as were circumcised, and took upon them the observation of the whole Law of Moses: These were accounted as jews, bound to the same observances, and partakers of the same privileges with them; they worshipped together in the same Court, and differed nothing from jews, but that they were not so born. But besides these, there was a second sort of Gentiles which embraced the worship of the God of Israel and the hope of the life to come, which were not circumcised, nor conformed to the Ordinances of the Mosaical Law; but were tied only to the observation of those commandments which the jewish Doctors call 
* See the Seve● Precepts of the So●● of Noah, in Discourse 3.  The Precepts of the Sons of Noah. Of this Order was Cornelius and divers other mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, where they are known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Worshippers: and though they were true worshippers, yet were they still but Gentiles, and such as no jew might converse with; as we see in the example of Cornelius. These were those that came no further than the Outmost Court, not accounted within the limits of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sacred Septs; as themselves were accounted unclean, because Uncircumcised, and so no members of the Commonwealth of Israel.  
In this Court therefore the jews made no scruple of doing profane and secular acts, being in their opinion no better than a common place. Nay, it is very probable, that to show their despiciency of the poor Gentiles, (according to that in the Apocalypse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without are Dogs) and to pride themselves in their prerogative and discretion from them, they affected to have such acts there done. 
Rev. 22. 15.  And hence it came to pass that they permitted a Market of Oxen and Sheep, Doves and other bartery, to be kept there, for the use of the Temple and those who came thither to worship. And thus the poor Gentiles or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were stabled amongst Oxen, Sheep, and stalls of Money-changers, and in that tumultuous place fain to offer up their devotions and prayers unto the most High God whom they had chosen.  
But our Blessed Saviour, who came to redeem not the jews only, but the Gentiles also, and to make them a principal part of his sold, would not suffer them to be thus neglected; but in this act of his gave them a praeludium of his further favour intended toward them: and he that was to vindicate their Souls from death, and take away the 
* Ephes. 2. 14.  partition-wall between them and the jews, first vindicates their Oratory from profanation; alleging for his warrant this place of the Prophet Esay concerning the same Oratory, My House shall be called a House of Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He did not say, My Father's House is holy; for the jews would soon have replied, that the Gentiles Court was without the sacred limits: But, It is written, saith he, My House shall be called a House of Prayer for all the Nations; Ergo, The place of Prayer for all Nations is a part of my Father's House. If my Father's House, then holy, and not to be thus profaned. For whatsoever is his, is holy; Relative Holiness being nothing else but the peculiarity a thing hath to God-ward. Of this if any man doubt, that Quotation by S. Luke concerning that which first openeth the womb, will put him out of doubt. For whenas the Law saith, Every male that openeth the womb is mine, (that is, the Lord's;) S. Luke utters it, chap. 2. v. 23. Lord's and to be Holy, are Synonyma's.  
Though therefore the Gentiles Court had no sanctity of legal distinction, yet had it the sanctity of peculiarity to God-ward, and therefore not to be used as a common place. The Illation proceeds by way of Conversion; My House shall be called the House of Prayer to 
* 1 Kings 8. 41, 42, 43.  all Nations or People; Ergo, The House of Prayer for all Nations is my Father's House. And the Emphasis lies in the words [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] which our Translators were not so well advised of, when, following Beza too close, they render the words thus, My House shall be called of all Nations the House of Prayer; as if the Dative Case here [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] were not Acquisitive, but (as it is sometimes with passive verbs) in stead of the Ablative of the Agent, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which sense is clean from the scope and purpose of the place whence it is taken; as he that compares them will easily see, and I shall make fully to appear in the next part of my Discourse, which I tendered by the name of an Observation.  
To wit, That this fact of our Saviour more particularly concerns us of the Gentiles than we take notice of. Namely, we are taught thereby what reverend esteem we ought to have of our Gentile Oratories and Churches; howsoever not endued with such legal sanctity, in every respect, as was the Temple of the jews; yet Houses of Prayer as well as theirs. This Observation will be made good by a threefold Consideration: First, of the Story, as I have related it; secondly, from the Text here alleged for warrant thereof; and thirdly, from the circumstance of Time.  
For the Story, I have showed it was acted in the Gentiles Court, and not in that of the jews; because it is not credible that was thus profaned. It cannot therefore be alleged, that this was a place of legal sanctity; for according to legal sanctity it was held by the jews as common: only it was the place for the Gentiles to worship the God of Israel in; and seems to have been proper to the second Temple, the Gentiles in the first worshipping without at the Temple-door in the holy Mountain only.  
Secondly, The place alleged to avow the Fact speaks expressly of Gentile-worshippers; not in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only, but in the whole body of the context. Hear the Prophet speak, Esay chap. 56. ver. 6, 7. and then judge: The sons of the stranger, that join themselves to the Lord to serve him, and to love the Name of the Lord, to be his servants, every one that keepeth the Sabbath from polluting it, and taketh hold of my Covenant, (namely, that I alone shall be his God;) Even them will I bring to my holy Mountain, and make them joyful in my House of Prayer; their burnt-offerings and sacrifices accepted upon mine Altar. Then follow the words of my Text, For my House shall be called (that is, shall be; it is an Hebraism) a House of Prayer for all People.  
What is this but a Description of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Gentile-worshippers? And this place alone makes good all that I have said before, viz. That this vindication was of the Gentiles Court: Otherwise the allegation of this Scripture had been impertinent; for the Gentiles (of whom the Prophet speaks) worshipped in no place but this. Hence also appears to what purpose our Evangelist expressed the words [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] namely, as that which showed wherein the force of the accommodation to this occasion lay; which the rest of the Evangelists omitted, as referring to the place of the Prophet whence it was taken; those who heard it being not ignorant of whom the Prophet spoke.  
Thirdly, the circumstance of Time argues the same thing; if we consider that this was done but a few days before our Saviour suffered, to wit, when he came to his last Passeover. How unseasonable had it been to vindicate the violation of Legal and typical sanctity, which within so few days after he was utterly to abolish by his Cross; unless he had meant thereby to leave his Church a lasting lesson, what reverence and respect he would have accounted due to such places as this was which he vindicated?    

DISCOURSE XII.  

S. JOHN 4. 23.  But the hour cometh, and now is, when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in Spirit and Truth: For the Father seeketh such to worship him. 
THEY are the words of our Blessed Saviour to the Woman of Samaria, who perceiving him by his discourse to be a Prophet, desired to be resolved by him of that great controverted point between the jews and Samaritans, Whether Mount Garizim, by Sichem, (where the Samaritans sacrificed) or jerusalem, were the true place of worship. Our Saviour tells her, that this Question was not now of much moment: 
jud. 9 7. The Evangelist here calls it S●har, ver. 5 alias Shechem, or Sichem.  For that the hour or time was near at hand, when they should neither worship the Father in Mount Garizim, nor at jerusalem. But that there was a greater difference between the jews and them than this of Place; namely, even about That which was worshipped: For ye (saith he) worship that ye know not; but we (jews) worship that we know. Then follow the words premised, But the hour cometh, and now is, when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in Spirit and Truth.  
It is an abused Text, being commonly alleged to prove that God now in the Gospel either requires not, 
john 4. 23.  or regards not External worship, but that of the Spirit only: and this to be a characteristical difference between the worship of the Old Testament and the New. If at any time we talk of external decency in rites and bodily expressions as sit to be used in the service of God, this is the usual Buckler to repel whatsoever may be said in that kind. It is true, indeed, that the worship of the Gospel is much more spiritual than that of the Law: But that the worship of the Gospel should be only spiritual and no external worship required therein, (as the Text according to some meus sense and allegation thereof would imply,) is repugnant not only to the practice and experience of the Christian Religion in all Ages, but also to the express Ordinances of the Gospel itself. For what are the Sacraments of the New Testament? are they not Rites wherein and wherewith God is served and worshipped? The consideration of the holy Eucharist alone will confute this Gloss: For is not the commemoration of the Sacrifice of Christ's death upon the Cross unto his Father, in the Symbols of Bread and Wine, an external worship? And yet with this Rite hath the Church in all Ages used to make her solemn address of Prayer and Supplication unto the Divine Majesty, as the jews in the Old Testament did by Sacrifice. When I say, in all Ages, I include also that of the Apostles: For so much S. Luke testifieth of that first Christian society, Acts 2. 42. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, They continued in breaking of Bread, and in Prayers.  
As for bodily expressions by gestures and postures, as standing, kneeling, bowing, and the like; our Blessed Saviour himself lift up his sacred eyes to heaven when he prayed for Lazarus; fell on his face, when he prayed in his agony. 
Eph. 3. 14.  S. Paul (as himself saith) bowed his knees to the Father of our Lord jesus Christ: He and S. Peter, and the rest of the Believers, do the like more than once in the Acts of the Apostles. What was Imposition of hands but an external gesture in an act of invocation for conferring a blessing? and that perhaps sometimes without any vocal expression joined therewith. Besides, I cannot conceive any reason why, in this point of Evangelical worship, Gesture should be more scrupled at than Voice. Is not confessing, praising, praying, and glorifying God by Voice, an external and bodily worship, as well as that of Gesture? why should then the one derogate from the worship of the Father in Spirit and Truth, and not the other? To conclude, There was never any society of men in the world that worshipped the Father in such a manner as this interpretation would imply: and therefore cannot this be our Saviour's meaning, but some other. Let us see if we can find out what it is.  
There may be two senses given of these words; both of them agreeable to Reason and the analogy of Scripture: let us take our choice. The one is, That to worship God in Spirit and Truth, is to worship him not with Types and shadows of things to come, as in the Old Testament, but according to the verity of the things exhibited in Christ; according to that, The Law was given by Moses, but Grace and Truth came by jesus Christ. 
john 1. 17.  Whence the Mystery of the Gospel is elsewhere by our Saviour, in this Evangelist, termed Truth, as Chap. 17. ver. 17. and the Doctrine thereof, by S. Paul, the word of Truth: See Ephes. Chap. 1. ver. 13. Rom. 15. 8. The time therefore is now at hand, said our Saviour, when the true worshippers shall worship the Father no longer with bloody Sacrifices, and the Rites and Ordinances depending thereon; but in and according to the verity of that which these Ordinances figured. For all these were Types of Christ, in whom, being now exhibited, the true worshippers shall henceforth worship the Father.  
This sense hath good warrant from the state of the Question between the jews and Samaritans, to which our Saviour here makes answer: which was not about worship in general, but about the kind of worship in special, which was confessed by both sides to be tied to one certain place only; that is, of worship by Sacrifice and the appendages; in a word, of the Typical worship proper to the first Covenant, of which see a description Heb. 9 This josephus expressly testifies, Lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 1. speaking of the jews and Samaritans which dwelled together at Alexandria: 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  They lived, saith he, in perpetual discord one with the other, whilst each laboured to maintain their Country customs: those of jerusalem affirming their Temple to be the sacred place whither sacrifices were to be sent; the Samaritans, on the other side, contending they ought to be sent to Mount Garizim. For otherwise, who knows not that both jews and Samaritans had other places of worship besides either of these? namely their Proseucha's and Synagogues, wherein they worshipped God, not with internal only, but external worship; though not with Sacrifice, which might be offered but in one place only. And this also may seem to have been a Type of Christ as well as the rest, namely, that he was to be that one and only Mediator of the Church, in the Temple of whose sacred body we have access unto the Father, and in whom he accepts our service and devotions: according to that, Destroy this Temple, and I will rear it up again in three days: He spoke, saith the Text, of the Temple of his Body. 
john 2. 19, 21.  This sense divers of the Ancients hit upon. Eusebius Demon. Evang. Lib. 1. Cap. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Not by Symbols and Types, but, as our Saviour saith, in Spirit and Truth. Not that in the New Testament men should worship God without all external services: For the New Testament was to have external and visible services as well as the Old, but such as should imply the verity of the promises already exhibited, not be Types and shadows of them yet to come. We know the Holy Ghost is wont to call the figured Face of the Law the Letter, and the Verity thereby signified, the Spirit. As for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Spirit and Truth, both together, they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but once found in holy Writ; to wit, only in this place: and so, no light can be borrowed by comparing of the like expression any where else to expound them. Besides, nothing hinders but they may be here taken one for the exposition of the other; namely, that to worship the Father 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the same with to worship him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But howsoever this exposition be fair and plausible, yet, methinks, the reason which our Saviour gives in the words following should argue another meaning. God (saith he) is a Spirit; therefore they that worship him, must worship in Spirit and Truth: 
Verse 24.  But God was a Spirit from the beginning: If therefore for this reason he must be worshipped in Spirit and Truth, he was so to be worshipped in the Old Testament as well as in the New.  
Let us therefore seek another meaning: For the finding whereof, let us take notice that the Samaritans, at whom our Saviour here aimeth, were the offspring of those Nations which the King of Assyria placed in the Cities of Samaria, when he had carried away the Ten Tribes captive. These, as we may read in the 
* Chap. 17.  second Book of the Kings, at their first coming thither worshipped not the God of Israel, but the gods of the Nations from whence they came: wherefore he sent Lions amongst them, which slew them. Which they apprehending, either from the information of some Israelite, or otherwise, to be because they knew not the worship of the God of the Country, they informed the King of Assyria thereof, desiring that some of the captived Priests might be sent unto them, to teach them the manner and rites of his worship; which being accordingly done, they thenceforth (as the Text tells us) worshipped the Lord, yet feared their own Gods too, and so did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as S. chrysostom speaks, mingle things not to be mingled.  
In this medley they continued about three hundred years, till toward the end of the Persian Monarchy. At what time it chanced that Manasse, brother to jaddo the High Priest of the returned jews, married the daughter of Sanballat than Governor of Samaria: for which being expelled from jerusalem by Nehemiah, he fled to Sanballat his Father in Law; and after his example many other of the jews of the best rank, having married strange wives likewise, and loath to forgo them, betook themselves thither also. Sanballat willingly entertains them, and makes his son-in-Law Manasse their Priest. For whose greater reputation and state, when Alexander the Great subdued the Persian Monarchy, he obtained leave of him to build a Temple upon Mount Garizim, where his son-in-Law exercised the office of High Priest. This was exceedingly prejudicious to the jews, and the occasion of a continual Schism, whilst those that were discontented or excommunicated at jerusalem were wont to betake themselves thither: Yet by this means the Samaritans (having now one of the sons of Aaron to be their Chief Priest, and so many other of the jews, both Priests and others, mingled amongst them) were brought at length to cast off all their false gods, and to worship the Lord the God of Israel only. Yet so, that howsoever they seemed to themselves to be true worshippers, and altogether free from Idolatry; nevertheless they retained a smack thereof, inasmuch as they worshipped the true God under a visible representation, to wit, of a Dove, and circumcised their Children in the name thereof, as the jewish Tradition tells us; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Culius externus; sic Idololatriam appellant.  who therefore always branded their worship with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or spiritual Fornication: Just as their predecessors, the Ten Tribes, worshipped the same God of Israel under the similitude of a Calls.  
This was the condition of the Samaritan Religion in our Saviour's time: and if we weigh the matter well, we shall find his words here to the woman very pliable to be construed with reference thereunto. You ask, saith he, of the true place of worship, whether Mount Garizim, or jerusalem: which is not now greatly material; forasmuch as the time is at hand when men shall worship the Father at neither. But there is a greater difference between you and us than of Place, though you take no notice of it; namely, even about the Object of worship itself: For ye worship what ye know not, but we (jews) worship what we know. How is that? Thus; Ye worship indeed the Father, the God of Israel, as we do; but you worship him under a corporeal representation; wherein you show you know him not: But the hour cometh, and now is, when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in Spirit and Truth. In Spirit, that is, conceiving of him no otherwise than in Spirit; and in Truth, that is, not under any corporeal or visible shape: For God is a Spirit, and they that worship him must worship him in Spirit and Truth; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not fancying him as a Body, but, as indeed he is, a Spirit. 
jer. 3. 10.  For those who worship him under a corporeal similitude, do beli● him: according as the Apostle speaks, Rom. 1. 23. of such as changed the glory of the Incorruptible God into an Image made like to corruptible Man, Birds or Beasts; They changed, saith he, the truth of God into a lie, and served the creature, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, juxta Creatorem, as or with the Creator who is blessed for ever, v. 25. Hence Idols in Scripture are termed Lies; as Amos 2. 4. Their Lies have caused them to err, after which their Fathers walked: The Vulgar hath, Seduxerunt eos Idola ipsorum, Their Idols have caused them to err. And Esay 28. 15. We have made Lies our refuge. And jer. 16. 19, 20. The Gentiles shall come from the ends of the earth, and shall say, Surely our Fathers have possessed (the Chaldee hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have worshipped) a lie; vanity, wherein there is no profit. Shall a man make Gods unto himself, and they are no Gods?  
This therefore I take to be the genuine meaning of this place, 
See the Homily against the peril of Idolatry. p. 3 where the Text is peculiarly applied against worshipping of God in an Image.  and not that which is commonly supposed against external worship; which I think this Demonstration will evince: To worship what they know, (as the jews are said to do) and to worship in Spirit and Truth, are taken by our Saviour for one and the same thing, (else the whole sense will be inconsequent:) But the jews worshipped not God without Rites and Ceremonies, (who yet are supposed to worship him in Spirit and Truth:) Ergo, To worship God without Rites and Ceremonies, is not to worship him in Spirit and Truth, according to the meaning here intended.    

DISCOURSE XIII.  

S. LUKE 24. 45, 46.  Then opened he their understanding, that they might understand the Scriptures: And said unto them, Thus it is written, and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day. 
OUR Blessed Saviour, after he was risen from the dead, told his Disciples, not only that his Suffering of death and Rising again the third day was foretold in the Scriptures, but also pointed out those Scriptures unto them, and opened their understanding, that they might understand them; that is, he expounded or explained them unto them: Certain it is therefore, that somewhere in the Old Testament these things were foretold should befall Messiah. Yea S. Paul, 1 Cor. 15. 3, 4. will further assure us that they are; I delivered unto you, saith he, first of all, that which I also received, how that Christ died for our sins, according to the Scriptures: And that he was buried, and that he rose again the third day, according to the Scriptures. Both of them therefore are somewhere foretold in the Scriptures; and it becomes not us to be so ignorant as commonly we are, which those Scriptures be which foretell them. It is a main point of our Faith, and that which the jews most stumble at, because their Doctors had not observed any such thing foretold to Messiah. The more they were ignorant thereof, the more it concerns us to be confirmed therein. I thought good therefore to make this the Argument of my Discourse at this time, to inform both you and myself where these things are foretold, and, if I can, 
Luke. 24. 45.  to point out those very Scriptures which our Saviour here expounded to his Disciples.  
Which that I may the better do, I will make the words foregoing my Text to be as the Polestar in this my search: These are the things (saith our Saviour) which I spoke unto you while I was yet with you, That all things must be fulfilled which were written in the Law of Moses, and in the Prophets, and in the Psalms concerning me. Then follow the words I read, Then opened he their understanding, etc. These two events therefore, of Messiah's death and rising again the third day, were foretold in these Three parts of Scripture, In the Law of Moses or Pentateuch, in the Nebiim or Prophets, and in the Psalms; and in these Three we must search for them. And first for the First, That Messiah should suffer death.  
This was fore-signified in the Law or Pentateuch, First in the story of Abraham, where he was commanded to offer his son Isaac, the son wherein his seed should be called, 
Gen. 22. 18.  and to whom the promise was entailed, That in it should all the Nations of the world be blessed. What was here acted else but the Mystery of Christ's Passion? to wit, That the promised seed should make all the Nations of the world blessed, by becoming a sacrifice for sin? which that it might be the more evident, the Place is also designed, the region of Mount Moriah; there Abraham was bid to offer his ●on Isaac, even where Messiah, who was then in the loins of Isaac, was one day to be offered upon the Cross.  
The Second prediction in the Law of Messiah's suffering death, was by the slaying of Beasts, for atonement of sin, in their Sacrifices; which were nothing else but shadows and representations of that Offering upon the Cross which Messiah was one day to make of himself for the sins of the world. Which Mystery of the end of those Legal sacrifices was showed in the former story of Abraham's offering Isaac: For when he had now brought his son to the place appointed, and had built an Altar, and was now ready to stay him, as he was commanded; the Angel of the Lord stayed his hand, and showed him a Ram caught in a thicket by the horns; which Ram Abraham took, and offered for a burnt-offering in stead of his son; to signify, that the offering of the Blessed seed was yet to be suspended, and that God in the mean while would accept the offerings of Bulls and Rams, as a pledge of that expiation which the Blessed seed of Abraham in the loins of Isaac should one day make.  
And thus much for the Law. Now I come to the Prophets, wherein I find Three evident Prophecies, That Messiah should suffer death. The first is that famous one, the 53. of Esay, the whole Chapter through; I will not repeat it all, but some two or three passages thereof. Verse 5. He was wounded, saith the Prophet, for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon him, and with his stripes we are healed. Ver. 7. He was oppressed, he was afflicted, yet he opened not his mouth; he was brought as a Lamb to the slaughter, and as a Sheep before her Shearers is dumb, so he opened not his mouth. Ver. 8. He was cut off out of the land of the living; for the transgression of my people was he stricken. Now that this Prophecy was one of those by which the Apostles used to prove this Verity, appears by the stroy of the conversion of the Eunuch, Acts 8. unto whom Philip coming, whilst he was in his Chariot, reading this place of Scripture, and he thereupon ask Philip, of whom the Prophet spoke these words; the 
* Verse 35.  Text tells us, that Philip began at the same Scripture, and preached unto him jesus.  
The Second place in the Prophets which foretells That Christ should suffer, is that in the ninth of Daniel, who pointing out the time of Messiah's coming by Seventy weeks, 
Verse 25. 26.  limits his count, not at his Birth, but at his Suffering, as the most principal moment of his story. From the going out of the commandment, saith he, to restore and build jerusalem, unto Messiah the Prince, shall be seven weeks, and sixty two weeks— And after sixty two weeks shall Messiah be cut off. What can be more plain than this?  
A Third place in the Prophets is to be found Zachary 12. 10. where, at the time when the jews shall be converted, Christ is brought in speaking in this manner; I will pour out, saith he, upon the house of David, and upon the inhabitants of jerusalem, the spirit of grace and supplication, and they shall look upon me whom they have pierced. Hence it follows, that the jews should have pierced Messiah before they received him to be their Redeemer. And that this place also was one of those applied by the Apostles to this purpose, appears by S. John's twice alleging it: Once in his Gospel, when a Soldier with a Spear pierced our Saviour's side; Then, saith he, was fulfilled that Scripture which saith, They shall look upon him whom they pierced: 
john 19 37.  Again, in the beginning of his Revelation, Behold (saith he) he cometh in the clouds, and every eye shall see him, and they also which pierced him.  
Now for the Third division of Scripture, the Psalms, the chief, at least, 
A●oc. 1. 7.  and principal place there which I dare warrant is that of the 16. Psalms, v. 9, 10. quoted both by S. Peter and S. Paul in the Acts of the Apostles: My ●lesh shall rest in hope; For thou wilt not leave my soul in the grave, neither suffer thine Holy One to see corruption. 
Acts 2. 26, 27. & Chap. 13. 35.  For David, as S. Peter and S. Paul say, was buried, and his body saw corruption; therefore it cannot be spoken of him, but of Messiah in the person of David, as a Type in whose loins Messiah was. Now than if Messiah's body were to be laid in the grave, it follows he was to die, and to be in the state of the dead.  
AND thus I have done the First part of my task, and proved That Messiah was to suffer death, according to the Scriptures, namely, foretold in that Threefold division of Scripture mentioned here by our Saviour, the Law, the Prophets, and the Psalms. Now I come to prove the other part, That it behoved him also to rise again the third day, according to the Scriptures.  
And this was first foreshewn in the same story of Isaac, wherein his sacrifice or suffering was acted● For from the time that God commanded Isaac to be offered for a burnt-offering, Isaac was a dead man; but the third day he was released from death. This the Text tells us expressly, that it was the third day when Abraham came to Mount Moriah, 
C●n. 22. 4.  and had his son, as it were, restored to him again; which circumstance there was no need nor use at all to have noted, had it not been for some Mystery. For had there been nothing intended but the naked story, what did it concern us to know whether it were the third or the fifth day that Abraham came to Moriah, where he received his son from death? Now, that I have not misapplied this figure, S. Paul is my witness, who expressly makes this release of Isaac from slaughter a figure of the Resurrection: For thus he speaks of this whole story, Hebrews 11. 17, 18, 19 By faith Abraham when he was tried, offered up Isaac; and he that had received the promises, offered up his only-begotten Son, Of whom it was said, That in Isaac shall thy seed be called: Accounting that God was able to raise him up, even from the dead; from whence also he received him in a figure.  
The same was foreshowed by the Law of Sacrifices, which were to be eaten before the third day; some Sacrifices were to be eaten the same day they were offered, but those which were deferred longest, as the Peace-offerings, were to be eaten before the third day. The third day no sacrifice might be eaten, but was to be burnt: If it were eaten, it was not accepted for an atonement, but counted an abomination: namely, to show that the Sacrifice of Messiah, which these Sacrifices represented, was to be finished the third day by his rising from the dead ● and therefore the Type thereof determined within that time, beyond which time it was not accepted for atonement of sin, because than it was no longer a Type of him.  
Thus far the Law. As for the Prophets, I find no express Prediction in them for the time of Christ's rising (For that of the case of the Prophet jonah, I take to be rather an Allusion than a Prophecy:) only in general, That Christ should rise again, is implied both in that famous Prophecy of Esay the 53. and that of Zachary 12. 
Esay 53. 10.  In the former, forasmuch as it is said, that after he had made his soul a sacrifice for sin, he should see his seed, and prolong his days, and the pleasure of the Lord should prosper in his hand: And again, that the Lord should divide him a portion with the great, and that he should divide the spoil with the strong, because he had poured out his soul unto death: 
Ver. 12.  Which argues that he should not only live again, but be victorious after he had died. In that of Zachary it is said, 
Zach. 12. 10.  the jews should look upon, or see, him whom they had formerly pierced; and, that in that day he would pour upon them the spirit of grace and supplication: therefore he was to live again after they had pierced him.  
I come to the Psalms, where not only his Rising again is prophesied of, but the Time thereof determined; though at first sight it appears not so: namely, in that fore-alledged passage of the sixteenth Psalm, Thou wilt not leave my soul in Hell, nor suffer thine Holy One to see corruption. All men shall rise again, but their bodies must first return to dust, and see corruption. But Messiah was to rise again before he saw corruption: If before, than the third day at farthest; for then the Body naturally begins to see corruption. This may be gathered by the story of Lazarus in the Gospel, where jesus commanding the stone to be rolled from his Grave, 
* john 11. 3●. Vid. M●●rsu Glo●●ar. Graeco-barbarum, in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉.  Martha his sister answered, Lord, by this time he stinketh; for he hath been dead four days. Also by that Rule given by the Masters of Physic, That those who die of the Apoplexy, suffocation of the Mother, or like sudden deaths, should not be buried till seventy two hours were passed; because within that time they might revive; and Examples are given of those who have done so. They give also a reason of it in nature: Because, say they, in that time the Humours of the Body make their revolution; the Phlegm in one day or twenty four hours, the Choler in two days or forty eight hours, the Melancholy in three days, which is seventy two hours; and this to be the reason why an Ague founded in an inflammation of Phlegm returns every day, an Ague which comes from Choler every other day, an Ague from Melancholy every third day. Now if a Body may be kept so long unburied, it is supposed it may continue so long uncorrupted; (namely where a corruption is not begun before death, as in some diseases) but longer it will not continue. When therefore it is so often inculcated in the New Testament, that our Saviour should rise again the third day; the Holy Ghost, in so speaking, respects not so much the number of days, as the fulfilling of Scripture, That Messiah's body should not see corruption, but should rise before the time wherein dead bodies begin to corrupt: and indeed our Saviour rose again within forty hours after he gave up the Ghost, and was not two full days in the grave. Therefore, if there be any other Scripture which implies Messiah should rise before his Body should see corruption, that Scripture, whatsoever it be, shows he should rise again within three days.    

DISCOURSE XIV.  

EXODUS 4. 25.  Then Zipporah took a sharp stone, and cut off the foreskin of her Son, and cast it at his feet, and said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sponsus sanguinum tu mihi es. 
THAN; that is, when she saw the Angel of the Lord ready to kill Moses her husband in the Inn, because his son was not circumcised; she took a sharp stone, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that is, she took a knife, which, according to the custom then, was made of stone sharped. This we may learn out of joshuah 5. 2. where the Lord says to joshuah, Make thee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (sharp knives, say we) according to the Hebrew, knives of stones, and circumcise again the children of Israel. The Chaldee Paraphrast hath, Make thee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sharp razors: the Septuagint, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stone-knives.  
Thus far all is clear; but for the rest we are to seek: First, on whom the fault lay, and what was the reason of this omission of Circumcision: then, who and what is meant, when it is said, she cast, or made the foreskin to touch his feet: and above all, what is meant by Sponsus sanguinum.  
Zipporah is commonly reputed to have been a perverse and froward woman; and Moses, the meekest man on earth, to have had that mishap in his choice which many a good man hath. The reason, because she not only hindered her child from being circumcised, out of some nicety and aversation thereof, as a cruel Ceremony: but also, when she saw there was no remedy, but she must do it to save her husband's life, yet she did it with an upbraiding indignation, telling him, that he was a bloody husband, who must have such a thing done unto his poor child. But I see no ground either for the one, or the other.  
For that the Circumcision of the child was not deferred out of any aversation of hers of that Ceremony, may be gathered, First, because she was a Midianitesse, and so a daughter of Abraham by Keturah, and therefore well enough acquainted with and enured to that Rite, which not only her Nation, the Midianites, but all the Nations descended of Abraham observed; as may be seen in the Ismaelites or Saracens, who learned not this Ceremony first from Mahomet, but retained it as an ancient custom of their Nation. Secondly, She had suffered already her elder son Gershom to be circumcised; wherefore then should we think she was a verse from the circumcision of this? For that this child, for whom Moses was now in danger, was Eliezer his youngest son, it cannot be denied; forasmuch as it is evident that Moses at this time was the Father of two sons, which, by reason (as may seem) of this disturbance he sent back with his wife unto her Father jethro, as we may read in the 18. Chapter of this Book. 
Exod. 4. 25.  By which it may be gathered, that the cause of this omission of Circumcision was not any averseness in Zipporah from that Rite; but rather, because they were in their journey when the child was born; and so having no convenient time or place to rest in till the wound might be healed, and thinking it might endanger the infant's life, to be tossed up and down whilst the wound was green, in so long and tedious a voyage, they resolved to defer the circumcision. And that Zipporah was delivered of this child when they had begun this journey for Egypt, may be gathered by this, because Moses, before God's sending him, hath but one child mentioned, namely Gershom: For what reason can be given, why, if Eliezer had been then born, he should not have been mentioned also? But howsoever this case of travel afterward excused the Israelites in the Wilderness, for deferring the circumcision of their children then; yet could it not excuse Moses here, in regard it was necessitas accersita, he being not forced to take his wife and children with him, (especially his wife being in that case) but might have sent her and them back presently to her Father; as upon this admonition he did. Nor was it indeed fit, when God sent him upon such a business, to carry such an encumbrance with him.  
Thus have we freed Zipporah from the first charge, of being the cause of this omission out of any averseness to the Divine Ordinance. Now I come to show likewise, that the words she spoke at the time of circumcision, Sponsus sanguinum tu mihi es, were no words of upbraiding indignation to her husband, (as I supposed) but have a far other meaning.  
For I believe not she spoke these words to Moses, but to her Child whom she circumcised, as the Formula then used in Circumcision; namely, that as the foreskin fell down at her Child's feet, (not Moses, or the Angel's feet) she pronounced the Verba solennia, the solemn formal words then in use, Tu mihi sponsus sanguinum.  
My Reasons are, First, Because a Husband is not wont to be called Sponsus after the wedding solemnity is past; nor can there any such example be shown in Scripture: Ergo, it is not like that Zipporah, after she was the mother of two children, should say to her Husband, Sponsus sanguinum tu mihi es.  
Secondly, Because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the word here translated Sponsus, properly signifies Gener, a Son-in-law, and Sponsus only by way of equivalence or coincidence, (because to be made Son-in-law to the Parents, is by being the daughter's Sponsus.) My meaning is, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the word used, signifies not the relation of the Bridegroom to his Bride; but his relation to his Bride's Parents, by taking their daughter to wife. And therefore in the whole Scripture we shall never find it relatively used, or with an affix, but only in respect to the wife's Father or Mother. And of the same condition is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we often by equivalence translate a Bride, but properly signifies Nurus, a daughter-in-law. Wherefore we shall never find the Bridegroom calls the Bride his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nor the Bride the Bridegroom her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or that they are called so by others; but only the Husband his Father and Mothers-in-law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Wife her Father and Mothers-in-law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In a word, there is no word in the Hebrew Tongue which signifies a Bridegroom and Bride, as they stand in relation each to other, but as to each others Parents only. Whence it is remarkable that in the Ganticles, when this relation comes to be expressed on the Bride's behalf, it is always done by addition of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, my Sister, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Callah or Nurus my Sister, which we translate by equivalence, Soror mea Sponsa, my Sister, my Spouse. Now if this be true, I see not how Zipporah could call Moses here her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by saying to him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanguinum tu mihi es: For she should have called him her Son-in-law, and not her Husband: Ergo, She spoke the words to the Child, and not to Him.  
Thirdly, For a farther probability hereof, the jewish Rabbins tell us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That it was the custom of women to call their child when he was circumcised, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (the word here turned Sponsus.) So Aben Ezra upon this place. Rabbi Levi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in principio connubii vocatur, etc. 
B●●thing is by ●. 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beginnings of marriage, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 marriage.  In the beginning of marriage he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is promised or contracted to another: Thence is the word translated and borrowed to signify the beginning of other things; as when the Infant newly circumcised is called by the women 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for then the child begins first to be initiated in the service of God. The like hath Rabbi David Kimchi in his Lexicon, who conjectures withal, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should have some signification of causing new joy, and thence to be used both at the day of Marriage, and day of Circumcision.  
Fourthly, From this custom to call a child at his circumcision 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with the Arabians (who are of Abraham's posterity, and still use, and anciently used, this Rite) Chatan is to circumcise, Chiten Circumcision, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Machtun circumcised, as is ordinarily to be seen in their Translation of the New Testament. Whence comes this, but from the manner of calling a child 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when he was circumcised? (Even as we, because a child in Baptism is made a Christian, use the word christian for to Baptise, and Christened for Baptised.) And Zipporah was an Arabiss, and the Arabian tongue of near affinity with the Hebrew.  
Fifthly, This exposition is agreeable to the following words, 
* Verse. 26.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And he let him go, when she had said, Sponsus sanguinum, hoc est, circumcisionis; that is, The Angel let Moses go, as soon as those solennia verba, Sponsus sanguinum, were out of Zipporah's mouth. So the Vulgar rightly translates it; Et dimisit eum, postquam dixerat, Sponsus sanguinum, ob circumcisionem. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here (as elsewhere) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, extunc, ab eo tempore, postquam, from the time, after that, not simply tunc, then, as we translate it. Namely, as the destroying Angel, Exod. 12. 23. when he saw the blood of the Paschal Lamb upon the lintels and side-posts of the Israelites doors, passed by them, and destroyed them not: So the Angel here, when he saw the blood of the Circumcision upon Moses his child, let Moses go, and slew him not. In these words, if you mark it, the Holy Ghost expounds what Zipporah meant by those words. Sponsus sanguinum, that is, Sponsus circumcisionis: Et dimisit eum postquam dixit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sponsus sanguinum, id est, circumcisionis. But if Sanguis here be Circumcision, and so Sponsus Sanguinum be Sponsus Circumcisionis, then are not these words spoken of or to Moses, but unto the Child.  
HAVING thus proved what I took in hand, That these words were not spoken by Zipporah to Moses, but as solennia verba in that Case to her Child whom she circumcised; it remains, I should now tell you how they are so construed. I say therefore, Tu mihi sponsus sanguinum, in Zipporah's meaning, is as much as Sis mihi initiatus circumcisione, Be thou my Bloud-son, or the like. It is well known how Tropically those words of relation of kindred, Father, Mother, Sister, Son, are used in the Hebrew Tongue; and Son, besides other notions, to be often the circumlocution of our vox concreta; as Filius percussionis, the Son of striking, is he that is stricken, or, worthy to be beaten; 
Thus in Deut. 25. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by the LXX. rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Filius foederis, the Son of the Covenant, is he that is in Covenant, or, to whom the Covenant belongs; Filius mortis, the Son of death, he that is condemned to die, or worthy of death; and the like. And why may not then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Gener sanguinum, that is (as the Holy Ghost expounds it) circumcisionis, be as much as circumcisus, and Gener sanguinum tu mihi es (for so I told you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies) be as much as, I pronounce thee circumcised? As if the circumcised person, by being married to Circumcision, were made the Circumciser's Son-in-law, and Circumcision's Bridegroom; as Es, or Sis, mihi in generum, desponsatus circumcisioni, Now thou art, or Be thou, my Son-in-law, being espoused to Circumcision.  
Or if Blood or Circumcision note the Instrument, the Formula may be thus explicated; That the person circumcised becomes God's Son-in-law, as being wedded and joined to his Church by the Blood of Circumcision, as with a Ring: and then the pronoun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mihi must not be taken relatively to Zipporah, as before, but efficienter only in this sense, Per me factus es gener Deo per sanguinem circumcisionis, By me thou art made God's Son-in-law by the blood of Circumcision; or Feci te generum Deo, I have made thee God's Son-in-law; or, (if you like better the notion of Sponsus) I have espoused thee to the Church of God, by this rite of Circumcision; or, Thou art, or, Be thou, espoused to the Church of God, etc. Thus, as you see, may the Formula be either way explicated to one and the same sense. But the first I like the best, because of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mihi the relative to Zipporah, Tu mihi in generum es, desponsatus circumcisioni, Now thou art my Son-in-law, being espoused to Circumcision.  
Now lastly, to free my Interpretation from novelty, the sense I have given of these words is that which both the Septuagint and the Chaldee Paraphrast directly aim at: the Paraphrast expounding it thus, In sanguine circumcisionis istius datus est sponsus, or gener, mihi; the Septuagint, as we now read, thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Stetit sanguis circumcisionis filii mei: where the Text is corrupted, and I believe the Septuagint translated not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sit hic sanguis circumcisionis Filii mei; a Periphrastical, but evident sense, with the change of one letter only.  
From the sense of this place thus proved, I will point at two Observations, and so conclude.  
The First is, That it is lawful to use some fitting form of words in the exhibition of a Sacrament, though not expressly ordained by God at the institution thereof; as appears by this Form that Zipporah used, no doubt ex more, according to the custom then, whatsoever the Form were after that time.  
The Second is, That the neglect of the Circumcision of a child then, and so consequently of Baptising it now, makes not so much the Child as the Parents liable to the wrath of God: As here the Angel sought not to kill the Child, who was uncircumcised, but Moses the Father, who should have circumcised it. Both which Observations I mean to amplify no farther, but leave them to your exacter meditations; and so I conclude.    

DISCOURSE XV.  

EZEKIEL 20. 20.  Hollow my Sabbaths; and they shall be a sign between me and you, to acknowledge that I jehovah am your God. 
THIS Commandment, with the End thereof, the Lord bids Ezekiel tell the Elders of Israel, that he gave it to their Fathers in the Wilderness. And it is recorded in the Law; so that I might have taken it thence: But I rather chose to make these words in Ezekiel my Text, as expressed more plainly, and so a Comment to those in the Law. The place there is Exod. 31. 13. where this which my Text containeth is expressed thus, Verily my Sabbaths ye shall keep; for it is a sign between me and you throughout your generations, to acknowledge that I jehovah am your sanctifier, that is, your God; as the expression in Ezekiel tells us: For to be the Sanctifier of a People, and to be their God, is all one: whence also the Lord is so often called in Scripture the Holy One of Israel, that is, their Sanctifier and their God.  
That which I intent at this time to observe from these words is, the End why God commanded this Observation of the Sabbath to the Israelites; to wit, That thereby, as by a Symbolum or Sign, they might testify and profess what God they worshipped. Secondly, out of this ground to show How far, and in what manner, the like Observation binds us christian's, who are worshippers of the same God whom the jews worshipped, though not under the same relation altogether wherein they worshipped him.  
All Nations had something in their Ceremonies whereby they signified the God they worshipped. So in those of the Celestial Gods, (as they termed them,) and those which were Deified Souls of men, were differing Rites, whereby the one was known from the other: Those Gods which were made of men, having Funeral rites in their services, as Cognisances that they were Souls deceased; and each of them some imitation of some remarkable passage of the Legend of their lives, either of some action done by them, or some accident which befell them; as in the ceremonies of Osiris and Bacchus is obvious to any that reads them. And indeed it is a natural Decorum for servants and vassals, by some mark or cognisance to testify who is their Lord and Master. In the Revelation, the worshippers of the Beast receive his mark, and the worshippers of the Lamb carry his mark and his Father's in their Foreheads. Hence came the first use of the Cross in Baptism, as the mark of Christ, the Deity to whom we are initiated; and the same afterwards used in all Benedictions, Prayers and Thanksgivings, in token they were done in the name and merits of Christ crucified: So that in the Primitive Church this Rite was no more but that wherewith we conclude all our Prayers and Thanksgivings, when we say, Through jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour; though afterward it came to be abused, as almost all other Rites of Christianity, to abominable Superstition.  
To return therefore unto my Text. Agreeably to this Principle, and this Custom of all Religions, of all Nations, of all Vassals, the Lord jehovah, Creator of Heaven and Earth, ordained to his people this Observation of the Sabbath-day, for a Sign and Cognisance that he should be their God, and no other. 
Ezek. 20. 20.  It is for a sign, saith he, between me and you, that I jehovah am your God. And besides in the place I quoted before, the 31. of Exod. 16, 17. are these words; The children of Israel shall keep the Sabbath, to observe the Sabbath throughout their generations, for a perpetual Covenant. It is a sign between me and the children of Israel for ever: for in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, and on the seventh day he rested: As if he had said, It is a Sign that the Creator of heaven and earth is your God.  
But for the more distinct understanding of this signification, we must know that the Sabbath includes two respects of time: First, the quotum, one day of seven, or the Seventh day after six days labour; Secondly, the designation or pitching that Seventh upon the day we call Saturday. In both, the Sabbatical observation was a sign and profession that jehovah, and no other, was the God of Israel: the first, according to his attribute of Creator, the second, of Deliverer of Israel out of Egypt. For by sanctifying the Seventh day, after they had laboured six, they professed themselves vassals and worshippers of that only God who created the Heaven and the Earth, and having spent six days in that great work, rested the Seventh day; and therefore commanded them to observe this suitable distribution of their time, as a ba●ge and livery that their Religious service was appropriate to him alone. And this is that which the Fourth Commandment in the reason given from the Creation intendeth, and no more but this.  
But seeing they might profess this acknowledgement as well by any other six days working, and a seventh's resting, as by those they pitched upon, there being still (what six days soever they had laboured, and what seventh soever they had rested) the same conformity with their Creator; let us see the reason why they pitched upon t●ose six days wherein they laboured, for labouring days, rather than any other; and why they chose that Seventh day, namely Saturday, to hollow and rest in, rather than any other.  
And this was, that they might profess themselves servants of jehovah their God in a relation and respect peculiar and proper to themselves; to wit, that they were the servants of that God which redeemed Israel out of the Land of Egypt and out of the house of bondage: 
Exod. 14. 24, 27, 30.  and upon the morning-watch of that very day which they kept for their Sabbath, he overwhelmed Pharaoh and all his Host in the Red Sea, and saved Israel that day out of the hand of the Egyptians. This I gather from the repetition of the Decalogue, Deut. 5. where that reason from the world's Creation (in the Decalogue given at Horeb) being left out, Moses inserts this other of the Redemption of Israel out of Egypt in stead thereof; namely, as the reason why those six days rather than any other six for work, and that Seventh day rather than any other seventh for rest, were pitched upon, as Israel observed them. Remember, saith he, V. 15. thou wert a servant in the land of Egypt, and that the Lord thy God brought thee out thence, through a mighty hand and a stretched-out arm: Therefore the Lord thy God commanded thee to keep the Sabbath-day: Namely, not for the quotum of one day of seven, (●or of that another reason was given, the example of God in the Creation) but for the designation of the day.  
But whether this day were in order the seventh from the Creation or not, the Scripture is silent; for where it is called in the Commandment the seventh day, that is in respect of the six days of labour, and not otherwise: and therefore, whensoever it is so called, those six days of labour are mentioned with it. The seventh day therefore is the seventh after the six days of labour, nor can any more be inferred from it: the example of the Creation is brought for the quotum, one day of seven, as I have showed, and not for the designation of any certain day for that seventh. Nevertheless, it might fall out so, by disposition of Divine Providence, that the jews designed Seventh day was both the seventh in order from the Creation, and also the day of their deliverance out of Egypt. But the Scripture no where tells us it was so, (howsoever most men take it for granted) and therefore it may as well be not so. Certain I am, the jews kept not that day for a Sabbath till the raining of Manna: For that which should have been their Sabbath the week before, had they then kept the day which afterward they kept, was the fifteenth day of the second month; and which day we read, in the 16, of Exod. that they marched a wearisome march, and came at night into the wilderness of Sin, where they murmured for their poor entertainment, and wished they had died in Egypt: that night the Lord sent them Quails, the next morning it reigned Manna, which was the sixteenth day, and so six days together; the seventh, which was the twenty second day, it reigned none, and that day they were commanded to keep for their Sabbath. Now if the twenty second day of the month were the Sabbath, the fifteenth should have been, if that day had been kept before; but the Text tells us expressly, they marched that day: and, which is strange, the day of the month is never named, unless it be once, for any station but this where the Sabbath was ordained; otherwise it could not have been known that that day was ordained for a day of rest, which before was none. 
Numb. 10.  And why might not their day of holy rest be altered, as well as the beginning of the year was 
* Exod. 12. 2. , for a memorial of their coming out of Egypt? I can see no reason why it might nor, not find any testimony to assure me it was not.  
And thus much of the jews Sabbath, How and wherein it was a Sign whereby they professed themselves the servants of jehovah, and no other God.  
Now I come to the Second thing I propounded, to show How far, and in what manner, the like observation binds us Christians.  
I say therefore, that the Christian, as well as the jew, after six days spent in his own works, is to sanctify the seventh, that he may profess himself thereby a servant of God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth, as well as the jew. For the quotum therefore, the jew and Christian agree; but in designation of the day they differ. For the Christian chooseth for his Holy Day that which with the jews was the First day of the week, and calls it Dominicam the Lord's Day, that he might thereby profess himself a servant of that God who on the morning of that day vanquished Satan, the Spiritual Pharaoh, and redeemed us from our Spiritual thraldom, by raising jesus Christ our Lord from the dead, begetting us, in stead of an earthly Canaan, to an inheritance incorruptible in the Heavens. 
Rom. 4. 24. 1 Pet. 1. 4.  In a word, the Christian, by the day he hallows, professes himself a Christian, that is, as S. Paul speaks, To believe on him that raised up jesus from the dead. So that the jew and Christian both, though they fall not upon the same day, yet make their designation of their day upon the like ground: the jews, the memorial-day of their deliverance from the temporal Egypt and temporal Pharaoh; the Christians, the memorial-day of their deliverance from the spiritual Egypt and spiritual Pharaoh.  
But might not (will you say) the Christian as well have observed the jewish for his seventh day, as the day he doth? I answer, No; he might not: For in so doing he should seem not to acknowledge his Redemption to be already performed, but still expected. For the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt by the Ministry of Moses was intended for a Type and pledge of the Spiritual deliverance which was to come by Christ: their Canaan also, to which they marched, being a Type of that Heavenly inheritance which the redeemed by Christ do look for. Since therefore the Shadow is now made void by the coming of the Substance, the Relation is changed, and God is no longer to be worshipped and believed in as a God foreshowing and assuring by Types, but as a God who hath performed the Substance of what he promised. And this is that which S. Paul means, Colossians 2. 16, 17. when he saith, Let no man judge you [henceforth] in respect of a Feast-day, New-moon, or sabbath-days: Which were a shadow of things to come, but the body is of Christ.    

DISCOURSE XVI.  

1 COR. 11. 5.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Every woman praying or prophesying with her head uncovered, dishonoureth her head. 
I HAVE chosen this of the woman, rather than that of the man going before it, for the Theme of my Discourse; First, Because I conceive the Fault, at the reformation whereof the Apostle here aimeth, in the Church of Corinth, was the women's only, not the men's. That which the Apostle speaks of a man praying or prophesying, being by way of supposition, and for illustration of the unseemliness of that guise which the women used. Secondly, Because the condition of the Sex in the words read, makes something for the better understanding of that which is spoken of both; as we shall see presently.  
The Discourse I intent to make upon the Text shall consist of these two parts. First, of an Enquiry, What is here meant by Prophesying, a thing attributed to women, and therefore undoubtedly some such thing as they were capable of. Secondly, What was this Fault, for matter and manner, of the women of the Church of Corinth, which the Apostle here reproveth.  
To begin with the First, and which I am like to dwell longest upon: Some take Prophesying here, in the stricter sense, to be foretelling of things to come, as that which in those Primitive times both men and women did, by the pouring out of the Holy Ghost upon them; 
joel 2. 28. Acts 2. 17.  according to that of the Prophet joel, applied by S. Peter to the sending of the Holy Ghost at the first promulgation of the Gospel, I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh, and your sons and daughters shall prophesy, and your young men shall see visions. And that such Prophetesses as these were those four Daughters of Philip the Evangelist, whereof we read Acts 21. 9  
Others take Prophesying here in a more large notion, namely, for the gift of interpreting and opening Divine mysteries contained in Holy Scripture, for the instruction and edification of the Hearers; especially, as it was then inspired and suggested in extraordinary manner by the Holy Spirit, as Prophecy was given of old; according to that of S. Peter, Prophecy came not in old time by the will of man, but holy men of God spoke as they were moved by the Holy Ghost. 
2 Pet. 1. 21.  So because many in the beginning of the Gospel were guided by a like instinct in the interpretation and application of Scripture, they were said to Prophesy. Thus the Apostle useth it in the fourteenth Chapter of this Epistle, where he discourses of spiritual Gifts, and before all prefers that of Prophecy; 
1 Cor. 14. 3.  because he that Prophesieth (saith he) speaketh unto men to edification, and exhortation, and comfort.  
But neither of these kinds of Prophecy suits with the person in my Text, which is a woman. For it is certain the Apostle speaks here of Prophesying in the Church or Congregation; but in the Church a woman might not speak, no not so much as ask a question for her better instruction, much less teach and instruct others, and those men. This the Apostle teacheth us in this very Epistle, Chapter the fourteenth, even there where he discourseth so largely of those kinds of Prophecy. 
Verse 34, 35.  Let your women (saith he) keep silence in the Churches: For it is not permitted unto them to speak, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but to be subject. And if they will learn, let them ask their husbands at home. Again in 1 Tim. 2. 11, 12. Let the woman learn in silence with all subjection. But I suffer not a woman to teach, nor to usurp authority over the man, but to be in silence.  
Note here, that to speak in a Church-Assembly, by way of teaching or instructing others, is an act of superiority, which therefore a woman might not do; because her sex was to be in subjection, and so to appear before God in garb and posture which consisted therewith; that is, she might not speak to instruct men in the Church, but to God she might.  
To avoid this difficulty, some would have the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in my Text, to be taken passively, namely, for to hear or be present at Prophecy, 
1 Cor. 11. 5.  which is an acception without example either in Scripture or any where else. It is true, the Congregation is said to pray, when the Priest only speaks; but that they should be said to preach, who are present only at the hearing of a Sermon, is a Trope without example. For the reason is not alike: In prayer the Priest is the mouth of the Congregation, and does what he does in their names, and they assent to it by saying Amen. But he that preaches or prophecies, is not the mouth of the Church, to speak aught in their names, that so they might be said to speak too; but he is the mouth of God speaking to them. It is not likely therefore that those who only hear another speaking or prophesying to them, should be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to prophecy; no more, as I said, than that all they should be said to preach, who were at the hearing of a Sermon.  
What shall we do then? Is there any other acception of the word [Prophesying] left us, which may sit our turn? Yes, there is a Fourth acception, which, if it can be made good, will suit our Text better (I think) than any of the former; to wit, that Prophesying here should be taken for praising God in Hymns and Psalms: For so it is fitly coupled with praying; Praying and Praising being the parts of the Christian Liturgy. Besides, our Apostle also in the fourteenth Chapter of this Epistle joins them both together; 
Vers. 15. 19  I will pray (saith he) with the spirit, and will pray with understanding also: I will sing with the spirit, and I will sing, that is, prophesy, with understanding also. For, because Prophets of old did Three things: first, foretell things to come; secondly, notify the will of God unto the People; and thirdly, utter themselves in Musical wise, and, as I may so speak, in a Poetical strain and composure: hence it comes to pass that to prophesy in Scripture signifies the doing of any of these Three things, and amongst the rest, to praise God in Verse or Musical composure.  
This to be so as I say, I shall prove unto you out of two places of Scripture: and first out of the first of Chronicles, Chap. 25. where the word Prophecy is three several times thus used. I will allege the words of the Text at large, because I cannot well abbreviate them. Thus therefore it speaks; Vers. 1. Moreover, David and the Captains of the Host separated to the service of the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of jeduthun, who should prophesy with Harps, with Psalteries, and with Cymbals: and the number of the men of Office, according to their service, was, 2. Of the sons of Asaph; Zaccur, and joseph, and Nethaniah, and Asarelah, the sons of Asaph, under the hands of Asaph, which prophesied according the order of the King. 3. Of jeduthun; the sons of jeduthun, Gedaliah, and Zeri, and jeshaiah, Hashabiah, and Mattithiah (and Schimei) six, under the hands of their father jeduthun, who prophesied with a Harp, to give thanks and to praise the Lord. Lo here, to prophesy, and to give thanks (or confess) and to praise the Lord with spiritual songs, made all one. 
Expende etiam 2 Chron. 29. 30. & cap. 35. 15.  Nor needs such a Notion seem strange, when as even among the Latins the word Va●es signifieth both him that foretells things to come, and a Poet; for that the Gentiles Oracles were given likewise in Verse: And S. Paul to Titus calls the Cretian Poet, Epimenides, a Prophet; as one, saith he, of their own Prophets said, 
Tit. 1. 12.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
And the Arabians (whose language comes the nearest both in words and notions to the Hebrew) call a chief Poet of theirs (Princeps omnium Poetarum (saith Erpenius) quos unquam vidit mundus) Muttenabbi, that is, Prophetizans, or the Prophet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Now than if Asaph, jeduthun and Heman prophesied, when they praised God in such Psalms as are entitled unto their several Quires, and as we find them in the Psalm-Book; (for know that all the Psalms entitled To the sons of Korah, belonged to the Choir of Heman who descended from Korah) why may not we, when we sing the same Psalms, be said to prophesy likewise? namely, As he that useth a prayer composed by another, prayeth; and that according to the spirit of him that composed it: so he that praiseth God with these spiritual and prophetical composures, may be said to prophesy according to that spirit which speaketh in them.  
And that Almighty God is well pleased with such Service as this, may appear by that one story of King jehoshaphat, in the second of Chronicles, who when he marched forth against that great confederate Army of the children of Ammon, Moab, 
2 Chron. 20. 21.  and mount Seir, the Text tells us, that having consulted with his people, he appointed Singers unto the Lord, that should praise the Beauty of holiness, as they went out before the Army; and to say, Praise the Lord, for his mercy endureth for ever; (that is, they should sing the one hundred and sixth Psalm, or one hundred and thirty sixth Psalm, which begin in this manner, and were both of them not unfit for such an occasion.) And when they began to sing and praise, (saith the Text) the Lord set ambushments against the children of Ammon, 
Ver. 22.  Moab, and Mount Seir, which were come against judah; and they were smitten.  
A second place where such kind of Prophets and Prophesying as we speak of are mentioned, 
1 Sam. 10. 5. 10.  is that in the first of Samuel, in the story of Saul's election, where we read, that when he came to a certain place called The Hill of God, he met a company of Prophets coming down from the Highplace, (or Oratory there.) with a Psaltery, and a Tabret, and a Pipe, and a Harp before them; and they prophesied, and he with them.  
Their Instruments argue what kind of Prophecy this was, namely, Praising of God with spiritual songs and melody: In what manner, is not so easy to define or specify; but with an extemporary rapture, I easily believe. And if we may conjecture by other examples, One of them should seem to have been the Preceptor, and to utter the Verse or Ditty; the rest to have answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the extremes or last words of the Verse: For after this manner we are told by Philo judaeus, that the Esseni (who were of the jewish Nation) were wont to sing their Hymns in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or worshipping-places. And after the selfsame manner, Eusebius tells us, did the Primitive Christians; having in all likelihood learned it from the jews whose manner it was. The same is witnessed by the Author Constitutionum Aposiolicarum, in his second Book and fifty seventh Chapter, where describing the manner of the Christian Service, after the reading of the Lessons of the Old Testament, (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Note, to sing. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. alternis cho●i●, and to answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are div●●e.  Let another sing the Psalms of David, and the people succinere, or answer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (i. e.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the extremes of the verses. Some footsteps of which Custom remain still with us, (though perhaps in somewhat a different way,) when in those short Versicles of Liturgy, being Sentences taken out of the Psalms, the Priest says or sings the first half, and the People answer the latter, quasi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Vid. Hook l. 5. p. 251.  As for example, in that taken out of Psalm 51. 15. the Priest says, O Lord, open thou our lips; the People or Chorus answers, And our mouth shall show forth thy praise. But whatsoever the ancient manner of answering was, thus much we are sure of, That the jews in their Divine laud's were wont to praise God after this manner, in Antiphons' or Responsories; as (to let pass other Testimonies, and the use of their Synagogues to this day derived from their Ancestors) we may learn by two special Arguments. One from the Seraphims singing, Esay 6. 3. where it is said that the Seraphims cried one unto another, saying, Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of Hosts, the whole Earth is full of his Glory. Note, They cried one unto another. Secondly, from the use of the Hebrew verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in the proper and native signification thereof being to answer, is also used for to sing: as in Psalm 147. 7. where we translate, Sing unto the Lord with thanksgiving, sing praise upon the Harp unto our God; in the Hebrew it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Answer unto the Lord in thanksgiving, sing praise upon the Harp unto our God. And Esay 27. 2. In that day sing ye unto her, a vineyard of red wine: in the Hebrew, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Answer ye unto her. And Numbers 21. 17. in Israel's song of the Well, Spring up, O Well, sing unto it: in the Hebrew it is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Answer unto it. And Moses speaking of those that were worshipping the golden Calf, Exodus 32. 18. It is not the voice of them that shout for mastery, nor the voice of them that cry for being overcome; but the noise of them that sing do I hear: In the Hebrew, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the voice of them that answer one another. And so in other places. But to put all out of doubt, look Ezra 3. 11. where it is expressly said, The Levites, the sons of Asaph, sung together by course, in praising and giving thanks unto the Lord, Because he is good, for his mercy endureth for ever. Hence was derived the manner of Praying and Praising God in the Christian Service, alternis, in a Musical way, and, as it were, by way of prophesying and versifying; even though we do but speak it only; as you know the Poet says,— Amant alterna Cam●en●●. Thus I have taken occasion somewhat to enlarge upon this particular; that we ourselves might the better understand the reason of what we do, and what precedents and whose example we follow therein. And thus much of Prophesying.  
I COME now to the Second thing I propounded to speak of; namely, What was that Fault among the Corinthians which the Apostle here taxeth. For the right understanding whereof, I say two things. First, For the Offenders, that they were the women, and not the men: That which the Apostle speaketh concerning men, being by way of supposition only, and to illustrate his Argument against the uncomely guise of the women, à pari. This appears, because his Conclusion speaks of women only, and nothing at all of men. Secondly, For the quality of the Fault, it was this; That the women at the time of praying and prophesying were unveiled in the Church; notwithstanding it was then accounted an unseemly and immodest guise for women to appear open and bare-faced in public. How then, will you say, should it come to pass that Christian women should so much forget themselves, as to transgress this Decorum in God's House and Service, which they observed otherwhere? I answer, From a fantastical imitation of the manner of the She-Priests and Prophetesses of the Gentiles, when they served their Idols; as their Pythiae, Bacchaes or Maenades, and the like; who used, when they uttered their Oracles, or celebrated rites and sacrifices to their Gods, to put themselves into a wild and ecstatical guise, having their faces discovered, their hair disshevelled and hanging about their ears. This these Corinthian women (conceiting themselves when they prayed or prophesied in the Church, to be acting the parts of She-Priests, uttering Oracles like the Pythiae or Sibyllae, or celebrating sacrifice as the Maenades or Bacchaes) were so fond as to imitate (as that sex is prone to follow the fashion) and accordingly cast off their veils, and discovered their faces immodestly in the congregation, and thereby (as the Apostle speaks) dishonoured their heads, that is, were unseemly accoutred and dressed on their head.  
Which he proveth by three Arguments. Partly from Nature, which having given women their Hair for a covering, taught them to be covered, as a Sign of subjection; the manner of this covering being to be measured by the custom of the Nation. Partly by an Argument à pari, from men; for whom, even themselves being judges, it would be an uncomely thing to wear a veil, that is, a woman's habit: so, by the like reason, was it as uncomely and absurd for a woman to be without a veil, that is, in the guise and dress of a man. And howsoever the Devils of the Gentiles sometimes took pleasure in uncomeliness and absurd garbs and gestures; yet the God whom they worshipped, and his holy Angels who were present at their devotions, loved a comely accommodation, agreeable to Nature and Custom, in such as worshipped him. For this cause therefore (saith he 
* Vers. 10. ) ought a woman to have a covering on her Head, because of the Angels. Lastly, he concludes it from the Example and Custom both of the jewish and Christian Churches; neither of which had any such use, for their women to be unveiled in their sacred assemblies: If any man (saith he 
* Vers. 16. ) be contentious, (that is, will not be satisfied with these reasons) let him know that we (that is we of the Circumcision) have no such custom, nor the Churches of God. For so, with S. Ambrose, Anselm, and some of the Ancients, I take the meaning of the Apostle to be in those words.  
Thus you have heard briefly, What was the Fault of these Corinthian Dames, which the Apostle here taxeth. From which we ourselves may learn thus much, That God requires a decent and comely accommodation in his House in the act of his worship and service: For if in their habit and dress, surely much more in their gestures and deportment, he loves nothing that is unseemly in the one or in the other: Which I doubt some of us, at least of the younger sort, are not so observant of in this place as we should; and therefore with those whom it concerns would amend it. And thus I conclude my Discourse.    

DISCOURSE XVII.  

TITUS 3. 5.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By the washing of Regeneration, and renewing of the Holy Ghost. 
THESE words (as it is easy to conceive upon the first hearing) are spoken of Baptism; of which I intent not by this choice to make any full or accurate Tractation, but only to acquaint you (as I am wont) with my Thoughts concerning two Particulars therein, both of them mentioned in the words of my Text: One, from what propriety, analogy, or use of Water, the washing therewith was instituted for a Sign of new Birth, according as it is here called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the washing of regeneration: The other, What is the proper Counter-type, or thing which the Water figureth in this Sacrament.  
I will begin with the last first, because the knowledge thereof must be supposed for the explication and more distinct understanding of the other. In every Sacrament, as ye well know, there is the outward Symbol or Sign, Res terrena; and the Signatum figured and represented thereby, Res coelestis. In this of Baptism, the Sign or Res terrena is Washing with water. The Question is, what is the Signatum, the invisible and celestial thing, which answers thereunto. In our Catechetical explications of this Mystery, it was wont to be affirmed to be the Blood of Christ; namely, That as Water washeth away the filth of the Body, so the Blood of Christ cleanseth us from the guilt and pollution of Sin. And there is no question but the Blood of Christ is the Fountain of all the grace and good communicated unto us, either in this or any other Sacrament or Mystery of the Gospel. But that this should be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Counterpart or thing figured by the Water in Baptism, I believe not; Because the Scripture, which must be our guide and direction in this case, makes it another thing, to wit, the Spirit or Holy Ghost; this to be that whereby the Soul is cleansed and renewed within, as the Body with Water is without. So saith our Saviour to Nicodemus, john 3. 5. Except a man he born of Water and the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. And the Apostle, in the words I have read, parallels the washing of regeneration and the renewing of the Holy Ghost, as Type and Counter-type: God (saith he) hath saved us (that is, brought us into the state of salvation,) by the washing of regeneration, and the renewing of the Holy Ghost; where none, I trow, will deny that he speaks of Baptism. The same was represented by that Vision at our Saviour's Baptism, of the Holy Ghost's descending upon him, as he came out of the water, in the similitude of a Dove: For I suppose that in that Baptism of his, the Mystery of all our Baptisms was visibly acted; 
Vid. Cons●tut. Apost. l. 2. cap. 36. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and that God says to every one truly baptised, as he said to him, (in a proportionable sense) Thou art my Son, in whom I am well pleased.  
And how pliable the Analogy of Water is to typify the Spirit, well appears by the figuring of the Spirit thereby in other places of Scripture. As in that of Esay, I will pour water upon him that is thirsty, 
Esay 44. 3.  and floods upon the day ground: I will pour my Spirit upon thy seed, and my blessing upon thine offspring; where the latter expounds for former. Also by the discourse of our Saviour with the Samaritan woman john 4. 14. Whosoever (saith he) drinketh of the water that I shall give him, shall never thirst; but the water that I shall give him shall be in him a Well of water springing up to everlasting life. By that also, john 7. 37. where on the last day of the great Feast jesus stood and said, If any man thirst, let him come unto me, and drink: He that believeth on me, as the Scripture saith, (that is, as the Scripture is wont to express it, for otherwise there is no such place of Scripture to be found in all the Bible,) out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water. But this (saith the Evangelist V. 39) he spoke of the Spirit, which they that believe on him should receive.  
Nor did the Fathers or ancient Church, as far as I can find, suppose any other Correlative to the Element in Baptism but this; of this they speak often, of the Blood of Christ they are altogether silent in their Explications of this Mystery. 
Titus 3. 5.  Many are the Allusions they seek out for the illustration thereof, and some perhaps forced; but this of the Water signifying, or having relation to, the Blood of Christ, never comes amongst them: which were impossible, if they had not supposed some other thing figured by the Water than it, which barred them from falling to that conceit.  
The like silence is to be observed in our Liturgy, where the Holy Ghost is more than once paralleled with the Water of Baptism, washing and regeneration attributed thereunto; but no such notion of the Blood of Christ. And that the opinion thereof is novel, may be gathered, because some Lutheran Divines make it peculiar and proper to the followers of Calvin.  
Whatsoever it be, it hath no foundation in Scripture: and we must not of our own heads assign significations to Sacramental types without some warrant thence. For whereas some conceive those two expressions of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or sprinkling of the blood of Christ, 
1 Pet. 1. 2. Apoc. 1. 5.  and of our being washed from our sins in (or by) his blood, do intimate some such matter; they are surely mistaken. For those expressions have reference not to the Water of Baptism in the New Testament, but to the rite and manner of sacrificing in the Old; where the Altar was wont to be sprinkled with the blood of the Sacrifices which are offered; and that which was unclean, purified with the same blood: whence is that elegant discourse of S. Paul (Heb. 9) comparing the Sacrifices of the Law with that of Christ upon the Cross as much the better. And that whereas in the Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Almost all things were purified with blood, V. 22. so much more the blood of Christ, who offered himself without spot to God, cleanseth our consciences from dead works, V. 14. But that this washing, that is, cleansing by the blood of Christ, should have reference to Baptism; where is that to be found? I suppose they will not allege the water and blood which came out of our Saviour's side, when they pierced him; for that is taken to signify the Two Sacraments ordained by Christ, that of Blood the Eucharist, of Water Baptism; and not both to be referred to Baptism. I add (because perhaps some means fancies are corrupted therewith,) that there was no such thing as sprinkling, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, used in Baptism in the Apostles times, nor many ages after them; and that therefore it is no way probable that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sprinkling of the Blood of Christ, in S. Peter, should have any reference to the Laver of Baptism.  
Let this then be our Conclusion; That the Blood of Christ concurs in the Mystery of Baptism by way of efficacy and merit, but not as the thing there figured; which the Scripture tells us not to be the Blood of Christ, but the Spirit.  
AND so I come to my other Quaere, From what property or use of Water, the washing therewith is a Sacrament of our new Birth: for so it is here called the washing of regeneration; and our Saviour says to Nicodemus, Except a man be born of Water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God. For in every Sacrament there is some analogy between what is outwardly done and what is thereby signified; therefore in this. But what should it be? It is a thing of some moment, and yet in the Tractates of this Mystery but little or seldom enquired after; and therefore deserves the more consideration. I answer, This analogy between the Washing with water and Regeneration lies in that custom of washing Infants from the pollutions of the womb when they are first born. For this is the first office done unto them when they come out of the womb, if they purpose to nourish and bring them up. As therefore in our natural birth the Body is washed with water from the pollutions wherewith it comes besmeared out of the matrix; so in our second birth from above, the Soul is purified by the Spirit from the guilt and pollution of sin, to begin a new life to God-ward.  
The analogy you see is apt and proper, if that be true of the custom, whereof there is no cause to make question. For the use at present, any man (I think) knows how to inform himself. For that of elder times, I can produce two pregnant and notable testimonies; one of the jews and people of God, another of the Gentiles. The first you shall find in the sixteenth Chapter of Ezekiel, where God describes the poor and forlorn condition of jerusalem when he first took her to himself, under the parable of an exposed Infant. 
Ezek. 16. 4, 5.  As for thy nativity saith he in the day thou wast born, thy navel was not cut, neither waist thou washed in water, to supple thee; thou wast not salted at all, nor swaddled at all; no eye pitied thee, none to do any of these things unto thee, to have compassion on thee; but thou wast cast out in the open field, to the loathing of thy person, in the day that thou wast born. Here you may learn what was wont to be done unto Infants at their nativity, by that which was not done to Israel, till God himself took pity on her; cutting off the navel-string, washing, salting, swaddling. Upon this place S. Hierome takes notice (but scarce any body else, for aught I can yet find) that our Saviour, when speaking of Baptism he says [Except a man be born of Water and the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God] alludes too the custom here mentioned of washing Infants at their nativity.  
The other Testimony (and that most pertinent to the application we make) I find in a story related by Plutarch in his Quaestiones Romanae, not far from the beginning, in this manner: Among the Greeks, if one that were living were reported to be dead, and funeral obsequies performed for him; if afterward he returned alive, he was of all men abominated as a profane and unlucky person; no man would come in his company, and (which was the highest degree of calamity) they excluded him from their Temples and the Sacrifices of their Gods. It chanced that one Aristinus being fallen into such a disaster, and not knowing which way to expiate himself therefrom, sent to the Oracle at Delphos, to Apollo, beseeching him to show him the means whereby he might be freed and discharged thereof: Pythia gave him this answer, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
What women do, when one in childbed lies,  
That do again, so mayst thou sacrifice.  Aristinus rightly apprehending what the Oracle meant, offered himself to women, as one newly brought forth, to be washed again with water. From which example it grew a custom among the Greeks, when the like misfortune befell any man, after this manner to expiate them. They called them Hysteropotmi, or Postliminio nati. How well doth this befit the Mystery of Baptism! where those who were dead to God through sin are, like Hysteropotmi, regenerate and born again by Water and the Holy Ghost.  
These two passages discover sufficiently the analogy of the washing with water in Baptism to Regeneration or New birth; according as the Text I have chosen for the scope of my Discourse expresseth it: namely, That washing with water is a Sign of spiritual Infancy, forasmuch as Infants are wont to be washed when they come first into the world.  
Hence the jews, before john the Baptist came amongst them, were wont by this rite to initiate such as they made Proselytes, (to wit,) as becoming Infants again, and entering into a new life and being, which before they had not. That which here I have affirmed will be yet more evident, if we consider those other rites anciently added and used in the celebration of this Mystery, which had the selfsame end we speak of, viz. to signify spiritual Infancy. I will name them, and so conclude. As That of giving the new-baptized milk and honey, ad Infantandum, as Tertullian speaks, ad infantiae significationem, so S. Hierome, because the like was used to Infants newborn; according to that in the 7. 
Esay 7. 14. 15.  of Esay, of Immanuel's infancy, A Virgin shall conceive and bear a son: Butter and honey shall he eat, that he may know to refuse evil and choose good. Secondly, That of salt, as is implied in that of Ezekiel, Thou wast not washed with water, nor salted with salt. Thirdly, That of putting on the white garment, to resemble swaddling. All these were anciently (especially the first) used in the Sacrament of our Spiritual birth, out of reference to that which was done to Infants at their Natural birth. Who then can doubt but the principal rite of washing with water (the only one ordained by our Blessed Saviour) was chosen for the same reason, to be the element of our initiation; and that those who brought in the other, did so conceive of this, and from thence derived those imitations?    

DISCOURSE XVIII.  

JOSHUA 24. 26.  And joshua took a great stone, and set it up there (viz. in Sichem) under the Oak which was in the Sanctuary of the Lord: Alii, by the Sanctuary. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
THE Story whereupon these Words depend is this: joshua a little before his death assembled all the Tribes of Israel at Shechem or Sichem, there to make a solemn Covenant between them and the Lord, To have him alone for their God, and to serve no other Gods besides him: Which they having solemnly promised to do, 
Vers. 2●.  saying, The Lord our God will we serve, and his voice will we obey; joshua for a testimony and monument of this their stipulation, erects in the place a great Stone or Pillar under an Oak, which was by (or, as the Hebrew hath it, in) the Sanctuary of the Lord. Of this Oak, or rather collectively Quercetum or Oaken-hold, of Sichem, is twice mention made elsewhere in Scripture. For this was the place where Abram first sat down, and where the Lord appearing unto him, he erected his first Altar in the Land of Canaan, after he came out of Haran thither, as we read Gen. 12. 6. in these words, And Abram passed through the Land unto the place of Sichem, unto the Oak or Oak-grove of Morch, where the Lord appeared unto him, saying, Unto thy seed will I give this Land: and there he builded an Altar unto the Lord who appeared unto him. And what place more fit for Abraham's posterity to renew a Covenant with their God, than that where their God first made his Covenant with Abraham their Father? Again, it was this place where, in the aftertimes of the Iudges● one hundred and seventy years after the death of joshua, the Sichemites made Abimelech, the base son of jerubbaal or Gideon, King, as we read judg. 9 6. that all the men of Sichem gathered together, and all the house of Millo, and went and made Abimelech King, by the Oak of the Pillar which was in Sichem. The words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, even the Oak where joshua (here in my Text) set up this great Stone for a witness to Israel. For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the other two places, signify one and the same thing, to wit, either an Oak, Terebinth, or some other kind of Tree; as the Seventy perpetually render them.  
Yea, that of judges must of necessity so be rendered, by comparing it with this of my Text, to which it hath reference. Nevertheless our last Translation in the first of these places, Gen. 12. concerning Abram, chose rather (I know not wherefore) to follow S. Hierome, who follows not himself, and translates it a Plain, not an Oak, to wit, the Plain of Morch? by which Translation the identity of that place with the other two, where it is translated Oak, is obscured and made the less observable. If there be any difference between the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it should rather be this, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should signify a Tree, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Grove, Holt or Wood of such Trees; as the Seventy in that place of the ninth of judges have expressly rendered it, namely, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Quercetum, Oak-toft or Holt of Sichem. And so, I believe, it ought to be understood in the other places, that is, to be taken collectively; of which we shall hear more hereafter.  
But this is no great matter of difficulty; that which follows is, namely, How this Oak, or Oaken-holt, of Sichem is said here in my Text to have been in (for the Hebrew is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) or by, the Sanctuary of the Lord. For how comes the Sanctuary of the Lord to be at Sichem, whenas the Tabernacle and the Ark of the Testimony were at Shiloh, there set up by joshua himself, and so remained (as the Scripture 
* judg. 18. ●0, 31.  elsewhere tells us) until the time of the Captivity of the Land? which without question was not till after joshua was dead and buried, 
1 Sam. 4.  and is usually understood of that time when the Ark was taken captive by the Philistines. And yet is not only here a Sanctuary mentioned at Sichem, but in the beginning of the Chapter, the Elders and Officers of the Tribes are said, upon Ioshua's summons, 
I●s. 24. ●.  to have presented themselves there before the Lord; which speech useth to imply as much.  
If we say the Ark of God was taken out of its place at Shiloh, and brought to Sichem by the Levites, 
jos. 24. 26.  upon occasion of this general Assembly; yet the difficulty will not be removed. For first, How could the Ark alone give denomination to the place where it stood, to be called the Sanctuary of the Lord; Or secondly, If the Altar were there with it, 
Deut. 16. 21, 22.  how was the Law of God observed, which saith, Thou shalt n●t plant a Grove of any trees (or any tree) near unto the Altar of the Lord thy God, which thou shalt make thee; Neither shalt thou set up a Pillar, which the Lord thy God hateth: whenas here are both, an Oak or Quercetum in the Sanctuary of God, and a Pillar or Statue erected under it? Thirdly, This Sanctuary, whatsoever it was, must be something which had a constant and fixed station, and was not temporary and mutable; and that, because the Oak, under which this Pillar was erected by joshua, is here designed and pointed out by it as by a constant and standing mark: else to what purpose had it been to sign out the Oak by it, if it were such as would be here to day and not to morrow?  
For these reasons it appears that this Sanctuary could not be the Tabernacle where the Ark and Altar for Israel were, but that it was something else: And what that should be, is to be enquired.  
I answer, It was a Proseucha or praying-place, which the Israelites (at least those of Ephraim, in whose lot it was) after the Country was subdued unto them, had erected in that very place at Sichem where God first appeared to Abram, and where he built his first Altar after he was come into the Land of Canaan; the place where God said unto him, Unto thy seed will I give this Land.  
For the understanding whereof, you must take notice, that the jews besides their Tabernacle or Temple, which was the only place for Sacrifice, had (first or last) two sorts of Places for religious duties; the one callet Proseuchae, the other Synagogues. The difference between which was this: Proseucha was a plot of ground encompassed with a wall or some other like mound or enclosure, and open above; much like to our Courts: the use properly for Prayer, as the name Proseucha importeth: A Synagogue was aedificium tectum, a covered edifice, as our Houses and Churches are, where the Law and Prophets were read and expounded, and the people instructed in divine matters; according to that Acts 15. 21. Moses of old time hath in every City them that preach him, being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath-day. From whence also you may gather, that Synagogues were within the Cities, as Proseucha's were without; which was another difference between them, as you shall hear confirmed.  
That Proseucha's were such places as I have described them to be, I prove out of a notable place of Epiphanius, a jew bred and born in Palestine; who in his Tract against the Massalian Heretics, after he hath told us that the Massaliani built themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. certain houses or large places, like the ancients places of market, which they called Proseuchae; he goes on thus, And that the jews of old (as also the Samaritans) had certain places without the Cities for prayer, which they called Proseucha's, appears out of the acts of the Apostles, where Lydia a seller of purple is said to have met with the Apostle Paul, and to have heard him preaching in that place, of which the Scripture saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
A●● 1●. 13. , it seemed to be a place of prayer, (of which I shall say more anon:) He goes on still, There is also at Sichem (saith he) which is now called Neapolis, above a mile without the City a Proseucha or place of prayer, like a Theatre, which was built in the open air, and without a roof, by the Samaritans, who affected to imitate the jews in all things. Out of these words you may collect every part of my Description. First, That Proseuchae were out of the Cities in the fields. Secondly, that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, like the Ancients Fora or places of market, 
〈…〉 hath a few lines after of the Sa●aniani; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, under the open air, and without roof, such as the Courts of the Temple also were, whither the people came to pray; so that they were as it were a kind of disjoined and remoter Courts unto the Temple, whither they turned themselves when they prayed in them. Thirdly, That they were ordained for places of Prayer. All these are in this passage of Epiphanius; and moreover, that such a one was in his time remaining at Sichem, the place my Text speaks of, there erected by the Samaritans, in that, as in all things else, imitators of the jews. What better Testimony could be desired?  
These Proseucha's of the jews, both name and thing, were not unknown to the Poet juvenal; when describing in his third Satire in what manner proud and insolent fellows in the City of Rome used, in their drunken humours, to abuse and quarrel with those they met in the streets in the nighttime, whom they took to be of mean condition, he brings them in speaking thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ede ubi consistas; in quâ te quaero Proseuchâ? Where dwell you? in what Proseucha should I seek or inquire for you? intimating that he was some poor fellow, either that dwelled in an house that could not keep out wind and weather, but was like a jew's Proseucha, all open above; or he alludes to the banishment of the jews out of Rome by Domitian, in his own time, and then fresh, as who had no where else to bestow themselves but in their Proseucha's out of the City; or who used to assemble in the Proseucha's. According to some of these senses is juvenal to be understood.  
For that the jews had Proseucha's about the City of Rome, appears by Philo judaeus in his Delegatione ad Caium, where commending the ●lemency and moderation of Augustus Caesar, he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That he knew the jews of Rome had their Proseucha's, and that they used to assemble in them, especially on the Sabbath-days; and yet never molested them, as Caius did. 
Vide de V●●● Mos●s, l●b. 〈◊〉  The same Philo mentioneth Proseucha's elsewhere; though it be not to be dissembled, that he seems to comprehend Synagogues also properly so called under that name, as being better known to the Gentiles, who called both by that name. josephus in his Life tells us of a Proseucha at Tiberias in Galilee, in these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, On the next day, which was the Sabbath-day, the whole people were gathered together in the Proseucha; which is (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a large edifice, fit to receive a great multitude. He afterward tells us of a public fast and supplication appointed to be had the Monday following in the Proseucha, whither himself and others assembled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. to perform their devotions.  
In the New Testament the name of Synagogue is frequent, but that of Proseucha seldom; whence may be conjectured that both are comprehended under that name, as in Philo both are termed Proseuchae. Yet once or twice, as learned Interpreters think, we read of Proseucha's in the New Testament. As namely, Acts 16. 13. (which Epiphanius even now alleged to that purpose) where S. Luke tells us, that S. Paul being come to Philippi in Macedonia on the Sabbath-day, they went out of the City to a river side, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where there was taken to be a Proseucha, or where was famed to be a Proseucha; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, will bear both. The Syriack hath, Quia ibi conspiciebatur Domus orationis; the Arabic, Locus orati●nis. For if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were taken here for Prayer itself, as if the sense were, where Prayer was used to be made, it should rather have been said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Yet, if it were so taken, it would still argue no less than that there was here an appointed place for Prayer, and that out of the City; which is all one as to say, there was a Proseucha. So I take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the 16. verse of the same Chapter, where it is said, It came to pass, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we went to the Proseucha; especially since we read not in the Text that S. Paul went thither to pray, but to preach, where he deemed there was an assembly that day according to custom: And we sat down, (saith S. Luke) and spoke unto the women which were come together there.  
A second place where a Proseucha is mentioned in the New Testament, may be that Luke 6. 12. where it is said, that our Saviour went out into a Mountain to pray, and continued all night, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Proseuchâ Dei, in an Oratory or Prayer-house of God; so Drusius thinks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here to be taken, for a place, and the Article helps the sense: Otherwise it seems an odd and unaccustomed expression for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to mean in Prayer made unto God. And why should it not be as likely that our Saviour might sometimes pray in their Proseucha's, as teach in their Synagogues.  
Thus we have seen the Testimonies for Proseucha's, their use, and difference from Synagogues. Now for Synagogues, the common opinion is, that they were not before the Captivity of Babylon; and that Necessity first taught the jews the use of them in that Captivity, which afterward they brought with them at their return into their own Country. The reason why men so think is, I suppose, the absolute silence of them in Scripture until the time of the second Temple. But though the name were not, it is possible the thing might be. Howsoever, because it is most received, that they were not, we will let it pass for current. But as for Proseucha's, such as we have described them, none, that I know, have affirmed or determined aught of their antiquity; it may be, not taken it into consideration, either because they had no occasion to think of any such matter, or because they confounded them altogether with Synagogues.  
The matter therefore being yet free and undecided, I will make bold to affirm, That if Synagogues were not, yet Proseucha's, that is, open places for Prayer, were a long time before the Captivity, yea even from the days of joshua the son of Nun: And though the jews had, or were to have, but one Altar or place of Sacrifice, that namely which the Lord should choose to place the Ark of his Covenant there, the Tabernacle or Temple; yet had they other places for devotion and religious use.  
And that this Sanctuary of God, here mentioned in my Text, at Sichem (which was a Levitical City) was such a one, my reasons are these. First, Because it is incredible, that the Israelites having but one Temple for the whole Nation, whereat they were bound to appear, and those the males only, but thrice a year, should have no other Places of Prayer nearer their dwellings whither they might resort on Sabbath-days; the Temple or Tabernacle being from some of them above an hundred miles distant at the least. Secondly, Because (as I have already showed) this Sanctuary at Sichem could not be the Tabernacle (which was then at Shiloh, not at Sichem) and yet must have some stable and fixed place, because the situation of the Oak is designed by it: yea must have been still there, when this story of joshua was written; which is thought to have been long after his death: surely this Chapter was written after it, where both his death and burial are recorded. Wherefore to say the Ark was brought thither upon this occasion, will not serve turn. Thirdly, This place should be a Proseucha, because of that circumstance of Trees growing in it; which, as it proves it not to have been the Tabernacle, (where no such thing was lawful to be) so seems it to be a Characteristical note of a Proseucha.  
For though it were not lawful to have Trees near the Altar of God, that is, in or about the Court of the Tabernacle; yet was it not so with Proseucha's, yea they seem to have been ordinarily garnished and beset with them. This may be gathered from a passage of Philo judaeus, where relating the barbarous outrage of the Gentiles at Alexandria against the jews there dwelling, in the time of Gaius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Of some of the Proseucha's they cut down the Trees, others they demolished to the very Foundations. Mark here, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, They dis-treeed the Proseucha's.  
The same is implied by that of the Poet, speaking of a jewish Wizard or Fortune-teller,— conducta sub arbore conjux. And juvenal in his sixth satire, 
Arcanum judaea tremens mendicat in aurem,  
Interpres legum Solymarum, magna sacerdos  
Arboris, ac summi fida internuncia coeli.  Interpres legum Solymarum, that is, of Moses Laws; magna sacerdos Arboris, because of the Trees in their Proseucha's or Places of worship. The same appears also out of those Verses of his third satire, complaining that the once sacred Grove of Fons Capenus, where Numa used to meet with the Goddess AEgeria, was then let out to the beggarly jews for a Proseucha, and that every Tree (such were the times) must pay rend to the people; by which means the Woods, which formerly had been the habitation of the Muses, were become dens for beggarly jews to mutter their Orisons in. Hear his words: 
Hic ubi nocturnae Numa constituebat amicae,  
Nunc sacri Fontis nemus & delubra locantur  
Iudaeis; quorum cophinus foenumque supellex.  
Omnis enim populo mercedem pendere jussaest  
Arbour, & ejectis mendicat sylva Camoenis.  Whence comes this connexion between jews and 
a Ps●l. 52. 8. I am like a gr●●n olive-tree in the House of God. Is not House of God here a Proseucha?  Trees, but from their having Trees in their Proseucha's? unto which their situation without the Cities conduced; as also it did for privacy and retirement.  
Thus you see how well the description and mark of a Proseucha agrees to this Sanctuary in my Text. And that the jews had many other such in other places, as well as at Sichem, even in those elder times, as at 
b Which seems to be the reason why these three places are called by the LXX. 1 Sam. 7. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sanctified places, though in the Original there be no such thing. 'Tis worth the observing.  Mispeh, Bethel, and Gilgal, I make little doubt; which we read to have been places of Assembly of the people, and the two last sanctified of old by Divine apparition, as Sichem was. Of Mispah the Author of the first of Maccabees, chap. 3. vers. 46. if I understand him, testifieth as much, when he tells us, that whilst the holy City lay desolate, and the Sanctuary was trodden down by the tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes; judas Maccabaeus, and those of the people which adhered unto their God, assembled together at M●spha, to make there their supplications unto their God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because at Maspha, or Mispah, had been a place of prayer in former time for Israel; as much as to say, there had been a Proseucha of old. And do we not read in that story of the Benjamitical war in the Book of judges, that the Tabernacle being at Shiloh, (as appears by the last Chapter) yet (in the Chapter going before) it is said, that the whole Congregation of Israel was gathered together, as one man, unto the Lord in Mispah; 
Chap. 2●. 〈◊〉.  and that in vers. 26. is mention made of an House of God there, where the people prayed and fasted? True, it is said the Ark of the Covenant was upon that extraordinary occasion brought thither; but it being certain, out of the next Chapter, that the Tabernacle was still at Shiloh, this House of God could be none of it. Nay, perhaps, we may hence learn, that when the Ark upon occasion of such a general and extraordinary assembly was to be removed, they used to bring it to such places as these, which were as holy Courts ready prepared for it; and that then it was lawful, but not else, to sacrifice in them.  
Of these Courts for prayer we may understand that also in Psalm 74. 7. They have cast Fire into thy Sanctuary, they have burnt up all the Conventicula Dei in the Land, namely, in the captivity by Nabuchadnezzar, who destroyed both their Temple and their Proseucha's. For we understand it of the persecution of Antiochus, as some do; it must then follow, that some Canonical Scripture was written after Malachi and the ceasing of Prophecy, that is, in the time of the Maccabees; which will not easily be granted: Besides that we read not that Antiochus cast any fire into the Temple. Now if it speak of the vastation by Nabuchadnezzar, then had the jews before that time, not only a Sanctuary for sacrifice, but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Conventicula Dei, that is, either Proseucha's, or Synagogues; for either will serve my purpose.  
But now you will say, What profit is there of this long Discourse? were it so, or were it not so, as I have endeavoured to prove, of what use is the knowledge thereof to us? Yes, to know it was so, is useful in a threefold respect.  
First, for the right understanding of such places of the Old Testament, where a House of God and Assembling before the Lord are often mentioned there, where neither the Ark of the Covenant, nor the Tabernacle at such time were: as (besides the places before alleged) we read in 1 Sam. 10. 3. of Saul's meeting with three men going up to God to Bethel, and in verse 5. of a place called The Hill of God, whence a company of Prophets came from the high place there, prophesying with a Tabret, Pipe, and Harp before them: in neither of which places can we find that ever the Tabernacle was. And as for the Ark, we are sure it was all this time at Kiriath-jearim, till David solemnly fetched it thence: and if at any time the Ark might (as now it was not) be transferred to any of them upon occasion of some general Assembly of the Nation, that so they might have opportunity to ask counsel of the Lord, and offer Sacrifice; yet were they not the ordinary station thereof.  
Secondly, we may learn from hence, That to have appropriate places set apart for Prayer and Divine duties, is not a Circumstance or Rite proper to Legal worship only, but of a more common nature: For as much as though Sacrifices, wherein the Legal worship (or worship of the old Covenant) consisted, were restrained to the Ark and Tabernacle, and might not be exercised where they were not; yet were there other places for Prayer besides that; which are no more to be accounted Legal places, than bare and simple Prayer was a Legal duty.  
Lastly, we may gather from this Description of Proseucha's, which were as Courts encompassed only with a wall or other like enclosure, and open above, in what manner to conceive of the accommodation of those Altars we read to have been erected by the Patriarches, Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, in the Book of Genesis; namely, That the ground whereon they stood, was fenced and bounded with some such enclosure, and shaded with Trees, after the manner of Proseucha's; as we may read expressly of one of them at Beersheba, That Abraham there planted a Grove, and called upon the Name of the Lord, the everlasting God. 
Gen. 21. ●3.  Yea, when the Tabernacle and Temple were, the Altar of God stood still in an open Court; and who can believe that the place of those Altars of the Patriarches was not bounded and separated from common ground? And from these patterns in likelihood, after the Altar for Sacrifice was restrained to one only place, was continued still the use of such open places or Courts for Prayer, garnished with Trees, as I have showed Proseucha's to have been.    

DISCOURSE XIX.  

1 TIM. 5. 17.  Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double Honour; especially they that labour in the Word and Doctrine. 
THERE are two things in these words to be explicated: First, What is meant here by Elders; Secondly, What is this double Honour due unto them. For the first, Who are meant by Elders, there is no question but the Priests or Ministers of the Gospel of Christ were contained under this name: for so the New Testament useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbyter for the Ministers of the Word and Sacraments in the Gospel; whence cometh the Saxon word Priester, and our now English word Priest. And the Ancient Fathers thought these only to be here meant, and never dreamt of any others. But in our time those who obtrude a new Discipline and Government upon the Church, altogether unknown and unheard of in the ancient, will needs have two sorts of Elders or Presbyters here understood: one of such as preach the Word and Doctrine, whom they call Pastors; another of Laymen, who were neither Priests nor Deacons, but joined as Assistants to them in the exercise of Ecclesiastical Discipline, in admonitions and censures of manners, and (in a word) in the execution of the whole power of the Keys.  
These our Churchmen call Lay-Elders, and the Authors of this new device, Presbyterians. These Presbyters or Elders they will have meant in the first words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Elders that rule, or govern, well, whom therefore they call Ruling Elders; the other whom they call Pastors, to be described in the latter words, they who labour in the Word and Doctrine, whom therefore they distinguish by the name of Teaching Elders.  
This is their Exposition, and this Exposition the ground and foundation of their new Discipline: but none of the Fathers which have commented upon this Place, neither chrysostom, Hierome, Ambrose, Theodoret, Primasius, Oecumenius, or Theophylact, (as they had no such, so) ever thought of any such Lay-Elders to be here meant, but Priests only, which administered the Word and Sacraments.  
But how (will you say then) is this Place to be understood, which may seem, as they allege, to intimate two sorts of Elders, some that ruled only, others that laboured also in the Word and Doctrine? The Divines of our Church, who had cause, when time was, to be better versed in this question than any others, have given divers Expositions of these words; none of which give place to any such newfound Elders as these Fautors of the Presbyterian Discipline, upon the sole Authority of this one place, have set up in divers foreign Churches, and would have brought into ours. I will relate Four of the chief of these Expositions, to which the rest are reducible.  
The First is grounded upon the use of the Participle in the Greek tongue, which is often wont to note the reason or condition of a thing, and accordingly to be resolved by a causal or conditional Conjunction. According whereunto this Text [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, duplici honore digni habeantur (or dignentur,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] is to be resolved thus; Elders or Presbyters that rule or govern their Flocks well, let them be accounted worthy of double honour, and that chiefly in respect or because of their labour in the Word and Doctrine. And so this manner of speech will imply two duties, but not two sorts or Orders of Elders; and that though this double Honour be due unto them for both, yet chiefly and more principally for the second, their labour in the Word and Doctrine. And this way goes S. chrysostom and other Greek Writers.  
A Second Exposition is taken from the force and signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies not simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to labour, but to labour with much travel and toil; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vexor, laboribus & molestiis premor, and so properly signifies molestiam & fatigationem ex labour, wearisome and painful labour. Thus the meaning will be, Let Elders that do been praesidere, that is, govern and instruct their Flock well, 
1 Tim. 5. 17.  be counted worthy of double Honour; especially such of them as take more than ordinary pains in the Word and Doctrine. Or thus; Let the Elders that discharge their office well, be, etc. especially by how much the more their painfulness and travel shall exceed in preaching the Word and Doctrine, etc.  
Thus we have seen two Expositions of these words, neither of them implying two sorts or Orders of Presbyters, but only distinguishing several offices and duties of the same Order, or implying a differing merit in the discharge of them. But if they will by no means be persuaded but that two sorts of Elders are here intimated, let it be so; two other Expositions will yield them it: but so as will not be for their turn; for their Lay-Elders will be none of them.  
The first is this, That the Apostle should speak here of Priests and Deacons, considering both as Members of the Ecclesiastical Consistory or Senate, which consisted of both Orders, and in that respect might well include them both under the name of Elders; it being a common notion in Scripture to call the Associates of a Court of judicature by that name: Senatus in Latin hath its name à senibus, i. senioribus, of Eldership, and is as much to say as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. According to this supposal the Apostle's words may have this construction; Let the Elders which rule well, whether Priests or Deacons, be counted worthy of double Honour, but more especially the Priests, who, besides their government, labour also in the Word and Doctrine. Now what can be opposed against such an Exposition, I see not. For it is not improbable but the Apostle should make provision as well for the maintenance of Deacons as of Priests, seeing he omits it not of Widows in the verse going next before this. But unless he includes them under the name of Elders, he makes no provision for them at all. Besides, this is not the only place (some think) where Deacons are comprehended under the name of Elders: For the Council of Jerusalem, Acts 15. 23. where they inscribe their Synodical Epistle thus, The Apostles, and Elders, and Brethren, to the Brethren which are of the Gentiles in Antioch, etc. may seem to comprehend the Deacons under the name of Elders or Presbyters; otherwise they should omit them, which without doubt were part of the Council.  
There is another Exposition which allows also of two sorts of Elders to be here implied, but makes them both Priests; namely, That Presbyters or Priests in the Apostle's time were of two sorts: One of Residentiaries and such as were affixed to certain Churches, and so did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, praesidere Gregi, govern and instruct their Flock; Another of such as had no fixed station, or charge over any certain place, but traveled up and down to preach the Gospel where it was not, or to confirm the Churches where it was already preached; such, namely, as are elsewhere known by the names of Evangelists and Doctors or Prophets: That these were those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that laboured in the Word and Doctrine, spoken of here by the Apostle: That both these sorts of Presbyters were to be counted worthy of double Honour, as well 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those that ruled well, as those that traveled up and down to preach the Gospel, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but especially these latter, because their pains were more than the others. This is confirmed from the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which in Scripture signifies not only corporal labour, as may appear in many places, but seems to be used by S. Paul even in this very sense we have now given; as 1 Cor. 15. 10. where he says, comparing himself with the other Apostles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I have traveled up and down more than they all, as is manifest he did.  
These are the principal Expositions given by the Writers of our Church, upon this passage of Scripture which is the foundation and only place whereon they build this new Consistory, and are so much in love with it. But this being capable, as you see, of such variety of Exposition, how much too weak and insufficient it is to establish any such new Order of Elders, never heard of in the Church from the times of the Apostles until this last age, any man may judge.  
But give me leave to propound a Fifth Exposition, which shall be more liberal to them than any of those yet given: For it shall yield them all they so eagerly contend for to be implied in this Text, namely, That there are not only two sorts of Elders here implied; but also that the one of them are Lay-Elders, such as have nothing to do with the administration of the Word and Sacraments. What would they have more? Yet they will be never the nearer for this concession. For the Lay-Elders we grant here to be implied, may be no Church-Officers, but the Civil Magistrates, which in Scripture-language we know are called Elders: as when we read of the Elders of Israel, of the Elders of judah, of the Elders of the Priests, and Elders of the People, of Priests and Elders, and the like. According to such a notion the words may be construed by way of Transit us à thest ad hypothesin, as Rhetoricians call it, to wit, in this manner; Cum omnes Seniores, sive Reipublicae sive Ecclesiae, or, Cum omnes Seniores, etiam Reipublicae (i. Civiles) qui bene president, duplici honore dignandi sunt, tum maximè Seniores Ecclesiastici, qui laborant in verbo & Doctrina; As all Elders, whether of the Commonwealth, or of the Church, that rule well, are to be accounted worthy of double Honour; so especially the Elders of the Church, that labour in the Word and Doctrine: or thus, Let all Elders that govern well, of what sort soever, be counted worthy of double Honour, especially the Elders of the Church which labour in the Word and Doctrine. Is not this good sen●e? and doth not the Apostle in the beginning of this very Chapter use the name Elder in the larger and more general sense, when he says, Rebuke not an Elder, but exhort him as a Father, and the younger men as Brethren; the Elder women as Mothers, the younger as Sisters? why may he not then do so here? And doth not S. james in his last Chapter v. 14. call the Ministers of the Word and Sacraments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders of the Church, as it were in distinction from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Elders of the Commonwealth?  
But it will be objected that this Exposition is too ambitious, because it makes the Apostle to prefer the Elders of the Church before the Elders of the Commonwealth, that is, the Priest before the Civil Magistrate, when he says, that as all Elders, whether of Church or Commonwealth, are to be accounted worthy of double Honour, so especially those Elders which labour in the Word and Doctrine; which are the Presbyters of the Church. But here know that the name of Elder is never given in Scripture to the Supreme Magistrate, but to the Subordinate only; and why the Ministers of the Word and Doctrine should not be accounted as worthy of double Honour as they, or more worthy, I know not; especially if S. Paul here says it. Sure I am, this Objection is not sufficient to refute my Interpretation.  
Thus I thought good to acquaint you how many ways this place may be expounded, without importing any such new Elders, (neither Priests nor Deacons) as they would impose upon us for Church-Officers by the sole authority thereof. For though this Disciplinarian controversy of our Church, stirred up by the admirers of the Genevian platform, were in the heat before our time; yet the Sect is not yet dead, but ready upon every occasion to surprise such as they find unarmed or not forewarned.  
AND thus having informed ourselves who they are which are here termed Elders, come we now to see also, What is that Honour which is due unto them; which was the Second thing I propounded: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Let them be accounted (saith the Apostle,) worthy of, or Let them be deigned, double Honour. That by Honour here is meant honorarium stipendium or a tribute of maintenance, is manifest by the following words which the Apostle brings to enforce it: For the Scripture saith, Thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the Ox that treadeth out the corn; and, The labourer is worthy of his hire. Who sees not what these proofs infer? The first of them he alleges also in the same argument, 1 Cor. 9 9 where he adds, Doth God take care for Oxen? V. 10. Or saith he it altogether for our sakes? (ours namely who preach the Gospel,) For our sakes, no doubt, this is written: that he which plougheth, should plough in hope; and he that thresheth in hope, should be partaker of his hope. The case is plain; 'Tis an Hebrew notion, To bring honour, that is, To pay tribute, or bring a present: as Apocal. 21. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, They shall bring the glory and honour of the nations into it, to wit, the new jerusalem. And thus much of the word Honour.  
But what is meant by double Honour? Some (as among the Fathers S. Ambrose) will have this double Honour to be Honour of Maintenance, and Honour of Reverence: But because the Apostle's proofs here infer only Maintenance, I take it to be meant in this place only of it. And as for double, there seems to be an allusion to the right of the Firstborn, to whom at first the office of Priesthood belonged in their Families, and into whose room the Levites were taken, and whom the Presbyters of the Gospel now succeed: As therefore they had a double portion among their Brethren; in like manner should the Presbyters of the Gospel be counted worthy of double Honour.  
And if you will admit of that construction of these words which I gave in the Fifth place, namely, to comprehend as well the Elders of the Commonwealth as the Elders of the Church. (That both were to be accounted worthy of double Honour, but especially those of the Church who labour in the Word and Doctrine,) it will agree yet far better; because both the one and the other succeed in the place of the Firstborn, to whom belonged both to be Priests and Civil Governors in their Tribes and Families.  
Yet howsoever the ancient Christians were wont in their Agapes or Love-Feasts to give their Presbyters a double portion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with some reference to this Text, as appears by Tertullian: nevertheless, I think double Honour is not here to be so precisely taken, but only to note a liberal and ingenuous maintenance, such as might set them above the vulgar; as the Firstborn by their double portion were preferred above the rest of their Brethren.  
But I have not yet done with the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For from this that the Apostle here styleth the Priest's maintenance Honour, it followeth, That the Priest's maintenance is not to be esteemed of the nature of Alms, as some would have it; but is a Tribute of Honour, such as is given by an inferior to his Superior. For Alms and Honour Nec bene conveniunt, nec in nna sede morantur, the one respecting those to whom it is given, as miserable; the other, as honourable: I mean, if Alms be taken, as we use the word, for a work of mercy. From the same ground also it follows that the Priest's maintenance is no ordinary mercenary wages, but such as is given by way of Honour, as well as of Reward. For such as is given to ordinary workmen is Reward and Wages only, and not a Testimony or Tribute of Honour: But that which is due to the Priest, as you see, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● Honour, namely, of the same nature with that which is given to Princes and Magistrates by those which are under them. For as the Ministers of the Gospel are in the nature of Presbyters or Elders unto the people over whom they are set; so is their maintenance from them such as is suitable to the condition and Dignity of an Elder; that is to say, not a common Wages, which the Superior often gives to his inferior or servant, but Honorarium or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Honour.  
AND thus I have done with the Explication of my Text: The Application whereof shall be according to the 
* Viz. The Commemoration of the College— Benefactors.  present Occasion which this Day requires at our hands. You see by the Discourse we have made, and the Text expounded unto you, That to give maintenance to the Ministers of the Gospel is a duty commanded by God, and therefore a work acceptable unto him; And so consequently and à pari, to endow Seminaries and make provision for the training up of such as are destined to that Office. For so in the Old Testament, not only the Levites who ministered were partakers of the Tithes, but their Children also who were brought up thereto. Now if any people in the world have cause to bless God for Examples of such Piety, we have; whose two Universities, for the goodly structures of Colleges, liberal and rich endowments, have no parallel in the Christian world. It is the confession of a Foreiner, a man of fame and note in his time, Unum ipsorum Collegium superat vel decem nostra, nec credo simile aliquid in toto terrarum orbe aut esse aut fuisse. As therefore they have honoured us (for so, you see, the Apostle calleth such Bounty) so are we bound (next after our thankfulness to Almighty God) to honour them. The first and chiefest part whereof is, to use their Bounty according to their pious intendments, and to approve ourselves worthy to partake thereof; than which no greater honour can be done them: But this concerneth us at all times. The next is, to remember them all with their due praise and honour; which is our duty at this time.    

DISCOURSE XX.  

ACTS 2. 5.  And there were [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] sojourning at jerusalem jews, devout men, out of every Nation under Heaven. 
AT the Feast of Pentecost, when that wonder happened of the Holy Ghost's descent upon the Apostles in the likeness of Fiery tongues, there were present at jerusalem (as the story a little after my Text informs us) men of several Nations, as Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, 
Verse 9, 10, 11.  and dwellers in Mesopotamia, judaea and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt and the parts of Lybia about Cyrene, and strangers of Rome, (or stranger-Romans) both jews and Proselytes, Cretes and Arabians. All these, upon the noise of this strange accident, came together unto the place, and were confounded, hearing them every man speaking in his own language wherein he was born.  
Many, when they read this story, suppose the people here mentioned, the most of them, to have been Gentiles; and some Expositors cannot be excused from this mistake. For the more clear discerning whereof, and their better information who may perhaps be overtaken with the same error, I have made choice of the words before read for the argument of my present Discourse; which tells us in express terms, That these Parthians, Medes and Elamites, these Mesopotamians, Cappadocians, and the rest after mentioned under those National names, were Israelites or jews of the dispersion, jews born in Parthia and Media, jews of Elam or Persia, Mesopotamian jews, and so the rest of the Countries there named; all of them of the Circumcision: For so saith my Text beginning to speak of them, There were sojourning, or (if you will) dwelling, at jerusalem, jews of every Nation under Heaven, that is, of every Nation where the jews were dispersed.  
This is yet further confirmed by S. Peter's speech unto them; as when having cited the words of the Prophet joel, verse the 22. he saith unto them, Ye men of Israel, hear these words: jesus of Nazareth, a man approved of God among you, etc. v. 23. Him being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God, ye have taken, and by wicked hands have crucified and slain. Men of Israel, and such as had slain their Messias; surely those were no Gentiles.  
Likewise when at the hearing of this they were pricked in their hearts, he saith unto them, 
Verse 37.  Repeut, and be Baptised every one of you in the Name of jesus Christ, for the remission of sins. 
Verse 38.  For the Promise is made unto you and your Children, and to all that are afar off, 
Verse 39  even as many as the Lord shall call. The Promise, saith he, is made unto you and your children; were these then any others than jews or Israelites, of the seed of Abraham?  
Lastly, we find that of these Parthians, Medes and Elamites, and of the rest named with them, 
Verse 41.  there were added unto the Church by this Sermon of S. Peter three thousand souls: But it is certain that Cornelius the Centurion was the first Gentile that was converted unto the Faith: Therefore these first converts were no Gentiles. Perhaps you will say, They were Proselytes of these several Nations, and therefore called jews. I say, Not so neither; because Proselytes are by name rehearsed among them, when it is said of those Roman advenae, (verse the tenth) that they were jews and Proselytes; Ergo, the rest were jews by race, and not by Religion only. But what need I to have heaped together all these proofs, when my Text alone is sufficient to evince it?  
I come now therefore to a more particular illustration thereof, according to what I have thus in general premised. And first, for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which I translate sojourning, rather than dwelling, (for so I understand it, that they were not proper dwellers, but such as came to worship at jerusalem from those far Countries at the Feasts of the Passeover and Pentecost, and so had been continuing there some good time;) 'Tis true, that in the usual Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify a durable mansion: 
Acts 2. 5.  but with the Hellenists, in whose Dialect the Scripture speaketh, they are indifferently used for a stay of a shorter or a longer time, that is, for to sojourn, as well as to dwell; as these two examples out of the Septuagint will make manifest. One in Genes. 27. 44. where Rebecca says to her younger son jacob, Son, arise, and flee unto Laban my brother to Haran, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and tarry with him a few days, until thy brother's fury turn away: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here to tarry but a few days. Another is in 1 Kings 17. 20. where Elijah cries unto the Lord, saying, O Lord my God, hast thou also brought evil upon the widow, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with whom I sojourn, by slaying her son? here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to sojourn only. In a word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answer to the Hebrew verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies any stay or remaining in a place.  
Next for the persons here specified, jews out of every Nation under Heaven; for the right understanding thereof we are to know, That before this last Dispersion of the jews by the Romans, after their Temple and City were destroyed by Titus (which at the time of this story was not, nor many years after it,) there had been already two Captivities and great Dispersions of that Nation, besides some smaller scatter. The first was of the Ten Tribes, by Salmanasser King of Assyria, who is said to have planted them in Halah and Habor, 
2 King. 17. 6. & 18. 11.  by the river of Gozan, and in the Cities of the Medes; and these never (I mean any considerable part of them) returned to dwell again in their own Country: of these therefore (at least chiefly) we are to understand those to have been which the story here calls Parthians, Medes and Elamites; Elamites, that is, Persians, of the Province Elymais. For in those Countries which these names comprehend were the Ten Tribes placed by the Assyrian, and there still dwelled and thereabouts in our Saviour and his Apostles time, and long after. S. Hierome upon those words joel 3. 6. The children of judah and the children of jerusalem have ye sold unto the Grecians, (which he understands of the Captivity by Vespasian and Titus) tells us thus much; Filii (saith he) juda & jerusalem, nequaquam Israel & decem Tribuum, quae usque hodie in Medorum urbibus & montibus habitant; The children of judah and jerusalem, not of Israel and the Ten Tribes, which even to this day have their habitation in the Cities and Mountains of the Medes. The second Captivity was by Nabuchadnezzar King of Babylon, of the Two Tribes, judah and Benjamin, more than a hundred years after that of the Ten. Now a good part of these at seventy years' end returned again, under Cyrus and his Successors, to dwell again in their own Land, re-edified the Temple and City of jerusalem, and re-erected their Commonwealth, which continued till our Saviour's time and a little after. Notwithstanding all those that were Captives in Babylon returned not; no, it may be not much more than the half of them; certain it is, that a great number of them stayed there still, those especially which were rich and well accommodated, having no mind to stir: whence in our Saviour's and the Apostles times there were an innumerable company of them in those parts, where they flourished with Academies and Schools, and had Doctors not inferior to those of jerusalem itself. Yea from them proceeded the Chaldee Paraphrase, and that great Doctor and Patriarch of Rabbis, R. Hillel. Of these therefore we have reason to think were those which are here enumerated by the name of Dwellers in Mesopotamia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where note by the way, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are comprehended in the number of those whom my Text saith were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which confirms my interpretation, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there signifies sojourning, and not dwelling, for that they could not be said to dwell in both places.  
These two Dispersions beyond the River Euphrates, how numerous they were in our Saviour's and the Apostles times, we may gather from those words of King Agrippa, in josephus, 
De bello jud. l. 2. c. 16. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in that Oration he made unto the jews before that fatal siege, dissuading them from rebelling against the Romans, their party being too much too weak to maintain themselves against that mighty Empire. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. What associates (saith he) will you have from some Country not inhabited, to aid you against the Romans? For all those that at this day dwell in any part of this world that is inhabited, are Romans. Except some of you hope for help from beyond Euphrates, thinking that your Countrymen in 
* Adiabene is a part of Assyria.  Adiabene will help you. He goes on, But they are more wise than to engage themselves rashly in so dangerous a war: Nor would the Parthians suffer it, if they should be so unwise as to appear in such a quarrel. Mark then, that they were under the dominion of the Parthians. josephus himself testifieth as much in his Prologue to his De Bello judaico; where he informs us, that that History of his he had first penned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his own Country language, for the use of those of his Nation in the East: which he thought good also to publish in Greek, for the better information of the Greeks and Romans concerning the true gests of that war. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. For I could not (saith he) but judge it to be very unbecoming, and no way commendable, for me to take all that pains only for the Parthians, Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, as also those of our Nation inhabiting beyond Euphrates, together with those of Adiabene; that these through my writings should be made acquainted with the true account of both the rise and end, as also the main occurrences and chief events, of that War: and to take no care at all to inform and undeceive the Grecians and such of the Romans as were not in the War; who being abused by the false reports or the flatteries of others, know very little of the true story of these affairs. Observe here the rehearsal of his Nation; Parthians, Babylonians, Arabians, the Mesopotamian jews or those beyond Euphrates, and those o● Adiabene. Besides he tells us in the same place, That the jews believed that all those of their Nation, even those who dwelled beyond Euphrates, would have joined with them in their rebellion against the Romans.  
Besides these two Captivities by Salmanassar and Nabuchadnezzar, the first whereof never returned again into their own Land, and the second but in part, there happened a third Captivity and Dispersion in the days of Ptolemaeus Lagi, one of the Greek Kings reigning in Egypt; who surprising the City of jerusalem, carried many of the People of the Country, of the offspring of those who returned from Babylon, Captives into Egypt, planting them at Alexandria and the places thereabouts; whom many others followed of their own accord, partly alured by the King's favour, who gave them equal privileges with those of Alexandria, and partly by the fertility of the Country: so that this Colony became a very great one. These were called Hellenists, because they spoke the Greek tongue, and used the Translation of the Septuagint (which was made in Egypt) in their Synagogues.  
Of these three principal Dispersions came those lesser scatter in all parts of the Roman Empire and elsewhere. From that of Babylon and Mesopotamia was spread that of Pontus, Gallatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bythinia, to which S. Peter, as an Apostle of the Circumcision, writes his two Epistles: which may be gathered, because in his first Epistle he salutes them from Babylon which was their Metropolis. The Church, 
1 Pet. 5. 13.  saith he, at Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you; that is, the Church of the Circumcision there. From those of Alexandria and Egypt were derived those plantations in Libya and Cyrene, and all other Hellenists whatsoever in several parts of the Roman Empire. Add to these, that many of those of judaea itself, that could not live well at home, upon some occasion or other, either alluring them or constraining them, seated themselves abroad among the Gentiles and in their Cities, being together with themselves under the same Dominion of the Roman Empire. Insomuch that King Agrippa, in that forementioned Oration of his before that last siege, dissuading them of judaea from rebelling against the Romans, in regard of the evil they might bring thereby, not upon themselves only, but upon their whole Nation wheresoever living among the Gentiles, sticks not to say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, For there is no people in the whole world, which hath not some part of ours dwelling amongst them. Marvel not therefore that S. Luke says in my Text, jews of every Nation under Heaven.  
All this is confirmed out of the New Testament itself; forasmuch as before the last Captivity by Titus (which was not till almost forty years after our Saviour's Ascension) and whilst their Commonwealth in the holy Land was yet standing, we read that almost in every City of the Gentiles, whither the Apostles came to preach the Gospel, they found jews with their Synagogues in them. To which add that S. james directs his Epistle, 
james 1. 1.  To the twelve Tribes scattered abroad, or, as the Greek hath it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● as I have also before noted that S. Peter doth his unto the Dispersion of Asia.  
This is that I had to speak for the illustration of this Story and Text; out of which, besides the right understanding of Scripture, whereto it conduceth, you may observe these four things.  
First, The wisdom and providence of Almighty God, in so ordering the first publication of the Gospel, that the same thereof, and of that convincing Miracle which gave authority thereunto, might be carried unto all Nations by so many both ear and eye-witnesses of the same, as those jews were.  
Secondly, A probable reason why the Apostles were so ignorant at the first, as they seem to have been, that the Gospel was to be preached unto the Gentiles, notwithstanding our Saviour's Commission unto them, Go preach this Gospel unto all Nations. For it may be, they thought this Command might be satisfied in preaching the Gospel to those of the Circumcision only, which were of every Nation under Heaven.  
Thirdly, The Elogium here given to those who made conscience (as we speak) or Religion, to come unto the House of God to worship; they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so saith my Text, There were sojourning in jerusalem jews, devout men, etc. For there appears no other respect why they are so called, but because they came so long a journey to worship God in his House or Temple at jerusalem.  
Fourthly, The blessed opportunities and means for Salvation which they meet with which come thither to worship. For had those jews stayed at home, as the rest of their brethren did, they had not been partakers of such a blessing, nor witnesses of so wonderful a Miracle for confirmation of their faith, as now they were.    

DISCOURSE XXI.  

I COR. 9 14.  Even so hath the Lord ordained, that they which preach the Gospel, should live of the Gospel; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
MY purpose in choosing this Text is not to make the maintenance of the Ministry under the Gospel the direct aim of my Discourse, but only to inquire what is meant by the last words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which that we may the more readily and certainly find, let us examine and consider a little of the Protasis, whereof the words I have now read are the Apodosis. Know ye not, saith the Apostle, that [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] those that minister about holy things, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] do eat of the holy thing, or (as we turn it) of the things of the Temple; and [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] they which wait at the Altar [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] are fellow-sharers with the Altar? [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] So hath the Lord ordained, that they which preach the Gospel, should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Here, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those who were employed about holy things, are the Levites, who lived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the holy thing, or (if you had rather it should be a Substantive) of the Temple, that is, of that which belonged thereto, namely, of the Tithes which belonged to the Temple, but were no offering of the Altar: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they who did incumbere or assidere altari, wait at the Altar, were the Priests, whose proper office it was to offer sacrifices thereon, and had part of the same for their proper maintenance, as the 
* ●evit. 7 31, 32.  breast and right shoulder before it was burnt, and after so much as was 
* Num. 18. 9  reserved from burning; so they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Apostle speaks, they were fellow-sharers with the Altar; the Altar having one part of the Offering, they another.  
Thus, you see, the Apostle in both suits the maintenance with the Office. The Office of the Levites was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be employed about holy things; their maintenance, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the holy thing, or the revenue of the Temple; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they eat of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Office of the Priests, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to wait at the Altar; their maintenance, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to share with the Altar. Now then must not the Apodosis answer the Protasis? what manner of similitude, what analogy will there be else? Ergo, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to preach the Gospel is the Office of the Ministers of the Gospel, so is their maintenance noted by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Those therefore who so interpret these words, as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the last place were taken in no other sense than it was in the first, namely, to note the Function or Calling of the Ministers, (as if the sense were no other, but that the Ministers of the Gospel, whose Calling it is to preach the Gospel, should get their living by their Calling of preaching the Gospel) make S. Paul the Author of a lame and inconsequent Similitude, 
1 Cor. 9 14.  whose Apodosis answers not unto his Protasis. For what a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, what an [Even so] or analogy would this be? The Levites lived of the Holy portion or revenue of the Temple as their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or wages; Even so the Ministers of the Gospel must live by their Calling and Function. The Priests were maintained out of the share they had of the Offerings of the Altar; Even just so the Ministers of the Gospel must live by their Function of Preaching the Gospel. May not any one see that the Apodosis answers not the Protasis? For that speaks of the wages, this of the service for which the wages is due. Well therefore, as in the Protasis the wages was compared with the work, so must it be in the Apodosis too; and consequently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must here express the wages, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth the work.  
But now here is the Quaere; If 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 note not the Function, but the wages and maintenance due to the Evangelic Ministers; in what notion then is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here to be taken, and how to be expounded? 
* In verse 23.  Oecumenius would have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this last place to signify 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the believers of the Gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and the meaning to be, That those who preach the Gospel should be maintained by those which believe the Gospel. But this would make our Apodosis to answer the Protasis little better than the former: For that speaks of the wages and maintenance of the Levites and Priests, not a word of the maintainers. 
* philo de Sacerdotum ho●●lus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. ●— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Besides, to speak properly, 'tis not true, that the people maintain the Ministers: they are not their Ministers, but God's; and he maintains them out of his own revenue, and not at men's charges. Quis militat suis stipendiis? (saith our Apostle, at his entrance upon this Argument) Who goeth to war at his own charges? Now I ask, Cujus stipendiis militat, qui militat? nun Imperatoris? At whose charges is it that any one goes to war? is it not at the Sovereign's charges? To which purpose note also by the way, that it is not said here (as we translate it) So hath God ordained, that those which preach the Gospel, should live of the Gospel: but, So hath God appointed, or given order to those that preach the Gospel, that they should live of the Gospel; that is, Non dicit, Dominum mandâsse aliis ut eos alerent, sed mandâsse ipsis ut ex Evangelio viverent. But to return again to the interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which others therefore had rather take here for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for that which in the Gospel is consecrate to God: viz. As the Priests and 
* jos. 18. 7. The Priesthood of the Lord is their [the Levites] inheritance.  Levites had their maintenance out of that which was offered unto God in the Law; so God had ordained that the Ministers of the Gospel should be maintained of that which is consecrate to him in the Gospel. And this sense is strait and good.  
But what need we fly to a Trope, when the natural sense of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will serve our turn, yea do it much better? For howsoever in the New Testament it most commonly signifies good tidings; yet, in other Greek Writers, the more usual signification in the singular number is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, praemium quod datur laetum afferenti nuncium, the gift or reward wont to be given for good tidings. Homer (Odyss. 14.) brings in Ulysses in a poor traveller's disguise, stipulating with his servant Eumaeus, what his reward should be for the good news he promised to tell him of his Master's life and speedy return: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, let this be my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Reward, saith he; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A cloak, a coat, and other good garments. To whom Eumaeus answers, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●—  Neither am I able to give such an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Reward, neither will Ulysses ever come home again. Plutarch (in his De gloria Atheniensium) relates, that the Lacedæmonians to one that brought them tidings of the victory at Mantin●a, having been no actor, but a spectator only, sent, for an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, only a dish of meat from one of their common suppers called Phiditia: the words are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The same Author (within three or four lines after) affirms that Historians, who relate and describe Battles and Victories in such perspicuous styles, deserve an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Reward from those who first read them: And (in his Demetrius) he tells, that when one Aristodemus brought news to King Antigonus of a notable victory his party had obtained against Ptolemaeus Lagi, but put the King first in great perplexity, by discovering nothing, either by word or countenance, what his tidings were, till he came to the King's presence, then saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Hail King Antigonus, we have overcome King Ptolemy at Sea: The King answered, Welcome, Aristodemus; but because thou hast kept us so long in suspense and perplexity, thou shalt suffer some punishment for the pain thou hast put us to; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for it shall be the later before thou receive the reward of thy good tidings. Which is a sufficient testimony both of the use of the word, and the custom. Cicero (in one of his Epistles Ad Atticum) useth the plural number: O suaves Epistolas tuaes, 
Ad A●●c. l. 2. ep. 12.  (saith he) uno tempore mihi datas, duas! quibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae reddam, nescio; deberi quidem planè fateor: O thy sweet and most acceptable Eetters, received both at the same time! for the which I know not what grateful returns to make, though I am very sensible they deserve the best.  
Besides, in the plural number [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] it signifies a sacrifice for good tidings. Hence Plutarch (in his Photion) hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● Isocrates (in Areopagitico) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ob tot successus bis quidem sacrificavimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● Xenophon (in his Hellanica) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To conclude; it is apparent by these examples, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a gift or tribute due for good tidings; whether as an offering to the Gods, the Authors; or as a reward to men, the messengers and bringers.  
Now the most Blessed and Happy tidings that ever came to the ears of the sons of men, is Salvation by jesus Christ our Lord; whereof his Priests and Ministers are the daily messengers. Is there not then an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 due for this? And is not this that our Apostle meaneth when he says here, Even so the Lord hath ordained, that they who preach the Gospel, should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● So that which was required only for acknowledgement of the Divine Dominion under the bondage of the Law, is now turned into the nature of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the liberty of the Gospel; I mean, that which we offer now unto God for the maintenance of the Evangelical Ministry, and other uses of his service. The sense is most fit and agreeable, and makes the Apostle's expression (if so understood) passing elegant.  
But you will say, What probability is there the Apostle should use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this notion? For though profane Authors do so, yet the Scripture's meaning, both here and elsewhere, is to be measured by its own Dialect. Have therefore the Hebrew, the Chaldee, the Septuagint any such notion as this? I answer, Yes, all three of them. For in the Hebrew, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the only word for good tidings, signifies also Praemium boni nuncii, a reward for good tidings. Yea, being not above five times found in the old Testament, Schindler will have it thrice taken in that signification; and twice will be easily yielded him. Likewise in the Chaldee, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify as well the one as the other, both nuncium and nuncii praemium, good tidings and a reward for good tidings. As for the Seventy, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is but thrice found with them, and once so apparently in this signification, as leaves no place for contradiction. It is 2 Sam. 4. 10. where they have, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Cui oportuit me dedisse Evangelia. They are the words of King David, when Rechab and Baanah brought Ishbosheth's head unto him; When one told me, saith he, Behold, Saul is dead, (thinking he had brought good tidings) I took hold of him, and slew him in Ziklag, when I should have given a reward for his tidings. The Hebrew word rendered here Reward for good tidings is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Seventy, as I said before, have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Vulgar, or S. Hierome, mercedem pro nuncio, a reward for the tidings; the Chaldee Paraphrast, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a gift, or reward, for his tidings.  
Thus you see, this notion was familiar to all the Languages that S. Paul was brought up in. Why should it then be improbable he should use it when he had occasion? And no marvel it is to be found no oftener; for, unless it be in this Chapter, in the whole New Testament the thing itself (Reward for good tidings) is never mentioned, intimated, or alluded to. How then could the word be used? But in this Chapter, methinks, I hear it used a second time, (ver. 23.) I will only propound it to your considerations, and so conclude.  
The matter stands thus. S. Paul, though he received no Reward at the hands of the Corinthians for his pains in making known the glad tidings of Salvation unto them, but did it gratis to them-ward; yet he looked for an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from God, stored up in the heavens for all his faithful messengers, and to be received at the great Day: In expectation whereof, he not only thus preached the Gospel to them freely, but endured all things, and made himself a servant to all; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This I do for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that I might be partaker thereof with you. What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should it be that S. Paul here aimed to be partaker of? Surely, it should seem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here notes some Praemium or Reward, even by that which immediately follows, Know ye not that they which run in a race, run all; but one receiveth the Brabeum or Prize? So run that ye may obtain. I leave it to your better meditations, and so conclude.    

DISCOURSE XXII.  

PSAL. 112. 6.  The Righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance. 
A Word fitly spoken, 
Prov. 25. 11.  saith Solomon, is like Apples of Gold in pictures of Silver; that is, graceful and comely: so is a Text of Scripture fitly chosen, and rightly applied to the occasion. Such an one as I take it, is this I have now read, not chosen by me, but appointed by order to be used at these times of 
* This Discourse was delivered in the Chapel, at the Commemoration of the College-Benefactors, Anno 1634.  Commemoration. I shall need no other Preface to commend it to your attention: Let us therefore see what is the Sense and meaning thereof.  
The Righteous, that is, The Bountiful; shall be in everlasting remembrance; In remembrance with God, In remembrance with men: With God, in the world to come, and in this world; With men, How, and in what manner? These are the several Heads I shall speak of; and first of the First, the Subject, The Righteous, or the Bountiful, man.  
For Righteousness in a special sense, in the Hebrew and the rest of the Oriental Tongues of kin to it, signifies Beneficence or Bounty, both the Virtue and the Work; and therefore by the Hellenists or Septuagint is it translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the word so frequent in the New Testament for that we call Alms. 'Tis a known place, Dan. 4. according both to the Septuagint and Vulgar Latin, Peccata tua 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eleemosynis redime, & iniquitates tuas misericordiis pauperum: Where in the Original for Eleemosyna Alms is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Righteousness, as we in our English render it, Break off thy sins by Righteousness, and thine iniquity by showing mercy to the poor. This notion of Righteousness is to be found thrice together in the 12. of Tobit. Ver. 8. Prayer (saith old Tobit there to his Son) is goodwith Fasting, and with Alms, and Righteousness: A little with Righteousness is better than much with unrighteousness: It is better to give Alms, than to lay up gold. 9 For Alms doth deliver from death, and shall purge away all sin, Those that exercise Alms and Righteousness, shall be filled with life. Here in the Greek copy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alms and Righteousness are exegetically put the one to expound the other, but in the Hebrew there is but one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for them both, that being the word in that language for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence in the Syriack Translation of the New Testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendered by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 justitia, And so in the Arabic. Hence Mat. 6. 1. for Take heed that you do not your alms before men, (as we read it) the vulgar Latin and some Greek Copies have, Attenditè ne justitiam vestram faciatis coram hominibus, Take heed that you do not your righteousness before men; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Namely as the word Charity with us, though in the larger sense it signifies our whole duty both to God and man, is restrained to signify our Liberality to the poor; so is the word Righteousness in the Oriental Languages.  
If Righteousness therefore signify Beneficence and Bounty, then is the Righteous according to this notion the Bountiful man, or as we speak the Charitable. And that it is so taken in my Text, both the general scope of the Psalm, and the connexion with the words before and after, is proof sufficient. For before goes this, 
* Vers. 5.  A good man showeth favour and dareth: he will guide his affairs with judgement: Surely he shall not be moved for ever. (Then come the words of my Text) The righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance. After it follows this, He hath dispersed, he hath given to the poor; 
Vers. 9  his righteousness remaineth for ever: which S. Paul allegeth 2 Cor. 9 9 to promote their collection for the poor Saints at jerusalem.  
For illustration of this and our further information, it will not be amiss, I hope, to commend to your observation some other places of Scripture where the word Righteous is thus taken: as namely Psal. 37. 21. The wicked borroweth, and payeth not again: but the righteous showeth mercy, and giveth. Again, Vers. 25, 26. I have been young, and now am old; yet have I not seen the righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging their bread. He is ever merciful, and dareth, and his seed is blessed. Here the Righteous is the merciful and bountiful; to whom namely this blessing, That his seed shall not want, is proper and peculiar. 
Psal. 112. 6.  The same use is, Prov. 10. 2. Treasures of wickedness profit nothing, but Righteousness delivereth from death. The same is repeated again Chap. 11. 4. Riches profit not in the day of wrath; but Righteousness delivereth from death. Where Righteousness to be taken for Alms is apparent out of Tobit 12. 9 where it is so applied and rendered, namely, Alms doth deliver from death. I could add also another place, Prov. 21. 26. but these shall be sufficient.  
Hence appears their error who conceive of the nature of Alms as of an arbitrary thing, which they may do if they will, or not do, without sin; as that which carries no obligation with it, but is left freely to every man's discretion. And this makes some contend so much to have the Priest's maintenance granted to be Eleemosynary, that so they might be at liberty to give something or nothing as they listed. But if that were so, yet if Alms be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Righteousness in the Hebrew tongue, and the language which our Saviour spoke; if our Saviour called them Righteousness, when he mentioned them; who dare affirm then that Righteousness implies no obligation, or that a man may leave it undone without sin?  
THUS much of the Subject, The Righteous: Now I come to the Predicate, shall be in everlasting remembrance. In remembrance, I said, with God and men: With God, in the life to come, and this life. Let us see for the first, The world to come.  
It is certain that at the day of judgement we shall receive our doom according to our works of Charity and Mercy; and that of all the works that a Christian man hath done, these alone have that peculiar privilege to be then brought in express remembrance before God: Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you from the Foundation of the World. For I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink; I was a stranger, and ye took me in; naked, and ye clothed me; I was sick, and ye visited me; I was in prison, and ye came unto me, etc. Forasmuch as ye have done thus unto the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me, Matt. 25. 34, etc. What doth my Text say? The righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance: God remembers our good deeds, when he rewards them, (as he doth our prayers, when he hears them.) If to remember then be to reward, an everlasting reward is an everlasting remembrance. 'Tis remarkable, that this privilege which the works of Bounty and Mercy shall have at the day of judgement was not unknown to the jews themselves: for so we read in the Chaldee Paraphrast upon Ecclesiastes 9 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, It shall come to pass at the day of judgement, that the Lord of the world shall say thus openly to every righteous man then before him, Go and eat with gladness thy bread which is laid up for thee, as a reward for the bread which thou gavest to the poor and needy when they were an hungered; and drink with gladness of heart the wine which is kept for thee in the garden of Eden (or Paradise) as a reward for the wine thou gavest the poor and needy when they were athirst: for behold thy good works have found acceptance before the Lord.  
The reason of this Prelation of the works of Mercy at that great day is, because all we can expect at the hands of our Heavenly Father is merely of his Mercy and Bounty: we can hope for nothing but mercy, without mercy we are undone; according to that of Nehemiah in his last 
* Vers. 22.  Chap. Remember me, O Lord, concerning this, and spare me according to the greatness of thy mercy. Now in those that are to be partakers of Mercy, the Divine wisdom requires this congruity, that they be such as have been ready to show mercy unto others; judging them altogether unworthy of mercy at his hands, who have afforded no mercy to their brethren: For so the Scripture tells us, that they shall have judgement without mercy, that have shown no mercy. 
james 2. 〈◊〉  The tenor of our Petition for forgiveness of sins, in the Lord's Prayer, runs with this condition, As we forgive them that trespass against us. 
Matt. 18.  And who can read without trembling the Parable of the unmerciful servant in the Gospel, to whom his Lord revoked the Debt he meant to have forgiven him, because he showed no mercy to his fellow-servant, who owed him a far lesser Debt? Shouldst thou not, saith he, Vers. 23. have showed compassion to thy fellow-servant, as I showed compassion unto thee? This rule of congruity, I say, is the reason why at the day of our great account we shall be judged according to our works of mercy and bounty. To do as we would be done to, hath place not only between man and man, but between God and men.  
Nor is this I speak of manifest by the Form of our last Sentence only, but by other Scriptures beside: what else means that of our Saviour, Luke 16. 9 Make unto yourselves friends of the unrighteous Mammon, (that is, of these slippery and deceitful riches, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Scripture's Dialect is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that when ye fail, they may receive you into everlasting Tabernacles? Or what means that of S. Paul 1 Tim. 6. 17, 18. Charge them that be rich in this world,— that they trust not in uncertain riches, but in the living God,— That they do good, that they be rich in good works, ready to distribute, willing to communicate; Laying up in store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come, that they may lay hold on eternal life? Laying up a good foundation, etc. in the Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Here it is observable, that works of Beneficence are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Foundation of the reward we shall receive in the life to come. If any but S. Paul had said so, we should have gone near to have excepted against it for an error. Works the Foundation of eternal life? No, that shall not need: but the Foundation of that blessed Sentence we shall receive at the last day for them; and that is evident by the form thereof, which we have alleged. Whatsoever is meant, a great privilege sure is hereby implied, that these works have above others. Where give me leave to tell you what a 
* S●●. P●tit. 〈◊〉 ●at. 11. 〈◊〉 passage 〈◊〉 T●b●t. 4. 9 or 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Hebrew ●epy set forth by ● Fagtus hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●ositum.  late sacred Critic hath observed concerning the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place of Timothy; namely, That the signification thereof there is not Vulgar, but Hellenistical, agreeable to the use of the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereto it answers; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies, as it doth, Radix vel fundamentum, the root or foundation. But besides this in the Rabbinical Dialect it is used for Tabulae contractûs, a Bill of contract, a Bond or Obligation whereby such as lend are secured to receive their loan again. That therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which answers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the first sense, doth answer the same likewise in the second; and accordingly the Apostle's meaning to be, That those who exercise these works of Beneficence, do provide themselves as it were of a Bill or Bond, upon which they may at that day sue and plead for the award of eternal life, Vi pacti, but not Vi meriti.  
In the same sense he takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
●●●ct. cap. 10  2. Tim. 2. 19 The foundation of God standeth sure, having this seal, the Lord knoweth them that are his: And, Let every one that nameth (or calleth upon) the name of Christ, depart from iniquity. The mentioning of a Seal here, implies a Bill of contract; for Bills of contract had their Seals appendent to them; each side whereof had his Motto, the one suiting with the one party contrahent, the other with the other. That to this S. Paul alludes; God's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, standeth sure, (that is, God's Bill of contract, or his Chirographum,) having a Seal according to the manner: the one side whereof carrieth this Motto, The Lord 〈◊〉 oweth them that are his; the other this, Let every one that calleth upon the name of Christ, depart from iniquity.  
YOU have heard how God remembreth the Righteous, or Charitable man, in the world to come. 
●●. 4. ●.  He remembreth him also in this: For that which the Apostle saith of Godliness, that it hath the promise of this life, as well as of that to come, is most properly and peculiarly true of this Righteousness of Bounty and Mercy: other Righteous●●●●●. ●eed must not look for its reward till hereafter, but this is wont to be rewa●●●.  
〈◊〉 Spiritual blessings we have the example of Cornelius, who for his Alms-deeds found 〈◊〉 our with God, to have S. Peter sent unto him to instruct him in the saving knowles of C●●●st: 
Acts 10. 4, 5.  Thy Prayers and thine Alms-deeds, said the Angel, are come up in remem●r●nce before God, Now therefore send to joppa, and inquire for one Simon, Peter, etc.  
For Temporal blessings hear what David says Psal. 37, 25, 26. (quoted before) I was young, saith he, and now am old; yet have I not seen the righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging their bread. He is ever merciful, and dareth; therefore his seed is blessed. This blessing is the merciful and charitable man's peculiar, that his children shall not want, who was liberal and openhanded to supply the want of others. But think not that God remembers the charitable man with a Temporal blessing in his posterity only; for he remembers him also in his own person. Thus the same David, Psal. 41. 1. Blessed is he that considereth the poor, the Lord will deliver him in time of trouble. 2. The Lord will preserve him and keep him alive, and he shall be blessed upon the earth; and thou wilt not deliver him unto the will of his enemies. 3. The Lord will strengthen him upon the bed of languishing, etc. And doth not his Son King Solomon say the same? Prov. 19 17. He that hath pity upon the poor, dareth unto the Lord; and that which he hath given, he will pay him again. But this perhaps some will think may be applied to the reward in the life to come: If it be, it would much illustrate that of S. Paul's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I now speak of, But Prov. 28. 27. is a place not capable of this exception; He that giveth to the poor, shall not lack: but he that hideth his eyes, shall have many a curse.  
THUS we have seen how the Righteous man is in remembrance with God: Now let us see how the same is and aught to be in remembrance with men. And it may be inferred from the former: For why should not we remember those whom God doth? The practice in the Church of God hath been accordingly.  
The jews, when they make mention of any of their deceased Worthies, are wont to do it with this Encomium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Let his memory be blessed: Otherwise with this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Be his memory blessed to eternity. And of their Rabbis in general, when they mention them, they say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Our Rabbis, whose memory be blessed. Which encomiastical Scheme is taken from that of Solomon, Prov. 10. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● The memory of the righteous is blessed: which therefore they sometimes use unaltered to the purpose aforesaid; sometimes with addition, as, Let the memory of the just be blessed to eternity; sometimes, Let the memory of the just and holy be with blessing. These formulae are frequent in their writings. Nor hath this commemorative Scheme been taken up by them (as some perhaps may suppose) since the coming of our Saviour, in the time of their dispersion; but was used long before, as may appear Ecclus. 45. 1. where Moses is thus remembered, Moses beloved of God and men, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose memorial is blessed. 
Eccl. 46. 11.  And in the next Chapter like mention is made of the judges of Israel; namely, The judges every one by name, whose heart went not a whoring, nor departed from the lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Let their memory be in benediction. So of judas Maccabaeus, 1 Mac. 3. 7. He grieved many Kings, and made jacob glad with his acts; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, His memorial is, or Let his memorial be, blessed for ever.  
But what is the meaning of this Formula? what is it for the memory of the righteous to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or with blessing? The Septuagint's Translation of that Prov. 10. 7. (whence, as I told you, this Form of honourable remembrance is taken) will soon resolve us: for they, in stead of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The memory of the just is with blessing, have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The memory of the just is with praises. To make mention therefore of the righteous by way of benediction, is to praise them. For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to bless, in Scripture hath a treble notion: First, to speak well of; secondly, to speak well for; thirdly, to do well unto. To speak well of, is to praise. So we are said to bless God, when we praise and glorify him: 
Psal. 103. 1, 22. & 104. 1, 35.  Benedic, anima mea, Domino; Bless the Lord, O my Soul; that is, praise him. 
* Psal. 41. 13. & 106. 48.  Blessed be the Lord God of Israel; 
Luk. 1. 68  that is, praised. Bless the Lord, all ye Nations; that is, praise him: and so every where in the Psalms. The second notion, To speak well for, is to pray for. So the Priest is said to bless the people, when he prays for them: 
* Num. 6. 24.  The Lord bless you, and save you; The Lord make his holy countenance to shine upon you, and be merciful unto you. So other blessings of the like kind are prayers for those over whom they are pronounced. The third notion of blessing is To do good unto, to bestow some gift or good upon. 
Gen. 1. 28.  Thus God is said to have blessed man, when he said unto him, Increase and multiply, replenish the earth and subdue it; that is, He endowed him with these gifts. In thy seed shall all the Nations of the world be blessed; 
Gen. 22. 1●.  that is, receive some great benefit. So God is said to have blessed the Patriarches, when he made them to thrive, and gave them wealth and riches; according to that of Solomon, Prov. 10. 22. The blessing of the Lord maketh rich, and he addeth no sorrow with it; namely, such as is wont to accompany riches gotten without God's blessing. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Blessing, in Scripture signifies a gift or present, bounty or beneficence: 
Gen. 32. 13. &c, & 33. 11.  The Present of cattle which jacob provided for his brother Esau, when he went to meet him, is all that Story through called his Blessing: The Presents which David sent of his prey to the Elders of judah, 1 Sam. 30. 26. are there called Blessings. And in the New Testament, 2 Cor. 9 the collection at Corinth for the poor Saints at jerusalem is thrice called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Vers. 5, 6.  their blessing, which we translate Bounty. I thought good to be a little diligent in this explication, that we might be the better able to discern what kind of remembrance of righteous men deceased is commended unto us in that Scripture, The memory of the righteous is with blessing: whence not the jew only, as you have heard, but the Christian also seem to have derived their practice in that particular, which I am now to show.  
For the Christian in this point hath been no whit short of the jew, but exceeded him rather, not in the later only, but in those better and Primitive times: witness those anniversary remembrances of the Martyrs and Saints deceased; the appointing of Festival days for their memorial; the custom to assemble at their Sepulchers, to make Panegyric orations in their honour; and above all, that ancient and so long-continued custom without known beginning, to commemorate at the Holy Table, when the Encharist was celebrated, the Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, Evangelists, Martyrs, and Confessors: All which tended to this, That the memory of the righteous might be with blessing. In the extent of which Blessing the Christian went beyond the jew: For of that threefold notion of Blessing I now speak of, first, to speak well of or to praise; secondly, to speak well for or to pray for; thirdly, to do well unto; the jews ●eem not anciently (but only of 
* Vid. Buxtor●. Synag. jud. c. 35 Schickard Ius Reg. p. 170.  late) to have used any but the first in their Commemorations, namely, that of praise: But the Christian added the second of prayer and good wishes for the Saints departed, namely, for their public acquital and consummation at the day of Resurrection: which, had it continued in the first and original meaning, could not be disliked; but having proved in time the Mother of many Superstitions and Errors, and kindled the fire of Purgatory, it was thought fit by the Authors of our Reformation to be disused, and the blessing of the Dead to be confined to that of praise only, namely, of praising and commending them, by recounting their worthy deeds; and then secondly, of praising God for them. And this is the duty we are now assembled to perform to our blessed Founders and Benefactors.    

DISCOURSE XXIII.  

S. MATTHEW 10. 41.  He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall receive a Prophet's reward. 
OUR Blessed Saviour giving his Apostles their mission to preach the Gospel, unfurnished with outward things, and forewarning them what harsh and unkind usage they and their successors were like to find amongst men; for the better encouragement of such as should entertain and minister unto them, he pronounceth, That whosoever received them, received him; and he that received him, received him that sent him, Whereby it appeareth how honourable an office it was to afford them entertainment, and such as the noblest need not be ashamed of. But because the hope of reward is the most forcible spur to all undertake, he addeth that too in the words of my Text, He that receiveth, saith he, a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall receive a Prophet's reward; that is, He that receiveth a Prophet, not for any respect, but quatenus talis, because he is a Prophet, shall have a Prophet's reward.  
Which words contain in them evidently these two Propositions.  
First, That there is some special and eminent degree of Reward due unto a Prophet above other men.  
Secondly, That he that shall entertain a Prophet, and do any good office unto him under that name, that is, for his office sake, shall be partaker of that Reward. Of these Two I intent to treat, beginning with the First, the more general.  
That there shall be differing degrees of Reward in the life to come, is evident by sundry places of Scripture. As first, from that so often iterated passage, wherein God is said to reward every man according to his works: Which not to be understood only of the differing quality of our works, good and evil, which God rewards accordingly, the one with everlasting bliss, the other with eternal fire, (as some here except,) but also of the differing works of just men compared together, is manifest by that 1 Cor. 3. 8. where the Apostle comparing his own and Apollo's work together, saying, He had planted, and Apollo's watered, adds, that both should receive their reward, according to their work; that is, as their work differed, so should their reward do.  
In the second place the same is represented by that Parable, Luke 19 of the Ten servants who received of their Lord, 
Mat. 10. 41.  being to go into a far Country, ten pounds to trade with till his return. At what time he that had increased his pound to ten pounds, was made ruler over ten Cities; he that had gained but five pounds, over five Cities; and so the rest, according as they had improved the stock given them.  
A third place is that 1 Cor. ●5. 41, 42. There is one glory of the Sun, and another of the Moon, and another glory of the Stars; for one star differeth from another star in glory. So also is the Resurrection of the dead. Here is the full stop, and not the words to be referred to that which follows, to wit, that the body is sown in corruption, but is raised again in incorruption, as some would have them. For the Apostle speaks here of the difference of things heavenly and glorious, (One star, saith he, differs from another star in glory;) and not of the difference between glorious and inglorious, corruptible and incorruptible: For this belongs to his other similitude; There are celestial bodies, and bodies terrestrial; but the glory of the celestial is one, and the glory of the terrestrial is another.  
A fourth place is that 2 Cor. 9 6. where the Apostle speaking of the reward of beneficence, avoucheth, that he which soweth sparingly, shall reap sparingly; and he that soweth bountifully, shall reap bountifully.  
Fifthly, That speech of our Saviour to the twelve, Matt. 19 27. imports as much; Behold, we (saith Peter) have forsaken all, and followed thee: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; what shall we have therefore? V. 28. jesus said unto them, Verily I say unto you, that ye which have followed me; 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Regeneration, is not to be joined to the foregoing words, but relates to what follows in the verse.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Regeneration or Resurrection, when the Son of man shall sit upon the throne of his Glory, ye also shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve Tribes of Israel. S. Luke relates it upon another occasion; whereby it appears our Saviour uttered it more than once, Ye (saith he to the Twelve) are they which have continued with me in my temptations; therefore I appoint you a Kingdom, as my Father hath appointed unto me; That ye may eat and drink at my Table in my Kingdom, and sit on Thrones, judging the twelve Tribes of Israel, Luke 22. 28, etc. Whatsoever is meant by the Reward intimated in this expression, for the quality thereof, 'tis plain there is some peculiar and more eminent degree of glory here promised the Apostles, which shall not be common to others with them. First, Because it is the reward of their proper and peculiar service unto Christ, as the Text shows. Secondly, Because these twelve Thrones in regard of their number can befit no more but these twelve. Thirdly, Supposing the twelve Tribes of Israel here mentioned to be likewise in a condition of bliss and happiness, it must needs be that those who sit upon twelve Thrones to judge, that is, to govern them, must be in a higher degree of dignity than those over whom they shall be set. Whatsoever therefore the meaning of the Reward be, thus much may be gathered from the description thereof, That there shall be differing degrees of glory in the Kingdom of Christ to come.  
To conclude; it hath been the ancient and constant Tradition of the Church, testified by the unanimous consent of all the Fathers, and was never questioned by any, until that Peter Martyr in this last age first began to doubt thereof, and others since more boldly adventured to contradict it.  
Their main Reasons or Objections are these two. First, That the Reward to come depends not upon the virtue or dignity of our works, but only upon the merit and satisfaction of Christ: But his merits and satisfaction are uniform and the same to all: Ergo, the Reward also which is to be given by virtue thereof shall be so. This Objection proceeds from that scrupulosity which many of ours have to admit of any relation or connexion between our Works and the Reward to come; whence also is that, that they should not be done intuitu mercedis, with an eye or respect to the Reward. Which is an Assertion repugnant to the tenor of the Scripture, where the Holy Ghost is wont to ground his Exhortations upon the hope and promise of Reward. Now what an unreasonable conceit is it to think that where wages is promised for the encouragement of the labourer, the labourer should be bound to work without having any eye or respect to his wages? But to the Objection I answer thus; That it is true, the Merits and satisfaction of Christ are the Foundation of our Reward, namely, that alone which makes our works capable thereof, without which they were not: nevertheless it is true also that our Works are the Subject of Reward; and the same Merit of Christ makes differing works capable of a different Reward.  
Their other Objection hath a little more likelihood, and seems therefore somewhat more difficult to answer. It is taken from the Parable, Matt. 20. where the Kingdom of Heaven is compared to a Vineyard, the Master whereof went out in the morning to hire labourers, and agreed with them for a penny a day: Three hours after, or at the third hour, he went out and hired more; and so again at the sixth and ninth hours; yea at the eleventh, but an hour before Sun went down, he did likewise. And when they came all to receive their wages, he gave the last hired as much as he had agreed for with the first, to wit, every one a penny, neither more not less. Whence it seems to follow, that the reward to come, signified by this penny, shall not be proportioned according to the difference of works, but be one and the same to all.  
I answer; First, The Parable proves no more but this, That the sooner or later coming of men into the Vineyard of the Church, (for all were not to be called at one time, nor in one age) shall not make their reward greater or lesser: not that the reward shall not be different according to the diversity of our works. Secondly, I add, That this Parable hath respect to the Churches of the jews and Gentiles not called, nor to be called, at the same time. For the jews were hired into the Vineyard betimes in the morning, the Gentiles not till the day was far spent; yet shall they by the goodness of their heavenly Master receive the same reward of eternal life which was promised to the jew, with whom the Covenant was first made, and who bore the heat of the day, whilst the other stood idle. Besides, in the new Vineyard of the Gospel the turn is changed; for into it (because the jews would not) the Gentiles have first been hired, though at several hours; the jew being not to come in until the eleventh hour; yet when Christ comes to give us wages, shall receive his penny, that is, eternal life, as well as we.  
This to be the genuine scope of the Parable, may be gathered by that which is presently subjoined by our Saviour as it were to be the Key thereof: So the last (saith he) shall be first, and the first last; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for many are called, but few are chosen: which I understand thus; The last, that is, the Gentiles who came in last, shall be the first partakers of Christ's Kingdom: The jews, who were first in Covenant, and had wrought so long before us in God's Vineyard, shall be last in the Covenant of Christ, and not converted till the fullness of the Gentiles be come in: For though many of them were invited at the first coming of Christ, yet few or none obeyed, and to the Nation became not of his peculium, but stands yet rejected; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To the like purpose is the same speech used by our Saviour, Luk. 13. 29, 30. They shall come, saith he, from the East, and from the West, and from the North, and from the South, and shall sit down in the Kingdom of God. And behold, there are last which shall be first, and there are first which shall be last. What means this? Out of S. Matthew 8. 11, 12. where the same passage is related, we shall hear it expounded; for there the words run thus, Many shall come from the East and West, and shall sit down with Abraham, Isaac and jacob, in the Kingdom of heaven: But the children of the Kingdom (that is, the whole generation of Israel, who received not the Gospel at the Preaching of Christ and his Apostles, and all the generations since, who have continued in unbelief) shall be cast out into outer darkness.  
And here by the way, because the Parable useth the notion of a Day to signify a time of many Ages, it will not be altogether unseasonable to note, that the Metaphor may appear the easier, how that the Scripture often elsewhere calls the whole time of man's pilgrimage in this world by the name of a Day. 
Psal. 95. 7.  As, To day if you will hear his voice, 
Heb. 3. 7.  harden not your hearts. And Heb. 3. 13. Exhort one another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, every day, whilst it is called to Day. Where we see Day to include every day. And I believe we are thus to understand Day in the Lord's Prayer, in that Petition, Give us this day our daily Bread; that is, the whole time we live in this world. For in stead of S. Matthew's This Day, spoken after the Hebrew notion, S. Luke hath in the same Petition, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, every day. Therefore S. Matthew's This day must comprehend S. Luke's Every day, if the sense of the Petition in both of them be the same, as I believe it is. Nay more than this; The world to come, even Seculum aeternitatis, or Eternity itself, is likewise termed a Day by S. Peter, 2 Ep. 3. 18. our Lord, saith he, and Saviour jesus Christ, to whom be glory both now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to the Day of Eternity. A long Day indeed. But this obiter.  
Thus having cleared my Proposition in thest, or in general [That there shall be differing degrees of glory in the Reward to come;] it remains that I make it good in the hypothesis concerning a Prophet; namely, That to them who instruct others in the ways and will of God, which is the Office of a Prophet, there belongs a preeminence of Reward above and besides that which is common to all Saints. This preeminence of glory the Schoolmen term Aur●ola, that is, an Additament of felicity to that essential glory in the Vision of God, which they term Aurea. This Aureola or Coronet to be added to the Crown of glory, they ascribe to three sorts of persons; to Virgins, to Martyrs, and to Doctors of Prophets. The two first are out of my scope: The third, of Prophets, let us see how it is proved out of Scripture.  
First therefore, it is apparent from my Text, He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall receive a Prophet's reward: Ergo, there is some special or peculiar Reward belonging to a Prophet, and that to an eminent one; otherwise our Saviour's speech will have no enforcement in it, as he that considers thereof may easily see.  
The second is, Dan. 12. 3. where the Angel prophesying of the Resurrection to be at the end of Time, and saying, That many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt; he adds, And those that be wise (that is, have learned the true wisdom, which consists in the fear of God) shall shine as the brightness of the Firmament: but those that turn many unto righteousness, (that is, the Teachers and Instructers,) as the Stars for ever and ever. Here the difference between those that teach and are taught is as much as between the light of the Stars and the brightness of the Firmament. Some will have the whole sentence to speak of the eminency of glory laid up for Prophets, translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the first place not docti or intelligentes, but Doctores: The Teachers shall shine as the brightness of the Firmament; and they that turn many unto righteousness, as the Stars for ever and ever. But I have followed that interpretation which our Translators thought most likely.  
Thir●dly, To this eminency of glory the Angel seems also to have respect in the end of the Chapter, when he says, But go thy way, Daniel, till the end be; for thou shalt rest, and stand up in thy lot at the end of days: in sort tua in thy lot, that is, in sort Prophetarum in the lot of Prophets. And this perhaps may be that too which our Saviour intends, Matt. 5. 19 Qui secerit & docuerit, magnus vocabitur (i. erit) in regno coelorum, Whosoever shall do and teach them, the same shall be called (that is, shall be) great in the kingdom of heaven.  
The reason of all this is, Because those who teach and convert others to righteousness, have an interest and a kind of title to all the good works which they shall do: How then can their Reward but be great and eminent, when not only their own works, but the works of their converts and disciples, shall be brought into their account? A matter, if we consider it, of no small encouragement and comfort unto us, whom God hath placed in this condition to be Teachers and Instructers of others, if so be we bury not our Talon in a Napkin, but employ it for the advantage of our Lord and Master. For it is not the Habit or Faculty, but the Work, which shall reap the Reward we speak of. Happy are we therefore, if we neglect not this opportunity of bliss which God hath given us.  
AND thus having done with the First Proposition I undertook, I come unto the Second; which is, That he that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall be partaker of a Prophet's reward. He that receives, that is, doth any good office, or deserves well of a Prophet. For this to be the meaning, may appear by that which follows; He that receiveth a righteous man in the name of a righteous man, shall receive a righteous man's reward: where righteous is to be taken by way of eminency, for one of eminent sanctity, such as among the jews had therefore the surname of Just or Righteous; as Simeon the Just, james the Just, and other the like. Then in the next words the expression is varied; 
Ver●. 27.  Whosoever shall give to drink to one of these little ones a cup of cold water in the name of a disciple, shall not lose his reward: whence I say we may gather what good office the word receiving (before used) intimated to us, namely, to relieve, maintain, support, and the like. He therefore that thus receives a Prophet, shall be partaker, saith our Saviour, of a Prophet's reward; that is, have an eminent reward, or of the quality of a Prophet's though himself be none.  
The reason is, Because he that supports and enables a Prophet for his duty, hath an interest in his work, and consequently in the reward that belongs unto it. This appears by the contrary, because he that maintains and abetts those who commit an evil act, makes himself guilty of their sin, and so of the punishment due to the same, An example whereof we have in that of the Benjamites in the Book of judges; who by abetting the men of Gibeah, who committed that foul abomination with the Levite's Wife, made themselves guilty of their sin, and brought that hideous judgement, which at first was deserved only by a few sons of Belial, upon the Heads of the whole Tribe: It is a known story. Now it is par ratio for a man to entitle himself to another's good works, as to his ill.  
BUT there is a modification in the Text, whereupon this Reward we speak of depends, otherwise not to be looked for: And that is, This good office must be done in nomine Prophetae, in the name of a Prophet, not for any other respect, than as he is, and because he is, a Prophet: He that receiveth a Prophet in nomine Prophetae, shall receive a Prophet's reward. Not he that receives him only for some personal or by-respect, because he is his kinsman, friend, or friend's ally; or (which is the ground of the most respect the Prophet gets among the most nowadays,) because he is one of their one side and faction: but setting all such respects aside, eo nomine quia Propheta, with mere respect to their office and calling, or because they are (as Valens and Valentinian in their Rescript apud 
* Eccles. hist. l. 4. c. 7.  Theodoretum calls them) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Stewards of the great King of all the earth. I may tell you that this is no ordinary thing nowadays. We may perhaps find some that can be content to make much of the Prophet for some personal qualities of his, or perhaps because he hath abilities above ordinary, or because it may be he is like to further the way they wish good luck to, or that they may gain repute among some sort of men, or for other respects of like nature: But are there many which regard them in the name of a Prophet? How then comes it to pass that their courtesies are so appropriate to the Persons of some, that they show no respect or esteem to the Calling in others?  
Whence comes that Unchristian, or indeed Atheistical, language, Abase Priest, A paltry Priest? It would never have grieved me if any other had served me thus; but to be served thus by a base Priest, who can endure it? Tell me in good earnest, is this to honour a Priest or a Prophet in the name of a Prophet? or not rather point-blank unto it, to reproach and dishonour him under that reverend Name, that is, to despise and reproach the Calling itself? For can a man honour that condition, the name whereof he thinks to be a reproach? Is any man wont to say, A base Lord, a base Knight, A base Gentleman, A base Christian? No: And why? because he accounts them all Terms and Titles of Honour. judge then by this, what account they make of God's Amber, who turn the very Title of their Calling into a name of reproach; and what reward by proportion they are like to merit at Christ's hands: Not a Prophet's, I am sure; and whether a Christian's or not, themselves may judge. 'Tis often, and too often, true indeed, that for our Persons we are unworthy of any better respect; but even than it best appears whether a man hath respect to the Calling eo nomine, when there is nothing in the Person to move him to it.  
But there is another sort of men, who honour not a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, yet behind; namely, such as rob and spoil them of their livelihood and daily bread; and not only themselves give nothing to enable and encourage them the better to perform their Ministry, but take from them several ways that which the Piety and Bounty of their Ancestors hath allotted them: yea to many, if not to the most, no gain or theft is more sweet than that which is gotten out of the Priest's portion. But whether it will prove so at that day when the just God shall reward every man according to his works, may be greatly feared. I told you a little before that the reason why he that receives a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall be partaker of a Prophet's reward, is, because he that supports and enables a Prophet to do his duty, hath thereby an interest in his work, and consequently in the reward due to the same. If this be so, what can they look for, who by subtracting their daily bread from them, hinder and disenable them from the free and cheerful performance of their duty, by distracting them with the cares of providing for their bodily life? Do they not derive upon themselves the guilt of whatsoever impediment comes hereby to the propagation of the Kingdom of Christ? Shall not the loss of every Soul that perisheth for want of due provision to maintain an able Minister, be cast to their account at the last day? I will speak nothing now of the burden which Sacrilege itself, as being a robbing of God, carries with it, (See Prov. 20. 25. It is a snare to the man who devoureth that which is holy, and after vows to make enquiry;) nor of those dreadful execrations which the Donors of such things were wont antiquo ritu to lay upon the heads of all such as should divert them to profane uses, wherewith these men willingly and wilfully involve themselves. I will, I say, not speak of these; for the present 
* The Commemoration of College Benefactors, Anno 1635.  occasion calls upon me, and tells me that I came not hither to curse, but to bless. I therefore change my note, and say, Blessed be God our heavenly Father, who notwithstanding the malignity of many, hath not left us destitute, but in every Age hath raised up some to show kindness unto the Prophets, and to provide entertainment for them. Witness the goodly Buildings and liberal Endowments in our two Seminaries for the entertainment and education of Prophets and Prophets Sons: more particularly the Bounty of those Worthies the fruits of whose Piety and Devotion we ourselves here assembled by the Divine goodness enjoy; Whose blessed names therefore, as their deserts challenge at our hands, let us remember with all due honour and thankfulness.  
After the mention of the Names of the College-Benefactors, this follows in the Authors own Manuscript.  
These are the Names of our pious Founders and Benefactors: let their Memory be blessed for ever. And when Christ our Lord shall come in his Glory to render every one according to his works, and 
* Eccl●s. 49. 10.  their Bones flourish again out of their graves; let all the benefit and enlargement, which shall redound to the Church of God by this their Bounty, be cast in their account; and we with them, and they with us hear that comfortable voice, Come ye blessed, inherit the Kingdom prepared from the foundation of the World.    

DISCOURSE XXIV.  

S. LUKE 2. 13, 14  And suddenly there was with the Angel a multitude of the heavenly Host, praising God, and saying, Glory be to God on high, (or, in the highest) and on earth Peace, goodwill towards men. 
AT the Creation of the world, when God laid the foundations of the Earth, and stretched out his line thereon, the Stars of the morning (as God himself describes it, job 38. 7.) sang together, and all the Sons of God (that is, the holy Angels) shouted for joy. This in my Text is so like it, that a man would think some new Creation were in hand; nor were it much wide of truth to affirm it: for if ever there were a day wherein the Almighty Power, the incomparable Wisdom, the wonderful Goodness of God again the second time appeared, as it did at the World's Creation; it was this day whereof S. Luke our Evangelist now treateth; when the Son of God took upon him our Flesh, and was born of a Virgin, to repair the breach between God and man, and make all things new. The news of which Restauration was no sooner heard and made known to the Shepherds by an Angel sent from heaven, but suddenly the heavenly Host descended from their celestial mansions, and sung this Carol of joy, Glory be to God on high, and welcome Peace on earth, goodwill towards men. A Song renowned both for the singularity of the first example, (for until this time, unless it were once in a Prophetical Vision, we shall not find a Song of Angels heard by men in all the Scripture) and from the custom of the Church, who afterward took it up in her Liturgy, and hath continued the singing thereof ever since the days of the Apostles unto these of ours. Yet perhaps it is not so commonly understood as usually said or chanted; and therefore will be worth our labour to inquire into the meaning thereof, and hear such Instructions as may be learned therefrom. Which that we may the better do, I will consider, First, the Singers or Chanters, The heavenly Host: Secondly, the Carol or Hymn itself, Glorid in excelsis Deo, Glory be to God on high, etc.  
For the First; The Heavenly Host here spoken of is an Army of holy Angels: For the Host of heaven in the language of Scripture is twofold, Visible or Invisible. The Visible Host are the Stars, 
Luk. 2. 13, 14  which stand in their array like an Army. Deut. 4. 19 Lest thou lift up thine eyes (saith the Lord there) unto heaven; and when thou seest the Sun, Moon, and Stars, even all the Host of heaven, shouldst be driven to worship and serve them. The Invisible Host are the Angels, the heavenly Guard; according to that of Micaiah, 1 King. 22, 19 I saw the Lord sitting upon his Throne, and all the Host of Heaven standing by him, on his right hand and on his left. So. Psal. 103. 20, 21. Bless the Lord ye his Angels, that excel in strength, that do his Commandments. Bless the Lord, all ye his Hosts, ye ministers of his that do his pleasure: Where the latter words do but vary that which is expressed in the former. From this it is that the Lord jehovah, the true and only God, is so often styled the Lord or God of Sabaoth or of Hosts, that is, King both of Stars and Angels: according to that Nehem. 9 6. Thou art God alone;— and the Host of Heaven worshippeth thee. By which Title he is distinguished from the Gods of the Nations, who were some of the Host, to wit, of the Stars, or Angels, but none of them The Lord of Hosts himself. For the same reason, and with the same meaning and sense, in the Books written after the Captivity, he is styled Deus coeli, the God of Heaven, as in Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel; in which Books, together with the last of Chronicles, the title of Deus Sabaoth The Lord of Hosts is not to be found, but the title of Deus Coeli The God of Heaven only, which, as may seem, was taken up for some reason in stead of the other.  
But to return to what we have in hand: It was the Angelical Host, as ye hear, who sang this Song of joy and praise unto the most High God. And wherefore? For any restitution or addition of Happiness to themselves? No; but for Peace on Earth, and goodwill towards men. He that was now born, took not upon him the Nature of Angels, but of men: He came not into the world to save Angels, but for the salvation of men: Nor was the state of Angels to receive advancement in glory by his coming, but the state of men; and that too in such a sort as might seem to impeach the dignity, and dim the lustre of those excellent creatures; when an inferior Nature, the nature of Man, was now to be advanced unto a throne of Divine majesty, and to become Head and King not only of men, but of the Heavenly Host itself. O ye blessed Angels! what did these tidings concern you, That ruined mankind should be restored again and taken into favour; whereas those of your own Host, which fell likewise, remained still in that gulf of perdition whereinto their sin had plunged them, without hope of mercy or like promise of Deliverance? What did it add to your eminent Dignity, the most excellent of the creatures of God, that the Nature of man should be advanced above yours? 
Phil. 2. 10.  that at the Name of jesus every knee should bow, of things in Heaven, and things in Earth, and things under the Earth?  
The Observation therefore which this Act of the Angels first presents unto us is, The ingenuous goodness and sweet disposition of those immaculate and blessed Spirits, in whose bosoms Envy, the Image of the Devil and deadly poison of Charity, hath no place at all: For if any inclination to this cankered passion had been in these Heavenly creatures, never such an occasion was offered (nor greater could be) to stir it up as now. But Heaven admits of no such passion, nor could such a torment consist with the blissful condition of those who dwell therein. It is the smoke of that bottomless pit, a native of Hell, the character and cognisance of those Apostate Angels, which kept not their first estate, but left their own habitation, and are reserved for chains of everlasting darkness. 
〈◊〉. ver. 6.  These indeed grieve no less at the Happiness of men than the Angel's joy: witness the name of their Prince Satan, which signifies the Fiend or malicious one, who out of Envy overthrew mankind in the beginning; out of Envy he and all his fellow-fiends are so restless and indefatigable to seduce him still.  
The Use of this Observation will not be far to seek, if we remember the admonition our Saviour hath given us in the Prayer left unto his Church, which is, To make the Angels the pattern of our imitation in doing the will of our heavenly Father; for so he teacheth us to pray, Let thy will be done in earth as it is done in heaven; that is, Grant us O Lord, to do thy will here, as thy holy Angels do it there. And as we should imitate them in all things else, so in this affection towards the happiness and prosperity of others. And good reason, I think, if we mean at all to approve ourselves unto God our Father, why we should endeavour rather to be like unto them than unto Devils. But in nothing can we be more like them than in this, to rejoice for the good, and not repine at the happiness, of our Brethren: Hoc enim Angelicum est, This is the Character of the Angelical nature, and consequently of those who one day shall have fellowship with them. To be contrarily affected Diabolicum est, is the badge and brand of Devils and Fiends; and those who wear their Livery, reason good they should keep them company. Let every one therefore examine his own heart concerning this point, that he may learn upon what terms he stands with God, and what he may promise himself of the Blessedness to come. Do the gifts of God, doth his favour or blessing vouchsafed to thy brother, when thou ●eest or hearest of them, torment and crucify thy soul? dost thou make their happiness thy misery? is thine eye evil to thy Brother because God's is good: If this be so, without doubt thy heart is not right before God; nor doth his Spirit, but the spirit of Devils and Fiends, reign therein. But if the contrary appear in any reasonable measure, with a desire to increase it; (for we must not look to attain the perfection of Angels in this life, but in some measure and degree only) if thou canst rejoice at another's good, though it concerns not thyself; the Spirit of God rests upon thee: For emulations and envyings (saith the Apostle Gal. 5. 19 etc.) are the fruits of the flesh; but the fruits of the Spirit are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, kindness and goodness: So he calls the opposite virtues to those former vices.  
But as any good that betides our brother ought to affect us with some degree of joy, and not with grief and envy; so chiefly and most of all his Spiritual good, and that which concerns his Salvation, ought so to do. This was that the holy Angels praised God for in my Text, on the behalf of men, That unto them a Saviour was born, who should save them from their sins, and reconcile them unto God. Which sweet disposition of those good and blessed spirits our Saviour himself further witnesseth, when he saith, (Luke 15. 7, 10.) There is joy in heaven (namely, among the holy Angels) for one sinner that repenteth. But is there any man, will you say, such a son of Belial as he will not do this, will not imitate the holy Angels in this? judge ye: There is an evil disease which commonly attends upon Sects and Differences in opinion, That as men are curiously inquisitive into the lives and actions of the adverse party; so are they willing to find them faulty, and rejoice at their falls and slips, hear and relate them with delight; namely, because they suppose it makes much for their own side, that the contrary should by such means be scandalised, and the Patrons and followers thereof disreputed. But should that be the matter of our grief whereat the Angel's joy, or that the matter of our joy whereat the Angels grieve? How is this to do our Father's will on earth as the Angels do in heaven? Nay, if this be not to put on the robes of darkness, and to shake hands with hellish Fiends, I know not what is. O my Soul, come not thou into their secret; 
Gen. 49. 6●.  unto their assembly mine honour be not thou united. And thus much of our first Observation  
There is another Lesson yet more to be learned from this Act of the Angels; namely, That if they glorify God for our Happiness, and the Favour of God towards us in Christ; much more should we glorify and magnify his Goodness ourselves, to whom solely this Birth and the benefit of this Birth redounds. If they sing, Glory be to God on high, for his Favour toward men; we, to whom such Favour is shown, must not hold our peace: for shall they for us, and not we for ourselves? No, the Choir of Heaven did but set us in, we are to bear a part; and it should be a chief part, since the best part is ours. As therefore the Church in her public Service hath ever since kept it up; so must every one of us in particular never let it go down or die in our hands.  
THUS much of the Choir; Now come we to the Amhem or Song itself: whose contents are two; First, The Doxology or Praise, Glory be to God on high; Secondly, 
〈…〉  A Gratulation rendering the reason thereof, Because of Peace on earth, goodwill towards men. For the conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to be taken here for a copulative, but, as Vaughan is frequently in the Hebrew, for a conjunction causal, or for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Glory to God in the highest; for that there is Peace on earth, and goodwill towards men. Or, if we retain the copulative sense, yet we must understand the words following as spoken by way of Gratulation; Glory be to God on high, and welcome Peace on earth, goodwill towards men. Or both causally and gratulatorily thus, Glory be to God in the highest; for (o factum bene!) there is Peace on earth, and goodwill towards men.  
To begin with the First, The Doxology or Praise; Glory be to God in the Highest: that is, Let the Angels glorify him, who dwell on high: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be referred to Glory, and not to God; the sense being, Glorified be God by those on high; and not, God, who dwells on high, be glorified. This may appear by the like expression in Psalm 148. 1, 2. whence this Glorification seems to be borrowed: Praise ye the Lord from the Heavens, praise him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the highest; Praise ye him all his Angels, praise ye him all his Hosts. And therefore junius for Praise ye the Lord from the Heavens, hath Laudate eum coelites, Praise him ye that dwell in Heaven: The Chaldee, for Praise him in excelsis, hath Praise him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ye high Angels. In like manner here, Gloria in excelsis Deo, Glory to God in the highest, are the words of the Angelical Choir, inciting themselves and all the Host of Heaven to give glory and praise unto God for these wonderful tidings. Now therefore let us see What this Glory is, and How it is given to God.  
To tell you every signification of the word Glory in Scripture, might perhaps distract the hearer, but would inform him little. Nor will it be to purpose to reckon up every signification it hath, when it is spoken of God: I will therefore name only the two principal ones. And first, Glory, when it is referred to God, often signifies the Divine Presence or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in this Chapter a little before my Text, when it is said, The GLORY of the Lord shone round about the Shepherds, 
Verse 9  and they were sore afraid. But this is not the signification in my Text, but another which I shall now tell you. For Glory besides signifies in Scripture the high and glorious Supereminency or Majesty of God, which consisteth in his threefold Supremacy of Power, of Wisdom, and of Goodness. And as words of Eminency and Dignity with us (as Majesty, Highness, Honour, Worship) are used for the Persons themselves to whom such Dignity belongeth, (as when we say, his Majesty, his Highness, his Honour, his Worship:) so in the Scripture, and among the Hebrews, His Glory, or the Glory of the Lord, is used to note the Divine Essence or Deity itself. As in 2 Pet. 1. 17. There came a voice (saith S. Peter) from the excellent GLORY, (that is, from God the Father,) This is my wellbeloved Son, in whom I am well pleased. Rom. 1. 23. the Gentiles are said to have changed the GLORY of the incorruptible God into the likeness of things corruptible: As it is said (in Psal. 106. 20.) of the Israelites in the Wilderness, that they changed their 
* I●r. 2. 11.  GLORY into the similitude of an Ox that eateth grass. S. john, chap. 1. 14. of his Gospel says of the Son, We beheld his GLORY, the glory as of the only-begotten Son of God. According to which sense he is called Heb. 1. 3. The Brightness of his Father's glory, and the express Image of his person; where the latter words are an exposition of the former, Image expounding Brightness, and Person or Substance expounding Glory.  
If Glory therefore signify the Divine Majesty or Greatness, to Glorify or give Glory unto God is nothing else but to acknowledge and confess this Majesty or Greatness of His; namely, his Supereminent Power, his Wisdom, and Goodness: for in the peerless supereminency of these Three, (under which all his other Attributes are comprehended) his Glorious Majesty consisteth. Take this withal; That all the religious service and worship we give unto God, (whether we praise him, pray, or give thanks unto him) is nothing else but the acknowledging of this Glory, either in deed or word; namely, by confessing it, or doing some act whereby we acknowledge it. To come to particulars: By our Faith we confess his Wisdom and Truth; by our Thanksgiving, his Goodness and Mercy; when we Pray, we acknowledge his Power and Dominion; and therefore the form of prayer our Saviour taught us, concludes, For thine is the Kingdom, Power, and Glory. In Praise we confess all these or any of them, according to that in the Hymn of the Church, Te Deum laudamus, Te Dominum confitemur; We praise thee, O God, we acknowledge thee to be the Lord. All which is evident by those forms of Glorification set down in the Apocalypse, which are nothing else but express and particular acknowledgements of the Greatness or Majesty of God, and his peerless prerogatives. 
Chap. 4. 9  When the four Wights are said to have given Glory, Honour and Thanks to him that sat upon the Throne; 
Verse 11.  what was their Ditty but this? Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receive Glory and Honour and Power; for thou hast created all things, and for thy pleasure they are, and were created. When the Lamb opened the Book with seven Seals, the Wights, the Elders, and every creature in Heaven, in earth, and under the earth, 
Chap. 5. 12.  sung, Worthy is the Lamb to receive Power, and Riches, and Wisdom, 
Verse 13.  and Strength, and Honour, and Blessing. And again; Blessing, Honour, Glory, and Power be unto him that sitteth upon the Throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever. In which we may observe the whole Glorification to consist in the acknowledgement of these Three sovereign prerogatives of the Divine Majesty, his Power, his Wisdom, his Goodness: The two first, Power and Wisdom are express; and Riches and Strength belong to Power: the third is contained in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Blessing or Thanksgiving, which is nothing else but the Confession of the Divine Goodness.  
Hence it is that the Septuagint and Vulgar Latin commonly render the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signify to praise and glorify, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, confiteor. Confitemini Domino, quoniam bonus; quoniam in seculum misericordia ejus. Confess unto the Lord, for he is good; for his mercy is for ever. Psal. 106. 1. 107. 1. 136. 1. Confitebor tibi, Domine, in toto corde meo, quoniam audisti verba oris mei. I will confess unto thee, O Lord, with my whole heart; for thou hast heard the words of my mouth. So the Vulgar Latin in Psal. 137. Confitemini Domino, & invocate nomen ejus. Confess unto the Lord and call upon his name, Psal. 105. 1. and the like. And in the 148. Psal. 13. Confessio ejus super coelum & terram; that is, His glory is above the heaven and the earth. The Holy Ghost in the New Testament useth the same language. Matth. 11. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, and revealed them to babes; where we have, I thank thee, O Father, Beza and Erasmus read, ●loriam tibi tribuo, I give glory unto thee; which I think is the better. So Luke 2. 38. it is said of Anna, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, she confessed to the Lord, or she gave praise and thanks unto the Lord. So Heb. 13. 15. By him therefore (that is, by Christ) let us offer the Sacrifice of Praise to God continually, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the fruit of our lips confessing to his Name. By all which it is evident, That to Praise and give Glory unto God, whether by Praise at large, or Prayer and Thanksgiving in special, is nothing else (as I have said) but to confess and acknowledge his peerless Majesty over all and in all; which the Scripture calls his Glory. And if ever there were a Work of God wherein all these peerless Prerogatives of Power, Wisdom and Goodness, all together appeared in the highest degree, it was undoubtedly in this wonderful Work of the Incarnation of the Son of God for man's redemption: well therefore might the heavenly Host sing, Gloria in excelsis Deo, Glory be to God on High; The Power, the Wisdom and Goodness of the Glorious God be acknowledged by the holy Angels and all the Host of heaven for ever and ever. This is the meaning of the Doxology.  
COME we now to the Gratulation, which contains the cause thereof; Glory be to God on high; for (o factum bene! O happy news!) there is peace on earth, goodwill towards men. One and the same thing two ways expressed: for it is an Apposition, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the latter words declaring the meaning of the former; Peace on earth, that is, Good will towards men, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wit, in imitation of the Hebrew construction, where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Verbs which signify 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Noun signifying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are construed with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek, and accordingly both the Septuagint and New Testament express the same. But the Vulgar Interpreter reads here, Pax in terris hominibus bonae voluntatis, Peace on earth to men of goodwill: as if the Greek were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as now all our Copies constantly read, and I believe ever did. Yet Beza seems here to favour the Vulgar Latin, expounding Homines bonae voluntatis Men of goodwill, of those whom God wills well to, to wit, of the Elect, to whom this Peace by Christ belongeth; and from the conveniency of this sense, inclines to believe that the Greek anciently read so; quoting to this end Irenaeus, Origen, and chrysostom (as he saith) in divers places. But he trusted too much the Latin Translation of chrysostom; for the Greek chrysostom hath no such matter; but both in those places Beza points to, and in divers others, reads constantly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as our Copies do. And so I make no question Irenaeus and 
* Origen contr. Celsum lib. l. p. 46. Gr. ●g● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Origen did too in the Greek Originals, if we had them to look into. But the Latin Translators thought not fit to alter the words of the Hymn so ordinarily sung in the Liturgy, and so expressed it in Latin as the Latin Church used. And for the meaning, I believe the Vulgar Latin aimed at no other sense than what the Greek implies; namely, That this Peace was no earthly Peace, but the Peace of God's goodwill to man, referring the Genitive Case voluntatis, not to hominibus, but to Pax. Pax in terris: what Pax? Pax bonae voluntatis hominibus. That which makes me think so is, because Origen, or his Translator, in the place Beza quotes for this reading, expressly expounds it so. And so there will not be a pin to choose: save that the Greek expresseth this sense by way of Apposition, more naturally; the Latin by way of Rection, somewhat harshly; and yet perhaps the Translator thought, less ambiguously.  
Well then, This Peace on earth is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, God's goodwill or favour to men: and God's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; goodwill to men is the Peace on earth the Angels gratulate; namely, the Reconciliation of God to men in Christ. For by reason of sin, Heaven and Earth, God and Man were till now at enmity: but by Christ this enmity is taken away; and man, by the forgiveness of his sin, restored unto peace and favour with God. And as by this Nativity God and Man became one Person; so by this conjunction Heaven and Earth, Angels and Men, become one Fellowship, one City and Kingdom of God: the Kingdom of Satan, that Prince of the powers of the Air, who by reason of sin had captivated and brought under his service the whole Earth, and thereby held the same at open war and enmity with Heaven, being now by degrees to be destroyed and rooted out. And this is that admirable Mystery of our Redemption by Christ, which the Angelical Host here gratulates by the name of Peace on earth, and goodwill towards men.  
And that we may not doubt but we have hit the meaning, That this Peace on earth is God's goodwill to men, and therefore expounded by it; besides that in the Old 
* Vid. Num. 6. 26. judg. 6. 24. Psal. 85.7, etc. Ca 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Testament Peace is often taken for God's favour and mercy to men; (as in that of Esay 54. 10. The mountain's shall depart, and the hills be removed; but my kindness shall not depart from thee, neither shall the Covenant of my peace be removed, saith the Lord that hath mercy on thee:) so if we examine the use thereof in the New Testament, 〈◊〉 shall find it in special applied to this our Reconciliation to God in Christ by re●●●sion of sin. S. Peter to Cornelius, Acts 10. 36. describes the Gospel thus, The word which God sent to the children to Israel, preaching peace by jesus Christ. And S. Paul, Col. 1. 19, 20. It pleased God the Father, that in Christ all fullness should dwell: And (having made peace through the blood of his Cross) by him to reconcile all things unto himself. What can be plainer than this? The same, as I take it, he means Eph. 2. 17. when he tells us, that Christ came to preach peace both to those that were afar off, and to them that were nigh; that is, both to jew and Gentile. But what peace? namely, that through him we both might have access by one Spirit unto the Father. 
Verse 18.  Hence the Gospel is called The Gospel of peace; and God so often in the New Testament, The God of peace, that is, of reconcilement and favour: and the Evangelical salutation is, Grace, mercy, and peace from God our Father and jesus Christ our Lord.  
The meaning of this Angelical Gratulation being thus cleared, let us see now what may be learned and observed therefrom. Where my first Observation shall be this: S. Peter tells Cornelius, 
Acts 10. 43.  that to Christ give all the Prophet's witness, that through his Name, whosoever believeth in him, shall receive remission of sins. Our Saviour after his Resurrection, expounding the Scriptures to his Apostles, says the same, Luke 24. 46, 47. Thus it is written, (saith he) and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day; And that remission of sins should be preached in his Name among the Nations. But where is this Publication of remission of sins by Christ written? for in those formal words we shall hardly find it. Let us take here the Angel's Key, and we shall: for they tell us, that Peace on earth is this goodwill towards men. Now do not the Prophets speak of some Peace on earth which Messiah should bring with him when he comes? Yes surely. Well then, let us look for this Publication of remission 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under that name, and we shall find it. Esay 9 6. Unto us a Child is born, unto as a Son is given, and the government shall be upon his shoulder; and his Name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, The mighty God, The Father of eternity, The Prince of peace, (that is, of peace not between men and men, but between God and men) and of the increase of his government and peace shall be no end. Esay 52. 7. How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings, that publisheth peace, that bringeth good tidings of good, that publisheth salvation, that saith unto Zion, Thy God reigneth! Which place S. Paul, Rom. 10. 15, interprets of the publication of the Gospel of Christ, Esay 53. 5. The chastisement of our peace was upon him; that is, he suffered for the remission of our sins. Esay 57 19 quoted by S. Paul to the Ephesians, chap. 2. 17. Peace to him that is afar off, and to him that is near, saith the Lord, and I will heal him. Ezek. 34. 24, 25. I the Lord will be their God, and my servant David (King Messiah) a Prince among them.— And I will make a Covenant of peace with them. So Chap. 37. 26. Hag. 2. 9 The glory of this latter house shall be greater than of the former, saith the Lord of Hosts; and in this place will I give peace, saith the Lord of Hosts. Zech. 9 9, 10. Shout, O daughter of jerusalem; behold, thy King cometh unto thee,— and he shall speak peace unto the Heathen, and his Dominion shall be from Sea to Sea, and from the River unto the end of the earth.  
Thus much of the Use to be made of the Angel's expression in this heavenly Carol: Now I shall propound to your consideration another, and that taken from the argument itself; namely, That if Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, be so graciously disposed to us-ward, as to be reconciled unto us, by forgiving us our trespasses; then ought we semblably to be reconciled to our brethren, and forgive them their trespasses, when they have wronged or offended us. Leo Serm. 6. de Nativit. Natalis Domini natalis est pacis, etc. The Birthday of our Lord is the Birthday of peace; and therefore let all the faithful offer up unto God their Father the united affections of peaceable-spirited children. The Illation is good; we have the authority of the Apostle S. john to back it, 1 joh. 4. 10, 11. God (saith he) so loved us, that he sent his Son to be the propitiation for our sins. What follows? Beloved, (saith he) If God so loved us, we ought to love one another. So say I, If God be so gracious to forgive and be reconciled to us; we ought, as it were, to echo this his lovingkindness, and to forgive and be reconciled one to another.  
This Congruity or semblableness of our Actions and Affections one towards another with God's Favour and Mercy towards us, is the Rule and Reason not only of this, but of many other duties he requires at our hands. Thus the jews were every seventh year to manumise their servants, as an act of Congruity and Thankfulness to God, who had delivered them, when they were servants, out of the land of Egypt and house of bondage. They were bidden to use a stranger kindly, because themselves had been strangers, and God, when they were oppressed, had been compassionate and kind towards them, and redeemed them from their thraldom. Likewise we read in the Gospel, Luke 6. 36. Ee ye merciful, as your Father also is merciful: and Matth. 5. 7. Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy. In a word, God hath revealed he will show mercy to none but such as appear before him with this Congruity. james 2. 13. He shall have judgement without mercy, that hath showed no mercy. And therefore the tenor of our Sentence at the last judgement runs, Come ye Blessed, and be partakers of mercy, because ye have showed it: But, Go ye Cursed without all mercy into Hell-fire, because ye have showed no mercy.  
Thus we see how God requires this Congruity in general: And as for the particular of reconcilement and forgiving our brother, it is written in capital letters, and urged in such sort as it might not unfitly be termed The Livery of Christianity. Insomuch that if we consider it duly, it cannot but breed astonishment, that the evidence and necessity should be so apparent, and the practice, among those who look for the benefit of Christ and call upon his Name, so little regarded; whenas I dare boldly pronounce, there is no remission of sins to be looked for at the hands of God without it.  
An invincible argument whereof is, That our Saviour himself, in the Prayer he hath taught his Church, hath put in a bar against ask it but upon this condition, Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us. If we ask not with this disposition, there is no promise that any such prayer shall be heard: nay our Saviour tells us in plain terms, it shall not: If (saith he) you forgive not men their trespasses, no more will your heavenly, Father forgive you your trespasses. 
Matth. 6. 15.  How then can any man whose heart is fraught with malice, and meditates revenge against his brother, hear this and not tremble? Is it not a fearful thing for a man to carry in his own bosom, not only an evidence that his sins are unpardoned, but a bat too, that he cannot ask the forgiveness of them? Let no man deceive himself: Though our consciences should bear us witness of many good works we have done; reconciliatione tamen contemptâ, nullum possumus promereri solatium, yet if we neglect to be reconciled to our brethren, we are not in a capacity to receive any comfort and mercy from God. So Chrysost. 
Eph. 6. 2.  As the fifth Commandment is called by the Apostle the first Commandment with promise, so is this Petition for forgiveness of sins the only Petition with condition: and such a condition too as our Saviour dwells upon and enforces, when he had delivered this Form of Prayer to his Disciples: For he passes by all the rest of the Petitions, and 
* Matth. 6. 14, 15.  singles out this alone to comment upon, as that wherein the chiefest moment lay, and without which all our prayer would be uneffectual and to no purpose.  
A further confirmation of which we have in that parable of Servus nequam, the wicked Servant, Matth. 18. whom his Lord being moved with compassion, when he besought him, forgave a debt of ten thousand Talents: But he finding one of his fellow-servants which ought him an hundred pence, though he fell at his feet and besought him, yet would not hear him, but cast him into prison. 
Verse 32, etc.  Then his Lord was wroth, and said, O thou wicked servant! shouldst thou not have had compassion on thy fellow-servant, even as I had pity upon thee? And he delivered him unto the tormentors, till he should pay all that was due to him. The Application is terrible: So likewise, saith our Saviour, shall my heavenly Father do unto you, 
Verse 35.  if ye from your hearts forgive not every one his brother their trespasses. We are this Servus nequam, if when our heavenly Father forgives us thousands of Talents, we stand with our brethren for an hundred pence. For there is no proportion between the offences wherewith we offend God, and the offences wherewith our brother offends us. And therefore we have no excuse, hath our brother wronged us never so often, never so much, never so heinously: For whatsoever it be, or how unworthy or undeserved soever; our sin, our ingratitude to Almighty God is and hath been infinitely greater, even as ten thousand Talents to an hundred pence.  
To these two Testimonies add a third, and that also, as the former, out of our Blessed Saviour's own mouth: Matth. 5. 23, 24. If thou bring (saith he) thy Gift to the Altar, and there remember that thy brother hath aught against thee; Leave there thy gift before the Altar, and go thy way: first be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer thy gift, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the word whereby the Septuagint constantly render that which the Law calls Corban; and the Gospel concurs with them, Mark 7. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now 
* Of the Corban, see Discourse 〈◊〉.  Corban in the Law is in special used for those Offerings which were made for atonement of Sin, as the Burnt-offering, Sin-offering, Trespass-offering, and Peace-offering, called Offerings by Fire or Sacrifices. So that this Precept of our Saviour's here is the same in effect with the former. When thou comest to offer an offering unto God for an atonement of thy sin, go thy way first, and be reconciled unto thy brother, for without this thy sin shall not be forgiven thee. I shall not need tell you, that now in the Gospel Christ is the Sacrifice, is the Gift, which a Christian by faith offers unto God for the propitiation of his sin; and that this Sacrifice is commemorated, sealed and communicated unto us in the blessed Sacrament of the Lord's Supper: whereby it will easily appear, how this Precept of our Saviour's, uttered after the style of the Legal worship, is appliable to the Evangelical.  
Hence in the ancient Church, when they assembled to celebrate this Sacrament, the Deacon was wont to proclaim, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ne quis contra aliquem, Let no man have aught against his brother: And then, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Salute one another with an holy kiss: which accordingly they did, first the Bishop and Clergy, than the Laiety, the men apart by themselves, and the women by themselves: and this was a profession of friendship and reconciliation, and therefore called Osculum pacis, the kiss of peace. In aftertimes the Priest gave this Kiss of peace unto the Deacon, and he to the chief of the Congregation, and so it was given from one to another. In stead of which at length was brought in that foolish ceremony, still used among the Romanists, for the Priest to send a little gilded or painted Table, with a Crucifix or some Saints picture thereon, to be kissed of every one in the Church before they receive the Holy Bread; which they call the kissing of the Pax. So oftentimes profitable and useful Ceremonies degenerate into toys and superstitions. Our Church, though she useth no ceremony, retains the substance, when the Priest in his Exhortation to the Communicants saith, If any of you be in malice or envy, or any other grievous crime, bewail your sins, and come not to this holy Table: and by the Rubric the Priest, if he knows any such, is to turn them back, unless they will be reconciled.  
Lastly, The necessity of this duty is testified by that pious and generally-received Custom amongst Christians, to exhort those that are dying to forgive all the world, that so themselves may find mercy and forgiveness at the hands of God. Is it needful at the hour of death, and not as needful in the time of our health? Is there no forgiveness to be expected at the hands of God without it, when we are dying; and is there while we are living? No certainly; All times are alike here; and there is no time wherein God will forgive us, unless we forgive our brother. What then remains, but that we do every day as we would do if we were to die the next? It is a blessed disposition to have a becalmed heart to those who have wronged us, and not to let 
* Ephes. 4. 26.  the Sun go down upon our wrath; to be able to come before God with confidence, and say, Lord, forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us.    

DISCOURSE XXV.  

S. MARK 1. 14, 15.  Now after that john was put in prison, jesus came into Galilee, preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom of God, And saying, The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand; Repent ye, and Believe the Gospel. 
THESE words are a Narration of our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ his first beginning to preach the Gospel; which they describe 1. By the Time when, 2. By the Place where, 3. By the Sum of what he preached. 1. The Time when; After that john was put in prison. 2. The Place where; Galilee: jesus came into Galilee, preaching, etc. 3. Lastly, The Sum of what he preached; The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand; Repent ye, and believe the Gospel. In which Sermon there are also some parts to be considered, which we shall more conveniently distinguish when we come to handle it.  
Mean while let us begin with the Three parts or circumstances already named, in order. And first with the First, The Time when; After that john was put in prison.  
Our Saviour began not his solemn preaching till his Messenger john the Baptist, who was sent to prepare his way, was cast into prison. This circumstance is elsewhere precisely noted in the Scripture, so that we cannot doubt but there is some matter of moment therein. For 
* Chap. 4. 12.  S. Matthew tells us, as S. Mark doth, Now when jesus had heard, saith he, that john was cast into prison, he departed into Galilee: and then it follows, 
* Verse 17.  From that time jesus began to preach, and to say, Repent, for the Kingdom of God is at hand. So S. Peter Acts 10. when he came to preach the Gospel of Christ to Cornelius, was careful to mention this circumstance of Time, as well as the other of Place. The word, saith he, (V. 36, 37.) which God sent unto the children of Israel, preaching peace by jesus Christ, (he is Lord of all) That word (I say) you know, which was published throughout all judaea, and began from Galilee, after the Baptism which john preached. Lo here the Place, Galilee; and the Time, After that john Baptist had done; as in my Text.  
All which argues this circumstance of Time to be one of the marks of the true Messiah; as namely, That this jesus was that Lord whom they looked for, who was to send a messenger before him, the voice of a crier in the wilderness, to usher his preaching and prepare the way of his Gospel, as was prophesied by Esay and Malachi, and the jews at that time expected. Which was the reason of that scruple of the Disciples in the Gospel, when they saw our Saviour, and Elias, whom they supposed should be his Forerunner, appear in glory both together at his Transfiguration: 
Matth 17. 10.  Why then (say they) do the Scribes say, that Elias must come first? Our Saviour tells them, that john Baptist was that Elias the Forerunner of Messiah, according to those words of his Father Zachary, And thou child shalt be called the Prophet of the Highest; for thou shalt go before the face of the Lord to prepare his ways; 
Luke 1. 76.  namely, (as the Angel told him) in the power and spirit of Elias. 
Verse 17.  For this reason, as our Saviour was not conceived, nor born, till six months after john; so he began not his prophecy till john had done: that so the Scripture might be fulfilled, and john be his forerunner and messenger both in the one and the other. And lastly, to conclude the illustration of this circumstance, john was not only a Forerunner of our Saviour in his Nativity and Prophecy, but also in his Passion and Suffering: For so our Saviour himself expressly saith Matth. 17. 12. Elias is come, and they knew him not, but have done unto him whatsoever they listed: even so also shall the Son of man suffer of them.  
Now for the Observation or, if you will, the Consideration I will make upon this circumstance, it shall be this: If that Messiah according to Prophecy were to have an Harbinger to prepare the way for his coming; and the Holy Ghost in the New Testament thought this circumstance so needful to prove the verity thereof, as so curiously to note it in the history of his Nativity, 
Mar. 1. 14, 15  Preaching, and Suffering; It would be considered, seeing the coming of Christ is twofold, First and Second, whether the same Prophecy imply not that there should be an Harbinger as well of his Second coming as of his First; as well an Elias to prepare the way for his coming in glory to judge the world, as there was at his First coming in humility to preach the Gospel and suffer for the world: An Elias, I mean, to be the Harbinger of Christ to the nation of the jews before his Second coming, as john Baptist was at his First. For to the jews alone is this Elias promised, and not to the Gentiles; and john Baptist (we know) the Elias of his First coming, preached to them alone. It is well known that all the Fathers (unless S. Hierom somewhat staggered) were of this opinion: and why we should so wholly reject it as we are wont to do, I can see no sufficient reason. For if the Fathers erred concerning the person and other circumstances of this Elias, yet it follows not but the substance of their opinion might be true. As we know also they erred concerning the person, quality and reign of Antichrist; and yet for the substance the thing was true. Our Saviour rejected not the Tradition of the Scribes concerning the coming of Elias, when the Apostles objected it, though it were mingled with some falsehood; but corrected it only: for they looked for Elias the Thisbite; but our Saviour admits it only of Elias in Spirit, not of Elias in Person; so yielding it true for the substance, though erring in circumstance. So should we do in the like case. For he that throws away what he finds, because it is foul and dirty, may perchance sometimes cast away a jewel or a piece of gold or silver: So he that wholly rejects an ancient Tenet because it hath some Error annexed to it, may unawares cast away a Truth; as this seems to be of an Elias to be the Harbinger of Christ's Second coming: and that for these Reasons.  
First, Though the Prophecy of 
* Chap. 40. 3.  Esaias, The voice of one crying in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make his paths strait, alleged by all the four Evangelists, and by john himself, seems appliable only to the First coming of Christ; yet the other out of Malachi (expressly quoted by S. Mark, and by our Saviour Matth. 11. 14. though elsewhere alluded unto) seems by Malachi himself to be applied not only to the First coming of Christ, but also to his Second coming to judgement. For in his last chapter, 
Mal 4. 1.  speaking of the coming of that day which shall burn like an oven, wherein all the proud, yea and all that do wickedly, shall be as stubble; and it shall burn them up, leaving neither root nor branch, etc. 
Verse 5.  he addeth, Behold, [saith the Lord] I will send you Elijah the Prophet before the coming of that great and dreadful day of the Lord; 
* 〈…〉  And he shall turn [or restore] the heart of the Fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their Fathers, lest I come and smite the earth with a curse. If we will not admit the Day here described to be the Day of judgement, I know scarce any description of that Day in the Old Testament but we may elude. For the phrase of turning (or, as I had rather translate it, restoring, as the LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the heart of the Fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their Fathers; the meaning is, That this Elias should bring the refractory and unbelieving posterity of the jewish nation to have the same heart and mind their holy Fathers and Progenitors had, who feared God and believed his promises, that so their Fathers might as it were rejoice in them, and own them for their children; that is, he should convert them to the faith of that Christ whom their Fathers hoped in and looked for: lest continuing obstinate in their unbelief till the great day of Christ's Second coming, they might perish among the rest of the enemies of his Kingdom. Therefore the son of Syrach in his praise of Elias the Thisbite paraphraseth this place after this manner, Who hast ordained (saith he) an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or type (for so it may be turned) for the times to come, to pacify the wrath of the Lord's judgement before it break forth into fury, and to turn the heart of the Father unto the Son, and to restore the tribes of Israel, Ecclus. 48. 10. Which explication also the Angel warrenteth Luke 1. 17. in his message to Zachary concerning his son, He shall go, saith he, before the Lord in the spirit and power of Elias, to turn the hearts of the Fathers to the Children, and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just (this is in stead of reducing the hearts of the children to their Fathers) to make ready a people prepared for the Lord.  
For the better understanding of this first Reason we must know, That the old Prophets for the most part spoke of the coming of Christ indefinitely and in general, without that distinction of First and Second coming, which we have more clearly learned in the Gospel. For this reason those Prophets (except Daniel, who distinguisheth those come, and the Gospel out of him) speak of the things which should be at the coming of Christ indefinitely and all together; which we, who are now more fully informed by the revelation of his Gospel of this distinction of a Twofold coming, must apply each of them to its proper time: Those things which befit the state of his First coming, unto it; and such things as befit the state of his Second coming, unto his Second: and that which befits both alike, (as this of an Harbinger or Messenger) may be applied to both.  
My Second Reason for the proof hereof is from our Saviour's own words in the Gospel Matth. 17. 10, 11. where his disciples immediately upon his Transfiguration ask him, saying, Why then say the Scribes that Elias must first come? Our Saviour answers, Elias truly shall first come, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and shall restore all things. These words our Saviour spoke when john Baptist was now beheaded, and yet speaks as of a thing future, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Elias shall come, and shall restore all things. How can this be spoken of john Baptist, unless he be to come again? Besides, I cannot see how this Restoring of all things can be verified of the ministry of john Baptist at the First coming of Christ, which continued but a very short time, and did no such thing as these words seem to imply; for the Restoring of all things belongs not to the First, but to the Second coming of Christ, if we will believe S. Peter in his first Sermon in the Temple after Christ's ascension, Acts 3. 19, etc. where he thus speaks unto the jews, Repent (saith he) and be converted for the blotting out of your sins, that the times of refreshing may come from the presence of the Lord, And that be may send jesus Christ which before was preached unto you; Whom the heavens must receive until the times of the Restitution of all things, which God hath spoken by the mouth of all his holy Prophets since the world began. The word is the same, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If the time or Restoring all things be not till the Second coming of Christ, how could john Baptist restore all things at his First? If the Master come not to restore all things till then; surely his Harbinger, who is to prepare his way for restoring all things, is not be looked for till then.  
These are the Reasons which have induced me to think, that the opinion which the Church hath held as far as I know from her Infancy, of an Elias which should be the Harbinger of Christ's Second coming, hath some matter of truth in it. But that this Elias should be Elias the Thisbite who was taken up into Heaven, I confess I believe not, no more than that he should be slain by Antichrist, as some fable. For that which the Prophet saith, Behold, I will send you Elijah the Prophet, 
Mal. 4. 5.  proves no more that it should be Elijah in person, 
Ezek. 37. 24.  than that which is said of Messiah [And David my servant shall rule over them] proves Christ should be David in person. It is much more like, if it be one that comes again, it should be john Baptist himself, who was the Harbinger of the First coming: That as Christ himself the Master hath two come, so should his Harbinger have; And as it shall be the same Christ which comes the second time that came the first, so should his Harbinger be the same. And to this both the words of the Angel to Zachary the father of the Baptist, and the words of our Saviour in the place 
* and Matth. 11. 14.  before quoted, would not be unpliable. The Second coming of Christ is the time of the Resurrection, and in that respect it would not be unsuitable for the Harbinger thereof to be one risen from the dead. But as for Elias the Thisbite's coming, I find no ground at all, but the contrary. Howsoever, though I compare probabilities, I will not determine any thing; lest some perhaps should say, that while I reject old fables, I coin new ones. I rather conclude, with that jewish Proverb, cum Elias venerit, solvet nodos, When that Elias comes, he shall dislolve hard questions.  
AND thus much of the circumstance of Time when our Saviour first began his solemn prophecy or preaching of the Gospel, namely not till his Harbinger john had done and finished his preparation. Now I come to the Second circumstance, namely of the Place, which was Galilee: jesus came into Galilee, etc. A circumstance curiously noted by all the Evangelists, That our Saviour published his Gospel in Galilee. S. Peter also in his Sermon to Cornelius stamps it with this character, 
Acts 10. 37.  The word which began from Galilee. No name of Place in the story of our Saviour's conversation on earth more frequent, more beaten upon, than this of Galilee; nor scarce any mark more evidently demonstrates him to be the true Messiah, than this of Galilee. Yet (which is to be admired) no character so much neglected, or so little understood, as this of Galilee: as if we had conspired with the unbelieving jews, and said, Can there any good come out of Galilee? But if you please to lend me your attention, I will do my best to let you see how great a Mystery, how principal an Evidence of our Faith lies in this one so unregarded circumstance. In which Discourse I will chalk out my way in this manner.  
First, I will describe What, and Where this Country of Galilee was.  
Secondly, I will show that our Saviour's proper and chiefest abode, his preaching and his works, were in Galilee.  
Thirdly, (which is the Crown of all) That the true Messiah according to prophecy was to appear and have his chief conversation in Galilee.  
For the First, The Land of Canaan or Palestine was in our Saviour's time divided into Three principal Provinces. On the South, judaea, which contained the Lot of the two Tribes, judah and Benjamin. In the midst was Samaria, where the Tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh anciently dwelled; but now was inhabited by the offspring of those Nations which the King of Assyria placed in their rooms when he carried them captive. On the North was Galilee, the remotest from jerusalem; the chiefest and fertilest part whereof towards jordan was the land of Zebulun and Naphtali. The rest had been the habitation of the two small Tribes, Asher and Issachar. Galilee was divided into two parts, the Higher and the Lower. The Higher was for the most part thereof the Land of Naphtali, wherein (there where it bordered upon Zebulun) stood the rich and beautiful Capernaum, the Metropolis or chiefest City of all Galilee, situate upon the bank of jordan upon the lake of Gennesaret or Tiberias, called the Sea of Galilee: over against which (on the other side the water) stood Chorazin, which our Saviour pronounced a 
* Matt. 11. 21.  Woe unto. This Galilee was called 
‖ Chap 4. 15.  Galilee of the Gentiles: either because part of it was long and even till Solomon's time inhabited still by Gentiles; or because Solomon gave twenty cities of the same to Hiram King of Tyre, which perhaps were the same which the Gentiles till then inhabited; or lastly, because it was the outmost part of the land, and so next unto the Gentiles. The Lower Galilee contained the Tribe of Zebulun (and also Issachar) wherein were the cities Nazareth and Bethsaida near the sea or lake of Galilee; and Cana, where our Saviour wrought his first miracle by turning water into wine; also Mount Tabor, where he was transfigured. From Capernaum along by the seaside, and through Bethsaida, lay the great road or way from Syria into Egypt, which is supposed to be that which the Scripture calls 
* Matt. 4. 15.  the way of the sea. At the time of our Saviour's preaching and suffering, two of these three Provinces, judaea and Samaria, were governed by the Roman Precedent, which then was Pontius Pilate; the third, Galilee, was under Herod the Tetraerch (or Antipas) so called because he was Prince but of the Fourth part of the Kingdom of Herod his father. This was he that beheaded john the Baptist, and was reconciled to Pilate the Precedent of judaea when our Saviour was condemned.  
Thus much to show What and Where this Region of Galilee was: Now I come to the Second thing I propounded, namely, That our Saviour's conversation, while he was upon earth, was principally and ordinarily in Galilee. First, He was both conceived and brought up at Nazareth, a City of Galilee. Secondly, When he began the solemn publication of his Gospel, he chose Capernaum, the Metropolis of Galilee, for his station, and went and dwelled there. There he chose his Disciples, namely, Galileans; which the two Angels at the time of his Ascension can witness, when they say to the Apostles, 
Acts 1. 11.  Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing up into Heaven? and all the multitude at the Feast of Pentecost, when the Holy Ghost came down upon them, and they spoke with tongues, 
Acts 2. 7.  Are not, say they, all these which speak, Galileans? From Capernaum, as from an Episcopal See, he went two several times round all the region of Galilee, teaching in their Synagogues, and preaching his Gospel in every City and Village, Matth. 4. 23. and 9 35. The beginning of his Miracles, and the first manifestation of his glory (as S. john speaks chap. 2. 11.) was at Cana of Galilee; and the greatest part of the Miracles he did afterward were done in that Country. His glorious Transfiguration was upon mount Tabor, a Mount of Galilee in the Land of Zebulun, where a voice came from heaven, 
Matt. 17. 5.  This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased, hear ye him. In a word, our Saviour's ordinary residence was in Galilee; he came into judaea only at the Feast-times, when the whole Nation assembled at jerusalem: during which times (partly during his stay there, partly in his going and returning) he did all, in a manner, that he did out of Galilee; and the last Feast he came thither, offered himself a Sacrifice upon the Cross for the sins of the whole world. Lastly, when he was risen from the dead, he appoints his Disciples to come see him in Galilee. When I am risen again, saith he, I will go before you into Galilee. 
Matt. 26. 32.  And after he was so, 
Matth. 28. 7.  the Angel told the women as much at his Sepulchre; and afterwards himself, Go tell my brethren (saith he) that they go into Galilee, and there shall they see me. 
Verse 10.  Only his Nativity, his Passion and Ascension were proper to judaea: his Nativity at Bethlehem, upon what occasion ye know; his Passion at jerusalem, when he came thither to the Passeover; his Ascension upon Mount Olivet, hard by jerusalem.  
And thus much of the Second thing I promised to show, That our Saviour's principal conversation and abode was in Galilee: Now I come to the last, which is the Crown of all, That Messiah was, according to Prophecy, to vouchsafe his presence, and have his abode in principally in the Province of Galilee. This Prophecy is in the ninth of Esay: 
Esay 9 1, 2, 3, etc.  For the clear understanding of which, before I report it, I must premise a passage of Sacred story; namely, That the Land of Galilee, or of Zebulun and Naphtali, had the hard hap to be first in that calamity which befell their Nation by the Assyrian; For so it is written, 2 Kings 15. 29. In the days of Pekah King of Israel came Tiglath-Pileser King of Assyria, and took jion, and Abel-Beth-Maachah, and janoah, and Kedesh, and Hazor, and Gilead, (all these, save janoah and Gilead, were cities of Naphtali) and Galilee, all the Land of Naphtali; and carried them captive to Assyria. By occasion of which calamity, being then newly happened, Esay comforts them with this Prophecy, that in recompense of that heavy disadvantage (above the rest of their brethren,) they should have the first and chiefest share of the presence and conversation of Messiah which was to come. As the first times (saith he) he made vile (or debased) the land of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali; so in the latter time he shall make it glorious. (If ye ask, Why? it follows) The way of the sea by jordan, Galilee of the Gentiles. V. 2. The people that walked in darkness (namely, of affliction) have seen a great light; they that dwelled in the shadow of death, upon them hath the light shined. V. 3. Thou hast multiplied the nation, and increased the joy thereof, etc. If ye ask, How comes this? it follows v. 6. For unto us a Child is born, unto us a Son is given, and the government shall be upon his shoulder; and his Name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, The mighty God, The Father (or Author) of eternity, The Prince of Peace. V. 7. Of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end, upon the throne of David, and upon his Kingdom, to order it with judgement and with justice, from henceforth even for ever: The zeal of the Lord of Hosts will perform this. This is he that should enlighten the Province of Galilee, or the land of Zebulun and Naphtali, with the glory of his presence, and make it as it were amends for what it suffered, before the rest of the Country of Israel, by the hand of the King of Assyria.  
And if this be not a Prophecy of Christ, I know not what is. And to the same purpose I bring it, doth S. Matthew quote it chap. 4. 14, etc. upon our Saviour's going (after john was cast into prison) to dwell at Capernaum the Metropolis of Galilee, to make it the Seat of the preaching and publication of the Gospel of his Kingdom; which should have made us take more notice thereof than commonly we have done. Blind jews that could not see it! nay, for this very reason, because he was of Galilee, they would not believe him to be the Messiah: 
john 7. ●1.  Shall Christ come out of Galilee, say they? should not Christ come out of Bethlehem? And so he did too, and yet was by habitation and conversation a Galilean. Nay I must yet say more; even we Christians cannot altogether be excused, who by following the jews too close, have so troubled and darkened the beginning of this Prophecy, by mis-translating and misdistinguishing it, that when we have done, we can hardly tell how to defend S. Matthew's application thereof, much less see the evidence of so noble and clear a Prophecy. I think the devil did owe it a spite from the beginning. The Septuagint is here corrupted into pure nonsense, and so I believe was even in the Apostles times; which made S. Matthew that he could quote nothing of that first sentence, but only the names of Zebulun and Naphtali, as he may see that compares them. The Chaldee Paraphrast is as wide. How we translate of latter times, I shall not need to mention, those who are pinched therewith can tell best. For my part I am persuaded, the four or five first words, wherewith we are wont to begin this ninth Chapter, belong to the last verse of the Chapter before-going, as both the Chaldee Paraphrast and S. Jerome refer them; and that the words following begin a new Prophecy, namely, that which I have hitherto alleged for Messiah's abode in Galilee; in this manner, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 According as the first time he made vile (or debased) the land of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali; so in the latter time he shall make it glorious. Or making 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the supposition of the sentence thus, As the first time made vile the land of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali; so the latter time shall make them glorious. Or simply without comparison thus, The first time he debased the land of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali; but in the latter time he shall make them glorious. Then follow the words which S. Matthew quotes, The way of the sea by jordan, Galilee of the Gentiles, etc. It seems to me to be exceeding plain, and to make the Prophecy so clear as scarce any in Scripture goes beyond it. Is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to make vile or base, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to glorify or make glorious? Let him that hath skill in the language judge, What need we then translate lightly afflict and heavily afflict? True, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath the signification of lightness, but it is of light worth; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of weight, but (as in Piel frequently, so here) of the weight of glory; and we ourselves otherwhiles translate it so. And to conclude, the Event is true and evident, That as the land of Zebulun and Naphtali had the first share in the calamity by Assyria, so had they a prerogative in enjoying the presence of Messiah.  
The Observation that this circumstance of Christ our Saviour's habitation and abode suggests unto our meditation, is an Example of that rule of God's administration S. Paul speaks of 1 Cor. 1. 27, etc. to make choice of the foolish things of this world to confound the wise; and of weak, base and despicable things in the world's account, to confound the mighty: That no flesh should glory before him. For Galilee and the inhabitants thereof were in respect of judaea reputed ignoble and half strangers; both because they were so far divided from jerusalem (where the Temple of their Nation was;) and because it was not the proper and original habitation of the Tribes of judah and Benjamin which returned from Captivity, but part of the lot of the Kingdom of the ten Tribes which Salmanasser carried away captive. Howbeit the jews of the two Tribes after their return, especially in the prevailing times of the Maccabees, had many of them settled themselves there, and at length subdued the Gentiles there dwelling, and replenished it with their own people; yet so as many of the Gentiles dwelled still among them: In which respects they were despised of those that dwelled in judaea their native home, and accounted (though of the same Nation, yet) far less noble than themselves: Insomuch that the name of Galilaean was in some sort reproachful and despicable, as we may gather even from those speeches of the jews in the Gospel; 
john 7. 41, 52.  Shall Christ come out of Galilee? and, Out of Galilee ariseth no Prophet. Yet did God so order it, that Christ, the King of Israel, the great Saviour of Mankind, who was to be exalted to sit at the right hand of God, far above all principalities and powers, should be, as you see, a Galilean. And was not the rest of his breeding suitable thereunto? Who would not have looked that that glorious Son of David should have been born of the most rich and potent parentage of that line? but behold he was of the poorest and most despised. Who would not have thought but jerusalem the Royal City had been the only fit place for his Birth? but he was born at Bethlehem, one of the least Cities of judah. And what? in some stately and more convenient Palace there? No, in a stable, and laid in a manger. So was David, his progenitor, 
1 S●m 16. 11.  the youngest and most despised son of Ishai: Samuel thought that brave and goodly Eliab, the firstborn, was the man surely whom God would choose to make him King; 
Verse 6.  But God had set his eye upon him whom the Father so little regarded as he could scarce think of him, even the little one which kept the sheep. Thus God derides the conceits of men.  
Fools therefore that we are! why do we value those things so much which God esteems so little? We are wont otherwise to make much account of such things as Kings and Great ones have in esteem, and to think but basely of those things which they despise: why should not the Example of Almighty God bear the like sway in our judgements, to prefer what he prefers, and slight what he undervalues? Let us therefore, considering this, set our hearts and affections upon heavenly and spiritual things, and say of all the pomp and glory of this world, Vanity of Vanities, all is Vanity. 
Eccles. 1. 2.   
THUS have I spoken of the two first Particulars I propounded, the Time when, and the Place where, our Saviour began the publication of his Gospel; I come now to the Third, The Summe of what he preached: and it was this, The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand; Repent ye, and believe the Gospel. This was the Sum of what he preached; and it contains two parts, a Doctrine, and an Exhortation.  
The Doctrine is, That the Time foretold by the Prophets when the Kingdom of God should begin, was come: The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand. The Exhortation is, That therefore they should Repent, and believe the Gospel, or glad tidings which that Kingdom brings. I'll begin with the Doctrine, where I have two things to unfold. 1. What this Kingdom of God is. 2. What was the Time prefixed for the coming thereof, which our Saviour saith was fulfilled when he spoke unto them.  
For the first, The Kingdom of God is that which otherwise is called The Kingdom of Heaven. These two are both one: and therefore S. Matthew (chap. 4. 17.) when he relates this preaching of our Saviour, saith that he preached and said, Repent, for the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand; namely, the same that john Baptist his Harbinger preached before him: 
Matt. 3. 2.  For the Hebrews express God by Heaven, as we may see Dan. 4. 26. where it is said to Nebucchadnezzar, that his kingdom should be restored unto him, when he should acknowledge that the heavens bear rule; that is, God the most High, who dwells in heaven. The prodigal child in the Gospel saith, Father, I have sinned against Heaven, and before thee, Luke 15. 21. So Matt. 21. 25. The Baptism of john, was it from Heaven, or from men? that is, from God, or from men? 
* See 1 Mac cab. 3. 15.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● Coram ●oelo ●. coram D●o.  This is the reason why the Kingdom of God and Kingdom of Heaven mean one and the same thing. Let us therefore now see what is meant by it.  
This Kingdom of God or Kingdom of Heaven is the Kingdom of Messiah or Christ foretold in the Prophets; the Kingdom of that Seed of the woman which should break the Serpent's head; of that seed of Abraham wherein all the Nations of the earth should be blessed. For so the Hebrew Doctors before and at our Saviour's coming had termed this Kingdom, and taught their people to look for it under that name, which they had learned out of the Prophecies of Daniel concerning it, who in chap. 2. ver. 44. describes it in this manner; In the days of those Kings or Kingdoms (that is, while the days of the four Monarchies there spoken of yet lasted) the God of heaven shall found, or set up, a Kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, nor be lest unto another people; but it shall break in pieces and consume all these Kingdoms, and it shall stand for ever. In the 7 ch. ver. 13, 14. he describes it thus; I saw in the night visions, and behold, one like the Son of man came with the clouds of Heaven— And there was given him dominion, and glory, and a Kingdom, that all people, nations and languages should serve him: His dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, and his Kingdom that which shall not be destroyed. From these places the jews called the Messiah's Kingdom the Kingdom of God, or the Kingdom of Heaven; Because in the first place it is said that the God of heaven should set up his Kingdom; and in the other places, that the Son of man (namely Messiah) should come in the clouds of Heaven. For our Saviour brought not this term of phrase with him, but found it at his coming used among the jews; which being fitly given he approved, and so taught them the mystery of his coming in their own language. As we may see in so many Parables in the Gospel, where our Saviour sets forth the state of his Church and the members of the same continually under the name of The Kingdom of God, or The Kingdom of Heaven: The Kingdom of Heaven is like a field where a sour sowed good seed, etc. 
Matth. 1●.  The Kingdom of Heaven is like unto leaven, etc. The Kingdom of Heaven is like unto a Merchant, etc. The Kingdom of Heaven is like unto a net; and such like: In all which our Saviour describes the state of his Church in that language the people were used unto, as he doth also in other of his Sermons. Hence it is that when john Baptist first, and our Saviour after him, preached, The Kingdom of heaven is at hand, the jews wondered not at that term as at a novelty, nor ever asked what it meant; but understood it of the Kingdom of Messiah, which they had been taught to call by that name then, and is still found so called among their Rabbis and Doctors until this day, though through their unbelief they have no portion therein, but look for it still to come.  
The Kingdom of God or Kingdom of Heaven than is nothing else but the Church of Christ, or the Christian Church, which is no Temporal kingdom, like the kingdoms of this world which have power over the Body only, but a Spiritual kingdom which reigns over the Souls and Spirits of men. 
Luke 17. 21.  The Kingdom of God, saith our Saviour, is within you, that is, it is a kingdom of the inward man. And therefore this kingdom was not to be founded after the manner of the kingdoms of men, by great armies and field-battels; but was to subdue the nations and conquer the world by a more divine way, namely: by the power of the Word and Spirit, as we see it hath done, My Kingdom, saith our Saviour, is not of this world; that is, not from this world, or to be set up by worldly means, as other kingdoms are: For if my Kingdom (saith he) were of, or from, this world, then would my servants fight, that I should not be delivered unto the jews: but now my Kingdom is not from hence, john 18. 36. Armies and Swords are not fit means to conquer the Souls of men; and therefore Christ was to perform his conquests by a more divine and invisible way. And as he conquered them, so he governs and keeps them in their allegiance to him, not by Garrisons and Armed Troops, but by the power of the same Word and Spirit. Lastly, as he governs his subjects, so he fights against his enemies, not as the Kings of the earth do, but by a divine and heavenly working, by divine and heavenly ministers, by the ministry of Angels, 
* Matt. 26. ●3.  who are all at his command. For the Enemies of his Church and Kingdom are chiefly Spiritual, namely those Spiritual powers, those rulers of darkness, the Devil and all his troops of Fiends, which cannot be dealt withal nor resisted after a corporal manner, but by Spiritual means and Spiritual ministers. And though the Arms of flesh and blood are also lift up against the Kingdom of Christ, yet is it always by the instigation and under the conduct of those invisible Fiends. As for the men employed in such service, they are but the horses in the Devil's battles; the Devil and his Angels are the riders; and therefore to be repelled by a power and forces suitable unto them. In a word, the whole world by sin was become the kingdom of the Devil; Christ came to recover it from him, and to erect the Kingdom of God in place thereof. Such a kingdom therefore as the one was, such must the other be; else it should not match it, as by the tenor of ●●e first Gospel it was to do, 
Gen. 3. 15.  which saith, The seed of the Woman should break the Serpent's head.  
I must add one thing more for the understanding of this Kingdom, 
A twofold state of Christ's Kingdom.  namely, That this Kingdom of Christ which I have hitherto described hath a Twofold state: The one Militant, consisting in a perpetual warfare and manifold sufferings; which is the present state begun at his First coming, when he ascended up into heaven to sit at the right hand of God. The Second state is a Triumphant state, which shall be at his Second appearing in glory in the clouds of heaven, at what time he shall put down all authority, power and rule, and subdue all his enemies under his feet, even death itself, (as S. Paul tells us 1 Cor. 15. 24.) and in that great Assizes of the quick and dead shall render everlasting vengeance to his enemies and those who believed not his Gospel; and give rewards of glory to his servants, who have kept their faith and allegiance to him. And that once done, and so his Conquest finished, he shall surrender up his Kingdom into the hands of his Father; 
1 Cor. 15. 28.  that being subject to him who put all things under his feet, God may be all in all, as S. Paul tells us.  
In both which estates how fitly this Kingdom is called the Kingdom of Heaven, or of God, appears in three respects. 
Why Christ●s Kingdom is called The Kingdom of Heaven, or of God.  1. Because the King thereof hath his seat and throne in heaven, where he sits at the right hand of God: 2. Because the beginning thereof is from heaven, and not from earth, or by earthly means: 3. and lastly, Because it is governed and administered by the power of heaven, and not by earthly power. Is not such a Kingdom rightly and truly called The Kingdom of heaven? Thus much I thought good to speak for the explication of this speech, The Kingdom of God, or Kingdom of Heaven, because this term is so frequent in the Gospel, and not always, or perhaps not rightly, understood. Henceforth let him that readeth, understand.  
NOW I come to the Second point, namely, What was the Time designed and prefixed for the coming and beginning of this Kingdom, which our Saviour saith here was fulfilled. The time, saith he, is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand. The Time of this Kingdom was by the Prophet Daniel two ways foretold; first, generally and at large; secondly, more precisely and punctually. The general time designed was, That it should begin under and during the Fourth Kingdom, or Roman Monarchy; which at length it should utterly ruin and destroy. For Nabuchadnezzar the King of Babel had a Vision of an Image of four differing metals; 
Dan 2 32, 33.  The head of Gold, the arms and breast of silver, the belly and thighs of Brass, the legs and feet of Iron, but the feet mingled with clay. While he beheld this Image and surveyed it from head to foot, he saw a Stone hewn out of the mountain without hands, 
Vers. 34.  which Stone smote the Image (not upon the head, 
Vers. 35.  or breast, or belly, but) upon the Iron and Clayie feet; whereby the Image, and all his other metals being mingled with the Iron, vanished away, and became as chaff before the wind. Then the Stone which smote the Image upon the feet, became a great mountain, and filled the whole earth.  
This Vision Daniel expounded of four Gentile Kingdoms, which should succeed one another in order with great extent of dominion. The first, compared to Gold, was the Babylonian, which then reigned. The second, resembled to Silver, should be the Empire of the Medes and Persians, which subdued that of Babylon. The third, figured by the Brazen belly and thighs, was the Greek, which subdued the Persian. The Iron legs (the fourth and last) was the Roman, which subdued the Greek, and so became possessed of the riches and glory of all the former three. During this last Kingdom was the Stone hewn out of the mountain, and smote the Iron feet. This Stone, saith Daniel, was the Kingdom of the God of heaven, which should be set up before the days of these four Gentile kingdoms should expire, namely under the last of them. 
Vers. 44.  In the days of these Kingdoms, saith he, (that is, while these times of the Gentiles dominions yet lasted) the God of heaven shall set up a Kingdom which shall never be destroyed, nor lest unto another people (as each of the other were;) but shall break in pieces and consume all those kingdoms, (namely in the last, in which the other three were incorporated as it were,) and itself shall stand for ever. Forasmuch as thou sawest (saith he unto the King,) that the Stone was cut out of the mountain without hands (that is, without any earthly means) and that it break in pieces the iron and the Brass, 
Vers. 45.  the Silver and Gold mingled with it.  
Now the Roman Empire (during which this Prophecy was to be accomplished) was in our Saviour's t●me come to the height and highest pitch, and so next door to a declination and downfall. But this downfall was to be wrought by the Stone, viz. the Kingdom of Christ, who should first demolish the Gods and Idols thereof, and then the State itself. The time therefore (when our Saviour spoke) was fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God was at hand.  
Thus you see how the Time was pointed out at large: now hear the precise and punctual Time, whereby they might know not only that the Kingdom of Messiah should be set up in the Roman Monarchy, but also in what time thereof. The Angel tells Daniel (ch. 9 24.) That when the Temple, City and Commonwealth of the jews (which then lay waste by the Babylonish captivity) should be restored and set up again, it should continue 490 years, or 70 times 7 years, and no more: and that before that term ended, Messiah should come and be anointed, and make atonement for sin. His words are these, Seventy weeks are determined upon thy people, and upon thy holy city, to finish transgression, and to make an end of sins, and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal up the vision and prophecy, and to anoint the most Holy. For understanding this reckoning, you must know, that the jews according to the Law counted their time and years by Sevens; every Seventh year being a year of rest for the Land and freeing of Servants, and so called a Sabbatical year: according to which account the Angel tells Daniel that Seventy of those weeks of years were allotted for the standing of their Temple and Commonwealth, when both should be restored again after the Captivity; which make in all 490 years. Now if Messiah were to appear before these 490 years were ended, it could not in likelihood be much later than this time when our Saviour published his Gospel: because within 40 years after the Temple and State of the jews was utterly destroyed; whereby it was apparent that the 490 years were ended, and therefore the Time of Messiah's appearing past.  
But Daniel yet points out the Time more nearly and punctually: 
Dan. 9 24.  For he tells us moreover that from the Edict for restoring the State of the jews and re-building. jerusalem (which was some years after the re-building of the Temple) should be unto Messiah the Prince 62 of those weeks or sevens of years: 
Vers. 26.  and after those 62 seven years Messiah should be cut off. Now if we reckon this number of weeks of years from that week wherein Ezra received commission from Artaxerxes King of Persia to restore and settle the Church and State of the jews, and Nehemiah soon after to build the walls of jerusalem, we shall find the Time when our Saviour began this publication of his Gospel to fall out in the last week of those 62 weeks. As a woman therefore with child, when her tenth and last month is come, may truly say, Her reckoning is fulfilled, and her travail is at hand; so might our Saviour, when the last week of Messiah's weeks was begun, say, The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of heaven is at hand.  
The Lesson to be learned hence is, for confirmation of our Faith against the blindness and obstinacy of the jews, who will not believe that jesus of Nazareth, who came at the time appointed, was their King Messiah, but look for another yet to come. O blind Miscreants! If the time of Messiah's coming were then fulfilled when our Saviour preached unto them, how are they so besotted as to look for that his coming still? Shall he come 1600 years after the time of his coming was fulfilled? Their Fathers looked for the coming of Messiah 
* luke 2. 25. 38. ch. 19 11.  at that time when our Saviour preached amongst them; 
* joseph de bell jud l. 7. c. 31. Tacit. l. 5. H●stor. Sueton. l. 8.  yea had filled all the East with the fame of their expectation; which th●y would never have done, had they not seen the time appointed for his coming and kingdom was to come out in that Age. Why did their Fathers never allege against the Apostles, That the time was not yet come? Had not this been the readiest way to stop their mouths, when they told them, They had crucified their Messiah? Nay, when our Saviour made this fulfilling of the time to be the ground of his doctrine, why did not their great Doctors (their Scribes and Pharisees) oppose and gainsay it, unless they had known it to be so indeed? Nay at his blessed Birth, when the wise men came from the East to jerusalem, 
Matth. 2. 1.  saying, Where is he that is born King of the jews? when Herod and all jerusalem was troubled, when he assembled all the chief Priests and Scribes of the people about it; why did they not tell him the Time was not yet come, unless they had known it had been come? But of the Time there was no question, only the Place was inquired of. In a word, All the exception the jews could find against our Saviour, was the meanness of his Person, because he came not like a King; and the Place of his education, because he was a Galilaean: But against the Time of his coming they took no exception. Nay (which is an invincible confession) the most of them at this day have no other shift but to say, That Messiah was born then, namely, before their Temple was destroyed, and lies hid all this time somewhere for their sins, but at length shall show himself unto them.  
Let us pray unto Almighty God, that he would at length open their eyes to see him to be their King, whom they have pierced, and that there is no other to be looked for. 
Eph. 2. 12.  And let us continually magnify his goodness unto us, unto whom (being Gentiles and Aliens from the Commonwealth of Israel, a people without God in the world) he hath, nevertheless, vouchsafed this great light, and made known that Mystery which is hidden from his own people, 
Rom. 9 4, 5.  to whom appertained the adoption, and the glory, and the Covenants, and the giving of the Law, and the service of God, and the Promises: Whose were the Fathers; and of whom, as concerning the flesh, Christ came, who is over all, God blessed for ever. What are we, that it should please the great and mighty God to look upon such dead dogs as we are?    

DISCOURSE XXVI.  

S. MARK 1. 15.  Repent ye, and believe the Gospel. 
Whilst our Blessed Saviour preached here on earth, what else, in likelihood, could the argument of his preaching be, but the Mystery of Christian Religion, or way of attaining Salvation through himself? Accordingly this Brief of his Sermons, recorded by our Evangelist, contains no less than the Sum of all Christian Divinity. For the Knowledge of the Kingdom of God, and the means how to attain to be a member, and so to have interest in the benefits and privileges of the same, (which is Salvation) containeth the Sum of all a Christian is either to know or do. The first of which (The knowledge of the Kingdom of God,) is in the first words, The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand; of which I have spoken already. The second is contained in the next words, Repent ye, and believe the Gospel; of which I am to speak now.  
None can be Members or Citizens of the Kingdom of God, but only those who are the Sons of God: The means to become the Sons or Children of God, is by Regeneration or New-birth. This is the Mystery our Saviour told Nicodemus of, when he came to him by night; Except a man (saith our Saviour) be born again, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God, john 3. 3. Now Regeneration, or New birth, consists of these two parts, Repentance towards God, and Faith towards Christ; according to that which the Apostle Paul told the Elders of the Church of Ephesus, Acts 20. 21. that he had testified both to jews and Greeks, Repentance towards God, and Faith towards our Lord jesus Christ; that is, the whole mystery of Regeneration, whereby a man becomes the Child of God, and a member of his Kingdom. Where we are to note (and it will serve us to understand these things the better) that Repentance, properly and distinctly taken, looks towards God the Father; and Faith unto Christ our Mediator. The one is our returning unto God, from whom we are gone astray by sin: the other, the means or way of our return unto him, by Christ, without whom we can neither be reconciled to our heavenly Father, nor perform any service acceptable unto him.  
These two therefore our Saviour distinguisheth, when he saith, Repent, and believe the Gospel; the one looking to his Father, the other to himself. Both joined together make the New birth or a new man: even as in natural generation, the Soul being united with the Body makes a natural man; Repentance here being as the Body or Matter, which Faith in the Gospel of Christ inlivens and informs as a Soul. Those therefore who make Faith a part of Repentance, understand by Repentance the whole Regeneration of a sinner. Otherwise, if Repentance be taken precisely and distinctly, as it is here by our Saviour, then is not Faith a part, but a necessary concurrent of Repentance; as the Soul is no part of the Body, but concurs therewith to the making of a Man.  
And thus much I held needful to speak of Repentance and Faith in general, to make my way the more strait and easy to the handling of them severally and apart; which now I come unto. And first to begin with that which is first, Repentance.  
REPENTANCE is A turning of the whole heart from Satan and Sin, to serve God in newness of life. I say, from Satan and Sin, because he that lives in Sin, serves the Devil, and belongs to his jurisdiction. And therefore in our Baptism, which is the Seal of our New birth, we profess our Repentance by renouncing the Devil and all his works; that is, the works of Sin wherewith he is served: and then we swear fealty to God, saying, I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of Heaven and Earth, etc.  
The Definition I have given, you shall find full and whole in our Saviour's words to S. Paul, when he appeared to him going to Damascus, Acts 26. 18. as S. Paul himself reporteth them; namely, that he would send him to the Gentiles, To open their eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God; that they might receive forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among them that are sanctified. Which voice S. Paul there saith V. 19 he was obedient unto; and thereupon went and showed first to the jews and then to the Gentiles, that they should repent, and turn to God, and do works meet for repentance, V. 20. The Commission therefore given him in the words aforesaid was, To preach Repentance.  
And howsoever the name of Repentance be by a custom of speech restrained only to that Sorrow and Remorse for sin which is but the beginning of our Turning; 
Repentance i● more than a Sorrow for sim.  yet, if we will speak according to Scripture, (as we must do when we expound it) the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, translated Repentance, is of a larger extent, signifying not only those pangs of Contrition wherewith Repentance begins, but the whole change and journey (as I may so speak) of the Soul of a sinner, leaving the service of the Devil, and turning to the service of God. For this word in the New Testament answers to that of Turning and Returning so frequent in the Old; as appears not only by the Syriack which so renders it, but by those places in the New Testament where the one is put to explain the other; as in that of S. Paul now quoted. And that the word, Turning, is of as large sense as I speak of, I shall need go no further for proof, than to the words of our Saviour to S. Paul even now mentioned. But this will appear better by the ensuing Discourse of the Parts of Repentance.  
Repentance (as any one almost may gather by the Definition given thereof) hath two parts, according to the two terms, à quo, & ad quem; An aversion or turning away, and A conversion or turning unto. An aversion or turning away from Satan and Sin; that is the first part: then A conversion or turning unto God by newness of life; that is the second part. The one is a falling off from the Creature, the other a betaking to the Creator.  
The first some call Mortification, 
See Rom. 8. 1●.  from that phrase in Scripture of Dying to sin, (Rom. 6. 11. Col. 3. 3.) that is, 
Col. 3. 5.  of ceasing to be the servants of sin. The second, Vivification, 
Eph. 2. 5.  from that Scripture-phrase of Living to God, (Rom. 6. 11. Gal. 2. 19) that is, 
Col. 2. 13.  of beginning to be to God-ward; the first receiving virtue from Christ's death, the other from his resurrection.) For to live, in the Scripture notion, is as much as to be; to die, as not to be. Because therefore to turn away from Satan and Sin is to renounce them, and to be no more (their's) under them; it is called Dying to sin: and because to turn unto God by newness of life is to become his, and be that to him which before we were not; it is called Living unto God.  
But the more usual name of the first part of Repentance, or the act of aversion and turning away, is Contrition; a term borrowed from the 
* Psal. 51. 17.  Old Testament. The other part is simply called Conversion unto God, 
Esay 57 15. & ch. 66. 2.  (or by some, Reformation or Newness of Life.) I shall use some of these terms, so as not to neglect the rest. And the first part of Repentance I will call Contrition, or Dying to sin, as the most easy expression; of which I shall now begin to speak.  
Contrition, or Dying unto sin, hath sometimes the whole name of Repentance and Turning given to it; namely, as often as the thing to be turned from is solely mentioned. As Heb. 6. 1. we have repentance from dead works. S. Peter saith to Simon Magus, Act. 8. 22. Repent of thy wickedness. S. Paul, 2 Cor. 12. 21. speaks of repenting of uncleanness, and sornication, and lasciviousness. In all which, and the like places, Repentance seems to signify only Contrition, or the act of aversion and turning away from sin. Otherwise, as I have already said, it signifies the whole act of our turning, from the beginning to the end: as appears plainly, either when both terms are mentioned, or but the thing or term to be turned unto: as Acts 20. 21. Repentance unto God; and Act. 26. 20. where S. Paul saith, that he preached both to the jews and Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God. For no man can turn unto God, unless he first have turned from the Devil.  
But to leave words, and come to the matter. Contrition, or Dying unto sin, is such a Compunction of the Heart for the same as is joined with a purpose to leave and forsake it. Not every Compunction for sin is true Contrition, but such a Compunction only as is joined with a purpose to leave and forsake it. Contrition hath therefore as you see, two parts or degrees. The first is, A Compunction of the Heart for sin; the second, A Purpose to forsake and renounce sin. The one is a turning away from sin, in the affections or passions of the Mind; the other is a turning of the Will.  
Compunction is a turning in the affections and passions of the Mind; and that not of one passion only, but of every passion wherewith we abhor and fly a thing as evil; as Fear, Grief, and Hate: for we must turn with our whole hearts. Fear leads the rank, and trembles at the wrath of God and dreadful judgement to come, when it shall be said to every unrepentant sinner, 
Matt. 25. 41.  Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, prepared for the Devil and his Angels, there to be tormented for ever and ever. For Fear is of an evil to come.  
Next comes Grief, and laments that ever it was committed, whereby we have incurred so great an evil as to become vassals of Satan, and the loss of so great a good as the favour of Almighty God, yea of so good and gracious a God as saith again and again, As I live, I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his ways, and live. 
Ezek. 18. 23. & 33. 11.  What wretch would have lost the favour of such a God as this? O that it were to do again! I would never do it. For we grieve at the presence of evil and absence of good, as we joy in the contrary.  
Thirdly comes Hate, and begins to loath and detest sin as a thing not only hurtful, but ugly and abominable, a soul and beastly thing, most contrary to and unbefitting the nature and excellency of a Reasonable creature, as man is. For we hate that which is contrary, and love what is agreeable to us.  
These are the several motions and degrees of that Compunction of Heart whereby a Repentant Soul turneth from his sin. And that this is the order of them, may appear, because that is always first which may be without the rest. Now a man may tremble at God's judgements for sin and wrath to come, and yet not grieve for them; yea a man may tremble and grieve too for his sins, and yet not hate and loathe them.  
But all these repentant passions of Compunction, though divers in themselves, yet are wont to be comprehended under the name of Sorrow and Remorse for sin: Not as though that were the only passion in our Compunction; but because all passions of the Mind which spring from the apprehension and sense of evil are grievous and painful, and so may, as by a general name, be comprehended under the word Sorrow: as the contrary passions, being pleasing and delightful to nature, may be, and are wont to be, comprehended under the name of Pleasure. For Dolour and Voluptas, Pain and Pleasure, divide all our Passions between them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Aristotle, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Every action of ours is attended with some either pleasure or pain. Though yet there be among the doleful passions a passion peculiarly called Tristitia or Sorrow; and among the delightful passions one likewise in special called Laetitia or joy..  
But all this Fear and Trembling at the wrath of God to come for sin, this Sorrow for sin, this Hating and Loathing of sin, will not make our Contrition full and perfect, unless our Will also do his part, and resolve to forsake and leave it. For so I defined true Contrition, or Dying to sin, to be A compunction of the Heart for sin, joined with a will and resolution to forsake it.  
Hath then the wrath of God Almighty, and the everlasting woe denounced to all impenitent sinners, made thee fear and tremble? Hath thy trembling been seconded with a true and hearty sorrow for thy sins? Hath thy sorrow been such as brought forth hate and loathing of sin, so that sin appeared ugly and abominable unto thee? Hath there then followed a Will to be rid of it, a Purpose to forsake and leave it? Then art thou truly contrite and dead to sin-ward. With this last act thy service of sin gave up the ghost. Thou hast turned away, bidden farewell, and shaken hands with Sin and Satan.  
An Effect of this Contrition is Confession: when out of a contrite and wounded heart, we acknowledge and lay open our sins before the face of Almighty God (our heavenly Father) begging pardon and forgiveness for them. A Duty always necessary to be performed to God himself, whom we have chiefly and principally offended; and in some cases also convenient to be made unto his Ministers, not only for advice, but for consolation, by that power and authority which God hath given them to exercise in his name, according to that, Whose sins ye remit, shall be remitted. For if we confess our sins, (saith S. john 
john 20. 21.  1 Epist. 1. 9) he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness; and Proverb. 28. 13. He that covereth his sins, shall not prosper; but whose confesseth and forsaketh them, shall have mercy.  
THUS have we seen the several degrees and steps of Contrition and Dying to sin: Trembling at the fearful doom and vengeance due unto it; Grieving for it; Hating and loathing of it; a Will and Purpose to forsake and leave it; together with the common Effect of them, Confession. And so now we are arrived at the main Cardo and hinge of Repentance, the joint where the two parts thereof, Aversion and Conversion, meet and are knit together: For where the Act of Aversion from sin endeth, there Conversion unto God begins. The last Act of turning from sin was that of the Will, to forsake and leave it: The same Act is the beginning of our turning unto God. For no man can resolve to forsake and leave sin, but he must purpose also to lead a new life to God: Nor can any man have a purpose to lead a new life, but he must withal resolve to leave sin. This is then the main joint of Repentance, where the Spirit and Grace of God (the vis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our Regeneration, which from the beginning stirred our hearts) gives that great and powerful lift which doth the deed.  
Here and not before now, that Faith in the Gospel, which applies and reaches hold of Christ, first comes in to give life unto Repentance, as a Soul unto a Body. Which union of Faith and Repentance (as I said in the beginning of this Discourse) makes the Regeneration of a spiritual man; as the union of the Soul with the Body makes the generation of a natural man. And as in natural generation, the Soul is not infused at the first conception, but after the Body hath been in some measure fashioned and form: So in our Regeneration, or generation spiritual, justifying Faith, or that Faith whereby the Soul flies unto and relies upon Christ, hath no place till Repentance be come to the last degree of Contrition. 
Matt. 11. 28.  For than our Saviour inviteth a sinner to come unto him, and not till then: Come unto me, saith he, all ye that labour, and are heavy laden, (that is, all ye that are contrite, and groan under the burden of your sins,) and I will ease you. Till than he invites them not, as being not till then fit to be eased; For the whole hath no need of the Physician, but the sick. 
Matt. 9 17.  I speak not of an Historical faith, whereby a man believes in general, that Christ is the Saviour of mankind; nor of a Legal, wherewith a man believes the punishments and threatenings of the Law, (for these may be, yea are, before Repentance:) but of a Saving faith, which applies Christ as a salve to a sick and wounded soul.  
BUT now, to dwell no longer upon the connexion of the two parts, let us see what are the degrees also of this second part, namely, of Turning and Living unto God, by a new and reformed life, answerable to the degrees of the former part, which was Dying and Turning from sin. Where first we are to know, that because Turning to a thing, and Turning from a thing, are motions of a contrary nature; therefore the degrees of our Turning unto God are to be ranked in a clean contrary order to those of our Turning from sin. For the first degree here, is the Act of the Will, which as it concluded our Turning from sin, by resolving to forsake it, so it begins our Turning unto God, by a firm purpose of Heart to serve him thenceforth in newness of life. After this, the Affections begin to act their parts answerably, and as it were to echo the good choice the Will hath made.  
First Love, when a man begins to find himself affected and enamoured with this change of life. After Love comes Delight, when the Penitent takes some pleasure in doing the duties whereby God is served, and finds joy and comfort in his favour. From whence in the third place springs Hope of the reward; namely to be partaker of the glory and life to come, promised unto all those who unfeignedly turn to God, and set themselves to do his will. But we must know, that these Affections appear not all at once, nor in like measure, but according as a man's growth and proficiency in Conversion is more or less.  
Howsoever the inseparable Effects of this second part of Repentance are good works, or, as the Scripture calls them, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  works worthy of, or meet for, or beseeming Repentance; that is, works of Religion towards God, and of Righteousness towards men. I showed (saith S. Paul, Acts 26. 20.) first to the jews, and then to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God, and do works meet for repentance. Without such works, he that saith he is turned unto God, and yet doth them not, is a liar and deceives his own soul.  
THUS much of the second part of Repentance. I will conclude this whole Discourse with these two excellent descriptions of Repentance in the Prophets Esay and Ezekiel, which contain the Sum of what I have hitherto spoken concerning the same.  
For thus saith Esay, chap. 1. 16. Wash ye, make ye clean, put away the evil of your doings from mine eyes, saith the Lord, cease to do evil: This is the first part of Repentance. V. 17. Learn to do well, seek judgement, relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the widow: This is the second part.  
Ezek. ch. 33. v. 14, 15. thus; When I say unto the wicked (saith the Lord) Thou shal● surely die; if he turn from his sin, [there is Contrition, the first part] and do that which is lawful and right; If he restore the pledge, give again that he had robbed, walk in the Statutes of life, without committing iniquity [here ye fee the fruit of a New life, the second part] he shall surely live, he shall not die.  

Believe the Gospel.  
THUS much shall suffice to have spoken of Repentance, the first part of our Regeneration. I come to the second, Faith in the Gospel, Repent, and believe the Gospel. Where first I will show, What this Gospel is; secondly, What it is to believe it, or, What is that Faith concerning it which our Saviour here requires.  
For the First; The Gospel is the glad tidings of Salvation to be attained by Christ; who by taking away of sin, reconciles us unto his Father, that through him we might turn unto God, and perform service and obedience acceptable unto eternal life. Before I prove every part of this Description out of Scripture, and explain the same as shall be needful for your understanding, we will first speak of the Antiquity of this Gospel, and show when these glad tidings were made known to the sons of men.  
Know therefore, that albeit the Fulfilling and solemn publication thereof were not until our Saviour's coming, yet the Promise of the same was from the days of old, even as ancient as the time of man's sin; and afterwards continued and repeated all the time of the Covenant of the Law, until the Mediator of the New Covenant came in the flesh. For when the Devil, abusing the shape of a Serpent, had seduced our first Parents unto sin, and so had gotten dominion over them and theirs by this title; the Gospel or Promise of a Redeemer (that they might not be without all comfort) was given them in these words, The seed of the woman shall break the Serpent's head. The Serpent's head is Satan's sovereignty, which is Principatus mortis, the sovereignty or principality of death; a Sovereignty that whosoever is under, is liable to death both temporal and eternal; the power thereof consisting not in saving and giving life, but in destroying both of body and Soul. The Sword whereby this dominion is obtained, 
1 Cor. 15. 56.  the Sceptre whereby it is maintained, or, as S. Paul speaks, the Sting of this Serpent's head, is Sin. This is that which got this dominion at the first, and the title whereby he still maintaineth the remainder of his jurisdiction in the world. This Sovereignty, this Headship of the Devil, One to be born of mankind, the Seed of the woman (which is Christ our Lord) should one day destroy and overthrow; as was then promised, and we at this day see fulfilled.  
But this Promise was general, and not yet restrained to any part of mankind, but so that any son of Adam might, for aught was yet revealed, be the progenitor of that Seed which should deliver man from the Devil's thraldom, and reconcile him to his God. But when God called Abraham forth of Vr of the Chaldees, the Promise was made more special, being restrained to the offspring of his loins: For the Almighty tells him once, and again, and the third time, That in his seed all the Nations of the earth should be blessed, Gen. 12. 3. ch. 18. 18. & ch. 22. 18.  
Now Abraham had two sons, Ishmael the son of the bondwoman, and Isaac the son of Sarah his wife. Of which of these two the promised Seed should come was yet indifferent, till God entailed it to Isaac; both telling Abraham, 
* Gen. 21. 12.  That in Isaac his seed should be called, and repeating to Isaac the Promise made to Abraham, That in his seed all the nations of the earth should be blessed, Gen. 26. 4.  
Isaac had two sons, Esau and jacob: Esau was excluded, and the Promise entailed to jacob, That in his seed all the families of the earth should be blessed, Gen. 28. 14. that is, the blessed Seed should come of his loins.  
Of jacob came the twelve Patriarches, and of them the twelve Tribes of Israel, among whom the Promise of the blessed Seed was entailed to the Tribe of judah, and of him promised That Shiloh (that is, the Saviour or Peacemaker) to whom the Nations were to be gathered, should come. The Sceptre saith the Text, shall not depart from judah, nor a Lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come, and unto him the gathering of the people be, Gen. 49. 10.  
After this Tribe was multiplied, and some hundreds of years together with the other Tribes settled in the land of Canaan, the Promise was made yet more special, and entailed to David, a man of that Tribe, whom God exalted to be King of his people, as a Type of that Blessed King to come. And to this all the Prophets bear witness, That Messiah the Redeemer should be a Rod out of the stem of jesse, a Branch or Imp of David, the Son and Heir of David's house, yea another David. For under these terms Esaiah, jeremiah, Ezekiel, Zachary, prophecy of him, and the rest of the Prophets to like purpose.  
And this was the last limitation of the blessed Seed until the Angel Gabriel was sent of God to a Virgin of the house of David, with a message, That God had chosen her of all David's house to be that highly favoured one, and that blessed Mother of that Great King who should be called the Son of the Highest, of whose Kingdom there should be no end, Luke 1. 32, 33.  
Thus was the Gospel or glad tidings of a Redeemer prophesied; and not only so, but it was also signified and sealed by the Types and Shadows of the Law. For the Legal Sacrifices, which were offered to make atonement for sin, were nothing else but shadows and representations of that Offering upon the Cross which Messiah was one day to make of himself for the sins of the world. For the way whereby the blessed Seed should vanquish Satan, and redeem his Elect out of his power and jurisdiction, was by becoming a Sacrifice for sin, so to cancel the title whereby the Devil held the world in thraldom.  
This was foreshowed unto Abraham, unto whose loins, as ye have heard the Promise of the blessed Seed was first confined. For when Sarah had born him his son Isaac, the son wherein his seed should be called, and so either himself to be that happy Seed, or the progenitor of the same; God, to reveal unto him by way of mystery, how that Seed of his should make all the Nations of the earth blessed, 
Of this see Discourse XIII.  commanded him to take his Son Isaac, the only hope and pledge of that happy and blessed Seed, and to offer him for a burnt-offering to the Lord upon the mountains of Moriah: to intimate and signify, that this blessed Seed of Abraham should suffer death, and by sacrifice of himself redeem the world from the claws of the Serpent; yea and more than so, that he should be offered even in that very place, even in the land of Moriah: and so he was; for there was jerusalem and the Temple for Sacrifice afterwards builded. But when Abraham had brought his son to the place appointed, had built an Altar there, and made all things fit, and was now ready to slay his son; the Angel of the Lord stayed his hand, and showed him a Ram caught in a thicket by the horns; which Ram Abraham took and offered for a burnt-offering in stead of his own son: To signify, that the offering of the blessed Seed should be yet suspended, and that God in the mean while would accept the offerings of Bulls and Rams, as a pledge of that expiation which the blessed Seed of Abraham should one day make. So this wonderful Story was to be the Key of the Sacrifices of the Law, whereby it might be known what they meant, and whither they tended: namely, That the blood of Bulls and Rams and other Beasts of themselves do not work atonement for sin, but only as they were ordained by God to stand for Types and Pledges of the Sacrifice of Christ to come. Which that they might the more lively express, God so disposed, that that very place where the Ram was offered in stead of Isaac, should be the place of Sacrifice for Israel. For there it was where the Lord answered David by fire from heaven, and so designed it for the place which he had chosen for his Altar. There David pitched him a Tabernacle; there Solomon built him his Temple.  
By all which it is plain and manifest, That the Fathers in the Old Testament under the Law were saved by Christ as well as we: but with this difference, That to them Christ was but in promise, and hoped for; to us he is already sent and exhibited: To them the mystery of Redemption by him was obscure and dark, as known but for the general, That it should be, not in particular for the manner, How it should be; but to us all is open and revealed: Their Faith groped after shadows; but ours lays hold on the substance. And let this Information be the Use of this Discourse.  
This being premised touching the Promise of Christ so long before he came, and how the Mystery of his Gospel was portrayed by Types and Shadows before it was openly revealed and exhibited; I come to confirm and explain the Description I gave thereof; to wit, That it is the glad tidings of Salvation to be attained by Christ, etc.  
I say, It is the glad tidings; for so the name thereof both in the Greek and in our English imports: For Spell in old English was to speak or read, and so Gospel is as much as Good spell, that is, the good speak or say, the good tidings, the word of good news. Under which name it was revealed by the Angel to the Shepherds who were watching their flock in the fields the night our Saviour was born; Behold, saith the Angel. I bring you good tidings of great joy which shall be to all people: For unto you is born this day a Saviour, which is Christ the Lord, Luk. 2. 10, 11.  
I call it the glad tidings of Salvation to be attained by Christ; for so much the name of Saviour implies. And saith S. Paul, 1 Tim. 1. 15. This is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, That jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners. Neither is there (saith S. Peter Acts 4. 12.) Salvation in any other; for there is no other name under heaven given among men, whereby we must be saved.  
The next words I used, show the way and manner how and whereby Christ purchased this Salvation unto men, and the means whereby it is attained through him: namely, by cancelling of sin by his alonement made he reconciles us to his Father, that we through him might turn unto God, and perform works of obedience acceptable unto eternal life. All which was foretold by Daniel, chap. 9 24. where prophesying of the time of Messiah's coming, he said, Seventy weeks were determined upon the people, and upon the holy city, to finish transgression, and to make an end of sin, and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness.  
To prove in particular that Christ died for sin, I shall not need. No man that ever read the Gospel but knows it. That by the atonement he made for sin by death he hath reconciled us to his Father, is as evident by what S. Paul tells us 2 Cor. 5. 19 That God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, not imputing their trespasses to them. That the ministry of the Gospel is the Ministry of reconciliation, v. 18. whose Ministers as Ambassadors for Christ, beseech men in Christ's stead to be reconciled unto God, v. 20. For by reason of Sin all mankind is at enmity with God, and liable to eternal wrath: Christ, by taking our sins upon him, abolished this enmity, and set us at peace with God his Father, according to that the Choir of Angels sang at his blessed Birth, 
Luke 2. 14.  Glory be to God on high, and on earth Peace, goodwill towards men: that is, Glory be ascribed to God, forasmuch as Peace was come upon earth, and goodwill towards men.  
All this is plain. But that which the greatest part of men (as may be guessed by their practice) seem to make question of, is, that last parcel of my Description; That therefore Christ took away sin and reconciled us to his Father, that we might through him, whose righteousness is imputed to us, perform works of piety and obedience, which God should accept and crown with eternal life. But that this is also a part of the Gospel, as well as the former, is plain and evident. First, by that of S. Peter, 1 Ep. ch. 2. ver. 24. where he tells us, That Christ his own self bore our sins in his own body on the tree, that we being dead to sin, might live unto righteousness. Secondly, by that of the Apostle Paul to Titus ch. 2. 11, etc. The grace of God (saith he) that bringeth Salvation hath appeared unto all men: Wherefore? Teaching us, that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we should live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world; Looking for that blessed hope, the glorious appearing of the great God, and our Saviour jesus Christ; Who gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people zealous of good works. Is not this plain? Thirdly, by that of the same Apostle, Eph. 2. 10. where the Apostle having told us (v. 8, 9) that we are saved by grace, through faith, and not of works (that is, not according to the Covenant of works, wherein the exact performance was required) lest any man should boast, namely, that he was not beholden to God for grace and favour in rewarding him; he adds presently, lest his meaning might be mistaken, That we are God's workmanship, created in Christ jesus unto good works, which God hath before ordained (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that we should walk in them. As if he should say, Though of ourselves we are no ways able to perform those works of obedience ordained by God aforetime in his Law for us to walk in, yet now God hath, as it were, new created us in Christ, that we might perform them in him; namely, by way of acceptation, though they come short of that exactness which the Law requireth. And thus to be saved, is to be saved by grace and favour, and not by the merit of works; because the foundation whereby ourselves and services are approved in the eyes of God and have promise of reward, is the mere favour of God in jesus Christ, and not any thing in us or them.  
Agreeable to these Scriptures is that in the Revelation, where glory is ascribed to jesus Christ who loved us, and washed us from our sins in his own blood, 
Rev. 1. 5. 6.  and hath made us Kings and Priests unto God his Father; that is, that he might make us kings and Priests unto God his Father. For [and] is here to be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for [that.] Kings, to subdue the world, the flesh, and the Devil; Priests, to offer Sacrifices of prayer, thanksgiving, works of mercy, and other acceptable services to our heavenly Father.  
Moreover and besides these express Scriptures, this Truth may be yet further confirmed by Demonstration and Reason. Repentance is a forsaking of sin to serve God in newness of life. Now the Gospel includes Repentance as the subject wherein it worketh, as the Body which it enliveneth as a Soul. Or, to use a similitude from weaving, Repentance is the warp of the Gospel, and the Gospel the woof of Repentance: Repentance is as the warp which the Gospel, by the shuttle of Faith, runs through as the woof, whence proceeds the web of Regeneration. Therefore is Repentance everywhere joined with the Gospel: Both john Baptist and our Saviour so published it, Repent, for the Kingdom of heaven is at hand: Repent, and believe the Gospel. Our Saviour in his last words or commission to his Disciples tells them, Luk. 24. 47. that Repentance and Remission of sins (which is the Gospel) should be preached in his Name among all Nations, beginning at jerusalem. All which is elsewhere comprised in the sole name of preaching the Gospel: which argues that the Gospel of Christ, and consequently our Faith in the same, supposeth Repentance as the ground to do its work upon. So S. Peter, in his first Sermon, Acts 2. 38. conjoins them, Repent (saith he,) and be baptised in the name of jesus Christ, for the remission of sins: as if he had said, Repent; and that thy Repentance may be available, betake thyself to Christ, become a disciple and a member of his Kingdom. S. Paul likewise taught the Gospel in like manner, for himself tells us so, Acts 20. 21. that he testified both to jews and Gentiles, Repentance toward God, and Faith toward our Lord jesus Christ. Repentance therefore and the Gospel cannot be separated. If Repentance includes newness of life and good works, the Gospel doth so. For Christ is the way of Repentance; without Repentance there is no use of Christ, and without Christ Repentance is unavailable, and nothing worth: for without him we can neither be quit of the sins we forsake, nor turn by a new life unto God with hope of being received. He is the blessed Ferryman, and his Gospel is the Boat, provided by the unspeakable mercy of God, for the passage of this Sea. As therefore in Repentance, we forsake sin to serve God in newness of life; so in the tenor of the Gospel, Christ delivers us from sin, that we might through Faith in him bring forth the fruits and works of a new life acceptable to our heavenly Father.  
Hence it is that we shall be judged and receive our sentence at the last day according to our works: Come ye blessed of my Father, 
Mat. 25. 34. etc.  inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world: For I was hungry, and ye gave me meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink; I was a stranger, and ye took me in; naked, and ye clothed me; I was sick, and ye visited me; I was in prison, and ye came unto me. 
Vers. 42.  Forasmuch as ye have done these things unto the least of my brethren, ye have done them unto me. Lord! how do those look to be saved at that day, who think good works not required to Salvation, and accordingly do them not? Can our Saviour pass this blessed sentence upon them? No; assuredly he will not.  
But if the case be thus in the Gospel; What is the reason, will some men, say, that the Apostle tells us, 
Rome 6. 14. Gal. 5. 18. & 2. 16.  that we Christians are no longer under the Law, nor justified by the works of the Law? but under Grace, and justified by Faith only? 
Rom. 3. 28. and elsewhere.   
I answer, It is true, that we are justified, that is, freed and acquitted from sin, by Faith only: But besides justification, there is a Sanctification, with the works of piety towards God and righteousness towards men, as the Fruits, yea as the End of our justification, required to eternal life: For therefore we are justified, that we might do works acceptable to our heavenly Father through the imputation of the Righteousness of Christ (which of ourselves we could not,) and so obtain the reward he hath promised the doers of them.  
As for the Law, it is to be considered either as a Rule, and so we are bound to conform and frame our actions to it, (for who dare deny but a Christian is bound to fear God and keep his Commandments?) or the Law may be considered as it is taken for the Covenant of works. The Apostle, when he disputes of this argument, by the Law means the Covenant of works, which he also calls 
* Rom. 3. 27.  The Law of works; and by Faith, and the Law of Faith, he understands the Covenant of grace, the condition whereof is Faith: as will easily appear to him that shall diligently read the third and fourth chapters of the Epistle to the Galatians, where he expressly changeth those terms of Law and Faith into the equivalent appellations of the Two Covenants.  
Now as the Law is taken for the Covenant of works (the Seal whereof was Circumcision) 'tis true, we are not under it. For the Covenant of works, called by the Apostle the Law, is that Covenant wherein Works are the condition on our part, which if we perform in every point as the Law requires, we are justified before God, as keepers of his Covenant; otherwise, if we fail in the least thing, we are condemned as guilty of the breach thereof. Under this Covenant we are not; for if we were, and were to be judged according to it, alas! who could be saved? For, all (saith the Apostle) have sinned, 
Rom. 3. 23, 10.  and come short of the glory of God. There is none righteous, no not one.  
But the Covenant we are under, is, Believe, and thou shalt be saved; the Covenant of Grace: the condition of which Covenant, on our part, is not the doing of works which may abide the Touchstone of the Law; but Faith in jesus Christ, which makes our works, though of themselves insufficient and short of what the Law requires, accepted of God and capable of reward. This is that S. john saith, 1 Ep. 5. 3, 4. That to love God, is to keep his commandments, and his commandments (now under the Gospel) are not grievous. For whatsoever is born of God, overcomes the world: and this is the victory that overcometh the world, even our Faith, etc. Whence our Saviour also saith, that his yoke (the yoke of the Gospel) was easy, and his burden light. 
Matt. 11. 30.  The condition of the first Covenant was that which we could not do; the condition of the second Covenant is that which enableth us to do, and makes accepted what we can do: and this is the Covenant of the Gospel, a Covenant of savour and grace through jesus Christ our Lord.  
And thus we have seen what the Apostle's meaning is, when he saith, we are not under the Law, but under Grace. Not as though a Christian were not bound to walk after God's commandments; but that the exact fulfilling of them is not the condition whereby we are justified in the New Covenant, but Faith in jesus Christ, in whom whosoever cometh unto the Father, is accepted, be his offering never so mean, so it be tendered with sincerity and truth of heart.  
Most unworthy therefore should we be of this so great and unspeakable favour of Almighty God our heavenly Father, offered us in the Gospel, if when he hath given us his only Son, to make the yoke of our obedience easy and possible to be born, we, contemning this superabundant grace, should refuse to wear and draw therein. Far be it from the heart of a Christian, to think it possible to have any benefit by Christ as long as he stands thus affected; or ever to win the prize of eternal life, without running the race appointed thereunto. Shall we sin that grace may abound? saith S. Paul, God forbid. 
* Rom. 6. ●.   
THUS much of the Gospel. Now of Faith, whereby we are partakers of the grace therein, being the condition of the New Covenant which God hath struck with men.  
Faith is to believe the Gospel, that is, to attain Salvation through Christ. But there is a threefold Faith wherewith men believe in Christ. 1. There is a false Faith: 2. there is a true Faith, but not a saving: and 3. there is a saving Faith.  
A false Faith is, to believe to attain Salvation by Christ any other way than God hath ordained; as namely, to believe to attain Salvation through him without works of obedience to be accepted of God in him: which is a Faith whereof there is no Gospel. A true Faith is, to believe Salvation to be attained through obedience to God in jesus Christ, who by his merits and satisfaction for sin makes ourselves and our works acceptable to his Father. A saving and justifying Faith is, to believe this so as to embrace and lay hold upon Christ for that end, to apply ourselves unto him and rely upon him, that we may through him perform those works of obedience which God hath promised to reward with eternal life. For a justifying Faith stays not only in the Brain, but stirs up the Will to receive and enjoy the good believed, according as it is promised. This motion or election of the Will is that which maketh the difference between a saving Faith which joins us to Christ, and that which is true indeed, but not saving, but dogmatical and opinionative only. And this motion or applying of the Will to Christ, this embracing of Christ and the Promises of the Gospel through him, is that which the Scripture, when it speaks of this Faith, calleth coming unto Christ, or the receiving of him. Come unto me, all ye that are heavy-laden, and I will ease you, Matth. 11. 28. See john 5. 40. and chap. 6. 37, 44, 45. So for receiving, john 1. 12. As many as received him, to them he gave power (or privilege) to be the sons of God, even to them that believe on his Name; where receiving and believing, one expounds another.  
Now if this be the Faith which is saving and unites us unto Christ, and none other; than it is plain that a saving Faith cannot be severed from good works, because no man can embrace Christ as he is promised, but he must apply himself to do them. Would we then know whether our Faith be true and saving, and not counterfeit? This is the only sign and note whereby we may know it; if we find these fruits thereof in our lives and conversations. For, 1 john 1. 6. If we say we have fellowship with Christ, and walk in darkness, we lie, and do not the truth. Ch. 2. 3. Hereby we know that we know him, (namely, to be our Advocate with the Father, and the propitiation for our sins) if we keep his Commandments. And ch. 3. 7. Little children, let no man deceive you: He that doth righteousness, is righteous, even as Christ is righteous. For if every one that believes in Christ truly and savingly, believes that Salvation is to be attained by obeying God in him, and so embraces and lays hold on him for that end; how can such a ones Faith be fruitless?     

DISCOURSE XXVII.  

Acts 5. 3, 4, 5.  
But Peter said, Ananias, why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie to the holy Ghost, and to purloin of the price of the land?  
Whiles it remained, was it not thine own? and after it was sold, was it not in thy power? why hast thou conceived this thing in thine heart? Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God.  
And Ananias hearing these words, fell down and gave up the ghost.  
IN the 110. Psalms, where our Saviour is Prophetically described in the Person of a King, advanced to the Throne of Divine Majesty, glorious and victorious, The Lord said unto my Lord, Sat thou on my right hand, till I make thine enemies thy footstool, 
Verse 1.  etc. amongst other Kingly Attributes and Graces it is said, (if it be translated as it should be) That his people in the day of his power should offer him Free-will-offerings; that is, 
Verse 3.  bring him Presents at the day of his Inauguration or Investment, as a sign of their Homage. For so was the manner of the East to do unto their Kings: and therefore when Saul was anointed King by Samuel, it is said of those sons of Denial, which despised and acknowledged him not, 
1 Sam. 10. 27.  that they brought him no presents: But of Messiah's people it is said, Thy people in the day of thy power (that is, the day when thou shalt enter upon thy power, or the day of thy Investment) shall be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a people of free presents, or shall bring thee Free-will-offerings. It is an Elliptical speech, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and rightly expressed in the Translation of our Service-Book, 
Acts 5. 3, 4.  Thy people shall offer (or bring) the Free-will-offerings.  
This we see fulfilled in the Story of the foregoing Chapter, when after our Saviour's ascension into heaven to sit at the right hand of God, which was the day of his power or Inauguration in his Kingdom, assoon as this his Investment was published by sending of the Holy Ghost, presently such as believed in him, that is, submitted themselves to his power, and acknowledged him to be their King, dedicated their goods and possessions to his service, selling their lands and houses, and laying down the money at the Apostles feet; namely, to be distributed as were the sacred Offerings of the Law, partly to the maintenance and furnishing of the Apostles for the work whereabout they were sent, and partly for the relief of the poor Believers, which belonged to Christ's provision.  
According to this Example one Ananias with Sapphira his wife consecrated also a possession of theirs unto God, and sold the same to that purpose; but having so done, covetousness tickling them, they purloined from the price, and brought but a part of the sum, and laid it down at the Apostles feet. Then said Peter (according to the words I have read) Why hath Satan 
* So in F●th. 7. 5. 'tis said, Who is he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whose heart hath filled him (we read it, that durst presume) to do so? Lud. de Dieu in Io. 11. & Act. 5. Quis tantos spiritus sumpsit & tam and axe ev●sit, ut hoc facere sustineat? The like phrase we have in Eccles. 8. 11.— The heart of the sons of men is fully se● in them to do evil. In the former place the LXX. hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the latter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  filled thine heart (that is, made thee so daring) to lie unto the Holy Ghost, and to purloin from the price of the field, & c?  
The words I have read contain two things; Ananias his Sin, and his Punishment therefore. His Sin in the third and fourth verses; his Punishment in the fifth, Ananias hearing these words, fell down and gave up the ghost.  
Concerning his Sin, as appears by the relation I have already made, it was Sacrilege, namely, the purloining of what was become holy and consecrate unto God, not by actual performance, but by vow and inward purpose of the Heart. For, as it is well observed by Ainsworth, on Levit. 7. 16. out of Maimonid. in his Treatise of offering the Sacrifice, Chap. 14. Sect. 4, 5. etc. In vows and voluntaries, it is not necessary that a man pronounce aught with his lips; but if he shall be fully determined in his heart, though he hath uttered nothing with his lips, he is indebted. And this is no private Opinion of mine, the Fathers so determine it: S. Augustine, that Ananias was condemned of Sacrilege, 
* Serm. 25. De verb. Ap.  quòd Deum in pollicitatione fesellisset, because he had deceived God, had been false to him in what he had promised him. And in another Sermon, 
* Serm. 〈…〉  Ananiam detraxisse de pecunia quam voverat Deo, Ananias purloined and kept back part of the money he had devoted to God. S. chrysostom in his 12. Homily upon this place; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The money or price of the land being by Ananias devoted to God's service, henceforth became sacred. And therefore he that, after he had voluntarily sold his estate with a purpose to have all the money distributed for the use of the Church, durst yet notwithstanding purloin and take part thereof to his own private use, was clearly guilty of Sacrilege. Again, in the same place, You see that Ananias is most justly charged with Sacrilege, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he took back again part of that money which he had made sacred by devoting it unto God. S. Jerome in his 8. Epistle, Ananias & Sapphira dispensateres timidi, imò corde duplici; & ideo condemnati, quia post votum obtulerunt quasi sua, & non ejus cui semel ea voverant, partémque sibi alienae substantiae reservaverunt; praesentem meruere vindictam non crudelitate sententiae, sed correctionis exemplo: Ananias and Sapphira were distrustfully covetous, false and double-hearted in disposing the money they received for the sale of their estate; and being therefore condemned, because that after their Vow they presented the price of their estate as if it had been their own still, and not God's, to whom they had given it by vow, and withal kept back and reserved to themselves part of that which was no more theirs, but another's, viz. God's; upon these accounts they did most worthily deserve that punishment of Death. Nor was this condemning of them to such a punishment an over-severe or cruel sentence; but an useful exemplary severity, that others might amend and fear to transgress in the like manner. Caesarius brother to Gregory Nazianzen, in his fourth Dialogue, expresseth the sin of Ananias thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He alienated the money dedicated unto God, being wounded with Sacrilege; and when he was asked thereabout, denied it. Lastly, Oecumenius, in whom we have the currant interpretation of the Greek Fathers, thus expounds the words of S. Peter to Ananias;— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. We were far from compelling or forcing you in the least to sell your estate: But whenas you were pleased of your own accord to offer it as a Sacrifice to God, for you afterwards to withhold any part of what ye had given to God for the use of the Church, and to keep it for your own use; this without question is plain Sacrilege. And then adds, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And therefore they received the punishment due to Sacrilegious persons: what's that? even Death itself. Also Asterius Bishop of Amasea, who lived near the time of julian, in his Hom. against Covetousness, calls Ananias and Sapphira 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, persons guilty of Sacrilege even in their own Offerings.  
I quote these Fathers the more fully, because many of our late Commentators omit the main Sin, and dwell upon the circumstances only, as Hypocrisy, Vainglory, Covetousness, and the like. But we must distinguish between Ananias his Fact, and the manner and circumstance thereof. The Fact was Sacrilege: In the manner of doing, other sins attended as handmaids. It will be plain, if we ask but these two questions: First, What Ananias did: The Text will make answer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He purloined of the price, the holy money; This was his Fact. Ask secondly, How and in what manner he purloined: The story will tell us, dissemblingly and hypocritically, making an appearance to the contrary. This than was but the manner and circumstance of his Fact, and so the species of the Fact not to be placed therein.  
Now this Sacrilege or Sacrilegious act committed by Ananias is in the words of the Text partly expressed, partly aggravated from the inexcusableness thereof. In the expression is spent the third Verse, the aggravation is in the fourth.  
The Crime or Fact of Ananias is expressed two ways. First, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, purloining of the sacred price. Secondly, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by lying unto, or deceiving, the Holy Ghost. For both these I suppose to mean one and the same thing, namely the same Fact of Ananias two ways expressed. The first, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I translate by stealing or purloining, for so the word signifies. Our English which turns it Keeping back of the price, doth not sufficiently express the propriety thereof in this place: In another place it doth, Tit. 2. 10. where it turns 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, purloining; Exhort servants, saith the Apostle, to be obedient unto their Masters, and to please them well in all things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not purloining, but showing all good fidelity. The Vulgar in both places useth Fraudare, defrauding. In a word, the true signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is surripere, suffurari, aut clam subduct a in commodum nostrum convertere; to steal or take away privily, or to convert to our own use and advantage what was so closely purloined. Whence Beza turns it by Intervertere, Intervertit ex pretio, He purloined, or closely and cunningly took unto himself, part of the price; and in Titus, Intervertentes. In the same sense it is used by the Septuagint in two several places, both pointing at the sin of Sacrilege. One is in Achan's story, josh. 7. 1. where what we read, Achan took of the accursed thing, the Septuagint renders, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify both a thing cursed, and a thing offered or consecrated, which had a curs● laid upon it, viz. a curse to him that meddled with it.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he purloined of the accursed thing, that is, the thing that was consecrated to God, as all the silver and gold was, Chap. 6. Ver. 19 For which cause when God relates to joshuah Israel's sin as the reason of their flying before their enemies, he makes a distinction between Achan's Sacrilege and his theft and dissembling, Ver. 11. of the 7. Chap. saying, For they have even taken of the accursed thing, and have also stolen and dissembled also, and they have put it even among their own stuff. The other is in 2 Macc. 4. 32. where Menelaus his Sacrilege (who stole the sacred Vessels) is expressed by it; Menelaus (saith the Author) supposing he had got a convenient time, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, stole certain vessels of gold out of the Temple, and gave some to Andronicus, and some he sold into Tyrus and the Cities round about.  
The second expression of Ananias his Sacrilege is by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, deceiving, or lying to, the Holy Ghost; or, as it is repeated immediately after, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lying unto God. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is fallo, frustro, mentior, to deceive, cousin, lie; (as also the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which peculiarly signifies Sacrilegious transgression, as Leu. 5. 15. and in the story of Achan, is in all those places (as elsewhere) rendered in the Targum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to lie, and the substantive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a lie) and in Oaths and Promises, Non servo, frango, not to keep, or to break them. So Ananias his sin was a lying unto, or breaking of promise with, God: For having vowed, or promised unto him in his heart, the whole price of the field, he brought him but part thereof. Both expressions point out the same Fact; which, in regard of the matter was stealing or purloining; in regard of the Vow and Consecration, a breach of promise or lying unto God. So that when Peter says in the third verse, Why hath Satan filled thine heart, to lie unto the Holy Ghost, and to purloin of the price of the land? the latter is the explication of the former, and is as if it had been laid, Why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie unto the Holy Ghost, in purloining the price of the land?  
But what, will some man say, means this special expression of the Deity in the Person of the Holy Ghost? why is Ananias said to have lied to the Holy Ghost, rather than to have lied unto God only? For lying unto God would bear the sense I speak of. Should not then lying unto the Holy Ghost seem to have something else, or something more in it? I answer; Ananias his lie or breach of promise is applied thus in special to the Holy Ghost in respect of the Prerogative of that Person, as to stir and sanctify, so to take notice of the motions of the Heart. Forasmuch therefore as Ananias his Vow and Promise which he broke was not such as men could witness or take notice of, but such as his own Heart and Conscience only was privy to; hence it is said to have been done under the privity of the Holy Ghost, and he in the breach thereof to have lied unto him; because that which none but the inward man knoweth of, and is yet but in the purpose of the Heart, is under his privity. There is a plain place Rom. 9 1. to this purpose; I say the truth in Christ, (saith the Apostle) I lie not, my Conscience also bearing me witness in the Holy Ghost; that is, the Holy Ghost, who is privy to my Conscience, bearing me witness, or my Conscience which the Holy Ghost is privy to. Some other places of Scripture I could name which may receive light from this notion, but I am loath to meddle with them.  
But for their interpretation, who expound this Lying unto the Holy Ghost of Ananias his Hypocrisy, I cannot well see how it can stand: for Ananias dissembled not with the Holy Ghost, but with men; the Holy Ghost knew his Heart well enough. And the Hypocrite properly lies unto men, who guess only by the outside, and not unto God, who knows the Heart.  
Others expound Lying unto the Holy Ghost, as if it were Lying to try whether the Holy Ghost in the Apostles could discover him or not: But this is an harsh and forced sense. As for that in the 9 verse whereon it is grounded, viz. How is it that ye have agreed together to tempt the Spirit of the Lord? The word Tempt, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is mistaken; the notion thereof in Scripture being otherwhile, To provoke God by some presumptuous fact to anger, as it were to try whether he will punish or not, to dare God. There is an evident place for this sense, Numb. 14. 22. Those men, saith the Lord, which have seen my glory and my miracles which I did in Egypt and in the wilderness, and have tempted me now these ten times, and have not harkened to my voice, 23. Surely, they shall not see the land which I swore to their Fathers, neither shall any of them that provoked me see it.  
And thus much of the bare description of Ananias his Sin: Come we now to the aggravation thereof; While it remained, was it not thine? and after it was sold, was it not in thy power? That is, Before it was sold, was it not thine? and being sold, was not the money paid thee? was not the price in thine hand? Thou hast therefore no excuse for what thou hast done.  
For there were two Cases which might have excused Ananias for bringing but part of the price: If either he had not been Dominus in solidum, the full Proprietary of what was sold; or had not received the whole price it was sold for. For, as for the First, it is a Rule in Law, Quoties Dominium transfertur ad alium, tale transfertur quale apud eum fuit qui tradit. A man can sell no more than is his. So that if Ananias had been owner but in part, he had power to dispose but in part. Secondly, Though he were Dominus in solidum, the full Proprietary of the Field, and so had right enough to sell it; yet had not the whole price been received, and in his power and possession, he might still have been excused for bringing but part thereof. But Ananias could plead neither of these: for, saith S. Peter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whilst it remained unsold, did it not remain thine? or wert not thou owner? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and when it was sold, was not the money it was sold for in thy possession? The first words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; (though there be no such speech again in Scripture) yield the sense I speak of pliantly enough, nor will they bear any other meaning; unless somewhat forsaking the letter, we should with others construe them to imply, That Ananias was not constrained or urged to sell his possession at all, but might have kept it still. Which sense is most commonly followed, and hath the authority of Oecumenius in the words before alleged;— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, &c We were far (saith S. Peter to Ananias and Sapphira) from compelling you in the least to sell your estate: But when as you were pleased of your own accord to offer it as a Sacrifice and Free-will-offering to God, for you afterwards to withdraw any part of what ye had devoted to God, and take it to your own use; this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, downright Sacrilege without all controversy and dispute. Therefore Beza translates the words, Nun, si seruâsses, (so he renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) manebat tibi?  
True it is, this sense makes as much for the unexcusableness of Ananias as the other: For could he have alleged, that what he had done for the sale of his land was done not spontè, but coacte, not willingly, but by way of constraint; it might have excused him: Because that act only is taken to be of force in Law which a man consents unto; but that which is done by constraint or compulsion, is not done with full and free consent, and therefore binds not. So this sense agrees well enough with the story, only it may seem somewhat to strain the words: Howsoever if you had rather follow it, because of the authority, I will not contend. Only note thus much, that the Syriack Translator inclines to the first sense; for he translates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Was it not thine before it was sold?  
A second plea for the excuse of Ananias might have been in case he had not yet received the full price, and so had not the whole money in his hand. But this S. Peter also takes from him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Was it not, when it was sold, in thy power? that is, was not the price it was sold for in thine hands? For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must here be understood for the price of what was sold, or the Field reduced to money: otherwise the contrary would be true to that which Peter intimated, namely, That when it was sold, it was now no longer in his power, because he had sold it. But the latter words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in thy power, I understand to be as much as, in thy possession, or in thine hand; meaning, as I have said, that he had received the price. For not only that which a man hath dominion and propriety in but that also which he hath but in bare possession, 
〈◊〉.  is rightly said to be in his power. For in the Law Ius possessionis extends farther than Ius dominii, 
Propriety.  namely, as far as Habere, to have a thing: Habere autem dicitur, non solùm qui rei dominus est, sed qui rei quidem dominus non est, sed rem tenet; that is, as they speak, corpore possessioni insistit. And in this sense the price which Ananias had received is said to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in his power, that is, in his possession. Which will not seem a forced exposition, if we consider that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath the same sense with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or in manu, in the Hebrew; which implies not dominion only, but also bare possession. As it is said of Abraham's servant, Gen. 24. 10. that all the goods of his Master were in his hand; as well as of the rich miser's son, Eccles 5. 14. that there was nothing in his hand, that is, he was a beggar. Both which might be expressed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as manus in Hebrew, yea and in Latin too, is well enough known to be put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power.  
I confess there is another Exposition usually given of these words, but it is such an one as directly contradicts the story; namely, that Was it not in thy power? should be, Was it not in thy power to have kept the price when it was sold? But first there is no such word in the Text as to keep it, and so we are not bound to understand it. It is only said, Was it not in thy power? And if any Verb be to be understood to supply the sense, why should it not as well be the contrary? Was it not in thy power to dispose it according to thy Vow? intimating there might be some just impediment after the sale, whereby he could not; especially if he could not get the money. But to expound, Was it not in thy power? to be, Was it not in thy power to have kept it? is directly against the drift of the story: For how did Ananias sin in bringing but part of the price, if he might have kept all? Is not his sin expressly placed in that he purloined of the price? what other Fact of his is mentioned save only this? Nay, if this should be the meaning of the words, it would follow, a man might vow a thing unto God, and yet be at liberty, when he had done, whether he would perform it or not; he might lie unto God, and yet be guiltless. Without doubt this Exposition was it that so obscured the whole Narration, that it could not appear wherein Ananias his Sin consisted. But his Sin, as I have already showed out of the Fathers, was Sacrilege, and of that kind whereof Solomon speaks, Prov. 20. 25. It is a snare to the man who devours that which is holy, and after vows to inquire. He had dedicated the whole value of the Field in his conscience and the purpose of his heart, as was evident by his sale thereof to that end; and yet when he had done, he repented him, and brought but part thereof. This meaning is evidently contained in the body of the Narration, and therefore such a sense of any part as cannot stand with this, is in no wise to be admitted. He that considers it, will perceive the necessity of what I say.  
HAVING thus cleared the words of the Text where there was any doubt or obscurity, let us come to the Observations to be deduced thence; whereof the Relation affords us three evident ones.  

1. That Sacrilege is a Sin against God, and not against men.  
2. That that which is consecrate to God, must not be alienated to other uses.  
3. That it is an heinous Sin which God thus severely punished.   
For the First, That Sacrilege is a sin against God, and not against men, is plain by the Text, Thou hast not lied (said Peter) unto men, but unto God. For whatsoever is sacred, is his; yea, to be sacred is nothing else but to be set apart from man's interest to be God's in a peculiar propriety and relation. 
Observat. 1.  To steal then or alienate that which is sacred, is to rob God, and not man; for he is robbed whose the propriety is, but of sacred things God is the Proprietary, and not man. It is an error therefore to be observed among the Expositors of the Decalogue, who rank Sacrilege as a Sin of the Eighth Commandment: when Sacrilege as Sacrilege is a Sin of the First Table, and not of the Second; a breach of the loyalty we immediately owe to God, and not of the duty we owe to our neighbour. True it is, He that committeth Sacrilege, indirectly and by consequent robbeth men too, namely, those who live of God's provision; but Sacrilege itself is the robbing of God. This is evident by that of the Prophet Malachi, Mal. 3. 8. Will a man rob God? yet ye have robbed me, (saith the Prophet in the person of God:) Lut ye say, Wherein have we robbed thee? In Tithes and Offerings. Ver. 9 Ye are cursed with a curse: for ye have robbed me, even this whole Nation. Ver. 10. Bring ye all the Tithes into the store-house, that there may be meat in mine house; and prove me now herewith, saith the Lord of Hosts, if I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room enough to receive it, etc.  
The observation of this would be useful in the Question of the due of Tithes; for the state thereof is not rightly framed, when the Quaere is made, Whether Tithes are due to the Ministers of the Gospel; meaning as a duty of the people unto them. We should say rather, Tithes are due unto God; for so is the style of the Scripture, All the Tithes are mine: these I give to Levi, and not you. God maintains not his Ministers at others charges, but out of his own Revenue which he had reserved to himself: As was well observed by Philo the jew, in his Book de Sacerdotum honoribus, where speaking of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that honourable maintenance and without bodily toil, which God had provided for his Priesthood, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to take away from them out of whose labours this maintenance did accrue all occasion of upbraiding those who by God●s assignment were to receive it, he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The people were commanded to bring their offerings first to the Temple, that thence the Priests might fetch them: It being not unworthy God himself, in token of gratitude for his infinite bounty and benefits, to take some part back again from him upon whom he had conferred so great benefits; and seeing himself, the Giver of all good gifts, stood in need of nothing, it pleased him to transfer that honourable maintenance, which was so returned him by way of thankfulness, upon those that served at his Altar and ministered about holy things: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as he gives the reason) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they (the Priests) might take that their provision without being ashamed, as not coming from men, but from God the Giver of all good gifts to every one. For they are his Ministers, and 
* See Discourse V.  not the people's; and therefore to receive their wages from their own Master who employs them, and not from them. The stating of the Question thus would make the way to the resolution of the controversy more easy, and less invidious, whilst we should plead for God, and not for ourselves. For it is not needful that all which is given unto God should be spent upon his Ministers; though it be true that their maintenance should be out of his Revenue, and that honourable and competent. But there are many other uses for the employment of bona sacra, the sacred Revenues, if there be more than is competent for them and theirs; building of Churches; defraying of such as are sent to Synods and employed upon other occasions of the Church; furnishing of treasures for a Holy War; the relief of the poor, the Orphan, the Widow, the Captive and the distressed: All which belong to Christ's provision.  
Thus much of the First Observation: 
Observat. 2.  Now I come to the Second, That that which is consecrated to God may not be alienated to other uses. The Reasons whereof are,  
1. Because none can alienate but he that hath the propriety and is Owner; Dominium transferre non potest qui ipse Dominus non est: But in things consecrate to God, none hath the propriety but God. For certainly a man cannot be said to have given that unto God wherein he still reserves the Title to himself as the Owner. He that gives, transfers the Dominium from himself unto him to whom the gift is made. If therefore that which is given to God, be God's; then must those who go about to alienate it, dispose of that which is none of theirs: which whether it be just or not, let any man judge.  
2. To alienate that which is given unto God is a Breach of Vow or Promise made unto him; a lying unto him, as my Text speaks. And if it be a Sin not to perform what was vowed in the purpose of the Heart only, (as we see it was in this Story of Ananias;) much more is it to revoke a Vow already performed. Nor will it serve turn to say, This reason may indeed concern the person himself that vowed, that he should not revoke again what he hath vowed; but doth not take away from the Commonwealth or public Magistrate their power to dispose of things subject to them. For howsoever it be true, That every private person and his goods are under the tuition of the Public; and the interest the Public hath in either cannot be given away by the sole act of a private person: yet in this case that Rule hath place which is given by Almighty God, Numb. 30. 3, etc. concerning a Maiden's vow in her Father's house, or a Woman's vow under covert; That if the Father or the Husband hear the Vow, and the bond wherewith she bound her soul, and disallow it not, but shall hold his peace; then the vow shall stand. So when the Commonwealth or public Magistrate consents to and allows what is done, as in this case it is supposed they do; the vow and dedication is also irrevocable on their part.  
Hence in Scripture it is made an inseparable property of that which is Sacred or God's, not to be alienable. As in Ezek. 48. 14. it is said of the portion of land to be laid out for the Levites, They shall not sell it, neither exchange, nor alienate the first-fruits of the land; (mark the reason;) for it is holy unto the Lord. This was the reason likewise why a jew might not sell outright his possession in the land of Canaan, but only for fifty years' term, or until the year of jubilee; because the whole land was holy, and God's land, and they but Vsnfruct●aries. So saith God Levit. 25. 23. The land shall not be sold for ever, or outright, for the land is mine; for ye are strangers and sojourners with me: therefore v. 24. in all the land of your possession ye shall grant a redemption for the land. Where he saith, ye are strangers and sojourners with me; the meaning is, That as the Gentiles who became Proselytes had no inheritance in the land, but dwelled therein as sojourners: So was all Israel in the sight of God, who would have none accounted Proprietaries of that land but himself, having acquired it by his own powerful conquest from the Canaanite. For although in the same land some part were yet in a more special manner the Lord's land; yet comparatively and secundum quid the whole land was Sacred and His. As all Israel was a peculiar and holy people, though the Tribe of Levi were in a more special sort the holy Tribe. Now if that which was but in a more general sense holy and the Lord's, might not be alienated; what shall we say of that which is holy and His in the most special manner of all? I speak all this while of that which is dedicated unto God absolutely, and not with limitation or for term of time only; for such Dedications I suppose there may be.  
Now if any shall ask me, whether this Assertion, That things dedicate to God are unalienable, admits not of some limitations; I answer, It may; and that in two cases: If either it can be proved that the Donation made unto God were a nullity; or showed that God hath relinquished the right which once he had. But here the water begins to grow too deep for my wading; yet I hope I may say thus much, That whosoever he be that shall plead either of these Cases to acquit himself of Sacrilege, had need be sure in a point of such moment that his evidence be good, and such as he can show good warrant for out of God's own Book: To go upon bare conjectures will not be safe. And for direction and caution in this Case, I will add further, That not every sinfulness of the person who is the Donor, nor every default or blemish in the Consecration, makes the act itself void. It appears in the story of Korah, Dathan and Abiram, in that oblation of Incense made by the two hundred and fifty Princes of the Congregation; whose service though it were so displeasing unto the Lord, that he sent fire from heaven to consume them, yet when all was done, he gave this commandment to Moses, Speak (saith he) unto Eleazar the son of Aaron the Priest, that he take up the censers out of the burning, and scatter thou the fire yonder; for they are hallowed. The censers of those sinners against their souls; let them make of them broad plates for a covering of the Altar: for they offered them before the Lord, therefore they are hallowed, Numb. 16. 37, 38. Mark here; Though they were offered by sinful men, and in a sinful manner, and were not to be used any more for Censers; yet must they be applied to some other holy use, because they were become sacred by having been offered unto the Lord. So Rabbi Solomon jarchi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Unlawful for common use, because they had made them vessels of Ministry.  
My last Observation is raised from the judgement which befell Ananias; That it must 
Observ. 3.  needs be a heinous sin which God so severely punished, namely, with death: For there is no Example to be found again in the whole New Testament of so severe a Punishment inflicted by the mouth of the Apostles for any sin whatsoever. But this was the first Consecration of goods that ever was made unto Christ our Lord, after he was invested to sit at the right hand of God; and this transgression of Ananias and Sapphira the first Sacrilege that ever was committed against him: Wherefore it was requisite that by the severity of the punishment thereof, he should now manifest unto men what account he made of and how heinous he esteemed that Sin; that it might be for an Example to the world's end unto all that should afterward believe in his name to beware thereof. So saith S. Hierome, Ananias & Sapphira, quia post votum obtulerunt quasi sua, & non ejus cui semel ea voverant, praesentem meruere vindictam, non crudelitate Sententiae, sed correctionis exemplo. Ananias and Sapphira most worthily deserved to be so severely punished, viz. with death; because that after their vow they presented the price of their estate as if it had been their own, and not God's to whom they had given it, and withal kept back and reserved to themselves part of that which was no more theirs, but another's, viz. God's. Nor was this an over-severe and cruel sentence, but an useful exemplary Severity, that others might amend, and beware of offending in the like kind. For the First in every kind is the Measure of that which follows: and though Sacrilege be not since punished by God, as often as it is committed, by such a visible death; yet was it his purpose that by this First punishment we should take notice how great that Sin was, and how displeasing in his sight, which was a punishment by the greatest visible judgement that could be.  
The like severe Example to this, and for the like end, was that upon him who at first profaned the Sabbath-day in the Wilderness by gathering sticks, Numb. 15. 32, etc. who by the sentence of God himself was put to death, and stoned by the whole Congregation: that the jews hereby might know, that howsoever the like were not ordinarily afterward to be inflicted for the like sin, yet the gravity thereof in the eyes of God was still the same which that First severity intimated.  
Furthermore, it is worthy to be noted, that we find three Examples of such a kind of coactive jurisdiction (if I may so term it) exercised either by our Saviour when he was here on earth, or by his Apostles; and all three for the profanation of that which was sacred. 
Vide Chrys●ft. in Matt. 21. 12.  The first two by our Saviour himself against those that profaned his Temple, by buying and selling therein as a common place: For which, at the first Passeover after his beginning to preach the Gospel, he made him a whip, and whipped such profaners out of it, saying, Make not my Father's house a house of Merchandise, john 2. 16. Another time, which was at his last Passeover, He overthrew the Tables of the Money-changers, and the seats of them that sold Doves, and would not suffer any to carry a Vessel through the Temple; telling them, that his house was made for an house of prayer, but they had made it a den of Thiefs, 
* S. jerom on this place affirms this to be one of the greatest Miracles wrought by our Lord.  Matt. 21. 12. Mark 11. 15. Luke 19 45. The third Example is this which the Apostle Peter exercised upon Ananias and Sapphira for Sacrilege. Whereby it should appear that, how small account soever we are nowadays wont to make of these sins, yet in God's esteem they are other manner of one's than we take them for.  
Another argument of the heinousness of the sin of Sacrilege is, That there was no Sacrifice appointed in the Law to make atonement for the same, if it were committed willingly and wittingly; but only if it were ignorantly done. For so we have it, Levit. 5. 15, 16. If a soul commit a trespass, and sin through ignorance in the holy things of the Lord; he shall bring for his trespass unto the Lord a Ram without blemish out of the flock.— And he shall make amends for the harm that he hath done in the holy thing, and add the fifth part thereunto.— And the Priest shall make an atonement for him, and it shall be forgiven him. Thus if it were done ignorantly; but if wittingly and presumptuously, there was no atonement appointed for it: though for other sins there be, even to Perjury itself. For, as it is in Mal. 3. 8. Will a man rob his God?  
Another proof and testimony of the heinousness of this Sin, is that so ancient a custom in Dedications to lad it with a Curse: Which to be no late custom (as some may suppose) taken up among Christians, but used both by jew and Gentile before Christ was born, may appear by that Decree of King Darius for the building of the Temple of jerusalem, which concludes with this Execration; The God that hath caused his Name to dwell there, destroy all Kings and people that shall put to their hand to destroy this House of God which is at jerusalem. I Darius have made a Decree, let it be done with speed. Ezra 6. 12.  
From this custom it came, that Anathema signifies both a Donary given unto a Temple, and an accursed thing, or that which hath a curse with it. So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebrew a thing cursed and destined to destruction, and also a kind of offering or consecration which had a curse laid upon it, namely, a curse to him that should meddle with it. Which kind of Consecration had this peculiar, that even the very individual might never be altered, changed, or redeemed upon any terms, Levi●. 27. 28. whereas other offerings might, so that a valuable thing or better were given for them. Such a Consecration (I mean a Cherem, or Consecration under pain of a curse in the very individual) was that of the City jericho as the First-fruits of the conquests of Canaan.  
To these Arguments I will add two or three Examples to this of Ananias, of the Punishment of this sin, and so conclude. To begin then with the beginning of all: Was not the First sin of Mankind, for which himself, his posterity and the whole earth was accursed, a great and capital sin? But this, if we look well into it, was no other for the species and kind of the Fact than Sacrilege: Such the ancient jews conceived Adam's sin to have been, namely, a species of Theft; as may be gathered out of the Book De morte Mosis, where Moses is brought in deprecating death, and answering God that his case was not such as Adam's; for he transgressed by stealing, and eating what God forbade him to meddle with, and so was justly condemned, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: But who could Adam steal from, save from God only? And therefore I say the First sin of mankind for the Fact, was the sin of Sacrilege: For whereas among all the Trees of the Garden, which God gave man freely to enjoy, there was one Noli me tangere, which he had reserved unto himself as holy, in token he was Lord of the Garden; Man by eating of this as common, violated the sign of his Fealty unto the great Landlord of the whole Earth, and committed Sacrilege: for which he was cast out of Paradise, and the whole earth accursed for his sake. Might I not say, that to this day many a son of Adam is cast out of his Paradise, and the labours of his hands accursed, for meddling with this forbidden fruit? But to go on.  
Achan for nimming a wedge of gold and a Babylonish garment of the devoted thing of jericho aforementioned, 
josh. 7. 2●.  brought a curse both upon himself and the whole Congregation of Israel.  
For the Sacrilege of Eli's sons, who, not content with those offerings which God allowed them for their maintenance 
1 Sam. 2. , rob him of his Sacrifices to furnish their own Tables, God gave not only his people, but even the Ark of his Covenant, into the hands of the Philistines.  
For the Sacrilege of the Seventh or Sabbatical year, God caused his people to be carried captive, and the land to lie waste 
* 2 Chron. 3●. 21.  seventy years. By the Law of Moses every Seventh year the whole land was sacred unto the Lord, so that no man that year might challenge any right of propriety, 
Levit. 25. 4.  either to sow his field, or prune his vineyard, or reap that which grew of itself, or gather the fruits of his vineyard, or undressed; only he might eat thereof in the field, as at other times any might of that which was none of his, as he traveled by; otherwise every man's field and vineyard was that year free as well to the Servant as the Master, to the Stranger as the Owner, to Beasts as well as to Men. The same year also were all Servants and all Debts sacred unto the Lord, and so to be released; whence that year was called The Lord's release. See Exod. 21. Levit. 25. Deut. 15. This consecration being as much as the foregoing of the seventh part of every man's profits, the covetous jews for many years neglected the observation thereof: For which sin the Lord, as himself professeth, caused them to be carried captive, and the land to lie waste seventy years without Inhabitant, till it had fulfilled the years of Sabbath which they observed not. For their Idolatry he gave them into the hands of the Gentiles their enemies: for their Sabbatical Sacrilege he added this unto it, that they should, beside their bondage, be carried captives into a strange Country, and their Land lie desolate seventy years.  
For the Sacrilegious profanation of Belshazzar, in causing the 
* Dan. 5. 2.  Vaessels of God's House to be made his Quassing-bowls for himself and his Lords, his Wives and his Concubines to carouse in; was the hand-writing upon the wall sent, which did so affright him, that the Text says, His countenance was changed, and his thoughts troubled him, so that the joints of his loins were loosed, and his knees smote one against another. 
Ve●s. 6. Vers. 30●  And the same night God's vengeance lighted upon him.  
Lastly, In the days of the Greek Kings God gave his own Temple and Worship to be profaned, and his people to be trodden under foot by Antiochus Epiphanes a Gentile King; because they themselves had a little before profaned the same with Sacrilegious hands, having betrayed the Treasures and Offerings of the same unto a Gentile's coffers, and sold the Sacred Vessels to the Cities round about them, 2 Maccab. 3, 4. and 5. Chapters.    

DISCOURSE XXVIII.  

PROVERBS 30. 8, 9  Give me neither Poverty, nor Riches; Feed me with Food convenient for me, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Jest I be full and deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord? or lest I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 
THESE words are a part of the Prayer of Agur, a man for wisdom ranked with Solomon; and one of the two things he desired of God not to deny him before he died. The first was concerning his inward and spiritual estate, Remove far from me vanity and lies, that is, all impiety and sinful hypocrisy: for so David expressed them, Psal. 4. 2. O ye sons of men, how long will ye turn God's glory into shame? how long will ye love vanity, and seek after leasing? The second is concerning his outward estate, Give me neither Poverty, nor Riches; Feed me with Food convenient, etc.  
This second suit contains two parts: 1. His Request: 2. The Reason thereof. His Request is doubly expressed; first Negatively, what he would not have; then Affirmatively, what he would have. The Negative part in these words, Give me neither Poverty, nor Riches: the Affirmative in these, Feed me with Food convenient for me. Then follows the Reason, Lest I be full and deny thee, etc.  
Nevertheless this Request, though two ways expressed, is not to be conceived as two, but one Request; both ways tending to the same purpose: For he that would be neither poor nor rich, must needs be in the middle; and he that hath neither too little nor too much, must needs have a competency or food convenient for him. Therefore Agur reckons of this but as one petition, when he saith in the former verse, Two things have Irequired of thee; deny me not them before I die. Else the things that he required would be three, if this of my Text made two.  
Again, for the understanding of this compound suit, we must not so conceive it as if he prayed absolutely against Riches, or absolutely against Poverty; (for so the Prayer were unlawful, Poverty and Riches being of themselves things indifferent, and the blessing of God may go with both:) But it is a Prayer of choice, or a comparative prayer; as if he had said, Rather than either Poverty or Riches, Give me, O Lord, if it be thy will, the Mean between both: Feed me with Food convenient for me. For though all three estates be indifferent, yet comparatively and for choice the middle is the best and happiest condition. Such speeches by way of Opposition or Antithesis, yet implying in their sense a choice or Protimesis, are frequent in Scripture. 
* H●s. 6. ●. Matt. ●. 13. & 12● 7.  I will have mercy, and not sacrifice: not to be understood as though God forbade Sacrifice; but thus, I had rather have mercy than sacrifice. So in S. Matthew, 
* Matt. 6. 19 20.  Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth; but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven: not to be understood as a plain prohibition to lay up earthly treasures, but by way of choice or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rather lay up treasures in heaven, than treasures upon earth; Have a greater care of the one than of the other: And many the like, for it is a frequent expression.  
Thus having made the way plain and open to my Text, I come now to consider the several parts thereof: and First, The Request or Thing prayed for; where, of the two ways whereby it is expressed, 
A●ur's Request.  I must, for the more easy unfolding thereof, begin with the Affirmative, Feed me with Food convenient for me. For if this be understood, we cannot be long ignorant of the other: If we know the Mean once which Agur chooseth, we shall soon guests what he understands by Riches and Poverty, the Extremes which he refuseth. Feed me (saith he) with Food convenient for me. This convenient food is in the Original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Panis dimensi mei, The bread of my competent allowance. The Septuagint turns it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Things fit and sufficient: Symmachus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Competent diet: The Chaldee Paraphrast, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bread or Food sufficient for me; for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies; for it is the word for Sufficit, in the 15. verse of this Chapter, Four things say not, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sufficit, It is enough; it is the word for Sufficient, Exod. 36. 7. where it is said of the offering for the Tabernacle, 
Prov. 30. 8, 9  that which was offered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was sufficient for all the work; and in 2 Sam. 24. 16. where God says of the plague, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sufficit, It is enough.  
Now by Bread or Food the Hebrew understands All provisions for the use of life: so competent Food is a competent Maintenance: Which to be the true meaning of this Panis dimensi, Agur's deprecation of Poverty on the one side, and of Riches on the other, is a firm demonstration: For what else can it be but a state of Competency which he begs as the Mean between Want and Superfluity?  
And this is even that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that daily bread, which Christ our Lord in his Prayer hath taught us all to pray for; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as S. Luke hath it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Give us day by day our daily bread: Where the meaning in general is indifferently well agreed upon; but much ado there is what this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should signify. But not to trouble you with the rehearsal of so many varieties of interpretation as the singularity of this word hath begotten, some nearer, some altogether wide of the mark; the plain truth is, That as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a word like unto this, was first devised by the Septuagint; so was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this prayer made by the Evangelists in imitation thereof; neither of both being any where to be found but in Scripture only. For the Septuagint of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying Abundantia, Exuperantia, abundance and superfluity, form the Adjective 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to express the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Deut. 7. 6 & ch. 14. 2. & 26. 18.  a Peculiar people, rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Supernumerary people, a people wherein God had a Superlative propriety and interest, above and besides his common interest to all the Nations of the world: For so he saith, Exod. 19 5. Thou shalt be unto me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Peculiar people above all people, for all the earth is mine: as if he should say, But you shall be mine in a degree above the rest.  
According to the Example and Analogy of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (I say) the Evangelists here form 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies an Abundance or Superfluity, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Being, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ultra or super, as it were an Over-Being; so would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify a Sufficiency, as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that which is adequate to Being, or, as Suidas hath it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Fit for our Being and Supportance, Therefore as of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abundance, the Septuagint made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abounding: so the Evangelists of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sufficiency, made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sufficient. And this is agreeable to the Syriack Translation, the Language our Saviour spoke, which hath here, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The bread we have need of. Thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Sufficient bread, and opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Superfluous and Superabounding bread. All which will appear most clearly and elegantly, if we do but parallel these two words in the Petition by way of Antithesis in this manner, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Superfluous and Superabounding bread; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sufficient bread, give us, O Lord, this day.  
And thus we have seen that this Prayer of Agur, in my Text, is the selfsame with that our Saviour taught us in the Gospel; which Tremellius well observing in his most elegant Hebrew Catechism, renders that petition in these very words of Agur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as though our Saviour had reference to them.  
Now for the right understanding of this Sufficiency we are to pray for, we must know, that a Competency is twofold: Either in regard of Nature, which sufficeth to support a man in his natural life and health: or secondly, a Competency in regard of a man's condition, which is sufficient to support and maintain him in that condition, order, degree and calling wherein God hath placed him. Both these degrees of Sufficiency are meant in the Prayer our Saviour taught us, Give us this day our daily bread; and in this of Agur, Feed me with food convenient for me, namely, for Agur. For perhaps that may not be sufficient for Agur's condition, which might suffice for another. But if Agur's condition were such as some man's is, that he needed no more than was convenient to maintain himself in his natural life and health; then the Competency he must pray for is no more than a Competency in regard of Nature. If Agur be a Master of a Family; then that is his Competency which is convenient to maintain his wife, children and household. If Agur be a Public person, a Prince or a Ruler of the people; then that is Agur's Sufficiency which will conveniently maintain him in that condition.  
For the Competency which Agur prays for is that, which if he want, he is in poverty; if he exceed, he is rich. Now our own Reason will inform us, that those means which would make a private man rich, a King may have, a Peer may have, and more too, and yet be exceeding poor. In a word therefore, as Zeba and Zalmunna said to Gideon, jud. 8. 21. As is the man, so is his strength; the like may I say here, As is the man, so is his Competency. And in whatsoever condition God hath placed thee, thou mayest, yea thou oughtest to pray for a convenient Food to maintain the same; but to ask more thou hast no pattern, neither in this, nor in the Prayer which Christ himself hath taught thee.  
HAVING thus fully explicated (as I think) these first words of Agur's Prayer; let us now see what Observations they will afford us, before we come to the Reason in the words following, where indeed is the marrow of the Text.  
First therefore, 
Observat. 1.  If we ought with Agur to pray against Poverty, Then is that Monkish affecting of Poverty no point of Piety; their voluntary and vowed Poverty, as they would make us believe, neither a State of Perfection, nor a Religion acceptable to God. We know well enough what the Poverty of Monks and Friars hath been for many hundred years, not a State of Perfection (God knows) but a State of Hypocrisy: For what Poverty is that, I pray you, where a man is said to be poor, and to have forsaken all, because he hath nothing in proper, and yet hath a rich and plentiful share in the common? But suppose it were as they say it is, and as amongst the ancient Monks it was indeed, and perhaps still among some of their begging Friars; yet, I say, such a wilful Poverty is neither a State of Perfection, nor a Religion acceptable to God: For if it were, it could not be lawfully prayed against, nor a competent sufficiency prayed for: But, Give me not poverty, (saith Agur) but seed me with food sufficient for me.  
But they allege the Counsel of our Saviour to the young man in the Gospel, Matth. 19 21. If thou wilt be perfect, go sell that thou hast, and give it to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven. Doth not Christ prescribe Poverty here as the way to eternal life?  
A Ship in a storm is sometimes in that danger, as there is no way to save her but to throw her lading into the Sea; The Body sometime cannot be saved, unless an arm or a leg be cut off. If this young man's Soul were in danger of some such spiritual Gangrene through his great possessions, than was this counsel of our Saviour a personal and particular advice unto him: but extraordinary cases are not to be made an ordinary practice. But I think this was not this young man's case, for the Text saith, Our Saviour loved him, 
Mark 10. 21.  when he heard his replies, etc. And therefore I answer, that our Saviour spoke this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Trial-wise; as he did to the woman of Canaan, when, 
Matth. 15. 24.  to prove her constant Faith, he told her, He was not sent but to the lost sheep of Israel; and as he did to Moses, Numb. 14. 12. when, to prove or stir up his zeal in praying, he threatened utterly to destroy his people Israel; I will (saith he) smite them with pestilence, and disinherit them, and will make of thee a greater Nation than they. So our Saviour spoke here to the young man by way of Trial, to prove him, and to make him see and acknowledge how much he was deceived, how far short he was of that Perfectness of heart he deemed to be in himself, who thought he could have been willing and ready to do any thing for the attainment of everlasting life: Master, (saith he) what shall I do, that I may inherit everlasting life? I have done all I know, 
Matth. 19 16.  command me any thing else what thou wilt, I am ready to undertake it. Our Saviour answers, By this shalt thou approve thy perfectness with God, if thou canst be willing for his sake to sell all that thou hast, and give it unto the poor. And this was a Touchstone indeed; 
Verse 22.  for the Text says, He went away sorrowful. And I make no doubt, but if many among us, who think themselves somebody, would examine themselves upon this point, they would find their hearts deceive them egregiously, and that they were not the men they took themselves to be. Art thou rich, and yet couldst thou be willing to forsake all thou hast to follow Christ? This is a scouring Trial indeed. And yet should every true Christian be thus affected, to forsake all in the purpose and estimation of his heart, that he may be one of Christ's: For, He that loveth father and mother, 
Matth. 10. 37. & 19 29.  houses and lands, better than him, (he that hath not forsaken them in his estimation and resolution,) is not worthy of him. And this is that forsaking of the world in purpose and affection, to prefer Christ before the world, whereof S. Peter chiefly spoke, Luke 18. 28. Lo, we have left all, and followed thee, (that is, we have set all at nought to follow thee,) and yet Peter kept his house still at Capernaum. I leave it to be considered, whether such as these be not the poor in spirit, Matth. 5. 3. that is, who in spirit and affection have renounced the world, and esteem of Christ above all riches. For these words are but once found in Scripture, and S. Luke seems to imply as much as I say, when he relateth the words as spoken to and of the Apostles only; Blessed be ye poor, for yours is the Kingdom of God. But I will not contend for it. 
Luke 6. 20.   
Secondly, The Patrons of Monkery allege the Practice of the Primitive Church, Acts 2. 45. & chap. 4. 34, 35. who sold their lands and possessions, and laid down the money at the Apostles feet. I answer, They were jews that did so, and none but jews that did so. Show me the like done among the Gentiles, when the Gospel came amongst them: Which of all S. Paul's Epistles give any such Precept, or intimate any such thing? But as for the jews; those who once believed in Christ, believed also the woeful destruction of their own Nation to be within a few years after; and therefore they thought good, while there was yet time, to improve their Lands and Possessions to the best use, which they should not many years enjoy. And the occasion was now fit, at the first preaching of the Gospel and gathering of a Church to Christ, to furnish the Apostles and others for this service and employment. And therefore when the Gospel was also spread among the Gentiles, the Apostles were so careful to make Collections in all the Churches for the relief of the poor Saints at jerusalem, even those who at the first had disfurnished themselves of all, and at whose charges, as may be supposed, the Gospel was at the beginning preached among the Gentiles. Rom. 15. 26, 27. 1 Cor. 16. 1. 2 Cor. ch. 8, and ch. 9  
And seeing I have entered thus far into the question of Monkery, I will take leave to examine two more Examples which they bring to that purpose, though not so near to the matter of my Text as the former.  
Thirdly therefore, The Patrons of Monkery allege the Example of the Rechabites, of whom we read jer. 35. 6, 7. that according to an Ordinance wherewith their Father jonadab bound them, they drank no wine, built no houses, sowed no seed, neither planted nor possessed vineyards or fields; but lived in tents all their days. Which singularity of life seems not only to resemble, but to warrant that of Monkery, in those two main points of forsaking possessions, and abstaining from meats; seeing God himself in that place commended those Rechabites for observing this Ordinance of jonadab their Father.  
But I answer; This of the Rechabites was no matter of Religion, as that of Monks is, but a mere civil Ordinance grounded upon a National custom: For the Rechabites were of the race of the Family of Hobab the Kenite, Moses' Father-in-law, as you may read 1 Chron. 2. 55. Now the Kenites were Midi●nites and the Midianites were dwellers in Tents from the beginning. This I prove, 1. Because the Arabians of those parts were such both then, and still are at this day. 2. The Ishmaelites and Midianites dwelled together, insomuch that their names are confounded in Scripture, or interchangeably used the one for the other. For Gen. 37. 25, 28. those Merchants to whom joseph was sold are promiscuously called sometimes, Ishmaelites, sometimes Midianites, as if they were both one people; as indeed they both descended of Abraham, the one by his handmaid Hagar, the other by his second wife Keturah. So judg. 8. 24. the Midianites which Gideon vanquished are called Ishmaelites. They had (saith the Text) golden earrings for they were Ishmaelites. Now it is apparent in Scripture that the Ishmaelites or Hagarens used to dwell in Tents, whence 1 Chron. 5. 10. it is said, the Reubenites in the days of Saul made war with the Hagarites, who fell by their hand; and they dwelled in their tents throughout all the East-land of Cilead. Besides, of the Ishmaelites were those famous Scenite-Arabians, mentioned in Scripture so oft under the name of the Tents of Kedar. 
Psal. 120. ●. jer. 49. 28.  Such therefore as the Ishmaelites were, may we deem the Midianites also to have been, who dwelled with them: and to put it quite out of doubt, we have so much told us in Scripture, in the prayer of Habakkuk, cha. 3. 7. I saw, saith he, the Tents of Cushan (or Arabia) in affliction, and the curtains of the land of Midian did tremble.  
This custom of their Nation and Country did that Midian Tribe of the Kenites (of which was the Father-in-law of Moses) still observe, after they came to live in Canaan with the Israelites. So we read jud. 4. 11. that Hober the Kenite, which was of the children of Hobab the Father-in-law of Moses, severed himself from the Kenites, and pitched his tent unto the plain of Zaanaim, which is by Kedesh. See 1 Chron. 2. 55. according to Hierome. And this manner of living they seem to have retained, partly for to be a Badge and Cognizance of the Nation whence they were descended, and partly to live the more securely in the land where they were strangers, either from the envy of the jews at home, or danger of enemies abroad, to whom by this means they should be the less subject, as having neither houses to fire, nor lands to be taken from them, but only cattle wherewith they lived, and tents● which they removed hither and thither as opportunity served for pasture to feed them: Even as Abraham lived while he sojourned as a stranger in the land of Canaan, and in imitation of whom, being their Ancestor, perhaps this custom was derived to the Midianites his children.  
Howsoever at length it seems these Kenites, alured by the more pleasant living of the Israelites, began to change this custom of their Ancestors; which occasioned jonadab the son of Rechab, a famous Kenite, to renew it again, and bind his posterity to observe it; and to that end he forbade them altogether to drink any Wine, lest desire thereof might occasion them to plant Vineyards, and so to build Houses as the jews did, and so to forsake the custom of their Nation; as perhaps licorousness of Wine before had caused many of them to do. For certain it is that jonadeb renewed but that which their Ancestors had observed long before he was born. And thus you see it was no order of Religion which they bound themselves unto, but a maintenance of a Civil custom. And therefore the wild Arabians and Tartars, who at this day live in like manner, are as good a Pattern to warrant Monkery by as they.  
But there is another Example yet, wherein they put great confidence, as being established by God himself; 
Num. 6 2. etc.  and that is of the Nazarites in the Law, who bound themselves by a solemn vow to a singularity of life, not much unlike that of Monks, (especially those of the ancient form) as to separate themselves unto the Lord, to drink neither wine nor strong drink, nor suffer a razor to come upon their heads, and to be accounted in a special manner holy unto God above other men.  
I answer, If this be the sample from which Monkery is derived, there needs no other Argument utterly to overthrow it; and therefore it is as ill chosen as could be. For this Law of Nazarism is one of the things expressly named, which the Apostles decreed at the Council of jerusalem should not be imposed upon the Gentiles who believed in Christ. Look Acts 21. where S. Paul having made a Nazarite's Vow at Cenchrea for a certain time, according to the manner, james and the Elders of the Church at jerusalem advised him to join himself with four others who had the like Vow upon them, (and the time thereof also as Paul's was then to be fulfilled, for they were seldom perpetual,) and to take and purify himself according to the Law with them, that the jews might take notice he was conformable to the Laws and Orders of his own Nation, till God should dissolve the same. But as touching the Gentiles, (saith james verse 25.) we have written and concluded that they observe no such thing. Is not this plain enough? If therefore Law of Nazarites be the Pattern of Monkish Orders, the Apostles decreed the Gentiles should observe no such thing. And for the jews, God hath now also dissolved their Temple and all their Legal Worship.  
THUS much for the first Observation against superstitious and affected Poverty; nor shall I need stay longer upon this part of Agur's Prayer, Give me not Poverty. There are not many of us willingly guilty on this side. 
Observ. 2.  I come therefore to the other side, whence my second Observation shall be, That we ought not to covet nor seek after Abundance and Excess in these outward things; but to have our aims and desires stinted at such a Competency only, as is convenient to maintain us in that condition and state wherein God hath placed us. Whatsoever is more than this, is Sin: For what we have no pattern in the Word of God to pray for, we have no warrant to covet or seek for. In the Pattern for all our Prayers, The Lord's Prayer, our Saviour alloweth us to pray for no more but a competency, Give us day by day our daily bread; that is, not a superfluous and superabounding bread, but a sufficient bread we pray thee, O Lord, to give us this day and every day. Agur in my Text, Give me neither Poverty nor Riches; feed me with food convenient for me. jacob in his vow, Gen. 28. 20. If the Lord (saith he) will give me food to eat, and raiment to put on, The Lord shall be my God, etc. Food he desires, but food to eat; Clothing he desires, but clothing to put on; so much as was sufficient for him and his to eat: so much as was sufficient for him and his to wear: this jacob desires, but no more. And under these two words, Food and Raiment, are comprehended all things needful for the maintenance of life; as may appear by the following words v. 22. where jacob promiseth, that if God will grant him this his suit, of all that he should give him he would pay the Tenth unto him. But in the whole Book of God there is no Prayer to be found for Superfluity and Abundance.  
I would not be mistaken: I say not, it is unlawful to have and enjoy Riches and Abundance, if God give them; but unlawful to covet and seek after them. I know, the things of themselves are indifferent, and the good creatures of God made for the use of man, if man abused them not; yea, plenty and abundance of them are called the gifts of God, and, which is more, the blessings of God: The blessing of God (saith Solomon, Prov. 10. 12.) maketh rich: and it is the usual phrase of Scripture to say of those that became rich, that God blessed them. And they are Blessings indeed, when God offers them, but no Blessings to such as covetously hunt and gape after them. Abraham was rich, jacob was rich, Solomon and David were rich; I mean, they had abundance wherewith God blessed them: But which of all these, or any other holy man in God's Book, do we find to have longed for, craved or laboured after more than a portion convenient for them? which of them made their desires carvers of such abundance? No: Desire of abundance and superfluity ●ures not with the heart of God's servants. jacob indeed became rich, but desired (as you heard) but meat to eat, and raiment to put on. Solomon a King, for whose estate the greatest measure of these things was most behoveful, yet when God (1 Kings 3. 5, 9) gave him his choice to ask what he would, and he would give it him; he asked neither riches nor honour, but a wise and understanding heart; wherewith God was so well pleased, that he tells him, 
Vers. 11.  Because he had not asked riches nor honour; therefore he would give him both riches and honour in that abundance, 
Vers. 13.  as no king on earth should be like him. When Riches come thus, they come then indeed as Blessings: For God gives them as well-pleased, and accordingly as he sees them good for those to whom he gives them; and sends his Grace with them, that those who have them may use them to his glory and their own good.  
On the contrary, To men whose hearts could never say, If God will give me but sufficient and convenient for me, I will lay me down and be at rest, and crave no further; to those whose hearts are restles and mad after abundance and excess of wealth, whose desires are without all bounds in seeking after Riches: Experience may tell us, that to such as these Riches seldom or never prove a Blessing when they get them, but a Curse. He that maketh haste to be rich, (saith Solomon, Prov. 28. ●0.) shall not be innocent. They that will be rich, (saith S. Paul, 1 Tim. 6. 9 speaking of such as could not rest with a Competency) fall into temptation and a snare, and into many foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men in destruction and perdition. We use to say, that those who have great losses are undone: but here, he that getteth much is undone.  
Wouldst thou then be happy and blessed in the enjoyment of these outward things, then desire no more in thy heart than thou mayest lawfully ask of God in thy Prayer: Follow the counsel of Solomon, Prov. 23. 4. Labour not to be rich, cease from thine own wisdom; viz. to seek to be rich, which is humane wisdom, but indeed plain folly. Let neither thy desires nor thy aims out-bound this of Agur's, to have food convenient for thee. If God sees it good for thee to have more, he will give it thee, and offer thee the means and opportunity thereof, without thy seeking. But if he sees it not good for thee, why wouldst thou have it? Thou hast enough already, if thou hast convenient. Howsoever, God hates a large and restless desire: Therefore be not covetous, be not greedy of much; lest if thou come by it, God give it thee not in mercy, but in wrath and displeasure.  
My third Observation is, 
Observat. 3.  That a Competency, or the Middle estate between Want and Superfluity, is in choice to be preferred, as the best and happiest condition. We see Agur preferreth it before the rest, and that his choice was a Wise man's choice, we cannot doubt, when the Scripture records it as a piece of his Wisdom: yea, even the Wisemen of the 
* Horat. Carm l. 2. Od. 10. Aurtam quisquis Medioc●●atem Dilig●t, tutus caret obsol●●● Sordibus tects, 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 Sobrius aulâ.  Heathen were not ignorant thereof. The reason is apparent, because it is the most free from such dangers as both Extremes are subject unto; which Agur mentioneth in the Reason of his petition, to be perils of Irreligion towards God and Injustice towards man: Great evils both of them, endangering the state of the Soul. But I must not speak of them particularly here, they belong to the Second part of my Text: and we shall not need look so far; 
Seneca in Oedipo. Fata si●c●a● mihi Fingere arbit●to ●●o, etc. Tuta me in d●â ●hat Vita decurren●●●â.  for not only in that, but even in outward respects, we shall find this middle estate to be the safest condition. The low shrubs, Beasts will browse them, and trample upon them; the high Trees are most subject to the violence of Tempests; when those of a middle size are free from both. So a poor estate is subject to contempt, and so to be wronged and injured of every one that will: The rich and mighty are envied, and obnoxious to the rage of troublesome times, being looked upon a● a booty by such as are able and find advantage to seize upon them. Only the Mean estate is most free from such perilous Extremities, being as below Envy, so above Contempt.  
If then our good and gracious God hath given us a convenient measure of means to maintain our condition, let us think our line hath fallen unto us in a pleasant place, as the Psalmist speaks, Psal. 16. 6. and that we have a goodly heritage. He that hath once a Competency, let him be assured he hath all the Contentment which is to be found in these temporary things; and Experience will tell him, Though Riches may increase, yet after a Sufficiency once attained, Contentment will increase no more, though Riches increase never so much.  
THUS much of that which Agur requested; Now follows The Reason of his Request, 
The Reason of Agur's Request.  Lest I be full and deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord? etc. Out of which, before we come to handle them particularly, let us make this General Observation, That the Rule of our desires and endeavours, in the getting and enjoying of these outward things, aught to be our Spiritual welfare and the bettering of us to God-ward. This was Agur's Rule, He desires such a measure of outward means as might neither through fullness make him forget God, nor through want tempt him to sin both against him and his neighbour. This is the Compass we ought to sail by, if we would avoid shipwreck: This is the Polestar and Heavenly mark whereon our eyes in all our thriving courses should be fixed, and by it our desires and aims measured. That proportion of outward things and provisions for this life which may the bes● stand with our improvement to God-ward, which may the most further and enable us, and the least endanger and hinder us, in our religious devotions to God and charitable duties to our neighbours; this should be the stint of all our worldly desires and endeavours under the Sun. More than may stand with this, is so far from being wished or sought for, that we ought with Agur to pray against it, and say, Lord, lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. But alas! we set the Cart before the Horse; we make not the Worship of God and our Spiritual advantage the Rule of our aims in getting and enjoying of these Temporal things: But on the contrary, we use to serve God and keep his Commandments so far as may stand with our profit, with our covetous and ambitious desires, and no farther. And this was Ieroboam's sin, who forsooth would serve the God of his Fathers so as he thought might stand with the safety of his kingdom, but no farther. But alas! what would it profit a man to win the whole world, and lose his own soul? But jeroboam lost his kingdom too, which else God had promised to entail unto his posterity. 
Mar. 8. 36.  But let us be wiser, and, as S. Paul bids us, whether we eat or drink, or whatsoever we do else, let us do all to the glory of God. 
1 Cor. 10. 31.  Let this be the End of all our actions, and then we shall be sure to thrive here, and be blessed for ever in the world to come.  
So much for the General Observation: Now to the particular handling of the words, Lest I be full, and deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord? The words are plain, and their meaning of Impiety and Irreligion: Give me not Riches, lest I become ungodly and irreligious. For, as to know God in Scripture is to worship and serve him with fear and reverence; so to deny him is to be devoid of Religion toward him, to live as if there were no God. 
〈…〉  So it is said of the sons of Eli, that they were sons of Belial, they knew not the Lord, that is, they acknowledged him not by love, fear and obedience, but lived as if they had said, Who is the Lord?  
Now that men who abound in Wealth and Superfluity are much subject to this malady, is so manifest by other places of Scripture, that Agur's fear was not without a cause. Deut. 6. 12. is a Caution given to Israel, when God should bless them with Prosperity, When thou shalt have eaten and be full, them beware lest thou forget the Lord which brought thee out of the Land of Egypt. Again, Deut. 8. 10, etc. When thou shalt have eaten and be full● Beware that thou forget not the Lord thy God, in not keeping his Commandments, and judgements, and his Statutes: Lest when thou hast eaten and art full, and hast built goodly houses, and dwelled therein, And thy herds and thy flocks multiply, and thy silver and thy gold is multiplied, and all that thou hast is multiplied; Then thine heart be lifted up, and thou forget the Lord thy God, which brought, etc. Vers. 17. And thou say in thine heart, My power and the might of mine hand hath gotten me this wealth. Whence it appears, not only how dangerous Prosperity is to Piety, but what it is to forget God, which is, in my Text, to deny him, and to ask Who he is; namely, to break his Commandments, Statutes and judgements, to be unthankful for his Blessings, and to attribute all to our own power and wisdom. Again, in Deut. 32. 15. Moses prophetically sings of Israel, jesurun waxed fat, and kicked: Thou art (saith he) waxed fat, thou art grown thick, thou art covered with fatness: Then he forsook God which made him, and lightly esteemed the Rock of his salvation. Vers. 16. They provoked him to jealousy with strange gods, with abominations they provoked him to anger. And Hosea 13. 6. the Lord complains of the event of this prediction, According to their pasture (saith he) so were they filled, and their hearts were lifted up; therefore they have forgotten me.— Rarae fumant felicibus arae. I think it is sufficiently proved, and Experience doth every where make it good.  
1. The cause hereof is, the weakness of our Nature through sin, not able to wield the Blessings of God if they abound. Even as the Physicians say that a Plethora, or full state of body, is dangerous in respect of health, even though it be without impurity of blood; because Nature, if weaker, than it cannot wield it; or if a while she be of equal strength, yet is soon and sometimes suddenly, overturned: Even such is the case here with our life and health spiritual.  
2. Religious Devotion springs from Humility and Lowliness of mind: but Abundance usually puffeth up with pride; as the Lord even now complained in Hosea, that the heart of his people was exalted, and therefore they forgot him. So in the quotation Deut. 8. 10, etc.  
Lastly, A full belly is unfittest for Devotion and Prayer, and therefore in our devoutest Supplications we use Fasting. Even as it is in plenteous feeding, so is it in the very outward enjoyment of plenty: whence ye heard even now the Spirit of God to express this Abundance of outward things by Feeding, Fullness, and Fatness.  
THIS Truth thus confirmed will afford us three useful Observations. 
Observat. 1.  First, To consider the wickedness of man's nature which abuseth the Abundance of God's Blessings to dishonour him that gave them. Unthankfulness is a most hateful vice, if but to men, and for such benefits as one man can afford another: How much more to be abhorred is Unthankfulness to God, who is the giver of all good things? Yet amongst men Abundance of benefits will sometimes wring an acknowledgement from an unthankful disposition, though a smaller kindness would not do it. But the contrary, the more Benefits and Favours are heaped, so much the more unthankful to grow to him that bestows them; or the more his Benefits increase, the more to wrong and reproach him: this I think is not easily sampled in the dealings and courtefies from man to man. Yet thus most (unworthy and ungrateful wretches!) are we wont to deal with our gracious God, not only to be unthankful, (which were bad enough) but so much the more unthankful, by how much his Benefits increase and abound toward us. The less we have, the more we acknowledge him; the more he gives us, the less we own him; and if so be we once arrive at a Fullness, it is ten to one but we plainly deny him, and ask, Who is the Lord? and what a hideous Unthankfulness is this!  
If this were not so, Agur would never have grounded his Prayer upon such a supposition: if it be so, we see why God is fain, for the most part, to deny those he loveth, abundance of these outwardthings; namely, lest by so giving he might quite lose them, and utterly undo them. He knoweth our nature better than ourselves, and moderates his Blessings for our good.  
Physic is an unpleasing thing, (our Stomaches are much against it) and a Potion is bitter in taste; yet in danger of life, if we be sick, or if we be but crazy and in danger of sickness, we are willing to submit ourselves to the will of the Physician, as one that knows what is good for us better than ourselves: We can endure in such a case to be abridged of our diet, to be restrained from our pleasure, to fast from our desired meat and drink; and not to be offended at him who shall thus abridge us, but to love him, yea reward him too, as who for this his care hath deserved well at our hands. Come on then: Hath not God as much skill in the state of our Souls, as any Physician in the state of our Bodies? Why should we then take it unkindly or impatiently, when for our spiritual safety he abridgeth us of that abundance which other men enjoy? Envy them not; it may be they are none of God's Patients, and so he takes no care of them, but lets them fill until they surfeit and perish: but thou art under his cure, who is the great Physician: if thou believest it, thou wilt love him therefore, and quietly submit unto his will; and not be like the horse and mule who, because they want understanding, are impatient to be dieted or diminished of their fodder, though it be for their good, because they know it not. And thus much for the first useful Observation.  
Observe in the second place, 
Observat. 2.  The unreasonable Folly of men, so greedily to long for and pursue after that which so much endangereth their welfare and happiness. For is it not a Folly never to think a man's self well, until he be in an estate of greatest danger? It is as if a man should seek a Lion in his den, when he might safely have passed by without danger; or like the filliness of children, who long to have an Adder in their hands, because he hath a gay skin. Were it not much better, with Agur's choice, to sit somewhat low with safety, than to ride aloft with continual danger of breaking a man's neck? We would have we know not what: we daily pray that God would not lead us into temptation, and yet we long to be tempted: or it may be we are of Socrates his mind, who chose a shrew to exercise his patience; so we would have wealth in abundance, to approve our moderation. But as Aristotle thinks it not true Valour and Magnanimity to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to long to be in danger, but rather to acquit himself well when he shall encounter it; so I think of a wise man: He that shall do otherwise, I think him not wise; if I should, I must take Agur for a fool.  
Some perhaps are daring out of ignorance, whom, if they have no better experience, yet even Nature herself seems willing in some sort to inform, who by Divine Providence is so ordered, that in those places where Gold and Silver groweth, there grows neither Grass nor Plant nor other thing that is any thing worth; to show us how fruitful the hearts and minds of such are wont to prove as long after them, being as barren of Goodness as those Countries of Grass. But if any one, after he knows and is informed of the danger of such a condition, shall say with Nero's mother, when the Mathematician had told her, her Son should indeed be Emperor, but put her to death. Me vero occidat, modò imperet; So he may reign, let him kill me: If any shall say ●o here, Let me be rich, though I perish; I yield him as worthy Simon Magus his blessing, Pecunia tua sit tecum in perditionem, Thy money perish with thee, Acts 8. 20.  
My third and last Observation is, 
Observat. 3.  A Lesson of caution to those who are rich in this world, to keep a continual watch over themselves, that they forget not God in their abundance. For though this estate be fickle and dangerous, as I have already showed; yet it is possible to be happy therein, if competent and fit means be used; and the beloved of God have been so. And those here have the best hope of success, who have not by their covetous and ambitious desires tempted God in getting their abundance. Howsoever, as the wealth, so the care also and watchfulness of the owner must be exceeding and abundant; for a ship of such sail requires a skilful Pilot and extraordinary care in the steerage.  
Besides the General means in all Estates to prevent declining from God, there is one more Special means in this case of Abundance, which if it be not used, I am persuaded the danger neither can nor ever will be avoided; and that is, To be fruitful in good works; to be liberal and openhanded to the relief of the poor, and furtherance of all godly and sacred uses. It is S. Paul's charge, 1 Tim. 6. 17, 18. Charge them that be rich in this world, 
Prov. 3. 9 — that they do good, that they be rich in good works, ready to distribute, willing to communicate, etc. 
Psal. 24. 1.  If thou wouldst have God's blessing go with thee, follow Solomon's counsel, Honour him with thy substance, and with the first-fruits of all thine increase. For the earth is the Lords and the fullness thereof; and he requires this as a Tribute whereby we may acknowledge him to be the Giver of what we have. Away with words or mere verbal thanksgivings, God is thy Landlord, he requires a Lords Rend; those who use not to pay it, will soon forget who is their Landlord; which is the proper fountain of all the evil that comes by Abundance. Nay, he that thinks this Tribute of his goods is not due, doth already disclaim his Landlord, and deny God to be his Lord. When David made that bountiful and glorious offering for the building of the Temple, 1 Chron. 29. 10, 11, 14. he blessed him in this manner, Thine, O Lord, is the kingdom, and thou art exalted over all: Both riches and honour come of thee, and thou raignest over all, and in thine hand is power and might, and in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all. All things come of thee, and of thine own have we given thee. If thou wouldst have the grace to say as David said, thou must do as David did.  
THUS we have considered the First part of the Reason of Agur's Prayer, Why he prayed against Riches: let us next examine the Second, which moved him to pray against Poverty also, Lest (saith he) I be poor, and steal, and take the Name of my God in vain. Poverty, we see, and want of things needful, hath her dangers and evils, as well as Riches and Abundance.  
First, Stealing; Lest I be poor, and steal. Where by Stealing we must understand as much as is forbidden in the eighth Commandment: not only Stealing by force and violence, which we call Robbery; but Stealing by fraud, consenage, or detention of another's due; though not so much punished by the Laws of Man, yet as great a Sin before God as forcible robbing. You may find all these kinds of Stealing reckoned up together Levit. 6. and one and the same Sacrifice appointed by God for atonement of them; whereby it appears, their guilt is the same in his estimation, whatsoever men think of them. Leu. 6. 2. If a Soul sin, and commit a trespass against the Lord, and lie unto his neighbour in that which was delivered him to keep, or in fellowship, (or dealing,) or in things taken by violence, or hath deceived his neighbour, Ver. 3. Or hath found that which was lost, and lieth concerning it, and sweareth falsely; in any of all these that a man doth, sinning therein: Ver. 4. Then it shall be, because he hath sinned and is guilty, that he shall restore that which he took violently away, or the thing which he hath deceitfully gotten, or that which was delivered him to keep, or the lost thing which he found, Ver. 5. Or all that about which he hath sworn falsely: he shall even restore it in the principal, and add the fifth part more thereto, Then followeth the Sacrifice for atonement. Here you may easily see how far this sin of Stealing extends. And there is none of all these but a poor man in extremity of want is in danger to fall into; as not only Agur's fear, but daily experience may tell us, and therefore it needs no further proof.  
The second danger that Agur nameth, is, of Taking the Name of God in vain; that is, of perjury and false swearing, as that which would follow upon Stealing, as Stealing doth upon Poverty. The danger of Perjury, upon committing of Theft, was greater among the jews than amongst us, by reason of a Custom and Law amongst them, to tender an oath to those who were accused or suspected of Theft, to clear and purge themselves. For because Theft was not punished by death according to the Divine Law, but by restitution and recompense; this course with them was just and reasonable, when no other evidence sufficient could be brought, to give an oath to the accused; it being supposed that the guilty party, where the punishment for Theft was but restitution, would rather confess his offence, than incur so heinous a sin as the sin of Perjury. But with us, who punish Theft with death, this way of trial by oath would be most unreasonable, it being most true (though spoken by the father of lies) that Skin for skin, and all that a man hath, he will give for his life. 
job 2. 4.  But that this manner of trial was practised among the jews, the place I even now quoted out of Leviticus, for the kinds of Theft, doth sufficiently manifest, where it is said, If a soul have committed such or such a kind of theft; and lieth concerning it, and sweareth falsely; and again it is said, he shall restore all that about which he hath sworn falsely. 
Leu. 6. 2, etc.  And Exod. 22. 8, 11. there is an express commandment to give an oath in a case of Theft there mentioned. Hence it is that the prohibition of Theft and Perjury are joined together, Leu. 19 11, 12, 13. because the one depended of the other: Ye shall not steal, neither deal falsely, neither lie one to another. And ye shall not swear by my Name falsely, neither shalt thou profane the Name of thy God; I am the Lord. Thou shalt not defraud thy neighbour, neither rob him: The wages of him that is hired shall not abide with thee all night until the morning. The Perjury and false swearing here mentioned the jews understood to be specially intended in case of Theft. For the same reason Theft and Swearing are coupled together, Zech. 5. 3, 4. and a curse pronounced against them both, The curse, saith the Lord of Hosts, shall enter into the house of the thief, and into the house of him that sweareth falsely by my Name; and it shall remain in the midst of his house, and shall consume it.  
And thus you see what special reason Agur had, in regard of the custom of his Nation, to add to the first evil of Stealing, this second danger of Taking God's Name in vain, because the one was like to bring on the other.  
Yet I would not have you so to take me, as if I thought that we were altogether exempt from this danger; for through the occasion be less, yet we find by experience that our Thiefs will also forswear themselves, though no Law or judge constrains them to swear at all. And for Lying, the next neighbour to it, we find that to be the ordinary, and almost unavoidable, consequent of this sin. So that Agur's reason will fit us well enough.  
THUS much shall serve for the Explication of the words, that ye might understand Agur's meaning. Now let us see what Lessons and Observations we may gather from them, 
Observat. 1.  which are these. First, That it is not lawful to steal, no not in a case of want and necessity. For though Agur were poor, and wanted food convenient for him, yet were it a sin for him to steal; which makes him pray against it, Lest I be poor, and steal. For that which is of itself unjust and sinful, no necessity can make lawful or dispensable. Indeed in Ceremonies and things by nature indifferent the case is otherwise; necessity there dispenseth, as it did with David in eating of the Shewbread: For the eating of that Bread more than other was not of itself unlawful, but only for ceremony sake: But Injustice is always Injustice, and such a one among other sins is Theft, when we take that from another which is his, and by no right is ours.  
It is therefore a preposterous plea which Poor men are wont to use, therewith to excuse themselves. 1. What would you (say they) have us do? the world hath forsaken us; we have no friend to help us. Alas! have men forsaken you? and will you make God forsake you too? Will no body help you? and will you make yourselves uncapable of God's help too? This is not the way to ease your cross, but to procure a curse and to draw a great misery upon your heads. Nay, if you had not used these unlawful courses, but had recourse to God your heavenly Father, and trusted upon him who clotheth the grass and lilies of the field, he would have provided for you: but now you shut the gates of his blessing and mercy against yourselves. 2. Yea, but I am a poor man, and he from whom I have taken it, is well able to spare it; it will do him no harm, and me good. But who made thee a divider of other men's goods? Thou must not look only whether he can spare it, but by what means thou comest by it. 3. But it is a small thing. The more base and abject sinner thou, who wilt corrupt thy conscience for such a trifle. Take heed; he that will serve the Devil for so small advantage, if the Devil once mend his wages, it is ten to one but he will mend his work.  
This is the first Observation, 
Observat. 2.  and if we mark it well, here will be ground and roomth for another: For if it be a sin for a Poor man to steal in his want from those that have enough; how much more heinous is it for a Rich man to rob the poor? as many do by fraud, oppression, detaining the hire of the labourer, and the like. The poor man's need is a strong temptation to make him steal; therefore Agur makes Theft the poor man's danger, and not the rich; Lest I be poor (saith he) and steal: not, Lest I be rich, and steal; for why should the rich man steal? he hath no need, as we say, he hath no direct temptation thereto, as the poor man hath, and therefore his sin is the greater. And indeed there can be no other reason of his Theft, but the rich man's malady; He hath forgotten God, and saith, Who is the Lord? and then no marvel if he be ready for any sin.  
The heinousness and unreasonableness of this Sin may appear by that parable of Nathan, wherewith David was so much incensed and convinced, 2 Sam. 12. 1, etc. There were two men in one city (saith he,) the one rich, the other poor. The rich man had exceeding many flocks and herds: But the poor man had nothing save one little ewe-lamb, which he had bought and nourished up— And there came a traveller unto the rich man, and he spared to take of his own flock, and of his own herd, to dress for the way-faring man that was come unto him, but took the poor man's lamb, and dressed it for the man that was come to him. And David's anger (saith the Text) was greatly kindled against the man; and he said to Nathan, as the Lord liveth, the man that hath done this thing shall surely die; and he shall restore the Lamb fourfold, because he did this thing, and because he had no pity.  
Hence in Scripture, for the rich to spoil the poor, is accounted a crying sin; which kind of sins are in a degree above the ordinary rank of sins, viz. such as call for some visible and remarkable judgement upon the head of the committers. judge of the rest by that which S. james saith of one kind of robbing the poor, by detaining their wages. Little know some men, who out of a kind of pride in their own might, and contempt of the poor, as scorning to acknowledge themselves obliged to them for their service, commit this sin, little consider they how grievously they offend: Behold (saith S. james. ch. 5. 4.) the hire of the labourers which have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud, crieth; and the cries of them which have reaped are entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth. To conclude this observation, Men do not despise a thief (saith Solomon, Prov. 6. 30.) if he steal to satisfy his soul when he is hungry; yet if he be found, he shall restore sevenfold. If the poor man's theft be punished sevenfold amongst men; sure with God, the rich man's shall be punished seventy times sevenfold.  
My third Observation shall be, 
Observat. 3.  That we must avoid the occasions of sin, as well as sin itself. Agur prays not, that he might not steal, etc. but that God would keep him out of that condition which might occasion him to commit those sins. This might have been observed from the other part of Agur's reason as well as from this; for there he desired God to keep him from that Fullness which might occasion him to deny and forget God: but I chose rather to defer it hither. Opportunity, we say, makes a thief. It is as true in the general, That occasion is a snare whereby a man becomes a prey unto sin. Eve, by talking with the Serpent, was at length caught to eat of the forbidden fruit. David, by seeing Bathsheba washing herself, was tempted to commit adultery with her. Peter, by intruding himself into the high Priest's Hall out of too much confidence in his own strength, came to deny his Master. For this cause God commanded his people in the Law, not only that they should worship no Idol, but that they should demolish all the Monuments of them; that they should make no covenant nor affinity with those who worshipped them: and all lest they might be drawn by these occasions to commit idolatry with them.  
If this be so, we may see hence how much they deceive themselves who think it makes no matter what company they keep, or what places they come in; they will look to themselves forsooth, and mean not to be corrupted, but only to observe the fashions, either to satisfy their curiosity, or, as some will pretend, for the greater loathing of such abhorred courses. This is a dangerous principle, to play with the flames, as the fly doth. If thou wouldst avoid the Sin, avoid the Occasion also. And let me add one thing more: Several sins have their several occasions and their proper gins; but Evil company is the Devil's Magazine, wherein are contained all Occasions of all sins.  
Now I come to the fourth and last Observation, 
Observat. 4.  which I gather from the last words of Agur's Reason, That the commission of one sin makes way to another. Agur thought, if he were once brought to steal, he should not stay there, but be carried farther, even to forswear, and take God's Name in vain; Lest I steal, (saith he,) and take the Name of my God in vain. Peter first denied Christ; but the Devil would not let him stay there, but made him curse and forswear him. David having once committed adultery with the wife of Vriah, the Devil took the advantage to make him commit murder too. Sin is like a Serpent; if it can but once get in the head, it will draw the whole train after. While there is no rist in a block, it is hard for the wedge or axe to enter; but if a rift be once made, it will enter all with a little driving: So will sin.  
The reason is, Because he that commits a sin, puts himself thereby, more or less, into the Devil's power; who is not so negligent as to lose or not to ply his advantage. The Devil is the Prince of death, Heb. 2. 14. Now death comes by sin; therefore sin gives the Devil a title; and first brought, and still bringeth man into the Devil's jurisdiction. Hence those who are converted to God and acquitted of their sins, are said To be delivered from the power of Satan unto God, Acts 26. 18. But sin makes them again obnoxious to his power; it reaches him a new hold of us, which though (perhaps) it be not so much as he may quite pull us from God, yet will it serve him to pull us into many a transgression, and cost us much work and a great deal of sorrow before we get free again.    

DISCOURSE XXIX.  

ISAIAH 2. 2, 3, 4.  And it shall come to pass in the last days, that the Mountain of the Lord's House shall be established [or, prepared] in the top of the Mountains, and exalted above the Hills; and all Nations shall flow unto it, etc. 
HILLS or Mountains are States, Kingdoms or Societies of men; which consisting of degrees, rising unto a height one above another, are compared unto Mountains raised above the ordinary Plain and Level of the Earth.  
The mountain of the Lord's House is that State and Society of men which is called the Church and People of God: Regnum Coelorum, the Kingdom of Heaven; that is, a Kingdom whose both King and King's Throne have their residence and place in the Heavens.  
These words therefore are a Prophecy or prophetical Promise of the glorious exaltation, wonderful enlargement, and unheard-of prosperity of this Society of men, called the Church, above all other States or Societies of men whatsoever.  
The glory and exaltation is expressed in the words, The Mountain of the Lord's House shall be one day exalted, 
Isai. 2. 2, 3, 4.  yea mounted, not only above the lesser Hills, but the highest Mountains, though at this time it were depressed and trampled under foot by the proud enemies thereof.  
The enlargement and ampleness thereof, in the words, All Nations shall flow unto it: that is, Though, at the time of this Prophecy, it were reduced to a small remnant; yet the time was to come, when it should not only consist of the one Nation of the jews, as than it did, but of all Nations under the whole heaven.  
The prosperity thereof begins to be described from these words in the 4th verse, They shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks, etc. that is, Although the greatest part of jacob were already captive, and judah and jerusalem in a continual fear and no less danger of the arms and invasion of the King of Babel; yet the time should one day come, that the People or Church of God should not only be the most exalted State upon the earth, and the most ample and universal Dominion that ever was in the world, but the most peaceable, quiet and flourishing State that ever was since man was first created.  
This is the Prophecy. But now comes the Question, Whether this, as we have described it, be and hath already been fulfilled; or whether the time thereof be yet to come; or if already any ways fulfilled, whether it be not in part only performed, and the full accomplishment reserved for the time to come.  
Our Adversaries would fain find here the constant and perpetual Visibility of the Church. And I must needs grant them that it is meant of a time when the Gentiles shall be called; for the words of the Text, viz. [All Nations] tell us so. But, without doubt, he that will have this place for his purpose, must show us not only, ●●●aked and single Visibility, but more than that, a glorious Visibility; yea, the most glorious among the sons of men. For a Visibility is one thing, and a glorious Visibility is another: for many things are visible which are not glorious to look upon; and oftentimes good and rich metal may be within, when the outside glisters not. We must therefore, when we talk of the Church's Visibility, distinguish between these two, and not confound them. The Church might be Visible, though it were but a Hill; much more if it be a Mountain: but here it is to be established on the tops of Mountains, and exalted above the Hills; so that no other State shall overtop or overlook it, much less trample it under feet. Now whether there were ever yet such a time, when this was completely fulfilled, though all be granted our Adversaries they can ask, yea and that the Romish Church be that Church here spoken of, I leave it to any man's indifferent judgement, who can compare the Description of the Prophet with the Stories of forepast and present Times.  
But, suppose it were to be fulfilled and fully accomplished in the times which have already been; and I will not deny but in part it hath been so; yet how doth it follow from this Prophecy, that this glorious Visibility should be constant and continual, and never interrupted or eclipsed?  
Is not the Prophecy true, and hath not God made his Promise good, if he hath at any time performed the thing here spoken of; though it neither were done all at once, and though this exaltation and glory did not always continue? If one skilful in Divination or Astrology should meet with a private man for the present in great want, distress, contempt and misery; and should tell him, that it was his fortune to rise to the greatest honours, and to become the greatest man that was in the Kingdom: If this fell out so at any time of his life, according as it was foretold him, though perhaps it proved not long durable (as such exaltations use not to be,) had he any reason to say that the ginger had lied unto him in that he had foretold him? I think any man in reason will think him unjustly charged. Why then may not the like be said and thought of the Church, and (as I may so speak, with reverence) of the prediction of the Church's fortune? But if the time of the full performance of this Prediction be yet to be expected, as perhaps it is, than it will serve our Adversaries to far less purpose: For were not Ioseph's dreams and visions true, that the Sun, Moon and twelve Stars should worship him, and all his brother's sheaves should bow to his sheas? was not this true (I say,) though his brother's first sold him, though he became afterward a slave, and long a prisoner in a strange Land, before he was so suddenly exalted to be the great Viceroy under Pharaoh King of Egypt? Or would you have an Example of a glory afterwards eclipsed and almost extinguished? Were not God's first Promises made to the Israelitish Nation, That he would make them a renowned Kingdom, fully performed in the days of Solomon, when there was no kingdom upon the earth like unto it for glory and magnificence; though this so great glory lasted not long, but began a little to be obscure in the end of Solomon's days, and afterwards was quite eclipsed and clouded, the Sun but now and then (as it were) showing itself through a cloud? And what is the Church of the Gentiles, or what privilege have they above the Church of the jews, that the like should not befall it which we are sure besel them? and yet nevertheless God always made good his Promises unto them, and no word of his mouth failed.  
When we therefore talk of the Church's Visibility and glory, we must distinguish of Times; and know that there are Times when the Church is indeed visible, but not glorious; secondly, Times when it is neither visible nor glorious; thirdly, Times when it is to be both visible and glorious.  
In the Times immediately after Christ's passion, or (if you will) at his Passion, I think any man will grant, that it was then neither visible nor glorious. In the Times of the persecuting Emperors, when the Church had taken foot among the Gentiles, and the Nations began flow unto it, it was a society indeed visible, but not glorious: I am sure, it was not in the tops of the Mountains; but the Imperial Mountain of Rome not only overtopped it, but ever trampled it under their feet. For we must know here, that we speak all this time of the external glory, for that is the thing whereabout the quarrel is. In the Times of Constiantine and thereabouts, after three hundred years cruel persecution, the Sun seemed as it were to break forth of a cloud, and the Christian society became for a while both visible and glorious; but presently after, even as it was in the end of Solomon's reign, this glory of the Church was not only eclipsed, but even the visibility thereof, in a manner, covered and altogether darkened with that thick and universally-overspreading cloud of Arianism. And thus far our Adversaries will go with us: But we require they should grant us something more, namely, That this Arian cloud was no sooner blown over, but another great cloud of that fore-prophesied Apostasic of the Church began to arise; whereby the Church's glory was not only eclipsed, but at length again the Visibility thereof wholly overshadowed with the thick darkness of Idolatrous Antichristianism; until that after a long day of darkness, and a black night, it pleased God, even of late, somewhat to dispel the cloud, whereby the Society of true Believers became again outwardly visible and conspicuous unto the world. And we hope, when the cloud shall be wholly consumed by the beams of the Sun of the Gospel, it shall become not only more visible than yet it is, but far more glorious than ever hitherto it hath been, when the fullness of the Gentiles (as S. Paul speaks) shall come in. But of this more hereafter. 
Ro●. 11. 2●.]   
In the mean time, that you may the better understand what is already discoursed concerning the Visibility of the Church, as likewise know what was the State of true Believers when this Visibility was overshadowed, take this which followeth; viz. That there hath been in all Ages since Christ, without interruption, a Company or Society of Christian men, agreeing or joined together in the inward and invisible communion of the Faith, concerning such Divine Truths as we profess needful to Salvation. And, for so much of this Faith as was not acknowledged by the rest of erring men, called Christians, in that respect this Society was a distinct Society from them: yet nevertheless, for so much of this their true Faith as was still acknowledged by those erring one's we speak of, they were a part of the same Society with them: For the Apostasy of the Church was not total, and therefore in all the sound parts of their Faith our true-believing Society neither was nor is divided from them.  
But if the Question be asked of a Visible Christian Society professing the same Essential Faith with us, Whether such a one hath always been; First, we must know that by Visible Society, in this question, is meant, A society of Christian Believers joined together in one external Communion, of the same public profession, use of Sacraments, and Ecclesiastical jurisdiction or Government: For these make the outward Form, whereby this Society is discernible from other Societies of men; and a Society by this outside severed and distinguished from other Societies, is a Society visible and conspicuous to other Societies of men.  
The Question therefore is, Whether that Society of men, agreeing together in the Points of our Christian Belief, hath been in all Ages, in this kind and sort, joined, and distinguished from other companies, not only of the world, but even of Christian men: or in shorter terms thus, Whether the Society of men of our Christian Belief hath in all Ages been, for the outside, a distinct Corporation from all other Societies and States of men.  
My Answer is, That for divers of the First Ages, as before was showed, it was in that manner visibly distinguished; but after an Apostasy had overspread and deformed the beautiful Spouse of Christ, 
Of th●s see in Book III. Treatise of T●e Apostasy of the latter Times, ch. 10  then was the Society or Belief, as it were, covered and involved with the same external mantle with them, and as it were hidden in that dark cloud, and so not a distinct external Society from the rest. But though in the inward communion of the sincerer Faith it was divers and distinguished, yet it still for the most part continued a member of the same external (I say, external) body with them; being begotten by the same Sacrament of Baptism, taught in some part, by the same Word and Pastors still continuing amongst them, and submitting to the same jurisdiction and Regiment, so far forth as these or any of these had yet some soundness remaining in them: But for the rest, whether in Doctrine or Practice, that was not compatible with their sincerer Faith, either wisely avoiding all Communion with it; or if they could not, then patiently suffering for their Conscience sake under the hands of Tyrants termed Christians.  
For understanding this, take this Simile: When good Gold is mixed with a greater quantity of counterfeit metal, so that of both becomes one mass or lump; though each metal still retains and keeps his nature divers from the other, yet can they not outwardly be discerned asunder by the eye; (for because they are incorporated into one external body, the outside, or visible dimensions which are seen are one and the same:) But when the Refiner comes and severs them, then will each metal appear in his own outside and his own proper colours, whereby they are easily discerned a sunder one from the other. Such must the State of the Church needs be, when an Apostasy shall rise out of the bowels thereof; and such do we affirm was the State of the Church of Christ in that great prevailing Apostasy, from which we are separated, viz. The purer metal of the Christian body was not outwardly discernible from the base and counterfeit, while one outside covered them both; but when the time of refining came, them was our Church, not first founded in the true Faith, (God forbid;) but a part of the Christian body newly refined from such corruptions as Time had gathered: as Gold refined begins not then first to be Gold, though it began then first to be refined; so our Church began not a hundred years ago to be a Church, though then it first began to be a Reformed Church.  
And is this any thing more than that which besel the jewish Church in her frequent Apostasy? 
1 King. 19 1●.  Was the seven thousand that had not bowed their knees to Baal, a visibly-distinguished Society from the rest of the body of Israel? were they such as were outwardly known unto others who were not of their Communion? nay were they known one to another? yea to Elias himself? I think no man will easily affirm it: Yet were they a distinct Society joined in the Communion of the same true Worship, and in that respect separate from the rest of that Idolatrous body: yet nevertheless, as far as there was any thing which was found yet remaining for the external Regiment and Ceremonies, it is most certain that they could not but be to the eyes of the world of one external body with the rest, as receiving the same Circumcision, and living under the same Priests and Ceremonies, so far forth as any soundness in either of them remainded.  
Nay do not our Adversaries themselves in their good mood grant us as much as we have said, though it be because they cannot will nor choose (as is the Proverb?) For it is a thing chiefly to be considered and remembered in this Quarrel between them and us about the Visibility of the Church, it is (I say) to be considered, That when all granted and pleaded on both parts is well examined, the point of difference between them and us is only this, They hold the glorious Visibility of the true Church to be in present; and the overshadowing of the light, and eclipsing of the glory thereof under Antichrist, to be yet to come; at which time of his being in the world they grant and affirm more of the eclipsing and overshadowing of the true Church than we do for our hearts. He that reads their conceits of Antichrist shall easily find this to be true: For they hold that then the public exercise of Christian Religion, saying of Mass, and all shall utterly cease, until Antichrist's days be out: this is their Tenet. We on the contrary hold this clouding of the Church's visibility to have been already, and the greatest glory (in probability,) or at least some part thereof, to be yet to come. So that we both agree, That in the great Apostasy the Church's visibility and glory should cease; but we say that this Apostatical time hath been already; they say it is yet to come: we say that that time was to last many ages; they say that when it comes, it shall be but three single years and a half.  
Why then are they not ashamed to choke us with this Argument of the Church's Visibility and glory, as though the Church could never be without it, when yet themselves confess that there is a time to come, when the case will be such, that the same Argument may be alleged against the true Church, though it were theirs, as is now alleged against ours? This is too great partiality.  
Seeing therefore the whole Controversy lies in this, Whether the Churches great Apostasy be already past, or in being, or yet to come; It is a great deal the quicker course for them and us to examine the condition and quality of both Religion by the Scriptures, and not to distract ourselves with every point of differences; (for every Error is not a part of this Apostasy:) But let us examine our Religion in that point alone, wherein the Scripture itself places and limits the quality of this Apostasy, namely, that it should be Spiritual Fornication or Idolatry; for Babylon is not called the Liar of Babylon, the ●yrant of Babylon, the Heretic of Babylon, the ●urtherer of Babylon, but the Whore of Babylon. It is very like indeed, that as Whores have commonly many other foul qualities, so may the Spiritual Whore have also: Yet as every ill quality of a Whore is not a part of her Whoredom; no more is every Error of the Spiritual Whore, how gross soever, a part of Spiritual Fornication. Let us therefore examine her by the Mark which God sets upon her, and by that Abomination for which only in a manner (if we observe the Scripture) God did use to punish, and wrathfully compla●n of his old people Israel, though (no doubt) they had many other corruptions besides; but had they been faithful in that one, God could have winked at many other. As we know a Husband. if his Wife be faithful and true to him in that point which so nearly toucheth his jealousy, he will the easier bear with other shrewish conditions.  
Now if the Church of Rome be not an Idolatress or a Spiritual Whore, prostituting herself to other gods, to stocks and stones, and many ways breaking her Faith to her one Lord and Mediator Christ jesus, by committing fornication with (I know not how many) other Mediators; there never was a Whore in the world.  
And certainly, if the Church of Rome may herein be justified, the Church of Israel had but hard measure to be condemned, who could as truly plead that she never forsook the true God altogether, only she would worship him in Calves and such Images as other her neighbour-Nations used to do; and that though she was for variety, yet she reserved the chief place for her jehovah, and in all other respects could as well as the present Roman Church excuse her practice in that kind. And yet we know how she is branded by the Prophets for a Whore; 
See this more fully discoursed of in the Treatise of The Apostasy of the latter Times, Book III chap. 9  and not a simple fornicating Whore, but an Adulteress, and is threatened to be proceeded with and judged as those that break wedlock and shed blood are judged, to have blood given her in fury and jealousy. And such an Example of God's fury and jealousy hath he made them to all the world, as no other people (how great soever their Idolatries) have ever equalled or come near their sufferings.  
And thus far we have in a manner yielded to our Adversaries for a time, That the time of fulfilling this Prophecy hath already been; for we would deny them no favour willingly which we could lawfully yield them. Nevertheless I verily believe that this Prophecy hath never yet received his full accomplishment, nor is to do, Until (as S. Paul saith, Rom. 11. 25.) the fullness of the Gentiles be come in; and so all Israel shall be saved.  
For we shall find in the Prophecies of the Scriptures, that there are two Sorts and Times of the Calling of the Gentiles: The first is that which should be with the rejection and casting off of the jews, and (as S. Paul saith) to provoke them to jealousy: 
Rom. 11. 11.  such a Calling as should be in a manner occasional, that God might not want a Church the time the jews were to be cast●out; for this is that which S. Paul means, Rom. 11. 15. That the casting away of the jews is the calling of the Gentiles or reconciling of the world: whence we may see, that the Apostles were not to preach Christ to the Gentiles, until being first offered to the jews, 
* Acts 13. 46. & chap 18. 6. & chap. 28. 28.  they refused him. And this is that Calling of the Gentiles which hitherto hath been for many Ages.  
But there is a second and more glorious Calling of the Gentiles to be found in the Prophecies of Scripture; not a Calling, as this is, wherein the jews are excluded; but a Calling wherein the jews shall have a share of the greatest glory, and are to have a preeminence above other Nations, when all Nations shall flow unto them, and walk in their light: For the calling of the remainder of the world which is not yet under Christ, is reserved for the solemnising of the jews restitution. This is that Calling and that Time which he calls the Fullness of the Gentiles; 
Rom. 11. 25.  I would not brethren (saith he) have you ignorant of this mystery; that blindness in part is happened to Israel, until the fullness of the Gentiles be come in; and so all Israel shall be saved. This is that Time whereof he speaks, 
Verse 12.  that if the present fall of the jews be the riches of the world, and their decay the riches of the Gentiles, how much more shall their fullness be the fullness of the Gentiles? This is that glorious Time which the Prophecy of this Text principally, if not altogether, intended: For if the fullness of the glory and enlargement of the Church be here described, than it must needs be that the time hereof hath never yet been, because as yet the Fullness of the Gentiles, whereof S. Paul speaks, is not come in. While the Romans and Iron part of Nebuchadnezzar's Image was yet standing, a Stone was hewn out of the mountain without hands: 
Dan. 2. 34. See in Book IV. Epistle 8. The Purport of the ●ou● Kingdoms in Dam●●.  This is the First state of the Kingdom of Christ, and Calling of the World; which hath been hitherto. But at length this Stone● when the time of the Image's brittle feet came, smote the Image upon those feet, so that the wind blew the whole Image away, and there was no more place found for any part thereof: which was no sooner done, but the 
* Dan. 2. 35.  Stone which smote the Image, swelled into a great Mountain, and filled the whole earth: This is the Time of the Fullness of Christ's Kingdom, the Fullness of the Gentiles: This is the Time when the Mountain of the Lord's House should be established upon the tops of the Mountains; namely, when the small Stone of Christ's Kingdom, which is now in being, shall smite the brittle feet of the last Remainder of the Roman State now subsisting in the Popedom, in whom the divided Toes of too many Kingdoms are in a sort (though but brittlely) united together, and so that great seven-hilled City still Ladies it over the Nations of the Earth.    

DISCOURSE XXX.  

JUDGES 1. 7.  As I have done, so God hath requited me. 
THESE are the words of Adonibezek, one of the Kings of Canaan, whom the sons of judah and Simeon having taken prisoner in war, they cut off the thumbs of his hands, and great toes: The justness of which punishment so evidently sampling his forepast sin, forced him, though with a heavy heart, to give glory unto God, and say, Threescore and ten Kings, having their thumbs and great toes cut off, gathered their meat under my table: As I have done, so God hath requited me.  
These words (without any longer Preface) may be considered two ways; either simply or absolutely in themselves, or with reference to him who spoke them. In themselves they are an Affirmation or Historical narration, That as Adonibezek had done, so God requited him. If we consider them with reference to the speaker, they are a Confession, as being spoken by him who did the fact, and suffered now the punishment; Adonibezek himself it is who saith, As I have done, so God hath requited me.  
In the First Consideration I observe four things.  
1. That God punisheth sin with temporal punishment in this life, as well as with eternal in the life to come. 
The first Consideration of Adonibezek's words.  Thus this miserable King here feels the hand of God fall so heavy upon him, while he was yet in the world, that it makes him bitterly cry out, I have done cruelly, and God hath even here requited me.  
2. That God doth not always presently inflict his judgements, while the sin is fresh, but sometimes defers that long which ●e means to give home at the last. So saith our King here, As I have done; not as I did even now, but as I did long ago, and thought by this God had forgotten me, yet now I see he requiteth me.  
3. That these Divine judgements by some conformity or affinity do carry in them as it were a stamp and print of the sin for which they are inflicted. So saith this unhappy King, As I have done; even just as I have done to others, now I suffer myself: Seventy Kings thumbs in my cruelty I cut off, and in my pride made them to feed like dogs under my table: now the measure which I meet unto others, is measured unto myself; for just as I have done, so God hath requited me.  
4. That the Profit and Pleasure which men aim at when they commit sin will not so much as quit cost even in this life: 
judg. 1. 7.  For if God's punishments be requitals, certainly the profit we have gotten by sin he will make us lose in the punishment; the pleasure we hope to find, and seek after in sin, will be overpoised in the pain we are sure to feel when the just hand of the Almighty shall requite us.  
And thus have you heard already the Sum of what I mean to speak of in the First consideration of these words. Now I will return again, and speak more largely of them all, and that in the same order I gave them out.  
The first Collection therefore which I made was, That God punisheth the sins of men with temporal punishment in this life, as well as with eternal in the life to come. 
Observ. 1.  This verity (to use the words of Zophar, job 20. 4.) was known in the days of old, and found true ever since man was placed upon the earth. For as the Apostle saith of righteousness, that it hath both the promise of this life and of the life to come; so it is most true of unrighteousness, that it hath the curse of this life as well as of the life to come. 
1 Tim. ●. 3.   
The first sin of our first Parents, whereof we all stand guilty, was thus punished, as it were to be a Rule and Law of what God would do after. I say, the first sin of our first Parents was punished with a curse in things of this life. From hence come all the outward calamities and miseries of mankind, wherein the happiest man on earth hath his share; hence our labour and vexation of spirit; hence our pain, our want, and all our trouble wherein we travel under the Sun. No man in the world is exempted from this Law; all of us as well feel a present punishment here in this life, as fear that which shall be to come hereafter in the world to come.  
Now as the universal misery we all feel is a temporal punishment of an universal sin; so the clods of daily sin, which we add unto this great mountain of transgression, doth usually bring us under some special kind of punishment, above that which we have in common with other men. The whole History of the Bible, if we look well into it, is most part taken up in Examples of this one Maxim: whosoever thinketh otherwise, he hath taken too slight a view and too short a survey of the world's affairs. Perhaps he sees the person of a Tyrant, of an Oppressor, of a Blasphemer, to live long in jollity, and to end his days in tranquillity; or, to use the words of job in the same argument, to spend their days in wealth, and in a moment (without any more trouble) go down into the grave. 
Chap. 21. 13.  How is it then true, That God requiteth sin in this life, or that any regard should be had to any temporal calamities or worldly disasters; since these come alike to the just and unjust, to the fool and to the wise, to those whom God favoureth as well as those he favoureth not?  
But for Answer hereunto, we must know, That the way of God in temporal punishments is one, and his way in eternal and spiritual another; he deals not after the same fashion in both. For eternal punishments in the world to come, the person which sinneth shall alone suffer, and no other for him; but as for temporal punishments, which are seen in this world, sometimes God lays them upon the person, sometimes upon the posterity of the offender, or sometimes upon others which in such like respects are near unto them, as he sees best in his wisdom. When therefore thou seest a man live in open and gross sins, confine not thine eye unto his person only, but look farther about him, survey his whole family; if nothing appear while he is living, yet after his death consider of his posterity, and thou wilt find the ways of God to be just and glorious in the avenging of sin and wickedness.  
This question was long debated between job and his friends, and at last came to this very issue, job himself determining and assoiling it after this manner; I will teach you (saith he, chap. 27. ver. 11, etc.) by the hand of God; that which is with the Almighty will I not conceal. Behold, all ye yourselves have seen it, why then are you thus altogether vain? This is the portion of a wicked man from God, and the heritage of oppressors, which they shall receive of the Almighty. If his children be multiplied, it is for the sword, and his offspring shall not be satisfied with bread, etc.  
The reason of this difference between temporal punishments and eternal is to be gathered from the several and differing Ends of them both: Because they are for divers Ends and Purposes, therefore the way of God is divers in the execution of them. The End of eternal punishments is to satisfy the justice of God, in avenging sin; but the End of temporal punishments chiefly exemplary; that is, for example and warning unto others, that they might hereby know that God regardeth and observeth the actions of men, and therefore fear lest the like might come unto themselves which they have seen to have befallen other men.  
Now for such an End as this, it is not always requisite that God should punish every offender in his own person; because the punishment here respecteth not so much the person of the offender himself, as others who have been witnesses of his sin, that they might take heed of committing the like. Now this End may be as well attained in the punishment of a man's posterity, subjects, servants, as of his own person: For by both alike may others see that God observeth the sins of men, and hath plagues in readiness for those which commit them: And by both alike will men be afraid of the hand of God; seeing most men do most vehemently wish the good and happy condition of their posterity and others having like relation unto them; Kings the weal of their Subjects, Fathers the good of their Children, Husbands the good of their Wives; and therefore will refrain from doing that which they see by experience of others may bring a plague or a curse upon any of them.  
Yea God so much regardeth this exemplary End in temporal punishments, that I think this to be one chief reason why God forgiving the sin, and consequently eternal punishment, yet he remitteth not temporal plagues and chastisements; lest when the sin is notoriously known and scandalous, those who saw the sin, and could not so well know of the inward reconciliation between God and the sinner, might stumble and doubt in their hearts Whether there were a God or no, who observeth the ways of men. 
2 Sam. 12. 13  In this sort, and for this end, was David punished; whom though upon his humble repentance Nathan had told, The Lord hath put away thy sin, thou shalt not die: yet nevertheless did God raise up evil against him out of his own house, 
Verse 11.  he took his wives from before his eyes, 
Verse 10.  and gave them unto his neighbour, and the sword never departed from his house, according as the Lord had spoken. The reason hereof follows in the Text, 
Verse 14.  in the words of Nathan; Because, saith he, by this deed thou hast given great occasion to the enemies of the Lord to blaspheme, the child also which is born unto thee shall surely die. The child also; that is, all the former plagues, together with the death of the child, shall come upon thee for this end.  
This then being so plain, what End God chiefly aims at in his outward and visible judgements; we ought hence to learn what to do as often as we see the hand of God fall heavy upon any open and known sinner; namely, to accomplish in ourselves the End which God a●ms at, to examine our actions past, to amend our lives, lest as bad, if not a worse thing, befall us or ours. And if at any time we see an Example of this upon one of God's own children, as we heard of David before, a man after God's own heart; let us learn to fear and tremble, and say, If such things befall those whom God most loveth. what shall become of us if we sin likewise? Again, when we see God thus punishing sin in the eyes of the world, let us acknowledge his Allseeing Providence, and say with those, Rev. 15. 3, 4. Great and marvellous are thy works, Lord God Almighty; just and true are thy ways, thou King of Saints. Who shall not fear thee, O Lord, and glorify thy Name, when thy judgements are made manifest? and with David, Psal. 9 16. and Psal. 11. 7. The Lord is known by the judgement which he executeth; for the righteous Lord loveth righteousness. 
See also Psal. 52. 7.   
AND thus I come to the second thing I observed, 
Observat. 2.  namely, That God often forbears and defers his punishments. As I did long ago (saith Adonibezek) yea again and again, seventy times one after another; so long and so often, that I thought God had either not seen, or quite forgotten me: yet now I see he requiteth me.  
How true this Observation is, is sufficiently witnessed by their experience who have little less than stumbled and staggered hereat. This made Cato, a Heathen man, to cry out, Res divinae multum habent caliginis, The disposals of Divine providence are not a little cloudy and dark. 
Isa●. 73. 2.  This made David, a man after God's own heart, to confess and say, My feet were almost gone, my steps had well-nigh slipped. This made jeremy cry out from the bottom of an amazed soul, Righteous art thou, O Lord when I plead with thee; 
jer. 12. 1.  yet let me talk with thee of thy judgements. Wherefore doth the way of the wicked prosper? why are they happy that deal very treacherously? Yea those Martyred Saints, Rev. 6. 10. are heard to cry from under the Altar, How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell upon the earth?  
Now as these forenamed have stumbled at God's delaying and forbearing his judgements, so others there are who have been quite deceived, verily believing that with God Quod differtur, ausertur, what was forborn, was also forgotten. Such as one was Adonibezek here, who having escaped so long, thought to have escaped ever. And such were those whereof David spoke, Psal. 10. 6. Who say in their hearts, We shall never be moved, we shall never be in adversity. Such an one is the great Whore of Babylon, 
Rev. 18. 7.  that sings, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I sit like a Queen, and am no widow, and shall see no sorrow. Such an one was Pherecydes Syrius, master of Pythaegoras, and a famous Philosopher, and one that is said to have been the first Philosopher that taught among the Greeks the Soul to be immortal; and yet among all his knowledge had not learned this one Principle, The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom. 
Prov. 1. 7.  For as 
* Var. hist. l. 4. c. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  AElian reports, he used among his scholars to vaunt of his irreligion after this manner, saying, That he had never offered sacrifice to any God in all his life; and yet had lived as long and as merrily as those who had offered several Hecatombs. But he that thus impiously abused the long-suffering of God, came at length to an end as strange as his impiety was unusual; for so they report of him, that he was stricken (like Herod, by the Angel of the Lord) with such a disease, that 
* Pliny l. 7. nat. hist. c. 5 1. Phere●●d●s copiá serpentium ex corpore ejus erumpente exspiravit.  Serpents bred of the corrupt humours of his body, which eat and consumed him being yet alive.  
But that we may neither distrust the righteous ways of God, nor prevent his unsearchable counsels with our overhasty expectation, let us a little consider of the Ends why God oftentimes de●ers and prolongs his judgements. These Ends I suppose may be referred unto four heads.  
1. For the sake of godly ones, for whom God useth to forbear even multitudes of sinners. So had there been but ten righteous persons in Sodom, Sodom had never been destroyed; I will not destroy it (saith God) for ten sake. 
Gen. 18. 32.  So for good Iosiah's sake God de●erred the plagues he had decreed to bring upon that people, that josiah might be first gathered unto his fathers in peace, and his eyes might not see all the evil that he was to bring upon that place: as it is 2 Kings 22. 20. For as the new wine (saith the Lord, Esa. 65. 8.) is found in the cluster, and one saith, Destroy it not, for a blessing is in it; even so will I do for my servants sakes, that I may not destroy them all: That is, I will spare a whole cluster of men, even for one or two blessed servants of mine which I shall find therein. This is the first End; and this is most, if not only, found in public judgements and common sins, such as concern whole societies of men; for in such properly doth God, for the sake of godly ones, forbear a multitude of sinners.  
2. The second End is, To give time of repentance and amendment: For the Lord is long-suffering, not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance, as it is 2 Pet 3. 9 This is showed by the parable of the Figtree, Luke 13. 7. Three years the husbandman came to seek fruit, and found none; and the fourth year he expected, before he would cut it down. An hundred and twenty years the old world had given them before the Flood came. And jonah proclaimed (not, Yet one day, but) Yet forty days, and Nineveh shall be destroyed. 
jonah 3 4.  This End concerns such punishments as deprive men of life, and of the means of salvation and of amendment of life: For such as these only can God be said to forbear, to give time of repentance. For as for other punishments (not the forbearance, but) the hastening of them rather would cause repentance; seeing men than use to remember and call upon God when they are in misery and affliction.  
3. The third End of God's deferring his punishments is, The opportunity of example by them unto others, and of manifesting his own glory. God is Lord of Times; and as he created them, so he alone knows a fit Time for all things under the Sun. He therefore who knows all occasions, when he seeth a fit Time for his judgements, to profit other men by example, and most of all to set forth his own glory, than he sends them forth, and till than he will defer them.  
4. The fourth End or Reason hath some affinity with this, and it is, When God intending some extraordinary judgement, suffers men's sins to grow unto a full ripeness, that their sin may be as conspicuous unto the world as his purpose is their punishment shall be. Thus God punished not the Canaanites in Abraham's time, but deferred it till Israel's coming out of Egypt; and that (as himself witnesseth, Gen 15. 16.) Because the iniquity of the Am●rites was not yet full. And therefore is not this last End to be looked for in all God's delays; but it seemeth proper to his extraordinary punishments: when God meaneth, as it were, to get himself a name amongst men, than God stays to have the sin full, upon which he will pour a full vial of wrath and indignation.  
Having thus seen how many Ends there are why God should oftentimes defer the execution of his judgements; the consideration hereof may be a double lesson unto us. 1. A lesson of spiritual wisdom, that we should not think with Epicures and children of this world, That God's delay in punishing for a time is any argument he means not to punish at all. But, with wise Solon, let us account no man happy, but him who ends happily. 2. We may learn here also a lesson of Christian Patience. When we behold the prosperity of wicked men, let it not grieve us to see sin a while lie unrevenged; let it not grind our hearts to see those who make a trade of wickedness a while to triumph, and be, as it were, at defiance with Heaven itself: For either God doth it for the good of some of his Saints; and then how can we but bless him? Or else to give them time of repentance; and then who art thou, O man, that repinest at the mercifulness of thy God? Or else to wait a fit time when thyself and others may be the most edified thereby, or his own glory most illustrated, or when men may take greatest notice of his justice.. Admire therefore his Wisdom, and let the expectation of that renown which God will one day purchase to himself, make thee rest in hope and possess thy soul in quietness. Why should the Heathen go before us in this duty? They knew not so much as we have heard this day, and yet could they rest themselves in an assured expectation of God's justice, though a while it were deferred: As is very observable in the words of Agamemnon, expressed by Homer, Iliad. 4. upon occasion of the Trojans perfidious perjury; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,—   
Though, saith he, the God of heaven avenge not this presently, yet sure at last he will do it.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,— 
For of this I am sure, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that there will be a day when stately Troy shall be overthrown:  
Nam licèt haud sontes praesenti puniat irâ;  
Sera tamen sumit Deus & gravior a malorum  
Supplicia—  
Though God doth not always presently inflict his judgements upon offenders, yet he will pay them home at last; and the punishments he defers long, are the more grievous when they come. What could job, David, or jeremy have spoken more freely in such a case? Methinks I durst almost apply the words of our Saviour concerning the Centurion, We shall scarce find so great Faith in Israel. 
Matth. 8. 10.   
BUT now I pass unto the third point I observed (and it is chiefly to be observed) in these words, 
Observ. 3.  namely, The conformity between the Sin and the Punishment: Temporal punishments have for the most part, as it were, a character stamped upon them, in which men may read their sins as well, oftentimes, as if they heard God himself to speak from heaven. Adonibezek could do it with small learning; he saw his punishment so evidently branded with the mark of his sin; Threescore and ten kings (saith he) having their thumbs and great toes cut off, gathered their meat under my table: As I have done, so God hath requited me.  
Which rule of God's justice appears by those words of our Saviour, 
Matth. 7. 2.  With what measure ye meet unto others, the same shall be measured unto you: and by that of the Prophet Obadiah, verse 15. thus threatening Edom, As thou hast done, it shall be done unto thee; thy reward shall return upon thine own head.  
But for the better discerning of this Conformity with the Sin which God stampeth upon the punishment thereof, we must know that it is of Four several kinds. The first is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When we suffer by the hand of God the very same things ourselves which we have done to others. Such was Adonibezek's punishment here, and such was that wherewith Habakkuk, chap. 2. 8. threatens the Chaldeans; Because thou hast spoiled many nations, all the remnant of the people shall spoil thee: and Ezekiel the Edomites; As thou didst rejoice at the inheritance of the house of Israel, because it was desolate, 
Chap. 35. 15.  so will I do unto thee; Thou shalt he also desolate. Thus Pharaoh, who 
* Exod. 1. 22. & 12. 29.  commanded all the males of the Hebrews to be drowned as soon as they were born, himself with all his Host was drowned in the Red Sea. The depths covered them, they sunk unto the bottom like a stone, Exod. 15. 5. 
* 2 Sam. 11. 4. Chap. 16. 22.  David committed Adultery with the wife of Vriah; his own son Absalon did the like with his Concubines in the sight of the Sun and face of all Israel. 
* 2 Chr. 21. v. 4, & 17.  joram like a villain slew all the sons of his Father; and so did the Arabians by the will of God slay all his sons likewise, only jehoahaz excepted. jehoiakim, who slew Vrijah the Prophet, jer. 26. 23. and would not suffer his body to have honest burial, himself (according as jeremy had foretold, Chap. 22. 19) was likewise slain, and buried with the burial of an Ass, being cast forth beyond the gate of jerusalem. I shall not need trouble you with profane stories, or tell you how Brutus and Cassius were forced to slay themselves with the same swords wherewith they slew Caesar; with many other like:  
But I come unto the second kind of Conformity, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When we suffer not the very same, but yet that which hath some Analogy and resemblance with our sins. Thus the universal overflowing of sin in the Old world was punished with an universal overflowing of waters. It was the common punishment of the jews, when they served other Gods besides their own, for God to make them serve other Lords and Kings besides their own. Look in the Scripture, and see whether this were not the regular punishment of Idolatry, with God, thus to requite his people with that which resembled their sin; to give them over to serve other nations, when they served other Gods besides himself. As jer. 5. 19 Like as ye have forsaken me, (saith the Lord) and served strange Gods in your land, so shall ye serve strangers in a land that is not yours. So also, 2 Chron. 12. 5. Ye have forsaken, or left [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] me, and therefore have I also left you [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in the hand of Shishak. And after they had humbled themselves, the Lord says by Shemaiah the Prophet, vers. 7. They have humbled themselves, therefore I will not destroy them, but grant them some deliverance, etc. verse 8. Nevertheless they shall be his servants, that they may know my service, and the service of the kingdoms of the countries: Vulg. Vt sciant distantiam servitutis meae & servitutis regni Terrarum, That they may know the difference between my service and the service of the kingdoms of the lands.  
And certainly, if we look into the condition of the Church since Christ's time, we shall find the way of God's dealing in this case to have been the same. The Saracens, who spoiled and subdued so great a part of Christ's Church, were never heard of till six hundred years after Christ, even at the time when Christians began generally to fall to Idolatry, and to worship Images, Saints and Angels: Then God first gave us over to serve other Nations, when we began to serve other Gods besides the Lord our God. The Turkish fury could never be stayed from casting more and more this yoke of bondage upon our necks, until judah (I mean the now Reformed Churches) began to put away her Idols, some one hundred years since: From that time unto this, that God which would have spared Sodom for ten righteous sakes, hath spared the remnant of Christendom for their sakes who have turned again to the Lord their God to serve him as he would be worshipped.  
But to go on: Solomon, when he divided that worship which was due unto the Lord alone, between him and the Idols of Zidon, Moab and Ammon, the Lord, 
1 Kings 11. 5.  to give him the same measure, divided his kingdom, and that allegiance which was only due to him and his posterity, between himself and his servant jeroboam: 
1 Kings 12. 20.  Because he served God with an imperfect heart, God left him an imperfect kingdom; Because he bestowed divine honour upon the vassals of the Lord of heaven, the Lord also bestowed his honour upon his vassal jeroboam.  
Nabuchadnezzar, who had lived like a Beast in his Palace, God made him to eat grass like an Ox in the field, till he knew the most High ruled in the kingdoms of men, Dan. 4. 25, 32, 34.  
Otho Bishop of Mentz, 
Of this Otho or Hatto 11. see Trithemias', Iseng●in●us ●. 10. Rerum Spir. etc.  in a time of famine shut up a great number of poor people in a Barn, promising to give them some relief: But when he had them fast, he set the Barn on fire; and hearing then the most lamentable and piteous cries and shrieks of the poor in the midst of the flames, he scoffingly said, Hear ye how the mice cry in the Barn. But the Lord, the just revenger of cruelty, sent a whole Army of Mice upon him, which haunted him a great deal worse than the Frogs did King Pharaoh; not only coming into his bedchamber and upon his bed, but following him into a Tower which he had built for his last refuge in the midst of the River Rhine, never leaving him till they had quite devoured him.  
So●rates hath a memorable story of one Cyricius Bishop of Chalcedon, who in a meeting of many Bishops inveighed very bitterly against good S. Chrysostom, and amongst other spiteful language called him often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a kneeless fellow, because in a good cause he would never be gotten to bow and crouch to obtain the favour of men, which Cyricius accounted a stubborn and obstinate disposition. But when he had thus uttered his malice, Marathas another Bishop by chance trod upon his toe; which being at the first esteemed (as it was indeed) a very small hurt, yet afterwards so rankled, that for the safety of the rest of the body his leg was fain to be cut off; which done, the other leg also was in like manner affected, and that so, that being otherwise incurable, it was fain to feel the same remedy the other had done. Thus he who called the holy man a kneeless fellow in one sense, God made him a kneeless Bishop in another. By which and the former Examples we see how God in punishing requites men with that which hath some resemblance with their Sin. And so much for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
I come now to the third kind, which is Conformitas subjecti, The Conformity of subject; When though we suffer not the same, nor perhaps like unto that we have done unto others, yet are we punished in that subject wherein and whereabout we have sinned. Thus Adam our first Parent sinned in eating the fruits of the earth; and he and all his posterity are punished in the curse of the same, in that now in sorrow we eat of them all the days of our life. Touching God's dealing with Israel in this kind, see Wisdom chap. 11. verse 7, 13. Korah and his company sinned in offering strange fire unto the Lord, 
Psal. 106. 18. A 〈◊〉 was kindled in their company, se● flames burnt up the ●icked.  and were punished by a strange destruction: The earth opened its mouth and swallowed them up quick; and there came out a fire from the Lord, and consumed the men that offered incense, Numb. 16. verse 32, and verse 35. The Levites wise in 
* judg. 19 2, 25.  judges, sinned in the Commission of Fornication, and therefore died by the same, being forced to death by the men of Gibeah. Eli, by too much indulgence towards his sons, sinned against God, and was punished in them, being slain by the Philistines, and the Ark of God taken, 
1 Sam. 2. 22. etc.  which they had carried with them. David gloried in the number of his people, and was punished in the Consumption of seventy thousand of them by the pestilence, 
Chap. ●. 1●.  2 Sam. 24. 1, 15. Hezekiah, who sinned in showing by way of ostentation his treasures and riches unto the Ambassadors of the King of Babylon, had his punishment threatened by the same things, that all he had thus gloriously shown should one day be carried unto Babylon, 2 Kings 20. 13, 17. Lastly, The jews, who crucified our Saviour by the hands of the Romans, had their City and Temple razed by the same hands.  
Now I come unto the last kind of Conformity, which I call Conformity of circumstance; When the Time and Place of Punishment agrees with the Time and Place of the Sin. Of the agreement of Place I find these Examples. The first of Ahab and jezebel, in the place where the dogs licked the blood of Naboth, they licked the blood of Ahab and jezebel; 1 Kings 21. 19 and 2 Kings 9 36. In the place where Baal's Priests had committed Idolatry, were their bones, being dead, and the bodies of those who were alive, flain and burnt by josiah upon the Altar of Bethel, 2 Kings 23. 16.  
Examples of concurrence of Time I find these. At the same time of the year wherein the jews crucified Christ, happened that fatal and final siege by the Romans, when that heavy curse fell upon them, 
Ma●th. 27. 25.  His blood be upon us and our children. The Spies, which brought an evil report upon the land, 
Numb. 13. 25.  had spent forty days in searching it; and therefore God for this sin, that Time might agree with Time, made them wander up and down forty years in the wilderness. They are the words of God himself, According unto the number of days (saith he) in which ye searched the land, even forty days, 
Num. 14. 33, ●●.  (each day for a year) shall ye bear your iniquities. Last of all, (because I will not be tedious in Examples) Pompey the great is reported to have died most miserably upon the very same day he triumphed for the spoil of jerusalem.  
AND thus having spoken of the three first Observations, 
Observat. 4.  I come now to the fourth and last Observation, namely, That the Profit and Pleasure which men seek for in the works of sin, will not so much as quit cost in this life: Because God's Punishments are requitals; the Profit gotten by sin we shall lose wholly, if not doubly, in the Punishment thereof; the Pleasure found in sin will be overpoised in the pain of sorrow we shall undergo for the same. It is hard to conceive that a man should be so much the son of Belial, as to commit sin only for his mind sake, without any aim to a farther end. 
〈…〉  But rather we may think, That as all actions are done for some End, so even in sinful and wicked actions men have some Ends why they commit them: And it is the conceit and apprehension of some such thing to be gotten by sin, which makes that which is indeed Evil to have a shadow of an appearing Good. To be short, The Ends men aim at in the commission of sin are those two bastard goods, Vtile & jucundum, worldly Profit and carnal Pleasure. Within the compass of which two fall all those kinds of false Happiness whereabout the Philosophers were so divided, Riches, Honours, Pleasures, Bodily ease, etc. All are comprehended within the verge of these two, Vtile & jucundum, Profit and Pleasure.  
These are verily those two baits of the Devil wherewithal he inveigleth the Souls of men; with these two he ensnared our First Parents in Paradise. Our mother Eve saw the forbidden fruit, that it was like to be as pleasant to the taste as it was pleasing unto the eye: on the other side, Knowledge like unto God, which she hoped to attain hereby, was a thing exceeding commodious and worth the compass: Upon these Motives therefore she fell miserably: and upon the like do we fall every day. Nay the Devil thought with these to have tempted our Saviour Christ himself to worship him; 
Matth 4. 8.  for he showed him (as we read) All the kingdoms of the earth, with the glory of them. In a kingdom all kinds of Profit and means of wealth abound; and for Pleasure, what delight is equal unto that which is to be found in the glory of a Kingdom?  
To speak of them severally: What power and force a Motive of Gain and Profit hath to sway our affection to commit sin, S. Paul hath told us, 1 Tim. 6. 9 Those, saith he, that will be rich, fall into temptation and a snare; and verse 10. that Covetousness is the root of all evil. The same also is apparent by the words of our Saviour, It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God, Matth. 19 24.  
And for the other, to wit, carnal Pleasure; so forcible it is, so much prevailing in tempting and drawing us unto evil, that the wise Son of Syrach sticked not to say, He that resisteth pleasures, crowneth his own soul. 
Chap. 19 5.  Besides, these Ends are so nearly linked together, that the one of them is commonly desired for a Means unto the other; for therefore do many desire wealth, that they might have means to live voluptuously.  
But be they as they will be, Is this be all the good men do or can expect from the works of sin; if these only be those fair Ends we strive to attain by so foul a means; and when we have gotten them, if the just God requites the Pleasure we expect, with pain and sorrow; and the Gain we hoped for, with an equal yea with a greater loss: if the Pleasure of a moment be entertained with a remaining sorrow; if a single Gain be rewarded with a double loss, and that in this world: Surely it will not quit the cost to commit the most gainful or pleasing sin in the world. But certain it is that God useth thus to meet with our intendments, and to make us always fall short, first or last, of what we hoped for by Sin.  
For as for Pleasure and Hearts-ease, as we call it, alas! who ever found this gotten by sin to be worth the while? To overpass such requiting pains as fall within the observation of other men's eyes; as when God makes our pain and sorrow to grow even from those members, those hands, those things from which we sought delight, as I showed you in the last Observation: I will, I say, omit these, and put you in mind only of that secret pain, which no man knows but he that feels it, The sting of Conscience. Is there any man that finds not the honey of sin mingled with this gall? Surely the sting of Conscience never leaves a sinner, but is in all our pleasure like unto those wild gourds, 2 Kings 4. 39, etc. wherewith the young Prophets of Gilgal spoiled their whole pot of pottage: We cannot taste so much as one spoonful of this false pleasure, but presently we must cry as they cried, Mors in olla, Death is in the pot.  
As for Profit and Wealth; It is even gotten into vulgar experience, that what in this kind is gotten by sinful and bad means, is nothing durable. Treasures of wickedness (saith Solomon, Prov. 10. 2.) profit nothing; and wealth gotten by vanity shall be diminished, Prov. 13. 11. Yea as the feathers of an Eagle are said to consume the feathers of other birds; so a little gotten by indirect and bad means often consumes a man's whole substance. I cannot stand to enlarge upon this point: I will only show in the example of our first Parents, how God in this manner requited them.  
First, They looked for Pleasure in the taste of so pleasing a fruit. This hope God repaid them with pain and sorrow; I will multiply thy sorrow, 
Gen. 3. 16.  (saith he unto the woman) and in pain shalt thou bring forth children: and to the man, In sorrow shalt thou eat the fruits of the earth all the days of thy life. 
Verse 17.  They looked, secondly, to have gained much, and to have profited themselves exceedingly, as namely, to have gotten more knowledge than God had given them. This hope God requited, not only with the loss of that knowledge they had before, 
Verse 24.  but even of the outward things they enjoyed in Paradise. Primum in unoquoque genere est mensura consequentium, The First in every kind is the measure of that which follows. Thus God dealt with them, and thus will he deal with us unto the world's end. Sin is utterly unprofitable; whatsoever is gotten thereby is like the change Diomedes made with Glaucus; like that which Rehoboam made of the shields in the house of the Lord, 
2 Chron. 12. 10  shields of brass for shields of gold.  
Let us therefore hence learn to withstand such foolish Motives and such vain Hopes: when we are in danger to be ensnared by these baits, let us thus reason with ourselves, What will it profit a man to enjoy an hour's pleasure, for many a year's pain? What will the sweet do us good, which is mixed with so much four? What will it profit a man to be rich in his youth, and a beggar in his age? What will it profit a man by guile and oppression to raise his house while he liveth, by that which shall most certainly ruin it when he is dead and gone? And lastly, if none of all this were, 
Mar. 8. 36.  yet What will it profit a man to win the whole world, and lose his own soul?  
NOW having done with the First consideration of these words, 
The Second consideration of Adonibezek's words.  I come unto the Second, which is with relation to him that uttered them, and so they are a Confession. In which I observe Three things.  
1. That the suffering of punishment extorts the Confession of sin. Thus this miserable King is made, for all his pride and stomach, to lament with an Ego ●eci, with an I have done.  
2. God's justice in the punishing of sin visibly is one of the strongest Motives to make an Atheist confess there is a God. Adonibezek, who scarce believed, or perhaps not well remembered, that there was a God till now, is here forced to confess, The unresistible God, that crusheth down the proud, he hath requited me.  
3. As the Punishment in general bringeth sin to mind, which else would be forgotten: so the fashion and kind thereof well considered may lead us, as it were by the hand, to know the very sin we are punished for. Many sins had Adonibezek committed; the condition and manner of his punishment made him remember his cruel usage of the seventy kings, and say, As I have done, etc.  
To begin with the First; 
Observat. 1.  I say, The suffering of punishment extorts the confession of sin. The reason whereof is the very nature of Punishment, which always implieth some offence, and therefore is a good remembrancer of the same. Thus Ioseph's brethren, when they were distressed in Egypt, cried, We are verily guilty concerning our brother. 
Gen. 42. 21.  Proud Pharaoh, when he saw the plague of hail and thunder, said, I have now sinned; the Lord is righteous, and I and my people are wicked. 
Exod. 9 27.  The proud stomaches of the Israelites came down, when once the fiery serpents stung them, and then they came to Moses, 
Numb. 21. 7.  and said, We have sinned; for we have spoken against the Lord, and against thee. Manasses, whom all the threatenings of God's Prophets in fifty years' space could never move, yet when he was bound in fetters, and carried prisoner unto Babylon, Then he besought the Lord his God, and humbled himself greatly before the God of his fathers. 
2. Chro. 33. 12.  Whosoever therefore he be that feels not this fruit, and makes not this use of his crosses and afflictions, is worse than hardhearted Pharaoh, worse than cruel Adonibezek. But if by this means we come to see and acknowledge our sin, 
Psal. 119. 71.  then may we say with David, It is good for me that I was afflicted; and give thanks and praise unto our God, who is able out of such hard rocks as these to make flow the saving waters of repentance.  
And thus I come to my second Observation, 
Observ. 2.  which is, That God's judgement for sin is one of the strongest motives to make an Atheist confess there is a God. Those who say, There is no God, David accounts them in the number of fools: The fool saith in his heart, There is no God, Psal. 53. 1. Now Solomon styleth Punishment Eruditio stultorum, the Schoolmaster of fools. If for all fools, than also for Atheistical fools, that they either by their own, or by example of God's plagues upon others, may be taught to put away their folly.  
Most certain it is, The not observing of God's judgements, or the supposed examples of some who seem to escape the hand of God in the greatest sins, is a main occasion of Atheism. 
Psal. 73. 2, 3.  This made David himself to say, My feet were almost gone, my steps had well-nigh slipped: For I was envious at the foolish, when I saw the prosperity of the wicked. It is reported of Diagoras Melius, surnamed the Atheist, that at the first he was very devout, and a great worshipper of the Gods; but having committed some certain money unto a friend's keeping, and afterwards demanding it again, his friend, loath to forgo such a booty, forswear that he ever received any: whom when Diagoras saw, notwithstanding this horrible perjury, to thrive and prosper, and no divine judgement to fall upon him, he presently turned Atheist and enemy to the Gods, and laboured by all means to bring other men to the like impiety.  
For this cause therefore David, as jealous of God's honour, and knowing what force God's judgements have to keep Atheism from creeping into the hearts of men, desireth God (Psal. 59 13.) that he would avenge himself of evil-doers, even for this end, that it might be known he was the Lord: Consume (saith he) in thy wrath, consume them, that they may not be; and let them know (that is, that men may know) that God ruleth in jacob, unto the ends of the earth. And hence it is also that God often in Ezekiel doth plainly affirm this to be the End of his judgements, That it might be known that he was the Lord. As in chapter 6. v. 6. thus he threatens Israel, Your cities shall be laid waste, and your high places shall be desolate, etc. v. 7. And the slain shall fall in the midst of you; and you shall know that I am the Lord. And again, v. 12, 13. He that is far off, shall die by the pestilence; and he that is near, shall fall by the sword. Then shall ye know that I am the Lord. And chap. 25. 17. concerning the Philistines, I will execute great vengeance upon them, saith the Lord, with furious rebukes: and they shall know that I am the Lord, when I shall lay my vengeance upon them. If this than be so as ye have heard, let us learn hence a good preservative against Atheism, and all the ill motions of the devil and our flesh drawing thereunto: not lightly, as most men do, to pass over the judgements of God upon sin; but duly and diligently to observe them: if in ourselves, then more severely; if in our neighbours, curiously, but charitably.  
And so I come to the third and last point, 
Observat. 3.  which is, That as Punishment in general bringeth sin to mind, which else would be forgotten: so the fashion and kind thereof well considered may lead us, as it were by the hand, to know the very sin we are punished for. I have showed already at large, That God's visible judgements have usually in them a stamp and mark of conformity with the sin for which they are inflicted: For either we suffer the same thing ourselves that we have done to others, or some resembling or like unto it; or else are punished about the same thing wherein our sin was; or lastly, in the place or time where and when we sinned. I am persuaded there is no judgement which God sends for any special sin, but it hath one of these marks in it. Come therefore to Adonibezek, and let us learn of him, by God's stamp in our punishment to find out what sin he aims at. If we would once use to read this Handwriting of God in our crosses and afflictions, what a motive would it be to make us leave many a sin wherein the Devil nuzzles us the greatest part of our life without sense and feeling? For if any thing would rouse us and scare us from sin, sure this would, to hear word from God himself what the sin is he plagues us for, and so sharply warns us to amend. Whensoever therefore any cross or calamity befalls us or any of ours, either in body, goods, or name, or in the success of any thing we take in hand, let us not rebel against God with an impatient heart, or fret at the occasion or author of our misery; but let us take a just account of our life past, and thus reason with ourselves, This is surely none other but the very Finger of God; I am punished, therefore have I sinned: I am punished thus and thus, in this or that sort, in this or that thing, in this or that place or time; therefore God is angry with me for something I have done, the same with that I suffer, or something like unto it, or because I sinned in this thing, or at this time, or in this place, when and where I now am punished: As I have done, so surely God hath requited me. Therefore I will not look any longer upon any other cause or occasion of this misery, of this cross or calamity, but look unto my sin, and give glory unto God, who sent the hand which hath done all this unto me.  
Thus did the sons of jacob, having no doubt learned of their good father to make this use of their crosses and afflictions: For when they saw themselves so roughly entertained in Egypt, being challenged for spies of the country; when their brother Simeon was to lie in prison in a strange land; and not only this brother, but another brother, so dearly beloved of his father, must needs be taken from him, and come into the like jeopardy; when all this distress fell still upon the head of a brother, and nothing but a brother; they presently discovered the Handwriting of God, and cried out, We are guilty, and therefore is this evil come upon us: 
Gen. 42. 21.  Behold the Finger of God. All this evil still lights upon one or other of our brethren; for we are verily guilty concerning a brother, our brother joseph, in that we saw the anguish of his soul, when he besought us, and we would not hear; therefore is this distress come upon us. 
Verse 22.  Ah! said Reuben, I told you, I spoke unto you that you should not sin against the child, but you would not hear: therefore behold his blood is now required. Yea this writing of God is yet more evident, for we sinned in the dearly-beloved of our Father, joseph, and now are we distressed about our brother Benjamin, the child whom our Father loveth: As we have done, so God hath requited us.  
This is the last point I observed in these words, and it contains the Use of all the former. Verbum sapienti, one word is enough to him that is wise, and one Example is sufficient for him that is willing to follow it.    

DISCOURSE XXXI.  

S. MATTHEW 11. 28, 29.  
Come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest.  
Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart: and ye shall find rest unto your souls.  
I SHALL not need trouble you with prefacing of the coherence: The words I have read are an entire sense of themselves, without dependence on what went before. For the matter, they are such, as I might call them an Epitome or Brief sum of the whole Gospel, containing in few words the complete method of Salvation, and as in a small map a full view of the way to the gates of Eternal life; whither he is most unworthy to come who will not learn so small a Catechism as this. They are propounded unto us by way of an Invitation, consisting of Three parts: 1. The Thing, 2. The Persons, 3. The Benefit.  
1. The Thing invited to, which is double, to wit, Christ and his yoke. Come unto me, saith he, and take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly.  
2. The Persons invited, Those that labour and are heavy laden: Come all ye that labour and are heavy laden.  
3. The Benefit to those who embrace the invitement, Rest and Ease; which you shall find in every corner of this Invitation. I will give you rest, or, I will ease you: again, Ye shall find rest unto your souls: and in conclusion, My yoke is easy, and my burden is light. A Benefit so transcendent, as might allure any car, that is not wholly stopped up with spiritual deafness, to listen after the means whereby it is attained.  
Let us therefore consider these Three points in order; and first, that which must first be known and learned, The quality of the persons invited; Those that labour and are heavy laden. Which before I tell you what they mean, I must first tell you how to construe them, viz. by the Figure called Hendiadis, understanding the conjunction [and] causally; and so contriving the two things named into one, in this manner, labour and heavy laden, into labouring of being heavy laden: As if it had been said, Come unto me all ye that labour of, or by, being heavy laden; All you that are toiled with, and weary of, your heavy burden, come unto me, and I will ease you.  
For after this manner are many things in Scripture which are uttered conjunctionwise to be understood. I will multiply thy sorrow and thy conception, (saith God unto the woman. Gen. 3. 16.) that is, I will multiply thy sorrows of conception, or the sorrows which come of conception. You shall find often in Scripture, Do judgement and righteousness; that is, Do judgement according to righteousness, Do such judgement as proceeds from justice and righteousness. Psal. 116. 1. I love the Lord, because he hath heard my voice and my supplication, that is, the voice of my supplication, jer. 29. 11. 
— P●●ris libamus & auro (saith the Poet) that is, Libam●● pat●●● ex auro:  The Lord promiseth his people to give them an end and expectation, that is, the end of their expectation, or the end they look for. In this Gospel, saith S. john Baptist, chap. 3. verse 11. He that cometh after me, shall baptise you with the holy Ghost and with fire, that is, with the fire of the holy Ghost. So in my Text, weary and heavy laden, is weary of being heavy laden; such as labour, such as are toiled and tired out by the weight of their loading. 
— Chalybo●● 〈…〉  And thus are the words to be construed.  
Now to the meaning of them. Those that labour of being heavy laden, are such as grieve and groan under the burden of their sins. According to the Law, 
* Exod. 23. 15.  none should appear before the Lord empty: what offering, what sacrifice then must we bring when we come in to Christ, but that which David (who well knew) tells us Psal. 51. 17. 
Mat. 11. 28, 29  The sacrifice of God (saith he) is a broken and contrite heart, O God, thou wilt not despise. Thus must they come furnished whom Christ inviteth. For this is that which S. Paul calls, 2 Cor. 7. 10. a sorrow after God, or a godly sorrow, which, saith he, worketh repentance to salvation, not to be repent of. For understanding therefore of this Metaphor in my Text, we must know, That Sin is compared in Scripture unto a burden, wherewith every sinner is loaden, yea overcharged; a burden intolerable. So Psal. 38. 4. Mine iniquities, saith David, are gone over mine head; as a heavy burden they are too heavy for me. Ver. 6. I am troubled, I am bowed down greatly. Ver. 8. I am feeble and sore broken; I have roared because of the disquietness of my heart. S. Paul followeth the manner of speech, when he tells us, 2 Tim. 3. 6. of silly women laden with sin, and led away with divers lusts. 
S●n a burden and load in ●e●pect of ●●e we gi●t 

of  
Punishment.  
Loathsomeness.    This loading and pressure of sin is in respect of a twofold weight which oppresseth the Soul, the one of Punishment, the other of Loathsomeness. For the weight of Punishment; it is the ordinary style of the Prophets to term God's judgements for sin by the name of burdens. jehu calls his execution upon jehoram, the burden which the Lord laid upon his father Ahab, 2 King 9 25. So S. Paul saith, Gal. 6. 5. that every one shall bear his own burden. For the other, the Loathsomeness of sin, that also weighs heavy. Ah sinful Nation! (saith the Prophet Esay, ch. 1. 4.) a people laden with iniquity, a seed of evil doers— and it follows, v. 6. From the sole of the foot, even unto the head, there is no soundness in it, but wounds, and bruises, and putrefying sores. This also is a part of David's burden, Psal. 38. 5. My wounds stink and are corrupt, because of my foolishness. I am troubled (or wried, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Incurvatus sum,) I am bowed down greatly.  
Is Sin indeed so heavy a thing? how then do we make it so light a matter? Nullum onus (saith Ambrose Ep. 18.) gravius est quam sarcina peccatorum & pondus flagitiorum, No burden is more heavy, no load more pressing to the Soul, than the weight and load of Sin. If every thing that presseth down be heavy, how heavy is that which presseth down to Hell, that is, unto that depth of woe whose bottom can never be fathomed! Is Sin so heavy a thing indeed? how comes it then to pass we feel it not? Our case is so much the more fearful and dangerous. For, saith Chrysosiome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The evil is so much the greater, by how much it seems to be the lesser. For Physicians all agree, that those are most dangerously sick who have no sense and feeling of their sickness; whereas on the contrary, to be sensible of pain is a sign the sickness is not deadly. Happy therefore are those who can add the other word to this, being not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laden, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; labouring under the weight of their burden. These are those whom Christ calleth; and these are those whose condition we are now to consider, that we may know it, and whether ourselves be any of that number.  
That a man therefore may truly be said to labour and be weary of his burden, two things are requisite: First, That he feel and be sensible of the weight thereof; Secondly, That he desire to be rid thereof.  
He must feel and be sensible of the weight thereof. Now the weight of sin, as I told you, is twofold: First, The weight of Punishment; and secondly, The load of Loathsomeness. The first and soon felt is that of Punishment; which as it is the grossest weight, so may it be felt while the sense of the Soul is yet but gross and dull: But to feel the other, that is, to loathe our sin, requires a quicker and more tender sense; which is not easily attained to, unless the Soul be first well rubbed and galled with the weight of Punishment. The entry therefore and, as it were, the porch of Penitence, are those Terrors and Pangs of the Soul affrighted with the apprehension of the Wrath of God for Sin, and of the danger we are in therefore. When the piercing sting of an accusing conscience upbraids us, and tells us we are in a state to be damned eternally: That if I should die this day, this night, this hour, I must go to the place of weeping and gnashing of teeth, there to yell and howl with devils in pains unspeakable, and be tormented for ever and ever. When our Soul is stricken with horror, to think how long we have lived in this danger, and how little we thought thereof; nay, how securely we increased our score, as though we should never have come to a reckoning for the same; how often God might have taken me away in the midst of my sins, and where had I been then? yea what shall become of me, if he should do it now? O how am I afraid of this moment, who feared nothing so many years! These are those arrows of the Almighty, which must go through our Souls at the beginning of our Repentance. That we may take up the words of David, Psal. 38. 1. O Lord, rebuke me not in thy wrath, neither chasten me in thy hot displeasure. v. 2. For thine arrows stick fast in me, and thy hand presseth me sore, v. 3. There is no soundness in my flesh, because of thine anger; neither is there any rest in my bones, because of my sin.  
This is a good beginning; but is no more than a beginning: for yet we labour not enough; yet we are not weary enough for Christ to call us unto him. This is but as the prick of a needle, making way for the thread. We must go further, else this will do us no good. For thus far, as to be sensible and affected with the punishment due for sin, to be terrified with the weight of the wrath of God which lies upon us for the same, thus far he may come who shall be damned. For it is common to the desperate reprobate, as well as to the children of God; to judas, who hanged himself; to Cain whom God drove out from his presence; for he could say and confess to God himself, My punishment is greater than I can bear, Gen. 4. 13. Let us therefore see what we are further to add unto it.  
And that is a sense and feeling of the foulness, loathsomeness and odiousness of Sin. If If we feel not ourselves affected with this weight, the former groaning will be accounted no better with God than hypocrisy and slavish fear; for this is the soul and the life of a godly sorrow indeed, without which the other is but a carcase, if it be alone. But if by rubbing and galling our Hearts, it makes them at length so tender as to be sensible not only of the punishment, but to loath Sin itself as a foul and ugly thing; then indeed it begins to live and give some proof it will be sincere. For as a surfeit of meats, how dainty and delicate soever, will afterward make them loathsome: So if we be indeed surcharged with the burden of our sins, the appetite of the Soul will begin to loathe them, though they have been never so full of delight; yea, it will make us loathe ourselves, and cry out in a mournful manner with S. Paul, Rom. 7. 24. O miserable man that I am! who shall deliver me from this body of death? Even as a man who is covered over with noisome boiles and sores, is not affected only with the bodily pain caused by them, but even abhors the sight and smell of that which causeth it, as filthy and ugly: so must it be in this leprosy of sin. And indeed, were our eyes once open to see it, 
The reason of Sin's Loathsomeness.  Sin is the most ugly, beastly, filthy and noisome thing in the world: For being wholly opposite to God, the most glorious Beauty and most delectable Good; it is contrary to whatsoever is any way seemly, comely, graceful and beautiful: for all these carry in them some Image and resemblance of him; but Sin, none at all. Nay, it is a distasteful and loathsome thing to the Reasonable nature of man, as appears by the continual upbraiding and gripping of the Conscience, which can never down with it. In meats, if any go against our stomach, we abhor and loathe them: how much more loathsome is that which the Conscience cannot digest, the stomach and taster of our souls? O how nice and dainty we are, that no loathsome and unpleasant meat should offend (so much as by the sight thereof) our fleshly appetite, which is common to us with Beasts! but our Souls, our nobler part, whose safety so much concerns us, we cram and choke with the loathsome filthiness of Sin, and perceive it not. But as those who cannot endure a cat or a mouse, or the like, by Antipathy of nature, when any such thing comes within their sight or near their person, presently they start, and show some extremity of passion or other; and if they cannot fly it, it casts their body into a cold sweat: So must we labour under the sight of our sins, that we may be of those whom Christ here calleth for. O Lord, supple our hearts with thy quickening grace, that they may be so tender as to feel this part of their butthen as well as the other.  
Thus have we heard the first requisite of such as may be truly said to labour, and be weary of their burden; namely, To feel and be sensible of a double weight thereof.  
Now follows the next and last requisite, A desire to be rid thereof. He that truly and unfeignedly labours under the burden of his sin, he that is indeed weary thereof, will desire to be rid of it: For Sorrow is so much against the good liking of Nature, that he that is pressed with the burden thereof, will earnestly desire to be eased; will endeavour to shake off his burden, and remove that which procures his Sorrow. He therefore that is not so far toiled with the pressure of his sins as to have a purpose to forsake and leave them, is no true penitent, none of those who are yet weary enough to go unto Christ for ease.  
And lest we might deceive ourselves, and think we have a purpose to leave our sins, when we have not; let us examine ourselves by these three Rules following.  


1. That this purpose must be general, without reservation of any darling sin: For he that retains any sin, is not yet weary enough of his burden. He that looks for a forgiveness of all his sins, must purpose to forsake them all; he must not with Herod in the Gospel have a reservation of Herodias, his brother Philip's wife: God will not be served with halves; he will have our whole Hearts, or none.  
2. He that devices not how to cast off the burden of his sin, though it pains him, but how to carry it more handsomely and conveniently, by qualifications and distinctions, and the like, he is perhaps heavy laden, for he feels his shoulders pinched; but he is not weary of carrying; but thinks to ease himself as he in the Fable did his horse of the plough, who sitting still upon his horse back, carried the plough on his own neck: So was the horse eased by a distinction; for now his master carried the plough, and not he.  
3. He that hath indeed a purpose to cast off the burden of his sin and to forsake it, is willing to make amends where he hath wronged; as we see by the example of Zacchaeus in the Gospel. For he that cannot wish from the bottom of his heart that what he hath done were undone, and if it were to do again, he would never do it, is no true penitent, nor heartily sorry for his sin. But how can he say thus who hath illgotten goods, and will not restore them; who hath power in his hands yet in some sort to undo his sin, as far as the injury concerneth man, and yet will not do it?    
And thus you have seen How the persons must be qualified, and what preparation is required of them who are capable of this sweet Invitation of our Saviour, Come unto me all ye that are weary or labour of being heavy laden, and I will ease you.  
But you will say, How should a man come to be thus affected? How should he come to be touched with remorse for sin? and what means is to be used? I answer, By a serious and often meditation upon the Law of God, which is a Glass wherein to behold the deformity of sin and depth of our misery. Dost thou in deed and good earnest believe that God Almighty hath given this Law to men? Dost thou believe thou hast transgressed and broken every part thereof? Dost thou believe (tell me truly) that all those who have done so, are under the wrath of God and in the state of eternal damnation, to be tormented with the devil and his angels for ever? Dost thou, or canst thou, believe all this, and thy heart not yield and bleed to think how woeful and fearful a condition thou art in? If it doth not, I say thou dost not yet fully and in earnest believe any of these things. Thou mayst perhaps lay so, and think so too; but thou deceivest thine own heart: The devil deludes thee. I say again, Thou believest not; thy persuasion is too slight: For every unrepentant sinner, that knows and hears the law of God without sorrow and contrition of heart is a piece of an Infidel; and it is Unbelief, and nothing but Unbelief, which makes his Heart so unmoveable and unrelenting.  
If a Proclamation came from an earthly Monarch, that whosoever had at any time committed such and such misdemeanours, should have his estate confiscated, or suffer some grievous and exquisite torments, as a Traitor unto his Prince: if I should see a man deeply liable unto all this, who could hear of such a Proclamation securely, without trouble and astonishment, that could sleep quietly, and be no whit dejected or cast down therewith: might I not justly think, either he believed himself not guilty of any of the crimes there mentioned, or took it for a counterfeit, or only some scarecrow never meant to be put in execution? I know yourselves would think so. How then is it possible that a man should firmly and seriously give credence to the Law of God and the Threats contained therein, and yet his Heart never smite him, his Soul be never touched with remorse? No, without doubt, this Legal faith (for so I call the belief I speak of) is yet a weak one, a superficial and unsettled persuasion (perhaps,) but no grounded or firm impression. Wouldst thou amend it? wouldst thou drive it deeper? Rub thy Heart continually with a fixed and frequent meditation of the severity of God's Law, of the number and greatness of thy transgressions, of the dreadfulness of wrath and vengeance due for the same. Never cease doing this until thy Heart shall yield, and thy bowels melt within thee. One drop of water weareth not a stone, but continual dropping will do it. Gutta cavat lapidem, etc. If one meditation will not melt thy Heart; yet a continuance therein will do it. Those who let blood will rub the Vein often to make it swell: so must thou rub thy Heart often to make it bleed. A hard skin, with often grinding and fretting, will at length grow thin and tender.  
I COME now to the Second thing I propounded in this Invitation, The thing invited to; which is double, Coming unto Christ, and Taking his yoke upon us. I begin with the first. This coming unto Christ is the approaching to him by Faith; which is manifested by those places of Scripture where coming and believing are interchangeably used as one and the same thing. He that cometh to God (saith S. Paul, Heb. 11. 6.) must believe that God is, and that he is a rewarder of them that seek him. john 6. 35. I am (saith our Saviour) the bread of life: He that cometh to me, shall never hunger; he that believeth on me, shall never thirst. Here coming is expounded by believing. Ver. 37. All that the Father giveth me, shall come unto me; and he that cometh to me, I will in no wise cast out. In john 1. 12. it is called a receiving of Christ: But as many as received him, to them gave he power (or privilege) to become the Sons of God, even to them that believed on his Name.  
Here therefore observe, That a Saving Faith, a Faith which makes Christ our own, and hath promise of ease by him, in a word, that Faith which gives us an interest in Christ jesus, is more than a bare assent or persuasion that the Gospel is true, which says that Christ is the Son of God and the Redeemer and Saviour of mankind. It is a coming Belief, a coming Faith; that is, an assent inclining the Soul to Christ, to be made partaker of the Benefits through him. Not a bare Speculative assent, which remains in the Brain, and proceeds no farther; but such an assent as rests not there, but worketh a motion in the Will, to seek and embrace that which is believed. Such an assent as not only believes the Promises made in Christ, but goes unto him, relies upon him, clings unto him for them. Come unto me, all ye that labour and are heavy laden; and I will ease you.  
To believe the Gospel is true, that Christ jesus is the only means of Salvation ordained by God, I grant it to be a Faith, though it go no farther: But it is an insufficient Faith, an imperfect and impotent Faith, which is usually called Historical Faith; which I make no question but you all have: But if you stay here, the Devil believes as much as you do. But a Saving Faith, though it begins with this, yet it stays not there: It stands not only gazing upon Christ, but is effectual and powerful upon the Soul, to make it apply and betake itself unto him. This height of Faith the Devils have not, nor can have. They can believe, as well as we, that Christ is a Saviour; but never so far or so much as to have any hope, affiance, or confidence in him. For if a King should proclaim a general pardon to a number of known rebels, and vow execution without mercy upon some principal offenders who had cunningly and maliciously seduced the rest; both of them might equally believe the Proclamation to be true: yet the one would be encouraged to rely upon the King's clemency, and to sue out his pardon; but the other would be utterly disheartened, as being uncapable. Such altogether is the case of men and wicked Angels in the Proclamation of the Gospel: Men hearing Christ took the woman's Seed, are encouraged with hope of pardon; the Devils knowing he in no wise took the nature of Angels, the better they believe his Incarnation, the less are their hopes of their own redemption.  
Come we therefore to application. 
Heb. 11. 6.  He that cometh unto God (saith S. Paul) must believe that God is, and that he is a Rewarder of them that seek him: So say I, He that cometh unto Christ must believe that he is, and that he is the Easer of them that seek unto him. He that believes this sufficiently, cannot but go unto Christ. You therefore that labour, and are heavy laden with your sins, do you believe that Christ is, and that he is the Easer of them that being weary of their sins seek unto him? How can your Soul then but fly unto him with trust and confidence in him? Yea but will some men say, I believe that Christ is, and that he is the Easer of them that seek him; yet for all this I can put no trust and confidence in him. Yea, but dost thou believe it so well as to find thy Soul on wing toward him, to seek and sue for pardon? If thou findest this, thou hast some trust and confidence in him, more or less: For didst thou quite despair of Ease from him, thy Heart could never seek to him: for where a man utterly despairs to obtain, he will not so much as stir a foot to make a suit.  
The motion or flight of the Soul is Desire. He that out of a true sense and feeling of his sin (for no other can do it in good earnest) desires Christ, he goes unto him. And Christ thou ●eest requires no more, but that all those who are weary and heavy laden should thus come unto him, and he will ease them. And this is the first degree of a Faith which is justifying, and gives interest in Christ jesus: For this Faith is not barely Historical and in speculation, but a Faith in motion, and able to walk and go unto Christ jesus whom it believeth; which, if cherished, will in time gather such further strength as will fill the Soul with a full and steadfast confidence.  
But if thou sayest, Thou believest that Christ is, and that he is the Easer and Saviour of those which seek him, and yet thy Soul is not on wing, nor any motion in thy Heart advancing to him; I say then, either thy Sorrow for thy sin is not true, and therefore thou yet feelest no need of him; or thy Belief is deficient. Whatsoever thou sayest and thinkest of thyself, thou believest not yet throughly and indeed, that Christ jesus is a Redeemer and Saviour of those that come unto him. For, as I told you before that he believed not the Law throughly and indeed, that could hear it without remorse of Conscience and contrition of Soul, so he believes not the Gospel throughly and firmly, who being laden and grieved for his sins, yet is not able to fly and betake himself unto Christ for mercy. For if you saw a man condemned to die, and in great affliction for the same, who hearing of a Pardon proclaimed for all in his case who would demand it, should nevertheless sit still, and never go about to seek it; who would think but that either he misdoubted the report, or gave but little credence to the word of the King? Such is the case here: There is certainly some defect in believing: And this must be cured after the same manner as that in believing the Law; namely, by a sober and frequent meditation, reading, hearing, and thinking of that great mystery revealed of Redemption in jesus Christ, and of the gracious Promises of the Gospel in and through him. This is Faith's whetstone, which, if it be blunt, will make it keen. This is the only means to establish thy Belief, if it be deficient or unsettled; if there be any metal in it, this will give it an edge; if there be any sparkles, this will blow them into a flame.  
Thus you have heard what Coming to Christ is, that is, what a Saving Faith is; namely, so firmly and effectually to believe that Christ is a Saviour of those that seek him, as doth incline thy Heart to go unto him, to sue out a Pardon and rely upon him for mercy and Redemption.  
NOW follows the Benefit, Ease and Rest to thy Soul; I will ease you, or give you rest; that is, I will free you of your burden, I will ease you of your sin, I will acquit you. And this is that we call justification of a sinner, which is an Absolution or remission of sins by the only merits and satisfaction of Christ accepted for us and imputed to us: An acquitting and cancelling of all bonds and obligations of transgression for Christ's sake, through the only merit of his death, passion, and shedding of his blood. For he that hath right to Christ, hath right in Christ to be partaker of his righteousness and of whatsoever satisfaction he hath undergone for the sins of mankind; whereby he is justified, that is, acquit before God of the guilt of sin, and of the punishment according to the Law due for the same. For God (saith S. Paul, 2 Cor. 5. 21.) made him to be sin for us, who knew no sin, that we might be made the righteousness of God in him. Rom. 5. 19 For as by one man's disobedience many were made sinners: so by the obedience of one many are made righteous.  
This is the Ease, this is the Rest here mentioned, the unlading and unburthening of a sinner, where Christ dischargeth him of his loading, and beareth him upon his own back. For he (saith Esay, chap. 53. 4, 5, 6.) hath born our griefs, and carried our sorrows: He was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon him, and with his stripes we are healed— The Lord laid upon him the iniquity of us all. Thus he eased Peter, when his heart was ready to break for denying him: Thus he eased Mary Magdalen, a woman laden with sins, when she bathed his feet with tears, Luke 7. 48. Thus he refreshed trembling Saul, the persecutor, Acts 9 6. And still he casteth the eyes of his mercy upon every one that is poor and of a contrite spirit, and trembleth at his word, Esa. 66. 2.  
See therefore here to whom alone a troubled soul is to have recourse for Ease. Neither to Angels nor Archangels: For those who do so, hold not the head, Col. 2. 19 Neither to Saints nor Martyrs, to Peter nor Paul, no not to the blessed Virgin herself: For Abraham is ignorant of us, and Israel knows us not, Esa. 63. 16. and, Cursed is he that trusteth in man, and maketh flesh his arm, and whose heart departeth from the Lord, jer. 17. 5. Nor to the Law given by Moses: For the Law worketh (not ease but) wrath, Rom. 4. 15. Nor will our merits and good works, pilgrimages, fastings or alms-deeds, purchase this Ease: For although we could do all we ought to do, yet must we say we are unprofitable servants, 
joh. 1. 29.  and that we have done but that which was our duty to do, Luke 17. 10. It is Christ jesus, and only Christ jesus, who can give Rest to a troubled soul, that Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world.  
AND thus you have in part had a view of the Three points considerable in this Invitation: 1. The Persons, who; 2. The Invitation or Thing invited to, what; and 3. The Benefit to be attained. But I must call you to the Second point again, there being one part thereof not yet spoken of. For I told you The thing here invited unto was double, Christ himself, and His yoke. The first, concerning Christ himself, I have spoken of in those words, Come unto me. Now it remains to speak of the second, Take my yoke upon you. Those who come unto Christ, must also take his yoke upon them. But what is this yoke? even the yoke of obedience; which should have been ours, but Christ for our sakes took it upon him, and made it his. Yet not that we should draw our necks out of the collar, but still do our endeavours by denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, 
● T●●. 12. 13.  to live soberly, righteously and godly in this present world, looking for that blessed hope to come. As therefore in coming unto Christ you had Faith in the Ease by him, Acquitting or justification: so in the taking his yoke ye have Sanctification or Holiness of life. All which are so linked together, that neither must they nor can they be put asunder. No man comes to Christ by Faith, but shall be eased; but no man can ever truly and seriously come unto him to be eased by him, 
Mat●. 19 6.  but he must take his yoke upon him: No man puts on Christ to be justified, but he takes on his yoke also to be sanctified. That which God hath joined together, let no man put asunder.  
True it is, and nothing more true, That no works of ours in this life can abide the Touchstone of God's Law, and therefore not able to justify us in the presence of God, but to condemn us. But it is true also, That we are therefore justified through Faith in the blood and righteousness of Christ, that in him we might do works pleasing and acceptable to Almighty God, which out of him we could not do. For as the blood and sufferings of jesus Christ, imputed to us through Faith, cleanseth and acquitteth us of all the sins whereof we stood guilty afore we believed: so the imputation of his righteousness when we believe makes our works (though of themselves far short of what they should be, yet) to be acceptable and just in the eyes of the Almighty; Christ supplying out of his Riches our poverty, and by communication of his obedience continually perfecting ours where we fail; that so we might receive the reward of the righteous of him that shall reward every man according to his works. Being therefore in Christ, we are so much the more bound to frame our lives in holy obedience unto God's Commandments; in that before we were justified we could not, but now henceforth we are enabled to do that which for Christ's sake will be acceptable and pleasing to Almighty God our Father.  
This is that which S. Peter tells us, 1 Epist. 2. 24. That Christ his own self bore our ●●s in his own body on the tree, that we being dead to sin, should live unto righteousness. So S. Paul, Tit. 2. 11, etc. The grace of God (saith he) that bringeth salvation hath appeared unto all men; (wherefore?) Teaching us, that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we should live soberly, righteously and godly in this present world; Looking for that blessed hope, the glorious appearing of the great God, and our Saviour jesus Christ, ver. 14. Who gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works. Here you may see, that Christ is therefore given us to be a propitiation for our sins and to justify us, that in him we might walk before God in newness of life; so to obtain a crown of righteousness in the world to come.  
But if this be not enough to persuade us to take on this yoke of Christ, yet I hope this consideration will do it; when I shall show you, that That Faith can never be true which is not attended with these fruits. Nor is there any other mean to assure us we are truly come to Christ, and ingraffed in him, but this. If we have taken up this yoke of Christ, we may know than we have put on him: If we have never put our necks to his yoke, we never put on him. It is S. John's express assertion, 1 Epist. 1. 6. If we say we have fellowship with him, and walk in darkness, we lie, and do not the the truth. Ch. 2. 3. Hereby we know that we know him, (viz. to be our Advocate with his Father, and the propitiation for our sins) if we keep his commandments.  
The Reason is plain; Because the one follows the other, as the heat doth the Fire, or the light the Sun. Which I thus demonstrate, both on Christ's part and ours. On ours thus: He that sincerely sues to and seriously relies upon another for a Favour which nearly concerneth him, and no other can do for him, will by all means endeavour to avoid whatsoever he knows may distaste his Patron, and do his best to approve himself in whatsoever he can learn is most pleasing unto him. If you should see a man having a Suit to some great Courtier for a pardon of his life, and yet showing no care of doing in his presence what he knew would deeply offend him, and wilfully neglecting that he knew would give him the best content; would you think such a man in earnest, and sufficiently perplexed with fear of death, and seriously relying upon that man to save it? I know you would not. If therefore, 
Mat. 11. 29.  out of a true affrightment and sense of the wrath of God for sin, with a sincere and serious Faith, thou suest unto and reliest upon Christ for mercy and redemption, as the only name under heaven whereby thou canst be saved; 
Acts 4. 12.  how canst thou but love him with all the Powers of thy Soul, and therefore do thy best to please him upon whom thou dependest for so great and unvaluable a benefit? If thou dost not, surely thou hast not yet weighed thy misery sufficiently, thy Faith is insufficient and counterfeit, it never yet came home to Christ, that he might ease thee.  
The same appears on Christ's part: For unto whomsoever Christ is given for justification, through the imputation of his merits and righteousness, in him God creates a new heart, and reneweth a right spirit (as the Psalmist speaketh, Psal. 51. 10.) that is, by virtue of this union he conferreth upon him the grace of his Spirit, for the abolishing of the body of sin, and enabling the Soul in some measure against the assaults thereof, to abandon at least the more eminent, notorious, enormous and mortal sins, though sins of ordinary infirmity shall not be quite subdued in this life. If therefore I see a man run still without restraint into gross and open sins, and walk not blameless in the eyes of men, I conclude he hath not this Spirit of grace within him, and therefore was never ingraffed into Christ by a true and lively Faith. Wheresoever therefore is a true faith and unfeigned, 1 Tim. 1. 5. there follows a new life. He that cometh to Christ sincerely, takes his yoke upon him too. Labour therefore, 
james 2. 〈◊〉.  as S. james saith, to show your Faith by your works; For not every one that saith, Lord, 
Matt. 7. 2●  Lord, but he that doth the will of my Father (saith Christ) shall inherit the kingdom of heaven.    

DISCOURSE XXXII.  

S. MATTHEW 11. 29.  — Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart; and ye shall find rest unto your Souls. 
THese Words are a continuing of the former Exhortation to take upon us the yoke of Christ: First, in general, That we follow his Example, Learn of me: Then in particular, wherein we should follow him, In Meekness and Lowliness; For I am (saith he) Meek and Lowly in heart. Then the Profit we shall reap thereby; Do this, And ye shall find rest unto your souls.  
For the first, Learn of me: Observe, That Christ is given unto us not only for a Sacrifice for sin, but for an Example of life. They are the words of one of our Collects. For he is our Lord and King, and Subjects we know will naturally conform and fashion themselves unto the manners of their Princes; Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis: And those which do so, are accounted the most devoted to them, and are the best accepted of them. If Christ then be our Lord and King, we must acknowledge him to be such by conforming to his Example, and endeavouring to follow his steps. Besides, since he took this yoke of obedience upon him out of love to us, how can we choose but offer our necks thereto ourselves, out of duty to him? If he hath done so much to make our yoke easy, which before was so unsupportable; should we now think much to put it on? Nay it is the very character of God's chosen ones, to carry in them a conformity and resemblance of Christ. For whom (saith S. Paul Rom. 8. 29.) he did foreknow, he also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of his Son, that he might be the firstborn among many brethren.  
And this duty of conforming unto Christ consists not only in doing as he did, but suffering also as he hath done. 1 Pet. 2. 20. If when you do well, and suffer for it, ye take it patiently; this is acceptable with God. ver. 21. For even hereunto were ye called: because Christ also suffered for us, leaving us an Example, that we should follows his steps. See also 1 joh. 3. 17. And this conformity and sampling (as I may say) of Christ, extends not only to those Acts of his which he did as man, where the imitation is plain and direct; but in a certain sort to those supereminent ones, which exceed the nature of a mere man, and were done by the concurrence and power of his Godhead; which because otherwise unimitable, we must express by way of a mystical resemblance. Thus are we to imitate his expiatory Death and Burial, by our dying unto sin. Shall we continue in sin, (saith S. Paul, Rom. 6. 1.) that grace may abound? v. 2. God forbid. How shall we that are dead to sin, live any longer therein? v. 3. Know ye not that so many of us as are baptised into jesus Christ, were baptised into his death? To the same purpose, 1 Pet. 4. 1. Forasmuch, saith he, as Christ hath suffered for us in the flesh, arm yourselves likewise with the same mind; for he that hath suffered in the flesh, hath ceased from sin, etc. So likewise in suffering one for another, Eph. 5. 1. Be ye followers of God, as dear children, v. 2. And walk in love, as Christ hath also loved us, and hath given himself for us an offering and a sacrifice to God. In the like manner must we imitate his Resurrection and Ascension. S. Paul Rom. 6. 4. Therefore (saith he) we are buried with him into death; that like as Christ was raised from the dead by the glory of the Father, even so we also should walk in newness of life. Accordingly. Col. 3. 1. If then ye be risen with Christ, seek those things which are above, where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God. All which you see are grounded upon this one Principle, Learn of me. Some Physiognomers conceit the Head of a man to be the model of the whole Body; and where there is any spot, wart, or like mark about the Face or other part of the Head, that there is another answerable to it in some suitable part of the Body; and upon this ground they will adventure to discover some hidden mark in the unseen parts of the Body. But whatsoever it be in the natural Body. I am sure it is true in the mystical Body of Christ, That every character in the Head, Christ, must have something answerable to it in his Body, the Church.  
THUS much for the general, We must learn of Christ. But what is that here in my Text which Christ would have us learn of him? It followeth, I am Meek and Lowly in heart. And this we must learn of him; this is that yoke of his he would have us wear, that we may find rest unto our souls. For under these two words our Saviour comprehends the whole Habit of Obedience, they being two such dispositions of the mind a● make it tactable and pliable to put on and wear the yoke he speaks of. As if he had said, I am wholly qualified to obedience, I am fitted for this yoke; learn of me to put it on, for I am meek and lowly.  
Now though Lowliness and Meekness are of very near affinity, and such, as both of them do dispose a man for the duties of both Tables of God's Commandments; yet hath Lowliness (as I take it) a prerogative in our devotion to Godward, and Meekness is more proper for the duties we owe to our neighbours. I will therefore construe them here, as others have done before me, as dividing the whole Decalogue between them; Lowliness, as a mother, including the Duties of the First; and Meekness, those of the Second Table. Which are the two parts of that Yoke which Christ wore for us, and which every one that cometh to him must learn to put on.  
In the handling whereof I will therefore rather choose to follow the order of the Decalogue, 
Of Lowliness.  and first begin with Lowliness, though it be last placed in the words. Lowliness therefore, as I said, stands here for the whole duty of the First Table, which is Cultus Dei, religious service or devotion towards God; or as the Scriptures phrase is, The fear of the Lord: Which as it is founded upon the acknowledgement of the Superlative and Transcendent Excellency of God in his Sovereignty of Power, Wisdom and Goodness; so the first and mother-disposition and affection of the Heart to his Worship and Service is Humiliation of the Soul and Lowliness of Mind: For all Eminency is worshipped with humility, reverence and submission; that is, as we sometimes, and rightly, speak, By keeping a distance: And the Sovereign or Supreme Excellency of God must be adored with the lowest demission of mind, and with the greatest stoop the Soul can make. We find by experience, that that disposition of the Eye which fitteth it to behold the visible Sun, makes a man blind when he looks down upon himself: So here the apprehension of the transcendent Excellency of God, ten thousand times brighter than the Sun, if truly admitted into our hearts, must needs darken all overweening conceit of any worthiness in ourselves. The greater we would apprehend his Power, the more sensible we must be of our own Weakness. The greater we acknowledge and adore his Goodness, the less Goodness must we see in ourselves. The more we would apprehend his Wisdom, the less we are to be puffed up with our own knowledge. As in a pair of scales, the higher we would raise the one scale, the lower we pull down the other: so the higher we raise God in our hearts, the lower we must depress ourselves. Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. 
Matt. 5. ●.  And this is that Lowliness of heart which Christ would have us learn of him, Who being in the form of God— made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a servant— And being found in fashion as a man, he humbled himself, and became obedient unto death, even the death of the Cross, Phil. 2. 6, 7, 8.  
Hence it comes That the humblest nature and the humblest condition are the fittest for devotion. For humble natures, experience shows them the most religious; whereas those which the world so much commendeth for high and brave spirits of all others do buckle the worst unto devotion. 
1 Sam. 16. 7.  God seeth not as man seeth: It is not the tallest Eliab, but the humblest David, who is the man after God's own heart. He that humbleth himself as a little child, the same is the tallest and goodliest Soul in the kingdom of heaven. The Stars in the firmament, howsoever they here seem small to us, yet are bigger than the Earth: So he that is despicable and small here in the eyes of men, is there a great one in the eyes of God.  
As the humblest nature, so the humblest estate and condition is best fitted for Religion; 
Prov. 3●. 8, 9  as the poor rather than the rich. Therefore Agur desired of God, not to give him riches, more than food convenient for him; lest being full, he should deny him, and say, Who is the Lord? Such likewise is the state of adversity and affliction, being a state of lowliness, and an estate wherein our hearts are taken down; and therefore more fit to bring us home to God than that of prosperity: whence you know that David says, Psal. 94. 12. Blessed is the man whom thou chastenest, O Lord; and Psal. 119. 67, 71. Before I was afflicted I went astray, But now I have kept thy word. It is good for me that I have been afflicted.  
For diseases (say the Physicians) must be cured by contraries. It was Pride which caused the disloyalty and rebellion both of Men and Angels against their Creator: whence is that of the Son of Sirach, Ecclus. 10. 12. The beginning of Pride is, when one departeth from God, and his heart is turned away from his Maker. ver. 13. Pride is the beginning of sin, and he that hath it, shall pour out abomination. If Pride then be the beginning of our rebellion against God, then must Lowliness be the proper disposition of those who fear and worship him. And, Tanto quisque est vilior Deo, quanto est pretiosior sibi; The higher any one is in his own esteem, the lower he is in God's.  
Now from this near affinity and inseparable dependence between a Religious devotion and an Humble and Lowly mind, it is that the Scripture useth them as equipollent terms. Prov. 22. 4. By humility and the fear of the Lord are riches, honour, and life. Prov. 3. 33. The curse of the Lord is in the house of the wicked; but he blesseth the habitation of the Iust. Ver. 34. Surely he scorneth the scorners, but he giveth grace, or showeth favour, unto the lowly. Where scorners and the wicked on the one part, and the lowly and the just on the other, are interchangeably used for one and the same. In like manner speaks the son of Sirach, Ecclus. 12. 4, 5. Give to the godly man, and help not a sinner. Which in the next words he altereth thus, Do well unto him that is lowly, but give not to the ungodly. In the same notion of Humility and Lowliness, S. Paul tells the Ephesian Elders at Miletus, that he had served the Lord with all humility of mind, Acts 20. 19  
I have dwelled the longer upon this point, To show that Lowliness of mind is the proper disposition for devotion and the mother of a religious fear, because the 
* This was preached Anno 1625. when there was a great plague in London.  present occasion if you examine it, is nothing else but the exercise of what I speak of. For the End of Fasting is to beget Lowliness and humbleness of mind, that so we might be rightly disposed and affected to approach the Divine Majesty, and tender our supplications unto him: Especially at such times when his dreadful rod is shaken over us, to bid us down and cry for mercy, lest we perish. Are they not some of the first words we uttered this day? O come, let us humble ourselves, and fall down before the Lord with reverence and fear. Hence Fasting and Humbling a man's self go in Scripture for equipollent terms. My clothing was sackeloth (saith David, Psal. 35. 13.) I humbled myself with fasting. So Ahab humbled himself, and thereby deferred his judgement, 1 King 21. 29. Hezekiah humbled himself both he and the inhabitants of jerusalem, 2 Chro. 32. 26. Manasseh likewise besought the Lord, and humbled himself greatly before the God of his Father, 2 Chron. 33. 12.  
If we take a view of the Ceremonies of this Discipline which the Ancients used, and we in some part continue; they imply nothing else but Lowliness; either to express it, if we be already so affected; or to work and beget it in our hearts, if as yet we have it not. They are reducible to three heads: 1. of Habit, 2. of Gesture, 3. of Diet. For Habit, it was anciently Sackcloth and Ashes. By the coursness of Sackcloth they ranked themselves, as it were, amongst the meanest and lowest condition of men. By Ashes, and sometimes Earth, upon their heads, they made themselves lower than the lowest of the creatures of God: For the lowest of the Elements is the Earth, than which we use to say a man cannot fall lower. Qui jacet in terra, non habet unde cadat. For Gesture, they sat or lay upon the ground, which in the Primitive Church was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 humicubatio, a natural ceremony both to express and ingenerate or increase, this disposition of Lowliness and abjection of ourselves; and as frequently practised among the Christian Fathers, as it is seldom or never used among us. It were a thing most comely, and undoubtedly most profitable, if either these Ceremonies, or some other answerable to them, were revived amongst us at such times as these. If we were all of us this day attired (if not in Sackcloth, for perhaps it suits not with the custom of our Nation, yet) in the dolefullest habit of mourners if we lay all grovelling upon the ground; would not such a rueful spectacle, would not the very sight of such an uncouth Assembly much affect us? The mournful hue of Funeral solemnities, we know by experience, will often make them to weep who otherwise had no particular cause of sorrow; how much more when they have?  
But the Principal ceremony, and which we retain, is Abstinence from meat and drink, from which this whole exercise hath the name of Fasting: the End thereof being to bring down our Bodies, thereby the better to humble our Souls, or to express so much; I mean to express our sorrow and dejection, if we be already so affected. Moors animi sequuntur temperamentum corporis: If the Body be full and lusty, the Mind will be lofty and refractory, and most unfit to approach the Divine Majesty with reverence and fear. How uncomposed is that Heart to sue to God for mercy and aversion of his judgements, which is fraught with rebellious, unclean, proud and lustful thoughts, like so many dogs barking within it? But these are all engendered and cherished by full feeding, and cannot be easily quelled unless they be starved. When I fed Israel to the full, (saith the Lord, jer. 5. 7, 8.) then they committed adultery, and assembled by troops in harlots houses, etc. jeshurun (saith Moses in his prophetical song, Deut. 32. 15.) waxed fat and kicked, and forsook the Lord that made him, and lightly esteemed of the rock of his salvation.  
Wherefore S. Paul was fain to pinch his Body, and bring it down with fasting: I keep under my body (saith he, 1 Cor. 9 27.) and bring it into subjection; lest that by any means, when I have preached unto others, I myself should be a castaway. Hilarion a religious young man, when after much abstinence and course diet he felt his flesh still unruly and rebellious, Ego, (inquit) Aselle, faciam ut non calcitres, nec te hordeo alum, sed paleis, fame & siti te conficiam: thus threatening his Beast, (that is, his Body) that he would take an order with it, that it should not kick; and that he would no longer seed his Ass with corn, but give it a little chaffe or straw; nay punish it with hunger and thirst. Such is the danger of a pampered Body, and such the necessity of keeping it under.  
Thus you see what is the chief End we are to aim at in this our solemn abstinence; namely, to beget this lowliness in our hearts, this humiliation in our souls, to subdue the high-mounting flames of our unruly desires, by withdrawing the fuel which breeds and nourishes them. Which as it is at all times requisite in some measure, whensoever we approach the Majesty of God for mercy and forgiveness; so then especially and in a more than usual manner, When God shakes the rod of his judgements over our heads, and bids us down and prostrate both souls and bodies before him, left his judgements break us in pieces, if we bow not. He that attaineth this, hath fasted well: he that hath not, may thereby know he hath not done enough, or not as he should do. If the boiling of our lusts be cooled and calmed; if the swelling conceits of worth in ourselves be taken down, with a true and feeling apprehension of our vileness and wretchedness by reason of sin, which makes us the most unworthy creatures in the world; if those ramping weeds of contempt and despising of others be cropped and withered (and these, I can tell you, will quite spoil a garden where many good flowers grow;) if after this manner we be affected, then are we humbled: if not, we are not yet sufficiently taken down; all our service is hypocrisy, nor will our devotion be accepted of that Allseeing Majesty who resisteth the proud, 
james 4. 6.  but giveth grace to the humble. 
1 Pet. 5. 5.   
THUS much of Lowliness, the mother of the duties of the First Table. Now I come to Meekness, 
Of Meekness.  which implies our obedience to the Second. What Meekness, or Mansuetudo, signifies in Ethics every one knows, that Virtue which tempereth anger; or, as I may so call it, Vnangriness. But sometimes whilst we take words in Scripture according to our own or the Philosophical notion, we slip into a mistake; as it falls out in this word Meekness, whose notion in the Hebrew and Scripture use is as large well-nigh as of Virtue itself, so far as it hath respect to the Second Table. For it signifies, as I may so speak, yokeableness, or a pliableness and tractableness to be ordered; a certain tameness of disposition to obedience of laws, for untamed cattle are not fit for yoke; and may be expressed, as I think, by Ingenuity, or Ingenuous goodness; or, as we speak, Fair-conditioned; by which we understand a general disposition to be well ordered in such actions as are exercised in the conversation of men.  
Thus it is taken in that of our Saviour, Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the earth, Matt. 5. 5. Which appears out of Psal. 37. 10, 11. whence it is taken, where the meek and the wicked are opposed as terms of equal extent. For yet a little while (saith David) and the wicked shall not be: but the meek shall inherit the earth. Who seeth not that by meek is here meant the opposite party to the wicked? So I understand that, Psal. 76. 9 God arose to judgement, to save all the meek of the earth; id est, omnes probos terrae, all the honest or virtuous of the earth. And Psal. 149. 4. For the Lord taketh pleasure in his people; he will beautify the meek with salvation. Zeph. 2. 3. Seek the Lord, all ye meek of the earth, which have wrought his judgement, seek righteousness, seek meekness: It may be ye shall be hid in the day of the Lord's anger. Amos 2. 6. For three transgressions and for four of Israel, I will not turn away the punishment thereof; because they sold the righteous for silver, and the poor for a pair of shoes. Vers. 7. That pant after the dust of the earth on the head of the poor, and turn aside the way of the meek. Here that which in the first is expressed poor and righteous in the next is changed into poor and meek, showing meek and righteous to be equipollent terms. So S. james 1. 21, 22. as writing to Hebrews, useth the Hebrew notion; Wherefore (saith he) lay apart all filthiness and superfluity of naughtiness, and receive with meekness the ingraffed word, which is able to save your souls. But be ye doers of the word, and not hearers only. Again ch. 3. 13. Who is a wise man and endued with knowledge amongst you? let him show out of a good conversation his works with meekness of wisdom: where it is evident that Meekness cannot be taken in that restrained sense of Philosophers, for that would be nonsense.  
Yet I deny not but Meekness in Scripture also is taken for a special Virtue: and for the excellency of that Virtue amongst men, were all the rest denominate thereof: For it is an usual Trope of the Scripture, to make that which is taken for the most eminent and notable in any kind, to bear the name of the whole kind; as the Foreman speaks for the whole jury, and Armies are comprised in the names of their Cheiftains. In the Decalogue it is a regular Synecdoche: Father and Mother, for all sorts of Superiors; Murder, for whatsoever hurt to the body of our neighbour; Adultery, for all sins of intemperance; Thest, all injuries in our neighbour's goods; The sanctifying of an holy day, to comprehend the holy usage of all things sacred and consecrate to divine uses. So Peace, the chief of blessings, stands in the Hebrew style for happiness; that is, all blessings whatsoever. Whence is their salutation, Peace be unto you. So Meekness, of near akin to Peace, stands here for a general name to all probity or honesty; as Lowliness did for Religious devotion. For the yoke of devotion to God hath its peculiar, to be taken on with stooping and humbleness; the yoke of a well-ordered converse with men, with this tameness or meekness. For as Meekness in the special sense is a virtue exercised only towards men: so in this general notion thereof, I extend it no farther; making, as I told you, Lowliness and Meekness to share the Decalogue betwixt them.  
Here now I might observe at large, How Meekness seasoneth all our actions and carriage towards men, giving that genuine sweetness and relish of Virtue to them all; this being the reason of that so general acception of the word in the phrase of Scripture. I might also enlarge myself unto all the several offices and duties of this Virtue. But let me commend unto you those two which are most principal and immediate, and therefore expressly required in our Liturgy, as the truest tokens of Repentance; namely, forgiving of offences, and satisfaction of injuries; both of them genuine offsprings of this Meekness.  And ye shall find rest unto your souls. 
HERE is that inestimable Benefit which befalleth those who take up Christ's yoke and learn of him to be meek and lowly; They shall find rest unto their souls. For the understanding whereof we must know, that there is a twofold Ease mentioned in this Invitation of our Saviour. The one, to those who come unto him by Faith, Come unto me, etc. and I will ease you, or give you rest. The second, to those who take upon them his yoke, that is, the yoke of obedience to God's commandments; a yoke which Christ first wore for our sakes, and made it his, that so he might make it possible for us to wear it, whilst the main weight still rests upon his shoulders: Those who put their necks to this yoke, shall find rest unto their souls.  
These two Rests are near of kin, but not the same: The first Rest is that which Christ gives; the second, the Rest which we shall find. All those who come and by Faith apply themselves to Christ, shall have Ease: But there is something else to be done before ourselves shall find and know it; we must put our necks into the collar, and take his yoke upon us, and then there shall not only be Rest obtained for us, but we shall find and feel ourselves eased.  
For a Sinner hath a twofold Burden; 1. The weight of his sin, and 2. The pain he feels thereby; for such is the condition, we know, of every one that is laden. Answerable therefore to this twofold Burden, there is a twofold Rest and Ease to be attained. The first is by taking off the burden by remission of our sin in our justification, when Christ discharges those who come unto him of their load, and beareth it upon his own back, by justifying and acquitting them of sin. The second is the ceasing of the pain which the pressure of sin hath caused; when a sinner by wearing of the yoke of Christ finds peace of conscience, and ease and rest unto his soul. For the pain and aching of the Soul for sin doth not presently cease, though sin be taken off. A man condemned to die, doth not presently feel the comfort of his pardon as soon as it is obtained; for it may be gotten many days before he knows it, and till than his pain and discomfort will be as if it were not gotten at all. Also a man that hath overlong born a burden too heavy for him, is often we know, so benumbed, that he thinks he feels the pressure of his burden still, some while after it is taken off his back. So is the ease here; the pain of the soul will not presently cease when Christ hath taken off our sin, nor will the joy and comfort of our pardon be so soon found as our pardon is obtained.  
Let this then be the first Observation, That as those only are justified and discharged of their sin by remission who flee unto Christ by Faith: So only those have promise of rest and peace of conscience who take his yoke upon them; and being, as he was, meek and lowly, stoop unto God, and submit their lives unto his Commandments. Art thou heavy-laden, and wouldst thou be discharged of thy sin? Go unto Christ, and he will ease thee. Wouldst thou know thy sins are acquitted? wouldst thou have peace, and feel thy conscience sweetly comforted? Take this yoke upon thee, learn of him to be yokeable, 
1 I●●n 2. 3.  to be meek and lowly, to walk in the ways of God; and thou shalt find rest to thy soul. By this, saith S. john, we know that we know him, (namely, to be our Advocate, and the propitiation for our sins) if we keep his Commandments. There is no way but this to feel and have notice thy sins are forgiven thee.  
Many do trust all to a supposed Faith as a short and compendious cut to quiet their conscience: But never look to find peace with God so long as thou hast peace with sin: There is no peace unto the wicked, saith the 
* Esa. 48. 22.  Prophet. What Iehoram, 2 King. 9 22. asked jehu, Is there peace, jehu? What peace (saith jehu) so long as the whoredoms of thy mother jezebel and her witchcrafts are so many? So saith God to all such whose life and conversation is unreformed; What peace can be unto thy soul, so long as contempt of his worship, extortion, defrauding of thy neighbour, covetousness, drunkenness, backwardness to all good duties, reign still within thee? If thou wouldst have peace in thy soul; if thou wouldst have the wring torments of a troubled conscience to be calmed within thee; If thou wouldst find out that peace of God which passeth all understanding; 
Phil. 4. 7.  let thy whole life and conversation, as far as thou art able, be ruled by the Law of God; wear that yoke which Christ thy Saviour hath made so easy; learn of him to be meek and lowly, and thou shalt find rest unto thy soul.  
But some perhaps will say, What needs so much preciseness and strictness of life? For my part, I do as other men do; I can dispense sometime and take my pleasure in sin, and am not thus yoked (as you speak,) but take my liberty according as I see advantage, either for my profit or contentment; and yet am not disquieted, but find my soul at rest and ease without thus much ado.  
I answer, It is hard to conceive that a man should give himself the reins to commit sin, and his Conscience not to twitch him more or less, though he useth all the means he can to smother it. But if it doth not, thy case is so much the more woeful and dangerous: For, alas! it is not a rest and ease of soul, as thou misdeemest, but hardness and deadness of heart, which thou mistakest for rest and quietness: A condition than which there cannot be a worse, and of all estates of the soul the most hopeless. And this is the fruit of a customary violation of the Conscience, which being often bruised, scratched at first with smaller sins, and at length rend and torn with greater, contracts one scar and brawn all over, and so becomes senseless and unfeeling. How dreadful therefore is it, if men would consider it, to adventure the Conscience upon the least violence? if it endure but a scratching once or twice, it is secretly, and before a man is aware, hardened to endure a wound. O let us be then tender to keep our Conscience tender, else we are undone. Is it therefore indeed so with thee, that thou canst take thy sinful liberty, and yet find no scruple check thee? Canst thou cast off the yoke of Christ, and yet thy heart be at rest within thee; or at the worst, if it pants a little, it will soon have done? O rouse it up in time, else the time will come, when thy Conscience will be so awaked, that all the world cannot quiet and still it. The longer it hath been smothered, the more dreadful and unquenchable will the flame be when it once breaketh out. No tongue of mortal man is able to express the terrors which then shall overwhelm thee.  
In the daytime we know Spirits and Hobgoblins usually walk not, but in the nighttime, when darkness covereth the face of the earth: So in the brightness and Sunshine of health and prosperity, what marvel though this terrible Fiend, an evil Conscience, doth not much haunt a dull and stupid heart? but in the darkness of sickness, in the midnight of death, when the black times of calamity shall surprise thee, then will this grifly and ghastly Spirit begin to affright and scare thee; then will he roar in the chamber of thy soul, and most hideously rattle his chains about thine ears.  
As the blows and bruises received in the flower of our youth, though then we feel them not, will pain us in the decay of our strength, in our declining years: So the blows and bruises given the Soul by sin in the days of our jollity and prosperity, will most grievously torment us when by sickness, fear of death, or other calamity, our wont mirth and transitory contentment shall be eclipsed. Then as the carcase of him that is slain, though it seemed stark and stiff, is said to bleed afresh at the presence of the murderer: So when our former and unfelt sins, whereby the Soul was wounded and murdered, shall present themselves unto our view, as at such times they use to do, than our stark and benumbed Conscience will gush out streams of blood, and be in danger to bleed unto eternal death. What would a man then give for this Rest unto his soul? even all the gold of Ophir, all the riches of the East and West Indies; yea he would be content never to have had ease, never to have enjoyed any contentment (no not lawful) in these worldly and transitory things all the days of his life, so he might have but one dram of that comfortable quietness of Soul which a good conscience bringeth.  
A good conscience therefore, from a life well led, is a jewel unvaluable, for which a man should undergo the hardest task, and forgo all the contentments of the world, if it could not otherwise be gotten. Which is the Second thing I here observe. For our Saviour we see propounds it as a Reward and Prize, such as he thought sufficient to allure any reasonable man, even to abandon his liberty and freedom, and to enter a bondage, and to take a yoke upon his neck; a yoke the sweetest that ever was worn, and far surpassing the greatest liberty in the world.  
A good conscience, saith Solomon, Prov. 15. 15. is a continual Feast; that is, an everlasting Christmas. The twelve-days-Feast of our Blessed Saviour's Nativity, how is it longed for beforehand? how welcomed when it comes? and yet it lasts but a short time. But a good conscience is a Feast that lasts all the year, yea all a man's life long; and that too without satiety, without fullness, without the least wearisomeness.  
There are three things in a Feast which make it so pleasing and desirable, Mirth, good Company, and good Cheer. In this Feast all three of them are superlative.  


1. For Mirth, all the merriment and Music, all the wine and good cheer in the world will not make a man's heart so light and merry as the wine which is drunk at the Feast of a good conscience. This is no superficial matter, but rooted in the very Centre of the Soul. Whereas your Wine-mirth is but the smothering sometimes, if not drowning, of a deeper grief; like the lustick fit in some Countries of such as are going to execution. 
Prov. 31. 6.  Give strong drink (saith Solomon) unto him that is ready to perish, and wine unto those that be of heavy hearts.  
2. For Society and Company, what Feast in the world can afford the like this doth? For it hath not only exceeding good, but all suitable and homogeneal, where is no admixture of ill. Here you shall have no unruly persons blaspheming God or men, to make themselves or others pastime: no unsavoury communication to slain and pollute by degrees the purity of the Soul, and make a reckoning unsupportable, when the day shall come wherein we must give account of every idle word. But a good Conscience hath ever good Company, and so good as will admit no ill. For the Father is with it, that great and mighty God who made us: The Son is with it, even Christ himself who redeemed us; they sup and feast together: The Holy Ghost is with it, who cheers up and sanctifies the hearts of all who come to this Table. What Feast in the world can show so honourable, so loving, so cheerful company as this?  
3. And for the last thing which makes a Feast desirable, good Cheer; it is a Table richly furnished with all Varieties and Dainties, a collection of all the Rarities and Delicacies, not which Sea and Land only, but which Heaven itself affords. Who would not come upon any invitation to partake of such a Feast as this?      

DISCOURSE XXXIII.  

ACTS 10. 4.  And he said unto him, Thy Prayers and thine Alms are come up for a memorial before God; or (as it is ver. 31.) are had in remembrance, etc. 
WHEN the jews had crucified our Blessed Saviour, the Lord and Prince of Life, though their impiety were most horrible, and such as might seem to admit of no expiation or atonement, yet would not God for that reject them; but after he was risen from the dead, his Apostles and Messengers were sent to offer and tender him once more unto them, if so be they would yet receive him as their Messiah and Redeemer which was promised to come: telling them that what they had formerly done unto him, God would (namely, according to our Saviour's prayer upon the Cross, 
Luke 23 34.  Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do) pass by it as done of Ignorance on their part, whilst himself was by the disposition of his Providence fulfilling that which was long before spoken by the mouth of all his Prophets, That Christ or Messiah should suffer death. All which you may read in the Sermon which S. Peter preached unto them in the Temple, Acts 3. 12, etc. Thus the Lord showed himself according to his style, A God gracious and merciful, 
Nehem. 9 17.  long-suffering and slow to anger. 
joel 2. 13.   
But when these jews, notwithstanding this second tender, not only continued in their former obstinacy, refusing to accept him for their Redeemer, but also misused and persecuted his Ambassadors sent unto them; this their ingratitude was so hideous and heinous in the eyes of God, that he could bear with them no longer, but resolved thenceforth to cast them off, and choose himself a Church among the Gentiles.  
To prepare a way whereunto, he sent a Vision much about the same time both to Peter, (who was then by reason of the jews persecution fled to joppa) and to Cornelius a Gentile, Captain of the Italian Band, living at Caesarea upon that coast; ordaining the one (Peter) to be the Messenger and Preacher; and the other (Cornelius) to be the first Gentile which should be partaker of the Faith of Christ. Therefore accordingly Peter's Vision was to admonish him, not to make scruple, as all jews did, of conversing with a Gentile as unclean; 
Verse 11, 12.  signified by a sheet let down from heaven, wherein were all manner of fourfooted beasts of the earth, and wild beasts, and creeping things, and fowls of the air, that is, of all both clean and unclean; wherewith came also a Voice, 
Verse 13.  saying, Rise, Peter, kill and eat. Whereunto when Peter answered, Not so, Lord; 
Verse 14.  for I have never eaten anything that is common or unclean: the Voice replies, 
Verse 15.  What God hath cleansed, that call not thou unclean. Now as this Vision was to give Peter commission to go unto Cornelius; 
Acts 10. 4.  so was Cornelius his Vision to command him to send for Peter. For he saw in a Vision, at the ninth hour of the day, an Angel of the Lord coming unto him, 
Verse 3.  and saying, Cornelius. 
* Verse 4.  Whom when Cornelius beholding and being afraid, said, What is it, Lord? The Angel said unto him, Thy Prayers and thine Alms are come up for a memorial, or had in remembrance, before God. 
* Verse 5.  And now send men to joppa, and call for one Simon, whose surname is Peter, 
* Verse 6.  and he shall tell thee what thou oughtest to do. And thus have I brought the Story as far as my Text; which is, as you see, a part of this Message of the Angel to Cornelius, namely, his Report; And he said unto him, Thy Prayers and thine Alms, etc.  
Wherein I will consider two things. First, Who was the man, and what was the condition of this person to whom the Angel spoke, namely, Cornelius: And the Angel said unto him. Secondly, What the Message or Report he brought importeth: Thy Prayers and thine Alms-deeds are come in remembrance before God.  
To begin with the First; The man here spoken to (as you may read in the beginning of the Chapter, and as I have in some part already told you) was Cornelius, a Gentile, Captain of the Italian Band at Caesarea, and so no doubt himself of that Nation. To understand which, ye must know that at this time the Land of jury, like as most other Nations were, was under the Roman Empire, and ruled by a Precedent of their appointing: which Precedent had his Court and Seat at Caesarea, a great and magnificent City upon the Palestine coast, some seventy miles from jerusalem, where was continually a guard of Soldiers, both for the President's safety and awing the subdued jews: and among these was our Cornelius a Commander, being Captain of the Italian Band. But howsoever he were by race and breeding a Gentile, yet for Religion he was no Idolater, but a worshipper of the true God, the God of Israel, or God the Creator of heaven and earth: For the Text tells us, that he was a devout man, 
Verse 2.  and one that scared God with all his house, who gave much alms to the people, and prayed to God always: which is as much as to say, he was a Proselyte; for so were those converted Gentiles called, who left their false Gods and worshipped the true. Yet was he not circumcised, nor had taken upon him the yoke of Moses Law, and so was not accounted a member of the Church of Israel: wherefore according to the Ordinances of the Law he was esteemed unclean, and so not lawful for Peter, or any other circumcised jew, to company with him, had not God given Peter and Item that he should thenceforth call no man unclean, forasmuch as that badge of separation was now dissolved.  
For the better understanding of this, 
See Discourses III. and XI.  we must know, there were, while the Legal worship stood, two sorts of Proselytes or converted Gentiles. One sort which were called Proselytes of the Covenant: These were such as were circumcised, and submitted themselves to the whole Mosaical Pedagogy; These came into the Court of Israel to worship, being accounted jews, and as freely conversed with as if they had been so born. But there was a second sort of Proselytes inferior unto these, whom they called Proselytes of the Gate: These were not circumcised, nor conformed themselves to the Mosaical Rites and Ordinances; only they were tied to the obedience of those Commandments which the Hebrew Doctors call the Commandments of Noah, that is, such as all the sons of Noah were bound to observe. Which were, 1. To worship God the Creator; 2. To disclaim the service of Idols; 3. To abstain from Blood, namely, both from the effusion of man's blood; and 4. from eating flesh with the blood therein; 5. To abstain from Fornication and all unlawful conjunction; 6. To administer justice; and 7. To abstain from Robbery, and do as they would be done to. And such Proselytes as these, howsoever they were reputed Gentiles, and such as with whom the jews might not converse, as being no free denizens of Israel; yet did the jewish Doctors yield them a part in the life to come. Such a Proselyte was Naaman the Syrian; and of such there were many in our Saviour's time; and such an one was our Cornelius.  
Hence it was, that when afterward there arose a Controversy in the Church, 
Acts 15.  Whether or no the Gentiles which believed were to be circumcised, and so bound to observe the Ordinances and Rites of Moses; S. Peter in the Council of the Apostles at jerusalem determined, It was the will of God they should not; and that upon this ground, Because Cornelius the first believing Gentile was no circumcised Proselyte, but a Proselyte of the Gate only; and yet nevertheless when himself was sent (as ye have heard) to preach the Gospel of Christ to him and his house, 
* Acts 10. 45, 46.  the Holy Ghost came down upon them as well as upon the Circumcision: Whereby it was manifest, that God would have the rest of the Gentiles which believed, to have no more imposed upon them than Cornelius had: and accordingly the Council concluded that no other burden should be laid upon them, but only those Precepts given to the sons of Noah, To abstain from pollutions of Idols, from blood, from things strangled, and from fornication, 
Verse 20.  and the rest, which they had received already in becoming Christians, and so needed not to be expressly mentioned. For that enumeration in the Apostles Decree is to be understood with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or an Et caetera; a Scheme usual in the allegation not only of Texts of Scripture, but of pastages commonly and vulgarly known. We may find an Example of it, Hebr. 12. 27. in the citation of that Text of Haggai, 
Hag. 2. 7. See Discourse III. at the end.  Yet once more, and I will shake not the earth only but the heavens; which the Apostle there repeats with this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This, Yet once more, (saith he) signifies the removing of things that are shaken; that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (or, as the Hebrews speak, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) This, Yet once more, and the rest, signifies so much: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [Yet once more] alone signifies it not, but that whole Sentence.  
Now that I may not have held your ears all this time with so long a story, without some matter of Instruction; let us observe by the example of this Cornelius, How great a favour and blessing of God it is to live and dwell within the pale of his Church, where opportunity and means of Salvation is to be had. If Cornelius had still dwelled among his Countrymen the Italians, where he was bred and born, or in any other Province of that Empire, he had in all likelihood never come to this saving and bles●ed knowledge of the true God, but died a Pagan as he was born. But by this occasion of living at Caesarea, within the confines of the land of Israel, where the Oracles and Worship of the most High God were daily resounded and professed, he became such an one as ye have heard, a blessed Convert unto the true God, whom with all his house he served and worshipped with acceptation.  
If this be so, Then should we ourselves learn to be more thankful to God than most of us use to be, for that condition wherein by his Providence we are born. For we might, if it had pleased him, have been born and had our dwelling among Pagans and Gentiles, who had no knowledge of his Word or Promise; (and such our Nation once was.) But behold his goodness and mercy! we are born of Christian Parents, and dwell in a Christian Country, and so made partakers of the name and livery of Christ as soon as we were born. How great should our thankfulness be for his mercy? Nay we might have been born and bred in a Christian Nation too, and yet such an one where Idolatry, false worship and Popery so reigned, as there had been little hopes or means either to be saved: But behold, we are born, bred, and dwell in a Reformed Christian State, where the Worship of God in Christ is truly taught and pract●●ed; where no God is worshipped but the Father, and in no other Mediator but his Son jesus Christ. How should we then magnify our good God for his so great and abundant mercy towards us! Luther, or some other, tells a story of a poor Germane peasant, who on a time beholding an ugly Toad, fell into a most bitter lamentation and weeping, that he had been so unthankful to Almighty God, who had made him a Man, and not such an ugly creature as that was. O that we could in like manner bewail our Ingratitude towards him who hath made us to have our birth and habitation not among Pagans and barbarous Indians, a people without God in the World, but in a believing and Christian Nation, where the true God is known and the means of Salvation is to be had! Thankfulness for a less benefit is the way to obtain a greater. To acknowledge and prise God's favour towards us in the means, is the way to obtain his grace to use them to our eternal advantage: Whereas our neglect of Thankfulness in the one, may cause God, in his just judgement, to deprive us of his Blessing in the other. Consider it.  
AND thus much concerning the Person to whom the Angel spoke, Cornelius, And he said unto him. Now I come to the Message itself, Thy Prayers and thine Alms are come up into remembrance before God. Where before I make any further entrance, there is an Objection requires to be answered; namely, How Cornelius his service could be accepted of God, (as here it is said to be,) whenas he had no knowledge of Christ, without whom no man can please God. I answer; Cornelius pleased God through his Faith in the Promise of Christ to come, as all just men under the Law did: which Faith God did so long accept after Christ was come, till his Coming and the mystery of Redemption wrought by him were fully and clearly made known and preached; which had not been to Cornelius until this time: For though he had heard of his preaching in Galilee and judaea, and that he was crucified by the jews; yet h● had not heard of his Resurrection from the dead and Ascension into glory, or was not assured of it, till it was now confirmed unto him by one sent from God himself. And it is like that having heard somewhat of the Apostles preaching and of the jews opposing their testimony, and so knowing not what to believe; he had earnestly besought God in his Devotions to lead him in the way of Truth, and make known unto him what to do.  
This being premised, I return again unto the Angel's words; wherein I will consider Three things. 1. The conjunction or joining of Almsdeeds with Prayer; Thy Prayers and thine Alms. 2. The efficacy and power they have with God; Thy Prayers and thine Alms are come up into remembrance before God. 3. I will add the Reasons why God so much accepteth them, which are also so many Motives why we should be careful and diligent to practise them.  
For the first, The joining of Almsdeeds with Prayer: Cornelius we see joined them, and he is therefore in the verses before-going commended for a devout man and one that feared God. And by the Angel's report from God himself, we hear how graciously he accepted them; giving us to understand, that a Devotion thus armed was of all others the most powerful to pierce into his dwelling-place, and fetch a blessing from him. Therefore our Saviour likewise, Matth. 6. 1,— 5. joins the Precepts of Alms and Prayer together, teaching us how to give Alms and how to Pray in one Sermon, as things that ought to go hand in hand, and not to be separated asunder. It was also the Ordinance of the Church in the Apostles times, that the First day of the week, which was the time of public Prayer, should be the time also of Alms. So saith S. Paul, 1 Cor. 16. 1. Now concerning the collection for the Saints, (saith he) as I have given order to the Churches of Galatia, even so do ye. 2. Upon the first day of the week (that is, upon the Lord's day) let every one of you lay by himself in store, as God hath prospered him, that there be no gatherings when I come. Which Institution seems to be derived from the Commandment of God in the Law 
* Exo. 23. 〈◊〉.  twice repeated; 
Deut. 1●. 16.  Let no man appear before the Lord empty. For the words annexed to that Law Deut. 16. (where it is applied to the three great Feasts, when all Israel was to assemble to pray before the Lord in his Tabernacle) the words, I say, there annexed sound altogether like unto these of S. Paul concerning the Lord's day; Three times a year (saith the Text there) shall all the males appear before the Lord: and they shall not appear before the Lord empty. Every one shall give as he is able, according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he hath given thee. Is not this the same in sense with S. Paul's, Let every one lay by himself in store, as God hath prospered him? The Primitive Church after the Apostles followed the same precedent, and our own Reformed Church hath ordained the same in her Service-book, were it accordingly practised as was intended: For after the Epistle and Gospel she appoints divers choice Sentences of Scripture to be read, which exhort us to Alms and other Offerings to the honour of Almighty God; and then, as supposing it to be done, in the Prayer for the whole estate of Christ's Church, We humbly beseech him most mercifully to accept our Alms, and receive our Prayers, which we offer unto his Divine Majesty.  
Shall I now need to exhort you (Brethren) thus to furnish and strengthen your Prayers which you daily offer unto God, to couple them with Almsdeeds, to come before God with a present, and not emptyhanded? Whom neither God's Commandment, the Practice of his Church, the Example of his Saints, nor the Acceptance of such Prayers as the hand which dealeth Alms lifteth up to him; whom these will not move, no words of mine will do it.  
But some may say, Would you have us always give Alms when we pray? No, I say not so, but I would not have you appear before the Lord empty, that is, such as are not wont to give them, nor mean to do: For you may give them before, or second your Prayers with them after; you may have set and appointed times for the one, as you have for the other. Or when the Law of man enjoins you any thing in this kind, do it heartily, faithfully, and with a willing mind, without grudging, that so God may accept it as a service done to him. Or lastly, Thou mayest do as the holy men in Scripture were wont, vow and promise unto God, if thy Prayer be heard, to offer something unto him either for relief of the poor, the Widow, the Orphan, a●d distressed one, or the maintenance of his Service and Worship. If God will be with me, (saith jacob, Gen. 28. 20, etc.) and keep me in this way that I go, and will give me bread to eat, and raiment to put on, etc. Then shall the Lord be my God, and this stone which I have set for a pillar shall be God's house: and of all that thou shalt give me. I will surely give the tenth unto thee. (See the use of vowing by such as came to pray in God's House, Eccles. 5. 4.) If thou comest before God in any of these ways, thou shalt not come emptyhanded. But send not thy Prayer single and alone: The Prayer with Alms is the Prayer God loveth. Hear what himself saith, Psal. 50. 14, 15. Offer unto God thanksgiving. (Alms is an Offering of 
* Eccles. 35. 2.  Thanksgiving) and pay thy vows unto the most High. So call upon me in the day of trouble, and I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me.  
NOW I come to the second thing I propounded, The power and efficacy which Prayer and Alms have with God; Thy Prayers and thine Alms (saith the Angel) are come up for a memorial (or, are had in remembrance) in the sight of God. God is said to remember our Prayers when he grants them, our Alms and good deeds when he rewards them, or, in a word, when he answers either of them with a blessing: as on the contrary he is said to remember iniquity, when he sends some judgement for it. So God is said to remember Hannah, when he heard her prayer for a Son, 1 Sam. 1. 19 and Nehemiah speaking 
* Chap. 5. 19  of his deeds of mercy and bounty showed unto his poor brethren returned from captivity, says, Think upon me, or [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Remember me, O my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people. Thus were Cornelius his Prayers and Alms remembered. Prayers therefore and Alms, be they performed as they should be, are powerful and approved means to obtain a blessing at the hands of God.  
To speak first of Prayer: 
1 Kings, Chap. 17, & 18.  What is it that Prayer hath not obtained? It hath shut and opened Heaven; see the story of Elijah. It hath made the Sun and Moon to stand still; read the Book of 
* jos. 10. 12.  joshna. It is the Key that openeth all God's Treasures of blessings, both spiritual and corporal. For spiritual blessings, Cornelius we see obtained thereby Illumination and Instruction in God's saving Truth. And S. james saith, 
james 1. 5.  If any man lack wisdom, let him ask of God, who giveth to all men liberally; and it shall be given him. Ephraim in jeremy 31. 18. preys for converting grace, Turn thou me, O Lord, and I shall be turned: To whom God presently replies, ver. 20. Is Ephraim my dear Son? is he a pleasant Child? for since I spoke against him, I do earnestly remember him still. Therefore my bowels are troubled for him, I will surely have mercy on him, saith the Lord. Prayer obtains remission of sins; I said (saith David Psal. 32. 5, 6.) I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord, and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. For this shall every one that is godly prey unto thee in a time when thou mayest be found. Prayer also obtaineth corporal blessings. When Heaven was shut and it reigned not, 
1 Kings 1●.  Elijah prayed for rain, 
1 Sam. 1.  and it reigned: Hannah prayed for a Son, and she conceived: If we be sick (saith S. james chap. 5. 15.) The prayer of faith shall heal the sick: Nehemiah prayed that he might find favour in the sight of King Artaxerxes, Chap. 1. 11. and found it, Chap. 2. 4.  
But some man will say, If Prayer have such power and efficacy, how comes it to pass that many even godly men oft pray, and yet speed not? I answer, There are divers causes thereof. Either 1. we pray not as we ought; or 2. we are not disposed as we ought to be when we pray.  


1. We pray not as we ought, either 1. when we pray not heartily, or not constantly: For God regards not formal and superficial prayer, but prayer that comes from the Heart; and loves to be importuned before he grant; as our Saviour tells us in the Parable of the woman and the unjust judge, 
Luke 1●.  whom though at first he would not hear, yet importunity made him do her justice. Or 2. We rely not upon God as we ought when we pray; but trust more to second means, to our Wit, to our Friends, or the like, than to Him. And this seems to be that wavering in prayer S. james speaks of, when he bids us pray in faith without wavering, Chap. 1. 6. that is, without reeling from God to rest upon second means: But as with our mouth we pray to him, so should our Hearts rely upon him to give us what we ask. But we often pray to God for fashion, but indeed we look to speed by others; and so God takes himself mocked, and so no marvel if he hears us not. If it were our own case, we would not listen to such suitors. Or 3. We pray and speed not, when we make not God's glory the End of what we ask; Ye ask (saith S. james Chap. 4. 3.) and receive not, because ye ask, amiss, that ye might consume it upon your lusts. Or 4. We may ask something that crosseth the Rule of Divine Providence and justice, and then also we must not look to speed. 
2 Sam. 12. 16. etc.  David prayed for the life of his child by Bathsheba, Vriah's Wife; but was not heard, because it stood not with the Rule of Divine justice, that so scandalous a sin, which made the Enemies of God to blaspheme, should not have an exemplary punishment. In like manner sundry times when the children of Israel rebelled against the Lord, and murmured against Moses and Aaron their Governors, Moses poured forth very earnest prayers to God for removing his judgements from off the people; but God would not hear him, because their sins were scandalous and committed with so high a hand, that it could not stand with the Rule of his justice not to inflict punishment for them.  
2. Again, sometimes, and that too often, we are indisposed for God to grant our request. As first, when some sin unrepented of lies at the door, and keeps God's blessing out. 
See Psal. 50. 16.  Psal. 66. 18. If I regard (saith David) iniquity in my heart, the Lord will not hear me. So God would not hear joshua praying for the Israelites, 
Prov. 28. 9  when they fled before the men of Ai, because of Achan's Sacrilege; 
* jos. 7. 10, 11, 12.  Get thee up, (saith God) why liest thou thus upon thy face? Israel hath sinned— for they have taken of the accursed thing, (that is, the thing that cursed were those that meddled therewith:) Therefore the children of Israel could not stand before their Enemies,— because they were accursed. Neither will I be with you any more, except ye put the accursed thing from among you. Or lastly, our Prayers often are not heard, because we appear before the Lord empty; we do not as Cornelius did, send up Prayers and Alms together: we should have two strings to our bow, when we have but one. This is another indisposition which unfits us to receive what we ask of God: For how can we look that God should hear us in our need, when we turn away our face from our brother in his need? When we refuse to give to God, or for his sake, what he requires, why should he grant to us what we request? Hear what an ancient Father of the Church, S. Basil by name, in Concione ad Divites, saith; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; I have known many (saith he) who would fast, who would pray, who would sigh; but not bestow one halfpenny upon the poor: But what then will their other devotion profit them?  
3. Add to all these Reasons of displeasure a Reason of favour, why God sometimes grants not our requests; namely, because we ask that which he knows would be hurtful for us, though we think not so. We ask sometimes that which if he granted us would utterly undo us. As therefore a wise and loving Father will not give his child a knife or some other hurtful thing, though it cries never so much unto him for it: so does God deal with his children. And how wise soever we think ourselves, we are often as ignorant in that which concerns our good as very babes are; and therefore we must submit ourselves to be ordered by the wisdom of our heavenly Father.    
Moreover, we must know and believe, that God often hears our Prayers when we think he doth not; and that three manner of ways. As namely 1. When he changes the means, but brings the End we desire another way to pass. We ask to have a thing by our means, but he likes not our way, but gives it us by another means which he thinks better. S. Paul, 
2 Cor. 12. 7, 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  that he might the better glorify God in serving him, 
Verse 9  desires the thorn in the flesh might be taken from him: God denies him that means, but grants him grace sufficient for him; that so being humbled by the sight of his own infirmity, he might glorify God for his power in man's weakness. And is it not all one, whether a Physician quench the thirst of his Patient by giving him Barberies or some other comfortable drink, as by giving him Beer which he calls for? 2. God often grants our request, but not at that time we would have it, but defers it till some other time which he thinks best. 
Dan. 9 1, etc.  Daniel prays for the return of the Captivity in the first year of Darius, but God defers it till the first of Cyrus. 
2 Chron. 36. 22●  We must not therefore take God's delays for denials. The Souls of the Saints under the Altar (Rev. 6. 10.) cry out aloud for vengeance: God hears that cry, and cannot deny the importunate cry of innocent blood; yet he defers it for a little season, saith the Text v. 11. and why? because their fellow-servants and brethren that should be slain as they were, might be fulfilled. Lastly, God sometimes grants not the thing we ask, but gives us in stead thereof something which is as good, or better; And then we are not to think but that he hears us.  
And thus much concerning the power and efficacy of Prayer. Now I come also to show the like of Alms, how powerful a means they are to procure a blessing from God: Not thy Prayer only, saith the Angel, but thine Alms also are come up for a remembrance in the sight of God. For Alms is a kind of Prayer, namely, a visible one, and such an one as prevails as strongly with God for a blessing as any other. Hear David in Psalm 41. 1. Blessed is he that considereth the poor; the Lord will deliver him in time of trouble. 2. The Lord will preserve him and keep him alive, and he shall be blessed upon earth; and thou wilt not deliver him unto the will of his enemies. 3. The Lord will strengthen him upon the bed of languishing: thou wilt make all his bed in his sickness. A place so evident as flashes in a man's eye. But hear Solomon speak to, Prov. 19 17. He that hath pity upon the poor, dareth unto the Lord; and that which he hath given, he will pay him again. And Prov. 28. 27. He that giveth unto the poor, shall not lack: but he that hideth his eyes, shall have many a 
* Compare Prov. 21. 13.  curse. Also Prov. 11. 25. The liberal soul shall be made fat; and he that watereth shall be watered also himself. Likewise Eccles. 11. 1. Cast thy bread upon the waters, for thou shalt find it after many days. These are for corporal blessings, and of this life: But hear also for spiritual blessings, and those of the life to come. David Psal. 112. 9 (quoted by S. Paul, 2 Cor. 9 9) He hath dispersed, he hath given to the poor; his righteousness remaineth for ever, etc. that is, he shall be remembered not only in this life, but in the life to come. Luke 16. 9 Make to yourselves (saith our Saviour) friends of the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Mammon of unrighteousness is not here Goods unlawfully got (as I am afraid some take it,) not Mammon about which the sons of m●n are wont to be unrighteous (as others take it;) but as the Hebrews call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or as the Chaldee speak, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mammona falsitatis, deceivable and uncertain rich●s. For among the Hellenists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so the Lxx. often render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Agreeable whereunto S. Paul 1 Tim. 6. as it were paraphrasing this of our Saviour, saith, Charge the rich that they trust not in uncertain riches, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  unrighteous Mammon, (that is, of these deceitful and uncertain riches;) that when you fail, they (that is, the friends you have made) may receive you into everlasting Tabernacles: that is, that God looking upon the Alms-deeds you have done, and hearing the Prayers and blessings of the poor, may reward you with eternal life. So S. Paul, 1 Tim. 6. 17, etc. Charge them that be rich in this world,— that they trust not in uncertain riches, but in the living God,— That they do good, that they be rich in good works, ready to distribute, willing to communicate; Laying up in store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come, that they may lay hold on eternal life. Non memini (saith S. Hi●rome) me legere mald morte mortuum, qui libenter opera charitatis exercuit; habet enim multos intercessores, & impossibile est multorum preces non exaudiri. I do not remember in all my reading that ever any one died an ill death who was in his life-time ready to good works and acts of Charity, for indeed such a one hath many to intercede and pray for him, and it is impossible but that the prayers of so many in his behalf should be heard and accepted by God: What should I say more? Shall we not receive our sentence at the Last day according to our works of mercy? Come ye blessed of my Father, 
M●●h. 25. 34, 35.  and inherit the Kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world: For when I was hungry, ye gave me meat; when I was thirsty, ye gave me drink, etc. ye know the rest. O the wonderful efficacy of Alms in prevailing with God What favour do they find in his sight! how are they remembered! but not for any merit in them, which is none; but of his mere mercy and merciful promise, who accepts them in Christ our Saviour. Whence is that Prayer of Nehemiah, c. 13. 22. concerning this case of good works, Remember me, O my God; concerning this, and spare me according to the greatness of thy mercy.  
Thus much of the efficacy and prevalency which Prayer and Alms have with Almighty God to procure a blessing from him; Thy Prayers and thine Alms are come up for a memorial before God.  
NOW I come to the third thing propounded, The Reasons why God requires them, and why they are so pleasing unto him: which benson's when they are known, will be also strong Motives to us why we should frequent them. For though indeed their Efficacy alone were a Motive sufficient to invite any reasonable man to do them; yet will these Reasons add a further enforcement thereunto.  
To begin then with Prayer; The Reasons why God requires this duty at our hands (I will name but the chief) are these.  

1. That we might acknowledge the property he hath in the Gifts he bestows upon us: otherwise we would forget in what tenure we hold those Blessings we receive from his hands. Though therefore he be willing to bestow his Benefits upon us, yet he will have us ask them before he doth it. Even as Fathers do with their children; though they intent to bestow such things upon them as are needful, yet they will have their children to ask them. Unless therefore we ask of God the things which are his to give; as we shall not receive what we have not, so we cannot lawfully use any thing we have.  
2. Another Reason is, That we might be acquainted with God; Acquaint now thyself with God, (saith Eliphaz job 22. 21.) and be at peace; thereby good shall come unto thee. Now acquaintance we know grows amongst men by conversing together, by intercourse and speaking to one another. So is it here, by accustoming to speak to God in Prayer we grow acquainted with him: otherwise if we grow strangers to him, and he to us, we shall not dare to behold him.  
3. Prayer is the way to keep our Hearts in order: For to come often into the presence of God, breeds an holy awe in our Hearts; it makes us to call our Sins to remembrance with sorrow and shame, and to be afraid to commit them. We may know it by experience: men are afraid to offend those into whose presence they must often come to ask and sue for favours; and if they have offended, they are presently ashamed; and the first thing they do will be to sue for pardon.   
These are the Reasons for Prayer: Now let us see the Reasons also why Alms are required; which are near of kin to those for Prayer.  
For 1. We are to offer Alms, to testify our acknowledgement of whom we received, and of whom we hold what we have. For as by Prayer we ask God's creatures before we can enjoy them; so when we have them, there is another Homage due for them, namely, of Thanksgiving, without which the use of the creature which God gives us is unclean and unlawful to us. Every creature of God (saith S. Paul, 1 Tim. 4. 4.) is good, if it be received with thanksgiving; not else. And the same Apostle 1 Cor. 10. tells us, that even those things which according to the manner of the Gentiles were offered unto Idols, (that is, to Devils,) a Christian might lawfully eat, so it were done 
* 〈…〉  with thanksgiving to the true and only God: For so he should profess, he eat not meat of the Devil's gift, or Devil's Table, but of the Lord's, whose of right was the Earth and the fullness thereof. Whether therefore, saith he, v. 31. ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do else, do all to the glory of God, that is, give him the glory of the Lordship of his creature by your thanksgiving: For to do a thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the glory of God, in the Apostle's meaning, is that which the jews say, To do it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so as the Majesty and Dominion of God may be acknowledged thereby, which the Scripture calls His Glory.  
Now our Thanksgiving to God for his creature must not express itself in words only, but it must be also in work and deed; that is, we must yield him a Rent and Tribute of what we enjoy by his favour and blessing; which if we do not, we lose our Tenure. This Rent is twofold: either that which is offered unto God for the maintenance of his Worship and Ministers; or that which is given for the relief of the poor, the Orphan and the Widow, which is called Alms. For not only our Tithes, but our Alms are an Offering unto Almighty God. So Prov. 15. 17. He that hath pity on the poor, dareth to the Lord: and Chap. 14. 31. He that hath mercy on the poor, honoureth his Maker. And our Saviour will tell us at the day of judgement, that what was done unto them, 
Matth. 25. 40.  was done unto him. This then is the Reason why we must give Alms, because they are the Tribute of our Thanksgiving, whereby we acknowledge we are God's Tenants, 
How Alms and Offerings are a fit Acknowledgement of God's being the Lord and Giver of all.  and hold all we have of him, that is, of the Manor of Heaven, without which duty and service we have not the lawful use of what we possess. Whence our Saviour tells the Pharisees, who stood so much upon the washing of the Cup and Platter, left their meat and drink should be unclean. Give alms, saith he, of such things as you have; and behold, all things are clean unto you, Luke 11. 41.  
Now that this Acknowledgement of God's Dominion was the End of the Offerings of the Law, both those wherewith the Priests and Levites were maintained, and those wherewith the poor, the Orphan and the Widow were relieved; appears by the solemn profession those who paid them were to make, Deut. 26. where he that brought a basket of first-fruits to the house of God, was to say, 
* Verse 3.  I profess this day unto the Lord, that I am come unto the Country which the Lord swore unto our Fathers for to give us. And when the Priest had taken the basket, he was to say thus; (verse 5, etc.) 
* Others understand it of Laban the Syrian and render it thus; A Syrian was destroying my Father, viz. jacob. So the Vulg. Lat. Syrus persequebatur patrem meum, qui descendit in AEgyptum. The Chaldee Paraphrast is most full, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Laban Syrus quaesivit perdere patrem meum, etc. To the same sense Munster, Luther and Castalio translate these words.  A Syrian ready to perish was my Father, and he went down into Egypt and sojourned there with a few, and became there a Nation great, mighty, and populous. And the Egyptians evil entreated us. etc.— And the Lord brought us forth out of Egypt with a mighty hand and outstretched arm, etc.— And brought us into this place, and hath given us this land, even a land that floweth with milk and honey. And now, behold, I have brought the first-fruits of the land, which thou, O Lord, hast given me. And thou shalt set it (saith the Text) before the Lord thy God, and worship before the Lord thy God. This was to be done every year. But for Tithes, the profession was made every third year, because then the course of all manner of Tithing came about. For two years they paid the Levite's Tithe and the Festival Tithe, the third year they paid the Levite's Tithe and the poor man's Tithe: So that year the course of Tithing being finished, the party was to make a solemn profession: When thou hast made an end (saith the Lord) of Tithing all the Tithes of thine increase, the third year, which is the year of Tithing, (that is, when the Tithing course finisheth) and hast given it to the Levite, 
Verse 12, etc.  the Stranger, the Fatherless, and the Widow, that they may eat within thy Gates and be filled: Then thou shalt say before the Lord thy God, I have brought away the hallowed thing out of mine house, and also have given it to the Levite, and to the Stranger, to the Fatherless, and to the Widow, according to all the Commandments which thou hast commanded me.— Look down from thy holy habitation, from heaven, and bless thy people Israel, and the land which thou hast given us, as thou swarest to our Fathers, a land that floweth with milk and honey.  
What we have seen in these two sorts, is to be supposed to be the End of all other Offerings for pious uses, (which were not Sacrifices,) namely, To acknowledge God to be the Lord and Giver of all. As we see in that royal Offering which David with the Princes and Chieftains of Israel made for the building of the Temple, 1 Chron. 29. 11, etc. where David acknowledgeth thus; Thine, O Lord, is the Kingdom, and thou art exalted as Head over all: Both riches and honour come of thee, and thou reignest over all; and in thine hand is power and might, and in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all. Now therefore, our God, we thank thee, and praise thy glorious Name.— For all things come of thee, and 
* H●●●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of thine hand. Vulg, Lat. Quae de manu tua accepimus. dedimus tibi.  of thine own have we given thee.  
For this Reason there was never time since God first gave the Earth to the sons of men, wherein this Acknowledgement was not made by setting apart something of that he had given them, to that purpose. In the state of Paradise among all the Trees in the garden, which God gave man freely to enjoy, one Tree was Noli me tangere, and reserved to God as holy, in token that he was Lord of the garden. So that the First sin of Mankind for the species of the fact was Sacrilege, in prosaning that which was holy; For which he was cast out of Paradise, and the Earth cursed for his sake, because he had violated the sign of his Fealty unto the great Landlord of the whole Earth. Might I not say, that many a man unto this day is cast out of his Paradise, and the labours of his hands cursed, for the same sin? But to go on.  
After man's ejection out of Paradise, the first service that ever we read was erformed unto God was of this kind: 
Gen. 4. 3. 4.  Abel bringing the best of his flock, and Cain of the fruit of his ground, for an Offering or Present unto the Lord. The first spoils that ever we read gotten from an Enemy in war, paid Tithes to Melchised●k the Priest of the most High God, as an Acknowledgement that he had given Abraham the Victory: 
Gen. 14. 19, 20  Mel●hisedck blessing God in his name to be the possessor of heaven and earth, and to have delivered his enemies into his hand: To which Abraham said Amen by paying him Tithes of all. 
Gen. 28. 20, etc.  jacob promiseth God, that if he would give him any thing, (for at that time he had nothing) he would give him the Tenth of what he should give him: which is as much to say, as he would acknowledge and profess him to be the Giver, after the accustomed manner.  
For the Time of the Law, I may skip over that; it is well enough known, no man will deny it. But let us come to the Time of the Gospel, which though it hath freed us from the bondage of Typical Elements, yet hath it not freed us from the profession of our Pealty unto God as Lord of the whole Earth. 'Twere strange methinks to affirm it: I am sure the ancient Church next the Apostles thought otherwise. I will quote for a witness Irenaeus, who 
* Lib. 4. ●. 32.  tells us that our Saviour, when he took part of the Viands of his last Supper, and giving thanks with them, consecrated them into a Sacrament of his body and blood, set his Church an example of dedicating part of the creature in Dominicos usus; Dominus (saith he) dans discipulis suis consilium Primitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis, non quasi indigenti, sed ut ipsinec infructuosi nec ingrati sint; eum qui ex creatur● panis est accepit, & gratias egit, etc. Et Novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem, quam Ecclesia ab Apostolis accipiens, in universo mundo offert Deo, ei qui alimenta nobis praestat, primitias suorum munerum in novo Testamento. 
See this (and the like passages out of Irenaeus) quoted more at large and explained in the Treatise of The Christian Sacrifice, Chap. 8. in Book II.  But this is no proper occasion to follow this Argument any further: I will therefore leave it, and proceed to a second Reason why God requires Alms and such like Offerings at our hands.  


2. Namely, That we might not forget God: our Blessed Saviour Matth. 6. 19, 20. and Luke 12. 33, etc. speaking of this very matter of Alms, Lay not up (saith he) for yourselves treasures upon earth;— but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven:— For where your treasure is, there will your heart be also. The proper evil of Abundance is to forget God and our dependence upon him: the remedy whereof most genuine and natural is, to pay him a Rent of what we have: So shall we always think of our Landlord, and lift up our Hearts to Heaven in whatsoever we receive and enjoy. Yea, when this service is so acceptable to God, that he promiseth a great Reward to those who thus honour and acknowledge him; how can it choose but detain our hearts in Heaven in that respect also, when we shall so often think of God, not only as the Lord and Giver of what we have, but as the Rewarder also of the acknowledgement we perform?  
3. The last Reason why we should give Alms is, that we may be fit subjects of Mercy at the day we look for Mercy: (For all that we can look for at the hands of God is nothing but Mercy: Nehem. 13. 22. Remember me, O my God, concerning this also, and spare me according to the greatness of thy Mercy.) Now it is the will of God revealed, That unless we show mercy unto our brethren, he will show none to us. Ye know the condition of the fifth Petition in the Lord's Prayer, and the 
* Matth. 1●. 23. etc.  Parable of the unmerciful servant in the Gospel. This is the reason why among all other works we shall receive our doom at the last Day according to our works of Mercy, Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you; 
Matth. 25 34. etc. — For I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat, etc. How then can they look to be saved at that Day, who do not these works of Mercy? Can our Saviour pass this blessed sentence upon them? Or will he change the form of his sentence for their sake? No certainly; if the sentence of bliss will not fit, 
Verse 41. etc.  the other will and must; Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire— For I was an hungered, and ye gave me no meat, etc. Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these, ye did it not to me.      

DISCOURSE XXXIV.  

NEHEMIAH 13. 14.  
Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and wipe not out my good deeds [Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] that I have done for the House of my God and for the Offices thereof.  
with Verse 22.  
Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and spare me according to the greatness of thy mercy.  
THE present occasion is Remembrance, and my Text (you see) is of Remembrance; and that too for good deeds done to the House of God. The difference is, that in my Text is God's Remembrance, the occasion of this meeting is 
* The Commemoration of College Benefactors.  Ours: But seeing the one will follow from the other, the Text is every way fit enough for the Occasion.  
The words I have read are the words of Nehemiah himself, by way of a short Ejaculatory prayer and Apostrophe unto Almighty God. But what were those good deeds, will you ask, which he speaks of, done for the House of his God and the Offices thereof? Of this the words going before will inform us: 
Verse 1●.  I perceived (saith he) that the portions of the Levites had not been given them; whereby the Levites and 
Verse 1●.  the Singers that did the work, were fled every one to his field. Then contended I with the Rulers, and said, Why is the House of God forsaken? And I gathered them together, 
Verse 12.  and set them in their place (or, Station) Then brought all judah the tithe of the corn, and the new wine, and the oil, unto the treasuries (or, storehouses:) And I made treasurers over the treasuries, 
Verse 13.  such of the Priests and Levites as were accounted faithful; and their office was to distribute unto their Brethren. Verse 14. Remember me, O my God, concerning this, etc.  
There needs no more for understanding the meaning of the Words: Now therefore let us see what Lessons we may learn therefrom. And in the first place, that which is most pregnantly to be gathered thence, and best ●its our turn, namely, That to make provision for the maintenance of God's Worship and the Ministers thereof, 
Nehem. 13. 14, 22.  is a worthy work, and of high esteem and favour with God: Forasmuch as Nehemiah here commendeth himself unto the Divine favour and remembrance, under that name of having done good deeds or kindnesses unto the House of God, and the Offices thereof; a manifest argument he took them to be most pleasing and acceptable unto him. The truth of this Observation appears not only by this, but by other places of Scripture both of the Old and New Testament: Let us take some survey of them.  
And first for the furnishing a place for God's worship, take notice of that famous benediction and Prayer of King David, when his people offered so willingly and liberally towards the building of the Temple; In the uprightness of my heart (saith he) I have willingly offered all these things: and now I have seen with joy thy people which are present here, to offer willingly unto thee. O Lord God of Abraham, Isaac and Israel our Fathers, keep this for ever in the imagination of the thoughts of the heart of thy people, and prepare their hearts unto thee, 1 Chron. 29. 17, 18. Surely therefore it was a most excellent disposition, and such as he knew God prized and esteemed.  
For entertainment and provision for his Prophets and Ministers, in what account God hath it, appears by his great solicitude in his Law that they should not be neglected: Take heed to thyself (saith he, Deut. 12. 19) that thou forsake not the Levite, as long as thou livest upon the earth. What expression can go beyond this? Again by that story of the Shunamite woman, 2 Kings 4. who entertained the Prophet Elisha and made provision for him, when he should have occasion to pass that way: Verse 9 Behold, (said she to her husband) this is an holy man of God which passeth by us continually. V. 10. Let us make, I pray thee, a little chamber on the wall, and let us set for him there a bed, and a table, and a stool, and a candlestick; and it shall be when he cometh unto us, than he shall turn in thither. How acceptable to Almighty God was this good office done to his Prophet, appears by the double miracle he wrought for her, both in giving her a child, when her husband was now so old she despaired; and in raising him again to life, when he was dead: Both in the same Chapter.  
But let us come now to the New Testament, and see whether the like be not to be found there; lest otherwise any might think (as some are prone enough to do) the case were now altered. And first also to begin here with the provision of a place for God's worship, the story of that Centurion of Capernaum in S. Luke's Gospel is worthy our consideration; Who when he heard of jesus, (saith the Text) sent unto him the Elders of the jews, besecching him that he would come and heal his servant. The Elders came to jesus, and besought him instantly, saying, He was worthy for whom he should do this. Why so? For (say they) he loveth our Nation, and hath built us a Synagogue, Luke 7. 3, 4, 5. Then jesus (saith the Text, v. 6. without any more ado) went with them; namely, as well approving of their Motive, that he who had done such a work, deserved that favour should be deigned him. Also concerning provision and entertainment for his Apostles and Ministers; Are they not our Saviour's own words and promise when he sent them forth? 
Matth. 10. 41.  He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, 
Verse 42.  shall receive a Prophet's reward: 
Phil. 4. 18.  Nay, He that should give them but a cup of cold water, should not lose his reward. According to which S. Paul, speaking of the Philippians bounty and communication towards him, I have received (saith he) of Epaphroditus the things which were sent from you, an odour of a sweet smell, a sacrifice acceptable, wellpleasing unto God. And 2 Tim. 1. 16, 18. concerning the like good office done him by Onesiphorus, he speaks in this manner; The Lord (saith he) give mercy unto the house of Onesiphorus; for he oft refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chain. The Lord grant unto him that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day. Which is not much unlike this of Nehemiah in my Text, if it had been spoken in the first person by Onesiphorus himself, as it is in the third by S. Paul: Howsoever, who will deny but it implies the something?  
Now then, if this be so, as I think we have proved, what shall we think of the times we live in, when men account them the most religious to God-ward who do or would unfurnish the House of God most, who rob his Priests most? But they have an excuse sufficient to bear them out; and what is that? The Priests, they say, have too much. If this excuse would serve turn, some of themselves perhaps might soon have less than they have; for sure some body else as well as the Priest have more than they need, and might spare some of it. But whether the Priests have too much or not, will not be the question: Suppose they had; hath God too much too? For these men consider not that the Propriety of such things as these is God's, and no● the Priests; and that to change the Propriety of what is Sacred, by alienating thereof to a pro●ane and private use, (I say not by diverting it from the Priest's livelihood to any other holy use, in case the Priest have more than needs) is to rob God himself: yea God tells us so much, Malach. 3. 8, 9 Will a man (saith he) rob God? (as if it were a thing intolerable, and scarce ever heard of) yet ye (saith he) have robbed me. But ye say, Wherein have we robbed thee? In Tithes and Offerings. Ye are cursed with a curse, because ye have robbed me. (For that's the burden that goes with things consecrated, Cursed be he that alienates them.) This Malachi lived at the same time with Nehemiah, and the jews say 'twas Ezra; whence this exprobration of his, and this fact of Nehemiah in my Text, may justly seem to have relation one to the other. And thus much of my first Observation.  
My Second is, That God rewardeth these, and so all other our Good deeds and works, not for any Merit or Worthiness that is in them, but of his free Mercy and Goodness, Remember me, O my God, (saith Nehemiah) and wipe not out my good deeds: Why? is there any Reward due to them of justice? No; But remember me, O my God, and spare me, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the greatness, or multitude, of thy mercy. Thus he expounds himself. And S. Paul taught us even now the selfsame thing in his Votum or Prayer for the House of Onesiphorus, for the like good service done to the Offices of God's House; The Lord (saith he) grant unto him that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day, that is, the day of judgement, which is Tempus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The time of rewarding, when every one shall receive according to his work.  
The controversy therefore between the Romanists and us, is not, Whether there be a Reward promised unto our Works: We know the Scripture both of the Old and New Testament is full of Testimonies that way, and encourageth us to work in hope of the Reward laid up for us: We know that in keeping of God's Commandments there is great reward, Psal. 19 11. And that unto him that soweth righteousness shall be a sure reward, Prov. 11. 18. We know our Saviour saith Matt. 5. 11, 12. Blessed are ye when men revile and persecute you,— for great is your reward in heaven. Also that He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall receive a Prophet's reward: and whosoever shall give a cup of cold water only to one of his little ones in the name of a Disciple, shall not lose his reward, Matt. 10. 41, 42. Again, we read Luk. 6. 35. Love your enemies, do good and lend,— and your reward shall be great, and ye shall be the children of the Highest. We know also what S. john saith, 2 Ep. v. 8. Look to yourselves, that ye lose not those things which ye have wrought, but that ye may receive a full reward. But the Question is, Whence this Reward cometh; Whether from the Worth or Worthiness of the Work, as a debt of justice due thereto; or from God's Mercy, as a recompense freely bestowed, out of God's gracious Bounty, and not in justice due to the Worth of the Work itself. Which Question, methinks, Nehemiah here in my Text may determine, when he saith, Remember me, O Lord● for my good deeds, according to thy great Mercy: and the Prophet Hosea, ch. 10. 12. when he biddeth us, Sow to yourselves in righteousness, and reap in mercy: and S. Paul, Rom. 6. 23. where though he saith, that the wages of sin is death, yet when he comes to eternal life, he changeth his style, But (saith he) eternal life is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gracious gift of God through jesus Christ. For as for our Works, they are imperfect; and whatsoever they were, we owed them to him in whom we live and have our Being, whether there were any Reward or not promised for them.  
Neither do we hereby any whit detract from the truth of that Axiom, That God rewardeth every man according to his work: For still the Question remaineth the very same, Whether there may not be as well merces gratiae, as merces justitiae; that is, Whether God may not judge a man according to his works, when he sits upon the Throne of Grace, as well as when he sits upon his Throne of justice.. And we think here, that the Prophet David hath fully cleared the case in that one sentence, Psal. 62. 12. With thee, O Lord, is Mercy; for thou rewardest every one according to his work.  
Nay more than this; We deny not but in some sense this Reward may be said to proceed of justice.. For howsoever originally and in itself we hold it cometh from God's free Bounty and Mercy, who might have required the Work of us without all promise of Reward, (For, as I said, we are his Creatures, and owe our Being unto him;) yet in regard he hath covenanted with us, and tied himself by his Word and Prom●●e to confer such a Reward the Reward now in a sort proveth to be an Act of justice, namely of Iusti●ia promissi on God's part, not of Merit on ours: even as in forgiving our sins (which in itself all men know to be an Act of Mercy) he is said to be Faithful and Just, 1 john 1. 9 namely in the faithful performance of his Promise; For Promise (we know) once made, amongst honest men is accounted a due debt. But this argues no more any worthiness of equality in the Work towards the obtaining of the Reward, than if a Promise of a Kingdom were made to one if he should take up a straw, it would follow thence, that the lifting up of a straw were a labour or a work worth a Kingdom, howsoever he that should so promise were bound to give it.  
Thus was Moses careful to put the children of Israel in mind touching the Land of Canaan, 
Deut. 9 5.  (which was a Type of our Eternal habitation in Heaven) that it was a Land of promise, and not of merit, which God gave them to possess, not for their righteousness, or for their upright heart; but that he might perform the word which he swore unto their Fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and jacob. Whereupon the Levites, in this Book of Nehemiah, 
Chap. 9 8.  say in their Prayer to God, Thou madest a Covenant with Abraham, to give to his seed the Land of the Canaanites, and hast performed thy words, because thou art just, that is, true and faithful in keeping thy promise. Now because the Lord hath made a like promise of the Crown of life to them that love him, S. Paul sticks not in like manner to attribute this also to God's justice; Henceforth (saith he, 2 Tim. 4. 8.) is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord the righteous judge shall give me at that day; and not to me only, but to all them that love his appearing. Upon which S. Bernard most sweetly, as he is wont, Est ergo quam Paulus expect at corona justitiae; sed justitiae Dei, non suae: justum quippe est, ut reddat quod debet; debet autem quod pollicitus est. There is therefore a crown of righteousness which Paul looks for; but it is of God's righteousness, not his own: it being a righteous thing with God to give what he owes; now he owes what he hath engaged himself to by promise.  
Lastly, for the word Merit; ●t is not the name we so much scruple at, as the thing want nowadays to be understood thereby: otherwise we confess the name might be admitted, if taken in the large and more general se●se, for Any work having relation to a reward to follow it; or whereby a reward is quocunque modo obtained; in a word, as the Correlate indifferent either to merces gratiae or justitiae, the reward of Grace or of justice.. For thus the Fathers used it; and so might we have done still, if some of us had not grown too proud, and mistook it. Since we think it better and safer to disuse it; even as Physicians are wont to prescribe their Patients recovered of some desperate disease, not to use any more that meat or diet which they find to have caused it.  
And here give me leave to acquaint you with an Observation of a like alteration of speech, and I suppose for the selfsame cause happening under the Old Testament; namely of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 changed into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Righteousness into That which findeth mercy: For the Septuagint and the New Testament with them render the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Righteousness; not only when it is taken for Beneficence or Alms, (as in that Tongue it is the ordinary word) in which use we are wont to expound it Works of mercy; but where there is no relation to Alms or Beneficence at all. Whence I gather that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Septuagint meant not, as we commonly take it, Works of mercy; but rather Works whereby we find mercy at the hands of God. I will give you a place which methinks is very pregnant, Deut. 6. 24, 25. where we read thus, And the Lord commanded us to do all these Statutes, (you may see there what they are) to fear the Lord our God, for our good always, that he might preserve us alive, as at this day. And it shall be our Righteousness, if we observe to do all these Commandments before the Lord, as he hath commanded us. Here the Septuagint (for, And it shall be our Righteousness) have, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And it shall be our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that whereby we shall find mercy at the hands of God, if we observe to do all these Commandments, etc. This place will admit no evasion; for there is no reference to Alms here. And indeed all our Righteousness is nothing else but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that whereby we find mercy at the hands of God: and no marvel if Works of mercy (as to relieve the poor and needy) be especially so called, for they above all other are the works whereby we shall find mercy, and receive the reward of Bliss at the last day. And thus much of my second Observation.  
I come now to my third; That it is lawful to do good works Intuitu mercedis, with an eye or respect to the recompense of Reward. It is plain that Nehemiah here did so; Remember me, O my God, concerning this, etc. So did Moses, of whom it is said, Heb. 11. 25, 26. that he chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; Esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt: for, saith the Text, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (aspiciebat vel intuebatur) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he had respect unto the recompense of Reward. And, I confess, it seems an unreasonable thing to me, that that which is made the End (though but in part) of the Action, should not be at all looked unto by the Agent, whenas Finis is principium Actionis; and that that which God hath promised unto us as an encouragement to make us work with the more alacrity, should not be thought on nor looked to in our working. Do not they who would persuade this, go the way to discourage men from good works, by removing out of their sight the Encouragement which God hath given them?  
But they object, the obedience of God's Children ought to be filial, that is, free, and not mercenary, as that of Hirelings. I answer; Obedience which is only for Reward, without all respect or motive of Love and Duty, is the Obedience of an Hireling; not that which acknowledgeth the tie of Obedience absolute, and the Reward no otherwise due than of his Father's free love and bounty, as every true child of God doth, and aught to do.  
They object again that of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 13. 5. Charity seeks not her own: now say they, the works of God's children must proceed from love and charity. I answer; What though Charity seeks not her own? may not yet a charitable man so much as look or hope for his own, or have an eye to what is promised him? But this place is altogether misapplied and abused: For that property of Charity now mentioned (as some also of the rest in that Chapter) concerns only our Charity towards men, and not our Charity towards God; the meaning thereof being, That a Charitable man will sooner lose his own, than by seeking or contending for it break the band of Charity. And this may suffice for my third Observation.  
Now I come to the fourth and my last Use of this Text, which I told you in the beginning followed thereupon; namely, That if Almighty God remember them who have done good deeds unto his House and the Offices thereof; much more ought we, who are partakers of the comfort and benefit of such Bounty, to remember and honour them with a thankful celebration of their Names.    

DISCOURSE XXXV.  

DEUTERONOMIE 33. 8.  And of Levi he said, Let thy Thummim and thy Urim be with thy Holy One. 
THIS Verse is part of that Blessing wherewith Moses the man of God blessed the children of Israel before his death; and These words are part of the Blessing of Levi; a Blessing which much exceeds those that went before it, 
Heb. 7. 6.  and is far above all that come after it. For as S. Paul proves Melchisedec to be greater than Abraham, 
Vers. 9●  because he blessed Abraham; and worthier than Levi, because he tithed Levi in the loins of Abraham: So may we say of this Blessing, that it is the greatest of all, because it is the Blessing of him who by his Office was to bless all the rest; and the worthiest of all, because by it the party blessed is enabled to bless the rest of his Brethren. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Always that by which another is, that thing itself is more than the other.  
In the Words themselves we will consider first The subject blessed, and then The quality of the Blessing itself. The Subject blessed is expressed both by name, and by description: by name, Levi; by description, God's Holy One. The Blessing itself is contained in words few, but for substance plentiful; Vrim and Thummim; nay more than so, Thy Thummim and Thy Vrim: that we might know whence this Blessing comes; how that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Divine thing, the gift of God, who is the Author and Giver of all good things. And of Levi he said, Let thy Thummim and thy Vrim be with thy Holy One.  
To begin first with the subject, 
Deut. 33. 8.  Levi. What Levi was is so well known, that it were needless to say much to make it better known. Only this, that Levi was the Tribe which God had especially bequeathed to himself, and set apart for the ministry of the Altar. Concerning whose Name (though Observations drawn from Names are like an House raised upon the Sand; yet because of old, and among the Patriarches, Names were given by the spirit of Prophecy,) it will not be altogether unworthy our speculation to remember why this Name Levi was imposed, which we shall see as truly verified in that Function to which God did advance his posterity, as it was by his Mother fitly given to himself upon the good hope she conceived at his birth.  
For Levi signifies a conjoiner, an Vniter, or maker of Union; For thus said Leah when she bore him, 
Gen. 29. 34.  Now at this time will my husband be joined to me, because I have born a third son: And she called his name Levi. She called him Levi; but (for aught we read) in regard of herself she sound him no Levi as she hoped: but she prophesied of that sacred Office whereby all the sons of Levi became Conjoyners, became makers of Union (not between jacob and Leah, but) between God and Man, between Christ and his Spouse, between the spiritual jacob and his deformed Leah, For, as truly as ever Leah spoke, might the Church then, and may the Church now, affirm, when she hath born these sons unto her husband, Now I know, my heavenly husband, my Lord, my God, will be joined to me; because I have born him these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, these sons of Union, 
* ● Cor. 5. 18.  these Ministers of reconciliation. Plato could say, A Priest was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A friend-maker between God and men: Nay, his whole Office is nothing but the Service of peace, and that not only between God and man, 
●Iohn 4. 20.  but between man and his brother; For how can he love God, who loves not his brother? or how can he be at peace with God, who is at variance with his brother? Needs must he therefore that is Minister of the one be Minister of the other also: and he that is so, nay he alone that is so, is a right Levite and a true son of Union.  
How unworthy then of this holy Name, how unworthy to succeed in the holy Order of Levi, are those who are Ministers of division; who by their lives, doctrine, example, or any other way divide God and his Church, and the Church within itself; who neither have peace with God themselves, nor will suffer others to have it; who neither agree themselves with others, nor suffer others to agree among themselves? 
Matt. 5. 9  Beati pacifici, Blessed are the Peacemakers, especially in the sons of Peace. This Christ prayed for in his Apostles, joh. 17. 11. saying, Holy Father, keep them through thy name, that they may be one as we are one. Christ is so one, that he makes all one who are one in him; so should every son of Levi be one. In sum, the Ministers of God are called Angels, and therefore should sing a song like unto that song of Angels, 
Luke 2. 14.  Glory be to God on high, peace on earth, and good will amongst men. That Church which hath such a Levite, such a Minister, such a son of Union, may truly take up the words of Micah, judg. 17. 13. and say, Now I know the Lord will do me good, seeing I have a Levite to my Priest.  
AND thus much of the Name Levi: Now I come unto the Tribe itself; concerning which there may be two things asked. First, Why God did confine the Priesthood to one Tribe alone, and not suffer it to be common to all, as it was before the Law, and is now since the Law. Secondly, Why Levi was chosen to this holy Function rather than any other Tribe.  
To the first, Why God did limit this holy Function to one Tribe only, some of the jews make this answer; That one of the sons of Israel with his whole posterity was due unto God by virtue of Iacob's Vow, Gen. 28. 20, etc. which was, that if God would be with him in his journey, and bring him back again unto his Father's house, Of all that thou shalt give me, saith he, I will give the Tenth unto thee. Now because God gave children, as well as beefs and sheep, therefore they also must fall within compass of his Vow. And that there might be no difficulty about tithing the odd children, because there were more than Ten, they devise this way to make all even. For first, say they, the full number of Iacob's children was fourteen, because that Ioseph's two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh, go in the number of Iacob's sons: For jacob (Gen. 48. 5, 6.) said unto joseph, Thy two sons which were born unto thee in the land of Egypt before I came into Egypt, shall be mine, as Reuben and Simeon are mine; but thy lineage which thou begettest after them, shall be thine. Now of these fourteen, four were the Lord's by his right unto the firstborn; for so many there were which first opened the womb of their four Mothers, Rachel and Leah, Bilhah and Zilpah, Iacob's two Wives and his two Concubines. Now of the remainder, being ten, one falls to God's share for Tithe, as being comprised within their Father's Vow.  
This reason, though it be as you see handsomely framed, yet hath no great likelihood, because men use not to be tithed; and therefore this extent of the Vow is beyond the intent of the Vower. And whereas they urge the words, Of all that thou shalt give me; they seem to forget that God gave unto jacob, besides his sons, great store of man-servants and maidservants; and yet we read not that any of these were dedicated unto God, or that he challenged any of their posterity.  
The only or chief Cause (if I am not deceived) why God restrained the Priestly Function to one Tribe, was for a sign and band of the restraint of his Church to one People: For as the Church cannot be without the sacred Function of the Ministry; so likewise the condition thereof must follow the condition of the Ministry. As long therefore as none could be a Priest but of the Tribe of Levi, so long there could be no Church but of that people whereof Levi was a Tribe. A point of sacred Policy so to order the choice of Ministers as shall be most fit to uphold the present state of an established Church.  
The other Question we propounded was, Why God chose Levi before any other Tribe. And of this many Reasons may be given. As 

1. For Moses his sake, whom God would honour by advancing the house of his Father to the highest pitch of dignity that mortal man could attain to. For what greater honour than to be Ambassador of the Lord of Hosts, to be admitted unto the inspection of his most secret Mysteries, to be God's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his proper and peculiar portion? would God they either knew or believed this who think their house disgraced, and their blood stained, if any of their Kin become of the Clergy. It was not so in God's opinion, no nor Moses his neither; for had it been, Levi of all the Tribes should not have been God's Holy one.  
2. The second Reason was the Nobility of this Tribe? for Levi was ennobled both generally, as being the son of a lawful Wife, and not the son of an Handmaid; and specially, as being of kin to Moses the Prince of the Congregation: In the first respect he was nobler than many of his brethren; in the second, more noble than any of them. This example of God's own choice of men for his holy Service if we would look unto, we would not sin the sin of jeroboam 
* ●1 King. 12. 31 , to make Priests almost of no other but of the lowest of the People. I speak not only of the lowest for external condition, but of the lowest for the gifts of their Mind. For I know it is true which the Virgin hath in her Magnificat, Luke 1. 52. That God often puts down the mighty from their seats, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and exalteth them of low degree: I know it is true that he often filleth the hungry with good things, and the rich he sends empty away, v. 53. But we should know that whensoever we offer unto him, he requireth the best thing in our hands; and therefore for this worthy Calling we are to give unto him, as far as may be, the worthiest among the sons of m●●.  
3. Another Reason why God chose this Tribe afore other, may be the Smallness thereof, being not above the sixtieth part of the people: A number which God in his wisdom saw fit for that Church, as being both sufficient for instructing the people, and discharge of the duties of their order, and not too great to live of God's ordinary, his Tithes and the other Offerings of the Altar; whereas the least of the other Tribes were as big as three of it.  
4. But the last Reason, and as it seems one of the chiefest, is that which Moses intimates in the very verse following my Text, speaking thus of Levi, That he said unto his Father and to his Mother, I have not seen them; neither did he acknowledge his brethren, nor knew his own children; but observed God's word and kept his Covenant. In which words Moses alludes unto their forward zeal to avenge the Lord of the people which worshipped the golden Calf, Exod. 32. 26, etc. where it is said, that Moses stood in the gate of the camp and cried, Whosoever is on the Lord's side, let him come unto me. And all the sons of Levi gathered themselves unto him. Then said Moses, thus saith the Lord God of Israel, Put every man his sword by his side, and go in and out from gate to gate throughout the Camp, and slay every man his brother, and every man his companion, and every man his neighbour. And the children of Levi did according to the word of Moses, etc. For Moses had said. (so it follows in the Text) Consecrate yourselves unto the Lord this day ● even every man upon his son, and upon his brother, that there may be given you a blessing this day. This Blessing here spoken of is our Vrim and Thummim, the blessing of Sacred Order. So bountifully did God reward them who were so forward to be on his side when Moses called them, that himself vouchsafed to call them unto his side for ever.    
Whence, first we may learn whom we are chiefly to prefer unto this holy Function, namely, Those who are zealous for the Lord of Hosts, who prefer the glory of God above all worldly respects whatsoever. This got Phinehas the son of Eleazar the High-Priesthood; this got all the sons of Levi the guerdon of Vrim and Thummim, the blessing of Holy Orders.  
Secondly, We may see by the advancement of this Tribe, how merciful our God is. We know that Levi's fury did once as much offend him as his son's zeal now pleased him; and yet for this one action he forgot the sin of their Father in the bloody slaughter of the Sichemites: He remembered not the curse of jacob, Into their secret let not my soul come: My glory be not thou joined with their assembly. Cursed be their wrath, for it was fierce; and their rage, for it was cruel, Gen. 49. 6, 7. Nay he turned the very curse of jacob into a blessing, by dividing them in jacob, and scattering them in Israel. Here Mercy and Truth met both together, and justice and Peace kissed each other.  
Lastly, Here God verified his own description of himself, That though he be a jealous God, 
Exod. 20. 5, 6.  and visits the sins of the Father upon the children unto the third and fourth generation; yet he is also a merciful God, and shows mercy even unto the thousandth generation of them that love him and keep his Commandments.  
AND thus have you seen why of Levi Moses said this Blessing, And of Levi he said. Now I come to The description of this blessed Tribe, in these words, God's Holy one: Let thy Vrim and thy Thummim be with thy Holy one. How is Levi here called Holy? how is this Title given to him above the rest of his Brethren? Are not all the Lord's people holy? Certainly whatsoever is meant hereby, it is something more specially belonging to Levi than to any other Tribe. Which that we may the better find, we must take notice of a Threefold Holiness; Essential, Habitual, Relative. Essential Holiness is the Holiness of God, all one with God himself, and this is a glorious Holiness: Who (saith Moses) is like unto thee, O Lord, among the Gods? who is like unto thee, glorious in holiness? Exod. 15. 11. Habitual I call an Inherent Holiness, such as is the holiness of righteous men, integrity of life, or righteous holiness, whereof Abraham, job, David, and all the Patriarches are called Saints and Holy men. This is that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins Sanctimonia. Relative Holiness I define a special relation, or relation of peculiarity which a thing hath unto God, either in regard of propriety of possession, or speciality of presence. That which is holy after this manner the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins Sacrum. The first of these three is proper to God alone, for he only is essentially holy. The second is proper to reasonable creatures; for they are only habitually holy, or endued with holy qualities. But the last is common to all manner of things; For all things animate or inanimate are capable of relative holiness or peculiarity towards God; Persons, Things, Times, Places. Persons; So the Nazarites of the Law are called holy: thus was Samson, thus was Samuel holy from their Mother's womb. Things; So the Offerings of the Law, yea and of the Gospel too, are holy things: The Censers of Korah and his company were holy, 
Num. 16. 38.  because (saith the Text) they offered them before the Lord. Times; So the Sabbath-day and other Festival days are holy days. Places; So the Temple of the Lord is an holy Place; Mount Zion an holy Mount; yea the ground about the Bush where God appeared to Moses is called Holy ground. And of these four; 
Exod. 4. 5.  Persons, Things, and Times are holy, because of God's peculiar propriety in them, in that they are his Persons, his Things, and his Times: But Places are holy in another regard, because of God's special manner of Presence in them.  
Now let us see in which of all these three ways Levi may be said to be holy. Essentially holy he cannot be, for he was not God, but the holy one of God. Habitually holy the event shows he was not more than the rest, though he should have been. The Tribe of Levi was always Tribus sacra, holy unto the Lord, but was not always righteous before the lord 
Mal. 2. 6.  It was not always true of Levi, that he walked before God in peace and equity, and turned many from iniquity; but often, yea too often, they were gone out of the way, 
Vers. 8.  and caused many to stumble at or in the Law. Phinehas the son of Eli was not like Phinehas the son of Aaron. Annas and Caiaphas' high Priests, as holy as any for their order, as unholy as any in life and conversation.  
It should therefore seem that Levi should be only called Holy by a Relative holiness; namely, because he was God's peculiar one, because his 
* Num. 8. 10. 11, 13.  offered one, because his peculiar of peculiars; that is, his peculiar Tribe of his peculiar people: for in this Levi had a privilege above the rest, in the other none. And this Ezra gives unto him chap. 8. 28. when he delivered unto the Levites the holy vessels Ye are holy (saith he) unto the Lord, and these Vessels are holy also, that is, Ye are holy as the Vessels are: for he saith not, they were holy before the Lord; for so he had meant holy in life: but holy unto the Lord, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which always implies a Relative Holiness.  
But though this be true that Levi was Holy after this manner, yet the word which in my Text is turned Holy, seems scarce to admit of this construction: for the word here used is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies favourable and gracious, and in Religion charitable and godly: All which leans to an Habitual, not to a Relative holiness. But because Levi was not in this sort holy above other, as I said before; it may seem therefore it should be thus construed; that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken Actively or Passively: Actively, it signifies favourable, benign and gracious; Passively, he that is favoured or graced. And thus junius expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place, virum tuum quem beneficio prosequeris, Let thy Thummim and thy Vrim be with thy favoured one; not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Septuagint, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which word and sense the Angel useth in his salutation to the blessed Virgin, 
Luke 1. 28.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hail thou highly-favoured one; Hail thou whom God hath especially graced to be the Mother of his only Son. So Levi is here described to be one upon whom God bestowed a special favour or grace, a special 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the grace of the holy Ministry: for so S. Paul calls this power of Order a grace or favour, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Eph. 3. 8. Unto me, who am less than the least of all Saints, is this grace given, to preach among the Gentiles the unsearchable riches of Christ. 
1 Tim. 4 ●wprd●  And of Timothy the same Apostle speaketh, Neglect not that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or grace in thee, which was given by prophecy with the imposition of hands. With this grace was Levi graced, with this favour was he highly favoured, and well might be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God's highly favoured one.  
And thus the issue will be all one, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this sense will fall out to be God's holy one in the last sense: For to be specially favoured of God is to have a special relation to God-ward, to be God's more especially; and this is to be holy with a Relative holiness. Now which soever of these we take to be here meant, we see that that is in special given to Levi, which otherwise was common to all the other Tribes. If you take it in the first sense, for Holiness in life, as it were to put Levi in mind how it behoved him above all to be holy; were not all the Tribes as holy as Levi? and yet Levi alone is called God's holy one. If you take it in the second sense, for a Relative holiness; were not all the Tribes of Israel thus holy unto God? were not all his own people, his peculiar people, and a chosen Nation? and yet Levi alone is called God's holy one. If you take it in the last sense, for God's favoured one; were not all Israel a Nation favoured of God above all Nations? and yet Levi alone is especially called God's favoured one. 


1. We therefore whom God hath set apart to minister about holy things, we who are holy unto the Lord, and God's own in a peculiar manner, we who have a special relation unto God, we who have received a special favour from God; We must remember we owe a special thankfulness unto him. We who are God's peculiars, must demean ourselves peculiarly both toward God and man: We are unto God as other men are not, and therefore may not always do as other man do: We cannot reason from others to ourselves, no not in things of themselves lawful, Why should not we do as every man may do? For all that is lawful for others will not be seemly for us; for we are the houshold-servants of the most High, we are special men, of whom God requires a special demeanour in life and actions.  
This was one cause why God enjoined the jews so many peculiar Rites and special Observations differing from the fashions of other people, because they were his peculiar people, an holy Nation; because they were toward him as no other was, though all the world were His; and therefore he would have their manners differ from the fashion of all other Nations, as a badge and acknowledgement of that special relation they had to him above others. Levit. 20. 24, 25, 26. I (saith God) am the Lord your God, which have separated you from other people: Ye shall therefore put difference between clean beasts and unclean, unclean fowls and clean, etc. And ye shall be holy unto me: For I the Lord am holy, and have severed you from other people, that you should be mine. This was also a cause why God restrained the Priests of the Law from that which was lawful for the rest of the people: They might drink no Wine; they might not mourn for their kin: 
Levit. 21.  they might not marry a divorced woman: the reason of all this is given, because they were holy unto the Lord; that is, with a Relative holiness, as being God's men in a special manner, and therefore he required they should specially demean themselves in their lives. These Observations indeed were Ceremonial, but there is something Moral in them. And therefore in the New Testament we hear of some special things required in a Minister; as that he should have a good report of those who were without: this was not required in every one who was to be a Christian. 
1 Tim. 3. 7.  Again, S. Paul requires in a Bishop, that 
* Vers. 2.  he should be the husband of one wife: this was not in those times required of every one who was to be a Christian. I shall not need to tell you what special demeanour the ancient Church bound her Clergy unto: But it came to pass at last this Rule was over-practised by them; for hence it was that a Bishop might not marry at all, that Priests and Deacons might not marry being once in Orders, and at last marriage was quite forbidden them all. Thus our Fathers erred on the right hand, but we go aside on the left: They restrained their Clergy from that which was lawful for and beseemed all men; we think almost that lawful for us which is lawful for no man; at least we think that which any man may do, we may do also. But there is a golden Mean between these Extremes; happy is he that finds it, for he alone shall demean himself like himself, like a Levite, like God's holy one.   
2. From this special title given to Levi, we may note how causelessly some are offended to hear those who minister about holy Things distinguished from others by names of holiness and peculiarity; to hear them called Clerus, and Clerici, The Clergy, as it were the Heritage of God; for so saith S. Jerome, Clerus dicimur, quia sors Dei sumus, We are called Clerus, or the Clergy, because we are the lot and portion of God. But, say they, 
1 Ep. ch. 5. 3.  are not the People also God's Heritage? Doth not S. Peter call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when he forbids Presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to domineer over God's heritage? I confess he doth: But those who reason after this manner come too near the language of Dathan and Abiram, Numb. 16. 3. Moses and Aaron, you take too much upon you; Is not all the Congregation holy, every one of them? and is not the Lord among them? why then lift ye yourselves above the Congregation of the Lord? If this reasoning had been good, wherein had these Rebels offended? It could not be denied them, that all the People were an holy People; for they might have alleged the testimony of God himself, avouching them to be his peculiar People and an holy People unto the Lord their God: All the earth (saith he, Exod. 19 5.) is mine; but you shall be my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 my peculiar people, a Kingdom of Priests, and an holy Nation.    
But it might be answered them, Though all the people were God's peculiar people, and therefore his holy ones; yet Levi was his peculiar Tribe of his peculiar people, and therefore comparatively his only holy one. All the Land of Canaan was the Lord's, The Land is mine, 
Lev● 25. 23.  saith he, and therefore it could not be alienate beyond the year of 
* Vers. 10.  jubilee; and yet for all this there were some parts of the Land specially called Holy unto the Lord. 
Of the XI. degrees of the Holiness of Places in the land of Israel, see Talmud in K●lim, 1. ●. ● Maymon. in B●th● habbe●ch●●●h.  All the increase of corn, all the increase of wine, all the fruit of the field was the Lord's; and yet the Offerings alone were called Holy unto the Lord. God himself calls them his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his inheritance, and therefore gave them unto that Tribe alone, which alone he had made his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Tribe of his inheritance: So the 
* Num. 8. 10, 11, 13.  offered Tribe lived of God's offerings, the holy Tribe on the holy things. Again, why may we not call our Clergy God's inheritance, when God himself calls the Levites his Levites? Thou shalt (saith he, Num. 8. 14.) separate the Levites from among the children of Israel, and the Levite shall be mine; that is, my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, my Clergy. Why may not we call the Ministers of Christ his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or inheritance, when he himself calls them the gift his Father gave him out of the world? for so he saith, joh. 17. 6. I have declared thy name unto the men thou gavest me out of the world; thine they were, and thou gavest them me: and again, ver. 11. Holy Father, keep them in thy name, even them whom thou hast given me. If you say he speaks here of all his Elect, the words following v. 12. prove the contrary; for those (saith he) whom thou hast given me, I have kept, and none of them is lost but the child of perdition. Here he plainly affirms, he lost one of those his Father gave him; wherefore he speaks not of his Elect ones, for those no man can take out of his hands. Again, ver. 18. As thou didst send me into the world, saith he, so I sent them into the world: but I hope all the Elect are not sent as Christ was sent by his Father. I conclude therefore, So long as God in the Law says specially of the Levites, They are mine; So long as Christ in the Gospel of his Apostles, They are mine, O Father, which thou hast given me out of the world; it is neither arrogancy nor injury to style those who minister about holy things by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the inheritance of the Lord.  
WHAT LEVI was, and what is meant by this Title [God's Holy one] we have now showed sufficiently. It remains we should come unto the words containing the Blessing itself, which is called Vrim and Thummim: the words themselves signify Light and Perfection, Illumination and Integrity: good endowments certainly, whosoever shall enjoy them.  
But because they are not only Appellative words, but also Proper names of certain things, we must inquire further what is meant by them; and that in a twofold consideration. First, specially and properly, as they are names of certain things belonging in special unto the High Priest: Then generally, as they are applied by Moses unto the whole Tribe of Levi. The first again shall be twofold. What they were in the High Priest personally; or what they signified in him typically, himself being also a Type.  
For the first, What is meant by these things as they belong unto the High Priest personally, is a matter full of controversy; and therefore that we may the better proceed, we will first see the Generals wherein all or the most agree; and after come unto the particulars wherein they disagree.  
The first wherein all agree is, that this Vrim and Thummim was something put in the Breastplate which was fastened to the Ephod over against the Heart of the High Priest. And thus much the Scripture witnesseth, Exod. 28. 30. where God saith to Moses, And thou shalt put in the Breastplate of judgement the Vrim and the Thummim; and they shall be on Aaron's heart when he goeth in before the Lord. And for this cause, as most think, was the Breastplate made double, that the Vrim and Thummim might be enveloped therein.  
The second thing wherein all agree is, That this Vrim and Thummim was a kind of Oracle whereby God gave answer to those that enquired of him; and from hence the Septuagint call the whole Breastplate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which some turn Rationale, but might more truly be turned Orationale; for an Oracle is as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the voice of God, though this Voice or Revelation were of divers kinds; for at sundry times and in divers manners (saith S. Paul) God spoke in old time to our Fathers. 
Hebr. ●. ●.  The jews therefore make four kinds of Divine Revelation. First, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Prophecy, which was by Dreams and Visions. The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Holy Ghost, as was in job, David, and others. The third Urim and Thummim, which was the Oracle. The fourth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Voice from heaven; which was usual in the second Temple after the Oracle had ceased: as Matt. 3. 17. at Christ's Baptism there came a Voice from heaven, saying, This is my beloved son, in whom I am well pleased; and joh. 12. 28. when Christ said, Father, glorify thy name; There came a Voice from hea●●● (like 
* Vers. 29.  thunder) saying, I have both glorified it, and will glorify it again.  
But to return again to our purpose; That Urim and Thummim was an Oracle of God, besides the consent of jews and others, it is plain by Scripture. Num. 27. when God had commanded Moses to put his hands upon joshua, and to set him over the congregation in his stead; he adds Vers. 21. And he (that is, joshua) shall stand before Eleazar the Priest, who shall ask counsel for him by the judgement of Urim before the Lord. So 1 Sam. 23. when David was to ask counsel of the Lord, he called for the Ephod, wherein the Oracle was: and whereas before he had once or twice asked counsel of the Lord concerning Keilah, to prevent the objection how the Lord answered, it follows in the next by way of a Prolepsis, That Abiathar then Priest, when he fled to David to Keilah, brought the Ephod with him, vers. 6. Lastly, in the second of Ezra, when certain of the Priests which returned from Captivity could not find their names written in the Genealogies, it is said vers. 63. that the Tirshatha commanded they should not eat of the most holy things, till there rose up a Priest with Urim and Thummim, that is, till God should by Oracle reveal whether they were Priests or no: whereby it also appears that this Oracle had then ceased.  
And for more light to that we have in hand, it will not be amiss to observe, 
How T●raphim answered to Vrim and T●ummim.  that Teraphim among the Idolaters was answerable to the Urim and Thummim of the holy Patriarches. Both were ancient: For 
* Gen. 31. 19  Rachel is said to have stolen away her Father's Teraphim: and Urim and Thummim seems to have been used among the Patriarches before the Law was given, 
Exod. 28. 6, etc.  because the making of it is not spoken of among other things of the Ephod; and because God speaks of it to Moses demonstratively, 
Vers. 30.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Vrim and the Thummim.  
Both also were Oracles: For the jews and others agree, Teraphim were small Images made under a certain constellation, which they used to consult both in things doubtful and things future, supposing they had a power to this effect received from heavenly influence; much like to Puppets made of wax and like matter, which our Wizzards still use unto like purpose. And therefore Ezek. 21. 21. we read that the King of Babylon among other divinations consulted also of Teraphim: And the King of Babel (saith the Text) stood at the head of the two ways, to use divination; he consulted with Teraphim, he looked in the liver. And Zech. 10. 2. Surely (saith the Text) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Teraphims have spoken vanity, and the Soothsayers have seen a lie, and the Dreamers have told a vain thing.  
Besides, from this like use of Teraphim with the holy Vrim and Thummim, we may read Ephod and Teraphim joined both together as things of like kind. As Hosea 3. 4. The children of Israel (saith the Lord) shall remain many days without a King, and without a Prince, and without an Offering, and without an Image, and without an Ephod and Teraphim. Yea of so near a nature was this Teraphim unto the Vrim and Thummim, that Micah, he that had an house of Gods, when he had made an Ephod, because he had no Vrim and Thummim, he put Teraphims instead thereof; as we may gather judg. 17. 5. And in ch. 18. we may see also that when the children of Dan enquired of the Lord concerning their journey, it pleased him to give answer by the Idolish Teraphim. So we may gather likewise that the Israelites after Ieroboam's schism, having no Vrim and Thummim, used Teraphim in the Ephod; and therefore it is that Hosea threatens that they shall be without Ephod and Teraphim.  
HAVING hitherto shown how far it is agreed about Vrim and Thummim, in the next place the points of difference ought to be considered; which are either about the matter whereof it was made, or the manner how God answered by it.  
For the Matter; Some will have it to be nothing else but the writing or carving of the great name jehovah, which was put within the folding of the Breastplate; and that it was called Vrim and Thummim, because by the knowledge of the mystery of jehovah in the Trinity our minds are enlightened and our understandings made perfect.  
Some other there are of the same opinion, but they will have it called Vrim and Thummim, because by the virtue of that name written the High Priest was enabled to return clear and perfect answers. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  And moreover they say the Breastplate was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Exod. 28. 15.  the Breastplate of judgement, because by it the Lord gave as it were sentence and judgement what was to be done in hard and doubtful matters. And this is the opinion of Rabbi Solomon.  
Some others will have it called the Breastplate of judgement, because that by it the judgement of the judges, if it were amiss, was hereby as it were pardoned; because the High Priest was to bear the sins of the People. The Authors of this opinion are mentioned by R. Solomon.  
Aben Ezra saith it was so called, because by it the judgement and decrees of the Lord were known: and he thinks also that Vrim and Thummim were something 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  made by the hand of the craftsman.  
But Nachmanides and R. Solomon say, it was 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 opus coeli, 〈◊〉  opus divinum, and given to Moses in the Mount; or at least that God showed him how to make it.  
Some think it was nothing but the Stones in the Breastplate, by the shining whereof God did anavere, favourably answer and grant; by the not shining, abnuere, disallow and refuse. 
〈◊〉. in Rad.  But Kimchi confutes this, because it is spoken of as a differing thing in the same place where the stones are described: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  But he himself says, it is not certainly known what the Urim and Thummim were.  

* In L●ge●.  Nachmanides saith it was certain sacred names, by the virtue whereof the letters of the Breastplate were enlightened and ordered so that the Priest might read the answer of God: and that which caused shining was called Vrim; and that which made them legible, Thummim.  
The sum of these Opinions laid together is, That this Oracle was either the Stones of the Breastplate themselves, or something in the folding of the Breastplate, which by a divine virtue did cause the Stones to shine, and by the letters of the Tribes names in them as it were to express the answer of God.  
For concerning the Manner of this Oracle, 
Talmud Babylon. in joma, c. 7. Vid ctiam Abarben. in Exod. 28.  the Talmudists report thus much: First, No private man might consult with Vrim and Thummim, but either the King, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that was chief of the Consistory, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Consistory or judges themselves; and that in matters difficult and of great importance.  
Secondly, 
Vid. Tal. Hieros. joma in Gemara: & Maimonid. in Hal. Cele hammikdash cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maimon.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he that enquired must stand with his face looking full upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Priest whom he asked; and the Priest stood with his eyes fixed upon the Ark, or upon his breast (say some) where was the Vrim and Thummim.  
Thirdly, The voice was to be a soft still voice, and 
* Vid. Talmud Babylon joma c. 7.  not above one thing to be asked at one time: But if they asked two things at once, the answer was only unto the first; but in case of extremity, unto both. And such was David's case, 1 Sam. 30. 8. when he asked concerning the Amalekites who had burnt Ziklag, Shall I follow this company, (saith he) and shall I overtake them? The Lord answers, Follow, for thou shalt surely overtake them, and recover all without fail.  
Now if you ask how the Priest knew the answer of the Lord: First, you must remember there were twelve stones in the Breastplate, and in those stones the twelve names of the Sons of Israel, either set or carved; and that there might be a full Alphabet of letters, there was also, 
* Vid. jalkut ex libro Siphre, & Talm. Babylon joma.  say they, written upon the Breastplate, Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, and these two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Tribes of jeshurun or Israel. Now when the Lord answered, the letters expressing the answer, by the divine virtue of the Vrim and Thummim became 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. prominentes; that is, they showed forth themselves with a splendour, that the Priest might read the answer of God. As 2 Sam. 2. 1. when David asked the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shall I ascend into any of the Cities of judah? the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Shimeon, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Levi, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in jehudah, put themselves forth, or shone forth with a splendour, that the Priest might read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ascend. Though some of the jews say the letters became 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, joined themselves together and made a word: which as I cannot conceive how it should be, so I think it less probable.  
And thus hitherto have you heard the divers Opinions of the matter and manner of this Oracle of Vrim and Thummim. Here is variety enough; I leave to every one to make his own choice which he will believe: only give me leave to add thus much in way of censure of them, which is, That they all seem against reason and likelihood to confound Vrim with Thummim, in making them one and the same thing called by divers names in regard of divers effects and uses: which I can the less believe, because I find Vrim alone used in matter of consultation with God, whereby it seems Thummim had some other use. In the 27. of Num. 21. Moses commands joshua in all business to consult the High Priest by the judgement of Vrim before the Lord; but no speech of Thummim. Again, 1 Sam. 28. 6. it is said that Saul asked counsel of Lord, when he was to go against the Philistines; but the Lord answered him not, neither by dreams, nor by Vrim, nor by the Prophets. Here also is Vrim spoken of, but no word of Thummim.  
If I may therefore speak what I think, I would say, That Vrim and Thummim were a twofold Oracle, and for a twofold use. And that Vrim was the Oracle, or part of the Oracle, whereby God gave answer to those who enquired of him in hard and doubtful cases; therefore called Vrim or Lights, because as ignorance is called darkness, so is all knowledge a kind of illumination or enlightening; and that which bringeth knowledge is fitly called a Light, because it dispels the darkness of our minds.  
But Thummim was that Oracle or mean whereby the High Priest knew whether God did accept the Sacrifice or no; therefore called Thummim, that is, Integrity, because those whose Sacrifice God accepted, were accounted Thummim, that is, just and righteous in the eyes of God; because their Sacrifice was a shadow of Christ's Sacrifice, by acceptation whereof we are justified and made righteous before God. For without doubt the Patriarches and Legal Church had some ordinary mean to know when their Sacrifice was accepted; else had they been behind the Gentiles, for they had a sign to know when they did Litare, that is, when their false Gods accepted their false sacrifice: and as the Devil was God's Ape in giving Oracles, so I verily believe he was in this also. Nay 
* Amiqu●● I●d. lib. 3. cap. ●9.  josephus expressly affirms it of the jews, though for the particular I suppose he is mistaken: For he saith, that whensoever God did accept the Sacrifice, the Onyx-stone on the Priests left shoulder shone with an admirable splendour; but this, saith he, ceased 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two hundred years before his time. And no wonder; for when the Sun of righteousness drew near unto his rising, those dimmer Vrim and smaller stars must needs lose their light. Now that which josephus affirms of the Onyx-stone on the left shoulder, I suppose was mistaken for the Thummim on the left part of the Breastplate,  
And lastly, as I said before of Vrim, so I think of Thummim, That it was in use among the Patriarches of old; and that by some such means as this Abel knew that God accepted his Offering, and Cain that his was refused.  
And thus much of Vrim and Thummim considered Personally in the High Priest; now I come to consider it Typically: for as the High Priest himself was a Type of Christ, so must these Adjuncts of his also be Types of something in Christ. Which we shall not be long a finding out, if we remember again the signification of the words, and the use of the things themselves: Vrim is Light and Illumination; Thummim Integrity and Perfection. By Urim the jews were ascertained of the counsel and will of God; by Thummim of his favour and good will towards them. All this agrees to Christ both in himself, and in regard of us.  
In himself. His Breast is full of Vrim, full of Light and Understanding: In him are hid all the Treasures of Wisdom and Knowledge, as S. Paul saith; 
Col. 2. 3.  He is the Wisdom of the Father 
* Heb. 1. 2. john 1. 3.  by which the world itself was made. His heart is also endowed with Thummim, with all kind of Perfections: He was conceived without Original sin, lived without Actual sin; fulfilled the whole Law of God, which is the Law of Thummim, the Law of all Perfection.  
Thus to Christ himself agrees both Vrim and Thummim: and so it doth also in regard of us; for he is an Vrim and Thummim both to us and for us. To us he is Vrim, 
john 1. 9  a Light which enlighteneth every one which cometh into the world: He is the Light which shone in darkness, but the darkness could not comprehend it: He was that Light by which the people (as it is said in Matthew 4. 16.) which sat in darkness saw great light. 
Vers. 5.  And of this Light john came to bear witness, that all might believe in him, john 1. 7. In sum, Christ is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Patris, the Word and Oracle of his Father, by whom we know and learn the Father's will: for so S. john saith, ch. 1. 18. No man hath seen God at any time; the only-begotten Son who is in the bosom of the Father, he hath revealed him unto us.  
Neither is Christ only an Vrim, but also a Thummim to us. For as by Thummim the jews were ascertained of God's favour toward them in accepting their Sacrifice; so by Christ coming in the flesh is revealed the unspeakable Mercy of God to Mankind, in that he would accept his Sacrifice once offered for the expiation of the sins of the whole world. This is that goodwill toward men which the Angels sung of as soon as he was born; 
Luke 2. 15.  Glory be to God on high, Peace on earth, and goodwill towards men: Yea, Glory be to God on high for this Peace on earth, and for this goodwill towards men.  
Thus we see Christ an Vrim and Thummim to us: now let us see how he is the same for us; and that is when his Wisdom and Righteousness is made ours by imputation. So his Vrim becomes our Vrim, his Thummim our Thummim; that is, his wisdom is made ours, his righteousness and favour with God made ours; for, This is my wellbeloved Son (said a Voice from Heaven) in whom I am well pleased. 
Matt. 3. 7.  In brief, S. Paul comprehends both these together, where he saith, Christ jesus is made unto us Wisdom, 
1 Cor. 1. 30.  Sanctification, and Redemption. And so, Lord, Let thy Vrim and thy Thummim be with thy Holy One.  
AND thus much for the special consideration of this Vrim and Thummim, both Personally and Typically: Now I come unto the general meaning thereof, as it concerns not the High Priest only, but the whole Tribe of Levi; for this is the Blessing of that whole Tribe. And in this large respect the meaning cannot be Proper, for so it belongs unto the High Priest to have Vrim and Thummim; nor Typical, because the Priests only, and not the under- Levites, were Types of Christ: but the sense must be Analogical, signifying some endowments common to all Levites which resemble the Vrim and Thummim upon the Breast of the High Priest.  
Now what these are the words themselves import: namely, Light of Understanding and knowledge, this is their Vrim; and Integrity of life, this is their Thummim. The first makes them Doctores Teachers, the second Ductores populi Guides and Leaders of the People. He that wants either of these two, wants the true ornament of Priesthood, the right character of a Levite.  
For though these endowments may well beseem all the Tribes of Israel; yet Moses specially prays for them in Levi, because by him they were to come to all the rest: and the want of them in him could not but redound to all the rest: Ita populus, sicut sacerdos, Such as the Priest is, such will the People be; the Priest cannot err, but he causeth others to err also; the Priest cannot sin, but he causeth others to sin also. 
Mal. 2. 6, 8.  And this is it that Malachi saith from the Lord unto the Priests of his time, Ye are gone out of the way, and have caused many to stumble at, or in, the Law. But the Levites of old, (saith the same Prophet) The Law of Truth was in their mouth, and iniquity was not found in their lips: they walked with God in peace and equity, and turned many from iniquity. Here you see when the Levites err, the people err also; when the Levites walk in equity, the people are turned from iniquity.  
The Ministers of Christ must be Lux mundi, 
Matt. 5. 14.  the light of the world; Vos estis lux mundi, Ye are the light of the world, Ye are the world's Vrim, faith Christ unto his Apostles: 
Mal. 2. 7.  For the lips of the Priest should preserve knowledge, and they should learn the Law at his mouth. This light of knowledge, this teaching knowledge is the Vrim of every Levite; and therefore Christ when he inspired his Apostles with knowledge of heavenly mysteries, 
Acts. 2. 3.  he sent a new Vrim from above, even fiery tongu●s, tongues of Vrim from Heaven: He sent no fiery heads, but fiery tongues; for it is not sufficient for a Levite to have his head full of Vrim, unless his tongue be a candle to show it unto others. There came indeed no Thummim from heaven, as there came an Vrim; for though the Apostles were secured from errors, they were not freed from sin: And yet we who are Levites must have such a Thummim as may be gotten upon earth, 
Tit. 2. 7.  for S. Paul bids Titus in all things to show himself an example of good works: and this is a Thummim of Integrity.  
But besides this Thummim, the Ministers of the Gospel have received from God more especially another Thummim, like unto that which was proper to the High Priest; namely, the power of binding and losing, which is as it were a power of Oracle to declare unto the people the remission of their sins by the acceptance of Christ's Sacrifice. And this directly answers to Thummim in the first sense.    

DISCOURSE XXXVI.  

JEREMIAH 10. 11.  Thus shall ye say unto them, The Gods that made not the Heavens and the Earth (even) they shall perish from the Earth, and from under these Heavens. 
THESE words are written in the Chaldee tongue, whereas the rest of the Prophecy is in the Hebrew: the reason whereof you shall then have, when we have first seen the Occasion, Coherence and Sum of the words; which is as followeth. The Prophet having in the end of the last Chapter threatened the jews and all the neighbouring Nations with captivity, Edom, Ammon, Moab, with the Arabians of the wilderness: in this Chapter leaving out the rest he singles out the jews, to instruct them for their demeanour and carriage in their captivity; to wit, that they should not learn the way of the Heathen whither they should be carried, 
Verse 2.  that they should not be dismayed at the signs of Heaven, 
Verse 5.  nor regard their Gods of Gold and Silver, which could do neither evil nor good.  
But lest they should think they had acquit themselves well if they abstained from what they should see the Heathen do; he tells them, they must yet do more than this, they must make open profession against their Gods; they must proclaim against their Idolatry and false worship: and therefore in the middle of his exhortation he enterlaceth these words in the Chaldee tongue, Thus shall ye say unto them, etc.  
These words then contain a Proclamation which the jews are enjoined from God to make against the Gods of the Gentiles, when they should be carried captive to Babylon: wherein are to be considered two things. 1. The Proclaiming itself. 2. The Sum of the Proclamation. The Proclaiming, in these words, Thus shall ye say unto them: The Sum of the Proclamation in these, The Gods which have not made the Heavens and the Earth, (even) they shallperish from the Earth, and from under these Heavens. In the Proclaiming are three things considerable. 1. The Persons Who. 2. The Persons To whom. 3. The manner, How. The Persons Who, in the word Ye; that is, Ye jews, who are the worshippers of the living God; Ye captive jews carried out of your own land, and living as slaves and vassals under your proud Lords the Babylonians; Ye shall say unto them. 2. The Persons To whom; To them: what Them? even your Lordly Masters of Babylon; Ye shall say unto them. 3. The manner, How; Thus: that is, not in cryptick or mystical terms, or in your Hebrew mutterings, a language which they understand not; but in the vulgar tongue of Babylon, in plain Chaldee, Thus shall ye say unto them,— etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Gods which have not made the Heavens and the Earth, etc.  
In the second part, which I called The Sum of the Proclamation, are two things contained. 1. A description of false Gods, in these words, The Gods which made not the Heavens and the Earth. 
jer. 10. 11.  2. Their doom, in these, They shall perish from the Earth, and from under these Heavens.  
I shall speak of these in order; and first of the Persons who must make this Proclamation, namely, The Israelites: Ye Israelites; Ye Servants of the God of Heaven; Ye Sons of promise, and peculiar heritage of the Lord of hosts; Ye, upon whom the dew of grace is shed from heaven; Ye, to whom the most High hath given his Oracles, and made his Name known amongst you; Ye shall say unto them. Hence I observe,  
That it is the office of every one who is a member of God's Church and the child of Grace, to endeavour to bring others to the knowledge of God and godliness. First, All things in nature desire and covet the propagation of that kind wherein themselves are ranked. The Fire is no sooner kindled, but presently it will turn all it lays hold upon into its own nature. As it is with the Fire of Nature, so must it be with the Fire of Grace; it is as possible for the Sun to want light, and the Fire to be without heat, as the Fire of Grace to be kindled in their hearts who endeavour not to inflame others with the same heavenly fire.  
Do we not see every Citizen, every member of any Company or Society, how eagerly they desire, and how forward they are to further the enlargement of that Commonwealth and Society whereof they are members? What one nobly descended but desireth the enlargement of his house and kindred continually? What true Englishman but desireth the increase of our King's subjects, the amplifying of his dominions, and the Revenues of his Crown? We would account them monsters who should be otherwise affected; nay unworthy to live any longer as members, or enjoy the rights of Subjects. How canst thou then be a member of God's kingdom and not labour the increase of God's Subjects? or how darest thou usurp the name of a Christian, or think thyself a child of Grace, who endeavourest not the propagation of that heavenly Hierarchy whereof thou callest thyself a member? The woman of Samaria had no sooner found the Messias, but she runs and calls the whole City to be partakers of her happiness, john 4. 29. Christ bids Peter (Luke 22. 32.) When thou art converted, strengthen thy brethren.  
S. Paul in nothing more expressed the Character of a Christian than in this: In the presence of Agrippa so servant was his wish that all who heard him that day were even as he was: 
Acts 26. 29.  so great was his zeal, Rom. 9 3. that so his loss might have been recompensed with the gaining of the whole jewish Nation unto Christ, he could have been willing to be taken out of the Roll himself; I could wish (saith he) that myself were accursed from Christ, for my brethren my kinsmen according to the flesh.  
The Devil was no sooner fallen, but he presently laboured to bring Man to the same ruin; 
● Pet. 5. 8.  nay the restless compasser still goeth about like a roaring Lion, seeking continually whom he may devour. His Instruments are like him. The sons of Belial, how busy are they in debauching others and making them like themselves? The Pharisees ran over sea and land, 
Matth. 23. 15.  and spared no labour to bring numbers to their Sect, though but to make them, as Christ speaks, filii Gehennae, sons of Hell. The jesuits how run they up and down into all corners of the world, from the Sun rising unto the going down thereof, to propagate their Heresies? Nay, the very mahometans run about the world to gain proselytes for their beastly Prophet Mahomet. And shall the children of the Kingdom of Heaven only want this desire, this zeal, this endeavour? Impossible: And if any such seem to be, who do it not, surely they are but bastards, and such as God will never own to be his.  
Some report of Mules and other such like creatures of Mongrel and mixed generation, that they beget not again: Even such Mongrels are those Christians who beget not unto God, who labour not the conversion and drawing of others unto Christ. We pray unto God every day, Let thy Kingdom come: Let that which is our daily prayer, be also our daily endeavour, even of all that say to God [Our Father;] else he will be no Father of ours. Indeed the Kingdom of God shall come in despite of the Devil and all his Regiment, but happy are those who further it: For those that turn many unto righteousness, 
Dan. 12. 3.  shall shine as the stars in the firmament for evermore. Thus much shall suffice for the first Observation.  
One thing more I have yet to observe from the condition of the persons to whom this word [Ye] hath relation: Ye shall say; namely, Ye captives, Ye whom the Lord your God hath given into the hands of your enemies, and made you as the offscouring and refuse in the midst of the people; Ye whose City, the glory of the whole earth, is consumed with fire, whose Priests and Princes are all slain with the sword, and the remnant of your people carried into a strange land; Ye a people overwhelmed with the floods of affliction, and (as far as the eye of flesh can see) forsaken of the God whom ye worshipped; Ye, even ye, shall say unto them, The Gods that made not the Heavens and the Earth, etc. Hence observe, No men so fit to glorify God, whether by confession of the mouth or devotion of the heart, as his servants when they are humbled by affliction. The Reasons are plain: For 

1. It is the Love of the World which quencheth our love toward God. So long as the World pleaseth us, so long our Love to God is weak and feeble: but if once we are weaned from our delight and content in worldly things, than (if ever) we cleave firmly unto God; then are our hearts inflamed, and our whole spirit fixed in Heaven, which before stuck fast in earth. Even as the Fire in coldest weather scorcheth most; so doth the zeal of God's servants burn most in the midst of affliction. The righteous are like the Palmtree, which then riseth highest, when the burden laid thereon weigheth heaviest: So it is with them, the weight of their affliction makes them rise up to Heaven.  
2. In affliction only it will appear whether men feared and loved God for his own sake or no, or whether for some worldly respect only. It is the property of a true Christian not to disclaim God in affliction, as hypocrites do; but then to confess him most, when the world sees least cause why they should at all. Until the storms and winds came, 
Matth 7. 26.  the house built upon the sand seemed to stand as strong as that upon the rock.    
This trial was it that Satan would have God put job unto: Doth job (saith he) fear God for nought? 
job 1. 9, 10, 11,  Hast thou not made a hedge about him, and about all he hath? etc. But put forth thy hand now, and touch all that he hath; and he will curse thee unto thy face. As if he had said, While all things prosper in his hand, who knows whether he be a man that truly feareth thee? but strike and afflict him, and then it will soon appear what he is. And indeed the Devil saw soon what job was unto his little liking, when the weight of his afflictions pressed these words out of his mouth, Though he kill me, 
job 13. 1●.  I will trust in him.  
For this cause, That it might appear the Church was reared upon no earthly foundation, the Wisdom of God would have it planted in Martyrdom, and watered with the blood of his Saints. For the same cause also was the glorious name of Confessors in the Primitive Church given unto those who had held their Faith in the time of trial and persecution: and for this cause would God have his people here to avouch him in the land of their captivity; that the more the world wondered, the more he might be glorified.  
Seeing therefore we are most fit to glorify God in the time of our affliction, Let this be a Motive unto us both of Comfort in the depth of sorrow, and of Patience in the midst of pain; always when the hand of God is upon us, confessing with David, Psal. 119. 71. Bonum est, Domine, quòd humiliasti me, It is good, Lord, that thou hast humbled me.  
AND thus I come to the Persons to whom this Proclamation is to be made, intimated in the word [Them;] Thus shall ye say unto them: what Them? even your Lords and Masters, even your Lordly Masters, your Rulers, your proud Conquerors.  
Sins therefore against the Person of God are to be reproved without all respect of Persons. Such sins are sins of Idolatry, or sins of the first and second Commandment: For when false Gods are worshipped, whether mediately or immediately, the Person of God is dishonoured. In these sins therefore the Cautions concerning persons who should reprove, and persons who are to be reproved, which in other sins Wisdom makes considerable, have no place at all: Be the person reproving, or the person to be reproved, public or private, greater or lesser, it skilleth not; for in case of Idolatry, the poorest beggar on the earth may admonish the greatest Emperor in the world. Indeed the quality or condition of persons may be opposed to all other respects whatsoever, and so make some time and some place unfit for reproof or admonition; nay the quality of the persons of men may be such as doth exclude some persons from reproving them: But when the case concerns the Person of God himself, then to spare or regard the persons of men is Idolatry itself; for this is to honour men more than God himself; this is to suffer God to be dishonoured, lest the honour of men should be impeached. I confess the danger is great in regard of the flesh; but we must know what our Saviour saith, 
Matth. 10. ●7.  He that loveth father or mother, yea his own life, better than me, is not worthy of me.  
Thus the glorious Martyr Ignatius reproved Trajan the Emperor, whilst he was sacrificing to his Gods, even at the very Altar, and in the face of his whole Army, being at Antioch. And for the same sin we see here the poor captive jew was to reprove his great Babylonian Lord, the miserable and contemptible slave the conqueror of the world, the miry foot the head of gold: For thus shall ye say even to them, The Gods which made not the heavens and the earth, etc.  
AND so I will leave the Persons both Ye and Them, and come to the third and last circumstance I considered in this act of protesting or proclaiming against the Gods of the heathen, and that is, The manner how it should be done, intimated in the word Thus; Thus shall ye say unto them: that is, in plain Chaldee; not in Hebrew, how holy a tongue soever, but in the vulgar tongue of Babylon; Thus shall ye say unto them. Here we see That God will have his Church to utter his Oracles in the vulgar tongues of the Nations. When ye inform the Gentiles of any part of the knowledge of me, Thus shall ye say unto them. Surely our Prophet's sudden changing of his Dialect here was a Praeludium to that great publishing of God's name to the Gentiles in their vulgar tongues after the Messias should come; which 
* Therapeut. 5.  Theodoret avoucheth to have been when he saith, that the words of the Apostles and Prophets were turned into the languages of the Romans, Egyptians, Persians, Indians, Armenians, Scythians, Sauromatans', and all the languages which any Nation used.  
Certainly, to keep the Scriptures in an unknown tongue, is of all other the most unreasonable madness; but to teach Pagans the Articles of their Creed at their first conversion in the Latin tongue, as the Spaniards have done with the Indians, is a most ridiculous folly. It not the Word of God his revealed will unto his whole Church? But how is it revealed in an unknown tongue? Or is the Word of God a revealed will unto those only who are learned, and hidden to others?  
But if the Scriptures were in vulgar Tongues, 
Object.  they might be occasions of many heresies, by the mistakes of the vulgar, if they might read them.  
This is strange. 
An●●.  Can every Friar in a Pulpit, when he preacheth, warrant his words from being mistaken or perverted to heresy? and are the words and sayings of God himself so obnoxious that they may not be read? Nay, if God himself may not speak in a vulgar tongue, I see far less reason why a Friar should: And so should the people know nothing at all concerning God, if a good may not therefore be done because some will abuse it to evil.  
NOW I come to the second main part of my Text, The Sum of the Proclamation, containing in it two things. First, A description of false Gods, The Gods which made not the heavens and the earth. Secondly, Their doom, They shall perish from the earth, and from under these heavens.  
To begin with the first, The Gods which made not, etc. He saith not, Those who were not Abraham's Gods, or Iacob's Gods, nor the Gods which brought not Israel out of Egypt, or such like; but, The Gods which made not the heavens and the earth. Whence note,  
That men are to be dealt with and persuaded out of the Principles they acknowledge and are addicted to. Ethnics, out of the Principles of Reason and Nature, or the like; jews, out of Moses and the Prophets; Christians, out of the Gospel: In sum, All sorts of men, from that they are addicted to. This is a Maxim of wisdom which God himself hath approved.  
So the jews acknowledging Prophetical doctrine, are dealt with out of the Prophets; 
Esay 7. 14.  A Virgin shall bear a Son. But the Magis of the East, being addicted to Astrology, are drawn to Christ by the apparition of a Star: and therefore the Star appeared not in judaea, 
Matth. 2. 2.  because the jews used not to heed such things, they had the Oracles of God; but it appeared in the East, that is, was seen by them only who dwelled in the East; which made the wise men wonder and joy so much, when afterward it went before them going to Bethlehem. 
Verse 10.   
So S. Paul, 
Acts 17. 23.  being to preach a God the Athenians knew not, avouched and defended his fact by an Altar of their own, inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, To the unknown God; whence they might be convinced, that a God whom their fathers knew not might yet be a God to be worshipped. The same Apostle teacheth Tilus to convince the Cretians out of their own Poets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Ti●us 1. 12.  On the contrary, S. Peter having to deal with the jews and Proselytes, Acts 2. useth no other grounds but the Prophecies of 
* Verse 16.  joel and 
* Verse 25.  David.  
Again, S. Paul being to enter with the Ethnics of Lystra, Acts 14. 15. who would needs have sacrificed to him as to a God, insinuateth with an Argument from Nature and from the Creation of the world; Why do ye (saith he) these things? we are also men of like passions with you; and preach unto you, that you should turn from these vanities unto the living God, which made heaven and earth, and the sea, and all things that are therein.  
As it is with divers Sects in Religion, so is it with divers sorts and conditions of men; an Argument or Motive suitable to one sort is altogether unfit for another. All Vessels are best handled by their ansae or ears, on what part soever they stand: he that handleth them otherwise, handleth them but aukwardly: So it is with men's minds; there are in every man's opinion or affections certain ansae or ears, whereon a wise persuader should lay his hold, to draw men unto him. For this cause Aristotle in his Rhetorics describes the several dispositions of several sorts of men; of men, of women; of young, of old; of rich, of poor; of noble, and ignoble; that a Rhetorician might suit his motives accordingly. A Dog is tolled with a bone, a worm is a bait to catch a fish, a pigeon brings the hawk unto the Falconer's lure: So must every wise fisher of men, every wise angler of souls, make choice of Motives according to the several dispositions and conditions of the hearers; according to that of S. Paul, 1 Cor. 9 20, 21, etc. Unto the jews I became as a jew, that I might save the jews; to them which are without the Law, as without the Law, that I might gain them that are without the Law: To the weak I became as weak, that I might gain the weak: I am made all things to all men, that I might by all means save some. And thus much shall suffice for this first Observation.  
My second Observation from these words is this, That the true God may be known by the Principles of Nature, or the Creation of the Heaven and Earth. For that which is a character or note of false Gods must needs likewise imply an argument for the true; Rectum est index sui & obliqui: If those who made not the Heaven and the Earth are false Gods, he than that made them is the true.  
This is that which some call Natural Theology; others, the Ascent of the Soul to God by the Scale of the creatures, the steps whereof are to be ordered as followeth. 
How the Understanding ascends to God by the Scale or L●dder of the Creatures.  1. All men by God do understand some Person, or a living and Reasonable Essence. 2. All men will grant that which is God to be the most excellent of all Persons or Living Essences. 3. The Perfections of a Living and Reasonable Essence are threefold; In the Understanding, In the Will, and In the Faculties of working: In the Understanding is Wisdom; In the Will, Goodness; In the Faculties, Power: Whatsoever therefore hath a Sovereignty in these three, is the most excellent of Living and Reasonable Essences. All men therefore, if they want not the ordinary use of Reason, will assent, That under the name of God they mean Him to whom belongs a Sovereignty of Wisdom, a Sovereignty of Goodness, and a Sovereignty of Power and Might. Thus far we agree and walk together: But the error of the Nations hath been in the Application; namely, To whom belonged this Sovereignty, and whether it belonged to many, or to one alone.  
But howsoever the Gentiles in this Application became vain in their Imaginations, 
Rom. 1. 21, 23.  and transformed the glory of this incorruptible Sovereignty into the image of corruptibility; yet, as the Apostle saith, 
* Verse 20:  God left them not without a witness, in that those invisible things of him are seen by the creation of the world: For a workman is known by his work. The greatest work and the goodliest work that ever was, is the Creation of the world. He than that made the Heaven and the Earth is he alone to whom this threefold Sovereignty belongeth: He alone is Almighty, He alone is All-good, He alone is Alwise.  
What greater Power can there be than to make the Heaven and the Earth of nothing? what Might so mighty as that which made whatsoever else is mighty; even so many millions of powers as are in the Heavens above; so admirable variety of faculties as are found in the Earth below? Is there any Wisdom like unto his, who in so manifold a work made nothing superfluous or vain, but all things for their end; who ordered and appointed such means for every end as better could not be devised; who settled so goodly an Order, and gave to every thing a Law and Rule which it should observe? What Goodness so unspeakable, as to have bestowed upon every thing some portion of goodness, and to have sufficiently furnished them with endowments to attain and preserve the same? What Goodness can be like unto that which he hath shown unto us, in making and ordaining all that ever he made for out use and service? Thus we see the admirable Power, the incomparable Wisdom, and unspeakable Goodness of him that made the Heavens and the Earth. He therefore is the true and living God, and lives for ever. Those Gods which made not the heavens and the earth are no Gods, and shall perish from the earth, and from under these heavens.  
Thus have I let you see one part of The Scale of the creatures, by which the Soul ascends unto God. But there is another half yet behind, to make a complete Iacob's ladder: For the Ascent of the Soul unto God by the comtemplation of the creatures, is either the Ascent of the Understanding, to know him, or the Ascent of our Will, through obedience to worship him. The first is that which I have hitherto spoken of: The second, though it be not here used and applied by our Prophet, yet it is implied by his example in the former, in that he hath therein taught us what use to make of the consideration of the creation of the world, and creatures of God.  
The Ascent therefore of the Will consists in its conformity, and the conformity of all our Affections and Actions to the Will of God, 
How the Will ascends to God by the Scale of the Creatures.  so far as it may be seen in the works of the creatures: For God, in that he hath given them a Law, hath as it were stamped in them the character of his Will, which is the Law and Rule they observe in working. By this Ladder we may ascend two ways; either by express Example, or by Analogy. By express Example, where the Law which the Creatures observe in their workings is the very same which we ought to express in our actions. By Analogy, when the properties or actions of the Creatures, especially if they be otherwise unsuitable unto our nature, are emblematically and by way of resemblance applied to admonish us of our duties. To this kind belong Parable-similies, framed according to the will of the applier; whereof we shall find examples in the Scripture. But because the Ascent by Example is the firmer and surer, I will only show some few Examples of it.  
We see all Natural agents neglect their private good and proper end, to maintain the public good of the Universe; the Water ascends upward, the Air downward, against nature, to maintain the connexion and indivulsion of the parts of the world: So should every good member of a Commonwealth or Society pass by his private profit and private pleasure, to further the common good of the weal public. Every natural body will rend and break in pieces, rather than the Order of the world should be violated by a penetration of dimensions: So should every good member hazard, yea lose, both his life and estate, for the common behoof of that body whereof he is a member. All things of inferior nature give place without reluctancy to those which have a sublimity of nature above them; the Water willingly submitteth unto the Air, the Air unto the Fire, etc. yea, the one doth further, as far as it can, the ascent of the other above it: The like should we express in the subordination of degrees and conditions amongst men. All things which grow upon the earth turn their heads and faces upward, toward that by whose influence they grow and are preserved: So should we unto him in whom we live, 
Acts 17. 28.  and move, and have our being.  
These are only general Instances for a taste, drawn from the general rule of the Creatures, to admonish us of general duties. If I should from hence take a view of every several creature in his kind, 
Prov. 6. 6.  I might show you in clay all Ethical and Oeconomical virtues sampled in one kind or other of them. Go to the pismire, thou sluggard, saith Solomon. 
* Matt. 10. 16.  Be wise as serpents, saith a wiser than Solomon. 
* Esay 1. 3.  The Ox knoweth his owner, and the ass his master's crib; but Israel hath not known me, saith the Lord by the prophet Esay. 
jer. 8. 7.  The Stork in the heaven knoweth her appointed times; the turtle, and the crane, and the swallow observe the time of their coming, saith our Prophet jeremy. Go to the lilies of the field, 
Matth. 6. 28.  and learn of them, saith our Saviour. To say no more, There is no creature in the world but upbraids us with sin, in daily and continually breaking the Law of our creation, which they so inviolably observe.  
We should therefore hence learn to use these Creatures not for our bodies only, to array them and feed them, and such like, but for the spiritual good of the inward man; that so in them and with them we may glorify our Creator. God made all the Creation for the service of man: but not for the service of his Body alone, as most conceive it; but also for the service of his Better part, the Soul and Understanding. We should never therefore use, behold or look upon any one of our fellow-creatures, but we should be raised by them unto God, invited to devotion, and spurred to conform our Wills and Affections to the pattern of that Eternal Will which they any way express.  
I doubt not but the Philosophy of Solomon was of this strain, when he spoke of herbs and trees, 
1 King. 4. 33.  and of living creatures; the fragments which here and there remain in the Proverbs may give us some taste thereof.  
If we would do thus, it would abate our Pride, and make us know ourselves better. Lord, what is man but the most unreasonable creature upon the face of the earth, the most unjust, lawless, irregular creature that walks under the Sun? Consider the marches of that Royal host of Heaven; look upon the fowls of the Air and fishes of the Sea; survey all that springeth, all that moveth and creepeth upon the Earth; and tell me, from the circumference above unto the centre below, what one creature, what worst creature of God's making, what silly worm doth so transgress the Law of his creation as Man doth? And yet Man hath Reason given him, whereby he knoweth the Law and Rule he is to follow; Man hath also a liberty of Will: But what doth he with them? His Reason he abuseth to most unreasonable actions; his Will, to most licentious and abominable liberty. It is a wonder the Earth can endure to bear him so vile a burden, or the Sun to shine upon him the most unworthy creature in the world. Thus much concerning The description of the false Gods, in the words, The Gods that made not the Heavens and the Earth.  
It remains I should speak of their Doom, in the last words, They shall perish from the Earth, etc. Wherein I shall observe two things: 1. Their destiny itself, which is perishing; They shall perish: and 2. The circumstances of this perishing; from the Earth, and from under these Heavens. I make them two, because they will yield different Observations and Instructions.  
To begin therefore with the first, The Doom or Destiny itself, which is perishing; They shall perish. These words you see were a Prophecy of what was to come upon the Gods of the Heathen in aftertimes; 
The State a● the Times when this Prophecy of the downfall of Echni●tson was delivered.  for at the time and age wherein they were spoken, things in the world were far otherwise than here is foretold they should be: For the dominion and jurisdiction of jehovah, the God of Heaven, seemed exceeding small; his Name being only known in jacob, and his Greatness and Throne amongst the Sons of Israel; whereas Idols, false gods, and false worship, overwhelmed as it were the face of the whole earth. The kingdom of God was but a small parcel; whereas Devils and Idols commanded and swayed all the Nations of the earth besides. The dew of grace lay only upon the fleece of Gideon; but all the earth besides was dry. This was the state of the times when this Prophecy was uttered, nay worse at that time than ever it had been before: For even that small portion of men which acknowledged the Lord God of heaven, was now almost quite extinguished and devoured by the vassals of the Gods of the Nations; Israel being carried away captive into a strange land, with much unlikelihood of return, and the most High God as it were mastered by the Gods of the Nations.  
Ye have heard the state of the times wherein this Prophecy is commanded: Now let us consider of the Event; and this we shall find partly already accomplished, and partly yet to come. For the first, We have seen with our eyes, we have heard with our ears, and our fathers have told us the wondrous works of the Lord. We have heard and daily read of the admired Oracles of the Gentiles, of Apollo at Delphus, of jupiter Ammon in Egypt, and many more, too long to be named: but all of them are long since perished from the earth, and from under these heavens. We have heard of the names of many Gods in former times of great renown in these Islands of the Gentiles; jupiter, Mars, Apollo, Neptune, juno, Vesta, Venus, Minerva, Diana, etc. all Europe, Italy, Greece, and the les●er Asia, swarming with their Temples and Ceremonies: and yet now are they perished from the earth, and from under these heavens. Where is now Bel the God of Babylon, Nisroch the God of Assyria, Baal and Ashteroth the Gods of the Sidonians, Rimmon the God of the Aramites? Where is now Dagon of the Philistines, Milcom of the Ammonites, Chemosh of Moab, and Tammuz of the Egyptians? Even these also, whose names we hear so frequent in Scripture, are perished with their very names from this earth, and from under these heavens. And the Nations which once worshipped them, worship now the great God, Creator of heaven and earth, once all of them, and yet the most of them, truly and savingly in Christ jesus the Saviour and Redeemer of the world.  
The beginning of this strange and wonderful Change was about the Birth and Incarnation of Christ our Saviour, at which time the Gods of the Gentiles grew speechless in their Oracles: or if at any time they answered, it was to testify the nearness of that time wherein they were to be cast out, and the presence of him who should do the same. As it is reported of Augustus, 
Vide Suidam in Augusto Niceph. l. 1. c. 17. & Cedrenum in Synops. histor.  who consulting the Oracle of Apollo, who should reign after him, received this answer; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
The meaning whereof is this; The Hebrew child, which rules the blessed Gods, bids me leave this house, and presently pack to hell: From henceforth depart thou with silence from our Altars. Whereupon it is said that Augustus reared an Altar in the Capitol with this Inscription, ARA PRIMOGENITI DEI, The Altar of the First-begotten of God. 
* In his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quoted by Fusebius and Theodores.  Porphyry, though an enemy of Christians, reports three farewell Oracles of Apollo. The first whereof is this: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  In English thus; O woe is me! lament ye Tripods, for Apollo is gone, he is gone, he is gone; For the burning light of heaven, that jupiter which was, is, and shall be, O mighty jupiter, he compels me. Ah woe is me! the bright glory of my Oracles is gone from me. And to the Priest which last consulted him, his demand being, Which was the true Religion, he answered in this manner; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Then, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  In English thus; Thou unhappiest of the Priests, oh that thou wouldst not have asked me, being now at my last, of the Divine Father, and of the dear begotten of that famous King, nor of the Spirit which comprehendeth and surroundeth all things. For, woe is me! He it is that, will I, nill I, will expel me from these Temples; and full soon shall this dividing seat become a place of desolation. And if at any time he were extremely urged by enchantments and exorcisms to break off this uncouth silence, he answered, 

* Eusebius Prapar. Evang. lib. 5. cap. 16.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Apollo's voice is not to be recovered, it is decayed through length of time, and locked up with the keys of never-divining silence: but do you, as ye were wont, such sacrifices as it beseemeth Phoebus to have.  
The ceasing of Oracles, in ancient times so frequent, made the Heathen wonder what the cause should be; for being grown very rare as the coming of Christ drew near, and at the time of his being upon the earth, the chiefest of all, the Oracle of Delphos, grown speechless, as Strabo living at that time witnesseth, before the end of that Age all the Oracles of the world in a manner held their peace.  
Plutarch, 
Plutarch's acco●a● of the Causes why Oracles ceased.  as ye all know, at that time writ a Tract of the decay of Oracles, wherein he labours to find the cause of their ceasing; and after much search and many disputes he concludes the Reason partly to be from the absence of his Demoniacal spirits, who by his Philosophy might either die through length of years, or flit from place to place, either exiled by others more strong, or upon some other dislike; and partly from the alteration of the soil where Oracles were seated, which might not yield such Exhalations as in former times they had done. This is the Sum of the Reasons in that Discourse.  
But as we embrace this Testimony of Plutarch for the use and decay of Oracles; 
The true Cause of their ceasing.  so we are better enabled to give a true reason thereof than he was or could be: namely, As Meteors and smaller lights vanish and appear not when the Sun begins to rise; So did these false lights of the Heathen vanish when the Sun of righteousness, Christ jesus, arose unto the world. As Dagon fell down when the Ark of God was brought into his Temple; 
1 Sam. 5. 3.  so when the true Ark of God, Christ jesus, came into the world, all the Dagons of the Nations fell down: The time was come when (as our Saviour saith john 12. 31.) the Prince of this world was to be cast out; 
Rom. 13. 12.  The night was past, and the day was come; and therefore such Bats and Birds of darkness as these were not any longer to play such reaks as in times past they had done.  
Now began that War in heaven between Michael and the red Dragon, whereof we read in the Revelation, 
Rev. 12. ●.  Michael and his Angels fought against the Dragon and his Angels: that is, Christ our Lord and his undaunted soldiers fought with the Devil and all his Ethnic forces led by the Roman Emperors. Which War, though it lasted long, and cost the blood and lives of many a thousand valiant Martyrs; yet in the days of Constantine the Dragon received so great an overthrow, that he never could recover it: and though in the days of julian he made head again and kept the field a while; yet was he soon fain to quit it, and leave the victory unto Michael's army: Which defeature of his was accompanied with an ominous sign of his utter overthrow, his Throne or Temple at Delphos with earthquakes, thunder and lightning, being utterly ruined. For as by the rending of the veil of the Temple was signified the abolishment of Legal worship: so by the prodigious destruction of the chiefest Temple the Devil had in all the world, was, as it were, sealed the irrecoverable overthrow of Ehtnicism, which in the Event immediately following proved true. For though he retained some strength under Valens in the East, by still enjoying his wont sacrifices; yet in the days of Theodosius he was utterly and finally vanquished, when his last champion Eugenius, who threatened to be another julian, and to restore Ehtnicism again, with his whole Army was discomfited by the prayer and prowess of Theodosius, about the year of our Lord three hundred and ninety. For after this time Ehtnicism was never publicly maintained in the Roman Empire, nor any open attempt made for restoring it again; whereby it seems the red Dragon was cast down to the earth, 
Rev. 12.  and that now was perfected the Triumph of Michael's victory, when the Gods that made not the heaven and the earth were fully perished, as concerning their Empire, from the earth and from under these heavens.  
As the War was long, so the Victory was not gotten all at once, but by certain degrees, as it were; beginning with Constantine Anno 300. and ending in Theodosius, about (as I said) the year 390. And though it be hard to pitch the time of this Trophy exactly; yet I doubt not but it falleth in some part of the time included in the foresaid limits.  
Thus then have we seen the Truth and Power of God in fulfilling of this Prophecy, for so much as is already past, and may say with David, Psal. 48. 8. As we have heard, so have we seen in the city of the Lord of hosts, in the city of our God; God will establish it for ever. But who would have believed this at the time when the words were spoken, when the worshippers of the most high God were at so low an ebb? Hence therefore must we learn to believe the Promises of God, be they never so unlikely to humane Reason: For he it is that says, Esay 46. 11. I have spoken, and I will bring it to pass. It is he that says, jer. 32. 27. I am the God of all flesh, and there is nothing too hard for me. 
Gen. 17. 17. & 18. 11, 12.  Though Abraham be never so old, and Sarah's womb be dead; yet if the Lord says it, he shall be Father of many Though. 
* judges 6. 16.  Nations Gideon be the least of the house of Manasses; yet if the Lord says it, by him shall Israel be delivered from the Midianites. Though 
* 1 Sam. 16. 11.  David follow the sheep; yet if God promise, he shall be King of Israel. 
2 Kings Chap. 6, & 7.  Be the famine in Samaria never so extreme, that women eat their own children; yet if God say it, within twenty four hours shall corn be so cheap, that a measure of fine flour shall be sold for a shekel, and two measures of barley for a shekel, in the gates of Samaria. Let us take heed therefore we say not with him on whose hand the King leaned, 
Chap. 2. 7.  If God would make windows in heaven, it could not be; nor with the Israelites, when the spies brought them news of the strength of the Inhabitants of Canaan, of chariots of iron, and the giantlike sons of Anak, 
Numb. 13.  let us not say with them, we shall not enter: For that Lord who set humane reason against the Word and Promise of God, never eat of the abundance of Samaria; and the jews which disinherited God, never entered the land of Canaan. But let us know, for a conclusion, that God is faithful and true, and 
* 1 Cor. 2. 20.  his Promises yea and amen.  
HITHER TO we have spoken of the accomplishment of this Prophecy for so much as is already past; now let us see What that is which we expect as yet to come. For though in regard of former times, when Ehtnicism was so large, and the worshippers of the living God so small a scantling, the Extent of the Church be now at this day a goodly and large portion of the world: yet if we consider the numbers of nations yet Pagans, or not Christians, it will seem to scant as yet to be the accomplishment of this and other Prophecies concerning the Largeness of Christ's Kingdom before the end of the world.  
For one hath well observed, That Christianity at this day is not above the sixth part of the known world; whereas the mahometans have a fifth, and all the rest are Ethnics and Pagans. So that if we divide the World into thirty parts, Christianity is but as five in thirty, Mahumetanism as six, and Ethnicism as nineteen: and so is Christianity the least part of all, and plain Heathenism hath far above the one half of the known world; and the better part of the other is also Mahumetans. And though Christianity hath been embraced in former times where now it is not, yet it is now spread in those places where in those times it was not. And therefore all laid together, we may account Christianity at this day as large, I think, as ever it was since the Apostles time.  
But that this is not that Universal Kingdom of Christ, that flourishing and glorious estate of the Church, which yet we expect and hope for, my Reasons are these.  
First, Those frequent places of Scripture which intimate that the Lord should subdue all people, all kingdoms, all nations, and all the ends of the earth unto himself, and that all these should one day worship and acknowledge him. Psal. 22. 27. All the ends of the world shall remember and turn unto the Lord, and all the kindreds of the nations shall worship before him: for the Kingdom is the Lord's, and he is governor among the nations. And Psal. 47. 1. 2, 3. Clap your hands all ye people,— for the Lord is a great King over all the earth: He shall subdue the people under us, and the nations under our feet. And again, v. 7, 8. God is King of all the earth— and reigneth over the Heathen. Psal. ●6. 1, etc. Make a joyful noise unto God, all ye lands— Through the greatness of thy power shall thine enemies submit themselves unto thee. All the earth shall worship thee, and sing of thee; they shall sing unto thy Name. The whole 67. Psalms, which we read every day, is as it were a Prophecy and Prayer for this great Kingdom: That the may of God may be known upon earth, and his saving health among all nations. Let the people praise thee, O God, let all the people praise thee. Then shall the earth yield her increase, etc. God shall bless us, and all the ends of the earth shall fear him. And Psal. 86. 9, 10. All nations whom thou hast made, shall come and worship before thee, O Lord, and shall glorify thy Name. For thou art great, and dost wondrous things; Thou art God alone. And Esay 2. 18. (which is a Prophecy of Christ's kingdom) it is said, that the Idols the Lord shall utterly abolish; or, as some read, the Idols shall utterly pass away. So Esay 54. 5. speaking of the Amplitude of the Church of the Gentiles, Thy Redeemer, (saith the Prophet) the holy One of Israel, the God of the whole earth shall he be called. Certainly this constant style of Universality implies more than this scantling which yet is, it being but one of the least parts of the whole earth.  
Secondly, The same conclusion may be gathered from 1 Cor. 15. 25, 26. compared with Heb. 2. 8. Christ must reign (saith S. Paul in the first place quoted) till he hath put all his enemies under his feet. The last enemy which shall be destroyed is death. Hence it follows, that Christ shall subdue all his enemies, whereof the Prince of this world is the chief, before the last rising of the dead: For the subduing of death, that is, the rising of the dead, shall not be afore the rest shall be done; the vanquishing of death being the last act of Christ's reigning; which done, he shall yield up the Kingdom unto his Father.  
In the other place, Heb. 2. 8. the Apostle speaking of the same thing, allegeth that of Psal. 8. 6. Thou hast put all things in subjection under his feet; (and then adds) For in that he put all in subjection under him, he left nothing that is not put under him. But now (mark it) we see not yet all things put under him.  
If any say that the Apostle speaks here of the Kingdom of Glory in heaven, and not of the Kingdom of Grace on earth.  
I reply 1. out of the former place, That he speaks of such a subjection whereof the rising of the dead shall be the last act of all, and which shall be before he yields up the Kingdom to his Father: But neither of these can be affirmed of the Kingdom of Glory, but the contrary; viz. The rising of the dead is at the beginning, and not at the end of the Kingdom of Glory; and so is also the yielding up of his kingdom unto his Father.  
2. I reply out of this place, That the Apostle speaks of that Kingdom and subjection of the Earth, or state of the Earth, which was to come. For so he speaks, ver. 5. 
* See this more fully explained in a particular Tract of his, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Book III.  Unto the Angels he hath not put in subjection 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Earth, or state of the Earth, which shall be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of which we speak. Here he affirms, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that of whose subjection he meaneth. If then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify only the Earth and the Earth's inhabitants, and is no where in the whole Scripture otherwise used; I cannot see how this place can well bear any other exposition.  
First then to confirm this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same which the Hebrews call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for so the Septuagint render it, whose use of speaking I doubt not but the Apostle follows. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most constantly signifies the habitable earth, or the earth with the things that live and dwell thereon: whence the Septuagint, though they commonly render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet sometimes they render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The earth; sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That which is under heaven. Therefore with the Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The earth, and That which is under the heavens.  
If this suffice not, we may yet consider, That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a Participle of the feminine gender, and therefore understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the earth which is inhabited.  
Lastly, Wheresoever elsewhere this word is found in the New Testament, it is most expressly used of the earth and inhabitants thereof. In the beginning of this Epistle we read, 
Heb. 1. 10.  Thou, Lord, in the beginning hast laid the foundations of the earth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the heavens are the works of thine hands. Matth. 24. 14. This Gospel of the kingdom shall be preached 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, over all the earth, and then shall the end come. Luke 2. 1. Then went a decree from Augustus that all the world should be taxed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The rest behind are far more express; but I leave them to your own leisure, and will only add this one thing, That our English rendering in this place of the Hebrews, 
Heb. 2. 5.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The world to come, makes it not only ambiguous, but seeming to mean The Kingdom of Glory. But we shall find that The world in that sense is always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but no where in all the Bible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so I leave this, with submission to the judgement of others.  
My next Reason shall be from that we read in the Revelation, where the Church, by the conquest of Michael, 
Rev. 12. 6.  set free from the Dragon's fury, is said to escape into the wilderness; that is, into a state, though of safety, peace and security, yet of hardship, misery and scarcity: For it seems to be an allusion to the Israelites escaping the tyranny of Pharaoh, by going into the wilderness. In this wilderness, or place of hardship, scarcity, 
Verse 14.  misery and much affliction, the Church must remain (saith S. john) a time, times, and half a time; or, as he elsewhere speaketh, a thousand, two hundred and threescore days; 
Verse 6.  that is, a year, years, and half a year: and when this time shall be expired, (that is, as learned Divines think, when so many years shall be ended as those days are, taking the beginning of our reckoning from Michael's Trophy) then, saith our Apostle, shall the kingdoms of the world become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ, and he shall reign for ever and ever, Rev. 11. 15. Whereby it should seem that the Church is yet in the Wilderness; and that the promised happiness of the ample and flourishing glory thereof before the end of the world, is yet to come.  
My last Reason shall be from Rom. 11. where S. Paul speaking of the future restoring and calling of the jews, saith it shall be when the fullness of the Gentiles is come in; I would not (saith he) that ye should be ignorant of this mystery, etc. v. 25. Now because the jews are not yet called, it followeth that the fullness of the Gentiles is yet to come: and what should then this Fullness be, but the Fullness of the Gospel's extent over all the nations of the world; which our Apostle, ver. 15. of the same chapter, calls life from the dead? For if the casting away of the jews be the reconciling of the world; what shall the receiving of them be, but life from the dead? As if the Church of the Gentiles were as yet half dead, if it be compared with that glorious vigour and accession which shall come unto it when the jews shall be again received into favour.  
In brief, The Fullness here spoken of is either a Fullness of grace, a Fullness of extent, or a Fullness of time. A Fullness of time only it cannot be, because our Apostle saith, this Fullness shall enter in; namely, shall enter into the Church of Christ: but this I see not how it can be spoken of a period of time. 
Verse 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  As for a Fullness of grace and spiritual gifts, that was greater when S. Paul spoke than ever it was since; and therefore if it be meant, it must be yet to come. And for the Fullness of extent, it was as large for the number of Nations in the Apostles times as it is now in ours; (For as for the American Christians, they are only so in name, being forced only to seem so by the Spaniards.) Whatsoever Fullness then the Apostle here meaneth, is yet to come.  
I will add only one thing more, and so end this point. Some think that S. Paul in this place hath reference unto that speech of Christ, Luke 21. 24. where he foretells, That the jews should fall by the edge of the sword, and be led captive into all nations, and jerusalem should be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles should be fulfilled, or accomplished. But it seems to me, that the Fullness of the Gentiles and the Fulfilling or Accomplishment of their times should not be the same, howsoever they may be coincident. It should rather seem that our Saviour hath reference, as to a thing known, unto the Prophecy of Daniel, where the Times of the Gentiles, or the times wherein the Gentiles should have dominion, with the misery and subjection of the jewish Nation, 
Dan. Chap. 2. & Chap 7.  are set forth in the Vision of a fourfold Image, and four Beasts, which are the four Monarchies, the Babylonian, Persian, Greek and Roman. The first began with the first captivity of the jewish Nation, and through the times of all the rest they should be in subjection or in a worse estate under them: But when their times should be accomplished, then, saith Daniel, The Saints of the most High God shall take the kingdom, 
Chap. 7. 18.  and possess the kingdom for ever and ever; that is, there shall be no more kingdoms after it, but it shall continue as long as the world shall endure. Three of these Monarchies were passed when our Saviour spoke, and the fourth was well entered. If then by Saints there are meant the jews, which we know are called the holy People in that sense their country is still called the holy Land, and their city in the Scripture the holy City, viz. relatively; then is it plain enough what Daniel's and our Saviour's words import, namely, a glorious revocation and kingdom of the jews, when the time of the fourth Monarchy, which then remained, should be expired and accomplished.  
But if here by the Saints of the most High are in general meant the Church, yet by coincidence of time the same will fall out on the jews behalf; because S. Paul saith, that at the time when the Fullness of the Gentiles shall come in, 
Rom. 11. 25.  the jew shall be again restored.  
For a conclusion; The last limb of the fourth Monarchy is, in Daniel, The Horn with eyes which spoke proud things against the most High, 
Chap. 7. 8.  which should continue a time, times, and half a time; that is, a year, years, and half a year. In the Revelation it is The Beast with so many heads and horns, 
Chap. 13. 1, 5.  full of names of blasphemy, which was to continue forty two months: the same period with the former, which was expressed by times or years, and the same time with a thousand, two hundred and sixty days of the Church's remaining in the wilderness. 
Rev. 12. 6.   
When these Times, whatsoever they be, shall be ended, then is the period of the Times of the Gentiles and of the jews misery, whereto our Saviour seems to refer in the Gospel: then, by S. Paul, shall the Fullness of the Gentiles enter in: then, saith S. john, shall the kingdoms of the earth be the Lord's and his Christ's: 
Rev. 11. 15.  then, saith Daniel in the former place, Chap. 7. 27. shall the kingdom, and dominion, and the greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven, be given to the people of the Saints of the most High; whose kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey him.  
The Use we are to make upon this long Discourse is Hope and comfortable Expectation. Experience (saith S. Paul, Rom. 5. 4.) worketh hope: Let therefore our experience of God's Power and Truth in that which is past, be as a pledge and pawn unto us of the future. We have seen a great part of this Doom of false Gods fulfilled already: what though we see not the means of the full accomplishment? If thou shalt say in thy heart, (saith Moses, Deut. 7. 17, 18.) These nations are more than I; how can I dispossess them? Thou shalt not be afraid of them, but shalt remember what the Lord thy God did unto Pharaoh and unto all Egypt. So if any of us shall say, How can this be? let us remember what the Lord hath done already, in subduing so great a part of the world unto himself, which once sat in darkness and in the shadow of death.    

DISCOURSE XXXVII.  

PROVERBS 4. 23.  Keep thy heart with all diligence [Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 above all keeping:] For out of it are the issues of life. 
EVERY way of man (saith the same mouth which uttered this) is right in his own eyes: but the Lord pondereth the hearts, Prov. 21. 2. And chap. 16. 2. All the ways of man are clean in his own eyes: but the Lord weigheth the spirits. Which words have this Discretive sense, that Although the eyes of men judge of the rightness of the ways of men by that which appeareth to the eye: yet God he is not as man, nor judgeth like him; but he pondereth the heart and spirit. Therefore in Scripture he is styled A God that searcheth the heart and reins: jer. 17. 10. I the Lord search the heart, I try the reins; even to give every man according to his ways, and according to the fruit of his doings. Which words our Saviour useth Rev. 2. 23. in his Epistle to Thyatira, I am he which searcheth the reins and the hearts; and I will give unto every one of you according to your works: that is, Men esteem of works as they see; but I judge and reward them as I see. Men punish and reward according to the outside only, which comes under the view and stands in awe of men: but God judges and rewards according to the Heart or inward man, which he only sees, and which therefore stands in awe and fear of none but him. For as for the outward act, it may as well be done for the praise and awe of men, as for love and fear of God; and therefore by it cannot be discerned whether our obedience be to God or man: But the Heart is that divine Touchstone, as that which hath none to fear, none to please, none to approve itself unto, but him who alone sees it and is only able to try and examine it,  
If therefore any Precept, any Admonition in the whole Book of God deserve the best of our attention to hear, and greatest care to put in practice, this of my Text is worthy to be accounted of that number; Keep thy heart above all keeping: For out of it are the issues of life.  
The words divide themselves into two parts; An Admonition, and A Motive. The Admonition, Keep thy heart above all keeping: The Motive, For out of it are the issues of life; that is, Even as in the life of nature, the Heart is the fountain of living, and the wellspring of all operations of life; so in the life of grace, we live to God through it.  
In the Admonition consider 1. The Act, Keep: 2. The Object what we are to keep, our Heart: 3. The Manner and Means how it must be kept, with all diligence, or above all keeping. 
The Admonition. Keep thy Heart, etc.   
Of the Act Keep I shall not need say much; it is an easy word, and we shall not forget it in that which follows, but ever and anon have occasion to repeat it. Only here observe in general, 
The Act, Keep.  That our Hearts are untrusty, unruly, and obvious to be surprised; for such things we are wont to keep: and so much therefore is implied, in that they are to be kept, else they needed no keeping. This is therefore the condition of our Hearts. 1. They are untrusty. The heart is deceitful above all things, jer. 17. 9 Therefore it stands in hand to watch it, to suspect it, and deal with it as we would with a notable juggler or with an untrusty and pilfering servant, to have a jealous and a watchful eye over it: For if our eye be never so little off, it will presently break out into some unlawful liberty or other. 2. It is an unruly thing; if it be once lost, a man cannot recover it again without much time and labour. For it is like unto a wild horse; if the bridle be once let go, he will be gone, and not gotten again in haste; yea it may be we shall be forced to spend as much time in recovering him, as would have served to have dispatched our whole journey: So if the bridle of watchfulness be once let go, and our Hearts get loose, they will not easily be regained; it will ask us no small time to temper and tune them again for the service of God. 
Prov. 4. 23.  Lastly, our hearts are continually liable to surprise; we walk in the midst of snares, encompassed with dangers on every side. What is that almost which will not entice and allure so fickle a thing as the Heart from God? We can be secure of it at no time, neither sleeping nor waking; in no place, neither house not street, neither bed nor board; not in our Closet, no not in the Church and Pulpit.  
THUS much shall suffice to have been briefly observed by way of implication from the Act, Keep.  
Now I come to the Object 
The Object, Thy Heart.  itself, The Heart, Keep thy Heart. By Heart we must understand the inward thoughts, motions and affection's of the Soul and Spirit, whereof the Heart is the Chamber. But not a natural man's Heart, for that is not worth a keeping; but such a Heart as lives to God-ward, a good and gracious heart, which consists in two properties, in Purity and Loyalty. This is the state and temper we must keep our Hearts in. I will speak of them in order.  
And first of Purity and Cleanness: We must keep our Hearts in Purity and Cleanness; 
Matt. 5. 8.  For Blessed are the pure in Heart, for they shall see God; and none but such shall ever see him. It behoves us therefore to know what this Cleanness is, the having or not having whereof concerns us so nearly. Know then, A clean or pure Heart is that which loathes sin, and loves righteousness. For the better understanding whereof, we must further know, That an absolute cleanness and pureness of the heart and soul from sin is not attainable in this life: Prov. 20. 9 Who can say, I have made my heart clean, I am pure from my sin? Yet is there a cleanness of heart which must be had, and without which we shall never see God, as you heard before. Such was that which David prays for, Psal. 51. 10. Create in me a clean heart, O God, and renew a right spirit within me. And 2 Tim. 2. 22. true Christians are described to be such as call upon the Lord out of a pure heart. 1 Tim. 1. 5. The end of the Commandment, saith the Apostle, is charity out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned. And himself 2 Tim. 1. 3. thanks God whom he served from his forefathers with a pure conscience.  
But if this Purity of the heart were no other than a total freedom thereof from all unclean thoughts and sinful motions and desires, in such sort as a man should never be troubled and defiled with them; alas! who then should see God? who should be saved? That Claenness therefore, that measure of Purity which God requires to be in the heart of every one who shall see him, and with whom he will vouchsafe to dwell, is (as I told you) the loathing of sin, and the love of righteousness: that is an accepted Cleanness through Faith, when the hate of impurity and love of cleanness in the heart is accepted with God for cleanness and pureness itself. Though not a cleanness of all our affections, yet at least (and what can God require less?) an affection to all cleanness: For God accepts the will for the deed. If we love, if we desire, if we delight heartily in that which is clean and pure in the eyes of God; if we hate and abhor, if we loathe in ourselves all sinful impurities and pollutions both of flesh and spirit; howsoever we find in ourselves a great want of the one, and our hearts much and often vexed and troubled with the other; yet is this affection of our hearts accepted with God for a pure and cleansed heart indeed. And where this disposition is, the heart cannot choose but grow cleaner and cleaner, even with real and formal cleanness. For a man cannot but cherish that which he loveth, and rid himself as much as may be of what he loatheth. So he that loveth and affecteth cleanness of heart, will cherish and make much of every good motion which the Spirit of God shall put into it; and if he indeed loath and abhor unclean and sinful thoughts, will do his best to stifle them and remove them far from him.  
This Cleanness and Purity of Heart is that which the Scripture slyleth Holiness, even that Holiness without which, S. Paul tells us, Heb. 12. 14. no man shall see the lord For in the Law, the legal cleansing, washing and purging of that which any way belonged to God or was prepared for his presence and service, is called sanctifying or hallowing, Exod. 19 10. When the Lord was to come down upon Mount Sinai, Go unto the People, (saith he to Moses) and sanctify them to day and to morrow, and let them wash their clothes. 2 Chron. 29. 5. Hezekiah saith to the Levites, Sanctify now yourselves, and sanctify the house of the Lord God of your fathers, and carry forth the filthiness out of the holy place. And accordingly in the 16. ver. the Priests go in to cleanse it; which cleansing in the next verse is called their sanctifying it. In Deut. 23. 14. where a law is given for cleanness and neatness in the Camp, the reason is rendered in these words, For the Lord thy God walketh in the midst of the Camp, to deliver thee, and to give up thine enemies before thee: therefore shall thy Camp be holy, that he see no unclean thing in thee, and turn away from thee. The same expression S. Paul applies to spiritual cleansing, 2 Cor. 7. 1. Let us (saith he) cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God. Here, with S. Paul also, Holiness is Cleansing, and Cleansing is Holiness. So Eph. 5. 26. That he might sanctify and cleanse it, etc.  
As therefore under the Law that place was not fit to entertain the presence of God, nor any thing duly prepared to approach or come near him, which was not thus externally cleansed and sanctified: Such is the case of the inward cleansing of the heart; unless it be sanctified with purity and cleanness, God will never dwell in it, nor suffer aught from it as acceptable to come near him. Wherefore it is not without good reason we pray in our Liturgy, O Lord, make clean our hearts within us; And take not thy holy Spirit from us: For God's Spirit will not dwell in a sty; it is a clean Spirit, and will have a clean habitation. That which S. Paul speaks of the whole man (2 Cor. 6. 16, 17.) Ye are the Temple of the living God, wherefore touch no unclean thing, and I will receive you, is principally true of the heart and spirit. The rest of the Body is but as the Court of the Temple; but the Seat of his presence in the spiritual man, as the Holy place, is the Heart: even as it is also the Seat of life in the natural; primum vivens & ultimum moriens, the first that lives and the last that dies.  
But by what means should a man get and keep such a Heart as this? How is this Holiness and Cleanness of heart to be come by? I answer, The General means on our part to obtain this and all other Graces of God is faithful and devout Prayer; But this being common to all Graces, is not proper to be spoken of in this place. Let us therefore see a means more special and peculiar for obtaining this Cleanness and Purity of heart; such a one as though it may have some use for other Graces, yet I think is more proper unto this than unto any other whatsoever; and that is, For a man always to possess his heart with the apprehension of God's presence, and to walk before him as in his eye. Wheresoever thou art, there is an Eye that sees thee, an Ear that hears thee, and a Hand that registereth thy most secret thoughts: For the ways of man (saith Solomon, Prov. 5. 21.) are before the eyes of the Lord, and he pondereth all his goings. How much ashamed would we be that any one we loved and honoured should surprise us in our corporal uncleanness, to see and behold any nasty pollution either of our bodies or chambers? How would a man blush and be confounded to be taken and seen 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  in the manner, as we speak? But every unclean thought, wicked desire and motion of our heart, is more open and revealed to the eyes of God than the works themselves, if we should put them in execution, could be visible to the eyes of men. Yea and these thoughts and desires wherewith our hearts are besmeared are as foul, ugly and loathsome in his sight, as the works themselves would appear shameful in the eyes of men, if we should commit them openly in the street and in the fight of the Sun. Nay suppose that men could see our hearts as well as they may our outworks would we not be as much ashamed they should behold the foulness of the one, as see the shamefulness of the other? Consider it; What if such a Patron, such a Friend, such a one to whom I desire to approve myself, should know what I now ruminate in my heart; what unchaste pollution, what other abhorred desire and thought it now wallows and delights in? should I not blush and be ashamed?  
What horrible Atheism doth this argue, That the presence of man, yea sometimes of a little child, should hinder us from that wickedness which God's presence cannot? If we did throughly and indeed believe this Ubiquity of God's Eye, and let it make a firm impression in our minds, how would it quash the first rising of evil thoughts in our hearts? The eye of man draws from us a care of our outward behaviour; why then should not the Allseeing Eye of God, if we loved him, if we honoured him, if we desired at all to approve ourselves unto him, draw from us a care of the inward behaviour of the Heart? since he sees thy Heart better than man sees thy Face, and understands thy Thoughts better than any man thy Works and Words. Little children when in the midst of their disorders they spy once their Father's eye, they are hushed presently: So should it be with us, when, through forgetfulness of this Allseeing Eye of our Heavenly Father continually overlooking us, our Hearts begin to break loose and to sport themselves in vain and idle thoughts and desires, than should we consider that all this while God looked upon us and beheld our misbehaviour; then should we cry him mercy with jacob at Bethel, 
Gen. 28. 16;  Surely God was here, and I was not aware.  
And thus I come to the second requisite of that gracious Temper a good Heart must be kept unto, which is Loyalty unto God; We must keep a loyal heart. The Loyalty of the heart to God consisteth in an universal purpose of obedience, and resolution against all sin, without Reservation and Exception. Sceptra non ferunt socium; Kings can endure no copartners. Nor can a purpose of obedience mingled with Exceptions and Reservations stand with a true faith and allegiance to Christ our lord In anima in qua peccatum regnaverit, non potest Dei regnare regnum, saith S. Jerome; In the Soul where sin reigns and has got dominion, God's Kingdom can never be set up nor established. For how can he be a faithful servant of Christ, who still holdeth correspondence with, and is a Pensioner to, his Arch-enemy the Devil? Even such an one is he who hath any sin which he holds so dear, that he hath no purpose nor will to part with it. What will it profit thee to keep thy Heart at all, unless thou keepest it loyal? Will God accept a piece of thy Heart? No, he will have a whole Heart and a whole Soul, or none. Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart, and whole mind: otherwise thou keepest not thy heart to God, but betrayest it unto the Devil. For one breach in the walls of a City exposeth it to the surprise of an enemy; one leak in a S●●p neglected will sink it at last unto the bottom of the Sea.  

1. If thou wilt therefore have a Loyal heart, know that such a heart cherisheth no darling sin, 
Eccles. 10. 1.  no Herodias, no bo●om-sin; such a dead fly as this will mar the whole box of ointment.  
2. A Sound and Loyal heart is not that which boggles and scruples at small sins, but makes no conscience of greater, like the I harisees straining at a Gnat, and swallowing a Camel; 
Matt. 23. 24.  nor the contrary, whose conscience is only for the greater matters of the Law, Mercy and judgement, without any regard of Mint or Anise. A Loyal heart is like unto the Eye troubled with the least mote.  
3. A Loyal heart as it hates all sins, so at all times. Sometimes the unsound heart will hate sin, when there is no benefit by it; but if it chance to be once beneficial to ourselves, than we love it. Here is the trial of a Loyal heart to God, to prefer virtue before vice then, when in humane reason virtue shall be the loser, vice the gainer. This note discovered jehu, 
2 King. 10. 1●, etc.  who destroyed the worship of Baal with a great show of zeal; but when it came to 
* Vers. 29.  Ieroboam's Calves, he dispensed with them, lest it might prove dangerous to his Kingdom, if the Israelites should go worship at jerusalem.  
4. To conclude; A Loyal heart is that which the Scripture calls in the old Testament A perfect heart, 
A Loyal heart and a Perfect heart the same.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Not perfect in respect of degrees, for such a perfection is not attainable in this life; but perfect in respect of parts; Cor integrum, a heart wherein no part is wholly wanting, howsoever weak and a great deal short of due proportion. 1 Kings 11. 4. when Solomon was old, his wives turned away his heart after other Gods, and his heart was not 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  perfect with his God, as was the Heart of David his Father: not because he served not the Lord at all, but that he served him not only and entirely. joshua 24. 14. Now therefore, saith he, fear the Lord, and serve him in sincerity and truth, (Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in perfectness and truth,) and put away the Gods which your Fathers served: which was as much as to say, Serve the Lord wholly, and quite renounce all service to others. 2 Kings 20. 3. Hezekiah prays in his sickness, Lord, I have walked before thee in truth, and with a 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  perfect heart, and have done that which is good in thy sight. He saith not, he had done perfect Actions, or performed perfect service, (for who can do such?) but yet that he walked with a perfect heart, that is, with a loyal heart before God. So 1 Kings 15. 14. it is said, That though Asa failed in his Reformation, and the high places were not removed; nevertheless his heart was 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  perfect (that is, loyal) with the Lord all his days.   
THUS much shall suffice to have spoken of the Act, Keep; and of the Heart, the Object of our keeping: which are the two first things I considered in this Admonition.  
The Third remains, which is the Manner or Means how our heart is to be kept, 
The man●er how the Heart is to be k●●t. With all diligence.  viz. with all diligence, or above all keeping saith the Text: that is, with the best, the surest, the chiefest kind of keeping; which is not only now and then to look unto it, but to set a continual guard about it. Nature hath placed the Heart in the most fenced part of the body, having the Breast as a natural Corslet to defend it. If the Heart be in fear or danger, all the blood and spirits in the body will forsake the outward parts, and run to preserve and succour it. If Nature be so provident for that which is but the Fountain of a natural life, what care should the spiritual man have to keep his heart and soul guarded and fortified against all annoyances spiritual? The life we lose, if this be wounded or poisoned, is inestimable; the other of Nature is of no great value.  
Yea but perhaps a natural man's heart is liable to more natural dangers than the heart of a man that lives to God-ward is to spiritual annoyances. I answer, The contrary is true: For the Heart we speak of, whence the Issues of the life of grace proceed, is like a City every moment liable both to inward commotion and outward assault: Within, the fountain of original Impurity is continually more or less bubbling with rebellion; Without, the World and the Devil continually either assault it, or lie in Ambuscado to surprise it. The world batters it with three great and dangerous Engines, of Pleasures, Riches, and Honours, wherewith she endeavoureth to lay it waste, and rob it of all heavenly treasure. The Devil watcheth every opportunity to hurl in his fiery darts, to cast all into a combustion, and thereby farther to invenome and enrage the already-too-much empoisoned viciousness and impetuousness of our corrupt nature. How needful a thing is it therefore to follow this precept of Solomon, to keep our hearts with all diligence, or above all keeping; to keep them with a continual guard, to keep a continual watch and ward, left the enemies surprise them? Watch and pray, (saith our Saviour, Matt. 26. 41.) that ye enter not into temptation. Watch in all things, saith S. Paul to Timothy, 2 Tim. 4. 5. Be sober, be vigilant, (saith S. Peter, 1 Pet. 5. 8.) because your adversary the devil as a roaring lion walketh about, seeking whom he may devour. If the heart be to be kept with all diligence, or above the keeping of any thing else, then is this Watch we hear commanded, and this Guard of Prayer (and this is a strong Guard) to be chiefly and above all applied unto it.  
But for a more particular direction of this guarding of the Heart, we must be careful to observe this order following.  

1. As those who keep a City attempted or besieged by an Enemy have special care of the Gates and Posterns whereat the Enemy may get in: So must we in this Guard of the Heart watch especially over the Gates and Windows of the Soul, the Senses; and above all the Eye and the Ear, whereat the Devil is wont to convey the most of those pollutions wherewith the Heart is wasted. First, concerning the Eye, David's example may warn the holiest men to the world's end to keep a watchful jealousy over it. What a number of Cutthroats did one idle glance upon Bathsheba let in, who made that Royal Heart, whose uprightness God so much approved, to become a sty of uncleanness, and rob it of those heavenly ornaments wherewith it was so plentifully adorned? For the Ear, take heed of obscene and wanton talk, which by those Doors or Windows entering like Balls of Wildfire, inflame the Heart with lust. We must beware also of the slanderer's mouth and backbiters tongue, whose lying reports and malicious tales, if they get in, would sow in thine heart the seeds of heartburning spite and mental murder, which in that sinful soil will fructify very rankly. And think them no small sins which make thee guilty of innocent blood; for thine heart and tongue may kill thy brother as well as thy hand.  
2. As those who keep and defend a City make much of such as are faithful, trusty and serviceable; and if any such come, will entertain and welcome them with much kindness; but a Traitor, or one of the enemy's party, they presently cut short as soon as they discover him: So must we make exceedingly much of all good motions put into our hearts by God's Spirit, howsoever occasioned, whether by the Word of God, mindfulness of death, good Admonition, some special cross or extraordinary mercy, any way at any time: These are our Heart's friends; we must cherish, increase and improve them to the utmost with meditation, prayer and practice. But, on the contrary, we must resist and crush every exorbitant thought which draws to sin at the first rising. Tutissimum est, It is most, safe (saith S. Austin Epist. 142.) for the Soul to accustom itself to discern of its thoughts; & ad primum animi motum, vel probare, vel reprobare, quid cogitat; ut vel bonas cognationes alat, vel statim extinguat malas; and at the first motion thereof either to approve or else to disallow what the Mind is thinking of; and so either to cherish and improve the thoughts and motions of the Mind if good● or presently to extinguish them if evil.  
3. Lastly, Let him that will indeed guard his Heart as it should be, take heed of familiar and friendly converse with lewd, profane and ungracious company. There is a strange attraction in ill company to poison and pervert even the best dispositions. He that toucheth pitch (saith 
* Ecclus. 13. 1. Prov. 6. 27  the Son of Sirach) shall be defiled therewith. Can a man take fire in his bosom (saith Solomen) and his clothes not be burnt? For believe it, when a man is accustomed once and wont to behold lewd and ungodly behaviour, there steals upon him insensibly, first, a dislike of sober courses; next, a pleasing approbation of the contrary; and so presently, an habitual change of affections and demeanour into the manners and conditions of our companions. It is a point that many will not believe, but few or none did ever try but to their cost. It was wise counsel, had it not been in a sinful business, which jeroboam advised; If this people (saith he) go up to sacrifice at jerusalem, then shall the heart of this people turn again to their lord, even to Rehoboam king 
1 King. 12. 27.  of judah, and they shall kill me, and go again to Rehoboam king of judah. O that some men would be as wise for their good as he was for his sin!   
THUS I have done with the first part of my Text, The Admonition, Keep thy heart with all diligence, or above all keeping: Now I proceed to the Motive, 
The Motive. For out of it are the Issues of life.  For out of it are the issues of life; that is, All spiritual life and living actions issue from thence. All living devotion, all living service and worship of God issues from the Heart, from those cleansed and loyal affections and dispositions of the Soul and inward man whereof I spoke before. Where such a Heart is not the Fountain, there no action to God-ward liveth, but is spiritually dead, how gay and glorious soever it may outwardly seem. No outward performance whatsoever, be it never so conformable and like unto a godly man's action, yet if it be not rooted in the Heart inwardly sanctified, it is no issue of spiritual life, nor acceptable with God. Even as Statues and Puppets do move their eyes, their hands, their feet, like unto living men; yet are they not living actions, because they come not from an inward Soul, the fountain of life, but from the artificial poise of weights and device of wheels set by the workman: So is it here with heartless actions; they are like the actions of true Christians, but not Christian actions; because they issue not from a Heart sanctified with purity and loyalty in the presence of God who tries the heart and reins, but from the poise of vainglory, from the wheels of some external respects and advantages, from a rotten heart which wrought not for the love of God but for the praise of men. As therefore we judge of the state of natural life by the Pulse and beating of the Heart; so must we do of spiritual. No member of the body performs any action of natural life, wherein a Pulse derived from the Heart beats not: So is it in the spiritual man and the actions of Grace; That lives not, which some gracious and affectionate influence from the Heart quickens not.  
Now this Issuing of our works and actions from the Heart is that which is called Sincerity and Truth, so much commended unto us in Scripture: For this Sincerity and Truth which is said to be in the works and actions of all such as fear and serve the Lord with acceptance, is nothing else but an agreement of the outward work seen of men with the inward and suitable affection and meaning of the heart, which God and ourselves alone are privy to. For as our words and speeches have truth in them when we speak as we think; so our works and actions are done in sincerity and truth, when they are done according to our heart's affection. Sincerity therefore and Truth is the life of all our works of devotion and obedience unto God; without this they are nothing but a carcase; they are dead, they live not, neither doth God accept them: For he desireth truth in the inward parts, Psal. 51. 6. that is, truth which proceedeth or issueth from the inward parts. The Lord is nigh unto all them that call upon him, that call upon him in truth, Psal. 145. 18. For God is a Spirit, and they that worship him must worship him in spirit and in truth, john 4. 24. Whatsoever ye do, (saith S. Paul, Col. 3. 23.) do it heartily, as to the Lord, and not unto men. Our faith must be unfeigned, 1 Tim. 1. 5. that is, in truth and in sincerity. Also our Love must not be in speech and tongue only, but in deed and truth, 1 john 3. 18.  
And this is the highest Perfection attainable in this life, for which God accepteth of our obedience as perfect which springeth from it, though it be stained with much corruption and full of imperfection: That which is wanting in the measure of obedience and holiness, is made up in the truth and sincerity thereof. If it have not this, whatsoever it be, it is good for nothing, because it wants the Issue of life.  
And such Actions are all the Actions of Hypocrites: For Hypocrisy is the contrary to Sincerity; and wheresoever Sincerity and Truth is not, there Hypocrisy is, being nothing else but a counterfeiting and falsehood of our actions, when they come not from a Heart suitably affected: and therefore is otherwise in Scripture understood by the name of Guile; when those who serve God in sincerity and truth, are said to be without guile, that is, without hypocrisy. So Nathanael (john 1. 47.) is called an Israelite indeed, in whom there was no guile. And of the Virgin-Saints (Rev. 14. 5.) it is said, that in their mouth was found no guile; for they are without fault before the Throne of God: that is, they served God without hypocrisy, in sincerity and truth; and therefore God accepted of their obedience as if it were without fault and imperfection; as he is wont to do the works of those who serve him in that manner. If therefore Sincerity be the life of our obedience, and that which makes it graceful in the eyes of God; then is Hypocrisy the death thereof, which makes him loath and abhor it as a stinking carcase.  
Hitherto have I spoken of the Influence of life into a Christian's actions in general. But as in natural life, so in spiritual, are many Branches, as the words of my Text imply; speaking not singularly of one Issue, but plurally of many Issues of life. For that which lives, exerciseth many living acts, as so many streams flowing from the Fountain of life; none of which belong unto that which liveth not. These Issues in Nature are five; Health, Nourishment, Growth, Sense, and Motion: and the Heart is the Fountain of them all; without it they are not, they cannot be; but as it fareth, so fare they all. The like unto these are to be found in our spiritual life, of which I will speak somewhat in special, the rather because every of them are as so many Motives to incite us to the attainment of this life to God-ward, by serving him in Sincerity and Truth.  

1. The first Issue of Spiritual life, flowing from the Heart, is spiritual Health. For the curing of our Souls of their Spiritual diseases must begin at the Hearts, and the inward causes of corruption must thence be purged, before there can be any true Reformation or sound Health in the outward parts: Even as the heat of the Face is not much abated by casting water and cooling things upon it, but by allaying inwardly the heat of the Liver. Again, That which seems to spring and flourish in our lives, unless it be rooted in the Heart, 
Matth. 21.  will wither and die. The Figtree that only made a show with leaves, having no fruit; in the end, being cursed, lost the leaves too wherewith it deceived our Saviour. So the Seed which sprouted upon the stony ground is said to have withered, 
Matth. 13. 6.  because it had no root. And if an Apple seem never so beautiful, yet if it be rotten at the core, it will quickly putrify.  
2. The second Issue of spiritual life is spiritual Nutrition, whereby the Soul continually feeds upon Christ in his Word and Sacraments. But this is in none whose works and actions issue not from the Heart by Sincerity and Truth. For where Hunger and Thirst is not, the body is not nourished: He must have a stomach to his meat that will have good by it: Chewing in his mouth will not do it, though he swallow it; if his stomach be against it, he will vomit it up again. And can this spiritual hunger and spiritual thirst be where the inward man is not sanctified? Can he have a Spiritual stomach whose heart is not cleansed?  
3. The third Issue of Spiritual life is spiritual Growth. It is God's wont to reward the sincerity of a little grace with abundance of great graces. Nathanael, a man of no great knowledge, 
john 1.  yet being a true Israelite, void of guile, is further enlightened by our Saviour, who gives him a sight of the true Messiah, endues him with true faith, and promises him still greater matters. A weak and dim knowledge had the Eunuch and Cornelius in the Mystery of Godliness: yet because they worshipped God sincerely, 
Acts 8. 29.  an Evangelist was sent to the one, and an 
* Ch. 10. 3. 20.  Angel and an Apostle to the other, to give them clearer light of the Gospel and a fuller largess of spiritual gifts. The curse of God is upon Hypocrisy, to destroy a great deal, a great stock of grace; but his blessing is upon Sincerity, to improve a little portion to a greater measure. A little Spring is better than a great Pond; for in Summer, when Ponds are dried up, little Springs will still hold out.  
4. The fourth Issue of Spiritual life is spiritual Sense, the Sense and feeling of the favour of God: This no man shall ever find who lives not the life of sincerity. For this is the most found and undeceivable evidence of our portion and interest in the power and purity of Christ's saving passion and sanctifying bloodshed.  
5. The fifth Issue of Spiritual life is spiritual Motion; such I call Alacrity and Courage. Sincerity is the cause of these: It makes us cheerful in all duties of service and obedience unto God; it makes us valiant and courageous in all dangers, trials and temptations; begetting in us a true, manly, generous and heroical spirit. The wicked (saith Solomon, Prov. 28. 1.) flee when no man pursueth, but the righteous are bold as a Lion.     

DISCOURSE XXXVIII.  

ISAIAH 55. 7.  Let the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous man his thoughts: and let him return unto the Lord, and he will have mercy upon him; and to our God, for he will abundantly pardon. 
I Will not speak of the coherence of these words, for they are an entire sense of themselves, and contain in them two parts: First, The Conversion of a sinner; Secondly, The Condition of one so converted. The Conversion of a sinner is expressed in three degrees: In the forsaking of wicked ways; In the forsaking of evil thoughts; and thirdly, In returning again unto the Lord. Let the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous man his thoughts: and let him return to the Lord. The Condition or State wherein he stands who hath done all this, is no state of Merit, but of Mercy; no not so much as a little Merit, but even abundant Mercy. If the Lord after all this accepts him, it is because he will have mercy upon him: if our God forgive, he doth even abundantly pardon.  
Of these I intent to speak in order: and first of the First, which is The Conversion of a sinner, which is (as I have said) laid down in three degrees or steps, the latter always excelling the former. Even as in the Temple of Solomon, he that would approach the Mercy-seat of God must ascend through three parts of the Temple, the Court, the Holy Place, and the Holy of Holies: So must he that will attain this Condition of Mercy mount these three steps of Repentance, that he may enter into that glorious Sanctuary which is not made with hands, where the great God that ●hews mercy unto thousands lives for ever and ever.  
The first two of these forementioned degrees [To forsake a wicked way, To rid the heart of evil thoughts] lest they seem but one thing expressed in many words, I must handle both together, that by comparing I may the better distinguish them.  
As for the latter therefore of these words, they have no great difficulty, and therefore will not need much explication; but in the former [Let the wicked man forsake his way] the Metaphor of way causeth some obscurity, which I think is thus to be unfolded. Every way implies a walking, a way being that wherein men use to walk: In whatsoever sense therefore the Metaphor of walking is taken elsewhere in Scripture, in the same is way taken here. But To walk, in Scripture, seems in a special and proper sense to signify the outward life and conversation of men. For as in the natural man the act of progression or moving to and fro is the most external act of all others, and the most obvious to the sense of every one: So in a man spiritually considered, his way or walking should be the outward actions of his life, which are or may be seen of others. And as in the natural man, his moving to or fro is the execution of the hidden intendments of his Fancy: So in a man spiritually considered, To walk is to put in execution outwardly what the Heart conceives inwardly.  
I will not deny but this phrase of walking, or treading out a way is in Scripture sometimes taken more largely for the whole course of our Life whatsoever: but here the Antithesis of the words following, viz. evil thoughts, do manifestly imply that the former, viz. a wicked man's way, is to be taken for an evil Conversation, in the sense I have spoken. So also in Psal. 1. 1. Blessed is the man that hath not walked in the counsel of the ungodly; the collation of walking with ungodly counsel may warrant the like expression, that the counsel of the ungodly should signify evil thoughts and purposes, walking in these counsels the practice and execution of them.  
Moreover, if I did delight in such subtleties, I might confirm this Exposition by the word here used for a wicked man, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a laborious sinner, a practitioner in sin; the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying to make a stir, to be exceeding busy, 
Isaiah 55. 7.  unquiet, or troublesome: whence 
* Vide Mercerum in locum, & R. Kimch. lib. Radicum in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  some do expound that Eccles. 7. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be not too wicked, for Be not too busy or too stirring; Keep not too great a coil, namely in things of this world. Semblably here, Let the wicked man forsake his way, is, Let him that bestirs himself in the execution of sinful counsels, leave his busy practice; and in the next place, he that hath but evil thoughts or bad desires, purge his heart of them also. Let the man who walks wickedly in his outward conversation, forsake his evil way; this is the first step of a Convert: But more than this, Let him that hath but an evil heart, though his actions were outwardly blameless, banish even all his evil thoughts and cogitations; and this is the second degree of a sinner's conversion.  
This Exposition therefore being taken for a ground, now I come to the Observations I collect from thence. The first Observation I gather, is common to both these degrees of a sinner's conversion; and that is from the word [forsake:] For to forsake is an Emphatical word; To forsake sin is more than a bare refraining from sin, or a withdrawing a man's self from doing wickedness; To forsake sin is to give over all acquaintance, all dealing with sin, or to forego it altogether: For a man that refrains a friend's company, is not by and by said to forsake him; no more can he that only refrains from sin be said to forsake it.  
Hence therefore we learn, That whosoever retains any one darling sin, is no forsaker of sin, though he refrain from all other; for this is not to break off all acquaintance with sin, but rather to make choice of his sin, to choose what sin he will use, and what sin he will refuse. Thus did Herod in the Gospel, he reform many things at the preaching of john Baptist, but still he kept Herodias his brother Philip's wife Mark 6. 19, 20. But we must know that he that keeps any one sin, hath forsaken none: so saith S. james, chap. 2. vers. 10. He that offends in one point, he is guilty of all. God must have our whole heart or none, he will not be served by halfs: For that were to say as David said to Mephibosheth, 2 Sam. 19 29. concerning his lands, Thou and Ziba divide the lands; so we, God and the Devil his slave divide our hearts between them.  
What will it profit to guard never so strongly all the other parts of a City walls, if any one part be left open for the enemy to enter? or what is a Ship the safer, though all other parts be strong and sound, if but one leaking hole be unstopped? will not this sink the whole Ship, be it never so sound? Even just so will it be with us, if we leave any one place in our Soul for any one sin to enter. Do we not know that a little crack in one place of a Bell mars the sound as well as if it were clean through? So will any one crack of sin mar the music of our Souls in the ears of Almighty. Do we not know that the laying but a finger upon the edge of a thing which giveth sound, damps the sound, as well as the whole hand? Even so is the Devil lay but his finger upon our heart, he damps all our actions of devotion, and makes them give but a dead sound in the hearing of the Lord of Heaven. How true this is, I appeal unto every man's conscience who hears me this day, whether he finds not, in his own experience, that the cherishing of any one Sin makes him dead-hearted toward God, dull and heavy in all works of devotion.  
THUS much of this general Observation: Now I come to several Observations I gather from the several parts. The first whereof was (as you may remember) The forsaking of wicked ways, which I expounded in this place, The forsaking of sin in our outward walkings and conversation before men. If this therefore be the First degree of Conversion, then may we learn, That those who want this, have not gone the first step of a new life. Indeed in the eyes of God, who sees that which no body else can see, no man appeareth blameless or free from sin: But that those who are entered the way of a new and holy life should walk so, that men may not accuse them of open crimes, this, I say, is required of every true Convert. So it is said of Zachary and Elizabeth (Luke 1. 6.) that they walked in the Commandments of God blameless; yea even many Heathen men have come thus far, that men could not accuse them, and yet they perished everlastingly.  
Let no man therefore deceive or flatter himself; Those who fall into open and grievous sins, are not yet in the state of a true convert sinner. If any man (saith S. james 1. 26.) seem to be religious, and bridles not his tongue; he deceiveth his own heart, his religion is vain. What S. james saith of wicked speakers, may be said of open wicked doers: if any man who is a drunkard, an extortioner, or falls into such open sins, if he seem religious, he deceiveth his own heart; his Religion is in vain. Remember therefore what Christ saith in the Gospel, and let your light so shine before men, 
Matth. 5. 16.  that they seeing your good works, may glorify your Father which is in heaven.  
Secondly, If a Reformed conversation before men be required of every true Convert, then are they deceived who think it sufficient if they keep their hearts to God, though they apply their outward and bodily actions unto men's liking. No matter, they think, what their speeches and gesture and their outward seeming be, so that in their hearts they condemn and abhor such sinful actions as outwardly they seem to approve. This is the opinion of too-too many: But let us hear what our Saviour Christ saith, He that denieth me before men, 
Matt. 10. 33.  him will I deny before my Father which is in heaven. Would any man excuse his wife's adultery, though she should say never so often she kept her heart and love only unto him? No more will Christ excuse us, when we yield our outward man to wickedness, though we say we keep our hearts entire to him. Christ suffered not only in Soul, but also in Body, that he might redeem us both Body and Soul from everlasting destruction: and shall not we glorify him with both? Yes verily; and since God hath given us both a Body and a Soul, it becomes us (as S. Paul saith, 2 Cor. 7. 1.) to cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God.  
THUS having spoken sufficiently of the first degree of Repentance, I come unto the second, which is contained in these words, Forsaking of evil thoughts. Whence first I observe, That Concupiscence, or the evil dispositions or motions of our hearts, are sins before God, though we never consent to put them in execution. For this is the style of the holy Ghost in my Text, not only to call the bad liver a wicked man, but the owner too of evil motions, unrighteous. If we seek for a Law whereof they are a breach, it is the last Commandment of the Decalogue, which prohibits all irregularity of our desires and thoughts whatsoever. Non concupisces, Thou shalt not so much as covet any thing amiss; if thou dost, it will be sin. The natural man could not know thus much; S. Paul himself confessing, that he had never known concupiscence to be sin, 
Rom. 7. 7.  had not the Law said, Non concupisces, Thou shalt not covet. Concupiscence he calls not the Faculty or nature of the Act itself, but the Anomaly of the Act; not the desire only, but every motion of the heart not agreeable to the will of God; and that from the Style of this Commandment, Non concupisces. If any shall say that the inward motions of our Mind are involuntary, and past the command of the Will, and therefore not sinful; I answer, Ab initio non suit sic, It was not so from the beginning: we procured this evil unto ourselves in the sin of our first parents, and therefore the fault is our own. Secondly, It is not necessary that whatsoever is sin should be under the mastery of our Will, for so original sin should be none: But this is necessary that all should in some sort belong unto the Will; and so do our desires, affections, and all other motions (as we call them) of the Mind. If any shall further add, that the Apostle james, 1. 15. saith of Concupiscence, that it bringeth forth sin, and therefore itself not like to be sin, the Cause being always divers from the Effect: I answer, The Apostle saith not, it is the cause of sin simply or all sin, but only of outward sins or sins of fact: and howsoever, this reason is so far from proving Concupiscence not to be sin, that it argueth the mere contrary; for that so bad an offspring as sin cannot find a more natural parent than sin itself.  
The serious consideration hereof should be a cooling to the pride of our nature, and a strong motive to Humility in the esteeming of ourselves and our best actions. Alas! what are we, that any good work we do should make us so highly conceit of ourselves! Let us examine our inward thoughts, our hopes, our fears, our by-respects, our vainglory, the whole Regiment of Concupiscence; and it will make us even ashamed to think what we have done, howsoever that which is seen outwardly be blameless and glorious in the eyes of men. If the Peacocks-wings of a laudable work, or the gay feathers of seeming worth do make thee swell; do but cast thine eyes a little upon the legs whereon thou standest, upon the rotten post whereon thou hast reared thy work so glorious without, and then thou wilt cast down thy high looks, and cry with S. Paul, Rom. 7. 18. Lord, whatsoever men see without me, I know there dwelleth no good thing within me,  
The second thing I observe from hence is, The Privilege the Law of God hath above the Laws of men. It is true, in the Laws of men, that Thoughts are free; but with God's Law it is not so. men's Laws are not broken though only the outward man observe and keep them; but God's Laws are broken, if the inward man alone transgress them, be the outward man (I mean, man in outward conversation) never so conformable. And this is our meaning when we say That the Law of God only doth bind the Conscience, meaning the inward actions of the soul and spirit, those actions which only God and our Conscience are privy unto: But the Laws of men do bind only the outward man, that is, to the performance of outward actions, which men either do or may take notice of.  
Which that we may the better understand, we must know that Laws are said to bind in two regards: 1. in commanding the doing of some actions, which else were at our choice; and 2. in making liable to an agreeable punishment if they be transgressed. Now whosoever commandeth, must be Lord of what he commandeth; whosoever maketh liable to punishment, must both be able to take notice of the fault, and of power to inflict the punishment. Seeing then God alone is Lord of the soul and spirit, he alone can bind them by Commandment: Seeing God alone can take notice of the sins of the heart, and is only able to inflict the punishment, namely, everlasting death and damnation, the proper punishment which the conscience feareth; he alone may command upon pain of eternal damnation. Man's Law therefore, in this sense which I have spoken, binds not the Conscience or inward man, because no man is Lord of another's conscience, nor can take notice of the actions thereof; nor yet hath in his power to inflict the punishment which it only feareth.  
In one word, conceive it thus; The actions whereunto the Conscience alone is privy are not the object of the Laws of man, but only such actions as fall within the notice of men. And yet this is also true, Though the Laws of men do not bind the Conscience, yet a man is bound in Conscience to obey the Laws of men; but this bond is from the Law of God, which commands us to use suitable affections in obeying the Laws of men: Obey every ordinance of men, not for fear of punishment, but for conscience sake. 
〈…〉   
If now we did truly acknowledge this Prerogative of the Laws of God, we would witness the same by our extraordinary care in keeping them, in an extraordinary fear of breaking them. But what do we? even the clean contrary; we fear man more than God, those that can but kill the body, above him that hath power to cast both body and soul into hellfire. Who would not be loath to break a King's laws in a King's sight? and yet for God's Laws who fears, though our most secret thoughts be always in his sight? In the outward work which men see, we are careful to restrain our hands and tongues from slipping, lest man's Law might take hold of us; but the thoughts of our heart we with all security let run at random, and never once curb them. What is this but to account the Laws of God as cobwebs, the Laws of men as chains of Iron; or openly to profess that of men we have some little fear, where they command with God; but where God commands alone, no fear at all? Even as those wicked ones whereof David speaks in the 94. Psalms, v. 7. who say, The Lord shall not see, neither shall the God of jacob regard it. But he that planted the ear, (saith David v. 9, 10, 11.) shall he not hear? he that form the eye, shall he not see? He that teacheth man knowledge, shall he not know? (yes) The Lord knoweth the thoughts of man, etc. Who then art thou (to use the words of Esay) that art afraid of man who shall die, 
Ch. ●1. 12. ●  and of the son of man who shall be as the grass? and forgettest the Lord who made thee, who stretched out the heavens, and laid the foundations of the earth?  
The last thing I mean to observe from these two first degrees of a sinner's conversion is, Wherein the life of a true Convert doth exceed the works both of the heathen and the hypocrite. Glorious things are spoken of Aristides, of Scipio, of Socrates: But their best works are but like unto counterfeit coin, the outside glistering with gold, but the inside lead or worse metal; their hands, their feet, their walk like the Gate of an Israelite, but their heart was uncircumcised like the heart of a Philistine; for they wanted the purity of the heart seasoned with the love of God, they wanted these cleansed thoughts, these holy affections, and therefore were their best works no better than glorious sins. Even as statues and puppets do move their eyes, their hands, their feet, like unto living men; and yet they are not living actions, because they come not from an inward soul, the Fountain of life, but from the artificial poise of weights and wheels set by the workman: Even such were the virtues of the heathens, very puppet-plays, like unto the actions of Christian men, but not Christian actions; because they came not from a pure heart, which gives life unto a Christian, but from the poise of vainglory, from the wheels of corrupt affections, from a rotten heart, which wrought not for the love of God, but for the praise of men. ●  
And no better are the works of Hypocrites, ●ay worse: for they knew not that the heart was to be cleansed, or how it should be cleansed; but these know that God requires the heart, and yet their works are nothing but shows unto men. Such were the Pharisees, of whom Christ saith, Matth. 23. 27, 28. woe unto you, Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites; for ye are like unto whited sepulchers, which indeed appear beautiful outward, but are within full of dead men's bones and of all uncleanness: Even so ye also outwardly appear righteous unto men, but within ye are full of hypocrisy and iniquity; and v. 25. ye make clean the outside of the Cup and platter, but within ye are full of extortion and excess. But if we are loath (as who would not?) to share our portion with the Gentiles, or to have our lot fall with the Hypocrites; let our righteousness then exceed the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees: let us remember that God challenges the heart and inward man as his peculiar due; Let us not therefore only forsake the walk and external gate of wickedness, but even bad thoughts and evil motions, with all the occasions of them: Let us (I say) with Solomon, Prov. 4. 23. Keep our heart above all keeping, for out of it are the issues of life: But the joy of the hypocrite (saith Zophar, job 20. 5.) is but for a moment. v. 6. Though his excellency mount up unto the heavens, and his head reach unto the clouds; v. 7. Yet shall he perish for ever, like his own dung.  
Having spoken of the two first degrees of Repentance, I come now to the third, which is Returning unto God. It is not enough to forsake the works of wickedness, or the heart to forgo the thoughts of unrighteousness; but this is more required of a sinner, than he should return unto the Lord. He that hath gone out of his way, (and knows it) will not only make a stop and go no farther in the wrong way; but if he means to arrive at the place he desireth, will seek the new and right way and follow it; for he that standeth still, will never come at his journey's end: Even so must every sinner do in his journey of Repentance. The putting off the old man we heard before, now come we to the putting on of the new. In the two former steps we had eschewing of evil; in this we have doing of good; and without this the other is altogether vain. That tree is not called a good tree which bringeth forth no ill fruit, but that is a good Tree which bringeth forth good fruit; 
Matt. 7. 17, 19  and Every Tree that bringeth forth no fruit, shall be hewn down and cast into the fire.  
But for the better understanding of this, we will consider two things proper to a man that returneth; 1. To go away clean contrary to the way he went before; 2. To out-tread and obliterate his former steps. Both of these every one must perform who truly returns unto God by Repentance.  
First, (I say) He must go a way clean contrary to his former way. Many men think that the way to Hell is but a little out of the way to Heaven, so that a man in a small time with small ado may cross out of the one into the other; but they are much deceived: For as Sin is more than a stepping aside, viz. a plain and direct going away from God; so is Repentance or the forsaking of sin more than a little coasting out of one way into another; crossing will not serve; there is no way in the world to come to the place we seek, but to go quite back again the way we came.  
The way of pleasure in sin must be changed for as extreme a sorrow for the same. He that hath superstitiously worshipped false Gods, must now as devoutly serve the true; the tongue that hath uttered swear and spoken blasphemies, must as plentifully sound forth the name of God in prayer and thanksgiving; 
●say 58.  the covetous man must become liberal; the oppressor of the poor as charitable in relieving them; the calumniator of his brother, a tender guarder of his credit; in fine, he that hated his brother before, must now love him as tenderly as himself.  
What traveller is there that knowing himself to be in a contrary way, and admonished that he must go back again, would not return speedily? Who but a fool would not consider that the longer he went forward, the further he had to go back again; the sooner he returned, the easier would be his return; the longer he went forward, the more hard and difficult? Why, this is the case of every sinner; every step he takes, the further he is from God: How painful then and tedious will that return be which is not speedily undertaken? Nay, when looking back we shall behold the infinite distance between God and us, how can our heart almost but fail us and despair utterly that so long a way can ever be accomplished? The Stork in the heavens knoweth her appointed time, (jer. 8. 7.) the Turtle, and the Crane, and the Swallow observe the time of their coming: Let the wise man be ashamed that knows not, the sinner that considers not the time of his Return.  
The second thing proper to a man's returning is, to obliterate and tread out his former footing. This is also required of every truly repentant sinner, that wheresoever any footing remains of his former works, he should tread them out; for a repentant sinner must return by a line in the very path and tract of his sins. Now some sins do vanish in the act, and so leave no print behind them; and such, because they perish in the doing, remain not to be undone by repentance. But other sins there are which pass not away in the very doing, but leave as it were a footing behind them; I mean the work of the sin remains when the act is past, and these works are to be undone in repentance. Of this sort are sins most-what against the eighth Commandment, Robbery, Cozenage, all illgotten and ill-withholden gain; for in these, Restitution is as it were the recalling, undoing, and treading out the mark of the sin committed. 
In what things Restitution takes place.  He that hath taken a man's purse, may give it him again; but he that hath blasphemed, cannot recall his blasphemy, nor the refractory his former disobedience. He that hath taken his brother's life, cannot give it him again; nor he that hath defamed him, undo the word he hath spoken. In these and such like Restitution hath no place; but only [God forgive me] and doing the contrary hereafter. But in Robbery, Bribery, Cozenage, and all illgotten goods, the goods we have taken from our neighbour remaining in our hand and power, there is no repentance, no forgiveness, no returning, without restoring what we have gotten.  
Upon this I will dwell a while, because I verily think that many men do not believe it, but think it enough to cry God mercy; but as for restoring of aught, he must pardon them. Surely Zaccheus the Publican had never learned this Evasion, who (to make good his Repentance) gave half his goods unto the poor, and promised fourfold Restitution of what he had gotten from any man wrongfully. 
luke 19 〈◊〉  But if we will live by Laws, and not by Examples, hear the express Law of God, Levit. 6. 2, etc. where the Lord thus speaks unto Moses: If a Soul sin in fellowship or dealing, or in a thing taken away by violence, or hath deceived his neighbour, etc. or hath found that which was lost, and lieth concerning it, etc. Then it shall be, because he hath sinned and is guilty, that he shall restore what he hath taken violently, or the thing that he hath gotten deceitfully, etc. he shall even restore the principal, and add the fifth part more thereunto in the day of his trespass-offering. The day of our trespass-offering who are Christians, is the day wherein we offer Christ unto his Father by a lively Faith for atonement for our sin; the day of our repentance or our turning to God. If the jew's sacrifice could not be accepted without thus doing, no more shall a Christian's repentance.  
Neither will it be enough to confess our sins and cry God mercy as we say; For Numb. 5. 7. (where this same law is repeated) Those, saith the Lord, which have thus sinned, shall confess their sin which they have done, and yet recompense his Trespass too with the principal thereof, etc. Yea so rigid is the Lord in exacting this, that if the man himself who was thus wronged were dead, and had no kinsman living; yet the party offending was not so excused, but was to make a recompense unto the Lord himself, by giving it to his Priest; as ye may see in the same place, v. 8.  
Hence it is that the Lord, Ezekiel 33. 14, 15. maketh Restoring a main part of Repentance or Returning unto him; If the wicked (saith he) turn from his sin, and do what is lawful and right, if he restore the pledge, give again what he hath robbed; then he shall surely live, he shall not die: If he will not do this, it is easy to imagine what will follow, namely, that he shall surely die, and not live.  
But thou wilt say, I am not able to make Restitution. Why, then show thyself willing unto thy power, for in this case God accepts the will for the deed. But take heed thou dissemble not with him that knows thy most inward thoughts; for he it is that trieth the heart and reins, and nothing can be hid from him: upon peril therefore of thy salvation deal truly with him that made thee; for he is not as man that thou shouldst mock him, or as the son of man that he should be deceived.  
But thou wilt say, I cannot do it, unless I leave my wife and children to beggary. Alas! wilt thou venture thy own Soul to perish eternally, to save thy house from beggary? I must say unto thee as Peter said to Simon Magus, Acts 8. 21, 23. Thou hast neither part nor lot in the life to come, for thy heart is not right in the sight of God: Thou art in the gall of bitterness and in the bond of iniquity; thou preferrest the momentany glory of thy house before the everlasting safety of thyself. Thou fool, what will it profit thee to win the whole world, and lose thy own soul?  
But I shall (thou wilt say) in so doing proclaim mine own shame unto the whole world. What then? wouldst thou not be willing to undergo a greater penance than this for thy Soul's safety? or how comes it to pass thou art more loath that men should know thy shame, than God himself who made thee? Lord, how hard will it be for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of heaven!  
If men would think of this in their unjust dealing, if they would remember this who scrape unto themselves riches by unlawful and ungodly means; if those who get by extortion, by cozening tricks of Law, by bribery, by sacrilegious Simony, would think of this; methinks it should make them pull back their hand. For what joy and pleasure should a man take in that gain which he knows he must one day forgo as willingly as now he desireth covetously? when he might thus say with himself, The time must come, that I must wish from the bottom of my heart that this I now do had never been done, if ever I mean to find mercy at the hands of God: The time must one day come, that I must restore all this I have thus unlawfully gotten, yea make recompense besides for the injury I have done; or else woe worth the time that ever I was born, and cursed be the night wherein I was conceived. If men would consider this, Alas! I shall never say unto God on my deathbed, I repent from the bottom of my heart, if I bequeath one jo● of this I have thus gotten; I shall never say unto God, I wish from my soul this sin I have done were undone; or if it were now to do again, no motive in this world should make me do it. Alas! how can I say this, whiles it is in some sort in my power to undo sin by restoring, if I will not? Surely he that had this in his mind, would think it would not quit the cost to attain any of this world's goods unlawfully. But let them think as they will, as sure as God is true, Without Restitution Repentance can never be true, and without true Repentance it is impossible to be saved. And thus much of this Third degree of Repentance, and of the First part of my Text.  
I COME now to the Second, which is The Condition and State he comes unto who hath done all this, and that (as ye hear) is a State of Mercy; The repentant sinner is capable of the Mercy of God to pardon and forgive his sin: If the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous his thoughts: The Lord will have mercy on him, our God will abundantly pardon.  
The Mercy of God is here (as you see) his lovingkindness unto a sinner, to set him free from that evil he is liable to through sin, and to restore unto him the good he hath lost thereby; that is, with commiseration of his misery to forgive him, and restore him to that blessedness which is in the favour of God. This mercy or mercifulness of God is here expressed, first simply, in the words, The Lord will have mercy on him; and secondly, with a degree, he will pardon abundantly. Of these I will speak briefly, and so make an end.  
And first of the first: If the forgiveness of our sins, and the accepting of us into the everlasting favour of God, be a work of Mercy; than not of any Merit or deserving on our part; for these two cannot stand together. So saith S. Paul, Tit. 3. 5. Not by works of righteousness which we have done, but according to his mercy he hath saved us. For if when we have done all we can, we are still the subjects of pity; it needs must be we are still in misery; for no man shows pity or commiseration but to those that are in a pitiful case; wheresoever Mercy is shown, the party aileth something: But to be in case of Merit, is no pitiful case; what can he ail for his sin, to whom Heaven is due for his merit? who need not be beholden to God for his kindness, but may challenge him for justice? If this than be the manner of God, to show mercy unto those who deserve nothing at his hands, it is our part to be like unto him: We are not in actions of charity to look upon the merit, but the misery: the bestowing of Alms is no paying of wages, or giving of rewards, but an act of holy pity. The like I might say of forgiving the offences of our brethren: If he repent him of the injury, thou are not to exact a merit of forgiveness; but let thy love be as ingenuous unto thy brother as God's was free unto thee.  
The last thing to be considered is, The degree of God's mercy in delivering us from our sins: It is no small favour, for he pardoneth abundantly. Amongst all the works of God his works of Mercy toward mankind are in surpassing measure: Hence it is that he proclaims himself by this as by his principal style, Exod. 34. 6. The Lord, the Lord God, merciful, gracious, long-suffering: which David expounds (Psal. 103. 8.) The Lord is merciful and gracious, slow to anger, and plenteous in mercy: S. Paul describes him, Ephes. 2. 4. a God who is rich in mercy.  
This may appear by the admirable way of our Redemption, in sending his own Son from Heaven to suffer the ignominious death of the Cross for our sake: Even so God loved the world, saith S. john, 
john 3. 16.  that he gave his only-begotten Son for the same. This may appear by his patience and long-suffering in enduring sin: In the 65. chap. of this Book, v. 2, 3. He spreadeth out his hands all the day unto a rebellious people, which walketh in a way that was not good, yea, which provokes him to anger continually to his face. Lastly, It may appear by that huge proportion wherein his Mercy exceeds his Vengeance. 
Exod. 20.  He visits the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of those that hate him, but showeth mercy unto the thousandth generation of those who love him and keep his Commandments. This may serve for our consolation in the most grievous temptation about the greatness of our sin: The Lord is rich in mercy, and therefore he will forgive the most grievous sin; for the mercy of the Lord is greater than the sins of the whole world. This Argument of comfort Moses bringeth in Deut. 4. 31. Because the Lord thy God is a merciful God, he will not forsake thee, nor destroy thee, nor forget the Covenant of thy fathers which he swore unto them.    

DISCOURSE XXXIX.  

S. MATTHEW 7. 21.  Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven; but he that doth the will of my Father which is in Heaven. 
THERE are three sorts of men in the World: Some which call not Christ their Lord, as Turks, jews and Infidels: Some which call him Lord, as all Christians; but not all in like manner: for there are two sorts of them, some which call him Lord, and that is all; others which both call him Lord, and do the will of his Father, the administration whereof is committed to him. The first of these three sorts, Those who do not so much as call Christ their Lord, it is plain they cannot be saved; for there is no other name under heaven to be saved by● but by the name of Christ only. 
Acts 4. 12.  For the second sort, Those who call Christ their Lord, that is, are Christians, and profess to believe in Christ, and hope to be saved by him, and yet do no works of obedience unto God; though such as these may think themselves in a good estate, yet our Saviour here expressly excludes them from entering into the Kingdom of Heaven. But the third sort, which do not only call Christ their Lord, but do the will of his Father, these are the only true Christians; for these there is hope, but for none other: Not every one (saith our Saviour) that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, etc.  
Our Saviour foresaw there would be, among those who believed on his Name, such as would think their Faith sufficient, etc. that as for Works they might be excused, having him for their Lord and Captain of their Salvation, who himself had both undergone the punishment due for their sins, and fulfilled that obedience which they should have done; so that now there remained nothing on their part for to obtain Salvation, but to trust and rely upon him, without any endeavour at all to please God by Works, as being now become unuseful to Salvation. If ever there was a time when Christians thus deceived themselves, that time is now; as both our practice showeth plainly by a general neglect of such Duties of Piety and Charity which amongst our forefathers were frequent, as also our open profession, when being exhorted to these works of Piety to God and of Charity towards our brethren, we stick not to allege we are not bound unto them, because we look not to be saved by the merit of works, as they, but by faith in Christ alone: As though Faith in Christ excluded Works, and did not rather include them, as being that whereby they become acceptable unto God, which of themselves they are not; Or as if Works could no way conduce unto the attaining of Salvation but by way of merit and desert, and not by way of the grace and favour of God in Christ, as we shall see in the handling of this Text. We greatly nowadays, and that most dangerously, mistake the error of our Forefathers, which was not in that they did good works; I would we did so; but because they knew not rightly the End why they did them, nor where the Value of them lay: They thought the End of doing them was to obtain eternal life, as a reward of justice due unto them; whereas it is only of Grace and Promise in Christ jesus: They took their Works to have such perfectness in them as would endure the Touchstone of the Law of God, yea such Worth and Value as to merit the Reward they looked for; whereas all the Value and acceptableness of our works issues from the Merits of Christ, and lies only in his righteousness communicated unto us and them by Faith, and no otherwise. But setting aside these errors of the End and of the Value of works, 
Matth. 7. 21.  we must know as well as they, That not every one that saith unto Christ, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven; but he that doth the will of his Father which is in Heaven.  
Now for the Explication of the Words. To call Christ Lord, is to believe in him, to acknowledge him, to look for Salvation by him, or (as the Scripture expresseth it, Luke 6. 47.) to come unto him; Every one (saith our Saviour there, explaining this very Text we have in hand) that cometh unto me, and heareth my words, and doth them, I will show you who he is like: where To come unto Christ is put in stead of that which in the former was To say unto him, Lord. The doing of his Father's will is the doing of those works of obedience which his Father hath commanded in his Law, and now committed to his Son, whom he hath made the Head and King of his Church, to see executed and performed by those he bringeth to Salvation. But how, and in what manner, we shall see by and by.  
The Text consists of two parts: The one negative; Not every one that saith unto Christ, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the Kingdom of heaven; The other affirmative; But those who do the will of his Father shall only enter thither. But these are so nearly linked together, that they cannot be handled asunder. And the Observations which I shall draw thence depend on the whole Text. The first and chiefest whereof is this, That Faith in Christ without works of obedience and amendment of life is not sufficient for Salvation, 
Observat. 1.  and consequently not that Faith whereby a Christian is justified. For if it were, it would save us: If it be not sufficient to save us, it cannot justify us. This floweth directly from the Text, and cannot be denied; if ye remember what I said before, That to call Christ Lord, is to believe in him.  
For the better understanding of this, you must take notice that there is a threefold Faith whereby men believe in Christ. There is a false Faith: there is a true Faith, but not saving: and thirdly, there is a saving Faith. A false Faith is, To believe to attain Salvation through Christ any other way than he hath ordained; as namely, to believe to attain Salvation through him without works of obedience to be accepted of God in him: which is a Faith whereof there is no Gospel. A true Faith is, To believe Salvation is to be attained through obedience to God in jesus Christ, who by his merits and righteousness makes ourselves and our works acceptable to his Father. A saving and justifying Faith is, To believe this so as to embrace and lay hold upon Christ for that end: To believe to attain Salvation through obedience to God in Christ, so as to apply ourselves and rely upon Christ for that end; namely, to perform those works of obedience which God hath promised to reward with eternal life. For a justifying Faith stayeth not only in the Brain, but stirs up the Will to receive and enjoy the good believed, according as it is promised. This motion or election of the Will is that which maketh the difference between a saving Faith which joineth us unto Christ, and that which is true indeed, but not saving, but dogmatical and opinionative only. And this motion or applying of the Will to Christ, this embracing of Christ and the promises of the Gospel through him, is that which the Scripture (when it speaks of this ●aith) calleth coming unto Christ, or the receiving of him. john 1. 12. As many as received him, to them he gave power (or privilege) to be the sons of God, even to them that believe on his Name: where, receiving and believing, one expound another. So for coming; Come unto me (saith our Saviour, Matth. 11. 28.) all ye that are heavy laden, and I will ease you. This last is very frequent. john 5. 40. Ye will not come to me (saith our Saviour) that ye might have life. And Chap. 6. 37. All that the Father giveth me, shall come unto me. Ver. 44. No man can come unto me, unless the Father draw him. 45. Every man that hath heard, and learned of the Father, cometh unto me; and such like. All which express the specification of a saving Faith, which consists in the embracing, receiving and applying of the Will to the thing believed.  
What this embracing, receiving or applying unto Christ is, I will farther make plain thus. He that believeth that Christ is an atonement to God for the sins of all repentant sinners, (and surely he is an atonement for none else,) must repent and turn from all his sins, that so Christ may be an atonement for him; else he embraceth not what he believeth. He that believes that God in Christ will accept and reward our obedience and works of Piety, though short of perfection and of no worth in themselves, must apply himself accordingly to do works of Religion and Charity, that God in Christ may accept and reward them. For our Belief is not that saving Belief, until we apply ourselves to what we believe. To believe to attain Salvation through Christ without works of obedience to be accepted in him, is (as I have already said) a false Faith, whereof there is no Gospel, no Promise: To believe the contrary, That Christ is given of God to such only as shall receive him, to perform acceptable obedience to God through him, and yet not to apply and buckle ourselves thereto, were indeed to believe what is true; but yet no saving Faith, because we embraced not the thing we believed as we believed it.  
Thou sayest then thou hast Faith, and believest that Christ is the atonement to God for the sins of all such as leave and forsake their sins by Repentance: why then repent thee of thy sins, that Christ may be an atonement for thee. Thou sayest thou hast this Faith, That God in jesus Christ will accept thy undeserving works and services unto eternal life: why then embrace thou Christ, and rely upon him for this end, that thou mayest do works of Piety towards God and Charity towards men, that so God in Christ may accept thee and them unto eternal life.  
Now if this be the Faith which is Saving and unites us unto Christ, 
Observat. 1.  and no other; than it is plain That a saving Faith cannot be severed from good works, because no man can embrace Christ as he is promised, but he must apply himself to do them. For out of that which hath been spoken three Reasons may be gathered for the necessity of them.  
First, It is the end of our Faith and justification by Christ, yea the end why he shed his blood for us, that we being reconciled to God in him, might bring forth fruits of righteousness, which else we could never have done. This is no Speculation, but plain Scripture. S. Peter 1 Ep. 2. 24. telleth us, that Christ his own self bore our sins in his own body on the tree, that we being dead to sin, should live unto righteousness. S. Paul, Tit. 2. 11, 12, 13, 14. The grace of God (saith he) that bringeth salvation, hath appeared unto all men; (wherefore?) Teaching us, that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we should live soberly, and righteously, and godly in this present world; Looking for that blessed hope, and the glorious appearing of the great God, and our Saviour jesus Christ, Who gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works. These words contain the Sum of all I have hitherto told you; That Christ is therefore given us to be a Propitiation for our sins, and to justify us, that in him we might walk before God in newness of life; so to obtain a Crown of righteousness in the world to come.  
Answerable is that place Ephes. 2. 10. where the Apostle having told us, v. 8, 9 we are saved by grace, through saith, and not of works, lest any man should boast: he adds presently, (lest his meaning might be mistaken, as it is of too many) That we are God's workmanship, created in Christ jesus unto good works, which God hath before ordained (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that we should walk in them: as if he should say, Those works of obedience ordained by God aforetime in his Law for us to walk in, which we could not perform of ourselves, now God hath as it were new moulded us in jesus Christ, that we might perform them in him; namely, by way of acceptation, though they come short of that exactness the Law requireth. And thus to be saved is to be saved by Grace and Favour, and not by the Merit of works; because the Foundation whereby ourselves and our services are approved in the eyes of God, and acquitted of guilt, (which the Scripture calleth to be justified,) is the mere Favour of God in jesus Christ, and not any thing in us. And this way of Salvation excludes all boasting: for what have we to boast of, when all the righteousness of our works is none of ours, but Christ's imputed to us; whereby only, and not for any merit in themselves, they become acceptable and have promise of Reward? But that men should be saved by Christ, though they be idle and do nothing, I know no such Grace of God revealed in Scripture.  
Now that in Christ we may perform works of righteousness which God will accept and crown, is plain by the tenor of Scripture. S. Paul, Phil. 1. 11. desires that the Philippians might be filled with the fruits of righteousness, which are by jesus Christ unto the glory and praise of God. And the same Apostle tells the Romans, Rom. 6. 22. That being made free from sin, and become servants to God, they have their fruit unto holiness, and the end everlasting life; that is, as the Syriack turns it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. they have holy fruits, whose end is life eternal.  
And if we would seriously consider it, 
How the Doctrine o● Faith in Christ includes the greatest Enforcement and Engagement to Good works.  we should find, That the more we believe this righteousness of Faith in Christ, the more reason we have to perform works of service and obedience unto God, than if we believed it not. For if our works would not be acceptable with God unless they were complete in every point as the Law required; if there were no reward to be looked for at the hands of God unless we could merit it by the worthiness of our deeds; who that considers his own weakness and insufficiency would not sooner despair, than go about to please God by works? He would think it better to do nothing at all, than to endeavour what he could never hope to attain, and so lose his labour. But we, who believe that those who serve God in Christ have their failings and wants covered with his righteousness, and so their works accepted as if they were in every point as they should be; why should not we of all men fall to work, being sure by Christ's means and merit we shall not lose our labour?  
A second Motive why we should do good works is, Because they are the Way and Means ordained by God to obtain the Reward of eternal life, without which we shall never attain it. Without holiness no man shall see God, Heb. 12. 14. Look to yourselves (saith S. john Ep. 2. ver. 8.) that ye lose not those things ye have wrought, but that ye may receive a full reward. The Angel's message from heaven to devout Cornelius was, Thy prayers and thine alms are had in remembrance in the sight of God: whereupon S. Peter inferred, That in every Nation, he that feareth God and worketh righteousness is accepted with him, Acts 10. 4, 35. In 1 Tim. 6. 17, 18, 19 saith S. Paul, Charge them that are rich in this world— That they do good, that they be rich in good works, ready to distribute, willing to communicate, Laying in store a good foundation against the time to come; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; (ut accipiant, nanciscantur) that they may receive, or obtain, eternal life.  
Hence it is that we shall be judged and receive sentence at the last day according to our works. 
Matth. 25. 34. etc.  Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world: For I was hungry, and ye gave me meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink; I was a stranger, and ye took me in; naked, and ye clothed me; I was sick, and ye visited me; I was in prison, and ye came unto me. For inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of my brethren, ye have done it unto me. Lord, how do those look to be saved at that day, who think good works not required to Salvation, and accordingly do them not! Can our Saviour pass this blessed Sentence on them? think they he can? If he should, they might truly say indeed, Lord, we have done no such matter, nor did we think ourselves bound unto it; we relied wholly upon our Faith in thy merits, and thought we had been freed from such services. What? do they think Christ will change the form of his Sentence at that great day? No certainly: If the Sentence for Bliss will not fit them, and be truly said of them; the other will, and must, for there is no more; 
Verse ●1.  Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the Devil and his Angels: For when I was hungry, ye gave me no meat, etc. This must be their doom, unless they suppose the righteous judge will lie for them.  
And it is here further to be observed, That the Works named in this sentence of judgement are works of the second Table, and Works of Mercy and Charity; feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, visiting the sick; all Almsdeeds, which men are nowadays so much afraid of, as if they looked toward Popery, and had a tang of meriting; for nowadays these costly works of all others are most suspicious: But will it be so at the day of judgement? True it is, they merit not the Reward which shall be given them: but what then? are we so proud we will do no works unless we may merit? Is it not sufficient that God will reward them for Christ's sake, though they have no worth in themselves? And thus much of the second Motive why we should do good works, Because howsoever they merit nothing, yet are they the means and way ordained by God to attain the Reward of eternal life.  
The third and last Motive to works of righteousness is, Because they are the only Sign and Note whereby we know our Faith is true and saving, and not counterfeit. For 1 john 1. 6. If we say we have fellowship with Christ, and walk in darkness; we lie, and do not the truth. Chap. 2. ver. 3. Hereby we know that we know him (viz. to be our Advocate with his Father, and the Propitiation for our sins,) if we keep his Commandments. And Chap. 3. 7. Little children, let no man deceive you: He that doth righteousness is righteous, even as Christ is righteous. The same almost you may find again, Chap. 2. 29. For if every one that believeth in Christ truly and savingly believes that Salvation is to be attained by obedience to God in him, and not otherwise, and therefore embraceth and layeth hold upon him for that end; how can such an one's Faith be fruitless? How can he be without works, who therefore lays hold on Christ that his works and obedience may be accepted as righteous before God for his sake, and so be rewardable? It is as possible for the Sun to be without his light or the Fire to want heat, as such a Faith to be without works.  
Our Saviour therefore himself makes this a most sure and neverfailing Note to build our assurance of Salvation upon, Luke 6. 46. where the mention of the words of my Text gives the occasion, Why call ye me Lord, Lord, (saith he) and do not the things which I say? 47. Whosoever cometh to me, and heareth my sayings, and doth them; I will show you to whom he is like. 48. He is like a man which built an house, and digged deep, and laid the foundation on a rock: And when the flood arose, the stream beat vehemently upon that house, and could not shake it; for it was founded upon a rock. 49. But he that heareth, and doth not; is like a man that without a foundation built an house upon the earth; against which the stream did beat vehemently, and immediately it fell, and the ruin of that house was great. Whom these three Motives or Reasons will not persuade to good works, let not my Soul, O Lord, be joined with theirs, nor my doom be as theirs must be.  
A SECOND Observation out of these words, 
Observ. 2.  and near akin to the former, is, That it is not enough for a Christian to live harmlessly and abstain from ill, but he must do that which is good. For our Saviour excludes not here those only who do against the will of his Father, but those who do not his Father's will. It is doing good which he requireth, and not the not doing evil only. This is an error which taketh hold of a great part of men, even of those who would seem to be religious. He is a reformed man and acquits himself well who abstains from fornication, adultery, who is no thief, no cozener or defrauder of other men, who will not lie, or swear, or such like: But as for doing any works of Piety or Charity, they think they are not required of them.  
But they are much deceived: For God requires some duties at our hands, which he may reward, not out of any merit, but out of his merciful promise in Christ. But not doing ill is no service rewardable. A servant who expects wages, must not only do his Master no harm, but some work that is good and profitable: otherwise the best Christian would be he that should live altogether idly; for none doth less harm than he that doth nothing at all. But Matth. 25. 30. He that increased not his Master's Talon, though he had not misspent it, is adjudged an unprofitable servant, and cast into outer darkness, where is weeping and gnashing of teeth. So also Matth. 3. 10. The tree that beareth no good fruit is hewn down, though it bore none that was evil: The axe is laid to the root of the tree; Every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit, is hewn down and cast into the fire. Matth. 21. 19 The figtree was cursed for having no fruit, not for having evil fruit. And the Sentence of condemnation, as you heard before, is to pass at that great day for not having done good works, not for doing ill ones: Go ye cursed, for when I was hungry, ye said me not, etc. Matth. 25. 41, etc.  
THUS having let you see how necessary it is for a Christian to join good works with his Faith in Christ; I will now come to show you How you must do them, hoping I have already persuaded you that they must needs be done.  
First therefore, We must do them out of Faith in Christ, that is, relying upon him only for the acceptance and rewarding of them: for in him alone God is well pleased with us and with what we do, and therefore without saith and reliance upon him it is impossible to please God. 
Heb. 11. 6.  We must not think there is any worth in our works, for which any such reward as God hath promised is due: For, alas! our best works are full of imperfections, and far short of what the Law requires. Our reward therefore is not of merit, but out of the merciful promise of God in Christ: which the Apostle means, when he says, 
E●h. 2. 8, 9  We are saved by grace, and not by works; that is, It is the grace and favour of God in Christ which makes ourselves acceptable and our works rewardable, and not any desert in them or us.  
Having laid this foundation; The next thing required is Sincerity of heart in doing them: We must do them out of the fear of God, and conscience of his Commandments; not out of respect of profit, or fear, or praise of men; for such as do so are Hypocrites. Not every one, saith our Saviour, that saith unto me, Lord, Lord; but he that doth the will of my Father: 
Matth. 7. 21.  Now it is the will of our heavenly Father that we serve him in truth and uprightness of heart: I know (saith David, 1 Chr. 29. 17.) that thou my God triest the heart, and hast pleasure in uprightness. And so he said to Abraham, Gen. 17. 1. I am the Almighty God, walk before me, and be thou 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  upright, or, be thou 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  sincere. This manner of serving of God joshua commended to the Israelites, josh. 24. 14. Fear the Lord, (saith he) and serve him in sincerity and truth: and the Prophet Samuel, 1 Sam. 12. 24. Only fear the Lord, and serve him in truth with all your heart. This sincerity, uprightness and truth in God's service is, when we do religious and pious duties, and abstain from the contrary, out of conscience to God-ward, out of an heart possessed with the love and fear of God. It is otherwise called in Scripture Perfectness, or Perfectness of heart: For it is a lame and unperfect service where the better half is wanting, as the Heart is, in every work of duty both to God and men. And therefore it is called perfectness, when both go together, when conscience as the Soul enlivens the outward work as a Body. And indeed this is all the perfection we can attain unto in this life, To serve God in truth of heart, though otherwise we come short of what we should: and therefore God esteems our actions and works, not according to the greatness or exactness of the performance, but according to the sincerity and truth of our hearts in doing them: as appears by the places I have already quoted, and by that 1 Kings 15. 14. where it is said, that though Asa failed in his reformation, and the high places were not taken down; nevertheless his heart was perfect with the Lord his God all his days.  
A note to know such a sincerity and truth of heart by is, 
How to know Sincerity.  If in our privacy, when there is no witness but God and ourselves, we are careful then to abstain from sin, as well as in the sight of men: If when no body but God shall see and know it, we are willing to do a good work, as well as if all the world should know it. He that findeth himself thus affected, his Heart is true, at least in some measure; but so much the less by how much he findeth himself the less affected in this manner. When we are in the presence and view of men, we may soon be deceived in ourselves, and think we do that out of conscience and fear of God, which indeed is but for the fear or praise of men; either lest we should be damnified, or impair our credit, or the like: But when there is none but God and us, then to be afraid of sin and careful of good duties, is a sign we fear God in truth and sincerity, and not in hypocrisy.  
The special and principal means to attain this sincerity and truth of heart is, 
How to attain Sincerity.  To possess ourselves always with the apprehension of God's presence, and to walk before him as in his eye. Wheresoever thou art, there is an Eye that sees thee, an Ear that hears thee, and a Hand that registereth thy most secret thoughts: For the ways of man (saith Solomon Prov. 5. 21.) are before the eyes of the Lord, and he pondereth all his goings. How much ashamed would we be, that men should know how much our hearts and our words and actions disagreed? How would we blush that men should see us commit this or that sin, or neglect this or that duty? What horrible Atheism than doth this argue, that the presence of man, yea sometimes of a little child, should ●●nder us from that wickedness which God's presence cannot? This having of God before our eyes, and the continual meditation of his Allseeing presence, would, together with devout Prayer for the assistance of God's grace, be in time the bane of hypocrisy and falsehood of heart, and beget in stead thereof that truth and sincerity which God loveth.  
Another property of such obedience as God requires is Universality: we must not serve God by halfs, by doing some duties and omitting others; but we must, with David, (Psal. 119. 6, 20.) have respect to all God's Commandments; to those of the second Table as well as to those of the first, and to those of the first as well as those of the second. The want of which Universality of obedience to both Tables is so frequent, as the greatest part of Christians are plunged therein, to the undoubted ruin of their fouls and shipwreck of everlasting life, if they so continue.  
For there are two sorts of men which think themselves in a good estate, and are not. The one are those who make conscience of the duties of the first Table, but have little or no care of the duties of the second. And this is a most dangerous evil, by reason it is more hard to be discovered; those which are guilty thereof being such as seem religious, but their Religion is in vain. Such were those in the Church of Israel against whom the Prophet Esay declaimeth, Chap. 1. from the 10. verse to the 17. To what purpose are your sacrifices and burnt-offerings? saith the Lord: your oblations and incense are abomination. Your New Moons, Sabbaths, calling of Assemblies, even the solemn meeting, I cannot away with; it is iniquity. Would you know what was the matter? see the words following, Learn to do well, seek judgement, relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the widow. Lo here a want of the duties of the second Table. 
Matth. 9 13. & 12. 7.  Such is that also of Hosea 6. 6. I desired mercy, and not sacrifice; which is twice alleged by our Saviour in the Gospel against the Pharisee's hypocritical scrupulosity in the same duties of the first Table, with a neglect of the second. But here perhaps some may find a scruple, because that if Sacrifice in this or the like places be opposed to the duties of obedience required in the second Table, it should hereby seem that the duties of the second Table which concern our neighbour should be preferred before the duties of the first which concern the Lord himself; forasmuch as it is said, 
* Host 6. 6.  I desired mercy, and not sacrifice, that is, rather Mercy, which is a duty of the second Table, than Sacrifice, which is of the first. I answer, The holy Ghost's meaning is not to prefer the second Table before the first, taking them singly; but to prefer the duties of both together before the service of the first alone: Be more ready to join mercy or works of mercy with your sacrificing, than to offer sacrifice alone.  
To go on. The duties of the first Table are by a special name called duties of Religion; those of the second Table come under the name of Honesty and Probity. Now as a man can never be truly Honest unless he be Religious; So cannot that man (what show soever he makes) be truly religious in God's esteem who is not honest in his conversation towards his neighbour: Religion and Honesty must be married together, or else neither of them will be in truth what it seems to be. We know that all our duty both to God and our neighbour is comprehended under the name of Love, as in that Sum of the Law, 
Matth. 22. 37, 39  Love God above all things, and thy neighbour as thyself. This is the Sum of the whole Law contained in both Tables. But S. john tells us 1 Ep. 4. 20. If a man say, I love God, and hateth his brother, he is a liar; which is as much as if he should say, He that seems religious towards God, and is without honesty towards his neighbour; he is a liar, there is no true religion in him.  
If you would then know whether a man professing Religion, by diligent frequenting God's service and exercises of devotion, keeping sacred times and hearing Sermons, be a sound Christian or not, or a seeming one only; this is a sure and infallible note to discover him, and for him to discover himself by: For, if notwithstanding his care of the duties of the first Table, he makes no conscience to walk honestly towards his neighbour; if he be disobedient to Parents and lawful Authority, if he be cruel and uncharitable, if he be unjust in his dealings, fraudulent, an oppressor, a falsifier of Covenants and Promises, a back●●ster, a slanderer, or the like; his Religion is no better than an Hypocrite's: For such was the Religion of many of the Pharisees, whom therefore our Saviour termeth Hypocrites, 
Matth. 23. 13, etc.  Woe unto you Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites. They were scrupulous in the duties of the first Table, 
Verse 23.  they paid tithe even of mint and anise, they fasted twice aweek, they were exact observers of the Sabbath and other ceremonies of Religion; but judgement, mercy, and saith in their conversation towards men, our Saviour tells them they regarded not.  
Besides our Saviour's woe denounced against such, there are Two dangerous Effects which accompany this evil disease, which should make us beware thereof.  

1. Those who are addicted to Religion without any conscience of Honesty, are easily drawn by the Devil to many intolerable acts under colour and in behalf thereof, as they imagine. We see it in the Papists and jesuits, whose preposterous zeal to their Religion makes them think Treasons, Murders, Rebellions, or any other such wicked acts, are lawful and excusable, so they be done for the good of the Catholic cause, as they call it. And if we search narrowly amongst ourselves, we shall light upon some examples of indirect and unlawful courses undertaken otherwhile on the behalf of Religion; and all through want of this conscionable care of maintaining Honesty towards our neighbour, together with our zeal for Religion towards God. Even as we see an Horse in some narrow and dangerous passage, whilst he is wholly taken up with some bugbear on the one side of the way, which he would eschew, and in the mean time mindeth not the other side, where there is the like danger, he suddenly slips into a pit or ditch, with no small danger to himself and rider: So is it here with such as look only to the first Table, and mind not the second; whilst they go about, as they think, to advance the duties of the one, they fall most foully in the other.  
2. The second evil is a most dangerous Scandal which follows profession of Religion without honest conversation towards men: It is a grievous stumbling-block and stone of offence, making men out of love with Religion, when they see such evil Effects from it and those who seem to profess it. Those who are not yet come on, are scared from coming; resolving they will never be of their Religion, which they see no better fruits of: Those who are entered, are ashamed and discouraged, forsaking the duties of Religion, that they might shun the suspicion of hypocrisy and dishonesty. 
Matth. 18. 7.  But woe be unto them by whom scandal cometh. Let us all therefore take heed to adorn and approve our profession by bringing forth fruits, not only of Piety and Devotion towards God, but of works of Righteousness and Charity to our neighbour.     

DISCOURSE XL.  

GENESIS 3. 13.  And the Lord God said unto the woman, What is this that thou hast done? And the woman said, The Serpent beguiled me, and I did eat. 
THE Story whereof the words I have read are part is so well known to all, that it would be needless to spend time in any long Preface thereof. Who knows not the Story of Adam's Fall? who hath not heard of the Sin of Eve our Mother? If there were no Scripture, yet the unsampled irregularity of our whole nature, which all the time of our life runs counter to all order and right reason; the woeful misery of our condition, being a Scene of sorrow without any rest or contentment; this might breed some general suspicion that ab initio non suit ita, from the beginning it was not so; but that he who made us Lords of his creatures, made us not so worthless and vile as now we are; but that some common Father to us all had drunken some strange and devilish poison, wherewith the whole race is infected. This poison, saith the Scripture, was the breach of God's commandment in Paradise, by eating of the forbidden fruit: for which Adam being called to an account by the great judge, and laying the fault upon the Woman which God had given him for an helper; God vouchsafes (as ye hear in my Text) to examine the Woman, saying, What is this that thou hast done? And she answers, The Serpent beguiled me, and I did eat.  
These words contain in them two parts: First, God's Inquisition accusing; Secondly, The Woman's Confession excusing her fact. The first in the first words, And the Lord said unto the woman, etc. The second in the last words, And the woman said, The Serpent beguiled me, etc. For the first words which God speaks, being considered absolutely, are an Indictment for some crime; as they are Interrogative, they are an Inquisition concerning the same; and therefore I call them an Inquisition accusing. So the second are a Confession, as the Woman says, I have eaten; but with an excuse, when she says, The Serpent beguiled me; and therefore I call them a Confession excusing.  
In the Inquisition are two things to be considered. First, The Author and Person who makes it, which is the Lord God himself; so saith my Text, And the Lord God said unto the woman. Secondly, The Inquisition itself, What is this that thou hast done?  
In the Person who comes and makes this Inquest, being the Lord God himself, we may observe and behold his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his wonderful Goodness and unspeakable Love to mankind, which here reveals itself in four most remarkable Circumstances.  
First, In his forbearance; And the Lord said: When said the Lord? namely, not till Adam had accused her; she who was first in the sin, was last questioned for the same; and that too because her husband had appealed her. God knew and observed well enough the first degree and every progress of her sin, he needed no information from another: yet as though he were loath to take notice thereof, as though he were loath to find her guilty, yea as though he were loath to denounce the punishment which his justice required, he comes not against her until now; and that as though he were unwilling to come at all.  
If we look back into the Story, we shall yet find a further confirmation thereof. How long did God hold his hand before he stripped the woman especially of that glorious beauty of her integrity, and made her with opened eyes to see her shameful nakedness? She had at the first onset of her Conference with the Serpent sinned a sin of Unbelief of God; and yet God spared her: In the progress she sinned more in her proud Ambition of being like to God himself, and to be wise above what was given her; and God yet spared her: She sinned when she coveted and longed once to eat of the forbidden fruit, when it began to seem more pleasing and desirable unto her than Obedience to God's Commandment; 
Gen 3. 13.  and God yet spared her: At last she takes and eats thereof, and so came to the height and consummation of her sin; and yet behold and see the Clemency and Longanimity of our good God, he paused yet a while until she had given unto her husband also; and then, and not till then, he opened their eyes to see their woeful misery.  
A Lesson first to us men, if so be we think the Example of God worthy our imitation, to bear long with our brother, as God bears with us; to admonish him, as it is in the Gospel, the first, second and third time, before we use him like an Heathen or a Publican; 
Matth. 18. 15, etc.  to forgive him seven times, yea, (as Christ says to Peter) if he repent and ask forgiveness, seventy times seven.  
Secondly, This may be a cordial of spiritual comfort unto us sinners; Though we make a shift to keep ourselves from the execution of sin, yet we find our hearts full of sinful thoughts, ungodly desires and unclean lusts, and such like sinful motions from the infirmity of our flesh: which notwithstanding we cannot ever expel or be rid of; yet let us hope that God out of his mercy will bear with our weakness, and pass by our infirmities, who bore with the sin of our first Parents until it came to execution.  
The second Circumstance is The temper of his justice; in that he vouchsafes first to inquire of the offence, and examine the fact, before he gives Sentence, or proceeds to execution. The like example we have Gen. 11. 5. where it is said, The Lord came down to see the City and Tower which the children of men had builded, afore he would confound their language, or scatter them abroad from that ambitious Babel upon the face of the earth. Again, Gen. 18. 20, 21. the Lord says, Because the cry of Sodom and Gomorrah is great, and their sin is very grievous; I will go down, and see whether they have done altogether according to the cry of it which is come unto me; and if not, I will know. He from whom no secrets are hid, he that form the heart of man, and knows all the works we do, he that trieth and searcheth the heart and reins, even he will first examine the fact, will first hear what miserable man can say for himself, before his Sentence shall pass upon him: not out of ignorance of what was done, for how should the omniscient God be ignorant? but out of his wonderful clemency, and unspeakable moderation towards Man: I say, towards Man; for to him alone he shows this favour; for as for the Serpent, we see he vouchsafes nor to ask him one question, nor to expect what he could say for himself, but presently without examination proceeds to judgement against him.  
Doth the great God, the Almighty Creator of heaven and earth, deal with so unspeakable: temper with his creature; and is vile man, a base earthworm, so austere unto his brother? It was the height of Eve's whole ambition to be like unto God; but her off-spring's ambition is to be most unlike unto him: He glories in mercy and clemency, we in rage and rash austerity; He hears his creature speak before he condemns him we condemn our brother before we hear him speak. 
Psal. 2. 10.  Be wise, be instructed, ye judes' of the earth, let this great Example of God be the pattern of your imitation: yealet no private man condemn another rashly, until he hath heard what he may say fo● himself, as God himself here vouchsafed to go before us.  
The third Circumstance is God's condescent unto man, in that he sends neither Angels nor Ministers to examine our first Parents and to make inquisition of their offence, but he co●●s himself in person to take notice thereof. When men are offended, especially great ●en, they will not deign to look upon or to admit into their presence those that have offended them: How great therefore is this indulgence of Almighty God, who deigns here his presence to our most wretched and most naked Parents who had so grievously sinned against him? How happily graced would a poor offender think himself, if he night be admitted to the presence of his Prince, there to say what he could either for his defence or excuse, or else to sue for mercy and move compassion? By how much therefore God is greater than the greatest Monarches of the world, even as much as they are greater than nothing; so much is this indulgence of God here expressed in my Text to Eve, as before to her husband, surpassing all the favour and condescend of men, who sent not for man, but came himself unto him; yea who vouchsafed then to seek them out when they ran away from him.  
Now all this is spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after the fashion of men, and therefore not so much to express what God himself did, as what men ought to do. Let it be a Lesson therefore to those who are set over others, not to be too hard of access to such as are obnoxious unto them. If God himself vouchsafed so far unto his creature so wretched, much more should man unto his brother.  
The fourth Circumstance is The manner of his speech to Eve, in that he that was the Lord God should so mildly speak unto her, What is this thou hast done? The Lord God said it, saith my Text; but who would not think it rather the speech of a familiar and condoling friend, than of so great a judge so greatly offended? Here is no word of asperity, but of lenity; no menacing, no upbraiding terms, but only, What is this thou hast done?  
And should not we learn hence not to insult over such whose offences make them liable either to us or others? should we upbraid, rail, triumph, and vomit our impotency upon them? Certainly we seem not to remember what a gentle and commiserating judge God is, or that ourselves are men, and have to deal with humane frailty, and man's miserable condition, which we ought to behold with pity, and not handle with bitterness.  
THE next thing is, The Inquisition itself; What is this thou hast done? Some read, 
* Vulg. Lat. Quare hoc ●ecisti?  Why hast thou done this? expounding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Eve's answer following, where she saith, I have eaten, plainly argues the question was What she had done, and not Why she had done it: And therefore I take the words as our 
* And so the Syriack Version; So Iuniu● and Tremillius.  Translation hath them, and understand this manner of ask by God to be a Scheme of admiration, and to imply an exaggeration of the woman's sin; as if he had said, O what an horrible sin is this thou hast committed! How grievously hast thou transgressed! O what hast thou done! And therefore, God enquiring of her sin with exaggeration, she makes answer with diminution; Indeed she had offended, because she had eaten; but yet the offence was the less, for the Serpent had deceived her.  
This then being the meaning of the words, let us behold in them the greatness of the sin of our first Parents; which made the Lord God himself to say, What is this thou hast done? The greatness of this sin I will first consider as it concerns them both in general, and then as in particular. The greatness of the sin in general appears in these four Considerations.  
First, It was a transgression of such a Law as was given only to prove man whether he would be under God or no. For the Moral Law which was written and engraven in the Hearts of our first Parents was for the doing of things simply good, and abstaining from things simply evil; such things as a good man would do were there no Commandment, and such things as he would not do were there no Prohibition; so that in these there was no trial whether man would obey God or no, only because he commanded him and merely for obedience sake. And therefore had God ordained this Symbolical Law, prohibiting a thing in itself neither good nor evil, neither pleasing nor displeasing unto God, but indifferent; that man's observance thereof might be a profession and testimony that he was willing to submit himself to God's pleasure, only because it was his pleasure. And that it might yet the more appear, God made not choice of such a thing as man cared not for, but of a 
* Gen. 3. 6.  pleasant and desirable thing; whereunto the more his inclination was carried, the more by his abstaining might his willing subjection be approved. The violating therefore of this Law was an open profession that he would not be under God, and renouncing of him to be his Lord. And this is the first respect wherein appears the greatness of Adam's sin.  
The second Consideration arguing the same is, That he on whom God h●d bestowed so many glorious endowments, whom he had as it were stuffed with so man● excellent abilities, and adorned with so many precious graces, that he should sin against him, and set so light by his commandment: For of those to whom God had given so much, he might justly require and expect much. Therefore those whom God hat● furnished with the best gifts, either of knowledge or other abilities, they, if they s●, sin most grievously: So that in this respect the sin of Adam and Eve exceeded the ●●ns of their posterity, as much as their integrity did our corruption. The 
‖ Quanto splendoris honore celsior quisque est; tanto, si delinquit, peccat● major est. Isidor.  greater ●he person, the greater his sin: The sin of a Prince greater than the sin of a vulgar person; and therefore in the 
* In Levit. 4. 3. the Sacrifice for the anointeded Priests (that is, the High Priest; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the LXX, and the Targum of Onk●los render it) was a Bullock: and the same Sacrifice was to be for the whole People or Congregation, Ver. 14. The Sacrifice for ●●e Ruler or Prince, was a Kid of the Go●ts, a male, Ver. 23. The Sacrifice for one of the common people, was a Kid of the Goats too, but● female, Ver. 28. For any one private person was inferior to the Prince who was to bring a male, as Ab●n Ezra here observes.  Law there was a 
* In Levi●. 4. 3. the Sacrifice for the anci●●ed Priests (that is, the High Priest; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the LXX, and the Targ●● of Ouk●lo● render it) was a Bullock: and the same Sacrifice was to be for the whole People or Congregation, Ver. 14. The Sacrifice for ●e Ruler or Prince, was a Kid of the Go●ts, a male, Ver. 23. The Sacrifice for one of the common people, was a Kid of the Goats too, but● female, Ver. 28. For any one private person was inferior to the Prince who was to bring a male, as Ab●n Ezra here observes.  greater Sacrifice to be offered for the sins of the Prince and Priest than of the people.  
The third circumstance aggravating his sin was, The easiness of the commandment, and the easiness man had to keep the same; Both in regard of himself, whom no itching Concupiscence urged, as being altogether free therefrom, and not as we his offspring are continually vexed with the boiling thereof: Secondly, in regard of the thing itself he was to abstain from being only one fruit, in so great a liberty of all the garden besides. How easily might he have abstained from one, to whom God had given the use of all saving this one? He wanted not to feed him, he wanted no variety of food, he had even enough to surfeit on; only to approve his obedience to Him who had given all the rest unto him, he was to abstain from one, and yet he would not. Quanta ●uit (saith S. Austin) iniquitas in peccando, 
De civet. Dei lib. 3. cap. 1●.  ubi tanta erat uon peccandi facilitas? How great an iniquity was it there to sin, where it was so easy a thing not to sin?  
The fourth circumstance aggravating this sin was The place, which was Paradise, as it were in God's own presence, even afore his face: For as Heaven above other parts of the world is the place of God's special presence; so was Paradise above other parts of the earth as it were an Heaven upon earth, the place wherein he singularly revealed himself, and therefore an Holy place and the Temple of God. Do not men, otherwise giving the loose rain to wickedness, yet abhor to commit it in God's Temple? How impudently contumelious was this Sin therefore which was committed in God's very presence-chamber?  
All these Aggravations are common to both our Parents, which all laid together make their Sin as great as ever any was, saving the sin against the Holy Ghost; for so the best Divines do think. But Eve adds one Aggravation more to her weight, in that she was not content to sin herself alone, but she alured and drew her husband also into the like horrible transgression with her; whereby she was not only guilty of her own personal sin, but of her husband's also. And this added so much unto her former sum, that S. Paul (1 Tim. 2. 14.) speaks of her as if she had been the only transgressor; Adam was not deceived; but the woman being deceived was in the transgression. So great and horrible a thing it is in the Eye of God to be cause or mover of another's sin. Woe be unto them who by any means are the cause of another's fall. And justly might God say to Eve for this respect, though there had been no more, What is this that thou hast done?  
NOW I come to the Woman's excuse, The Serpent beguiled me. In which words are three things considerable. The Author, The Serpent. The Action, Guile. The Object, Me.  
Concerning the Author, The Serpent, two things are inquirable. First, What the Serpent was indeed. Secondly, What Eve supposed him to be.  
For the first, I think none so unreasonable as to believe it was the unreasonable and brute Serpent: For whence should he learn, or how should he understand God's commandment to our first Parents? and how is it possible a Serpent should speak; and not only so, but speak the language which Eve understood? For though some there be who think that Beasts and Birds have some speech-like utterings of themselves; yet none, that a Beast should speak the language of Men. It remains therefore that according unto the Scriptures it was that old deceiver the Devil and Satan, who abused brute Serpent, either by entering into him, or taking his shape upon him. The last of which I rather incline unto, supposing it (as you shall hear presently) to be the Law of Spirits, when they have intercourse and commerce with men, to take some visible shape upon them, as the Devil here the Serpent's; whence he becomes styled in Scripture, 
Rev. 12. 9 & 20. 2.  The old Serpent.  
Now for the Second question, What Eve took him to be, whether the Serpent or Satan, If we say she thought him to be the brute Serpent, how will this stand with the perfection of Man's knowledge in his integrity, to think a Serpent could speak like a reasonable creature? Who would not judge her a silly woman now that should think so? and yet the wisest of us all is far short of Eve in regard of her knowledge then. Again, If we say she knew him to be the Devil; I will not ask why she would converse at all with a wicked spirit, who she knew had fallen from his Maker; but I would know how we should construe the meaning of the Holy Ghost in the beginning of this Chapter, where he saith, The Serpent was the subtlest of all the beasts of the field which God had made, and so implies the woman's opinion of the Serpent's wisdom was the occasion why she was so beguiled; otherwise to what end are those words spoken, unless to show that Satan chose the Serpent's shape, that through the opinion and colour of his well-known wisdom and sagacity he might beguile the Woman?  
For the assoiling of which difficulty I offer these Propositions following. First, I will suppose There is a Law in the commerce of Spirits and Men, that a Spirit must present himself under the shape of some visible thing. For as in natural and bodily things there is no intercourse of action and passion, unless the things have some proportion each to other, and unless they communicate in some Common Matter: So it seems God hath ordained a Law that invisible things should converse with things visible in a shape as they are visible: which is so true, that the conversing presence of a Spirit is called a Vision or Apparition. And Experience with the Scriptures will show us, that not only evil Angels, but good, yea God himself converseth in this manner with men. And all this I suppose Eve knew.  
Secondly, I suppose further, That as Spirits are to converse with men under some visible shape; so is there a Law given them, that it must be under the shape of some such thing as may less or more resemble their condition. For as in nature we see every several thing hath a several and suitable Physiognomy or figure, as a badge of their inward nature, whereby it is known as by a habit of distinction: so it seems to be in the shapes and apparitions of Spirits. And as in a well-governed Commonwealth every sort and condition of men is known by some differing habit, agreeable to his quality: so it seems it should be in God's great Commonwealth, concerning the shapes which Spirits take upon them. And he that gave the Law, that a man should not wear the habit of a woman, nor a woman the habit of a man; because that as he had made them divers, so would he have them so known by their habits: so it seems he will not suffer a good and a bad Spirit, a noble and ignoble one, to appear unto men after the same fashion. And this also I suppose Eve knew.  
Now from these grounds it will follow, That good Angels can take upon them no other shape but the shape of Man, because their glorious excellency is resembled only in the most excellent of all visible creatures; the shape of an inferior creature would be unsuitable, no other shape becoming those who are called the sons of God, but his only who was created after God's own image. And yet not his neither according as now he is, 
Ma●. 16. 5.  but according as he was before his fall in his glorious beauty of his Integrity. 
Matth. 28. 3.  Age and deformity are the fruits of Sin; and the Angel in the Gospel appears like a young man, his countenance like lightning, and his raiment white as snow, as it were resembling the beauty of glorified bodies in immutability, sublimity and purity.  
Hence also it follows on the contrary, That the Devil could not appear in humane shape whilst Man was in his integrity, because he was a Spirit fallen from his first glorious perfection, and therefore must appear in such shape which might argue his imperfection and abasement, which was the shape of a Beast: otherwise no reason can be given, why he should not rather have appeared unto Eve in the shape of a Woman than of a Serpent; for so he might have gained an opinion with her both of more excellency and knowledge. But since the fall of man the case is altered, now we know he can take upon him the shape of Man; and no wonder, since one falling star may well resemble another. And therefore he appears it seems in the shape of Man's imperfection, either for age or deformity, as like an old man, (for so the Witches say:) and perhaps it is not altogether false which is vulgarly affirmed, That the Devil appearing in Humane shape, hath always a deformity of some uncouth member or other; as though he could not yet take upon him Humane shape entirely, for that Man himself is not entirely and utterly fallen as he is.  
By this time you see the difficulty of the Question is eased. Now it appears why Eve wondered not to see a Spirit speak unto her in the shape of a Serpent, because she knew the Law of Spirits apparitions better than we do. Again, when she saw the Spirit who talked with her to have taken upon him the shape, though of a Beast, yet of the most sagacious Beast of the field, she concluded, according to our forelaid suppositions, That though he were one of the abased spirits, yet the shape he had taken resembling his nature, he must needs be a most crafty and sagacious one, and so might pry farther into God's meaning than she was aware of. And thus you may see at last how the opinion of the Serpent's subtlety occasioned Eve's fall; as also why the Devil, of all other Beasts of the field, took the shape of a Serpent, namely, to gain this opinion of sagacity with the Woman, as one who knew the Principles aforesaid.  
Here I observe That overmuch dotage upon a conceived excellency, whether of Wisdom or whatsoever else, without a special eye to God's commandment, hath ever been the Occasion of greatest Errors in the world; and the Devil under this mask useth to blear our eyes, and with this bait to inveigle our hearts, that he may securely bring us to his lure. It was the mask of the Serpent's wisdom and sagacity, above the rest of the Beasts of the field, whereby he brought to pass our first Parent's ruin. The admired wisdom of the long-living Fathers of the elder world, having been for so many ages as Oracles their offspring grown even to a People and Nation while they yet lived, was the ground of the ancient Idolatry of mankind, whilst they supposed that those to whom for wisdom they had recourse being living, could not but help them when they were d●ad. This we may learn out of 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉  Hesi●d; The men, saith he, of the golden age being once dead, became 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  they became Godlings and Patrons of mortal men, and Overseers of their good and evil works. So the opinion of the blessed Martyrs superlative glory in Heaven was made the occasion of the newfound Idolatry of the Christian Churches, wherewith they are for the greater part yet overwhelmed. And the esteem which Peter had above the rest of the Apostles in regard of chiefdome, even in the Apostles times, was abused by the old Deceiver to install the man of sin. This made S. Paul to say, The mystery of iniquity was even then working; 
2 Thes. 2. ●.  and therefore he laboured as far as he could to prevent it, by as much depressing Peter as others exalted him. Nay, he puts the Churches in mind of this story of the Serpent's beguiling Eve, that her mishap might be a warning to them. 2 Cor. 11. 2, 3. I am jealous over you (saith he) with a godly jealousy; for I have esponsed you to one husband, that I might present you as a chaste Virgin to Christ. But I fear lest by any means, as the Serpent beguiled Eve through his subtlety, so your minds should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ. And to come a little nearer home; Have not our Adversaries, when they would get Disciples, learned this of the Devil, to possess them first with an opinion of superlative Learning in their Doctors surpassing any of ours? I will say no more in this point, but that we ought so to prize and admire the gifts and abilities of Learning which God hath bestowed upon men, that the Polestar of his Sacred Word may ever be in our eye.  
THE next thing to be spoken of is The Action, Guile: And first, I shall show what it is. To beguile is, through a false faith and persuasion wrought by some argument of seeming good, to bereave a man of some good he had or hoped for, or to bring upon him some evil he expected not. Practice hath made it so well known, that I should not need to have given any definition or description thereof, but only for a more distinct consideration. Whereas therefore I said, that Guile wrought by forelaying a false persuasion or belief; I would intimate, that it was nothing else but a Practical Sophism, the Premises whereof are counterfeit motives; the Conclusion an erroneous execution. Now as all Practice or Action consists in these two, The choice of our End, and The execution of Means to attain thereunto: So is this Practical Sophism we call Guile, found in them both; either when an evil End is presented unto us in the counterfeit of a good, and so we are made to embrace Nubem pro junone, and find ourselves deceived in the event whatsoever the Means were we have used; or else we apply such Means as are either unlawful or unsufficient to attain our End, as being so masked that they appear unto us far otherwise than they are. With both these sorts or parts of Guile the Devil wrought our first Parent's ruin. First, by making it seem a thing desirable and by all means to be laboured for, To be like unto God: which was an ambition of that whereof man was not only not capable, but such as little beseemed him to aspire unto, upon whom God had bestowed so great a measure of glorious perfections, as he seemed a God amongst the rest of the creatures. What unthankfulness was this, that he upon whom God bestowed so much, as he was the glory of his workmanship, should yet think that God should envy him any degree of excellency fit for him? For this was the mask wherewith the Devil covered both the unfitness and impossibility of the End he insinuated; but he beguiled them. Secondly, He put the same trick upon them in the choice of the Means to be used, which was to transgress the severe commandment of Almighty God. Had the Aim been allowable, yet could not the Means have been taken for good, but only of such as were beguiled; in that the Devil made the Woman believe with his questioning the truth of God's commandment, that the danger was not great, nor so certain as it seemed; or that evil which might be in the action, would be countervailed with the excellency to be attained thereby; the gloriousness of which End the Devil so strongly sounded, that it drowned in her imagination the least conceit of evil in the Means. And as a man which always looks upward sees not the danger in the pat● and way he walks in, until he tumbles into a pit: so was it here with our first Mother, when thus the Devil beguiled her.  
This first act of the Devil is that wherein we may behold as in a glass the 
* Eph. 6. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  art he still useth to tempt us unto sin, and bring us to utter destruction: All his method is nothing else but Guile; he presents all things fair unto our face, and suffers not evil to appear before us in its own ugly shape; for so every man would fly from it. When he would tempt a man to Covetousness, he calls it Thrift; when to Bribes, he calls them Gratuities; when to Intemperance, forsooth it is Good-fellowship; when to Cruelty, it must be called justice; when to Prodigality, it must be taken for no other but Liberality, 
2 Cor. 11. 14.  and such like. This is that which the Scripture saith, The Devil transforms himself into an Angel of light: when he draws to Vice, he would seem to mean nothing but Virtue; when he tempts to works of darkness, he presents them as the works of light; when he plots our ruin and everlasting undoing, he bears us in hand that all aims at our welfare and felicity.  
This is that which is meant in the following verse, where it it said, The seed of the woman should bruise the Serpent's head, but the Serpent should bruise his heel: as though the Serpent should love to assault at unawares, and so as he might not be seen to intend any such matter before he had done the feat; and therefore his fashion should be to come behind a man, and as it were to catch him by the heel. For that this was the Emblem of Guile and deceitful dealing, it may be gathered from the story of jacob and Esau, when as Esau being beguiled of the blessing by the craft of his brother jacob, makes an allusion to his name; 
Gen. 27. 36.  Well (saith he) may he be called jacob, for he hath beguiled me now these two times. Now jacob had his name in the beginning, because he caught his brother by the heel when he came out of the womb; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the heel, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as much to say as an Heeler: whence the allusion of Esau hath this sense, if we take it verbatim, My brother may well be called an Heeler, for he hath heeled me these two times. Now because to come behind a man and take him by the heel was foul play, therefore of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an heel comes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (dolus, fallacia) guile, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a verb signifying to deceive or beguile; which is the second sense that Esau would imply by his allusion, That his brother might well be called a Beguiler, because he had beguiled him now these two times. But of this I shall have occasion to speak more hereafter.  
Since therefore we have seen the Devil's practice, and learned that he works altogether by deceit; how wary should the consideration hereof make us to be in all the ways of our life? If we knew we had to deal with a man that used to beguile all that came into his fingers, in what continual jealousy and suspicion would we be? how would we cast about to find which way he might not circumvent us? how wary would we be to entertain any proffer from him? there could be nothing made seem so fair, but we would suspect some foul meaning to be in it. If we would be thus disposed in matters of lesser moment, how careful should we be in greater? if where the ability of deceiving is lesser, what manner of men should we be when we know the Arch-deceiver of the world is continually attending upon us, labouring to beguile us? Should we here adventure upon any action rashly? No surely; but be first well advised. We should not be too confident in our own persuasions, lest they may prove the Devil's suggestions: And though the reasons we apprehend be never so good, and the case seem never so clear, and the way we are to walk in never so secure; yet ought we to make some pause, and act a fit of jealousy afore we adventure.  
AND thus much of the Serpent's action, Guile: Now I come to The Object, Me. Me, the weaker of the two. Me, so much endeared in the affection of my Lord, that he could not but do any thing at my request. Of these two respects I will speak in order; and first of the first.  
The Devil assaults us there where he finds us weakest; as here in this first sin he attempts the Woman, the weaker vessel; The Serpent beguiled me: for he knows this is the readiest way to overcome. A skilful Commander being to take a City, will not make his battery on that part of the wall which is strongly fortified, (for so he might make his shot in vain;) but will assault it there where it is least defensible, where a breach will be easily made, and yet entering he becomes Master of the whole how well fortified soever; even so the Devil will be sure to force us there where we are least able to resist; if he finds any part not well bulwarked with resolution, there he plants the Canon of his temptation, and with an easy breach becomes Master of the whole piece.  
Hence we may learn what to esteem of those imperfect courses concerning the Commandments of God, too frequent among the sons of men: There are many who resolve firmly against divers kinds of sins, that they will never be drawn by any means to commit them; but they have always some one wherein they demur whether they should resolve to yield to it or not, if occasion should be offered. Many will fortily themselves very strongly against the assaults of bribery, of covetousness, of theft, of promise-breaking, of drunkenness; but as concerning their lust they are unresolved what to do, if a temptation should assault them: and so in others, there is some other inclination but slenderly guarded, when for the rest they could glory how strongly they are fortified. But we must know, that when the Devil comes to assault us, he will pass by us where we are strong, and attempt us only there where our weakness lies; and then we shall find all our labour lost, and all our other strength to have stood us in little stead: For what will it boot to guard the walls of our City never so strongly, if but one part be left unguarded for the enemies to enter? Is not all the enemies? A Ship, though in other parts never so sound, will sink if but one leaking hole be left unstopped. Let us therefore survey our Hearts diligently, and finding where we lie exposed to danger, there most strengthen ourselves with resolution.  
And thus I come to the second respect why the Devil made choice of the Woman, namely, because of the vehemency of her Husband's affection towards her; so that to have gained her was to have gotten him also. For he seemed to think that her strength in her Husband's affection was more powerful to prevail with him than his subtle motives were to overcome him: and indeed the Event proved he was not much deceived. Hence we are to observe, That the Devil taketh advantage of the vehemency of our Passions to work our overthrow; if he once find these to fasten his hold by, he than thinks he may lead us whither he lift. To have gained our affections is as it were to have gotten a party within, which is a dangerous advantage to further the invasion of an enemy; especially when most of our Passions are our Favourites, which we can deny nothing they ask; 
Eph. 4. 27.  and if they be once bribed, will work us wholly to the dispose of our Arch-enemy.  
That we may not therefore afford the Devil this advantage, and as it were reach him a rope to hang us withal, it behoves us so to govern and temper our Passions and Affections that they transport us not into the Devil's jurisdiction: which that we may the better do, it will not be unfit to set down some Rules for performance thereof.  
First therefore, It is best to resist our Passions at the beginning, and to use the same policy which Pharaoh did with the Israelites, that they might not overrun his Country, in killing all their Infants as soon as they were born. While the sore is green, Surgeons seldom despair; but festered once, they hardly cure it: So it is with the Passions of our Mind; when they are first growing, they are soon kerbed; but being a little entertained, they will hardly be subdued.  
The second means is, To inure ourselves to cross our Passions when there is no danger, and to bridle ourselves sometimes from ordinary and lawful desires, that we may do it with more ease when we are in danger. For how can he hope to be able to master his Passions when dangerous temptations assault him, who never used them to it in the time of his security? We know that men who would fit themselves for the Wars, will practise in the time of Peace when there is no enemy near, and will toil and labour when they might be at rest, will lie hard when they may command a soft bed, will watch when they might sleep, and all to make them able to endure the like when they shall have need: The like must we do, that we may get an habit to cross and subdue our Passions when we shall have need.  
The third means is, To fly occasions which may incense the Passions whereunto we are inclined. Occasiones faciunt latrones, saith the Proverb, Occasion makes him a thief which else might have been an honest man. Wherefore he that commits himself to Sea in a boisterous tempest is worthy to suffer Shipwreck; and he that willingly puts himself in the company of infected persons may blame himself if he fall into their diseases.  
Lastly, but chiefly, When thy Passions are most vehement, then seek for succour from Heaven: Fly under the wings of Christ as the Chickens under the Hen when the Kite seeks to devour them: Beat at the gates of mercy, and crave grace to overcome thy misery. He is thy Father, and will not give thee a 
* Matth. 7.  Serpent, if thou ask him Fish. Humble thyself before him, open thy sores and wounds unto him; and the good Samaritan will pour in both wine and oil, and thy Passions shall melt and fall away as clouds are dispelled and consumed by the Sun.    

DISCOURSE XLI.  

GENESIS 3. 14.  And the Lord God said unto the Serpent, Because thou hast done this, thou art cursed above all cattle and above every beast of the field: upon thy belly shalt thou go, and dust shalt thou eat all the days of thy life. 
THESE words contain in them the Serpent's Doom and Destiny, pronounced upon him by the great Lord of Heaven and Earth. They contain in them two parts: First, The Reason of this Sentence, in the words, Because thou hast done this: Secondly, The Sentence itself, in the words following, Thou art cursed above all cattle, etc.  
The Reason of this Heavy doom is, Because thou hast done this: What This? namely, Because he had beguiled the Man and Woman which God had made, and caused them to transgress his great Commandment. He therefore that is the cause and occasion of another's sin is as hateful to God as the doer, and is liable to as great or rather a greater punishment than he: For the Serpent here for causing hath this doom, as well as the Man and Woman for doing. Nay, which is to be observed, his doom is the first read unto him, as if he were the Arch-offender, and not to the Man or Woman till he was done with. What should this mean, but that his fault, being the mover, was more grievous in the eyes of God than theirs? which is the reason also why the Woman comes in the next place to have her Sentence, because she had been a sin-maker, and was guilty, not only of her own personal sin, but of her husband's also; whence the Man who had sinned only himself, and not caused others to sin, had his judgement last of all. I might also confirm the same from the quality of their several judgements, in that the Serpent alone is doomed to be accursed, and no such word spoken either of the Man or the Woman.  
But I shall not need to tarry here to prove How horrible and fearful a thing it is to be the Author of another's sin. We know they are the words of our Saviour, Matt. 18. 6, 7. woe unto the world because of scandals, and woe unto the man by whom a scandal cometh; it were better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and that he were drowned in the depth of the Sea. And S. Paul (1 Cor. 8. 13.) would eat no meat as long as the world lasteth, rather than make his brother to offend. Would they would consider this who are not content alone to sin themselves, but play the Devil in corrupting others. It seems they long to be double damned. I would also they would think of this who make no conscience at all by extremities and vexations, and other grievances, to drive a man to Perjury and other grievous sins, and yet think themselves free; when they should know, that he that is the Author of another's sin makes another's guilt his own, and shall share in the punishment every whit as deep as he.  
But this shall suffice to have observed in the first part, The Reason of the Serpent's doom. Now I come to the second, The doom itself: wherein the words, as you see, have all relation to the Serpent; For the Lord said unto the Serpent, Thou art cursed, etc. Thou shalt go upon thy breast, etc. But because this Serpent was more than a brute Serpent, the Devil himself being the chief Agent in this his Instrument; it is a thing much controverted, Upon which of these this curse is here pronounced. 1. Some would have it spoken only of the brute Serpent, because here is a comparison made with cattle and beasts of the field, thereby accounting the Serpent one of that number. Besides, Satan (they say) was accursed before this time, and some of the words in this Curse cannot well be applied to any but the brute Serpent, as that he should eat the dust of the earth, etc. 2. Others would have this Curse pronounced only upon the Spiritual Serpent, the Devil; because the brute Serpent was only an Instrument abused by the Devil, and neither knew what was done, nor could do withal; and why should it therefore be punished? 3. Others would divide the Controversy, applying the first part of the Curse (in the 14. verse) to the brute Serpent, the latter (in the 15. verse.) to the Devil or Spiritual Serpent: because as the latter words, Of the promised seed of the woman which should destroy the Serpent and his seed, must needs be meant of Christ and Satan; so the former words are most fitly appliable to the brute Serpent only. But against this may be said, That the same Thou and Thee spoken of in the first part of the Curse is all one with the Thou and Thee in the latter; and therefore of whatsoever the first is meant, of the same is also meant the latter. 4. There is therefore a fourth opinion, That this Curse is throughout pronounced upon both, both upon the Serpent and the Devil. In which though there be some difference about the manner how, yet I embrace it as the truest, as not only conceiving it may be so, by the fitness of all the parts so applied to both; but think moreover that this only aught to be the meaning and no other, if it be conceived as I am now to show.  
For in the first place, The Devil when he beguiled man came not as a naked Spirit, but in the shape and figure of a Serpent, (as I have showed heretofore;) and therefore that his punishment in the manner might be suitable and answerable to his offence, he was to receive his doom likewise under the figure of a Serpent, and the style thereof framed unto a Serpent's condition: For God useth in his wisdom 
* See Discourse 28. p. 144 etc.  to brand the Punishment with the stamp of the Sin, that the offender thereby might not only know what he felt, but also read why he suffered. Why were Adonibezek's thumbs and great toes cut off, but that he might read therein, as he did, his former cruelty? 
judges 1. 7.  Threescore and ten Kings, having their thumbs and toes cut off, gathered meat under my Table: As I have done, so God hath requited me. Why was Pharaoh with his Host rather drowned in the Sea, than slain in the Field, but that all the world might read it was for his cruel Edict to drown all the male children of the Hebrews? Why did Absalon lie with David's Concubines, but to put David in mind that he had lain with Vriah's wife? And why was the Curse of the Devil shaped here in and unto the condition of the Serpent, but because he had beguiled man in a Serpent's shape?  
Secondly, For the Serpent; The known excellency and subtlety of the Serpent, above all the Beasts which God had made, the Devil had abused to gain credit with the woman, that he was an excellent and a most sagacious Spirit, and therefore might be ably to pry farther into God's meaning than she could; which was the cause of her attention, and so of her ruin. For I have showed 
* In the foregoing Discourse.  heretofore that the Woman in the state of Integrity knew well enough, That as it was the Law of Spirits in their commerce with men to present themselves under the shape of some visible thing; so it must be likewise under the shape of some such thing as may more or less resemble their condition: And that as the glorious Spirits might take no other shape but of Man, the glory of visible creatures; so the fallen Spirits could not then afore Man's fall take any other shape but of a Beast, thereby to bewray his abasement: Yet because the Devil here took upon him the shape of the most wise and most excellent of Beasts, he so bleared the Woman's eyes with an opinion of his Excellency and Sagacity, that in a manner she forgot, or regarded not, that he was one of the evil and abased Spirits; which was the ground of her miserable ruin and overthrow.  
Now because the Excellency and Sagacity of the Serpent had thus been the occasion of man's confusion, by being made the lying counterfeit of the Devil's Excellency and Wisdom, and the mask whereby he so covered his vileness, that the Woman took him not to be as he was indeed; therefore God in his wisdom thought good to change the copy, and henceforth to blu●and deface that unhappy Physiognomical letter, and by abasing the Serpent for the time to come, to make him an everlasting emblem and monument, wherein man might hieroglyphically read the malice, vileness and execrable baseness of that wicked Spirit which had beguiled him; to hate him (as now we do the Serpent) with mortal hatred, and by his unlucky fortune to expect the Devil's deadly destiny: In a word, that which was once used for a mask to cover the Devil's knavery, should for the future be a glass wherein to behold his villainy.  
These being the Reasons which have led me to understand this Curse in an equal sense, both of the brute Serpent and the Devil; and in the literal sense applied unto the Serpent, yet therein shaping out the Malediction of the Devil, as truly as the Devil had taken upon him the Serpent's shape: Let us now come to a more particular handling of the words. And first we will consider them, As they are the Curse of the unreasonable Serpent; Secondly, As they include the Devil's malediction.  
But for the better understanding thereof, before we can proceed, two things are to be resolved. First, How it could be just with God to punish the brute Serpent, who was Instrumentum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and had neither will to sin, nor yet knowledge of what the Devil had done; especially if we suppose, as I have done hitherto, that the Devil took only the shape of a Serpent, which the Serpent could not do withal. For this argument hath driven some to affirm, That the whole Curse was to be understood only of the Spiritual Serpent, and not at all of the Natural. But why should this strumble them more as concerning the justness of God, than that in Adam's censure in the 17. verse where the whole Earth is cursed for Adam's sake? Cursed be the Earth for thy sake, etc. But what had the Earth done? or how was it guilty of Adam's transgression? Again, Chap. 6. v. 5, 7. it is expressly said, That because God saw that the wickedness of man was great in the earth, he said, I will destroy both man and beast, and the creeping things, and the fowls of the air. But how were the beasts, the creeping things, and the fowls of the air partakers of man's wickedness? what had they done more than been abused by him? which they could not avoid, he being their Lord and Master. And should not we think that Law of God just, Leu. 20. 15. where if a man commit abomination with a beast, the beast is commanded to be slain as well as the man, who only had sinned? This proves that Objection to be wholly insufficient. But yet the difficulty of the resolution, How this may stand with God's justice, remains as before; which therefore comes now to be resolved.  
1. We know that all the Beasts of the Field, and the Fowls of the Air, and the Fishes of the Sea were made for the use and service of Man in one kind or other, as he should have occasion to use them. 2. If Man had stood in his first creation, the service of the Creatures should have been suitable to his excellency and integrity, and so far more noble than now it is, that even the creatures might be partakers of his happiness then, in that sense they yet 
* Rom. 8. 21.  look for the glorious liberty of the sons of God to come. 3. But when man was once fallen, the service of the creature was altered, and became a bondage of corruption, as 
* Ibid.  S. Paul terms it, that is, ignoble, and suitable to the corrupt condition of man under sin: Those which should have been employed excellently for the use of his integrity, are now to serve him ignominiously according to his sin and misery; namely, either to be the means to punish him for his sin, or to relieve him in his misery. To punish him, all the Creatures for his use are become base, corrupt and unworthy, and so nothing so useful for him as they had been: the Earth will not bring forth for him, but with his labour and toil; and then too when it should bear him corn, it brings forth thorns and thistles: the Creatures which should serve and honour him, 
Gen. 3. 17, 18.  do often seize upon him, and destroy him. And thus are the Creatures employed for man's use indeed, but a woeful use, to afflict and punish him for his sin all the days of his life. Another way notwithstanding they are useful and serviceable for his good, as helps to relieve and better him in this his condition of sin; as to be made Documents of the wrath of God to move him to Repentance, and Emblems to know the condition of his most deadly enemy the Devil, and how he ought to abhor and hate him, and the hope and expectation of conquering and triumphing over him in the Blessed seed of the woman. And for this use and service was the Serpent abased and made vile, according to his Curse in my Text; That as he was made excellent, to serve him in integrity; so he was now abased, to be made fit to do him the best service in his misery. And what Injustice could this be in God? when he made him at first, he made him so as he made him for the service of man; and now when he marred him, he marred him likewise for man's service.  
The second thing to be resolved is, Whether this Curse were pronounced only upon one individual Serpent, or whether upon all Serpents in general, or upon some one only kind which the Devil had thus abused. Of one individual Serpent it cannot be, because there is mention here of the enmity of the seed of the Serpent and the seed of the woman; which implies a generation of many Serpents: and besides, this Curse was to be a Monument not only to Adam, but to all his posterity, as long as the world lasted; but one individual Serpent lived not so long. Neither is it credible to be spoken of all kinds of Serpents in general; Because there is almost as great a variety of Serpents as of fourfooted beasts of several kinds and species; and why should any kind suffer save that only which had been abused to offend? Besides, I make no doubt but divers kinds of Serpents went at the first Creation upon their breasts as now they do, and were every whit as base as now they are, excepting the general decay of all Creatures since the Fall. It remains therefore that it was only one kind of Serpent which bore this special Malediction; and that such a kind as was not only the noblest of all the kinds of Serpents, but as it seems far excelling all the Creation besides (Man only excepted) for beauty, wisdom and sagacity; but afterward by this Curse became not only base than the rest of the beasts of the field, but even as base and vile as the vilest kind of Serpent. And therefore it could not be the Basilisk, as some have held, though it be the most poisonful of all others, and as it were a King among Serpents, as the name imports: for if Pliny and Solinus, who report the former, say true, this Serpent here accursed should rather be any other kind than that, because the Basilisk (upon their report) goes with his breast and forepart of his body advanced, (erectus à medio incedens, saith 
* Nat. hist. l. 8. c. 21.  Pliny; or, as 
* Cap. 27.  Solinus, mediâ corporis parte serpit, mediâ arduus est & excelsus;) but this Serpent here was from the hour of his doom to go for ever upon his breast: which I wonder they considered not, who from the advanced posture of the Basilisk's body have conceived the clean contrary. For as by this example we may believe that the Serpent now accursed did so before his curse; so that he should still do so, it is a most direct gainsaying of Scripture to imagine.  
But to come to the words of the Doom; which, as you see, are first General, then Particular. General in these, Thou art cursed above all cattle, and above every beast of the field. What it is to be accursed, we shall know, if we first understand what it is to be blessed. To be blessed or happy is nothing else but an all-fruition of good, or to have a sufficient provision and furniture of good both for being and well-being. So then that Creature is happy and blessed which hath a sufficiency of all good for the being and preservation of itself; which wants neither endowments inward, nor means outward for the attaining of that End whereof it is by nature capable. To be accursed is to have the contrary to this; to be despoiled either of endowments internal or inherent, without which it hath no dignity among the creatures; or external, without which it cannot live and preserve itself, but with much penury, difficulty, toil and danger. Whatsoever therefore among the Beasts of the field (for with such only is the comparison made) is for inherent perfections of all the most unworthy and base, or for the outward furniture of means for the preservation of that ignoble Being, by unprovision, of all others the most wretched and miserable, this is that which is accursed above all cattle and above every beast of the field. And such was the Serpent's condition to be for the general.  
And now for the particulars; let us go on and see how they are expressed: and that is in three things. 1. To go upon the breast, or to have the posture of the Body grovelling on the earth; whereby (as I shall show presently) is implied the abasement of the creature. 2. To have for meat the dust of the earth; wherein is shown its unprovision of food for the maintenance of its life, being of all Beasts of the field to have the basest and coursest far. 3. To be in continual, mortal and irreconcilable enmity with man, both his Lord and the Lord of the rest of the creatures; from whom it should be in continual danger and fear of its life, and once espied be sure to have its brains dashed out by him: And which makes the misery so much the greater, to be no way able to be revenged of his enemy other than to come unawares behind him, and then also not able to reach above his heel; as being most unequally matched he walking ●●o●t with his head and whole body advanced, while the miserable Serpent shall lie grovelling on the ground, ready to be trodden apieces under his feet.  
Of these three Particulars let us speak severally; and first of the first, Upon thy breast shalt thou go. In the Hebrew it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which some turn, Upon thy belly: which interpretation hath been one great cause of the difficulty to understand the meaning of this Malediction. For if the shape of the Serpent were after the fashion it is now, it is not possible to imagine how it could ever have gone otherwise than upon the belly; for to think that ever it went anend, were a conceit more worthy to be derided than to be believed. By which means there appeared no other way to evade this difficulty, but to affirm that the Serpent indeed went upon his belly from the beginning; but either that it was not so toilsome to him, or not for a curse unto him till now: which, for my part, it being so far from the letter of the Text, I could never yet believe. I had much rather in this follow the Vulgar or Ierome's Translation, which reads, super pectus tuum gradiêris, upon thy breast shalt thou go; for upon thy belly I believe the Serpent went from the first Creation, but not upon the breast until this present malediction. The breast of the Serpent I call the upper part of the Serpent's body, from the navel up to the head; The belly, the other part or the other half downward, with which though at the first he walked prone to and upon the earth, yet was the other part, his breast and head, reared up and advanced, until for having been abused to the ruin of mankind, he was now with his whole body to creep grovelling upon the earth. And perhaps thus much the Septuagint meant to insinuate by their Translation, which is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon thy breast and thy belly; where it may seem that they rendered two words for one in the Text for illustration, and for intimation of this, That whereas the Serpent before went only upon his belly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, now he should from henceforth walk 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon his breast and belly too.  
As for the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here used, there is no necessity at all to translate it the belly, but rather some probability of the contrary in the Etymology of the word. For though in the Hebrew the Theme be not used, yet in the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● which signifies incurvatus ●uit, to bow downward, seems to mean the inclination of the head and breast, or upper part of the body, to the earth; as may be gathered from that of Elijah, 1 Kings 18. 42. where it is said, that Elijah went up to the top of Carmel, & pronum se abjecit in terram, and cast himself down upon the earth, and put his face between his knees: for here the Targum useth this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● the Radix of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Again Mark. 1. 7. in those words of john Baptist, There is one cometh after me, the latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to stoop down and unloose; here for the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● stoop down, the Syriack hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● of as near a kin to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as is the Syriack to the Chaldee. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itself is of rare use in the Bible besides in this place, and therefore we can receive no great help from the comparing of places. It is read again Levit. 11. 42. and that in a singular mark, as the Masorites have observed; for the Vau cholem in the last syllable is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great Vau, and exactly the middlemost letter of all the Law of Moses, if their Arithmetic failed them not. But no particularity of signification can from that place be gathered, the speech being of creeping things, which go as well upon the breast as the belly, and the belly as the breast.  
Since therefore the word here used neither hindereth our opinion, nor much furthereth it, we will come to such other grounds as may prove our assertion, for the Serpent's going with breast advanced afore the Fall of man, and not grovelling till his Malediction. And first let it be considered there is no impossibility of it in regard of the frame of the Serpent; which appears both by their advancing themselves when they assault a man, (which the Painters express in their Pictures) and also when they swim through the water, which is with their head and some part of their breast raised above water, even as a Swan holdeth up her neck; as I have heard affirmed by such as have been eye-witnesses: and lastly, Pliny and Solinus report of the Basilisk, that the Basilisk walks so still; as I showed a little before. And it may be, as when the Giantlike stature of mankind was diminished after the Flood in a manner throughout the world, and for many ages, yet was there by God's disposition still a race of Giants left even till the time of David, for a monument and witness of the truth of a far bigger stature, in former times, which else could not so easily have been believed or imagined; (Such were the 
* Some think these to be the Zuzims in Gen. 14. 5.  Zanzummims in Abraham's time, the sons of Anak in Moses', and Goliath in the time of David; and it may be there are yet some in some part of the world to be sound) as, I say, these seem to have been preserved by God, as a memorial unto men that they were not now as at the first: So it may be it was the will of God and is, amongst so many kinds of Serpents to preserve this one, that it should not as the rest go grovelling upon the earth, but might be as a monument of the truth of the malediction of the rest to all posterity. Thus much of the possibility, which would be far greater, if we should with S. Basil, Ephrem Syrus, Moses Bar-Cephas, and many others, affirm that the Serpent had feet, namely, some short ones beneath the navel: For feet are not essential to the nature of a thing, as appears by the lame, who can live without them, and by others sometimes by the defect of nature born without them. And those who can believe the wonderful change of Man by his fall, of an immortal creature to become mortal; of one to have been born with all glorious endowments both of body and soul, now to be brought into the world the most unfurnished of all the creatures; those who believe the great alteration of the Earth itself when it was accursed for man's sin, the diminution of the time of man's life and of his stature ever since the flood; can any who believe these things, think it so incredible for the Serpent once to have had some small feet, and afterward to have had none, being a creature wherein God intended to leave a monument for ever? But of this I will determine nothing, neither doth my assertion simply depend upon it, but may well enough consist without it.  
But because possibility is not sufficient of itself alone to infer a probability, I have therefore one thing to add more thereto, namely, the reason and cause even in nature (supposing still God's abasing of the Serpent's first creation) of this alteration of the posture of the Serpent's gate from that it was at the beginning.  
First, We know the more excellent and sublime the nature of a creature is, the more it raiseth itself upward; the more ignoble and base, the more it falls downward. This we see in the Elements themselves: the Fire, the most excellent and operative of the four, raiseth itself above the rest; the Earth, the basest and most unactive of all, is also of all the most dejected.  
Secondly, As there is this difference in the Elements, so there is in the mixed bodies; some consisting of a more sublime and excellent temper, others of a more base and ignoble mixture; and that as in other, so amongst such creatures as live and move upon the earth.  
Thirdly, This their nobleness within discovereth itself in the Body without, by advancing them naturally in their gate and gesture: whence Man, being of all creatures living upon the earth of the most excellent temper and sublimed condition of nature, is therefore of all other the most advanced in body; 

Pronáque cum spectant animalia caetera terram,  
Os homini sublime dedit, etc. 
Cic. l. 1. de Legibus. Cum natura caeteras animantes abjecisset ad pastum, solum hominem erexit, etc.  Ovid. Metamorph. l. 1.   

And whereas others see with downcast eyes,  
He with a lofty look did man endue,  
And bade him heavens transcendent glories view.   Yea experience will tell us, that even amongst men themselves, those who are of a more exalted nature, either by heroic temper or predominancy of heat, are also more advanced in the posture of their bodies. Among Beasts themselves the basest is the most creeping; the noble Lion advanceth his head and breast so far as the frame of his body is thereof capable, and so the rest: and of all creatures we may observe besides, that those creatures have the most sagacity who come most near to walk upright as Man doth.  
If therefore the Serpent were of so sublime a nature at the first, as thereby it was more subtle than any beast of the field which God had made; how could so excellent a temper, the ground of so much sagacity, but advance the body thereof as far as the frame and shape thereof could admit? On the contrary, if afterward the Serpent became the most abased and accursed of all the beasts of the field, how should not this alteration of his former temper and disposition of nature make the gesture of his body also suitable, by stooping and grovelling upon the earth? Who knows not that the natural position of Man is erected agreeable to his excellency above other creatures having life and motion? and yet notwithstanding so much hath the dejection of his primitive nature for sin weakened in him this propension, that were it not for education, it is supposed, yea and by experience confirmed, that he would walk upon all four like a beast. And shall we wonder that the malediction of the Serpent, exceeding that of Man's, should produce as much as this?  
So then to conclude this first particular of the Serpent's curse; I understand it, from the ground aforesaid, as insinuating the cause by the outward and sensible effect, according to the manner of the Scripture; namely, the abasement and fall of the Serpent's whole nature from his primitive perfection, discovered by the fall of his once advanced body, thenceforth to go grovelling upon the earth: even as the despoiling of the nature of Man of the inward endowments of perfection, is by the same sacred Trope insinuated by his outward nakedness; that is, the obscuration of that glorious and celestial beauty which he had before his sin: The difference whereof was so great, 
Gen. 3. 7.  that he could not endure afterward to behold himself any more; but sought for a covering, even to hide himself from himself.  
And now I come to the second particular, Dust shalt thou eat all the days of thy life. The coursest diet that any living creature hath allowed him. None of the Beasts of the field with whom he is compared are thus poorly provided for; nay not any other, unless the base Earthworm, not worthy to be named among the creatures. Even with this vilest of creatures is now ranked that once so noble a creature, the Serpent. Which yet is not so to be understood, as though the Serpent did not sometime eat something else, for they sometime devour birds, frogs, and such like; but that this is the ordinary fare which God hath provided him, and if at any time he getteth any other, he goeth beyond his limits. Whence Esay 65. 25. among the blessings of the new jerusalem this is reckoned for one, that the Serpent should eat dust; that is, be made to be contented with the diet God had appointed him, and not to encroach upon the food appointed for others.  
But why did God appoint him this Food? I answer, Even to continue him in that accursed and vile condition to which he had dejected him: For Food is for the repairing and preservation of nature, and the goodness or badness thereof doth make the temper of the body better or worse. Hence according to the degrees of excellency in the creatures, their Food is finer or courser: Plants suck the moisture of the earth; Beasts live most upon plants; but Man of the flesh of cattle, fowl, and fishes. Since therefore the Serpent was to have no better fare than the dust of the earth; as it argues the baseness of his nature which can with such food be nourished, so doth it necessarily imply his continuance in that his dejection and vileness: whereas otherwise it were not impossible, because his nature for the essence is still the same it was, if his diet were as it had been, for him to improve himself more near to his primitive temper than now he is. But God, who had decreed he should ever remain under this malediction, appointed also the means to retain him therein.    

DISCOURSE XLII.  

GENESIS 3. 15.  And I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed: it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel. 
THE third and last particular remains to be treated of; I will put enmity between thee and the woman, etc. This no doubt intendeth in some things more directly the spiritual Serpent than the brute; yet for the general it may and aught, as well as the rest, to be expounded of the brute Serpent, as a Glass wherein to behold the malice and destiny of the other, the Devil. It containeth two parts; The Enmity, and the Event and Managing thereof. For the Enmity, how it is verified concerning the brute Serpent experience telleth. It is some part of the happiness of the creature to be the Favourite of Man who is the Lord thereof; what honour could betid it greater than this? But between the Serpent and Man is the most deadly enmity, and the strongest antipathy that is amongst the Beasts of the field; such an one as discovereth itself both in the natural and sensitive faculties of them both. For the first, Their humours are poison each to other: the gall of a Serpent is Man's deadly poison; and so is the spittle of a Man affirmed to poison the Serpent. For the sensitive antipathy, it appears in that the one doth so much abhor the sight of presence of the other. Man's nature is at nothing so much astonished as at the sight of a Serpent; and like enough the Serpent is in like manner affected at the sight of Man; and that more especially, as the Naturalists affirm, of a naked man than otherwise. As though his instinct even remembered the time of his malediction, when he and naked man stood before God to receive this sentence of everlasting enmity.  
And whereas the words of the Text do in special point out the Woman in this sentence of enmity; the Naturalists do observe, that is greater and more vehement with that sex than with the male of mankind: Insomuch that Rupertus affirmeth, That if but the naked foot of a Woman doth never so little press the head of a Serpent before he can sting her, both the head and body presently dieth; which no cudgel or other weapon will cause, but that some life and motion will still remain behind. Hoc (saith he) ita esse, ipsorum qui per industriam exploraverunt fidâ relatione comperimus. Lib. 3. de Trin. c. 20. You know my Author, who affirms that he had this from the faithful report of such as had purposely bestowed their pains to find out the truth thereof.  
The remaining words of my Text do express the Managing and Event of this enmity, which is far more dangerous and unlucky on the Serpent's part than on Man's: for Man is able to reach the Serpent's head, where his life chiefly resideth, and where a blow is deadly; but as for the Serpent, he shall not be able to prevail against Man otherwise than privily and unawares, 
Gen. 3. 15.  and that but in the lowest part, namely, when he shall pass him unseen, to sting him by the heel. And that this is the nature of a Serpent it appeareth in the words of Dan's blessing, Gen. 49. 17. Dan shall be a Serpent by the way, an Adder in the path; that biteth the horse-heels, so that his rider shall fall backward. And to make an end of this discourse also, it is a thing to be observed in the nature of a Serpent, that assoon as he perceiveth man ready to throw or strike at him, he will presently roll his body for a buckler to save his head; even as though he had some impression of that doctrine which God here read him in my Text, Ipse conteret tibi caput, He shall bruise thy Head; Beware thy head.  
AND thus hitherto I have considered these words as they are the curse of the brute Serpent: Now I am to go over with them again, to show how they are propounded unto us by God as a Glass wherein to behold the Devil's malediction; the Serpent being made now the discovery of his vileness, which once he abused for a mask to hide it from the woman. As therefore the Serpent is the most accursed of all the cattle and beasts of the field; so is the Devil the most accursed Spirit amongst all orders and degrees of Spirits: namely, of the highest of Angels become the abjectest of Spirits; more base and accursed than the most cursed damned Soul; having little or nothing left him of that good which was suitable to a spiritual condition: and this is the state of the Devil for the general, answerable to that of the Serpent.  
Now for the particulars. The first is, Upon thy breast shalt thou go. How doth this befit the Devil? The Devil hath no bodily breast to go upon: But as I showed in the Serpent, that this grovelling signified the abasement of his whole nature from its primitive excellency; so in the Devil it signifies his stooping down and falling from his most sublime and glorious condition. A wonderful stoop this was, when that which had been advanced as high as heaven, was made to fall down as low, yea lower than the earth itself. This is the Devil's going upon his breast, this the grovelling of that once so highly reared posture: according to that description of jude ver. 6. who calls them the Angels that kept not their first estate, but left their own habitation; agreeable to that of S. Peter 2 Ep. 2. 4. God spared not the Angels that sinned, but cast them down to hell.  
The second particular is, The dust of the earth shalt thou eat all the days of thy life. The food wherewith Spirits are fed is analogical, spiritual and not corporal; we must therefore here seek out that which in them hath the fittest resemblance with corporal food. The life of Angels consists in the continual contemplation of the excellent Greatness, wonderful Goodness, and glorious Beauty of the Essence of God, both as it is in itself, and as it is communicated unto his creatures. This is that which our Saviour intimates, Matth. 18. 10. Their Angels do always behold the face of my Father which is in heaven. The food of Angels, whereby this their Intellectual life and vegetation is strengthened and continued, is that unspeakable joy and delight which accompanies their contemplation of God, and which they find in the beholding of whatsoever else hath any conformity and sutableness with him, his Power, his Wisdom, his Glory, his Goodness: according to that in the Gospel, There is joy in heaven, and in the presence of the Angels of God, for one sinner that repenteth. 
Luke 15. 7● 10.  This is that Manna which feeds the blessed Angels, and which makes them unweariable and unsatiable in their contemplation and imitation of God, as corporal food enableth the body for the continuance of corporal actions and works.  
And such as this had been the Devil's fare, had he not fallen from his first estate by sin: whereas now in stead of that Manna, he is fain with the Serpent to feed on a food as course and as base as the dust of the earth. For as of a glorious Angel he is fallen to be a damned Spirit; so is his diet answerable to continue him in that damnable estate; namely, a food clean contrary to that of the blessed Angels, and a very earth to their heaven; a most execrable joy and a malicious delight in whatsoever is opposite to the Power, the Wisdom, the Goodness, the Glory of God his Creator: this is that he hungreth and hunteth after, and nothing but this. If there were no sin, no confusion, no misery of creatures in the world, the Devil would be soo● starved; for this is that he preys after, this is that carrion he seeks for, when he goeth about (as S. Peter saith) like a roaring Lion seeking whom he may devour. 
1 Pet. 5. 8.  I have read of a people of America that will eat no flesh before it be stinking rotten, and then it seems to them most tender and delicate: These are of a diet like unto the Devil, for nothing but garbage and carrion are his dainties; the more rotten with sin, the more pleasing to his palate; that which stinks most in God's nostrils, that smells the sweetest in his. Thus much of the second part of this Curse.  
The last part remains, I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed, etc. In which we will first consider The parties who are to be at this deadly feud: Secondly, The event and success they have one against the other.  
For the first, The parties are on one side said to be the Serpent and his seed; on the other side, The woman and her seed. By the Serpent we are to understand Satan the Prince of darkness and Father of Devils. The Serpent's seed in the first place are the whole crew of Devils and damned spirits, who are fallen from their first estate and condition. These are the Serpent's firstborn, begotten by him not by corporal generation, nor as they are Spirits, but by spiritual deformation, as they are Devils. For it is the opinion of Divines, That Satan fell first himself, and afterward propagated his Apostasy by drawing others after him, over whom therefore he worthily deserveth to have the principality and chiefdom; in which respect also, were there no other, yet he might be called their Father, and they his sons or seed, as we know the use of the Scripture is to call Princes Fathers, and Subjects Sons. The latter offspring of the Devil, being a second brood, are the whole company of wicked and reprobate worldlings: for that such as these are the spawn of that foul Fiend, it appears clearly by the words of our Saviour to the Pharisees, joh. 8. 44. Ye are of your Father the Devil, and the lusts of your Father ye will do. And again, 1 john 3. 10. The children of God are opposed to the children of the Devil. Therefore Christ calls judas a Devil, john 6. 70. And Paul Acts 13. 10. calls Elymas the Sorcerer a child of the Devil. The case is plain: And as the Vanguard consisted of the first crew, so these latter are the Rear of Satan's Army.  
Now on the other side, against this Army of Hellhounds stand The Woman and the Woman's seed. The Woman though only named, excludes not the Man, who was to be at enmity with the Devil as well as the Woman: But the reason of this unusual Trope, which call● the Kind by the name of the weaker and inferior Sex, is because o● the words following [of the seed] wherein is contained the great Mystery of Christ's Incarnation, under whose colours and in whose power alone this Army is both to march and overcome. For this great Captain was to be, as you know, the seed of the Woman only, 
〈◊〉 7. 14.  and not of the Man; A Virgin should conceive a Son, whose name is called Emmanuel. Whence it comes to pass, that some by seed will have no other seed to be understood but the person of Christ only: both because he is alone that seed of the woman, which is not the seed of man; and because S. Paul, Gal. 3. 16. on those words (v. 8.) In thy seed shall all the Nations of the earth be blessed, expoundeth seed singularly and individually of Christ himself alone. But if it be well observed, the case here is not the like; for the seed of the Woman is opposed to the seed of the Serpent, which seed cannot choose but be taken collectively for Satan and all his regiments of Devils and Hellhounds. And why should not also the seed of the Woman be understood of Christ mystical, that is, of Christ the Head with all his members, who are incorporate into him by Faith into one mystical body? For although they are naturally the seed of Man as well as of the Woman, yet spiritually by this incorporation they are the seed of the Woman only, as is their Head with whom they are one. And this it is which makes them of the party against the Serpent; for till they once became the seed of the woman only, there was no enmity betwixt them.  
The seed therefore of the Woman I expound to be Christ and his Members: He 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the seed of the woman by nature; they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by their spiritual engrafment into him. Hence appears the difference of these two Armies. First, In Satan's Army all march under their Father who begot them; but Christ's Army sighteth under the Colours of their elder brother, the first-begotten seed of the woman. Secondly, In their ranging, Christ and his Army are as one body informed by one Spirit; the Devil's is far more disunited. Thirdly, In their fight: for in Satan's Army every Soldier useth his own strength, and fights with his own weapons; but in Christ's Army the whole strength lies in Christ their General: all our armour is on his back, and our weapons guided by the power of his hand. So we may learn out of S. Paul, Ephes. 6. 11, 12. Put on (saith he) the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to stand against the wiles of the Devil. For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places.  
Thus then having seen the marshalling of these two Armies which are at so deadly an enmity, let us at last see The success of their skirmishes and of the stratagems which they practise one against the other. These are described on the Devil's part very terrible, that his head should be mauled; but on Christ's side the loss should be very small, the Devil prevailing but to the wounding or bruising of his heel.  
But what is this Head of the Serpent? and what the Heel of the Woman's seed? Those who understand The seed of the woman singularly, of the person of Christ only, make his Head to be the Godhead, against which the Serpent could prevail nothing; but his heel to be the Manhood, which the Serpent so bruised at his Passion, that the grave became his bed for three days together. This indeed is true, and no marvel, for the Head is as it were the whole body's Epitome. But we who have expounded The seed of the woman collectively, of Christ and his Members, must also in this mystical Body find a mystical Head and a mystical Heel; and so in like manner for the Serpent and his seed.  
The Head therefore, or, if you had rather, Headship, is nothing else but Sovereignty: The Serpent's head is the Devil's Sovereignty, which is called Principatus mortis, the Sovereignty of death, namely, both objectiuè and effectiuè; that is, such a Sovereignty as under which are only such as are liable to Death both temporal and eternal; and such a Sovereignty whose power consists not in saving and giving of life, but in destroying, and bringing unto Death both of body and soul. Under the name also of Death understand, as the Scripture doth, all other miseries of mankind, which are the companions of this double Death I speak of. This is that damnable Head of the Serpent, the Devilish Sovereignty of Satan. Now the Sword whereby this Sovereignty was obtained, the Sceptre whereby it is maintained, or, as S. Paul speaks, 
1 Cor. 15. 56.  the Sting of this Serpent's head, is Sin: This is that which got him this Kingdom at the first, and this is still the right whereby he holds the greatest part thereof. Imperium iisdem artibus conserva●ur quibus acquiritur, By the same arts and methods is an Empire conserved by the which it was at first obtained.  
This Sovereignty of the Devil, which once overwhelmed ●igh all the world, the Woman's seed should break in pieces and destroy; which (according to this Prophecy) we see already performed in a great measure, and the grounds laid long ago for the destruction of all that remaineth. As saith S. john Ep. 1. c. 3. v. 8. The Son of God was manifested for this purpose, that he might destroy the works of the Devil. And Christ himself said, 
john 12. 31.  that the time was come that the Prince of this world should be cast out; and bade his Disciples be of good cheer, for he had overcome the world. 
Chap. 16. 33.  If you would see what a wonderful victory he hath long ago gotten of the Serpent, when after a terrible battle he overcame and destroyed the Sovereignty of the Serpent in the Roman Empire, see it described in the 12. of the Revelation, v. 7, 8. where Michael (that is, Christ) and his Angels fought against the great Dragon and his Angels, till the Dragon with all his Army was discomfited, and their place found no more in heaven, that is, he utterly lost his Sovereignty in that state; whence there was a voice in heaven, v. 10. Now is come salvation, strength, and the Kingdom of our God, and the power of his Christ. And what he will at the length do with the remainder yet of the Devil's Sovereignty, you may find in the 19 and 20. chapters of the Revelation: For he must reign, as S. Paul saith, until he hath put all his enemies under his feet, until he hath destroyed all power, rule, and authority adverse unto him: And then last of all destroying Death by giving immortality to our raised bodies, shall surrender up his Kingdom unto his Father, as it is 1 Cor. 15. 25, etc.  
But Satan, saith my Text, shall prevail something against him, for the Serpent shall bruise his heel. What is this Heel? Those who understood the seed of the woman singularly, as I told you, made it Christ's Manhood: But now we expound the seed Christ's Mystical Body, what shall we make the Heel thereof? I could say that by it were only meant a light wound, or the Devil's assaulting the Body of Christ ex insidiis, at unawares; for that is his fashion since the great overthrow which our Michael gave him, to work his feats underhand, and to undermine our Lord in his members. But this, though true, is not full enough. It may seem therefore the fittest to make hypocritical Christians, who profess Christ outwardly, but inwardly are not his, to make these the heel of his Mystical Body: for against such the Devil we know prevaileth somewhat, and by them annoyeth the rest of the Body with his venom, though he be far enough yet from impeaching our Lord's Headship and Sovereignty. But will you give me leave to utter another conceit? If the Blessed souls in heaven be the upper part of Christ's mystical Body, the Saints on earth the lower part of the same; may not the Bodies of the Saints deceased which lie in the earth be accounted for the heel? For I cannot believe but they have relation to this mystical Body, though their Souls be severed from them, and yet must that relation be as of the lowest and most postick members of all. If you will admit this, than it will appear presently what was this hurt upon the heel, when Christ had once mauled the Devil's head; for the Text seems to intimate that the Devil should give this wound after his head was broken.  
I will hold you in suspense no longer. Read the 13. of the Revelation, and see what follows upon Michael's Victory over the Dragon, what the Devil did when he was down: He forms a new Instrument of the wounded Roman Empire, by whose means, under a pretence of the Honour given to the precious Relics of the Saints and Martyrs, he conveyed the poison of Saint-worship and Saint-invocation into the Kingdom of Christ; with which wound of the heel, the Devil coming on the blind side, the true Church had been long annoyed, and limpeth still.    

DISCOURSE XLIII.  

2 PETER 2. 1.  But there were false Prophets also among the people, even as there shall be false Teachers among you, who privily shall bring in damnable Heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them, and bring upon themselves swift destruction. 
MANY are the Prophecies in Scripture wherein the Holy Ghost forewarns us of a great and solemn Defection and Corruption of Faith, which should one day overspread the visible Face of the Catholic Church of Christ, and eclipse the light of Christian Verity and Belief. S. Paul (2 Thes. 2. 3.) foretells us, that there should be an Apostasy or Falling away of Christians, and the Man of sin be revealed, before the coming of the day of the Lord. The same Apostle (1 Tim. 4. 1.) tells us, that though the great Mystery of Godliness (spoken of chap. 3. 16.) were then preached among the Gentiles, and believed on in the world; yet the Spirit spoke expressly, that in the latter times some should depart from the Faith, giving heed to seducing Spirits and 
* That these words are to be translated thus, see it proved in Bo●k III. in th● Decourse of The Apostasy of the latter times, Chap. 1.  doctrines of Devils (or Daemons.) S. john tells us (Rev. 17. 5.) that the Christian Rome, of the Spouse of Christ should become a Babylonish strumpet and the Mother of the fornications and abominations of the Earth. At the same mark aimeth this Prophecy of my Text, though perhaps less taken notice of than the rest: The evidence whereof I hope you will confess with me, when I have unfolded the same.  
Understand therefore that the Words I have read are A prediction of a Corruption of Faith which should one day surprise and overcloud the visible Church, or that company of men upon whom the name of Christ was called, and who outwardly professed him to be their Lord and Redeemer. This Corruption is here set, First, generally, both for the matter and the manner: For the matter, There shall be false Teachers among you, who shall bring in damnable Heresies; For the manner, it should be done privily, Who privily shall bring in damnable Heresies. Secondly, The Apostle also specially informs us of what kind and sort these damnable Heresies should be, that so we might not only know that Heresies should be, but be forewarned also what they should be; and that by a double mark and description. For first, They should be like unto those which we read have befallen the people and Church of Israel: There were false Prophets also among the people 
* In the New Testaments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the p●o● is more than once put for the jews; 〈…〉 Act● 21. 28. and in Chap. 26 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people and the Gentiles are opposed: the like in Verse 23. as in Chap. 9 15. are opposed the Gentiles and the children of Israel called in the two foregoing places the people. See also Chap. 28. 17. ; (i.e. the jews,) even as there shall be false Teachers among you. The second mark is, That these Heresies should be of such a kind, as men who openly professed themselves Christians and servants of Christ should yet deny Christ to be their Lord and Master: for, saith our Apostle, They shall deny the Lord that bought them; that is, professing themselves to be of that number of men whom Christ had purchased with his blood, or the bought servants of Christ, they should nevertheless deny their Lord who bought them. 
2 Pet. 2. 1.  The last thing he tells us is, the Doom which should befall such as had interest in these Heresies; They should bring upon themselves swift destruction.  
To begin with the general description of the matter, There shall be false Teachers among you, which shall bring in damnable Heresies. The time should be when the Doctors of the Church should teach falsely, and the people with them believe damnably. For we must understand that these false Teachers should not be a few, only here and there one, nor these Heresies scattered only in some few places; but that this Corruption was to be such a one as should cover and overwhelm the face of the visible Church. For the Great Defection was to be a general and solemn one, such a one as should slain the whole body with the soul name of Whore of Babylon, Rev. 17. 5. Such a one as whereby the Court of the Temple of God should not only be profaned, but even trodden down by Gentilism, Rev. 11. 2. Such a one as the World is said to wonder after the Beast, and worship him, Rev. 13. 3, 4. Such a one as should not only make War with the true Saints, but overcome them, Rev. 13. 7. Otherwise if S. john and S. Paul should mean no more but the errors of particular men, and their trouble from the Church; they should make no Prophecy at all, or a needless one. For who knows not that in S. Paul's, S. John's and the Apostles own times were divers Heresies and Heretics, here and there dispersed and grown up as Weeds in the wheat-field of Christ? but the wheat yet overtopped them, and the known body of the visible Church disclaimed them. Of such as these therefore they could not mean, when they foretell of a corruption to come in aftertimes, or (as Paul speaks, 1 Tim. 4. 1.) in the latter times; for no man uses to foretell of things which are already, as if they were to come. Nor would the Apostles foretell of Heresies as it were special to the after and latter times. if they were but such and in such manner as was but usual and no novelty in their own time. The corruption and desection therefore so much prophesied of was another manner of one, such a kind of one as before neither had been in the Church nor was to be; namely, such a one as should not be disclaimed by the body of the Church, but should surprise, eclipse and overwhelm, and as it were overcloud the visible Church itself; which should be as when the Heavens are overcast, so as the bright Firmament with the stars and lights therein can no more be seen.  
If this be so; then may we hence observe how vain and idle that challenge of our Adversaries is, when they bid us show our Church to have been always visi●●e, and to give them the names of those who have been of our Belief in all Ages since Christ and his Apostles times. What? may they not have been, although we cannot name them? This is as unreasonable a demand, as to require a man to show him and point him where the Sun is, when the whole face of Heaven is overcast with Clouds: would you not believe the Sun were in the Firmament and risen in a cloudy day, though no man could point and show you with his finger where she is? yes, I am sure you would, and say too, that there may be other signs thereof, though a man cannot see her; as namely Daylight, which never is without the Sun; yea and now and then we may have a glimpse of her through a thinner cloud, which assures us thereof. Even so when the great Defection as a Cloud overspread the face of the Christian Firmament, the visible Church of Christ, for divers Ages together, though the Cloud be for a great part so thick as it will not suffer us to discern the company of those who still kept entire the true and unstained Faith of the Gospel, yet we rest assured that it was under the Cloud, because some Daylight of Christianity still appeared; which argued the Sun was in the Firmament, though the great Cloud overshadowed her; yea and now and then we can show and spy some glimpse of her, as often as any breach happened in the Cloud which overcast her.  
I might also make use of that Parable of our Saviour, where the Church or Kingdom of God (for both is one) is compared to a Field, where the Master sowed good seed; but while men slept, the Enemy, that wicked one, came and sowed tares among the Wheat. 
Matth. 13. 24. 25.  If the tares once grow so many and so high that they quite overshadow the wheat, whereof there is but little left, can a man who stands a good way off show the wheat from the tares with his finger? I think not; though, if the wheat overmasters the tares, he easily might. This is the very case of the true Church so long as the Apostasy prevailed: And we who live now are something far off; if we had been nearer, as those were who lived then, we might have discerned the wheat a great deal better.  
But if you would yet be more fully informed how the true company of Believers could live under this woeful state of the visible body, and not be extinguished, and by what Signs and Arguments we may fully conclude it was there all that time; though I have given some taste of this last already, yet you shall hear more of them both anon, as my Text will give me occasion.  
In the mean time I must tell you, That there needed not all this stir about Visibility, if our Adversaries were ingenuous: For the difference between them and us is not so much about the point of Visibility, as about the point of Time. They hold the glorious Visibility of the true Church to have continued from the beginning until this present; and the overshadowing of the light, and eclipsing of the glory thereof under Antichrist, to be a thing yet to come; and when it comes, they and the Fathers too say as much of the eclipsing of the Church as we do for our hearts. For than they say the use of the Sacraments should cease, no Eucharist, no Mass, no public Assemblies, yea all Ecclesiastical jurisdiction should be extinguished. Is not here enough? Now on the contrary, we hold the Clouding of the Church's Visibility to have been already, and a great part of the Glory thereof to be yet to come. Both agreeing in this, that in that fatal Apostasy the Church's Visibility and Glory should cease: But we say, that time hath been already; they say, it is yet to come: we say, that that time was to last many Ages; they say, when it comes, it shall be but three single years and a half.  
Why then are they not ashamed to offer to choke us with this Argument of Visibility and Glory, when themselves confess there is a time to come when the same Argument would be as well used against their supposed Catholic Church as it is now alleged against ours? This is too great partiality. Seeing therefore the whole Controversy lies in this, Whether the Church's fatal Apostasy be already past or yet to come, it is a great deal the quicker course for them and us not to wrangle about Visibility, but to examine the condition and quality of both Religions by the Scripture; where we have (as S. Peter speaks in the foregoing Chapter) a most sure word of prophecy, 
2 Pet. 1. 19  whereunto we shall do well if we take heed, as to a light shining in a dark place. And this shall suffice to have observed concerning the matter in general, A General Defection or Corruption of the Church by false Teachers and damnable Heresies.  
NOW I come to the Circumstance of this general description of the Church's Apostasy, namely, The manner how these false Doctors should bring in these damnable Heresies; which is not Openly, but Privily. For so the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  word here used for bringing in signifies, who privily shall bring in damnable Heresies: Not so that it should be observed and espied at the first; but so by degrees, and with such a mask of plausible pretences and good meaning, that the Church was overwhelmed before it knew what it ailed: Even as some diseases steal so upon a man, that he never knew he was sick until he see himself past recovery; and then perhaps he will begin to call to mind, though too late, at what time and by what means this sickness grew upon him.  
This Observation therefore will furnish us with an Answer to another Objection of our Adversaries. For if (say they) the Catholic visible Church altered so much from the Primitive sincerity of Faith and Christian worship as we say it did; how comes it then to pass that it was no more observed and opposed by those who then lived? For it is strange so great an alteration should find admittance with the general consent of all. I answer out of my Text, That it came in privily, and so was not observed nor opposed till it was too late, and that the Apostate Faction was grown too strong for the sound. A fire, we know, if it be espied at the first, may be easily smothered and quenched; but if the cry rise not till all be on a flame, no man then dare come near to help it: So was the case here.  
And yet in some Corruptions somewhat sooner espied than the rest; as Worshipping of Images, Transubstantiation, the Pope's Godlike Supremacy, the establishing of these was not without great opposition, even to the changing of States and Kingdoms. But here also the opposers came too late; for these Heresies also were at the first brought in so privily, that the Faction was not espied till it was grown too strong to be overmastered by opposition.  
THUS having seen the General part of this description, both for the matter, false Teachers and damnable Heresies, and also for the manner, they should be privily brought into the visible Church; I come now to the Special part of the Prophecy, which tells us in particular What kind of Heresies these should be, of what sort, which should so generally over-cloud the Church of Christ. And this our Apostle here sets forth by a twofold mark. First, They should be such as we read to have been amongst the jewish people under the Old Testament: There were (saith he) false Prophets among the people, even as there shall be false Teachers among you. This is a good ear-mark, having so infallible history as is the story of the Bible to know it by: For if this of Christendom were of the same stamp with that of Israel, it cannot lie long hid from us; which that it may not, let us confine our discovery to these two heads. First, Let us learn what Heresies were those which the false Prophets of Israel brought in amongst them, as we find it recorded in the Scripture; for thither our Apostle sends us 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. . In the second place, We will examine whether the Heresies of Christendom, brought in by the false Doctors of Babylon, be not exactly like them.  
To begin with the first, I cannot find in the Old Testament any other Heresies there recorded as brought in by false Prophets, but only Idolatry and the worshipping of other Gods besides the true and living God: I doubt not but the jews had other Errors, but this is that which so great a part of the Bible is taken up in forewarning of, in relating of, and in declaiming against it. This is that we are sure the false Prophets had a hand in; of the rest nothing that way is recorded. This is that Moses forewarned the people of Israel of, Deut. 13. 1. If there arise among you a Prophet or a dreamer of dreams, and give thee a sign or a wonder, 2. And the sign or the wonder come to pass, whereof he spoke unto thee, saying, Let us go after other gods, (which thou hast not known) and let us serve them; 3. Thou shalt not hearken to the words of that Prophet, etc. Here you hear of the false Prophets, and what should be their Doctrine, viz. Let us go serve other gods and worship them.  
But if you ask whether there were any such in that people, Elijah shall tell you, 1 Kings 18. 22. I only (saith Elijah) remain a Prophet of the Lord, but Baal's Prophets are four hundred and fifty men. And, 2 Kings 10. 19 jehu made a foul fray amongst them when he said, Call unto me all the Prophets of Baal, and all his servants, and all his Priests, let none be wanting; for I have a great sacrifice to do unto Baal: but he served them in their kind. And of this kind of Prophets were those of which Elisha bade jeroham the King ask counsel, 2 Kings 3. 13. when being in distress in his march against Moab, he had sent to him for advice what to do, Get thee (
* By way of Irony.  saith he) to the Prophets of thy Father, and the Prophets of thy Mother, that is, the Prophets of Ahab and jezabel.  
And you may know these Prophets taught the people the same Religion of Idols which themselves followed. Hear what the Lord saith, jer. 2. 8. The Priests said not, Where is the Lord? and they that handle the Law, knew me not; the Pastors also transgressed against me, and the Prophets prophesied by Baal, (or, for Baal) and walked after things that profit not. And after, verse 26, 27. As the Thief is ashamed when he is found; so is the house of Israel ashamed; they, their Kings, their Princes, their Priests, and their Prophets; Saying to a stock, Thou art my Father; and to a stone, Thou hast brought me forth, etc. And chap. 8. 1. At that time (saith the Lord) (i.e. when the jews shall be carried captive) they shall bring out the bones of the Kings of judah, and the bones of his Princes, and the bones of the Priests, and the bones of the Prophets, and the bones of the inhabitants of jerusalem out of their graves: verse 2. And they shall spread them before the Sun and the Moon and all the Host of Heaven, whom they have loved, and whom they have served, and whom they have worshipped. Chap. 23. 13. I have seen folly in the Prophets of Samaria, they prophesied in Baal, and caused my people Israel to err.— verse 15. For from the Prophets of jerusalem is profaneness gone forth into all the land. verse 26, 27. How long shall it be in the hearts of the Prophets that prophesy lies?— which think to cause my people to forget my Name by their dreams they tell every man to his neighbour, as their Fathers have forgotten my Name, for Baal.  
You know by this time what kind of false Prophets were among the people; 
False Prophets pretended the name of God.  where I would desire you to take notice of one thing more, That for all this, these Prophets prophesied these things in Iehovah's name: For so it is said of those I last quoted in the verse immediately before the words I quoted— the Prophets that prophesy lies in my name. So also shall you read, 1 Kings 22. of Ahab's Prophets, who being Prophets of Baal, yet prophesy in the name of jehovah the true God, Thus saith jehovah: which being foreseen by the Lord himself before it came to pass, seems to be the ground of the Law, Deut. 18. 20. But the Prophet which shall presume to speak a word in my name, which I have not commanded him to speak, and which shall speak in the name of other gods, even that Prophet shall die.  
Seeing therefore we find these to have been the false Prophets among the people of the Church of Israel, and their Heresies to have been the Doctrines of Idols, of worshipping the Host of Heaven, of Baalim, of Gods of wood and stone; of these undoubtedly S. Peter means, when he saith, As there were false Prophets among the people, so shall there be false Teachers among you, which shall bring in the like damnable Heresies.  
HAVING therefore brought the matter thus far, let us now see whether S. Peter's Prophecy be fal● out true or not; whether the Apostasy whereunto false Teachers have brought the Christian Churches be not like that almost in every respect whereunto the false Prophets once brought the Church of Israel. But first I must instruct you a little in the old Idolaters and the Heathens Divinity, both concerning the sorting of their Gods; and secondly, for the way and manner to worship them.  
For their Gods, the Heathen and those who followed their fashions had two sorts of them: First, Sovereign and Supreme Gods, which the Scripture calls The Host of Heaven; Secondly, Vnder-gods, or, if you will, Godlings, which the Greeks call Daemon-gods, the Scripture calls them Baalim, that is, Lords.  
Now the Sovereign Gods, or the Host of Heaven, were such as they supposed to remain always in the Heavens, yea to dwell in the Heavenly lights, in the Sun, Moon and Stars, as it were Souls in bodies, and there to keep their stations immovably without change of place or presence. Which Celestial and Heavenly Gods as they were Eternal, without beginning or ending; so they supposed them so sublime and pure, as they might not be profaned with the approach of earthly things, or with the care and managing of mortal men's businesses.  
And therefore they bring in that 
* An inferior Order of Gods.  second Order of Gods, called Daemons or B●alims, as a middle sort of Divine Powers between the Sovereign Gods and mortal men, whose office is to be as Mediators and Agents between them, and, as 
* In his Symposium.  Plato speaks, reporters and comers from men to the Gods and from the Gods to men; without whom there could be no commerce and intercourse between the Gods and men: For they say, it beseems not the Majesty of the Sovereign Gods to manage these things of themselves. And therefore though all things come by their Will, Power and Authority, yet is it by the mediation and ministry of these Daemons in Scripture called Baalim. I could prove you this at large out of the Heathen Philosophers, but I shall not need 
* 
See this proved in Book III. in the Treatise of The Apostasy of the latter times, in Chap. 3.  
Note that what immediately followed here in the former Edition is in this omitted, because it is verbatim, and with additions, expressed in the forementioned Apostasy of the latter times, in Chap. 3. & Chap. 4.  .  
Thus therefore having seen the Heathen Doctor's conceit of their Gods, now let us see briefly the other point I promised to speak of, viz. The manner how to worship them, and as it were to bring them to the lure of men, when they had occasion of devotion with them; and this was done by sacring of Images. You shall hear it from an ancient Author, and passing skilful in these mysteries, even Hermes Trismegistus, who in his As●lepius speaketh in English thus; It is a wonder beyond all wonders, that man should find out a way to make Gods, (that is, Images,) etc. 
* 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 in Book III. in The Apostasy of the 〈…〉 in the beginning of Chap. 5.   
Another way to worship them was in Religious graves and sepulchers, for there they hoped to find their Ghost-gods especially; as we yet suppose that Spirits frequent Churchyards and places of the dead.  
THESE were the Mysteries and conceits of the Ancient Idolaters, which the false Prophets of Israel brought in amongst the people of God, and made them also (as the Scripture speaks) to provoke the living God to jealousy with the abominations of the Heathen round about them. Now then judge impartially, whether this Prophecy in my Text be not long ago fulfilled amongst us Christians, the new people of God. There were false Prophets among the people of Israel, even so (saith my Text) were there to be false Teachers among Christians, who should bring in damnable Heresies.  
Which that you may the better do, Know first, that the Israelites did at no time altogether renounce the true and living God, not in their worst times; but in their conceit and profession they acknowledged him still, and were called his people, and he their God, though they worshipped others besides him. So Christians in their Apostasy neither did nor were to make an absolute Apostasy from God the Father and Christ their Redeemer; but in outward profession still to acknowledge him, and to be called Christians.  
Secondly, There are two main Apostasies of Israel recorded in Scripture. 
1 Kings 15. 30, 34. and elsewhere.  The First is styled The sin of jeroboam the son of Nebat, as a principal establisher thereof: And this was to worship the true God himself under an Image; For he set up Calves at Dan and Bethel, and consecrated them in this manner, Behold, Israel, the Gods which brought thee out of the land of Egypt. 
1 Kings 12. 28.  For those are Calves indeed which here think he took the Calves themselves to be Gods. The truth was, Because he would not have the people go to the Temple of jerusalem, where the Ark, the pledge of God's presence, was; therefore he made these Calves in stead thereof, supposing, as the Gentiles did of their Gods, that the true God would have yielded his presence to an Image made in honour of him: And therefore they used, when they came to make vows or oaths at the Calf, to swear jehovah liveth; as Hosea 4. 15. When therefore our Papists worship God the Creator under an Image, and Christ their Redeemer in a Cross, Crucifix, or in a piece of Bread; this is the very same Apostasy with that of jeroboam the son of Nebat who made Israel to sin: And as false Prophets taught Israel that, so have false Teachers brought into Christendom the very same as you see was prophesied.  
The Second main Apostasy of Israel is called The way of Ahab, 
2. Ch●. 22. 3.  not because he was the first bringer in, but the chief establisher thereof. And this was not only to worship the true God idolatrously in an Image, as jeroboam did, but to worship other Gods besides him, namely Baal-gods or Baalim; supposing either by these to have easier access unto the Lord of Hosts the Sovereign God, or that these he might resort unto at all times, and for all matters, as being nearer at hand, and not of so high a Dignity; whereas the Sovereign God, jehovah the God of Israel, either managed not smaller and ordinary matters, or might not be troubled with them: For such, as I told you, was the conceit of the Heathen, as that the Souls of some great ones after death had the honour to be as Agents betwixt the Sovereign and Superior Gods and men, as being of a middle nature between them; which in Greek are called Daemons, in the Scriptures Baalim. When therefore those who are called Christians, and have given their faith to Christ jesus, to be their only Mediator and royal Agent between them and his Father; when these do worship and invocate Saints or Angels, whether with Images or without, to be as under-Mediators with God for them, or of themselves to bestow some favour upon them; those who do this (as you know who do) are fallen into the Apostasy of Ahab, and are worshippers of Baalim: For the Idolatry of Saints is altogether the same with that of Baalim.  
HAVING therefore thus seen the verity of S. Peter's Prophecy for the first mark to know of what kind of Heresy should be the Christian Apostasy, even like unto that of Israel; now let me tell you what use to make of S. Peter's comparison and thus coupling the one by the other.  
First, That wheresoever you read in Scripture of the Idolatry of Ieroboam's Calves and of Ahab's Baalim, you think of what I have told you; and know that whatsoever God speaks against those things there, the same he speaks of the Apostate Christians under Rome, whose case is in all respects the same. If therefore other points be hard and such as you cannot understand, yet this of Idolatry is an easy mark for you to know the true Church from the false by; and almost every leaf in the Scripture will help you. Bless the Lord therefore, and never cease to bless him, who hath delivered us from those woeful abominations and Idolatries wherewith the Church was so long overwhelmed, and hath restored unto us the sincerity of his Gospel.  
Secondly, Seeing the Holy Ghost hath taught us here to compare the Christian's Apostasy with that of Israel, we may hereby learn also what was the state and condition of true Christian Believers under the Apostasy of Antichrist, namely, the same with the true Israelites under the Apostasy of Israel.  
Where was the true Church in Ahab's time? was it not covered so under the Apostate Israelites, that Elias himself, who was one of it, could scarce find it? 1 Kings 19 10. 
See this more fully expressed in the Apostasy of the latter times, in the end of Chap. 10. 2 Kings 22.  Where was the company of true worshippers in Manasses time, the worst time of all? or had the Lord no Church at all? Yes he had a Church even then, even hidden in the body of that Idolatrous Nation; yea a strong party, though not seen; as appeared presently upon Manasses death, when josiab came to reign, who at eight years of age, a very child, yet was able to reform all again. When therefore the Papists shall ask us where our Church was before Luther, let us answer, She was, as the true Israelites were then, buried under the Apostate body of Christendom; she was even there whence God in his good time called her out, viz. she was in the Spiritual Babylon. If Rome now be Babylon, and your Mother-Church that ancient Spouse of Christ, 
See Comment, in Apocal. Chap 17. in Book III.  which hath been so long an abominable Strumpet committing Fornication with strange Gods, as we are sure she is; we cannot choose but know where ours was in the mean time, until it pleased God to call her thence; even amongst you she was then; and where she is now you know, and shall one day feel, until you by't your tongues for pain.  
But how could the faithful company of Christ live in the midst of Idolaters, and have means of Salvation? I answer, 
Note that what followed here in the former Edition, is now omitted as being the very same with that in The Apostasy of the latter times, about the middle of Chap. 10. where there is an Answer to this Question, Whether, and in what manner our Church was Visible under the Antichristian Apostasy, and in what respects it was not ●isible; and in both agreeable to the true Church under the Apostasies of Israel.  Even as the true Israelites lived in the midst of the Apostasy of Israel.  
But you may ask further; When the face of the Church and the whole visible worship therein was so universally stained with abominable Idolatries, how and whereby should a man gather that there were any such sincerer company amongst them who had not defiled their garments? I might tell you that Histories, though written by our enemies, do mention many such discovered at several times: But I will give you another sign to know it, namely, The light of God's word, and some other Divine Truths still remaining: For it was not so much for the Apostate Faction, as for the sake of some chosen ones, that this blessing was continued. Had there been nothing but Egyptians there, darkness should wholly have surprised them; but for Goshen's sake, for a few righteous in Sodom, God would not take this blessing from them. He that espies any daylight, will conclude the Sun is in our Heaven, though for the clouds he see her not. If we should see a candle hang up in a room, and see it full of blind men; yet would we say, surely there is some amongst them can see, why else hangs the candle there? So must we reason from the daylight and candlelight of Divine Truths still appearing and hung up in the Church. For, as S. Paul said, What if some did not believe? shall their unbelief make the faith of God without effect? Rom. 3. 3. And Rom. 9 4, etc. when the body of the jewish Nation refused Christ, yet he reckons their privileges as many as Rome could ever challenge; Whose is (saith he) the Adoption, and the Glory, and the Covenants, and the giving of the Law, the service of God, and the promises; whose are the Fathers, etc. Not as though (saith he) the word of God had taken none effect: For they are not all Israel, which are of Israel, etc.  
NOW I come to the second mark here laid down in my Text, to know what manner of Heresies should be in the great Apostasy of the Christian Faith; Even denying the Lord that bought them. They should give up their names as Christ's servants, as his purchase; and yet deny their Lord and Master: For Servants in times past used to be bought with a price, and so were as their Master's proper possession; Christ buys his servants with his blood. The meaning therefore is, they should profess themselves his servants, and yet deny him to be their Master. What Heresies should these be? Even the very same the first mark told us of, Christian Idolatry. For as a Wife who hath given her faith to one Husband, if she commit adultery with others, denies him to be that she calls him, though she call him Husband never so much: So the Church, the Spouse of Christ, having given her faith to him alone, to be her only Lord and Mediator, in whom and through whom alone she would approach the Throne of Majesty in Heaven; if she bows down herself to other Mediators, whether Saints or Angels, if she invocates and worships the Father in any other thing save Christ alone, the only Image we must worship, (the Image of the Father) and the only Agent we must employ to God before the Throne in Heaven; she commits Spiritual Adultery, that is, Idolatry, and denies the Lord which bought her. That this should be the meaning here, let this one reason serve the turn, That that is always the meaning of the like Phrase in the Old Testament, where in stead of the Lord that bought, we have the Lord that brought them out of the land of Egypt. Let us compare them; 
* Exod. 20. 2.  I am the Lord thy God which brought thee out of the land of Egypt, Thou shalt have none other Gods but me: In the New Testament thus saith Christ, I am Christ the Lord which bought thee, Thou shalt have no other Christ but me. Are not these alike? So when the Israelites fell to Idolatry, and to worship Idols and strange Gods, hear how the Lord speaks then, Deut. 32. 15, 16. jeshurun waxed fat, forsook God which made him, and lightly esteemed the Rock of his Salvation; they provoked him to jealousy with strange gods. So may we say, the Christian Mother waxed fat, forsook God which redeemed her, etc. judges 2. 12, 13. They forsook the Lord God of their Fathers, which brought them out of the land of Egypt; and followed other gods, and served Baal and Ashtaroth. and this expression is frequent, 
See Deut. 29. 25.  Psal. 81. 10, 11. 1 Kings 9 9 2 Kings 17. 7. 
2 Kings 17. 35.  Just so might the Lord speak of Christians; They forsook the Lord which brought them out of the Spiritual Egypt, and worshipped Saints and Angels.  
I meant to have spoken much more of this, but the time will not suffer me. I desire we may observe from this twofold mark of the Christian Apostasy, What that is, among so many Corruptions both now and heretofore overwhelming the Church of Christ, wherein the Holy Ghost placeth the essence, and which he accounteth as the Soul of the great Apostasy under the man of sin, and would have us to make the Polestar of our discovery thereof: Not every Error, not every Heresy how gross soever, but Idolatry and Spiritual Fornication. As for other Heresies, though accompanying this, yet are they but accidental, and not of the essence of the great Apostasy which was to come. Even as Whores are seldom without other foul faults, which yet are no parts of Whoredom: so hath the Spiritual Whore many other Heresies, but her Whoredom is Idolatry. 
* 1 Thes. 1. 9 Conversion to Christianity is called a turning from Idols to serve the true God, and to wait for his Son jesus Christ: Therefore Apostasy is a return to Idols from the true God and his Son jesus Christ.  Idolatry is the only Character and Note whereby the great Apostasy of the visible Church is discovered and distinguished from all other Blasphemies, Seditions and Heresies of what age or time soever. Which is the reason why Babylon is entitled in the Revelation of S. john, not the Liar of Babylon, nor the Tyrant of Babylon, nor the Heretic of Babylon, nor the Murtheress of Babylon, (though she be all these) but the Whore of Babylon; yea the Great Whore, and the Mother of the Fornications and Abominations of the Earth, Chap. 17.    

DISCOURSE XLIV.  

1 COR. 10. 3, 4.  And they did all eat the same Spiritual meat; And did all drink the same Spiritual drink: (For they drank of that Spiritual Rock that followed them: and that Rock was Christ) 
THE first part of this Chapter is a Comparison of some Sacramental Types in the old Law with the two Sacraments of the new, and that in two respects; namely, 1. For the same nature or substance of the Mysteries in both, and 2. For the same condition of the Receivers, if either they abuse them or walk unworthy of them. The words which I have now chosen are in special an agreement of some of the foresaid Types of the Law with the Eucharist or Lord's Supper: First, in substance of the Mystery; And they (that is, the Fathers in the Wilderness) all ate the same Spiritual meat, and all drank the same Spiritual drink: Secondly, in the dangerous condition of unworthy Receivers either of this or the other Sacrament, in these words; But with many of them God was not well pleased: for they were overthrown in the Wilderness.  
And first I will speak of the first of these, which you may see is also double; first, concerning our Spiritual meat, and secondly, concerning our Spiritual drink; in both which the Apostle affirms those of the old Fathers to have been the same with ours. For the understanding whereof, we will first speak of the Spiritual meat, (as the words lie) and then of the Spiritual drink; and in both, first what is required to be known for Explication, either of the words, or of what is contained in them; and after come to such Observations as will follow and be gathered therefrom.  
For Explication therefore, three things are to be enquired of.  

1. Of what Meat and of what Rock the Apostle speaketh.  
2. Wherein both the one and the other were Spiritual or Sacramental.  
3. In what sense those Sacraments are said to be the same with ours.   
For the first, The Meat here spoken of most certainly was Manna; for it appears in the fifth verse, as also in the beginning, that he means of the time they were in the Wilderness, where the only Food was Manna, sent from Heaven. The word Manna either signifies a Portion, it was their dimensum or daily allowance given by God; or Food made ready, because God prepared it, without any labour or industry of theirs: and this is thought to be the truest reason of the name. For as for that of S. jerom, who thinks it had the name Man from the question asked upon the first sight thereof, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is it, and so they called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Chaldee, being the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebrew; this opinion, though the 
* Exod. 16. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Seventy have translated so, yet is found unlikely by some learned in those Languages. 1. Because no reason can be given why the Israelites should then speak Chaldee. 2. Because in Chaldee the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a question of persons, not of things; and signifies Quis Who, not Quid What; being the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebrew, which always asketh of persons, but never of things.  
But to leave the name, and speak something of the nature: we must know that this Manna was not that which Dioscorides and Galen so call, namely, certain fragments of Frankincense: nor was it that which the Arabians call Manna, 
1 Cor. 10. 3, 4.  though it somewhat resembleth it; For they call by this name a certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or honeydew falling on some mountains of Syria; and it seems they gave this name unto it by allusion unto the Sacred story. But this Manna wherewith God fed the Israelites was a miraculous thing, the Corn of Heaven and Bread of Angels, as 
* Psal. 78. 24, 25.  David calls it; it fell only in the Wilderness of Sinai, it reigned all times and days of the year saving the Sabbath; it was so hard that it might be ground in a Mill, beaten in a Mortar, or baked in an Oven; it melted in the Sun, and putrified with one night's keeping; lastly, it was Food, and not Physic: not one of all these properties agreeing to the apothecary's Manna or Manna of the Arabians.  
Come we now to the Rock, whereof the Apostle saith our Fathers drank: which speech any man may see is not proper, and therefore some say it is a Metonymy, Rock, for the water which came out of the Rock: perhaps it will be more easy to say here is an Ellipsis of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or drink, to be supplied out of the words next before, and so to be construed thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For they drank the drink of that Spiritual Rock. 
Two Rocks out of which Israel drank.  Now for the Rock, there are two Rocks mentioned in Scripture out of which the Lord gave water unto the Israelites; one at Rephidim, two years after their coming out of Egypt, Exod. 17. another at Kadesh, almost thirty eight years after, Numb. 20. It is doubtful which of these our Apostle meaneth. We may safely say he meaneth them both, the story of both being so like, as the places of both had one name 
* Exod. 17. 7. Numb. 20. 1●.  Meribah, of the murmuring and contending of the people. But if he meaneth only the one, I would say it is the former; the miracle whereof was presently upon the raining of Manna.  
But here is one word yet needs to be explained; for our Apostle adds unto Rock 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Rock following, or, which followed them: which some would have spoken of Christ, being the Rock which accompanied the Israelites, (for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies) or the Rock which was to come and follow in aftertimes: others more truly expound it literally of the Rock in the wilderness, thinking it reasonable that the Apostle who spoke literally of Manna which was truly eaten, should also in the same sense speak of the water of that Rock which was as truly drunken. And therefore they say the Apostle adds the word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 following,] to intimate that when the Rock was smitten, a stream gushed therefrom, which followed the Israelites many years as they journeyed in the wilderness: and therefore our Translation with others for explicationsake adds the word [them] which is not in the Greek; and so the Syriack likewise translates the words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Spiritual Rock which went with them.  
But against this some object two things. 1. That it is not like the Apostle would affirm any thing as History which is no where mentioned in the Old Testament, where it is like so miraculous a thing would not have been concealed. 2. That the thing itself is otherwise unlikely, even by reasons out of Moses story. For they say, If it be meant of the first Rock at Rephidim, how came they to want water at Kadesh, if a river from the first Rock had followed them? And if we say it is spoken of the second Rock at Kadesh, how comes it to pass that they offered to 
* Num. 20. 19 Deut. 26.  buy water at a price of the Edomites, if water followed them at the heels?  
But unto the first it may be answered, That it may be elsewhere shown in the New Testament, something to be alleged for Story which is not expressed in the Old Testament, especially when there is ●ome ground whence some such thing may be drawn by good consequence; and then I think we ought to believe the Illation of the Holy Ghost. And that this thing we now speak of may be inferred from the Story of Moses, it will appear thus: For seeing it was about two years after their coming out of Egypt, when the first Rock was smitten to give them water, 
Vide Psal. 78. 16. Psal. 105. 41.  and that in all their change of Stations for almost thirty eight years after we never find the least mention of any want thereof, though they traveled further in a dry and unwatered Wilderness: It will follow from hence, That either they stored themselves with water for so many years, which is impossible; or else the water of the Rock ran after them; and it may be their journeys were so ordered by the lower grounds, that it might naturally do so, so long as the miraculous Fountain lasted.  
As for the other Objection, How they came again to want water at Kadesh, it is easily answered: For God might, for a new trial of his people, make the first Miracle cease when it pleased him; and seeing at that Station they had taken a clean contrary way unto the former; it may be the position of the Earth hindered it, God so ordering their journeys of purpose. And as for their buying water of the Edomites presently upon the smiting of the second Rock at Kadesh; it may be said that this Rock was not like the former; and so our Apostle by the word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] did imply he spoke of the first only: or howsoever, those words of buying water of the Edomites are spoken in case they passed through the Edomites land, where it was not like the Miracle should have followed them, it being a watered Country.  
Thus much I thought good to speak in defence of that Exposition which our Translation seems to approve by adding the word [them,] unto which (you see) we may without difficulty yield our assent: Otherwise it were easy yet to add, among such a variety, a fourth Exposition divers from all the former, namely, That by leaving out the word [them] the word [Following] should be expounded not of following in regard of place, but of time and story, and that with relation unto Manna, because in order of time the smiting of the Rock followed presently upon the raining of Manna; and so the Apostle's sense, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Spiritual Rock following, should be understood as following upon the raining of Manna, the mystery of drink following the Miracle of heavenly bread, as the giving of the Cup is to follow the breaking of Bread in the Lord's Supper. But this you may esteem as you please.  
NOW I come to the second thing I propounded, wherein this Manna and this Rock were Spiritual, that is, Sacramental; and this was in regard they were Signs signifying Christ, and Pledges assuring the faithful Receivers of their enjoying him with all his Benefits. For a Sacrament is not a naked or a single Sign, but a Sign assuring, that is, a Seal or a Pledge of the thing signified, a signifying Pledge, or an assuring, Sign. Now these Seals do always suppose, and are in some sort grounded upon, a resemblance which the Sign hath with the thing signified. For as Plato in Cratylus says, That the wisdom of the first imposers and inventors of the names of things was such in their choice, that they made the letters and syllables to agree with and to express the qualities of the things called by them, expressing soft things with soft sounds, harsh with harsh, etc. and so forth: So God in the Sacraments, which are as visible words, hath chosen such Signs as carry in them the Character and very Image of the things they are Pledges of. For a warrant therefore that this Manna and this Rock were such Sacraments and such Spiritual things as our Apostle speaketh of, let us consider a while how they carried in them the marks of Christ whom they signified.  
1. Then, to begin with Manna. As Manna was a meat 
* Wisd. 16. 20. Thou didst send them from heaven 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bread prepared without their labour.  provided of God without the labour and industry of the Israelites: So is Christ given unto men, not out of any work or merits of theirs, but of the free gift and goodness of God. 2. As Manna came from Heaven besides the ordinary course of nature: So Christ's birth was wonderful, and not as the birth of other men: For his Divine nature he fetched from above, and his Humane body was not begotten of mortal seed, but by the influence of the Holy Ghost from Heaven. 3. Manna was distributed unto all alike; one had not more and another less, but all an equal share: Even so Christ communicates himself unto all alike without acception of persons; 
Gal. 3. 23.  For in him is neither male nor female, bond nor free; the Beggar hath as great a part in Christ as he who sits upon the Throne. 4. Manna when it came first was an unknown thing, for the Israelites (saith the Text) knew not what it was; no, 
Exod. 16. 1●.  they knew not whence it came, nor that it was the food the Lord had sent them: So Christ when he came into the world was unknown; For if they had known, 
1 Cor. 2. 8.  (saith S. Paul) they would not have crucified the Lord of Glory. 5. Manna was Food, and a plentiful Food, there was enough for every body: So is Christ the Food and Bread of our Souls, and sufficient to feed many, yea even the whole World. 6. Manna was of a most sweet and pleasing taste: And so is Christ unto that Soul which can truly relish him; 
Matt. 11. 30. jugum meum suave est. Guslate & vide●e, quoniam suay is est Domiuns, Psal. 34. 8.  My yoke (saith he) is most sweet and easy, and my burden light; And most true of him is that which the Psalmist writes, O taste and see, for the Lord is sweet. 7. Manna was of a white colour; even as our Saviour also was white and pure, as being free from all stain of sin: for (as it is 1 Pet. 2. 22.) He did no sin, neither was there any guile found in his mouth. 8. Also Manna, before it was eaten, 
1 Cor. 13. 9  was brayed in a Mortar or broken in a Mill: So was Christ our heavenly Manna broken upon the Cross, 
1 joh. 3. ●.  that he might become the Spiritual Food wherewith our Souls are fed unto everlasting life. 9 As Manna was given only in the Wilderness, and ceased as soon as they came into the land of Promise: So is Christ our Spiritual Food in the Eucharist, so long as we travel in the Wilderness of this world; but when we shall arrive in the heavenly Canaan, we shall have no more need of Sacraments; for there we shall have Christ present with us, and shall no longer understand in part as now we do, but we shall see God as he is.  
Thus much shall suffice to have spoken of Manna: and so we come unto the Rock, which our Apostle affirms to have been Christ, that is, a Sign of him. Neither is this the only place where he is so called, but it was a name given him in the days of old. In the 32. of Deut. he is four several times called by that name. ver. 15. jeshurun forsook the God which made him, and lightly esteemed the Rock of his Salvation: and v. 18. Of the Rock that begat thee thou art unmindful, and hast forgotten God that form thee: and v. 30, 31. Again, in Dan. 2. 34, 35. he is expressed by a Stone cut out without hands, which became a great Mountain and filled the whole earth. Let us therefore see what resemblance of Christ is in a Rock; first generally, and then specially in This Rock whereof our Apostle treateth.  
First then, As a Rock is the surest Foundation to build upon; so is Christ the immovable Foundation whereupon his Church is reared: whatsoever is built upon him, no storms, no floods, no winds can shake or move. And that in this very respect Christ is called a Rock, it appears out of Esay 28. 16. quoted in part by S. Paul Rom. 9 33. & S. Pet. 1 Ep. 2. 6. Behold, I lay in Zion a foundation, a stone, a tried stone, a precious cornerstone, a sure foundation; he that believeth on him, shall not be confounded nor ashamed. 2. A Rock is a strong Fortress against the assaults of an Enemy; and so is our Saviour an impregnable Bulwark unto his Elect against the hottest assaults of Sin, Satan and Death; all the Cannons of Hell can never hurt him who hath gotten this Rock to shield him. 3. A Rock is a place of stumbling unto those who look not well to their feet; and so was this Spiritual Rock of our salvation unto the proud high-looking jew, a stumbling-block, a Rock of offence, according unto the Prophecy in the 8. of Esay 14, 15. quoted also by our Apostle Rom. 9 and S. Peter 1 Ep. 2. A stone of stumbling, and for a Rock of offence unto both the houses of Israel: And many among them shall stumble and fall, etc.  
But more especially, This Rock which our Apostle speaks of resembles Christ in three things.  
1. As that Rock gave no water before it was smitten with the Rod of Moses; so was Christ smitten upon the Cross, that out of him might flow that sovereign stream, which he who drinketh of shall never thirst any more. 2. As the Rock was smitten with the Rod of Moses, so was Christ our Redeemer with the Rod of the Law, 
Esa. 53. 5, 6.  all the curses and penalties due by the same being laid upon him for our sakes. For he was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon him, and with his stripes we are healed. All we like sheep have gone astray; and the Lord laid on him the iniquity of us all. 3. Lastly, As this Rock is said to have yielded water not only to those who were then present at the place where the Rock stood, but followed them in all their Stations in the Wilderness, unto the utmost ends thereof: So that water which gushed out from our smitten Saviour, neither served nor stayed with those alone who were present at the time and place of his suffering, but it ran and spread into all places of the world where the sons of men had any abiding, and followeth them all the days of their Pilgrimage in this Wilderness, even from the day of his Passion unto this very hour. 
Chap. 55. 1.  Ho (saith the Evangelical Prophet Esay) every one that thirsteth, come ye unto the waters, (yea even) he that hath no money; come ye— yea come buy Wine and Milk without money and without price. In what part of the earth soever thou art, in what time of the world soever thou livest, Christ our Rock is ever with thee, and his water streameth after thee; which whosoever drinketh, 
john 4. 14.  it shall be in him a Well of water springing up into everlasting life.  
Add, who knoweth whether the cleaving of the Rocks when he yielded up the Ghost, were not for a Sign of the accomplishment of the mystery?  
AND thus much for the second point. Now we come unto the third, In what sense those Sacraments are said to be the same with ours. For the understanding whereof, we must chiefly consider two things in every Sacrament, the visible sign, and the invisible thing thereby signified and confirmed: which invisible thing is always double; first, the Root or Fountain; secondly, the gracious blessings and promises which spring and flow from it. The Root and Fountain is he through whom and by whom we receive all the blessings and benefits we enjoy from God our Father, and without whom he vouchsafes us nothing, And therefore as God confers no manner of blessing upon us but through Christ: so the manner and nature of a Sacrament is to assure and confirm unto us whatsoever it assures us only through him. For all Sacramental signs both old and new carry in them the Image and marks of Christ: hereby showing, that by signifying him they seal and convey the Promises in and through him. For example sake: In the Passeover the favour and benefit which God would therein seal and assure was, that he would spare and pass by the Israelites when he smote the Egyptians: and yet the Sign ordained expressed nothing either of passing by or sparing, but of him only in whom and through whom God passed and spared them, 
Exod. 12. Rev. 13. 8.  namely, that immaculate Lamb slain before the foundation of the world; whose blood when God beholds upon the posts of their houses, he will spare and not destroy them. The like we shall find in all their Sacraments and Sacrifices; that is their manner, by signing the Root and Fountain, to assure and convey the Promises which come through it.  
Out of this therefore which hath been spoken we may easily assoil the Question of the agreement of sameness of the jews Sacraments with ours. For it is apparent that the Signs differed, and in most they were of a clean differing kind from ours; I mean divers kinds of things, the bloody signs of slaughtered beasts: and where the Signs of both had more affinity, yet was there some apparent difference, as appears in the examples our Apostle bringeth here. For howsoever a cloud hath some affinity with water, yet is it not the same with water we use in Baptism; neither was Manna the same thing with bread, though in stead thereof; nor the water of the Rock the same with wine in the Eucharist. It is plain therefore out of our Apostles own words, that he means not they were the same in Signs. It follows then, they should be the same in the Spiritual thing signified, which is as the Soul and spirit of a Sacrament. And this is plain, in that he saith not simply, they are the same Meat and same Drink, but, the same Spiritual Meat and the same Spiritual Drink: and it is passed all doubt, when he saith the Rock was Christ, that is, a Sacrament of him, which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be understood of all the rest, the Cloud, the Sea, the Manna; all were Sacraments of Christ as well as ours, and Seals of the same Spiritual promises whereof ours are; all aimed at the same twofold invisible gift, the same Fountain through whom, Christ jesus, and the same Rivers of Spiritual graces, Reconciliation with God, Remission of sins, and Life eternal, through him alone.  
And yet for all this agreement we must know there was some difference even here also: For howsoever the things (as ye have heard) were the same signified in both, yet was the manner and fashion of them different; they beheld not their Signs the same that ours do. For as for the Root of blessings, Christ, he was signified as future and yet to come; which in their ordinary Sacraments was stamped upon the very Sign; I mean, the Signs had some badge in them, whereby might be known that what they signified was future.  
As for example; In Circumcision was signified the taking away of the superfluity of sin in and through him who was yet in the loins of his Ancestors, as the place circumcised sufficiently implies. 
Gal. 5. ●.  And this is the reason why S. Paul saith, if ye are circumcised, Christ profits you nothing: Because, namely, he that received Circumcision did as much as affirm that Christ was not yet come, but still hoped for.  
The like we may see in their Sacrifices, some whereof, as the Eucharistical, were justly answerable to our Eucharist, as I shall have occasion to show hereafter. In the mean time I speak generally of them, and say, They carried a badge in them that Christ was not yet come and offered for sin. A ground whereof I have from the story of Abraham going about to sacrifice his son: For there Abraham being ready at God's Commandment to sacrifice the promised son, his dear and only son Isaac; the Angel of God stayed his hand, and showed him a Ram in a bush to sacrifice in stead of his son; thereby implying, That while God deferred the offering of that Blessed one which should be a Son of Abraham, be would accept as instead thereof the offerings of Bulls and Rams for the expiation of sin; and therefore he that offered this offering in stead, did therein acknowledge that the offering of the Blessed seed of Abraham was yet deferred. A second mark of this may be also in the slaying of the Sacrifice offered: For in that they were as often as they offered, to slay their Sacrifice, it appeared that the Son of Abraham was not yet slain for sin.  
And thus have we seen how Christ the ground of all Spiritual blessings was otherwise signified under the Sacraments of the Law than now in those of the Gospel. Now we must also show a differing manner and fashion in the Spiritual Promises themselves, which were given through him. For these were not open as now they are, but involved and wrapped up in Temporal benefits: For all the Promises under the Law in a manner were for the outside Temporal; their Redemption was their deliverance from the Egyptian thraldom, their forgiveness and remission was the escaping of Temporal plagues and bodily death, their favour with God was worldly Prosperity, their place of blessed rest was the earthly Canaan, and immortality, long life and fullness of days in the land which the Lord had given them. This is so apparent, that there was a Sect amongst them about Christ's time which maintained there were no other Promises to be looked for; and some Christians 
* S. Austin de Civ. Dei, l. 18. c. 11. & idem in Ps. 73 mulu●●que allies in loci●. S. H●er●nym. l. 2. come. in Gal. 5. 6 Isidor. l. 2. de differentiis Spirit. didst 28.  even of note have almost affirmed that the jews had no Spiritual Promises, but only Temporal. But we must know that under these Outward things were veiled the Spiritual and Eternal Promises 
* This is frequently observed by S. Austin, as in Ep. 120. ad Honoratum & l. 10. de Civ. Dei, c. 15. & l. 4. contra faullum Ma●ch. c. 11. & l. 1. de 〈◊〉. contra Donat. c. 15.  Not that these Temporal were only Shadows of the Eternal, and were not literally to be understood; but that the enjoying of these outward things, unto the jew was a pledge of the Spiritual as it were enwrapped in them: For it pleased God, occording to the oeconomy of that time, to convey his Spiritual benefits under and with the Temporal; as he also ordained the loss of the one to be as an evident mark of losing the other, unless God were extraordinarily merciful unto them. The knowledge of this made the jew so highly to esteem of worldly prosperities, and of those who enjoyed them, as of God's special Favourites; and on the contrary, to be so cast down with earthly adversities, as if those who fell into them were quite deprived of the favour of God. This made them so loath to forgo the Earthly Canaan, as though with it also they had forgone all interest in the Heavenly.  
And was it not strange that the Roman Empire, which carried no other Nation captive, yet should cast the jew out of his own country? unless God, according to his wont rule with this people, would have it a woeful evidence that he had quite cast them off from having any longer right or claim unto the Kingdom of Heaven. But since Christ was revealed, these Spiritual and Eternal Promises are no longer veiled and covered in this sort, but are laid out to open view, and they are no longer so linked with Temporal, but severed one from the other; For the veil upon Moses face is done array, and we all with an open face behold as in a glass the glory of the Lord, 2 Cor. 3. 14, 18.  
Thus you see how the Sacraments of the Law, howsoever they sealed the same Promises with ours, yet not so immediately as ours do, but in the covers of outward blessings. Now I will answer some Objections concerning this discourse.  
And first, Some will say that this is unlikely, in that the jews seemed to apprehend no such thing as we speak of, specially in these extraordinary Sacraments which our Apostle treats of. I answer, That without doubt the Patriarches and Prophets had a more clear sight of these things; as for the rest, they were in general taught this Principle, That in such things God did convey some unseen blessings unto them, especially if they were so extraordinary as this of Manna and the Rock; and howsoever they knew not expressly what these secret things should be, yet they believed they were far more glorious than what they saw. Those who require more than this, forget how Moses was veiled, and that the Mysteries of the Kingdom of God were exceedingly obscure in the times of the Law. And that the jew could not but conceive more in them than the outside, 
Luke 2 25, 3●.  it appears in that they had a great expectation of the Messiah, at whom all these aimed; 
1. Pet. 1. 10. 11.  as we know the speech of Nathanael, 
* john 1. 45.  We have found the Messias, of whom Moses and the Prophets wrote. Besides, the Prophets often reprehension of those who thought God was pleased with the outward offering of Bulls and Rams, must needs make them apprehend there was a faith of some unseen thing required.  
But S. Paul (will some say) calls them Gal. 4. 9 weak and beggarly Elements, whereby it should seem they were empty of all Spiritual meaning. I answer, such they were become indeed when Christ was once come, of which time S. Paul speaketh; when the grace signified in them was brought out in the light, when the enwrapped Promises were unfolded and revealed, they were then as empty shells, whose kernels were taken out, and like carcases whose Soul is gone. So long as a shell contains a kernel unseen, so long it is full; when the kernel comes forth to outward view, than the shell is empty: even so is it with the Elements of the Law. Again, as long as the Soul is buried in the Body and covered with flesh, the Body lives; but when the Soul separates from flesh and subsists by itself, than the Body proves a stinking carcase: So is it with the Elements of the Law, whose Soul was these Spiritual things, now severed from such fleshly Elements, and offered unto us without such covers as heretofore they were.    

DISCOURSE XLV.  

1 COR. 10. 3, 4.  — And they did all eat the same Spiritual meat: And they did all drink the same Spiritual drink. 
HAVING spoken at large of the Three things which I enquired of for Explication of these words, viz. 1. Of what Meat and of what Drink the Apostle speaketh, namely, of the food of Manna, and the water of the Rock, wherewith God sustained the Israelites in the Wilderness; 2. Wherein both the one and the other were Spiritual or Sacramental, namely, in being Signs resembling and assuring Christ with the Spiritual Blessings through him; 3. In what sense these Sacraments are said to be the same with ours, to wit, not in the Signs, but in the Spiritual thing signified, which is the Soul and Essence of a Sacrament: We come now to such Observations as these Words and Explications will afford us.  
The first whereof is, 
Obser●at 〈◊〉.  That if the Seals and Sacraments under the Law were the same with ours, then must they also have the same Covenant of Grace with us; for the Sacraments are Seals of the Covenant: If the Seals than were the same, as our Apostle affirmeth, how should not the Covenant also be the same? and seeing their Sacraments were differing in the Signs from ours, how could they be any way the same with ours, but only in what they sealed and signified? The Fathers therefore were saved by Grace and through Christ as well as we: So true is that the Apostle says Acts 4. 12. There is no other name under Heaven given amongst men whereby we must be saved. For jesus Christ (as it is Heb. 13. 8.) is the same yesterday, and to day, and for ever; that is, He was a Saviour of old, is still, and shall be for ever hereafter. This is that which S. Peter yet more expressly affirmeth, Acts 3. 25. saying, Ye are the children of the Prophets, and of the Covenant which God made with our Fathers, saying to Abraham, And in thy seed shall all the Nations of the earth be blessed. Yea not only from Abraham, but even from that time when God said, The seed of the Woman shall break the Serpent's head, 
G●n. 3. 1●.  was this Covenant made with men, and at length diversely shadowed in the Types and Sacrifices of the Law, until Christ himself was revealed in the flesh.  
For the better understanding of this, we must know what a Covenant is, and what are the kinds thereof. A Covenant is as it were a Bargain between God and man, wherein God promises some Spiritual good to us, so we perform some duty unto him: if not, then to incur everlasting punishment. This Covenant is of two sorts; the one is called The Covenant of Works, the other The Covenant of Grace. The Covenant of Works is, wherein God on his part makes us a promise of Eternal life, if we on our part shall perform exact obedience unto his Law; otherwise to be everlastingly condemned, if we fail. 
The 2 Covenants described, 
of 


Works ●  
●race      The Covenant of Grace or of the Gospel is, wherein God on his part promises us sinners Christ to be our Saviour and Redeemer, if we on our part shall believe on him with a lively and obedient faith; otherwise to be condemned. The Covenant of Works God made with man at his Creation, when he was able to have kept the conditions he required; but he through his disobedience broke it, and so became liable to death, doth Corporal and Spiritual. And though the Covenant of Grace than took place, (as we have said) yet was the former Covenant of Works still in force, until Christ who was promised should come in the flesh. And therefore was this Covenant renewed under Moses with the Israelites, when the Law was given in Horeb; as Moses says, Deut. 5. 2. The Lord God made a Covenant with us in Horeb. 
What was 〈◊〉 open, and what the secret or hidden Covenant under the Law.  For all the time under the Law the open and apparent Covenant was the Covenant of Works; to make them the more to see their own misery and condemnation, and so to long after Christ who was yet to come, and at whose coming this obligation should be quite canceled: Yet nevertheless, together with this open Covenant there was a secret and hidden Covenant, which was the Covenant of Grace; that they might not be altogether without the means of Salvation whilst Christ yet tarried.  
This truth is plain, Gal. 3. 17, etc. where the Apostle affirms, That the Covenant of Grace in Christ was four hundred and thirty years afore the Law was given, and that therefore the Law could not disannul it or make it of none effect; but that the Law (so he calls the Covenant of Works) was only added to it because of transgressions, until the blessed Seed should come, v. 19 and that it might be a Schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ, v. 24. For in the Moral Law of God, under whose curse they stood bound, they might as in a Glass see their sin, their guilt, their want of Righteousness; and in their Ceremonies and Sacrifices they might again, as in Shadows of Heavenly things, behold the means of their Reconciliation, through his blood who was to be slain and offered to God for them.  
Now though this Covenant of Grace afore Christ be the same for substance with that under which we are now since his coming; yet the circumstances and outward fashion thereof are so varied, that the Scripture for this regard makes of this one Covenant two Covenants, calling one the Old Covenant for the old manner thereof under the Law, and the other a New Covenant for the new manner thereof now the Gospel is revealed.  
Having therefore already seen the agreement and oneness of them for the inward part, let us now behold their differences for the outward fashion: and so we shall see that as the Fathers ate the same Spiritual meat and drank the same Spiritual drink, and yet there was some difference in them; so the Fathers were under the same Covenant of Grace with us, and yet after a different fashion.  
This difference S. Paul, Gal. 4. 1. etc. setteth forth thus by a similitude; The heir as long as he is a child, etc. i. e. The difference of the condition of those afore Christ and since, is but as the condition of Heirs when they are under age, and when they come to full years. They are Heirs and Lords of all in both conditions, as well in one as the other; only the difference is, that in the one condition they are in the state of Servants under Tutors and Governors, in the other they enjoy the freedom of Sons: So the faithful in the Law enjoyed the same Covenant of Grace with us, but under the bondage of worldly Elements; but we now have the same in a state of freedom, as not held under such burdensome Elements and Pedagogies as they were.  
But elsewhere he shows this difference more expressly both on God's part and our part. First, On our part, Heb. 8. and elsewhere, thus; The Old Covenant, which required so many external services, is called a carnal Covenant; the New, wherein no such are required, but works of the Spirit only, is a Spiritual Covenant, whereof God means when he saith, 
jer. 31. 33.  v. 10. I will put my Laws into their mind, and write them in their hearts; and so he will be their God, and they shall be his people. For in the Old Covenant he wrote a Law as it were upon their hands and fleshly members, in that he required so many fleshly washings and sprinklings and sacrifices for expiation and cleansing of sin: whereas in the New he writes his Law only upon the Soul and Spirit; in that he now stipulates only the service of Faith, which is an action of the inward man, and not of the outward: not of the hand or bodily members, but of the Soul within. For by Law here I suppose is meant the condition which God stipulates in the Covenant, and through which he makes good his promise unto us. Not as though this spiritual condition was not also required under the Law in the Covenant of Grace then; but because it was not only, nor so openly, therefore is it made as a formal difference of the New Covenant and the Old.  
Secondly, On God's part the Scripture shows the difference of the Covenants thus: The Old Covenant was a Covenant of worse promises, the New a Covenant of better Promises, and so a better Covenant, Heb. 8. 6. Indeed they in the Old Covenant had the same Spiritual Promises we have, and so it was one and the same Covenant; but they had them not open and uncovered as we have, and so our Covenant is not the same, but a better Covenant. So S. Paul makes his comparison in the same argument, 2 Cor. 3. 11. If that (saith he) which is done away was so glorious, much more that which remaineth. As if he had said, If the Cover seemed so glorious, much more shall the jewel within so seem, when the cover is taken from it, as now it is. For all the open Promises in the Old Covenant seem to be no other than Temporal blessings; as for Spiritual, they had them only as enwrapped in them; so that they could look for them no otherwise but in and through the Temporal, which they had as Pledges of the Spiritual veiled under them: But in the New these are all revealed and no longer hid from us by such curtains; the veil is taken from the face of Moses, and we behold with open face the glory of the Lord, as the Apostle speaketh 2 Cor. 3. 14, 18. Remission of sins, Reconciliation with God, Everlasting life, these are our Promises; not deliverance from Temporal enemies, worldly prosperity, nor the land of Canaan, or long life in the land the Lord hath given us. So the case here is quite altered: For then Earthly blessings were as Pledges of Spiritual; but now unto us, Spiritual are Pledges of Temporal, so far as God sees good for us; For the tenor of the Gospel now is, Seek first the Kingdom of God, 
Matt. 6. 33.  and all these things shall be added unto you.  
And it is now time we should say with S. Paul, Rom. 11. 33. O the depth of the riches both of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God and with David, Psal. 40. 5. Many, O Lord my God are thy wonderful works which thou hast done, and thy thoughts which are to us-ward: and Psal. 92. 5. O Lord, how great are thy works! and thy thoughts are very deep.  
THUS I come to a second Observation which these words afford us; 
Observat. 2.  namely, If the Fathers ate the same Spiritual Meat and drank the same Spiritual Drink which we do, then eat we not the real Body nor drink the real Blood of Christ: For the Manna they ate was the same Manna still, though a Sacrament of Christ; the Water of the Rock was verily Water still, though a Sacrament of his Blood: If then we eat the same Spiritual Bread; we eat Bread still, though Spiritual Bread; If we drink the same Spiritual Drink, our Drink is Wine still, though Spiritual Wine. Yea S. Paul himself calls them as they are, 1 Cor. 10. 16. The Bread we break is the communion of the Body of Christ; Ergo, That which is the communion of the Body of Christ is Bread still. And unless it should be so, how could there be a Sacrament, which must consist of a Sign and a thing signified, of an Earthly thing and a Heavenly thing? For if the Sign once becomes the thing signified, it is no more a Sign, and so then is no more a Sacrament.  
If it be urged, 
Mat. 26. 26, 28  That Christ himself says plainly of the Bread, Hoc est corpus meum, This is my Body; of the Wine, Hic est sanguis meus, This is my Blood: I answer. He says 
* john. 10. 7.  also I am the Door; and in my Text is as expressly said, The Rock was Christ. If therefore it be absurd from hence to infer the Rock left being a Rock, and was made the real Person of Christ; so will it be of our Spiritual Bread and Wine. For the manner of these speeches is nothing but a Figure of certainty or assurance: He that receiveth the Bread, as assuredly receiveth Christ: Body as if the Bread were his Body; He that receiveth the Wine, as assuredly enjoyeth the Blood of Christ as if this Wine were his very Blood indeed. A predication in casu recto is a predication of sameness, and therefore is used properly in things which are in a manner the same, as Genus and Species, Homo est animal; but in things which are disparate and of several natures we speak usually in concreto or obliquo: and from h●●ce arises a Scheme or Figure of speech, when we would express a most near union of things even different, yet to speak them in casu recto, which is the predication of sameness, as it were to express they were as nearly linked together as if they were the very same. So we are wont to say, a man is Virtue or Piety itself, meaning, they are throughly linked unto him. And because of all other things the things in the Sacraments are so assuredly and throughly linked together, the Holy Ghost used this Scheme for a Sacramental speech, Hoc est corpus meum, and Hic est sanguis meus, that is, a Sign so sure as if it were the very same.  
AND so I will come to a third Observation; 
Observat. 3.  The Fathers (saith my Text) ate the same Spiritual Meat and drank the same Spiritual Drink, therefore is our Sacrament also to be eaten and drunk of us, and not only offered for us: 
john 6. 53.  Except we eat the flesh of the Son of man and drink his blood, we have no life in us. And very fitly: For as our Bodies are nourished by eating of corporal meats, so our Souls are nourished by the Spiritual feeding upon Christ.  
This condemns that lurching Sacrifice of the Mass, where the Bread and Wine are offered as a Sacrifice for the people, but they receive no one jot thereof; they are invited to a Banquet, but eat never a bit: Even like the unbelieving Ruler spoken of 2 Kings 7. 19 who saw all the plenty foretold by Elisha, but ate no whit thereof. And what is it but, as Christ said, to light a Candle and put it under a Bushel? Matt. 5. 15.  
They think it is enough if the Priest eats all himself, though he gives no body else any with him: But it is no less absurd to affirm that another should receive good by the Priest's receiving, than to hold one may be fed by the meat another man eats, or be saved by another man's Faith: Which were most ridiculous; for a man is nourished by his own meat, 
Hab. 2. 4.  and the just must live by his own Faith.  
Many strong Reasons might be alleged against this so soul a corruption, but I will comprise all in three.  

1. It is against the express commandment of Christ, whose words are, Eat ye all of this, 
Matt. 26. 26, 27.  and, Drink ye all of this. Had the Church of Rome been the true Spouse of Christ, she would never have presumed to abolish what he hath ordained, and to establish what herself hath devised, not only in this, but in many other actions; which is no less than to advance herself in Wisdom and Authority above the Son of God.  
2. It is against the nature of a Sacrament, which consists in receiving: For the main difference between a Sacrifice and a Sacrament is, that in the one we give to God, in the other God gives to us, and we receive of him.  
3. It abolishes the Mystery of our consolation, and that whereby our Faith is strengthened in the use of these Holy Signs, that mankind might have an interest in Christ and what he should do on our behalf. We know it was required he should be incarnate and take our nature upon him, which now he hath done. Every one of us can believe that what he hath done is for the behoof of mankind; and so some men shall be the better for it, since our whole kind by reason of his Incarnation is capable of the benefits of his Passion and the whole work of Redemption. But in that though Christ became man, yet he took not upon him the nature of every several man, hence no man from his Incarnation could apply these Benefits unto himself in special: For he might say, indeed Christ was made man, and so man may be the better for him, and have some interest in him; but since he was not incarnate into me, how should I apply this unto myself? Why therefore the Alwise God, who knew our weakness, hath so ordained in the Mystery of this Holy Sacrament, that it is a Mystical Incarnation of Christ into every one who receives it. Whence Gregory Nazianzen defines the Eucharist, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Communion of the Incarnation of God. For in that he affirms the Bread to be his Body, and the Wine to be his Blood; by receiving this Body and Blood of Christ, and so changing it into the substance of our Body and into our Blood by way of nourishment, the Body of Christ becomes our Body, and his Blood is made our Blood, and we become in a Mystical manner flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone. And as in his conception of the Holy Virgin, he took upon him the nature of Man, that he might save Man; so in his Holy Sacrament he takes upon him the nature of every man in singular, that he might save every man who becomes him in the Divine Sacrament of his Body and Blood. His real Incarnation was only in one, but his Mystical Incarnation in many: and hence comes this Sacrament to be an Instrument whereby Christ is conveyed unto us, his Benefits applied, and so our Faith confirmed.   
How then do they abolish this Holy Mystery, this comfortable Analogy, where Christ is offered; but those for whom he is offered receive him not, but stand as gazing Spectators, whilst the Priest alone is the Actor? But let us, who are so happy above them, who come hither as Receivers, and not as Gazers, let us, I say, consider how great a Gift it is which God gives us. 
Luk. 19 8.  Zaccheus gave a great Gift, half his Goods unto the Poor: 
Matt. 14. 7.  Herod promised a greater unto the dancing Damsel: but the greatest of all is that which the 
* Chap. 4. 9  prodigal giver offered our Saviour, even all the Kingdoms of the World. But all these Gifts are fallen short, and of infinite less value than this transcendent Gift which God gives unto us; which makes S. john, when he speaks of it, to express it with an Emphasis, 
Ch. 3. 16.  So God loved the World, that he gave his only begotten Son, that whosoever believed in him should not perish, but have everlasting life. Lo here the greatest Gift that Heaven can yield, or the Earth can receive. Let us therefore stir up Hearts and Hands to give thanks and praise unto him of whom we receive so wonderful a Gift, saying, with the Prophet David, 
Psal. 116.  What shall we render unto the Lord for this admirable benefit?  
AND thus I come to a fourth Observation which these words will lend us; namely, 
Observat. 4.  That the Apostle warrants here by his Example the Illustration of things in the Gospel by the Types of the Law. For if the Apostle uses an Example where one would scarce suspect there was a Tppe, much more doth he approve an application where a Type is plain and evident; and besides, seems to insinuate thus much unto us, That all the extraordinary actions of God toward his ancient People had in them some Mystery of some things to come, as this of Manna in the Wilderness. And I make no question but the searching and suiting of Allegories in these two kinds were allowable and profitable: But this is the error of Allegorizers, They seek Allegories where they are not, but where they are they seldom look for them: For although the body and verity be of itself more clear and evident than the shadow, yet always a Comparison affords more light than a single contemplation.  
Now because the Apostle hath led the way of this practice in the matter of the Eucharist, let me have leave to second him in another Instance of the same Argument, almost out of himself in the Chapter, not in so sublime a kind, but in a plain and vulgar Type. Amongst all the Sacrifice of the Law, there is none either for name or nature comes so near the Sacrament of the Supper as the Eucharistical. The Passeover was a special kind hereof, where it is so well known that the Fathers ate the same Spiritual Meat we do, that I shall not need say any thing of it; only it shall suffice to show the same in the whole kind of Eucharistical Offerings, which is not so much observed.  
An Eucharistical Sacrifice or a Peace-offering was a Sacrifice of fire, or expiatory; a part whereof was burnt upon the Altar, as in other Sacrifices; but the remainder and greater part was eaten by the faithful people who brought it; that so their Sacrifice being turned into their body's nourishment might be a Sign of their incorporation into Christ to come, who was the true Sacrifice for Sin. So, whereas other Sacrifices were only Sacrifices, this was also a Sacrament; the rest were only for Expiation, but this also for application, being a Communion of that Sacrifice which was offered. Rightly therefore was it 
* Peace-offerings were ever annexed to the Burnt-offerings that were for any particular persons and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Offerings for the whole Congregation.  added to all other Sacrifices: for what profit was there of expiation of Sin, unless it were applied? Well might it then be called a Sacrifice of Peace, as containing in it a Communion of Peace, and Communion with jesus Christ, and through him with God the Father. The Greeks call it sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a saving Sacrifice, but commonly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the same reason we call our Sacrament of Peace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; both being to be celebrated with thankss giving to God, both oral and real: For with this Sacrifice they used to offer their 
* Leu. 7. 14. & 32.  Heave-offering; and of this was the Commandment, That none should appear before the Lord empty, 
* Deut. 16. 16.  when they came to solemnize their peacemaking and reconciliation with God.  
For in place of this Eucharistical Sacrifice, whereof the Passeover was a special kind, hath Christ ordained our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein, as they in theirs had a communion with him who was to come, so have we a Communion with him who is already come. And of this kind were the ordinary Sacrifices of the Gentiles, of which the Christians were forbidden to eat, because they might have no peace and Communion with Devils. And therefore our Apostle in the rest of this Chapter compares these Three together; 1. The Peace-offering of the jews, wherein they were partakers with the Altar or Sacrifice which figured Christ to come; 2. The Sacrifice of the Greeks 
* or Gentiles. , wherein they had Communion with Devils; and 3. The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, which is the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ; and so concludes, Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord, and the cup of Devils; ye cannot be partakers of the Lord's Table, and of the Table of Devils, verse 21.    

DISCOURSE XLVI.  

1 COR. 10. 5.  But with many of them God was not well pleased: for they were overthrown in the Wilderness. 
THIS verse consists of two parts. 1. The condition under which the unworthy eaters of Manna and drinkers of the Rock Spiritual were; and consequently of the unworthy receivers of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ: forasmuch as they ate the same Spiritual meat, and drank the same spiritual drink which we do. This their condition is said to be Of those with whom God is not well-pleased: For with many of them (saith my Text) God was not well-pleased. 2. The second thing here is, The danger of those unworthy receivers in regard of the punishment which followed them; For they were overthrown (saith our Apostle) in the Wilderness.  
To speak of the first; I will consider the words first in general, and after in special, as they specially concern the receivers of the holy Seals of God. 
1 Cor. 10. 5.  In general therefore it is to be observed, That it is the greatest degree and measure of unhappiness and misery in the world to be out of the favour of God, or to be one of those with whom God is not well pleased: For our Apostle here intending no other thing but to express a wretched and unhappy condition, utters it in this Phrase, of being such with whom God is not well pleased. This comprehends in it so much misery, that the very naming of it he thought was sufficient to make the Corinthians fear and tremble, when they should consider of that Spiritual Table, of that tremendum Mysterium, as the Fathers call it; and not to handle it with rash and unholy hands at the first, or to diet themselves afterward, upon so heavenly a receipt, with ●usting after evil things.  
How vain therefore is the opinion and practice of worldlings, who esteem the favour of men and worldly reputation the highest pitch of Blessedness; who are ambitious of no other Happiness but this; and lastly, who spend their time, their care, their means, nay lose (at least hazard) the favour of God itself, to compass the favour and esteem of men; who admire none but those who have gotten this! But alas! there is no happiness at all but to be of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in whom God is well pleased, to be in esteem and reputation with God through jesus Christ, 
* Matt. 3. 17.  in whom alone he is well pleased. All Happiness without this is no better than extreme misery: Nay this supposed and so much desired happiness of being in reputation with the world is so far from making the owner happy, that the earnest seeking and desire thereof is incompatible with the state of true Happiness indeed. For so I think our Apostle would be understood, Gal. 1. 10. If I pleased men (saith he,) I should not be the servant of Christ. Hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, men-pleasers, in our Apostle's style, are opposed elsewhere unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the servants of Christ, (Ephes. 6. 6. Not as men-pleasers, but as servants of Christ;) and to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that fear God, Col. 3. 22. as though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, men-pleasers and God-pleasers, could not stand together, according to that our Saviour also saith john 5. 44. How can ye believe (saith our Saviour) which receive honour one of another, and seek not the honour which cometh from God only?  
All this notwithstanding, I suppose is to be understood of high prising of the favour of men, with a neglect of the favour of God in regard thereof: which though it may seem at the first sight a most unreasonable sin, and such as no man should be guilty of; yet is it so common and so usual, that it hath gotten to be enthroned in Wisdom's chair; and many Aaron's there be which worship this C●●●; many who would seem wise, which are over head and ears in this folly: For it is no unusual thing to hear men excuse their neglect of pleasing God, by alleging that otherwise they must have fallen into the displeasure and disesteem of men.  
Otherwise, who knows not that there are things wherein men may be lawfully pleased, such as are things indifferent, especially if it may work a further good? And therefore in these S. Paul will confess that himself had studied to please all men; and willeth others to do the like, Rom. 15. 2. Let every one of us please his Neighbour for his good to edification; 
Vers. 32.  and in this Chapter, Give no offence, neither to the jews, not to the Gentiles, nor to the Church of God. But we are not so much sick of this as of a worse disease; we deal as is reported of him in the Fable, who offered his God the shells, and kept the kernels unto himself: in trifles and things of small moment we vouchsafe God our service and obedience; but as for main matters, because they concern us so deeply and nearly, here God must be content to want our duty; whilst we apply ourselves in all our words and actions as may most likely gain us the favour and good opinion of men, though hereby we earnestly run into this incomparable misery to be one of those with whom God is not well pleased.  
AND thus much for the general consideration of these words. The special (which now I come to) is, That the unworthy Receivers of the Sacraments are in the number of those men with whom God is not well pleased. Of unworthy Receiving and Receivers I make two; the one à parte antè, by undue preparation, the other à parte pòst, by unholy demeanour and conversation afterward. The former is unworthy to approach this Table at all, the other to have approached it. And of both these were the Fathers in the Wilderness guilty: For Manna being both their ordinary and sacred Food, their unholy and lustful demeanour upon the former eating made them continually unprepared Receivers for the future. And so it is with us, An unholy life upon the first receiving is a great part of our unworthiness for the second; yea more unworthy are we then made than we had been upon the like conversation at the beginning: For to have broken so solemn a Promise to God as we bound ourselves in at the first time, doubles our sin; and to have already abused so precious and gracious a gift which God then gave us, makes us doubly unworthy ever to find the like favour any more. As in Physic for the body a Preparative is required before, and a good and careful diet to be observed after; so is it here: as also a distempered diet after Physic received will do more hurt than it would before; so is it here.  
Now because it is Sin which makes us lose the favour of God, and it alone which makes him not well pleased with us; that we may behold how justly God's displeasure is kindled by this unworthy Receiving, let us a while consider wherein the Sin thereof consisteth: which will appear  


1. In the correspondence of the Receiver and the thing received. It is written Deut. 22. 9, 10. Thou 
* So in Levit. 19 19 Thou shalt not sow thy field with mingled seed.  shalt not sow thy Vineyard with divers kinds of seeds; Thou shalt not plough with an Ox and an Ass together: Whereby it appears, That God Almighty loves not to have things unsuitable and incompatible joined together; it is an unpleasing spectacle unto him. But 
* 2 Cor. 6. 14.  what fellowship hath light with darkness? what agreement between the holy Sacrament and a profane heart? who will put precious water into filthy vessels, or wholesome wine into foul casks? It is the ground of Ioshua's speech (josh. 24. 19) to the children of Israel, You cannot serve the Lord, (saith he) for he is a holy God; that is, whilst you are wicked, the Righteous Lord who loveth Righteousness will not accept of your services.  
Again, Almighty God hath ever required a correspondence between his holy Ordinances and those who were to be partakers of them. Thus the Shewbread was appointed only for 
* Levit. 24. 9  Aaron and his Sons, because they were holy; the 
* Ch. 6. 25, 26.  Trespass and 
* Ch. 7. 6.  Sin-offering must be eaten in the holy Place, because it was most holy. The same thing is implied by our Saviour's proverbial precept, 
Matt. 7. 6.  Give not that which is holy unto the Dogs. And which of us all would not be offended at a Dog, if we should see him devour the meat appointed for our children's Diet? Even such in God's account, and no better, are wicked persons. Beware of Dogs, beware of Evil-workers, saith S. Paul, Phil. 3. 2. and Apocal. 22. 15. Without the City of God are Dogs, Sorcerers, Whoremongers, etc. Now we know (Exod. 19 13.) that no Beast might touch the Mountain when the Lord appeared on Mount Sinai: So none of those whom God accounts in the number of Beasts (as all who have beastly affections) may approach in Christ's presence, or come unto his Table.  
Wherefore, as God saith, Be ye holy, because I am holy; so may it be said unto all communicants, 
Leu. 11. 44, etc.  Be ye holy, because the Sacrament is holy. Whence it was a worthy custom in the ancient Churches for the Bishop or Deacon to proclaim at the holy Communion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Holy things for them that are holy, holding in his hand the holy Sacrament. And good reason why; For where this holiness is not, there, in stead of comfort, the Heart is more and more corrupted. Even as the Spider gets strength of poison from the sweetest herbs and flowers; so the profane Heart is strengthened in wickedness by receiving this holy and heavenly Food.   

2. The heinousness of this sin is aggravated in respect of the thing received: 
1 Cor. 11. 27.  for our Apostle elsewhere saith, The unworthy receiver becomes guilty of the Body and Blood of Christ; that is, he is guilty of offering contumely, injury and indignity unto him. S. Paul, when he dissuades Husbands from misusing their Wives, gives this for a reason, 
Eph. 5. 29.  No man ever yet hated his own flesh: And may not I reason thus, Let no man offer injury unto Christ, because he is flesh of our flesh? yea he is our Head, and a wound or maim given to the Head is more odious and dangerous than to another part. To offer violence to a common person, is a fault; to strike a Magistrate, a greater; but to wound a King, who is the Lord's Anointed, is a sin in the highest degree. O what a heinous sin is it then to offer violence to, and as much as in us lies to strike and wound the Son of God, the King of Kings and the Lord of Glory!    
To be guilty of death and shedding of the blood of any innocent man, is a fearful sin; 
Psal. 51. 14.  and this made David cry out, Deliver me, O Lord, from bloodguiltiness. How fearful is it then to be guilty of the Body and Blood of Christ! Whose heart is not moved against the jews, when he hears or reads their villainies and violence offered to our Blessed Saviour? But chrysostom gives us a good Take-heed, Take heed (saith he) lest thou be guilty in the like kind, by unworthy receiving of the blessed Sacrament: He that defiles the King's body, and he that tears it, offend both alike; The jews tore it, thou defilest it. Here are (saith the same Father) diversa peccata, sed par contumelia; some difference of the sin, but none of the contumely therein offered.  
joseph and Nicodemus their pious devotion in begging and embalming the Body of Christ is worthily recorded and commended to all generations; 
2 Cor. 10. 5.  Marry Magdalene in bestowing that box of precious ointment upon his holy head hath gained to herself endless honour, in stead of her former infamy: So if receive and handle worthily this Mystical Body of Christ, our portion shall be with honourable joseph and pious Mary Magdalene; our memories shall be as theirs, blessed, and our Souls as theirs, to receive unspeakable comfort: but if we come unworthily, we join with judas and the jews, and are guilty, as they were, of the Body and Blood of Christ.  
AND thus much of the first thing I propounded, The state of unworthy Receivers of these holy Mysteries, that they are men in whom God hath no pleasure and therefore woeful and lamentable. The second thing now to be spoken of is, The danger of such unworthy Receivers in regard of the Punishment which followeth them: which as concerning the Fathers, my Text saith, was, That they fell, or were overthrown in the Wilderness. In the back or outside of which words appeareth only a Temporal Punishment, which kind seemeth not so appliable in the times of the Gospel as it was in time of the Law. Howsoever we see in the general, That it is true that the Lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his Name in vain; judgement shall self either here, or at least hereafter, upon all prophaners and misreceivers of those Sacred pledges, upon which is called the Name of Christ our Saviour and Redeemer.  
But for the kinds of these punishments, whether Temporal only, or Eternal, or both; I answer, The Fathers under the Law had Temporal as well as Eternal; we in the Gospel chiefly Eternal, and yet sometimes Temporal.  
That ours are chiefly eternal or of the life to come, the words of our Apostle elsewhere show evidently, 
1 Cor 11. 29.  Whosoever eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh his own damnation. This is certain, and this is more than all the torments, pains and miseries that this world hath, though Phalaris and his Craftsmaster were alive again to invent new ones. No tongue is able to express, no heart is able to conceive the woe and miseries which the damned Soul in Hell is subject unto, which are as endless as they are easeless. And though this be great enough, yet hath not (nor is) the unworthy Receiver always been freed from suffering something even in this life. We know the Apostle would have the Corinthians take notice of the Wrath of God upon divers of them, for receiving the Sacrament unworthily. For this cause (saith he) are many sick and weak amongst you, and many are fallen asleep. 
1 Cor. 11. 3●.  Indeed Fathers correct not their children at riper years after the same fashion they did when they were young and little: So hath God not the same Discipline under the Gospel which he had under the Pedagogic of the Law, as chrysostom saith; he doth not so often scourge offenders with the rods of Temporal chastisements, but rather reserves for them Eternal torments; yet who doubts but the hand of God is upon many unworthy Communicants, even by sorrow, sickness, death, and sundry other chastisements of this life?  
But for the times under the Law, the words of my Text speaking of being overthrown in the Wilderness, would seem to imply there was no further thing which befell the unworthy eaters of Manna in the Wilderness, and so our Apostle's argument from hence should infer no more to us in the times of the Gospel.  
For answer hereunto, I must call to mind something which I have spoken heretofore, namely, That under the Law Spiritual blessings were enwrapped in corporal, and conveyed under and with them as it were in pledges; which made the jew so highly to esteem of worldly prosperities, and of those who enjoyed them, as accounting them God's special Favourites. So also were Spiritual and Everlasting plagues hidden under the curtains of Temporal judgements; which were to those upon whom they fell as woeful pledges of them, and therefore made the jew account them accursed who were overwhelmed with worldly adversities. To come therefore to the words of my Text: Canaan was a Type and Pledge of the Heavenly habitation; The Wilderness signified our Pilgrimage in this wild, ragged, rocky and barren world; To fell in the Wilderness was a woeful sign of falling short of the Heavenly Canaan, and deprival of Eternal life; those who fell there, especially upon occasion of sin, being such as to whom God swore in his wrath, 
Psal. 95. 11.  that they should not enter into his rest; as it is in the Psalm we say every morning. Thus we see how the unworthy eaters of the holy Mysteries in the Wilderness were not only liable to plagues in this life, but that those plagues served them as Seals of their condemnation in the world to come; and therefore if we also eat the same Spiritual meat, and drink the same Spiritual drink unworthily, we shall eat and drink our own condemnation.  
Having thus seen the wretched condition and woeful danger of those who come unworthily to this Spiritual Table; the serious consideration hereof may stand up like the Angel with the flaming sword, to keep every Adam from eating of the tree of Life. It should make every one tremble who approacheth the Lord's Table with unwashed hands, I mean, a foul conscience: whose hearts are full of wickedness, whose heads full of ungodly imaginations, and their hands defiled with wicked actions, 
2 Kings 9 22.  how unworthy are they to come at this holy Banquet! As jehu said to jehoram, What hast thou to do with peace? So may I say here, What have those to do with the Sacrament, the Mystery of peace? Indeed the Sacrament is a Robe to cover the repenting sinner, but no cloak to a profane Receiver of it: such a one shall find it like the forbidden fruit of Paradise, the bane of the Eater; and like a fair bait swallowed with a deadly hook, the death of the Receiver.  
Who being guilty, would drink of that cursed water (Numb. 5. 22.) which made the thigh to rot and the belly to swell? and who being guilty of gross sin, will dare without Repentance to take that Sacrament which shall make him guilty of the Body and Blood of Christ, and become an occasion of his condemnation?  
It is a pitiful thing when the Psalmist's curse befalls any, 
Psal. 69. 22.  Let their Table be a snare: But that this holy Table should become a snare to a Christian soul, is more than lamentable. 
Matth. 26. 24.  Our Saviour said of judas, It had been good for him if he had never been born; and so may we say of such, It had been better they had never been Receivers of this holy Sacrament, for, alas! they have eaten and drank their own damnation: they had better have eaten some venomous thing, or drank some deadly poison; for it would only have killed the body, but by eating and drinking the Sacrament unworthily they have damned and destroyed both soul and body for ever.  
Lastly, This danger may admonish every one of us to come worthily unto this Sacrament: For as Manna was unto ev●●y man's taste according to his will, (as 
* In Ep. 118. In primo populo unicuique Manna secundum propriam voluntatem in ore sapiebat. See this emphatically expressed in Wisdom 16. 20, 21  S. Austin will have it;) so is the Sacrament to every one according to his worthiness. As therefore the Chamber was trimmed wherein our Saviour kept his Passeover, and ordained his holy Manna; so should be Chamber of every Christian soul be cleansed from wickedness and adorned with Grace that comes to receive Christ in this Sacrament. The washing of the Disciples feet afore Supper, what doth it else call for but a cleansing of our hearts before we communicate? We are unwilling that men should see us come to this Table with foul hands; and should we not be more careful lest God should see us come with foul hearts.  
It will not be enough to say to our Saviour with them in the Gospel, 
* Luke 13. 26.  We have eaten and drank in thy company, we have been at thy Table: We must come thither as we should. For as corporal food doth rather hurt than nourish a body abounding with evil humours: So the Soul being fraught with vices, this heavenly food rather killeth than comforts it. As Adam in the state of his Integrity might freely take and taste of all the Trees in the Garden, (one only excepted,) but after his transgression he was justly restrained: So doth the Lord admit us unto his Table, if we come worthily; otherwise we are no welcome guests unto him. Therefore as it was said to Moses when he came near the presence of God, 
Exod. 3. 5.  Pluck off thy shoes, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground: So let all of us put off the shoes of our corruptions, and then we may approach with comfort to the holy Table of the Lord.    

DISCOURSE XLVII.  

DEUTERONOMY 16. 16, 17.  Three times in a year shall all thy males appear before the Lord thy God, in the place which he shall choose: in the Feast of Unleavened bread, and in the Feast of Weeks, and in the Feast of Tabernacles: and they shall not appear before the Lord empty. Every man shall give as he is able, according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he hath given thee. 
THESE words are a commandment for the observation of the great and chiefest Festival times of the Law; not only here mentioned, but elsewhere enjoined in the Books of the Law; as I think in three several places, Exod. 23. 14. and again 34. 23. and also Levit. 23. The words I read consist of two parts: First, The Observation itself; 2. A special duty required thereat. The Observation itself comprehends four things. 1. The Work or Action commanded; which is, To appear before the Lord: 2. The Persons who, every Male; all thy Males: 3. The Place where; in a select place, in the place which the Lord shall choose: 4. The Time when; Three times in the year; In the Feast of Unleavened bread, in the Feast of Weeks, and in the Feast of Tabernacles. The second part, A special duty required at this solemn service, and that is a duty of real thanksgiving, viz. a holy present or oblation to be given unto God, and that expressed First, in the kind, They shall not appear before the Lord empty; Secondly, in the measure, Every one shall give as he is able, etc. Of these I am to speak in order, and first of the first, The Action enjoined, To appear before the Lord.  
To appear before the Lord, is in an Holy Assembly to perform a Religious service unto him. For in every such Assembly and Service he is present after a special and peculiar manner, 
Matth. 18. 20.  according to that of our Saviour in the Gospel, Where two or three are gathered in my Name, there am I in the midst of them. And as when one man speaks unto another, or hears another speaking unto him, either is said to be in others presence: So he that comes to speak unto God in Confession, Prayer and Thanksgiving; and hath God likewise speaking unto him either in the publishing of the Law, in the promises of his Gospel, in the receiving of his Sacraments, and ministerial benediction, is truly said to appear or come into the presence of the Lord. To appear therefore in God's presence is to be assembled in his public Worship, where there is, as it were, a mutual intercourse between him and us; and in this it is differing from private Devotion, where the one part only is acted, and not the other. Every day is a day of private Devotion, yea every hour, if occasion serveth; but a Holyday's work is the public service of God in a Holy Convocation.  
Seeing therefore as often as we come together for the Worship of God in the Holy Assembly of the Church, we appear in the presence of the Majesty of God himself, it may admonish us of the reverence we are to use in such Assemblies. If when we come into the presence of a Prince, we think an awful fear and a more than ordinary reverence doth best beseem us in whatsoever we speak or do: much more is this required of us when we approach the presence of the King of Kings and Lord of Hosts. No gesture we use, no word we speak, no action we do, but should be framed to express the awe and regard we owe unto so great and high a presence. If Order be any where required, it is here. If idle and vain words be in a far less presence taken as contemptuous; in this they cannot be less than merely blasphemous. If any unseemly or unsuitable gesture, if any neglectful or regardless demeanour be elsewhere culpable; here it is abominable, when we are in his presence who is the God of Order and Beauty, and gives us an express command to perform all points of his Service 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to order and with comeliness. 
Deut. 16. 16.   
This makes him say to Moses when he appeared in the Bush, 
1 Cor. 14. 40.  Pluck off thy shoes from off thy feet, 
Exod. 35.  for the place whereon thou standest is Holy ground. Whence Solomon borrows his speech, Eccles. 5. 1. Keep thy foot (or, look unto thy feet) when thou interest into the House of God. This being as much as if he had ●aid, Behave thyself in God's presence reverently: Which in the words following he enlarges, saying, Be more ready to hear, than to give the sacrifice of Fools— v. 2. Be not rash with thy mouth, and let not thine heart be hasty to utter any thing before God; for God is in Heaven, and thou upon Earth, etc. And hither belongs that of S. Paul 1 Cor. 11. 4, 5, etc. requiring a seemly habit and gesture of men and women in the Holy Assemblies: the woman to pray covered, in token of her subjection; the man uncovered, as a sign of his head-ship and superiority over the woman, according to the use of those times and places. And it is specially to be observed which he speaketh in the 10. Verse, For this cause ought the woman to have 
* S. Ambrose (as also the Greek Scholiasts) by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here understand Velamen, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qu● se vi●o subditam ind●ce●. The Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies the woman's ●●il (and rendered by the Targum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that signifies power.  power on her head, (that is, the ensign of power to which she is subject) because of the Angels; i.e. because of the presence of God attended with multitudes of Angels. For these are the Train of the Almighty, and as it were the Guard attending and ministering unto his presence; wheresoever he keeps his station, 
Chap. 7. 10.  they pitch round about him. When Daniel saw him in the Vision, thousand thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him. Revel. 5. 11. I beheld saith S. john, and I heard the voice of many Angels round about the Throne, and the number of them was ten thousand times ten thousand, and thousands of thousands. 
Gen. 28. 12.  So when God appeared to jacob going to Padan-Aram, he saw the Angels of God descending and ascending upon a Ladder. Whence it appears that wheresoever God keeps his Court, his Train is with him; and perhaps it were no error to affirm. That the peculiarity of God's presence in one place more than another did consist in no other thing but in the ministerial retinue of his Angels. Which if true, where should his Angels encamp rather than in the Assemblies of his Saints, 
Matth. 18. 20.  in midst of whom he hath promised he would be? So will the speech of S. Paul have an evident meaning, That we ought to attire and demean ourselves with comeliness, because of the Angels, because of the presence of God in the ministry of his holy Angels.  
Who can consider of this so great a presence, with so glorious a retinue, and not be strucken with a religious fear, with an holy reverence, as often as he is to appear before it? Let us then learn to say with jacob, Gen. 28. 16. Surely the Lord is in this place, and be afraid as he was, and say, (v. 17.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, How dreadful is this place! this is no other but the house of God, and the gate (or Court) of Heaven.  
AND now I come to the second thing, The persons who were to appear at these solemn Feasts, Every Male; All thy Males shall appear. And here we are to inquire the reasons, Why the Females or Women had an exemption from this solemn duty: which (to omit that of a Type of the Messiah, which some bring) I take to be these three. 1. The weakness and infirmity of that sex, not able without much danger and trouble to endure so long a journey. 2. The danger of their chastity in such a concourse of people as was an Assembly of the whole Nation in one place. 3. The care of their tender infants and young children, and other house-affairs, which would have been wholly abandoned, if they as well as the Males should have been at the same time so far away and so long absent: neither can it otherwise be imagined how their houses could be looked unto, unless the one were to stay at home in the absence of the other. Again, it may be questioned whether all Males without respect were to appear; for it is not likely that young children should, or decrepit old men could appear. I answer therefore, That it is to be understood of all Males who were within the age and years of service, namely, between twenty and fifty; for at fifty it is apparent that all were emeriti, discharged from that duty, even the Priests and Levites served not after that age; but at what years they came to be capable of service, there is difference. The Priests might not serve in the Priest's office afore thirty, Numb. 4. 3. nor the Levites in their office afore twenty five, Numb. 8. 24. but the Laity were capable of employment and serviceable at twenty; as appeareth out of the ● of Numb. 2, 3. where God commands Moses to take the sum of all the children of Israel, from twenty years old and upward, all that are able to go forth to War; so implying that from twenty years of age they were able for that service.  
These things thus explained and supposed, we may observe, That the indulgence of God admits the case of infirmity, unavoidable inconvenience, and requisite employment, 
Observat. 1.  as allowable reasons of absence from holy Assemblies: For these we have seen to be the reasons of the exemption of Women from the annual and solemn Feasts. And no question but if the like cases might happen even for their ordinary and Sabbath-Assemblies, God would in like manner dispense. For weakness of body we have no reason to doubt; and for the other cases mentioned, the equity being the same with that which here dispensed with Women for the solemn Assemblies, it is not to be doubted but the indulgence of God should be the same, as well for other times as those, and as well for the other sex as for Women. And if in the time of that Law God was thus indulgent, when all these things were so severely and strictly exacted; much more in the liberty of the Gospel, Christ himself here losing the strictness even of the Sabbath's rest, 
Mark 2. 27.  alleging that the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath: For of the two duties required in the observation of an Holy day, the calling of an holy Assembly, and bodily rest from corporal labour, the Law seemed to exact this latter of rest more severely than the other, in regard it was a figure of things to come, which the other was not. If then that which was most strict be released; much more is the other, which was less, as free now as in former time. I speak not this against a Religious diligence, for that is required of all who have no just impediment and such a one as God himself shall allow; and therefore let no man deceive himself, for God (as the Apostle saith) is not mocked: But I speak against that more than judaical scrupulosity of some, 
Gal. 6. 7.  who think it not lawful upon the Lord's day to leave any at home to keep house, or be employed in such businesses as conveniency cannot dispense with.  
The second thing I observe here is, 
Observat. 2.  That to obey God in what he commandeth is as it were a protection (or a warrant of security) from those dangers which humane reason would otherwise think unavoidable: or, Obedience unto God in what he commandeth is a greater security than all the cautions and preventions that humane wisdom can procure us. For who would think when all the able and serviceable men of the whole land of Israel should thrice every year be gathered together at jerusalem, but the whole land should be in great danger of invasion from their enemies, whom such an advantage could not but allure; and all their borders thus unfurnished, could not well prevent such a mischief? Nevertheless we find not in the whole Scripture that ever any such evil befell them upon this occasion: So good a protection was Obedience: But we find an express Promise to the contrary made by God himself, lest you might think this was but a surmised danger; For Exod. 34. 24. where this commandment is also mentioned, God saith, I will cast out the nations before thee, and enlarge thy borders; neither shall any man desire thy land, when thou shalt go up to appear before the Lord thy God thrice in the year. But for all this we know their last woeful destruction by the Romans was at the time of the Passover, one of these solemn times: and no marvel; for when God meant to cast them off from being any more his people, he ordered even this (perhaps) to be a token that they were no longer under his wont protection.  
When God commanded Abraham to sacrifice his son Isaac, though he knew not in reason how God could then make his Promise good unto him, To make his Seed by Isaac in number as the sand on the sea shore; yet he was obedient to the word of God, and beyond all hope secure of God's Promise, as placing his greatest security in his Obedience; as for the rest, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, Deus providebit, God will provide, Gen. 22. 8. and so he did indeed.  
I shall need gather no more Examples. Let no man therefore be discouraged for fear of danger to do his duty in that calling and vocation wherein God hath set him. If God hath bid thee, hope thou likewise he will protect thee: But if thou neglect his commandment, so to avoid what thou fearest, be sure then that thou fearest or a worse will come upon thee; take heed thou goest not out of God's blessing into the warm Sun. Let Saul's example be our warning, who to prevent (as he thought) the scattering of the people from him, 
1 Sam. 13. 8, etc.  and the evil which longer delay might occasion, if he should stay for Samuel, presumed to offer Sacrifice himself; but he was called a fool for his labour, 
Verse 13.  and made to know at length that Obedience was better than Sacrifice. And so shall every one that makes so ungodly an experience, find his policy in the end plain foolery, and Obedience to God's Commandment better than all the Policy in the world.  
AND thus I come to the third thing considerable, viz. The place where every Male was to appear, In the place the Lord shall choose, namely, in the place where the Ark and Tabernacle of God should be; which at the first was at Shiloh in the Country of Samaria and Tribe of Ephraim, afterwards at jerusalem in the Tribe of judah, where David first pitched a new Tabernacle for the Ark of the Covenant, after it had been taken by the Philistines, and returned home again; and in the same place his son Solomon built that glorious Temple which was the Beauty of the whole earth. Of these two places spoke the Samaritan woman in the Gospel to our Saviour, john 4. 20. Our Fathers (said she) worshipped in this Mountain; and ye say that jerusalem is the place where men ought to worship. By Our Fathers she means the old Ephraimites, from whom the Samaritans falsely vaunted they were descended; upon which ground she likewise calls jacob Our Father jacob, v. 12. For they were indeed the offspring of those strange Nations which Shalmaneser transplanted into the Cities of Samaria, when he had carried Ephraim and the rest of Israel captives into Assyria; as we read 2 Kings 17. 24. By this Mountain she means Mount Ephraim where Shiloh was, and the Ark and Tabernacle of God in ancient time had been.  
For when Manasses the brother of jaddus the High Priest was excommunicated and driven from the Priesthood because he had married the daughter of Sanball at the Horonite, (as it is in the last of Nehemiah v. 28.) he with his faction, to vex his own Nation, procured a Temple to be built in Gerizim on Mount Ephraim, whereof himself was the High Priest; and to draw a company of Transgressor's like himself from the Temple at jerusalem unto this, it was coloured as if this were the only place which the Lord had chosen, because the Tabernacle was first pitched at Shiloh in Mount Ephraim, and not at Zion on Mount Moriah: and this was the bone of everlasting division and capital hatred between the jews and Samaritans.  
Thus we have seen where This place was first and last which the Lord had chosen. Now let us further consider why it is thus called, The place which the Lord shall choose.  
First therefore, these words imply That the place for holy Assemblies was a select place; For they were not to assemble in every place as occasion and opportunity served, but to have a choice and select place for that purpose.  
Secondly, This place for Legal worship was to be one only place, and no more; and therefore here the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the place.  singular number is used. I say, there was but one only place for Legal worship, meaning Sacrifices and the Service accompanying them; for otherwise they had many Synagogues for hea●ing the Law read and expounded. jerusalem itself had four hundred, and in those the Scribes bore rule, as the Priests did in the Temple. But the reason why there was but one Temple, and place of Sacrifice and Prayer, was, for a 
* See Discourse XII. pag. 46, 47.  Type of that one only Mediator jesus Christ, in whom alone our sins are expiated, and our prayers and thanksgivings accepted before God: So that in the time of the Law to build an holy Altar or offer Sacrifices any where but here, though it were unto the true God, was a Typical Idolatry, because it implied a multiplicity of Mediators, of whose Oneness the one only place of worship and the one Altar was a sign; which was the reason why it was so unlawful to sacrifice in the high places, though it were unto the Lord their God: And yet because it was but a ceremonial sin, God did in the confused times of that Church sometimes pass by it, as it were, because of the hardness of their hearts, as our Saviour saith in another kind. But he that did dispense with an irregularity in figure because of the state of the times, will never allow Idolatry in deed, such as is that of the Church of Rome, who fulfil the very substance of that whereof the jewish sin was but a Type, whose Mediators are so many that they are not easily numbered: and though they for excuse subordinate them all to Christ as the chief, and derive their Mediatorship from the virtue of his merits; yet is this but like unto that of the erring Church of the Law, which, notwithstanding God's commandment to the contrary, had a conceit that they might sacrifice in any high place, so it were unto the Lord their God only.  
The third and last thing which these words imply is, That this select and only place should be of the Lord's own choosing; The place he shall choose. But how should the Lord choose it? it seems, by giving some extraordinary sign of his allowance in accepting their Sacrifice; or it may be they did consult him in this case by the Oracle of Vrim and Thummim. For of the first place, in Shiloh, we have nothing expressed, but only read joshua 18. 1. That the whole Congregation of Israel assembled together at Shiloh, and set up the Tabernacle of the Congregation there. But of the second place, in Mount Zion, we read, That 
* 1 Chrone 21. 18.  the Angel of God commanded Gad to say to David, that he should set up an Altar in the threshing-floor of Ornan; and that when David offered thereon burnt-offerings and peace-offerings, 
* Verse 26.  the Lord answered him from heaven by fire upon the Altar of burnt-offering; and that David hereupon designed that place for the Tabernacle, and future Temple, saying, This is the house of the Lord God, and this is the Altar of the burnt-offering for Israel, 1 Chron. 22. 1.  
Now to make some application of this to the times of the Gospel. The two last circumstances of this place concern us not: For that of one place was a Type, and so is gone: the second, of God's immediate choice, seems to be so also, and to be a figure of that which the Angel Gabriel said to the blessed Virgin, 
Luke 1. 28.  Hail thou highly favoured, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou amongst Women: where God chooses the womb of Mary wherein to erect that pure Altar and Temple whereof the Legal were but shadows. Thus these two circumstances seem no ways to bind us. But the first, That there should be select places for holy Assemblies and the public worship of God, this is that which was before the Law was given, and yet remains in force now the Law is ended. As long as it is required of the Church to appear before the Lord in public Assemblies, so long is it also required to have chosen and select places for that purpose. Adam and his Sons had places whither to bring their Sacrifices; the Patriarches used Altars, Mountains and Groves to the selfsame purpose; from the very beginning of Christianity Christians have had their select Oratories. 1 Cor. 11. 22. S. Paul speaking of the Assemblies of the Church and some abuses therein, as eating and drinking, Have ye not (saith he) Houses to eat and drink in? or despise ye the Church of God? Here it appears that the place of holy Assemblies was not an ordinary place where men eat and drink, but a place select and set apart for holier purposes; which he yet more confirms when he addeth, v. 34. If any man hunger, let him eat at home: It follows hence, That the place of Holy Assemblies was no man's home, but a place hallowed unto God for the common use of the Church, howsoever these in the times of persecution so secret as not to be discovered by the Gentiles. What hath been the practice since in all Ages, he hath no eyes that sees not; and if there be any who cannot behold them without a desire to have them leveled, it were better their eyes were plucked out than so many monuments of our Forefathers piety should be thrown down and ruined, and God so unseemly and disorderly served, as he should be if (as Beggars do for lodging, so) his Assemblies were every week or month to seek a place of entertainment.  
We are therefore as well as the Israelites to appear before the Lord in a chosen place. But here is the difference, that they were to have but one, we have liberty to have many; there God chose a place for himself, but we in the Gospel have liberty to choose a place for God where we will. Nevertheless it is to be observed, that the Leaders of the Primitive Church, howsoever they acknowledged this liberty, yet they used to select for their Assemblies such Places as God had any way dignified or honoured either by some work of mercy, or the glorious sufferings of his Martyrs; whereupon the most ancient Monuments of the Christian Churches do mention the Assemblies of Christians In Coemeteriis Martyrum, at the Coemeteries and Monuments of their Martyrs. For howsoever God did not immediately select the place of his worship then, as he did in the time of the Law; yet they thought he had made these places of a choicer fitness than other, though none of necessary obligation: which I for my part would be loath to condemn as an error; seeing to follow the order of the Church of Israel by● way of direction and not obligation, is no abridgement to Christian liberty, so it be only so far and in those things only whereof Christianity is capable, as I think this we speak of was; though I know it was afterward an occasion of damnable Idolatry, use of erecting Temples unto Saints and Angels. But what is there which the corrupt nature of man will not make an occasion of sin? Even as an unclean body of the best nourishment will breed evil humours: So out of the most wholesome ordinances our wicked hearts will contrive superstition.    

DISCOURSE XLVIII.  

DEUTERONOMY 16. 16, 17.  — In the Feast of Unleavened bread, and in the Feast of Weeks, and in the Feast of Tabernacles: and they shall not appear before the Lord empty. Every man shall give as he is able, according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he hath given thee. 
IN these words being a commandment for the observation of the three solemn and principal Feasts of the Law, were Four things considerable. 1. The Work or action; To appear before the Lord: 2. The Persons who; All Males: 3. The Place where; In the place the Lord shall choose: 4. The Time when; Thrice in the Year: In the Feast of unleavened bread, In the Feast of Weeks, and in the Feast of Tabernacles. Of the three first, the Action, the Persons, and Place, I have spoken. Now therefore I come to speak of the Time, The Feast of unleavened bread, etc.  
The Feast of unleavened Bread is that which is otherwise called The Feast of the Passeover, consisting of seven days, from the fifteenth of March until the twenty first. On the Even before this solemn Feast, the fourteenth day of the first month, was killed and eaten the Paschal Lamb; 
Levit. 23. 5, 6, 7, 8.  on the seven days following were offered the Paschal Sacrifices, and no other Bread but unleavened eaten; the first and last days being days of holy Assemblies or Convocations.  
The Feast of Weeks was a Feast kept at the end of seven Weeks, or a Week of Weeks, after the second day of the Passeover, or fifty days after the first day of the Feast of unleavened bread; and therefore called The Feast of Weeks, that is, a Feast to be kept a Week of Weeks after the Passeover; and Pentecost, because the first day thereof was the fiftieth day after the first of the 
* Viz. Passeover-week, or the Paschal Feast, or Feast of Unleavened bread which lasted 7. days.  Passeover, as now our Whitsun●ide is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the fiftieth day after Easter. This Feast was likewise of seven days continuance, all spent in multitude of Sacrifices, but the first and last specially in keeping of holy Assemblies.  
The Feast of Tabernacles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was a Feast of eight days continuance in the seventh month, or September, from the fifteenth day thereof to the two and twentieth, all whereof had their proper Sacrifices; and the first seven days they dwelled in Booths or Tabernacles made of Willow, Palm, Myrtle and Citron boughs, whence it hath the name of the Feast of Tabernacles. The first, and the last or eighth day, were here also days of an holy Convocation, wherein no servile work might be done.  
Thus having in brief described the Time, Continuance and Service of these Three solemn Feasts, now let us also see what was the End of their institution. The End of these Feasts was partly for Remembrance of things past, and partly for Types and Figures of things to come; which I will show in them severally.  
The Feast of the Passeover was for a thankful Remembrance of their great deliverance out of Egypt, when for hast they were forced to carry their dough unleavened upon their shoulders; and the evening before, the Lord having slain all the firstborn of Egypt, 
Exod. 12.  yet passed by them, because of the blood of the Paschal Lamb which he saw upon the door-posts of their houses. For this cause they were, whensoever that happy time of the year should come, to rejoice before the Lord their God, and to hollow it after the manner aforementioned. And thus you have the first End, The memorial and remembrance of benefits past.  
The second End was for a Type and Figure of things to come, namely, of our deliverance from the bondage of Sin and Satan by that immaculate Lamb, Christ jesus, who in the same month and day was foreordained of God to be slain upon the Cross for the sins of the whole world; whose Blood upon whatsoever Soul God shall espy applied by a lively Faith, he would spare, and not destroy it.  
Thus much of the first Feast. The second, The Feast of Weeks, or Pentecost, was for a Remembrance of the Law 
* See this proved by Piscator in Exod. 19 ver. 1. & 11.  at that time given upon Mount Sinai, with thundering and lightning, and the sound of a Trumpet from Heaven. And secondly, for a Type of the Doctrine of the Gospel, 
Deut. 16. 16, 17.  which was published at the selfsame time, when with a sound from Heaven, cloven tongues of fire fell upon the Apostles, and they all were filled with the Holy Ghost, as we read Acts 2. 2, 3, 4.  
Now for The Feast of Tabernacles; the first End is plain, that it was a memorial, namely, of their long dwelling in Tabernacles in the Wilderness. Leu. 23. 42, 43. Ye shall dwell in booths seven days (saith the Lord,) all that are Israelites born shall dwell in booths; That your generations may know that I made the children of Israel to dwell in booths when I brought them out of the Land of Egypt.  
But of what thing concerning Christ to come it was a Type, it is not so express as in the former. But by that which S. john saith, Chap. 1. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Word was made flesh, and Tabernacled in us; for so signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by this, I say, S. john should seem to intimate, That as the Passeover was a Type of his Passion, Pentecost a Figure of the sending the Holy Ghost; so should the Feast of Tabernacles be for a Type of his Incarnation, when the Divine Nature tabernacled in our flesh, and the Word of God became Emmanuel, God with us. For it is incredible that this principal Feast should not be for a Type of some principal thing concerning Christ as well as the rest; it being as solemn as any of the former two, nay rather the chiefest of the three, as having a more extraordinary course of Sacrifices than either of the other, yea of one day's more continuance; this having eight festival days, the other two but seven. And there is nothing but his Incarnation and Nativity which can be applied thereunto; and it may be therefore was the eighth day added thereunto, as figuring the time of his Circumcision.  
Another custom used at this Feast may confirm this: For while they gathered and carried the Boughs whereof they made their Tabernacles, there used a kind of Litany to be sung, in which the people continually cried Hosanna, Hosanna, that is, save now; which was so usual, that in time the Feast, and Boughs, and all came to be called 
* Elias in Tis●bi in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Buxtors. de Abbreu. Hebr. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Hosannas: Whence came the cry of the people in the Gospel, when they cut down boughs to honour our Saviour's riding upon an Ass, 
* Matth. 21. 9  Hosanna to the Son of David, Hosanna in the Highest. For though it were at another time of year than the Feast of Tabernacles, yet the carrying of Boughs put them in mind of the accustomed acclamation at that Feast. All which seems of purpose so to be ordered by the providence of the Almighty, to show, First, what this ceremony of Tabernacles aimed at, namely, the mystery of our Redemption by God in the Tabernacle of our flesh; or the Incarnation of Christ, which is that which made him jesus, a Saviour, and us to cry unto him by Faith, Hosanna, Save now. And Secondly, that it might be known who this Tabernacle was, the people by a secret providence cried unto our Saviour, even at another time, Hosanna to the Son of David; ascribing, in their so speaking, the whole ceremony of Boughs and Tabernacles unto him.  
But it will be objected, That the Birth of Christ was in December, but the Feast of Tabernacles was kept the fifteenth day of the seventh month, which answered in a manner to our September; and therefore had the Feast of Tabernacles been a sign of his Incarnation, the time should as well have agreed here as it did in the Passeover and his Passion, the giving of the Law and the sending of the Holy Ghost: But between the Feast of Tabernacles and the Birth of our Saviour is three months' difference.  
For this Objection, give me leave to relate, not mine own, nor as my own, but the opinion of the most learned Chronologers; the sum and conclusion whereof is, That the Birth of our Saviour was in September, at the time of the Feast of Tabernacles, and not in December, as the memory thereof is now celebrated. For first, it is apparent that in the primitive Church there was neither certainty nor agreement about the time of the Nativity, as 
* Storm. l. 1.  Clemens Alexandrinus witnesseth; and himself saith, That those who inquire more exactly of the time, do assign the five and twentieth of the month Pachon, which is our twentieth of May.  
Others assigned other and divers times, as Epiphanius witnesseth four hundred years almost after Christ: so long therefore there was no certainty agreed upon. And it was after the time of Constantine that the day we now observe was chosen, and first in the Latin Church; but not in the Greek till the days of chrysostom, who made an 
Hom. 31. in Tomo De diversis Novi Testamenti locis, secundum edit. Fr. Ducai.  Oration, yet extant, upon the first observing of this day, which he says they now received from the Roman Church.  
If any would know how, after so much uncertainty of opinions, they came at last to resolve upon this day; they will tell you, that it was upon a false supposal and a mistaken ground: For finding in the Law, that the High Priest was once every year to enter the most Holy place, and there to offer incense (at the Feast of Expiation;) and reading in S. Luke's Gospel, that the Angel Gabriel appeared to Zachary as he went to offer incense in the Temple, they supposed that he was the High Priest, and reasoned thus; The time of the High Priest's offering incense in the most Holy was about the middle of September, namely the tenth day of the seventh month: Now as soon as Zachary had fulfilled the Week of his Ministration, john Baptist was conceived; which must therefore be about the end of September: Now when the Angel saluted Mary, 
Luke 1. 36.  he told her, That her Cousin Elizabeth had been with Child six months: If john Baptist then were conceived about the end of September, our Saviour must be conceived six months after, which falls about the end of March; which if true, his Birth will fall at the end of December, nine months after his conception. This was the ground whereupon the Feast of Christ's Nativity was fixed upon the five and twentieth of December.  
To which they answer who think otherwise, First, That neither the Angel appeared to Zachary in the most Holy place; 
Luke 1. 1●.  for the Altar of incense was without the Veil, at which the Text saith the Angel appeared: neither could Zachary be the High Priest; 
Verse 5.  for the Text says, he was of the course of Abia, and that it came to his lot to offer incense; but the High Priest was of no course, neither did the incensing of the most Holy fall to him by lot, but it was his only and proper office: the ground therefore was altogether mistaken.  
Secondly, At the Birth of Christ every man, woman and child was to go to be taxed at the City whereto they belonged; whither some had long journeys: But the middle of Winter was not fitting for such a business, especially for women with child and children to travel in: Therefore Christ could not be born in the depth of Winter.  
Again, At the time of Christ's Birth the Shepherds lay abroad watching with their flocks in the nighttime; but this was not likely to be in the middle of Winter. And if any shall think the Winter-wind was not so extreme in those parts, let him remember the words of Christ in the Gospel, 
Matth. 24. 20.  Pray that your flight be not in the Winter. If the Winter was so bad a time to flee in, it seems no fit time for Shepherds to lie in the Fields in, and Women and Children to travel in.  
They conclude therefore, That the Birth of Christ was in September.  
First, Because otherwise this third Feast of Tabernacles should have nothing answering, as the other had: which they think the more unlikely, because there was no month in the year had more legal Feasts than this; as the Feast of Trumpets the first day, the Feast of Expiation on the tenth, and that of Tabernacles on the fifteenth unto the two and twentieth.  
Secondly, joseph Scaliger proveth it by the four and twenty courses of the Priests; and shows, that Abia's course or week, wherein Zachary served, began the one and twentieth of july, and ended the eight and twentieth that year. Our Saviour's conception therefore, being six months after, must fall at the end of December, and so his Birth nine months after, about the end of September, the four and twentieth day whereof that year began the Feast of Tabernacles; and so his Birth falls in the Feast-time.  
Lastly, The Primitive Church of Alexandria, where were the best Calculators of times, kept the Feast of john Baptist's Nativity the eight and twentieth of the month Pharmuth, which is the three and twentieth of our April, as Cyril witnesseth in an Homily upon that occasion. Now if john Baptist were born the three and twentieth of April, the Birth of Christ, which was six months after, must fall in the latter end of September, as aforesaid. All which if true, the day we observe is not the day of his Birth, but only the day wherein we solemnly remember it: and though the time itself, if known, were the most fit for such a solemnity, yet no time can be unlawfully chosen for such a day.  
And thus I have showed you the Time, the Manner, and the Signification of these three Feasts. Now let us see what profitable Observations this Discourse thereof will afford us.  
First therefore, By these Feasts it appears, that the hallowing unto God of more days in the Week than one is not against the meaning of the Fourth Commandment. Some there are who will have the words [Six days shalt thou labour] to be as much a Commandment as [Keep holy the Seventh;] and hence argue, that it is no more lawful for humane Authority to forbid working any of the Six days, than to forbid the holy observation of the Seventh; and then all our holidays besides Sunday are unlawful. But by these Three solemn Feasts, which were each of them of a Week's durance at the least, it is manifest, that [Six days shalt thou labour] are no Commandment, but express only an ordinary permission of working: For it could not be but some days of these holy Feasts must be of the Six; and to think that God would gainsay his own Commandment by a contrary Ordinance, is unimaginable. As therefore when he commanded that men should give him the Tenth of their increase, he forbade not Free-will-offerings, nor that men might not give half their goods to sacred uses: So when he commanded one day of Seven to be universally and necessarily kept holy, this hindereth not but the Church may hollow other days to God even of the Six.  
But they will say, God indeed appointed some other days to be observed besides one of Seven; but the Church had no leave so to do. I answer, The contrary appears by the Feast of Purim, which Mordecai caused to be ordained, and is no where reproved therefore, nor the jews who observed it as long as their Church stood. The contrary also appears by the Feast of Dedication, which judas Maccabaeus, when he had cleansed the Temple from the profanation of Antiochus, ordained yearly to be kept in the month 
* The month Casleu or Cisleu was part of our November and part of December.  Casleu (1 Maccab. 4. 59) which was so far from reproof, that our Saviour himself while he was upon earth honoured it with his presence, as we read john 10. 22. And it was at jerusalem the Feast of Dedication, and it was Winter; where the word [Winter] is of purpose put to specify this Feast of judas Maccabaeus, in the Month of Casleu, 
* 1 Macc. 4. 59 2 Macc. 1. 18. & ch. 10. 5.  on the 25. day thereof.  
Secondly, we may observe from these Feasts, That the fittest time to hollow unto God is that which he hath as it were honoured and made remarkable by some special work and mercy of his. For you heard that the Feast of Unleavened bread and the Feast of Weeks were ordained to be kept at those days and times of the year wherein those works of God remembered in them were performed. So God himself appointed of all the days of the Week the Seventh to be kept holy, because he finished then the great work of the Creation of the World. So in the Gospel, of all the days in the Week the First was chosen, because on it Christ rose from the dead: In like manner when the Church would hollow unto God more days than one of seven; it being the Times of his Passion, Ascension, and sending of the Holy Ghost, as also the days of their Births or Deaths whom God had made as Pillars to support his Church, and in whose sufferings it was confirmed, and himself glorified.  
The third and last Observation is this, The practice and fact of man is no sound argument to prove what is and what is not jure Divino. For we see in this and three other places how expressly this Feast of Tabernacles was commanded yearly to be observed. Nevertheless, which is past all belief, it was never kept, at least in this main circumstance of dwelling in booths, from the time of joshua until after their return from Captivity in the days of Nehemiah, which was the space of a thousand years at the least, and the most flourishing time of their Church and Commonwealth. Who would have thought but some David, Solomon, Hezekiah, josiah, or good jehoiada, would in so long a time as a thousand years have reform so great a neglect of God's commandment? But hear what the holy Ghost says, Nehem. 8. 17. Since the days of jeshua the Son of Nun unto that day had not the Children of Israel done so. A horrible thing to hear; 
〈◊〉 15. ●.  but whatsoever was written in former time, is written for our learning. And who knows whether there be not in this sinful omission of this Feast alone above the rest some special Mystery; namely, that the jew should not acknowledge Christ, whom this signified to be Emmanuel? For that jesus of Nazareth suffered upon the Cross they acknowledge, whereof the Passover was a sign; and therefore they blasphemously call him, 
* Aben Ezra in Gen. 27. 39 R. Bechai in lib. Kad hakkemach in lit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 1. ad locum Ps. 80.14. Litera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) suspensa est, nam sic sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cultores suspensi illius.  Talui, the hanged God. They will not deny also that this doctrine was published at the Feast of Pentecost; though they believe not the Mystery and fruit of either the one or the other. But, That he is God in our flesh, they could never endure to hear: we know this was the cause why their Synod condemned him, because he said, 
‖ ●Iohn 1●. 7.  He was the Son of God. Above a thousand years they omitted the observation of the Feast of Tabernacles, and now it is sixteen hundred wherein they have not believed that the Divine nature tabernacled in our flesh. When they returned from Captivity, they began to observe this so-long-neglected Ceremony; and when they shall return again from their now-long and woeful Captivity, we hope they will then with us acknowledge this great Mystery.  
HAVING hitherto spoken of the observation of these Feasts; now I am, according to my first Division, to come unto a second part of my Text, wherein is contained a special duty required of all when they came to worship God at these Feasts, namely, to bring a present with them: not a Sacrifice of fire, for these were of another nature, and for another end; but a Heave-offering, which kind was a Tribute of Thankfulness unto God, and withal of acknowledgement of his Supreme Lordship and Dominion over all: For without a Sacrifice or a fiery-offering the Feast could not at all have been kept, but without a Heave-offering or religious present it might, though nothing dutifully: and therefore is this specially added, That no man should appear before the Lord empty; for the Lord our God is a sovereign King, and will be acknowledged so of all who come before him: He is not Lord over our Persons only, and therefore requires the service both of our Souls and Bodies; but he is Lord of our Goods too, and so is to have a Tribute of them offered unto him in token thereof.  
But for the better handling of this point without confusion, we will consider, first, What was the jewish practice in this duty; secondly, What ought to be our imitation. For the former, The jewish practice was, as far as I can gather, besides some special presents at Easter and Pentecost, to perform all their Heave-offerings, First-fruits, Firstlings of cattle, Tithes of all things, and their Free-will-offerings at some one of these three Feasts, according as the season of the year served for the things they were to offer. For the better understanding of which, we must promise something of the manner of the Husbandry of Palestine, Egypt, and those neighbour Southern Countries, because it was much different from ours.  
Pliny affirms, 
In AEgypto h 〈…〉 sexto a satu mense, frumenta septim me 〈…〉 tur. Plin. lib. 18. cap. 7.  that in Egypt (and therefore in Palestine) Barley was ripe in the sixth month after it was sown, and Wheat in the seventh. The same Author affirms, that their seedtime for both began in the month of November; whence it follows, that Barley was ripe almost a month before the Wheat, the seedtime being the same, and the Wheat not ripening a month so soon as Barley. Barley then ripening in the sixth month, the Harvest thereof fell about the beginning of April, Wheat-harvest nigh a month after; their whole Harvest by this means beginning at Easter, and ending at Whitsuntide. Which is the reason why Pentecost (Exod. 23. 16.) is called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Harvest-Feast, or, The Feast upon the end of Harvest. This shows a reason also, why upon the Plague of Hail we read, Exod. 9 31, 32. that the Flax and Barley was smitten, because the Barley was eared, and the Flax bolled: But the Wheat and Rye were not smitten, for they were not grown up: The ear yet appeared not, for this was about the beginning of the month of March, as we may suppose a fortnight or three weeks before their coming out of Egypt, which was the fourteenth day of the first month. This was a reason also why we read, 2 Sam. 21. 9 that seven of Saul's Sons were hanged for the Gibeonites in the first days of Harvest, in the beginning of Barley-Harvest. All which suppose Barley to begin, and Wheat to end their Harvest. Which with us is contrary, because Barley is sown so long after Wheat, viz. when Winter is past, because it is a tender grain, and will not endure the sharp and piercing cold of these Northern climates.  
As for their Vintage or Harvest of Oil and Wine, it was in the seventh month, or beginning of Autumn, as in other Countries.  
For their cattle, they had two breeding times, the beginning of the Spring, and the beginning of September: but the Spring-breed was the strongest, and are called Becorim, that is, not the first opening the womb only, as most take it, but the firstlings of the year; for the latter breed was much the worse and weaker. Which jacob knew, Gen. 30. 41, 42. when he laid his Rods before the cattle when they were 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nisan or March.  strong, in the Springtime; but he put them not in when they were 
‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Tisri or September. So Aben Ezra upon the place.  feeble, in the Autumn; So (saith the Text) the feeble were Laban's, and the stronger were Iacob's.  
This thus explained, let us now see what the Practice of the jews was at these solemn times, that they might not appear in the Lord's presence empty handed. At the Feast of unleavened bread, or Easter, upon the second day thereof, being the beginning of Harvest, they were to bring a Sheaf of the first-fruits of their Harvest unto the Priest, and he was to wave it before the Lord; and until this were done, they might eat no Corn, whether parched or otherwise in the green ear, as appear Levit. 23. 10.— 14. And hence this second day of the Feast was called, This was that day whereon (Luke 6. 1.) Christ's Disciples plucked ears of Corn, and ate them; for S. Luke says it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is the second day of the first Sabbath, or the day after the first Sabbath; for I told you, that the first and last days of this Feast were days of holy Assemblies, wherein no servile work might be done, and are therefore in Leviticus called Sabbaths; the day after the first of which Sabbaths S. Luke calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whereby it may seem that the Pharisees reproved the Disciples, not so much for breaking any Sabbath's rest, as for eating the ears afore it was lawful; for if it were lawful upon a Sabbath-day to reach meat from a Table, why should it not be as lawful to pluck ears of Corn to ear them without breach of the Sabbath? But I leave this.  
Secondly, At this Feast also I suppose they paid their Firstlings and Tithes of cattle; for God was to have of the best, which was (as I told you) the Breed of the Spring at this time ready. And this is the reason, that where this Feast is commanded, there follow presently some Precepts of the Firstlings of the cattle, because namely it concerned the same time.  
Now at the Feast of Pentecost, when Harvest was ended, they are commanded to bring 
* Levit. 23. 17.  two wave-loaves of their new Corn for a second First-fruits of their Harvest: At which time also they paid Tithes of Corn, so much as was threshed; and a Tribute also of a Free-will-offering of their hand, as it is called in the 10. of this Chapter. And this Feast ending their Harvest, is a reason why at the mentioning thereof you shall find precepts 
* Verse 22.  of not gathering their Lands clean, but that they should leave something for the poor to glean: which also was a secondary Offering unto God himself.  
Lastly, At the Feast of Tabernacles they offered First-fruits and Tithes of Wine and Oil, which was the Offering of that season; and besides the remainders of their Tithes of the floor or of threshed corn: which is the reason why this Feast is called (Exod. 34.) The Feast of gathering in at the years end; and in this Chapter afore my Text, The Feast of gathering in of the Floor and the Winepress: For at this time all their Corn was threshed, and the Vintage done, and other Fruits were gathered, and so an Offering of them given unto God seasonably: therefore in the commandment of this Feast you shall find a precept of not gathering their Grapes and Fruits clean, in behalf of the Poor also.  
Thus you see, the Offering of cattle was at Easter, of Bread and Breadcorn in part at Pentecost, of Wine and Oil and the remainder of Corn at the Feast of Tabernacles; whereupon we read (2 Chron. 31. 7.) that the people which paid their Tithes there at Hezekiah's command, began to lay the foundation of the heaps in the third month, that is, at Pentecost; and finished them in the seventh month, namely, at the Feast of Tabernacles.  
NOW having showed what was the jews practice, let us also see our duty in imitation of them, which I will only at this time show briefly and generally. Certainly, we are bound also not to appear before the Lord with empty hand. It is not enough to give at other times, but it is a piece of the Worship required at that time. For we must know that the actions of Men in holy Assemblies are not like their private actions at other times; For all the actions here are not the actions of several men, but to be accounted as one action of the whole body: which makes S. Paul use the phrase, 
● Cor. 11. 〈◊〉.  when ye come together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be as it were one and the same: every prayer here is not many prayers, if many, but one prayer of all as one: whether we say I in the singular, or We in the plural, all is one; for [I] here expresses one made of many, and [We] many made into one. Whatsoever worship God requires therefore of any one alone, the same he requires also of all met together as one; for he is God as well of the body of the Church as a body, as of any one in the Church as a Christian; and therefore requires some of them in both kinds, that is, Confession, Prayer, Thanksgiving, and an Offering of the hand too of the body of the Church assembled, as well as of any one at any other time.  
S. Paul ordained so in the Churches on the Lord's day, 
1 Cor. 16. 2.  the day of holy Assembly, the day when many came together as one. Every first day of the Week, let every one lay by him in store, as God hath prospered him.  
The Primitive Christians practised the same in all their Assemblies, alleging these words of my Text for the same, as we may see in justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and others. Nay, they used to offer at the Lord's Table some handful of those Offerings and Tithes to which they would entitle the Lord; whence the ancient Liturgies run, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Remember, O Lord, those who offer of their fruits and increase in thy holy Churches.  
We have also in our Liturgy a Service for the Offertory, and many places of Scripture at the same read to move our devotion every Sunday, and a Prayer to God at the end thereof, That he would accept our Alms and Prayers, when we seldom bring him any.  
Our Blessed Saviour, though he had nothing in this world but the contribution of good People in a Bag; yet that he might in this also fulfil the Law of God, he used at these solemn times to give unto the Poor; which we may gather from the story of his Last Supper: for the Text saith, when he bade judas do quickly what he had to do, 
●o. 13. 29.  his Disciples thought he had bid him give something unto the Poor, because he carried the Bag; which they would not have thought, unless he had wont to do so at such times.    

DISCOURSE XLIX.  

GENESIS 10. 5.  By these the Isles of the Gentiles [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] were divided [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in their lands; every one after his tongue, after their families, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in their nations. 
WHENAS after the great Deluge of waters the sons of Noah began to multiply upon the earth, 
Gen. 11. ●.  it is said, That they came from the East into the land of Shinar, the pleasant plain of Shinar, where God at the beginning had placed the first Father of mankind, our Father Adam. But when they saw that their numbers were like to be great, and that so small a plot of ground would not contain them all; yet that they might continue within the Body of one Society, and have as it were a common right in this place of Paradise, they agreed to build them a City which should have been the Metropolis of an Universal Monarchy, and an exceeding high Tower, that they might be famous and renowned among posterity. But this vain purpose of man's imagination seemed evil in the eyes of God, and therefore it is said, 
Gen. 11. 5.  That he came down from heaven to overthrow the counsel of the sons of men. And because they were so loath to break Society, it pleased God to cut from them the common Bond of one Society, and to make them speak with many languages. For as Speech is termed the Bond of Society, Oratio (saith the Philosopher) est Societatis vinculum; and as the Unity of one common Language had knit all mankind into one Community: so God in his wisdom saw that Plurality of Languages was the best means to force mankind into a Plurality of Societies. Thus therefore and by this means did Almighty God cast man the second time out of Paradise, and dispersed him over the face of the whole earth by this memorable Confusion of languages.  
Now concerning the Order of this Dispersion and the Manner of this Confusion, he that is but a little conversant in the writings either of Historical or Theological Antiquaries, shall find not only one but varieties of Confusions, not of Tongues only, but of Opinions also; one saying this thing, another thinking that thing: so that some having essayed this Labyrinth, and finding neither safe getting in nor likelihood of getting out, have quite disclaimed any further search: And as Alexander, when he could not unloose the Gordian knot, drew his sword and cut it apieces; so they, meaning to make an easy dispatch of all difficulties, affirm, That Curiosity in this Argument is either frivolous or altogether needless.  
But I would that these had remembered, That that knowledge ought not to be accounted needless, without which the Events and Compliments of the Prophetical Blessings of the Patriarches and the particular Predictions of the after-Prophets can never be understood.  
For how shall we know How and When God was the Blessed God of Sem, and How and When God persuaded japhet to dwell in the tents of Sem, 
Gen. 9 26, 27.  if we know not Where were the tents of Sem, and Which were the Habitations of the sons of japhet? How shall we tremble enough at the horrible Curse of impious Cham, and know that he was indeed a Servant of Servants and a slave to all his brethren, 
Gen. 9 25.  unless we know Where was the land of his abiding? Or how should we know What were those Ships of Chittim, 
Num. 24. 24.  whereof Balaam and Daniel prophesied, if we know not Where was the Inheritance of the posterity of Chittim? Lastly, 
Dan. 11. 30.  How should we know who is that Tyrant Gog, 
Ezek. 39 1.  of whom Ezekiel speaks, who comes out of the land of Magog, and is described to be the Prince of Meshech and Tubal, if we know not Where is the land of Magog, and which is the offspring of Meshech and Tubal?  
As therefore S. Paul said in another case, so I think I may say in this, That God hath not left us without a witness, but hath given us certain Notes and Marks, if we were so diligent as to mark them, whereby we may easily point out the Original habitations of the first Colonies of Mankind.  
And to omit other dispersed places in the Bible, 
Gen. 10. 5.  I think that this Chapter contains the principal, and the grounds of the rest. Where because Moses begins first with the line of japhet, (and The first in every kind is a Rule to that which cometh after) and because also that we the inhabitants of the Western parts of the world have greatest interest in the stock of japhet; I have made special choice of this Verse which I now read, which contains A description both of the Place and Manner of the habitations of the Sons of japhet. Of these (that is, Of the seven sons of japhet before named) were divided the Isles of the Gentiles, etc.  
Now therefore I will consider the words of this Text, First, Generally, as they contain A circumscription of the Place, and a description of the Manner and Order of the dwellings of japhet; Secondly, Specially, from Grounds drawn out of this Scripture, and by the Remainders of ancient names, I will assign to every one of his sons the particular lot of their inheritance.  
The Territories of the sons of japhet are here termed The Isles of the Gentiles; Of these were divided the Isles of the Gentiles in their lands, that is, the Isles of the Gentiles throughout their lands, or, the lands of the Isles of the Gentiles.  
Thus we have the Name; but What part of the World was called by this Name, that we have not. The Hebrew is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Septuagint and josephus turn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Chaldee and other Interpreters, Islands of the Gentiles.  
We usually call Islands Regions or Countries encircled by the Sea: But because there were not such Islands enough near the place of Division to contain the Families of the house of japhet, there being but only Crete and Cyprus until we come unto the AEgean Sea; and because it is not likely that they would overpass the main land, to seat themselves in little Islands; or if they would so have done, yet was there not then such plenty of shipping to transport so great multitudes; and lastly, because we know assuredly that some of Iaphet's posterity were originally seated upon the main Continent; It followeth hence that by Islands here cannot be meant those which we call Islands.  
Perhaps then there may be some Trope in these words, and that by Isles of the Gentiles are not meant indeed properly Islands, but Countries having many Islands lying about them, so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be expounded Terra insulosae Gentium: that is, Gentildome full of Islands. And this indeed sits very well those Countries where Iaphet's sons are said to dwell; witness the many Islands in the Mediterranean, AEgean and Ionian seas. But because it is manifest out of Scripture, that there are some Countries called by this name, which are neither encompassed by the Sea, not have any Islands lying near them; this Interpretation also must be rejected.  
Now there remaineth only one Exposition more; That the Hebrews called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Islands all Countries divided from them by Sea, or such as they could not come unto, or used not to go unto, but by Sea. So that their word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is larger than our Island: for we call an Island that which can no way be come unto but by Sea, and is every where divided from the Main; but they called also those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which were but secundùm quid Islands, which were at least by Sea divided from their main, or were in regard of themselves only not accessible but by Sea. In brief, They called Islands all beyond-sea countries, and all people Islanders which came to them and to the Egyptians by Sea. Neither did the Grecians use their word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only for a place encompassed by the Sea; as we see by Peloponnesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which joined unto the main land of Epirus; and so likewise were their Chersonesi.  
And that this last Interpretation is undoubtedly true, we need no other Argument but this, That the Hebrews called all Countries which were divided from them by Sea; Islands, and è converso they called no other Islands but such as were divided from them by Sea; that is, All countries which lie above the Mediterranean Sea, from the mountain of Amanus and the Hyrcane Sea westward, were called by this name of Islands of the Gentiles, and no other were called by this name but these.  
The truth of this may be seen in many places of the Bible, whereof I will quote the most pregnant. Esay 11. 10, 11. The Prophet showing the Calling of the Gentiles by an allusion of the restoring of the jews from the places where they were dispersed, maketh an Induction of those places and countries wherein they were scattered, saying, The Lord shall recover the remnant of his people from Assyria, Egypt, Pathros, Cush, Elam, Shinar, Hamath, and from the Islands of the 
* In the Hebrew it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Isles of the Sea. But that the Isles of the Sea and the Isles of the Gentiles are of a like importance, the Author shows afterwards.  Gentiles. Here by the Islands of the Gentiles are meant distinct places from those before named; and places too where the jews were scattered: but these can be no other but the countries of Armenia the less, which together with the rest that he names were under the Empire of the Assyrians, Medes and Persians. And because this Prophecy is to be understood of the Calling of the Gentiles, the Prophet in his Induction would not omit those places where he only laboured who was surnamed The Apostle of the Gentiles, and which were from the beginning and are at this day the principal seat of Christian Churches. So that at this day there is no part of the world called by the name of Christendom but that which is divided from the jews by Sea, even the blessed japhet and the happy Islands of the Gentiles. And this was foreshowed by the Prophets, in that they never spoke of the Calling of the Gentiles, but they harped upon the Islands of the Gentiles. The same Prophet Esay (ch. 40. 15.) to show God's Omnipotency and great power, speaketh after this manner, Behold, the Nations are as a drop of a bucket, and are counted as the small dust of the balance; behold, he taketh up the Isles as a very little thing. Where if by Isles we mean those which we call Islands, the comparison of disparity will not hang together; because those which we call Islands are indeed very little things. It remains therefore that by Islands here are meant those huge Countries which were beyond the Sea in regard of Egypt and Palestine. Again in ch. 42. he saith, 
* Vers. 4.  The Isles shall wait for the Law of God. What is here meant by Isles, you may easily guests by that I said before; and that which followeth in the same Chapter will help you, 
* Vers. 10.  Sing unto the Lord a new song,— ye that go down to the Sea, that is, ye which dwell low to the Seaward: and if ye ask who these are, the very next words will tell you, namely, the Isles and the inhabitants thereof. Where is plainly expounded who are meant by the inhabitants of the Isles, namely those that dwell downward to the Seaward. Moreover jeremy 2. 10. we find, Pass over to the Isles of Chittim; but the Island of Chittim was no Island or place encircled by the Sea, unless Macedonia be an Island; for Alexander is said in (1 Maccab. 1. 1.) to have come forth of the land of Chettim; and in Ch. 8. 5. Perseus' King of Macedonia is called King of the Citims. In Ezek. 27. 3. Tyrus is called a merchant of people for many Islands, because unto Tyrus came many people from beyond the Sea for merchandise. And lastly in 1 Maccab. 14. 5. (which I hope will be a sufficient testimony to show what the jews called by the name of Isles of the Gentiles) among the Commendations of Simon, one of the worthy Maccabees, it is said, That he took joppa for an haven and for an entrance to the Isles of the Sea: where it is more than manifest that by the Isles of the Sea the jews meant those Nations which came to them by Sea.  
Now if this be so, That the jews called those Countries the Isles of the Gentiles which were divided from them by Sea, we may see how true that opinion is (though commonly received) which affirmeth that the posterity of Madai, one of the Sons of japhet, are those Medes who were compartners with the Persians in the Second Monarchy. For he that hath any skill in Geography knows that this Media is not divided from the jews by Sea, and therefore cannot be one of the Islands of the Gentiles, unless Mesopotamia and Assyria be also Islands of the Gentiles. And yet my Text says, That Of these (namely of the seven Sons of japhet, whereof Madai is one) were divided the Islands of the Gentiles. The occasion of this Error (for so I take it to be) was the mistaking of josephus, who says that of Madai came those people which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But first, I doubt whether the Greeks called those Medes so famous in the Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or not rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Again, if by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 josephus means those Medes which had title in the Second Monarchy, he can no ways agree with himself; for a little before he said that the posterity of japhet had their seat from the mountain Amanus Westward; but these Medes lie above the Persians from the mountain Amanus Eastward. But if any man ask where then was the original seat of the Sons of Madai, I will defer mine answer till I come to assign to the several Sons of japhet their several habitations.  
HAVING found out that part of the Earth which was divided among the posterity of our Father japhet; I come now to the Second part of my General consideration, to make another search Concerning the manner of this Division, and the Order of their dwelling and neighbourhood one with another. And here my Text answers, That they were sorted every one according to his Language, according to his Family, and according to his Nation.  
Whence (before we come to particular examination of every word) we may observe, That this great Division of the Earth was performed orderly, and that they are much deceived who dream of a confused and irregular Dispersion, wherein every one went whither he listed, and seated himself where he liked best.  
For besides that these latter words of my Text imply the clean contrary, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also, which we translate divided, will bear the force of an Argument to this purpose; in that it signifies not a scattering or a confusion, but a most distinct partition.  
Or if there were no such insinuation in my Text, yet there may be many Reasons drawn from the Circumstances of this Division which will enforce the same Verity.  

1. As first, The Custom, and as it were the property, of Almighty God in all those Actions wherein he hath a special hand and directs by a special providence; according to that saying, God is not the Author of Confusion, but of Order. And if in any other, surely in this God's Providence was seen most especially, it being so principal an action, and as it were the ground and foundation of the Second propagation of Mankind.  
2. Another Argument lieth in the End why God multiplied the Languages of these builders, which was (as it seems) lest dwelling altogether they should confound their families, and mingle together their generations, which God in his Wisdom would have severed and kept distinct for divers purposes. And that this should be the End or one of the Ends, it followeth naturally out of the proper Effect of Pluralities of Tongues, which is to sort men into Pluralities of Societies, as the Unity of one common language before had knit them into one Community. Now if this were the purpose of Almighty God, than it needs must be that for the prosecution of this End each Family should dwell by itself, and each Nation by itself, that so there might be an orderly Division.  
3. Another Reason may be drawn from the Wisdom of the Patriarches, who were all alive at this Division, and were as Kings in their generations. Seeing therefore that there is great difference in the parts of the Earth, for the goodness of the soil and temperateness of the Air; it was their parts to prevent the danger of contention among their Sons, who should have the better parts of the Earth: which could be done no otherwise but by instituting an orderly Division; and that either by casting of lots, or choosing according to the order of their birthright, after some survey taken, of a sufficient portion of the Earth, and portions bordered out according to the number of their Nations, than of their Families, etc. For otherwise Magog would not have gone so far into the North, not Arphaxad have been suffered to enjoy the pleasant land of Shinar.   
But I leave these Generalities, and come to the Parts of this Order. Where for conveniency sake I will begin with that first which is last in the order of the words, to wit their sorting after their Families and after their Nations, or (as the words are in my Text) after their Families in their Nations.  
Where first we must know what is meant by these two words in their proper use; for though elsewhere they may be promiscuously used, yet here being compared and conjoined, they must needs have a distinct signification. Now what that is, the particle [in] doth insinuate. For in these words [after their Families, in their Nations,] Families are plainly subordined to Nations, as Parts to a Whole, or Specials to a more General. Families therefore are Parts of a Nation, and a Nation is an Offspring that containeth many Families. As therefore the Logicians say of their Genus, that it is either Generalissimum or Subalternum: so we also may say of our Gens or Nation, that it is sometime Absolute, when there is no greater Offspring in regard whereof it may be called a Family; or Respective, when though it be Gens in regard of those Families it comprehends, yet itself also is a Family in a greater generation. Now these Gentes or Nations are called sometimes by a more special name Tribes For those which the Scripture in the Offspring of jacob calls Tribes, in the generations of Ishmael are called Nations, as we may learn, Gen. 25. 16. These (that is, these twelve which he named) are the Sons of Ishmael, and these are their names by their Towns, and by their Castles; twelve Princes according to their Nations. Now these Tribes of Israel or Nations of Ishmael, though being compared with their own Families they were Gentes; yet in regard to the generations of Arphaxad they were but Families of the eighth or ninth order. But as for Nations and their differing ranks, the Scripture hath found two words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gens and Tribus; so the parts of these, which be of many Orders, are not always called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Families, but sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Households. 
jos. 7. 14. 1 Sam. 10. 20, 21.  So for the deprehending of Achan and election of Saul by lot, Israel first came out by their Tribes, then by their Families; where we must understand also their Sub-families; as it is easily gathered in the story of Achan, where these Sub-families are called sometimes Families, and sometimes Households.  
And thus we know what are Nations and what are Families, and what are the Kind's of both. Now let us see what Nations and what Families Moses here meaneth. I answer, that Moses here meaneth those which are absolutely Nations, not secundùm quid Gentes or Sub-Nations; and absolute Families, not Households or Sub-families. My reason is, Because Moses here speaketh of that division which was made when Peleg was born, which was within an hundred years after the flood: But by this time there were no Families so much increased that they could be called Tribes or Nations; for the name of Family in Genealogies remains until the third Generation, that is, so long as the Founder of a Family may truly say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And therefore when God in the second Commandment says, That he will visit the sins of Fathers upon their children to the third and fourth generation, the meaning is, that he will afflict the whole family for the sins of the Head of their Family. And when we say, De malè quaesitis non gaudet tertius haeres, we might as well say, That goods ill gotten, the same Family shall lose them which got them. Now that this Division was made before the third generation, it is sufficiently proved in that Eber, who was the Father of Peleg, and not then the Head of any house, was but the Second from Arphaxad, one of the founders of those Nations which were of the Offspring of Sem.  
The words and sense of the words being thus cleared, we see a Twofold order in this Division. First, they were ranged according to their Nations; and then secondly, Every Nation was ranked by his Families: So that every Nation dwelled and had his lot by himself, and in every Nation the Families also dwelled and had their lots by themselves. And thus much the words of Moses do imply: For in that the words stand thus [after their Families in their Nations,] it is as much as if it were said, That every Family was ranked and had his dwelling in his own Nation; which could not be unless the Division were also made to every one according to his Nation.  
The Number of Nations which were of the Offspring of japhet we may easily find to wit seven, according to the number of his Sons, who were all several Founders of several Nations. But the number of Families in these seven Nations we cannot so easily learn; for Moses nameth the Families only of two, Gomer and javan, three of Gomer and four of javan; and that because that these Nations were those that the jews should have greatest knowledge of and most dealing with, because of their neighbourhood with the land of Canaan: and for the same end in the generations of Cham are named only the families of Canaan, Cush and Mizraim; and in Sem the families only of Aram and joktan.  
Now out of this which hath been spoken we may pick Five Rules to guide us in the finding out the original habitations of the Offspring of japhet.  
First, We must seek for them in the Islands of the Gentiles and in Countries divided from the jews by Sea; because by them were divided the Islands of the Gentiles.  
Secondly, We must seek them within a reasonable Compass of the Earth, and not all the world over. For when this Division was made in the days of Peleg, the number of mankind was small; for besides women and children, their number in all could not be above seven thousand, as may be gathered out of this Chapter; so that it is not like they took the whole world before them.  
Thirdly, Those Nations whose Families are named by Moses are to be sought for in places neighbouring to the jews: for therefore did Moses name their Families, because they dwelled near unto the jews, or dwelled so that the jews might readily come at them.  
Fourthly, Where we find the Nation, there also we must look for the Families of that Nation; because the Families were ranged in their Nations.  
Fifthly, And therefore for the same reason, where we find any one of the Families, there we must look for the rest and for the whole Nation. But the practice of these Rules I must defer till hereafter.  
Now I come to that which yet remains in my Text, viz. Languages: for Moses saith they were divided also [according to their languages.] Wherein we may see the very finger of God, who so caused them to speak with divers tongues, that their tongues also were ordered after their Families and after their Nations. Which leaves no place at all for their opinion who suppose this Confusion of tongues to have been a privation of all language, and that they were fain to gather together by companies, and ●o impose new names upon things by common consent: Nor yet for their opinion who think that this Confusion was a kind of depravation of the Original tongue; so that when the builders called for brick, they brought them mortar; and when they called for mortar, they brought them brick or something else. For this last the Event confutes, in that the Confusion of tongues does not consist in using the same words diversely, but in using divers words. And the former cannot be true, for than should God have [
* [This or the like word was wanting in the Manuscript.]  made] mankind mute; the contrary whereto may be gathered out of God's own words where he saith, 
* Gen. 7. 11.  Let us go down and confound their language, that they may not understand one another's speech: he does not say, that they might not speak at all. It must needs be then that God himself inspired them with divers tongues, else how could their tongues have been ordered according to their families and according to their nations? So that the tongues of the same generation, though divers, yet have a greater cognation amongst themselves than with the tongues of another offspring: As for Example, The languages of Sem in the East agree more one with another than with the tongues of japhet in the West.  
But because that some out of this Chapter would pick out the certain number of Languages, let us a little also consider of this. The number of Languages cannot be fewer than there were Nations, nor more than there were Families. If there were no more than there were Nations or Heads of Nations, than the number is easily counted; seven in japhet, four in Cham, and five in Sem. But if they were as many as were Families at the Confusion, their number cannot be known, because Moses does not make a recension of all the Families or Heads of families.  
The common Opinion hath been, That their number was according to the number of Families; and this Moses seems to insinuate, because he joins throughout this Chapter Families and Tongues together. But this is denied by junius, because the Families of Canaan the firstborn of Cham spoke all one language at that time when the jews cast them out. But this Reason compels not, because the Canaanites at that time spoke a perfect Hebrew, as joseph Scaliger affirms. Nay 
* in his Poenulus, Act. 5. Sc. 1. See Mr. Selden in his De Does Syris Prolegom. ●. 2. & Peritus in lib. 2. Miscellan. c. 2. who more fully explains that passage in Plautus.  Plautus brings in a Carthaginian speaking almost pure Hebrew: but the Carthaginians were of Tyre, and of the offspring of Canaan. But without doubt the Canaanites spoke not Hebrew from the beginning, this language being left only to Arphaxad the eldest son of Sem, of whom came Eber, Abram and the jews. It must needs then be brought in by some Nimrodian conquest; for the offspring of Cham seemed to envy God's favour to Arphaxad, even as Cain envied Abel, and therefore Nimrod of the house of Cush made himself Lord of Mesopotamia, which was the lot of Arphaxad, and (as should seem) endeavoured to make this language common to others through a spite he had to the House of Arphaxad. And hence it came to pass that all those nations where Nimrod ruled spoke Hebrew, or a dialect of the Hebrew, as the Assyrians, the Syrians or Aramites, the Canaanites, the Arabians and the AEthiopians. But I doubt I have waded too far in this Argument, and therefore here I'll end.    

DISCOURSE L.  

GENESIS 10. 5.  By these were the Isles of the Gentiles divided in their lands, etc. 
WHAT was the sum and sense of these words we showed heretofore, namely, That they contain a Chorographical Description of the dwellings of the Sons of japhet after that great dispersion from the Tower of Babel, together with the manner according to which they were seated in their several habitations. From whence we picked Five Rules to be as Guides and Lights unto us in finding out their several Countries.  

1. That we must seek them in the Islands of the Gentiles, that is, in Countries divided by Sea from Egypt and Palestine.  
2. We must seek them all within some reasonable compass of the Earth, and not all the world over: Because that when this Division was made, the number of Mankind was very small; as we proved by weighing Sem's generations unto the days of Peleg, at whose birth it is said that the Earth was divided. Gen. 10. 25.  
3. Those Nations whose Families are named by Moses are to be sought for in places most accessible and neighbouring to the jews. For this I proved to be the reason why Moses did name their Families or Heads of Families, because the jews were to have most dealing and commerce with them, by reason of their nearness and easiness of coming at them.  
4. Where we find the Nation, there also we must look for the Families of that Nation.  
5. Where we find any of the Families, there we must also look for the rest and for the whole Nation. This is very expressly contained in my Text: By these were divided the Isles of the Gentiles in their lands, every one after his tongue, after their families, in their nations. That other, which is the Third in order, I confirmed by the like in the Genealogies of Sem and Cham, in both which the Fathers of Nations neighbouring upon the jews are reckoned up particularly, the other but generally.   
These Rules than I will take for sure Grounds, and use them as a Land-compass in the discovery I now intend. But before I begin, I will add Five more, of less weight than the former, yet such as I hope will afford the like use that Ciphers have among Numbers, I mean, being joined with the former will help us to a greater certainty.  
The First then of these weaker Helps is from the use of the Prophets in naming two or more of these Nations together; which is a likely argument that they were seated both together, and were neighbouring one to the other. As we see of Meshech and Tubal, which commonly go together clean through the Prophets. And this Help junius seems to have used.  
The Second Help is the fulfilling of Prophecies by Nations foretold under the Names of their Founders, the Sons of japhet. And  
Thirdly, Because it is likely that in this Division there was a regard had by the wise Fathers for their future Colonies, we are to think that they ordered their partition so, that when they were to vent their Numbers and send forth new Colonies, they should not be forced to encroach on one another's inheritance, or one to pass through the lot of another, but that they had either the Sea or empty land every one upon some of his borders. And this he that will mark shall see observed in the Original dwellings of the Sons of Sem, which are better known and more agreed upon than those of japhet.  
The Fourth Help shall be the Testimony of the Ancients, especially of the jews themselves.  
The Fifth and last are the Remainders of ancient Names, which is the ordinary Help that every one follows. And thus we have increased our Criteria to the number of Ten. Now that which shall be found agreeable to all or the greater part of these, if it will not be approved for Truth, I am sure there is no other means left to warrant a more likely conjecture or a greater certainty.  
Let us come then to the Practice of our Rules: and First let us seek them in the Isles of the Gentiles, that is, (as I proved heretofore) in Countries divided by Sea from Palestine and Egypt; especially from Egypt, because when Moses wrote this Book he was not yet come into Palestine, and therefore used only such Names as the jews were acquainted with in the land of Goshen. The Isles then of the Gentiles are all regions from the mountain Amanus and the Hircane Sea Westward.  
Secondly, We must lay out some reasonable portion of the Earth to seek them in; and that we will define after this manner. 1. Our Eastern border shall be the land of Aram, that is Syria and Armenia the great, which was so called of Aram the Son of Sem: or, to speak more plainly, our Eastern border shall be from the mountain Amanus by the springs of Euphrates up to the West part of the Hircane Sea. 2. Our Southern border is without all doubt the Mediterranean Sea. 3. The Western border compasseth by the Ionian Sea and back of Macedonia up into the confines of Illyricum. 4. The North border is the river Danubius, the North part of Pontus Euxinus to the Caspian Sea.  
Our Eastern border is confirmed by Moses in this Chapter, where he saith; That the posterity of Sem dwelled from Mesha Eastward. This Mesha is the mountain Masius which is part of the mountain Amanus; and this was the Western limit of Sem's posterity, and therefore must needs be the East border of japhet. Again in the 2 of judith, 25. we read that Olofernes took the borders of the upper Cilicia, and came even to the borders of japhet which are toward the South over against Arabia, that is, he came to the Southeast borders of japhet in the lower Cilicia where is this mountain Amanus we speak of. Thirdly, josephus and the rest of the Ancients do all affirm thus much. And lastly, if we should go any further toward the East, it could no longer be called the Isles of the Gentiles in regard either of Egypt or Palestine.  
Our Southern border needs no proof at all.  
Our Western border stands upon two Reasons. 1. It is not like that they went beyond them, because there is a great Sea between them and the next land. Now 2. that they went so far, we prove from the Seat of Tiras, whom all agree to be the Father of the Thracians, which are in the Northwest part of this our plot, and so point out both how far they went toward the West and up into the North.  
The rest of our Northern border, as also our whole plot, may be confirmed by comparison with the Original portion of the Sons of Sem, to which it hath almost a just and equal scantling. For the farthest of the Semites toward the East is Elam the father of the Persians; now Persia lies as far from Amanus and Masius into the East as Macedonia and the Confines of Illyricum lie into the West. The breadth between North and South is from the Caspian Sea unto Phoenicia or to the Persian gulf, which is also proportionable to ours. So that within this compass we hope to find the ancient and first Seats of all the Sons of japhet, who are seven in number, named in the second Verse of this Chapter, Gomer, Magog, Madai, javan, Tubal, Meshech and Tiras. And to these we must divide our plot into seven portions as equal as we can guests; for it is not like there was any great difference of quantity.  
And here we must observe our Third Rule, To place those whose Sons are named by Moses in places accessible and neighbouring to the jews. Now Moses names the Sons only of two of these seven, viz. of Gomer and javan. The Sons of Gomer are Askenaz, Riphath and Togarmah: And the Sons of javan are four, Elishah, Tarshish, Cittim and Dodanim. The places accessible and fit for the jews commerce are those that lie upon the Mediterranean and the AEgean Seas, of the coasts of Asia.  
Now in which of these we should seek for the Seats of the Sons of JAVAN, is a matter of no great difficulty; because there is nothing more certain than that javan was the Father of the 
* A javan (LXX. legunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) jones dicti, qui Homero Ia●nes, Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Grecians, whose Countries lie along upon the Mediterranean Sea. And because we must there seek the whole Nation where we find any of the Families, and we know that the house of Tarshish dwelled in Cilicia; we may be assured that all the Countries lying upon the Sea belong unto the lot of japhet, even from the Issicus sinus unto the end of Epirus, which was part of our 
* Mre jonium. The Seat and portion of Tarshish.  Western border. This portion than we must divide into four parts, much of a scantling, for the four Sons of javan.  
The First part contains all Cilicia, and this was the dwelling of Tarshish; witness the City Tarsus, where S. Paul was born, which in Hebrew is called Tarshish, and it is that which jonas was bound for when he fled from the face of the Lord: witness likewise the often naming of Tarshish in all Prophecies concerning Tyre, to whom it was a near neighbour: witness also the whole Sea upon that coast called Tarshish, because the Sons of Tarshish were Lords of that Sea. For Lucan and others report the Cilicians were great pirates, and domineered in all the Sea near them, whom afterward Pompey subdued and brought to better order; so that of that Victory 
* lib. 3. Pharsal.  he saith, 
Itque Cilix justâ jam non pirata carinâ.  Lastly, for thus placing of Tarshish we have the consent of 
* Antiq. l. c. 7.  josephus and other ancients. As for the Septuagint, who often translate Tarshish the 
* Pass ye over to Tarshish Esay 23. 6. where the LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to Carthage. Ezech. 27. 12. for Tarshish the LXX. have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Carthaginians.  Carthaginians, they keep never a one of our Ten Rules, and therefore we must needs reject them; especially if they mean of the original Seat of Tarshish. But as for their Colonies, we will see afterwards.  

* The Seat and portion of Cittim.  The Second portion contains Caria, Lycia and part of Pamphilia; and this fell to Cittim or to the Cittaeans; for it is a name of the plural number, and so a name of a People; the singular would be Ceth or Citti, who is like to have been their founder. Reasons for placing the Cittaeans here are, 1. from Cetis a country in this tract spoken of by Ptolemy: 2. a people called Cetii by Homer in Odyss. δ. who thinks they were so called of a river Cetius in the same quarter: 3. because there can be no other place assigned them in all the portion of javan, as we shall see: and lastly, because their often naming in the Scripture argues they were not far from Palestine.  
The Third part of this division contains Achaia and part of Peloponnesus; 
The Seat and portion of Elishah.  and this was the lot of Elishah. Witness a great part of this tract called Ellas, the river Elissus or Ilissus, the Elysii campi, Eleusis a city near to Attica, wherein was worshipped the Goddess Ceres, and hereof named Ceres Eleusina; witness likewise Elissus a city of Arcadia, Elis a city in Peloponnesus, and AEoles a colony of Achaia; all of them so named of Elishah: and to this in some agrees josephus and the other ancients, though some of them restrain our Elishah to the AEoles, who it is certain were but a colony from Achaia.  
There remains the Fourth portion for the Fourth son of javan, 
The Seat and portion of Dodanim.  which contains all Epirus and part of Peloponnesus; and here we must place the Dodanim or the Dodanites. For this also is a name of the plural number. Now to place this people here, we have two special Reasons. 1. Because they are never spoken of after in any place of the Bible; whereby it seems they dwelled far off from Palestine and out of the jews walk and knowledge: now the other Three are all spoken of, Tarshish and Cittim very often, because they were very near; Elishah but once in 
* Ch. 27. 7.  Ezekiel, because he was farther off; but Dodanim never, because he was little known and farthest off. So that the common [
* This or the like word was wanting in the MS.  opinion] which places him in Rhodes, incurs many unlikelihoods. For Rhodes is an Island, whereas it is certain the Main was inhabited before the Islands. Again, Rhodes is a very small Isle, nothing answerable to the portions of the rest. And lastly, Rhodes is near and obvious to judaea, and yet this people we never here once named among the Prophets. But the occasion of this Error grew from the changing of Daleth for Resh in the first Book of Chronicles, where is read Rodanim, ch. 1. 7. as also for our Riphath there is read Diphath in v. 6. which out of doubt was the Scribe's fault at the first, and never after amended. The other Reason for placing this people here is the Remainder of the very name in a City called Dodona, and the famous Oracle of jupiter Dodonaeus, who was no other but this Fourth son of javan who was the Saturn of the Grecians, and all his sons the Ioves of their several families.  
This was the Inheritance of javan, whom his sons the Grecians for his wisdom and providence called Prometheus, who (as 
* in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●. 1.  Hesiod says) was— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, japetus his good Son.  
THE other whose sons are named by Moses, is Gomer; and to him therefore we must allot the next Regions, most accessible and fit to have commerce and traffic with Palestine. And these will be those parts of Asia which lie upon the AEgean Sea and Hellespont Northward. 
Ch. 38. 6.  And this agrees well with Ezekiel, who terms Gomer and Togarmah inhabitants of the sides of the North 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And it is manifest that the jews called the lesser Asia the North, and the Kings thereof in 
* Chap. 11.  Daniel the Kings of the North. We may therefore assign to these Gomerians all the North-East part of this Asia, containing Phrygia, Pontus, Bythinia, and a great part of Galatia; and this will be a portion answerable to that of javan. And this josephus will not deny us, 
Lib. 4.  who affirms the Galatians to have been called Gomeraei; and Herodotus will tell us that a people called Cimmerii dwelled in this tract, who sent a Colony to Palus Maeotis, and gave name to Cimmerius Bosphorus. And 
* Lib. 5. c. 30.  Pliny speaks of a town in Troas, a part of Phrygia, called Cimmeris. Which all have their name from this Gomer.  
This tract than we must divide into three parts between the Three sons of Gomer, viz. Askenaz, Riphath and Togarmah.  
The First shall be Phrygia major and some part of Galatia; 
The Seat and portion of Togarmah.  which, following the opinion of josephus and others, we assign to Togarmah, of whom the Phrygians (saith josephus) were called Tygrammenes. As for the opinion of junius, who places Togarmah in Armenia minor, because of their Kings called Tygranes, and their Cities Tygranokartae; this cannot stand, because Armenia minor is too far out of our tract, and therefore he breaks our Fourth Rule, in placing the Son of Gomer out of the lot of Gomer, and rending him from the house of his father. And that Togarmah should be the Author of the Turks, is a jewish toy lately devised. But it pleaseth jonathan the Chaldee Paraphrast by likeness of the name to turn Thogarmah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Germania; and some go farther, and would have Thogarmah to be quasi Thegarmen or The germane. But this opinion breaks the most and chiefest of our Rules, and therefore cannot be approved, unless they mean of after-Colonies; of which we will see afterward.  
The Second shall be Troas or Phrygia minor, wherein was the renowned City of Troy; and this we allot to Askenaz, because of the river Ascanius, and part of the tract called Ascania, 
The Seat and portion of Askenaz.  and the name Ascanius used in those parts: witness Homer in his 2. Iliad. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  that is, Phorcys led the Phrygians, and divine Ascanius who came from Ascania. And it is as like the Greeks should turn Askenaz to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Coresh to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Darjavesh to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so that for the termination [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] no man need doubt. josephus would have Askenaz to be father to a people called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Rheginenses, who were inhabitants of a City called Rhegium on the Seacoasts of Italy over against Sicilia: but this is too far out of our walk, and breaks our Fourth Rule amain, by rending Askenaz quite from the house of his father, and placing him so far from his brethren: and it is against josephus his own testimony, who saith that the Gomeraei were inhabitants of Asia, and I am sure Gomer could be founder of no Nations but those his Sons were fathers of. But if I might be bold with josephus, I would for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and understand the Rhaetii or Rhaetians a Germane people; and so he should agree with the opinion of the modern jews, who call the 
* Vid. E●iam in Tishbi in fine litera & Aben Ezr. in Obad. The Seat and portion of Riphath.  Germans Askenazim from Askenaz: but this must be understood of some ensuing Colonies, not of this Original Seat.  
The third and last portion is Pontus and Bythinia, which remains for the Third Son, Riphath: witness josephus, who affirms that the Paphlagones' who dwelled in these parts were called Riphathaei; and the Histories of 
* Plin. l. 6. c. 7. Solin. c. 27.  Heathen men place here their Riphaei and Arimphaei; and junius thinks that the Amazons who were called AEorpatae were a Colony from these quarters; and besides there is a river in these parts called Parthenius, corruptly as it should seem for Riphathenius. And this portion lies only open to the Euxine Sea, in ancient time called Pontus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it was unfrequented by the Greek Nations: which opportunely shows the reason why of those Three only Riphath is never spoken of afterward, because it lay out of the walk either of jews, Tyrians, or Egyptians. And thus much for Gomer.  
THAT which remains of Asia we must divide between Meshech, Tubal and Magog: For it is certain out of 
* Chap. 38.  Ezekiel that Magog was seated in the North, because it is said that Gog of the land of Magog shall come out of his Northern quarters; 
Ver. 15.  and out of the same Chapter we gather that Tubal and Meshech were his neighbours, in that he is called chief Prince of Meshech and Tubal; 
Ver. 2. 3.  and these two Meshech and Tubal are both here and elsewhere always joined together.  
To Meshech therefore, 
The Seat and portion of Meshech or Mosoch, so the LXX.  following the received opinion, we allot Cappadocia, the inhabitants whereof were once called Meschini, Moschi, Mossyni and Mosynoeci; witness 
a An●iq. l. 1. c. 7.  josephus, 
b Contra Sethianos, haer. 39  Epiphanius, 
c Nat. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 4.  Pliny and 
d Lib. 2. Vide etiam Clavem & Comment. Apocalypt. cap 9 vers. 16.  Carmen Argonauticum. Also the chief City of Cappadocia was called Mazaca even to Tiberius his time, who called it Caesarea, and it was afterward the Episcopal See of the learned Basilius Magnus.  

* The Seat and portion of Thubal.  Now for Thubal, because he is neighbour to Meshech, we must allot that which lies on the Southeast of the Euxine Sea, which contained the people Albani, Chalybes, and Iberi, who (josephus saith) were anciently called Thebeli; and Ptolemy places here a City called Thabilaca. And some think that Chalybes is a name corrupted from Thabyles, by losing the first letter, and after supplying ● in stead thereof: for in Homer's time they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when he saith that the Halizones came  

* II. ●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from Alybe, where are mines of silver: and from this Alybe I suppose came the name Albania. And all this is agreeable to the opinion of most Writers, but that some having mistaken the name Iberi in josephus, will have the Spaniards to be of Thubal: but we can yield them no more than this, that perhaps the Spanish Iberi were a Colony of the Iberians of Asia. And so we come to Magog;  
Whom with the consent of all men we place North of Thubal, 
The Seat and portion of Magog.  and make him the father of those Seythians that dwelled on the East and North-East of the Euxine Sea: and besides we have this argument from the report of 
* Nat. hist. l. 5. c. 23. Coele Syria habet Bambycen, quae alio nomine Hierapolis vocatur, Syrisv●rd Magog.  Pliny, in that Scythopolis and Hierapolis, which these Scythians took when they overcame Syria, were ever after by the Syrians called Magog. And hence we may soon learn who is that tyrant Gog whereof Ezekiel prophesied, namely the Scythian Ottoman of the East, who at this day usurps a great part of Israel, of our Israel of the Gentiles. This is that Gog of the land of Magog, chief Prince of Meshech and Thubal. As for the name Gog, it signifies the very same with Magog, for Man is but an Hemantick letter; and it pleased the Spirit of God to take away this first syllable, to distinguish between the people and the land of the people, calling the people Gog, and the land the land of Magog. And it is to be marked that he doth not call this Gog Prince of Magog, 
Ezek. 38. 2.  but rather Gog of the land of Magog (for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be turned) and chief Prince of Meshech and Thubal. For those who have done us all this evil were no Princes in the land of Magog, but mere Vagabonds and mercenaries, whom their Country spewed out because they could not live at home. And yet these Savages at the first coming out made themselves Lords of Meshech and Thubal, of Cappadocia and Iberia: and here they contained themselves long before they attempted the conquest of the rest of Asia; witness those who write the History of their beginning. I would to God we might live 
Ch. 39 3, 4, 6, 7.  to see that joyful time which the same Ezekiel speaketh of, when the Lord shall make him fall upon the mountains of Israel, and smite the bow out of his left hand, and cause his arrows to fall out of his right hand: when he shall send a fire upon Magog, and among them that dwell carelessly in the Isles; that they might know that he is the Lord our God, even the Holy one of Israel.  
There remain yet of the sons of japhet, 
The Seat and portion of Tira●.  Madai and Tiras, and of the plot we first laid out, Thracia and Macedonia. If then the Thracians be of Tyras (as it is 
* Vid. Epiphan. advers. H●rel. l. 1. Hieronym. in Trad. Hebr. Thiras Thrac●s, quorum 〈…〉.  agreed they are, both because the name Thrax is little changed, and because they worshipped one 
* Epiphan. l. 1.  Odrysus, who was no other than this Tiras) than it must needs follow that Macedonia is left for Madai, or else we must leave it empty, because we can assign it to none of the rest without great inequality of portions, nor yet find any other place for Madai.  
Let therefore Macedonia be the lot of Madai; witness the ancient name AEmathia, as Lucan sings, Bella per AEmathios plus quam civilia campos.  
If any man question how A came in, I could ask him likewise how Eu came into Euphrates, which the Hebrews and those of Mesopotamia call Perath; or how A into AEgyptus, which themselves and their neighbours the Arabians call Cuphti; or how A into Ethiopia, which some think to be so called of Theops or Theophi. It may be that of the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying regio the Greeks form their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 terra, and so Aimathia is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Madai, the land of Madai; and AEgyptus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cuphti, the land of Cuphti; and AEthiopia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theophi, the land of Theophi, But howsoever it be, it is no unusual thing in the changing of a name out of one [
* This or the like w●rd was wanting in the Ms.  language] into another, to prefix a Vowel or Diphthong. But besides this name AEmathia, we read of a people in this tract called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or (as some will) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle in his Book 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  of Strange reports speaks of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the borders of Paeonia; and hereabouts was that Praefectura Medica we hear of in the Roman stories. Lastly, Isocrates in one of his Orations names one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for King of these quarters, before (as he saith) they come to be a Greek nation.  
It is the common opinion, I confess, that Madai was the Father of the Medes in Asia: but this I think will scarcely agree with Moses, to remove Madai so far from the rest of his brethren, and how can that be any part of the Isles of the Gentiles, which lies beyond Armenia the great and part of Assyria? Or what should any of the sons of japhet do among the sons of Sem? Indeed josephus saith that Madai was progenitor of that people which the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but I am sure they called the Medes of Asia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And what though the Hebrews called them Madai? this proves no more that there was the Original seat of Madai the son of japhet, than that Tarshish, whither Solomon's ships went once in three years to fetch gold and silver, was the first dwelling of Tarshish the son of javan. It may be their names were occasioned by these, either through Colonies, (which is the more unlikely,) or by the affinity of name, which the jews corrupted to a name they were best acquainted with; which is an usual dealing of Nations of a divers language with the names of their neighbours.  
Thus then at length we have found the first Seats of the Sons of japhet, agreeable to the Rules we first laid down; and their Portions also are so laid out, that every one hath some part of his borders lying open to the Sea or toward empty land, that so they might vent their Colonies without disturbing their brethren.  
NOW let us say something of their Colonies. And we'll begin with Tarshish, who lies open only to the Mediterranean Sea, and therefore is like to have sent his first Colonies that way; but whither it is hard to say: but, 
The Colonies of Tarshish.  if I may guests, it is likely unto the first land Westward he found unpeopled, and that may be the South part of Italy, where dwelled the Elrusci, a name coming something near to Etarshishi. But howsoever it is certain that the Etrurians came from Asia the less, and that they were a Greek Nation, and spoke the Greek language. There is a Spaniard that hath lately written a Description of Old Spain, and will have Tarshish, whither Solomon's ships went with the Ships of Hiram king of Tyre, to be Tartesses in the South of Spain near to Hercules Pillars; and indeed Aristotle in his Strange reports says that when the Phaenicians came first thither, they found so much Silver, that they were not able to carry it away, but were fain to make their Anchors and their Ship-furniture all of Silver. But if this Tartessus be that Tarshish, it seems the Phoenicians so called it, because it lay unto Carthage their new Tire as old Tarshish in Cilicia lay to old Tyre, that is Northwestward: or else they called it Tarshish, because they went to it by the Sea of Tarshish. The Septuagint, who often turn Tarshish the Carthaginians, seem to allude to the name, as though Carthago were Cartarshish a City of Tarshish: but Carthage was no Colony of Cicilia, but of Phoenicia. 
Vrbs antiqua fuit, Tyrii tenuere coloni,  
Carthago—  But it should seem of all these or some of these the whole Mediterranean Sea was called Tarshish, for the Chaldee Paraphrast almost always turns Tarshish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the Sea; whom Tremellius follows.  
The Cittaeans lie open both to the AEgean and to the Mediterranean Seas, 
The Colonies of Cittim.  and therefore might send Colonies both ways. And first it is likely that they peopled Crete and the Isles at the mouth of the AEgean Sea. But because the Prophecy of 
* Chap. 11 30. For th●re sh●ll come against him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ships of Chittim, or perhaps, ships from Chittim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in Hol. 14. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the lxx. (whom the Apostle follows) seem to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fruit of our lips.  Daniel, concerning the ships of Chittim that should come against Antiochus magnus, was fulfilled by the Romans; we must grant Italy also a Colony of our Cittaeans, which seems to be the East part thereof which lies toward Syria, and was anciently called Magna Graecia: and yet I suppose that these Cittaei went as high as Tiber unto the borders of their brethren the Hetrusci, and were those which were called Aborigines and Latini; and that part called Magna Graecia was filled with other Greek Colonies afterward and of more late time, because they spoke the same Greek that other Greek nations did; but those Aborigines or Latini spoke the ancient Ionian tongue, as Varro affirmeth: and it should seem besides that they were a Colony of the ancienter jonians or Greeks because they kept their Father Iavan's name amongst them, call him janus, whom the other Grecians seem to have by some mischance forgotten: even as the ancient Germans once worshipped Terra mater, as Tacitus says, called Erthus, and yet now they have no such name in all their language; whereas we, one of their Colonies, have still the name Earth. Munster and some others would have janus to be Noah, with a far-fetched reason from ● Vinum, because Noah planted a Vineyard and was drunken with the wine thereof. But this hath no likelihood at all, that the Greek nation alone should worship the Father of all mankind, whereas others remember only the Father of their own nations; as the Thracians Odrysus, the Arabians Sabin, Assabinus. And that name janus is so plain for javanus, that I wonder how they could miss it: And it may be that same Oenotrius, of whom Italy was called Oenotria; for both signify Vinosus, and besides that Oenotrius was one of the Surnames of janus. Furthermore, that the Romans were javanites or Grecians, methinks I could prove out of Rom. 10. 12. where S. Paul speaking particularly to the Romans, says after this manner, There is no difference between the jew and the Greek; for the same Lord over all is rich unto all that call upon him; where he seems to comprehend the Romans under the Grecians. But if any man will think otherwise, he shall have my leave.  
But to return to that we are somewhat digressed from; junius expounding this 
* Dan. 11. 30.  Prophecy of the ships of Chittim, would have the Romans ships called the ships of Cittim, because they came immediately from the coast of Cittim, that is Crilicia, in the havens whereof they used to lie. But Cittim is a name of the plural number, and therefore not the name of a Country, but of a People; how then could the Romans ships be called the ships of the Cittaeans, unless they had a privilege that whatsoever ships come to their shores should be theirs? And again Cilicia, where the Roman navy used to lie, was the lot of Tarshish, not of Cittim; for Strabo says the Cetii or Cetians lay West from Cilicia, where we placed them.  
Another Colony of Cittim Balaam will tell us of in Numb. 24. 24. where he says that ships shall come from the coasts of Chittim, and shall afflict the Assyrians, 
Macedones olim dicti Macetae; Gellius lib 9 cap. 3. Eustathius in Dionysium. Hesych. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and shall afflict the Hebrews: which is meant of Alexander King of Macedonia; whereby it seems that the Macedonians were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the mixture of the sons of Madai and Cittim, as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, even as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so Macedonia is called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Maccetims, for an, en & in are terminations plural in divers languages. And that ye may fully believe that a Colony of Cittim went into Macedonia, ye shall read in 1 Maccab. 8. 5. Perseus' king of Macedonia expressly called King of Cittim; which reading junius would fain change, if he had any authority, to make his opinion good, that those ships also are called ships from the coasts of Cittim, because they came out of the havens of Cilicia. And thus much of the Colonies of the Cittaeans.  
Now to speak a word or two of the Colonies of the rest. 
The Colonies of Thogarmah.  Of the offspring of Gomer, who were of him called Cimmerii, and had a City in their lot called Cimmeris of these Cimmerians or Gomerians, Thogarmah lies only open by the AEgean Sea to the Mediterranean, and therefore sent his ancient Colonies that way, and gave original to the old Gauls whom the Grecians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and contractly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cimbri: and of these Gauls proves Cambden came our ancient Britan's, who yet retain the name of their Grandfire Gomer, and call themselves Cumrah.  
Askenaz, 
The Colonies of Askenaz.  another family of these Cimmerians, lies open to the Northwest, and therefore sent his Colonies that way, and gave name to Cimmerius Bosphorus; and going along by Danubius, gave beginning to the Germans, whom Diodorus Sic●lus affirms to have their Original from the Cimmerians; and the jews to this day call them Askenazim of Askenaz; and themselves retain the name of their Grandsire Gomer both in Cimbri, and calling themselves Germane, that is Gomeraeans: as the Syrians call the Aramaeans Armin, of which the Greeks form their Armenia; so of Gemrens or Germane the Latins form Germania; for en is a Germane plural, and it is no harder thing to form of Gomer Gemren, than of Brother Brethren; for we English are the Germans brethren, and therefore also the sons of Askenaz.  
Riphath lies only open to the Euxine Sea Northward, 
The Colonies of Riphath.  and West to Askenaz, and therefore sent his Colonies something Westward, but North of Askenaz; and so he gave beginning first to those Riphaei above the Euxine Sea, and after to the Rutheni and Prutheni, both which found of Riphath; for Pruthen is that but contractly for Riphathen, that is, Riphathaeans; for en (as I said) is a termination plural. We call them Prussians and Russians, and their language is the Polonian tongue or a dialect thereof, not the Askenazim or Dutch.  
Meshech also lies only open Northward, 
The Colonies of Meshech,  and therefore sent his Colonies beyond Palus Maeotis, who are of him called Muskovians.  
Tubal lies on the Northwest of the Euxine Sea, 
and Tubal,  and therefore sent his ancient Colonies by it; but whither it is hard to say, but it is like Northward upon the East of the Muskovite.  
Magog lies open to the North, 
and Magog.  and hath scope enough, and might go, if he would, he and Tubal both, even as high as Nova Zembla.  
There remain Tiras and our japhetian Madai: 
The Colonies of Madai.  and Madai lies open both to the Adriatic Sea and to the confines of Illyricum and Moesia; but it is not like he went by Sea so long as he might by land, and therefore I think he gave beginning to the Illyrians and to the Moesians, for so Pliny calls them, which methinks comes near to Maethians; for ● and ● are changeable one for the other, as we see in Rutheni and Prutheni, whom we call Russians and Prussians, and Russia and Prussia for Ruthia and Pruthia.  
Tiras lies open both to the North and the West; 
The Colonies of Tiras.  but I think he went no further Northward than a River on the edge of Russia, which of him is called Tyras: his other Colonies went more Westward, and gave beginning to the Dacians, and Ge●ae, and their offspring.  
And thus we have seen the First Seats of the Offspring of japhet, and also whither they have been since scattered over the face of this Western world. And now we have occasion to consider the Blessing of japhet, 
* G 〈…〉. 27  That God would enlarge him into the tents of Sem, and that 
‖ I'm was the 〈◊〉 of Canaan, 〈…〉 both of them being faulty towards Noah.  Cham should be his servant: For there hath never yet been a son of Cham that hath shaken a sceptre over the head of japhet. Sem hath subdued japhet, and japhet subdued Sem; but Cham never subdued either. And this Fate was it that made Hannibal, a child of 
* That the Carthaginians were originally of 〈◊〉 Stock or offspring of Canaan (the son of Cham, whose posterity possessed all Asrick, besides some part of Asia,) is generally agreed; and S. Austin, (one of that country) in his Comment upon the Ep. to the Romans, relates, that when any of the people about Hippo or Carthage were asked What they were; they would answer in their Punic language, Chanani, that is, (saith he) Chananai, Canaanites.  Canaan, cry out with the amazement of his soul, Agnosco fatum Carthaginis. (See Livy in l. 27. in fine.) The Saracens indeed once spoiled us, but they were no Chamites, but Arabians of the seed of Ishmael; and yet because a great number of their kind were after of the Moors and Chamish Arabians, we see they were in a moment shaken off by japhet, and made to keep themselves within their African limits.  
And we may see likewise how God hath enlarged japhet into the tents of Sem, and how he that was once the God of Sem is now the Blessed God of japhet: For almost only the Offspring of japhet, yea and all the Offspring of japhet, are at this day Christians, only Magog except; whom he seems to have reserved, as he did some of the Canaanites in the land of Israel, to prove and punish us withal. But let us desire him That he would at length deliver us from this Belial, and that he would daily enlarge us more and more into the tents of Sem, that he would remember the Blessing, and never forget his Promises so often made to the Isles of the Gentiles. Hear, O Lord, the groan of those who are in bondage, and let their cry come up unto thy Holy Seat. Why should the Heathen any longer rage, and gather themselves together against thy Christ? How long, Lord, how long wilt thou be angry with them for ever? It is enough, Lord, it is enough; Arise and send them an Ezra, send them now an Helper, and make thine Holy Name known in the midst of thy people.    

DISCOURSE LI.  

PSALM 50. 14.  Offer unto God praise, and pay thy Vows unto the most High. 
THE Book of Psalms is a Book of Prophecies; witness the frequent citing of them by our Lord and his Apostles; witness the Surname of King David, who being the penman of no other but this Book is styled the 
* Acts 2. 30.  Prophet David. I say the Psalms are Prophecies, and that both Concerning Christ himself, and also the Church which should be after him. Concerning Christ himself it needs must be; Saith he in the Gospel, (Luke 24. 24.) These are the words which I spoke unto you, while I was yet with you, That all things must be fulfilled which were written of me in the Law of Moses, and in the Prophets, and in the PSALMS: and more especially concerning his Beginning, 
* Acts 13. 33. Psal. 2. 7.  S. Paul quotes the words of the Psalm speaking in the Person of God, Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee; and again concerning his Office, 
* Heb 5. 6. Psal. 110. 4.  Thou art a Priest for ever, after the order of Melchisedek. Now for the Church of the Gospel and calling of the Gentiles, as many parts of many Psalms do foretell thereof, so is this whole Psalm a description of the same; 1. What manner of one it should be; 2. What worship God would establish therein. For the first, it should be Catholic and gathered out of all Nations, The God of Gods (saith the beginning of the Psalm v. 1, 2.) even the Lord hath spoken, and called the Earth from the rising of the Sun to the going down thereof. Out of Zion, the perfection of beauty, hath God shined: Agreeable to the words of the 
* Luke 24. 46, 47.  Gospel itself, That it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day; And that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in his Name among all Nations, beginning at jerusalem: and that it did begin at jerusalem where Christ himself began, where the Holy Ghost came down in cloven tongues: So out of Zion God shined, our God came and kept not silence; for a fire came before him, and a tempest moved round about him.  
Now for the Worship and service which Christ would establish in his new reformed Church, it concerns either the First or the Second Table. For the First Table, 
Psal. 50. 14.  it tells us What Offerings God would abolish, namely, all Typical Offerings or all the Offerings of fire; and then What Offerings he would accept, to wit, the Offerings of Praise and Prayer; Offer unto God Praise, and pay thy Vows unto the most High. For the Second Table, it commands a right and upright conversation, from the 16. verse unto the last; and the last is the Sum or a brief summary of both Tables, He that offereth Praise, shall glorify me; and to him that disposeth his way aright, will I show the Salvation of the Lord.  
But to return again to the reformation of the First Table, whereof my Text is the Affirmative part: where (as I said) we are told both What Offerings God will not have offered, and What Offerings he requireth. He will no longer have any Typical Offerings, any Offerings of, fire, or bloody Sacrifices: For 
* Verse 8. 9 etc.  I will not (saith he) reprove thee for thy Sacrifices or thy burnt-offerings; I will take no bullock out of thine house, nor goats out of thy folds; For all the beasts of the forests are mine, and the beasts on a thousand hills. If I were hungry, I would not tell thee; for the world is mine and all that therein is. Will I eat the flesh of bulls, or drink the blood of goats? Nevertheless he still requireth Offerings of Thanksgiving, and a Present when we come to pray unto him: so faith my Text, Offer unto God Praise, etc. And so here is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as S. Paul saith in a like case, 
Heb. 10. 9  He taketh away the first, that he may establish the second.  
But as in Typical Speeches it often comes to pass that the things which are spoken are true both in the Type and Antitype; 
Typical Speeches often true in the Type and Antitype.  as that in Hosea 11. 1. Out of Egypt have I called my Son, was in some sense true both of Christ and Israel; and that in Exod. 12. 46. Thou shalt not break a bone thereof, was true literally both of Christ and the Paschal lamb; and that in Psal. 22. 18. They parted my garments among them, was true figuratively in David, 
Prophecies so foretell things to come in the Church of the Gospel, as that they instruct also the present Church of the Law.  and literally in Christ: Even so it comes to pass in Prophecies, and namely in this, That it so foretells of things to come, that it concerned also the time present; it foretells the estate of the Church in the Gospel, and yet meant something that concerned the present Church of the Law. To which purpose we must frame the sense after this manner, That God even then did not so much regard the Offerings of fire and Expiatory sacrifices as he did the Offerings of Praise and Thanksgiving, because the first were Ceremonial, the other Moral; the first, their End was changeable, the other, everlasting. So that in respect of the Catholic Church the words of my Text are an Antithesis or Aphaeresis with the former, I will in no sort have any Typical and Bloody Offerings, but only Offerings of Praise and Prayer: But in respect of the Legal Church or the Church of the Law they are a Protimesis or Estimation, I require not so much any Typical offerings, as I do that you should offer unto me Praise, and pay your Vows unto the most High. For so when God saith elsewhere, 
* Matth. 9 13.  I will have mercy and not sacrifice; it is no Antithesis, but a Protimesis, that I had rather have mercy than sacrifice. So again Matth. 6. 19 Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth, but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven; this is no Antithesis or Aphaeresis, as though Christ would not have us at all provide for things of this life; but a Protimesis, he would not have us take so much care for this life as for the life to come.  
The Scope therefore of my Text is, to show What kind of Offerings God did chiefly accept under the Law, and doth only require in the Gospel; to wit, two sorts of Offerings, Eucharistical, and Euctical or Votal. Eucharistical Offerings are such whose End is Thanksgiving to God for Benefits received, which are here termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Offerings of Praise. Euctical I call such as are made to God upon occasion of suit we have unto him, that is, when we come to pray before him, that he might accept our supplications and we find favour in his sight. And this is performed two manner of ways; either by promise if God shall hear us and grant our petition, which is called a Vow; or by actual exhibition at the time we do pray unto him. An example of the first kind is that of jacob; 
Gen. 28. 20, etc.  If the Lord shall be with me and bring me back again, of all I have, the Tenth will I give unto him. The second was much used in the first times of the Christian Church, and of it in the Law we understand chiefly that Commandment, That no man should appear before the Lord empty; that is, Let no man that comes to pray before the Lord appear emptyhanded. 
Deut. 16. 16.  But because the first was very ordinary among the jews, my Text by a Trope only names it in stead of the whole kind of Euctical offerings. Pay thy Vows, that is, when in praying before me thou shalt vow a gift to me or mine, if I shall hear thee; or at thy prayer dost exhibit the same before me, that thou mightest find favour in my sight; such Offerings are well pleasing unto me, such Offerings will I accept at thine hands: Offer therefore unto me praise, and pay thy vows unto the most High.  
This last word [most High] will serve us in stead of a Reason why God should require this kind of service at our hands, Because he is the most High God: Offer unto God an Offering of Thanksgiving, because he is the most High God, that is, the chiefest and highest Cause of all that thou hast received: Offer unto God, when thou hast a suit unto him, because he is the most High God, that is, the Lord of Lords, the highest Lord; and therefore it doth little beseem thee to appear before him without a present, when thou wouldst do it unto thine earthly Lord, if thou hadst a suit unto him.  
Now also the Lord, as he is the most High God, so lie ever was and ever shall be the most High; and therefore this kind of Offering is due unto God naturally and perpetually. Therefore both jew and Gentile must offer unto God Praise, and make and pay their Vows unto the most High. For these are Offerings made to God for a cause unchangeable, our Subjection and his Greatness; our receipt of daily benefits and his daily showers of blessings. These therefore even among the jews and under the Law he did accept without any regard of Type, simply and for themselves; and these among the Gentiles he only accepts, when all the rest are quite abolished. Those other he rejects, because Christ, who was then to suffer and to be offered, is not now to be offered any more: These he will still accept, because the most High God than is the most High God still and shall be evermore.  
HAVING briefly shown the scope and meaning of these words, and what these Offerings of Praise and Votal offerings are which God did chiefly accept in the Law, and will only admit in the Gospel; there remain yet in my purpose these things to be treated of.  

1. To distinguish this Moral kind of Offerings from the rest in use under the Law, 
[The Author 〈◊〉 the following part of this Discourse handles the first and second particulars together.]  I will take a short Survey of all the Offerings then used.  
2. I will give some infallible marks whereby we may know this kind of Offerings from those whose End was to figure and represent things to come.  
3. I will bring some Reasons to prove, That the main End of those Offerings I call Eucharistical and Votal was not Ceremonial but Moral.  
4. Lastly, I will show how far and in what sort these Eucharistical and Votal Offerings have been used in the first ages of the Church, specially about the holy Sacrament and at the celebration of the Lord's Supper: and how the blind ignorance of aftertimes turned them into expiatory Sacrifices, which were only a real Thanksgiving and a kind of real Praying unto God.   
To begin therefore with the First. 
The Legal Offerings were either Simply Holy, as the Terumoth: or most Holy, as the Corbanim were  All the Offerings in the Law were either Oblationes Sanctae simply Holy, or Sanctae Sanctarum most Holy, or Holy of holies. This division is founded in the Scripture itself, and without this division it is impossible either to bring the multitude of Offerings into method, or to understand the End, Scope and Use of them aright. The Holy Offerings are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Terumoth, which we translate Heave-offerings; the Holy of holies or most Holy Offerings are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* The most Holy offering is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Corban, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, a Offering of or by fire.  Corbanim. And the Scripture is so precise in these words, as I dare affirm though one of them be used sixty times, they are never confounded; but Terumoth is only given to Offerings simply Holy, and Corbanim only to those who were Sanctae Sanctarum or Holy of holies  
Now for the reason of this difference of Holy and Holy of holies, 
Why some Offerings are called Simply Holy; others most Holy.  it is this. The Heave-offering is called simply Holy, because it was only consecrate to God, and had no other Holiness but this. The Corban is called Holy of holies, because it was not only consecrate to God, as was the other; but was also a Shadow and Type of Holy things to come: and hence it had a privilege that whatsoever it should touch, that should be Holy also, as we may see Exod. 29. 37. & chap. 30. 29. Which was a Mystery of that Holy one who by the union of Faith should one day sanctify us and whatsoever is ours, as it is Heb. 10. verse 10, 14.  
The Corban therefore, 
The Corban or most Holy Offering defined. Levit. 1. 4. and often elsewhere.  or the most Holy Offering I define, a Offering of fire, figuring the satisfaction which Christ was one day to perform to God for us. And therefore the faithful jew was to present this Corban before God, and lay his hand upon it, as it were presenting unto God Christ who was to come, and apprehending him by the hand of Faith. But the Priest alone was to offer it, and to eat up whatsoever remained from the fire, and that 
* Levit. 10. 17.  in the Holy place; that so the Sacrifice itself being turned into the Sacrificer, might foreshow that our great Priest and great Sacrifice should be one and the same; that is, that Christ should offer himself for us to God his Father, and that he should do it in the Holy City whereon the name of God was called.  
Now every Corban or most Holy Offering was of two parts or (if you will) two kinds, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Zebach I define a Corban or a most Holy Offering, 
The Corban was either Zebach, or Mincha. Zebach defined.  where by the slaughter and shedding of the blood of Beasts was figured the Expiation of sin to be wrought by the death and passion of Christ to come. For our Expiation could not be wrought but by death and the effusion of blood; and therefore God here made choice of Beasts for Types, because they were capable of death and shedding of blood. This Offering is by a special name called The bloody Sacrifice, and the LXX in Amos 5. 22. turn it 
* And in Dan. 9 27. (and most commonly) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which properly signifies a Slaughter Offering, as in the Hebrew, so in the Greek, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Macto.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, both properly and alluding to the word Zebach: the Latins well call it Hostia and Victima.  

* Mincha defined.  Mincha was a Corban for the most part joined to a Zebach or Bloody Sacrifice, where by the burning and ascending of inanimate things, as Meats and Drinks, was shadowed the Obedience and Merits of Christ to come, which God would accept for our want of Obedience. By Obedience here I understand Christ's Active obedience, whereby he fulfilled the Law for us, not by his unvaluable Death, but by a blameless Life; for which of you (saith he) convinceth me of sin? Here therefore was no need of Beasts for Types, but Meats and Drinks; 
john 8. 46.  for godly works are as it were Meat and Drink to preserve that life which is according to Godliness. This Corban we turn the Meat-and-Drink-offerings, others Munus; the Gentiles called it Libum. But I said, This Offering was commonly adjoined to the Zebach or Bloody Sacrifice; for sometimes it is separate from it. For to this Mincha I refer the holy Incense which was within the Temple, which figured that continual sweet favour and Incense of the Merits and Obedience which Christ presents unto his Father in a Temple not made with hands, that is, in Heaven.  

* Zebach, as also Mincha, was either Simple or Divers. What's meant by a Simple Sacrifice.  Again, both Zebach and Mincha, the Bloody Sacrifice with its Meat-and-Drink-Offering, were of differing kinds, and for differing Ends. For either kind was Simple or Divers. Simple I call that which all of it was most holy, and the whole was to shadow out the Satisfaction of Christ. And this was either for Internal sins, or for External. For Internal sins, that is, the sins of our 
‖ So Aben Ezra on Levit. 1. 3. and the Targum of jonathan on Levit. 6. 9  Hearts, Thoughts and Affections was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Holocaust or Burnt-offering. For External sins or evil deeds were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Sin-offering and the Trespass-offering, as we call them: 
* The Hebrew writers on Levit. 4. thus distinguish them: they make Chattaah or the Sin-Offering to be for a thing done ignorantly against some Negative Precept, and now certainly known to have been against the Precept; but Asham or the Trespass-offering to be for a thing done also against some Negative Precept, but as yet not certainly known by the party to be a violation or breach of the Precept.  the one (if I am not deceived) for Sins against the First Table, to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Trespass-offering; the other for sins of the Second Table. But because our Internal sins or sins of Infirmity are peccata jugia, continual and daily sins, therefore the Holocaust or Burnt-offering was 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Numb. 28. 10. Holocaustum juge.  continual and daily offered; the Sin-offering and Trespass-offering were not so: and yet whensoever they were offered, they were offered with a Burnt-offering; to show that our Evil works cannot be expiated and made pure, unless the Heart, the fountain whence they spring, be also purged.  
A Divers Sacrifice or Varium Sacrificium I call that which was not wholly most Holy, 
What's meant by a Divers Sacrifice.  neither was all of it to figure the Offering of Christ to come: So that it was partly holy, and partly most holy. Such a one was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Peace-offering, which I define A Corban, part whereof was burnt upon the Altar, as in other Sacrifices, but the remainder and greater part was eaten by the faithful people who brought it; that so their Sacrifice by being turned into their body's nourishment, might be a Sign of their incorporation into Christ to come, who was the true Sacrifice for sin. Here that which was eaten by the People was not most Holy, for than had it belonged only to the Priest: but it was a Sacrament and a Communion of that Sacrifice which was offered, and signified Christ, whose Blood was to be shed and Body broken for their atonement. Rightly therefore was it called a Sacrifice of Peace, as being a Ceremony or Sacrament of Peace and Communion with Christ jesus, and by him with God the Father.  
The Greeks commonly call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Eucharistical sacrifice, it being to be celebrated with both oral and real Thanksgiving to God; as for the same reason our Sacrament of Peace is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Eucharist, which our Saviour Christ hath ordained in stead of that Eucharistical Sacrifice under the Law. And of this kind were the ordinary Sacrifices of the Gentiles, of which the Christians were forbidden to eat, because they who in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper had communion with Christ already come, (as the jews in the Peach-offerings had communion with Christ who was to come) might have no peace and communion with Devils, as the Greeks had in their sacrifice; as S. Paul (after he had compared these three together) concludes, 1 Cor. 10. 21. Ye cannot drink the Cup of the Lord, and the Cup of Devils; ye cannot be partakers of the Lord's Table, and of the Table of Devils. Out of which place and the Epistle to the Hebrews you may gather all that I have said hitherto of the Use and Ends of the Corbanim or most Holy Offerings. This affinity of the Eucharistical sacrifice with the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper moved the ancient Christians to frame the Office of the Lord's Supper as near as could be unto the Office of the Eucharistical Sacrifice; 
Of the Offerings which were Simply Holy, viz. Terumoth or Heave-Offerings.  as might be easily shown in most particulars.  
BUT now will I leave The most holy Offerings, and come to Those which had but a single holiness, which I said before were called Terumoth or Heave-offerings, more seldom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tenuphoth or Wave-offerings; both from the manner of offering them, which was not by Fire, as in the most Holy, but by holding up or shaking them before the Lord.  
A Terumah therefore or Heave-offering I define thus, 
The Terumah defined.  An Offering made unto God of that we have received, in way of thankfulness or acknowledgement of his dominion over the whole earth; or thus more shortly, An Offering made only unto the praise and honour of God: and therefore it is Levit. 19 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanctum laudationum, an holy thing of praise, or an offering of praise. And to this purpose are those words of David unto God, 1 Chron. 29. 11, 12, 13, 14. whenas himself and the Princes of Israel had offered an huge Terumah of Gold and Silver for the building of the Temple; Thine, O Lord, (saith he) is the greatness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory, and majesty: for all that is in heaven and in earth is thine. Thine is the Kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as Head above all. Both riches and honour come of thee, and thou reignest over all— Now therefore, our God, we thank and praise (namely, by this Heave-offering) thy glorious Name— For all things come of thee, and of thine own hand we have given thee.  
Now the Terumah or Heave-offering was either Definite or Indefinite. 
The Terumah or Heave-offering was either Definite or Indefinite; and this either Commanded, or Free.  A Definite Heave-offering was the Tenth of all increase; and this alone was certain, both in regard of the things to be offered, and the measure according to which they were to be offered. The Indefinite Terumah was either Commanded, or Free. That which was Commanded was either General, as the First-fruits; or Special, 
The Commanded was either General, or Special.  as the Heave-offering of the breast and shoulder of the Peace-offerings, and of one loaf of the Meat-offering of the same; and these the Greeks call fitly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
* The Freewill-Offering was either more, or less solemn.  The Freewill-offering or voluntary Heave-offering was either more, or less solemn. The most solemn and usual was that which the Hebrews call Terumah-gedola which indeed was ordinary, but I think no where absolutely commanded. Voluntary Heave-offerings less usual were the Offerings of Gold, Silver, Land, and whatsoever else they might give unto the use of the Lord, his Temple and Ministers.  
AND thus have we seen all the Kind's of the Offerings in the Law, both holy and most holy; and I think there is no Offering to be found but it belongs to some of these I have named: either to the Corbanim, the most Holy; or to the Terumoth, which were simply holy.  
Concerning this last, which we translate Heave-offerings, there remain two things to be treated of: 1. Their Morality; 2. The practice of this kind by the ancient Church in the Office of the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper.  
Concerning their Morality or Moral condition I will show three things.  

1. That they were not Typical.  
2. That they were Offerings Eucharistical and Euctical, that is, addressed or used to Thanksgiving and Prayer, according to the meaning of my Text.  
3. That this kind of Offering is required at the hands of Christians.   
For the First, 
That the Terumoth were not Typical, and that their main End was not Ceremonial, but Moral.  That Heave-offerings were not Typical, I argue  

1. From their distinction from the rest, as being always simply holy, never holy of holies. The force of this Argument I frame thus; If all the Oblationes ignitae or Fire-offerings are therefore called Sanctae sanctarum, Holy of holies, because they were not only consecrate to God, but further Signs and Types of holy things to come, and so had a double Holiness, one of Sanctification, another of Signification; then the Heave-offerings, which never are nor aught to be so called, were only simply holy, but no Types of Holy things to come: But the first is true, neither can other reason be given of this distinction: Therefore Heave-offerings were no Types of things to come.  
2. My second Reason shall be from the differing usage of Terumoth from the most Holy offerings. For the most Holy Offerings were to be eaten only of Priests by condition, of Males by sex, and in no place but the Holy place; and that because Christ, whose Types they were, was to be a Priest, no ministering Levite; a Male, no Female; and was to offer and make his own Body a Sacrifice for sin in no other part of the world but the Holy city of jerusalem: But as for Heave-offerings, not only Priests, but every Levite, Singer and Doorkeeper; not only Males, but the Wives and Daughters of the Levites; not only Virgins, but even Widows and divorced women; not only free Israelites, but even their Slaves and Bondmen who were not of the Sons of Israel; and not only in the Holy place, but in every place, they ate them. The truth hereof is certain and obvious through all the Law of Moses, without any one little crossing it. I will not trouble you therefore with quotations, but frame my second Reason after this manner; If none may eat of the most Holy Offerings but only Priests, only Males, and only in the Holy place; because only Priests, only Males, and of all places only the Sanctuary or holy place were Types of Christ: then surely those Offerings which every under- Levite ate of, every Levite's wife and daughter, widows and divorced women, every Levite's slave and bondman, and that in every place, those Offerings doubtless cannot be Typical or Signs of Christ or any thing proper to him; unless we affirm That every Levite, Levite's Wife, Daughter, Widow, divorced woman, yea Slaves and Bondmen, and every corner in the Land of Canaan, were Types of Christ.  
3. To this we may add in the third place, That there is no one word to be found in the whole Scripture concerning the abolishment of Terumah or the Heave-offering: but of the most Holy in express terms it is said Dan. 9 27. That the Messias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should cause to cease the Zebach and Mincha, that is, all the Offerings of fire or Holy of holies. And S. Paul, Heb. 9 9, 10. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacrifices and Gifts were ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; until the time of reformation: he saith not so of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which word the LXX. use almost every where for the simply holy Terumah or Heave-offering; whereas by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they translate Corban, Zebach and Mincha, according to 
* Hebr. 1●.  S. Paul's own quotation out of Psalm 40. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zebach and Mincha thou wouldst not, that is, no Offering of fire, no Corban or most Holy; and more specially of the several kinds, A burnt-offering and an offering for sin thou requiredst not.  
4. And hence it is in the fourth place, That God no where rejects the Heave-offering or any one kind thereof; but Zebach and Mincha almost as often as they are named in the Prophets or Psalms: As in this 50. Psalms, ver. 8, 13. I will not reprove thee for thy Zebachim nor thy burnt-offerings: Will I eat the flesh of bulls, or drink the blood of goats? And in Psalm 40. 6. which S. Paul before quoted for the abolishment of Typical Offerings, Zebach and Mincha thou wouldst not, a burnt-offering and an offering for sin thou requiredst not. And jer. 7. 21, etc. Put your burnt-offerings unto your Zebachim— For I spoke not unto your fathers, nor commanded them in the day I brought them out of the land of Egypt concerning Holocausts and Zebachim: But this I commanded them, Obey my voice, and I will be your God, and ye shall be my people; and walk ye in all the ways I commanded you, that it may be well with you. He that will, may look further in Psal. 51. 16. Esay 1. 11, etc. jer. 6. 20. Host 6. 6. Amos 5. 22. where we may hear God still rejecting and disdaining Holocausts, Zebachim and Mincha, Sh●lamim or Peace-offerings, the whole rabble of Corbanim or most holy offerings; but no word of Terumah. What force of reason this may bear with those who consider that these appellations of Offerings are never confounded in the whole Law of Moses or History of Israel, and therefore not like to be in these places only, I know not; I am sure Terumah is about sixty times found in the Bible, and no where taken for an Offering of fire or most Holy: Nor can it any where be shown that Zebach and Mincha are put for any other Offerings but Offerings of fire, whereof I have already shown Zebach was one part and Mincha the other.   
And therefore I dare conclude, That Heave-offerings, called Terumoth and simply holy, howsoever many of them might be Ecclesiastical or judicial sacred in regard of some circumstance, yet in their proper nature and principal end they were no Types of things to come.  
AND so I come to the Second thing I propounded, to show That these Offerings were Eucharistical and Euctical, 
Offerings Eucharistical and Euctical described.  that is, their formalis ratio and essence consisted in Thanksgiving and Prayer. For an Offering is then Eucharistical, when we give something unto the Lord's use in way of Thankfulness for Blessings received; an Offering is then Euctical, when we give something to the Lord's use, to the end that he seeing our Obedience and Thankfulness in honouring him, might grant us a further Blessing we sue for: And this is either de praesenti, or de futuro: De praesenti, when our Offering is presently exhibited; De futuro, when we bind ourselves then to do it when we obtain our suit: And this is called a Vow, differing from the other not in nature but in time: and this special kind, because usual, my Text puts for the whole kind, Pay thy vows, etc. Further, here is to be noted, that as Thanksgiving is joined with Prayer, so is the Gift for Thanksgiving joined with a Gift for Prayer; Or the same Gift is first applied to Thanksgiving, and then to Prayer; that so as Thanksgiving is a mean to obtain by Prayer, so a Present of Thanksgiving for a former Benefit is a mean to obtain of God a favour.  
Herein then consists the Nature of an Offering addressed to Prayer, not to merit the thing we ask, but to be an argument before God that he would hear us, because he hath promised in Christ to hear them who honour him. This is not then orare satisfactoriè, as the Papists do in their Mass, but only oblatorié. To pray satisfactoriè or meritoriè, is to offer a price worth the thing we ask for; To pray only oblatoriè, is to offer a motive or condition in regard of God's promise in Christ to obtain our suit; that is, to make as it were a visible or real Prayer. And such a Prayer were the Alms of Cornelius, Acts 10. of whom it is said, v. 4. That his Prayers and Alms were come up for a memorial before God.  
Now before this Offering Euctical or Eucharistical can be complete, 
The Qualifications of Offerings Eucharistical and Votal.  it must consist of three degrees or parts, Cordis, Oris, Operis, the Offering of the Heart, of the Mouth, and of the Hand. The Offering of the Heart is a Sursum Corda, the lifting up of our Hearts to God either to praise him, or to pray unto him. The Offering of our Mouth is to express the same with our tongues, and is called The 
* Host 14. 2. Heb. 13. 15. The fruit of our lips.  Calves of our lips. The Offering of our Hand (which is properly called an Offering) is a Testimony of what our Heart conceives or Tongue can express, by honouring God with a Present of our substance. The first of these is the formalis ratio or that whereby the two last are sanctified; without it they are no Offerings, no Thanksgiving, no Prayer: But the last is hallowed by the two former; for a Sursum corda, the lifting up of our Hearts, and the profession of our Mouths, is that which makes our Gift an Offering, which without this Consecration is no Offering at all.  
Hence it is that this kind of Offerings in regard of other Offerings is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not (as some have thought) from the thing offered, 
How these Offerings were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  as though nothing were offered but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rationes or orationes; but from the manner of hallowing it, which was (as 
* Apolog. 2.  justin Martyr speaks) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of Prayer and Thanksgiving. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not (as some have thought) opposed to a material offering, but to an offering earthly and terrenely sanctified, as were the Typical Sacrifices of the Law by Fire and Blood; but this Offering is offered by no other Fire but the Fire of the Spirit, by no other Blood than the precious drops of Prayer and Thanksgiving. In brief, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an Offering spiritually offered, not an offering only of the Spirit; it is opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and [
* This or the like w●rd was wanting 〈◊〉 the Manuscript. In the writings of the Ancient Fathers are frequently opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Vid. justin. Mart. in Apol. 2. Euseb. Dem. Evang. l. 1. ●. 10. & l. 5. c. 23.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not to a material and real offering: as it is easily to be seen in justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and the ancient Liturgies, who call the material offering of Bread and Wine for the Sacrament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a reasonable and unbloudy Sacrifice. As the most Holy offerings were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fiery offerings, not because they offered only fire, but because that which was offered was done by fire: so are all these Heave-offerings called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they were offered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, meaning the manner, not the matter of the offering.  
To come therefore to a conclusion. That the Heave-offerings were such Offerings as I have now described, it appears plainly in three principal sorts of them, First-fruits, Tithes, and Voluntary Heave-offerings. In First-fruits it appears by the Confession which every one was to make who offered them, Deut. 26. 6, etc. When the Egyptians evil entreated us and afflicted us— and when we cried unto the Lord God of our fathers, the Lord heard our voice— and brought us forth out of Egypt with a mighty hand and outstretched arm— and he hath brought us into this place, and hath given us this land, even a land that floweth with milk and honey. And now behold, I have brought the First-fruits of the Land which thou, O Lord, hast given me. And (so saith the Text) thou shalt set them before the Lord thy God, and worship before the Lord thy God. Whither tend all these words but to a thankful acknowledgement and remembrance of the Blessings they had received from God in giving them so good a Land, and doing so great things for them?  
And for Tithes, you may see in the same place what he was to say that offered them, namely, 
* Verse 13.  I have brought away the hallowed things out of mine house, and also have given them unto the Levite, and the stranger, and the fatherless, and the widow, according to all thy Commandments which thou hast commanded me— Look down (therefore) from thy holy habitation, from heaven, 
Verse 15.  and bless thy people Israel, and the Land which thou hast given us, as thou swarest to our fathers, a Land that floweth with milk and honey. Here is an Euctical offering, an offering applied to Prayer; as if they had said, We honour thee, O Lord, with this part of our substance; that thou seeing our Obedience, mightest in mercy vouchsafe to look down from thy holy habitation, and bless us thy people, and the Land which thou hast given us.  
I come now to the voluntary Heave-offering, of which we have a noble Pattern in that great Terumah of Gold and Silver which David and his Princes offered for the building of the Temple, in 1 Chron. 29. Where we shall find first Praise or Thanksgiving, that is, an acknowledgement of God's Dominion, Power and Goodness, from which comes all the good we have; Thine, O Lord, (saith David ver. 11.) is the greatness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory, and the Majesty; for all that is in the heaven and in the earth is thine— ver. 12. Both riches and honour come of thee, and thou reignest over all— ver. 13. Now therefore, our God, we thank thee, and praise thy glorious name. And afterwards he comes to Prayer (ver. 18, 19) O Lord God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel our fathers,— Give unto Solomon my son a perfect heart to keep thy Commandments, thy Testimonies and Statutes. I will add for a conclusion that of Nehemiah 13. 14. who being the Head and Ruler of his brethren when he commanded them to give the Heave-offering or portions of the Levites, it was as it were an Offering of his own, and therefore he applieth it Euctically, saying, Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and wipe not out my good deeds that I have done for the house of my God, and for the offices thereof.  
AND now I come unto the third thing I propounded, That this kind of Offering or Terumah (the essence and formalis ratio whereof consisted in Prayer and Thanksgiving) was still required at the hands of Christians; and then afterward shall speak of the Practice of the ancient Church.  
That these Offerings (as I may so speak) of visible Prayer and Thanksgiving are required at the hands of Christians, I prove  

1. Because the inward worship of the Heart is still due, and therefore also the outward so far as it was to be a Sign thereof: For what reason can be given why we should be still bound to honour God with the Praise and Prayer of our Hearts, yea and Mouth too, and should not be bound to do the same also by our Works and Deeds? Without doubt he that commands us to honour him with our whole Heart, with all our Mind, with all our Soul, and with all our Strength, would have us honour him in all the degrees of honour, with the honour of the Heart, of the Mouth and of the Hand; and howsoever the first of these be required simply, yet the other two are at least conveniently.  
2. We know it is the Law of God, 
Exod. 23. 15.  That no man should appear before him empty: 
Deut. 16. 16.  And this is so natural, that we never almost come before a man, if we have a suit or would show ourselves thankful, but we think fit to honour him with a present, that we might find him the more favourable: Why should not God much more expect some fruits of our Obedience when we come into his presence; seeing he gives all things as Lord of all, not as a Steward to another; yea and of his free goodness, not as bound to give us any thing more than seems fit to his good will and pleasure? And that this Law was to have place in the Gospel as well as in the Law, it appears by S. Paul's decree concerning the Lord's day, which being the day wherein every Soul was publicly to present himself before the Lord to make his prayers and to give thanks unto his name; that 
1 Cor. 16. 2.  this might not be done with empty hands, S. Paul gives order to all the Churches of Galatia and Corinth, That upon the first day of the week every one should lay by him in store, as God had prospered him, that is, he should give for pious uses according to his ability. Thrice in the year (saith the Law, Deut. 16. 16.) shall every male appear before the Lord, and no man shall appear empty. Once in a week (saith the New Testament) shall every Soul appear before the Lord, and no man shall appear empty. Deus non indiget eorum quae à nobis sunt, sed nos indigemus offerre aliquid Deo;— à nobis propter nos fieri vult, nè simus infructuosi; God stands not in need of any thing that is ours, but it is needful for us to present God with some Oblation of our own— And it is not for any advantage to himself, that God would have this to be done by us; but for our own good and behoof, that we may not be in the number of unprofitable servants, saith 
* L. 4. c. 34.  Irenaeus, one of the most ancient Fathers, whose argument this is which I have brought; urged also by M. Bucer in his censure of our Liturgy.  
3. My third Argument is something like unto the former. God is a King, and therefore to be honoured like a King. The proper honour of a King as a King is Tribute, whereby his Subjects acknowledge his Supremacy and Dominion. God is a King, a King of Kings, as well now in the Gospel as ever in the Law; and therefore now as well as then to be honoured with a Tributary Offering. This reasoning is good, 
Mal. 1. 6.  seeing God himself so reasoneth with his people; If I am a Father, (saith he) where is mine honour? if I am a Lord, where is my fear? Why may we not add in the same force of reason, If God be a King, where is his Tribute, the proper honour of a King? yea so proper to a King, that they are terms convertible in the Scripture, To be a King, and To receive Tribute or Presents of his Subjects; To acknowledge to be a King, and To bring Presents. For those sons of Belial (1 Sam. 10. 27.) which did not acknowledge Saul to be their King, are said to have brought him no Presents. And 2 Chron. 17. 5. the Holy Ghost useth no other words to signify that jehoshaphat was acknowledged and confirmed King of judah but these, That all judah brought him Presents. We know the discipline of the Persians was, That none might come before their King without a Gift, were it never so small; and therefore the Peasant 
* AElian. var. hist. lib. 1. cap. 32.  Sinaetas offered Artaxerxes an handful of water, having nothing else to give him. And this the Magis, who came from the East to worship Christ, knew well enough, and therefore they offered him Presents of Gold, Frankincense and Myrrh; for they came to worship a King, and worshipped him like a King: 
Matth. 2. 2.  Where is he (say they) that is born King of the jews? for we have seen his Star in the East, and are come to worship him. Nay the very reason why we give Tribute unto Kings is because they are God's Ministers: So saith S. Paul, Rom. 13. 6. For this cause pay you Tribute; for they are God's Ministers. Propter quod unumquodque est tale, illud magis est tale; If this be due unto the Vicegerent, what is due unto the Lord himself? I conclude therefore in the words of Irenaeus, 
L. 4. c. 34.  Offer igitur Deo oportet primitias ejus creature, We ought therefore to offer unto God an Heave-offering of his creatures; for so the Lxx, and from them all ancient Writers, use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Latins turn Primitiae, not meaning that which in Hebrew is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but every Terumah or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Irenaens a little before hath this, Per munas enim erga Regem & honour & affectio ostenditur; For the Present shows what affection and esteem the giver hath for the King he honoureth therewith: and afterwards, Sicut & Moses ait, Non apparebis vacuus ante conspectum Domini Dei tui; Even as Moses saith, Thou shalt not appear before the Lord thy God empty.   
But before I go from hence, it shall not be amiss to distinguish the use of this word Offering taken materially; for our writers in the point of Christian Oblations speak somewhat confusedly thereof. An Offering therefore is taken properly or analogically. An Offering properly taken is a work of the First Table; an Offering analogically taken is a work of the Second Table, otherwise called Eleemosyna or Alms. The first is done to God immediately, and is when we give aught to the use and maintenance of his Worship. The Second is done to our Neighbour immediately, as when we supply his wants out of our abundance: and this is done to God only mediately; unless it be done unto the stranger, fatherless, and widow; for they in the old Law were in a special manner Cura Dei God's care, together with the Levite. Of these two kinds I have hitherto extended the first; though I exclude not Alms, so far as God is worshipped by the good we do unto our brother.  
I COME now unto the last point I proposed, namely, The Practice of the ancient Church in the use of this Offering or Oblatory Praise and Thanksgiving at the celebration of the Lord's Supper; and here I will show first, What their custom was; secondly, What ground and reason they had for the same.  
To begin with the first. Among the ancient Christians the whole Office of this Sacrament, I mean the whole Body of Rites and Actions about the same, consisted of three parts, namely, as they are distinguished by 
* In Ep. ad S●yrnens●●. Of these three see more in Book TWO in the Treatise Of the Christian Sacrifice. chap. 4.  Ignatius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was an act of Oblatory praise and prayer by addressing or applying Bread and Wine unto the use of the Sacrament, and other Gifts to the use of God's service. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sacrifice, the consecration or mystical changing of Bread and Wine thus sanctified into the Body and Blood of our Lord jesus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the eating or receiving of the same in sign of Communion with Christ and all the fruits of his Incarnation; whence Nazianzen defines this Sacrament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Communion of the Incarnation of God. To these three acts answer three words: To 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Oblation, hallowed Bread and hallowed Wine; but no more: To 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Consecration, the Body and Blood of the Lord: To the third, the Communion of the Body and Blood of the Lord. The first act of common Bread and Wine made holy and sanctified Bread and Wine, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Cup of Blessing which we bless.  called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the Bread and Wine of Blessing and Thanksgiving: The second act of holy Bread and Wine made most holy, that is, holy signs of the Lord's Body and Blood: The third of holy signs in general holy signs in special applied to the soul of each receiver. The first was done by being used to Prayer and Thanksgiving: 
1 Cor. 10. 16.  The second by pronouncing the words of Institution at the breaking of the Bread and pouring of the Wine: The third by receiving it with Amen or So be it. The first and last were acts of Priest and People; the second of the Priest alone. Thus was there as it were a mutual commerce between God and the People; the People giving unto God, and God again unto his People: the People giving a small Thanksgiving, but receiving a great Blessing; offering Bread, but receiving the Body; offering Wine, but receiving the mystical Blood of Christ jesus.  
I know that the names of these are often confounded, all being used for the whole, and often one for another; but especially the Sacrament itself is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Oblation or Offering, by a Metonymic of the matter, because the matter was offered Bread and offered Wine. For the same reason is it called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Eucharist, because the matter of it was Eucharistia, Bread of Blessing and Thanksgiving; not, as some think, because the End thereof is Thanksgiving. It is called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sacrifice, I think of the matter also, which was taken out of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though some will have it so called because it was a sign of Christ's sacrifice.  
But I return again unto the Oblation, which (as you have seen) was as it were a Prologue unto the Sacrament, and had the full nature of the Heave-offering, which I have so long spoken of.  
First it was in every part complete, having all the degrees or parts of a true offering, namely, of the Heart, of the Tongue, and of the Hand; all formally expressed in the ancient Liturgies. For when the people began to bring their Offering unto the Altar, 
〈…〉  the Priest was to say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Lift up your hearts; to which they answered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, We lift them up unto the Lord: This was the use of those Versicles in ancient time. When this was done, than came the calves of their lips offered both to Praise and Prayer.  

1. To Praise and Thanksgiving. When the Priest cried, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Let us give thanks unto the Lord; the people answered, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, It is meet and just we should do so: and so they went on to give God thanks, or to make a thankful remembrance of the Creation of the World and all things therein for the use of man, for the Providence of God in governing the same, for the Oeconomy of his Church afore the Law and in the Law; recounting in brief as they went the principal Histories of the Bible in all these particulars. This part of Oblatory Thanksgiving is now called the Preface in the Mass, though something divers from the ancient.   
But because Christ had commanded that in this service they should chiefly remember him, they made in the next place a large Thanksgiving unto God, that he so loved the world as to give his own Son for the same, that the Son of God would abase himself so low as to take upon him the nature of sinful man, and by his death and passion to redeem us out of the jaws of death and pit of hell. And this is now for the greater part called The Hymn: and here ended The offering of Praise and Thanksgiving.  

2. Next comes the Offering of Prayer, 
Tertullian 〈◊〉 Scap. c. 2. cyril 〈◊〉 Mystagog. 5.  or Prayer with an Offering for Kings and Princes, the whole Catholic Church; and so along as we have it in our Litany, or in the Prayer for the whole state of Christ's Church: both which are beaten out of that mint. And our Prayer for the whole state of Christ's Church is yet Oblatory, if the Rubric were observed, which enjoins the Churchwardens to gather the Alms of the people, and then to make this Universal Prayer; and in the very beginning thereof we desire Almighty God to accept our Alms and to receive our Prayers. In no other sense did the ancient Church use their word [Offer] so often repeated in those Prayers, but that God would accept of their Obedience in thus honouring him, and so according to his promise in Christ to hear their Prayers. And hence it is that sometimes they say, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  We offer, sometimes, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  We beseech thee; one expounding the meaning of the other. But this is now made to be the Canon of the Mass, and all this Offering of Prayer is turned into an Offering of Expiation for the quick and the dead. For this offering of Bread and Wine and Alms being out of use, the Priest could apply the word [Offer] to no other thing but the offering of Christ's Body and Blood.   
Thus have you seen as briefly as I could the Practice of the ancient Church in their offering of Praise afore the Sacrament; for after this was done, as ye have heard, than came the Sacrament, and then the Communion of the same.  
NOW it remains I should show What ground and reason they had for this Custom; which I will do briefly.  
The First ground they seem to have had is from the Office of the Peace-offering or Eucharistical Sacrifice, because they were both of the like nature and same end; the jews in the Eucharistical Sacrifice having communion with him who was to come, by eating of their Sacrifice, as we in this Sacrament have with him who is already come, by eating of his Mystical Body and Blood under the forms of Bread and Wine: And because of this affinity they framed the office of the one like unto the office of the other. For in every Peace-offering there was first a Terumah of Praise and Thanksgiving, both of 
* The living creatures were Bullocks, Sheep, or Goats, Levit. 3. The other things without life, and which were ●●r food, that were offered up, were the unleavened cakes, and wafers, of fine flour, and oil; as also leavened bread, etc. which according to the Law (Levit. 7.) were required in every Peace-offering of Thanksgiving; whence it was called The Peace-offering that was offered with bread.  animalia and cibaria: secondly, A part of this being reserved for the Priest's use, the rest was made a Sacrifice by sprinkling of blood, and burning some part thereof upon the Altar as a Memorial of the whole: And in the third place, That which was saved from the fire, was eaten both of Priest and people. This may be seen in the Law of Peace-offerings and the offerings of Consecration and Purification, all being of the same Law.  
According to this Pattern was framed the Office of the Sacrament: for in this also was first offered a Terumah of Praise and Prayer, some part of which being kept for some other holy use, the rest was consecrate into a Sacrament, and then eaten both of Priest and People.  
The Second reason they have is from the first celebration of this Sacrament by Christ and his Apostles, which the Evangelists record thus, That Christ took Bread, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, having made a blessing and a thanksgiving, he said, Take, eat, This is my body which is broken for you; and then likewise of the Cup: and to both adds, Do this in remembrance of me. In these words of the Story we see three acts plainly expressed: 1. A Blessing or Thanksgiving; 2. A Consecration of a Sacrament, This is my Body, etc. 3. A Communion or Receiving of the same, Take and eat. Now because after all this Christ adds, Do this in remembrance of me, or, As often as ye do this, do it in remembrance of me; it may be a question whether he means that all these acts should be done in remembrance of him, or only some one of them. The 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This, Luke 22. 19 1 Cor. 11. 24.  Singular number may argue he meant of some one; and than it is a Question which of the three; whether he would have the Blessing and Thanksgiving, or the Consecration, or the Eating done in remembrance of him. It may seem not to be meant of the Eating or Communion, for the words seem to be spoken before it was; and besides the words seem to be spoken of something himself had done, which were the two first acts only. To be short, The most ancient Fathers, justin Martyr, Irenaeus, with others, if I understand them, they understand these words of that first act, of Blessing and Thanksgiving; as if Christ had said, Whereas heretofore in this act of Blessing and Thanksgiving you made a chief remembrance or chiefly gave thanks to God for passing by you, when he slew all the firstborn of Egypt; henceforth in lieu of this ye shall do it in remembrance of me, that is, you shall give thanks to God for my Incarnation and coming into the world to save mankind, for my precious Death and Passion, for my glorious Ascension, and all the Benefits ye have from me. And so the meaning of S. Paul's words expounding the words of Christ, 
1 Cor. 11. 26.  As often as ye eat of this bread and drink of this cup, ye declare the Lord's death until he come, is to be construed after the same manner, viz. Not by eating this bread or by drinking this cup, but at the eating of this bread and at the drinking of this cup, ye use to make a thankful remembrance of the Lord's death: meaning that this remembrance or declaration is neither the Form nor the Effect of the Sacrament itself, but a Connexum or thing joined unto it, or used at the same time with it. For the Form of the Sacrament is a Sign and Communion of the Lord's body, the End and Effect the Confirmation of our Faith; neither of which seems to be meant by remembering of his death.  
Howsoever it be, upon this Exposition the Father's ground their Oblation of Prayer and Thanksgiving before the Sacrament as a thing enjoined by Christ himself. 
* Lib. 4. c. 32.  Irenaeus expressly saith, That Christ in this his taking bread and giving thanks, Novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem, did teach and appoint the New Oblation of the New Testament; and that by so doing he taught his disciples Primitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis, non quasi indigenti, sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi nec ingrati sint, to offer unto God an Heave-offering of his creatures; not for that God had any need thereof, but that they might not show themselves ungrateful and unprofitable servants: and that of this Malachi prophesied, 
Mal. 1. 11.  when he saith, In every place Incense shall be offered unto my Name, and a pure Offering.  
If you wonder how it could be so taken, I will make it plain as I conceive it thus. Where it is said that Christ took bread and gave thanks or made a blessing; it may be understood either that he gave thanks to God for the Bread, or with the Bread: If with the Bread, he made an Oblatory thanksgiving or blessing, as I have showed the Ancients did: And in this sense the Fathers take the words, and Beza himself leans the same way, quoting the words of Theophylact, That he gave not thanks for the bread, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the bread, that is, he did an act of Oblatory praise by addressing Bread and Wine to the Lord's use in the Sacrament.  
And that such should be the meaning of the words, this reason made great appearance, because it is like that Christ used the same kind of Blessing and the same kind of Thanksgiving which the jews used in the Passeover, only changing the End thereof: Now their Thanksgiving was by way of Oblation; for the Passeover was a kind of Peace-offering, in which I have showed, that which was to be a Sacrifice, was first offered a Terumah of Thanksgiving, whereof the whole Sacrifice was called Eucharistical. Whether this be the meaning of the words or no, I will not say.  
The End of all this Discourse of Offerings hath been to help myself and others to understand the Fathers rightly, and to know the difference of the Romish Mass from this ancient Terumah of Thanksgiving and Prayer; which I will briefly point at, and so make an end. 1. This Offering of the Fathers was before the Consecration; the Mass is after. 2. This was of bare and naked Bread and Wine; the Mass of the Body and Blood of Christ. 3. This was an Heave-offering of Praise and Prayer; the Mass is an Offering of Expiation, or a price of redemption for the quick and dead. 4. This was an act of all the Faithful; but the Mass is of the Priest alone.    

DISCOURSE LII.  

REVEL. 3. 19  As many as I love, I rebuke and chasten: Be zealous therefore, and repent. 
THESE words are part of one of the Seven Epistles sent by Christ unto the Seven Churches in Asia; namely an Exhortation unto the Church of Laodicea, whose disease was Lukewarmness and want of Fervency in the matter of Religion, and that accompanied with Security arising from presumption of God's love through the abundance of his outward blessings bestowed upon them (vers. 17.) That therefore which they abused as an Argument why they might be secure, (as being God's darling and so much beloved,) in my Text is retorted unto them as an Argument of fear of some Chastisement near unto them and even hanging over their heads; For those whom God loveth, he chastiseth: Certain therefore it was that they should erelong feel the Scourge of God, unless they should timely rouse themselves out of their lazy devotions, out of the hateful and dangerous temper of Lukewarmness, unless they should blow up the fire of Zeal, to love and worship God with all earnestness and fervency; in sum, unless they would amend that grievous fault by Repentance; for, As many as I love, (saith Christ) I rebuke and chasten; be zealous therefore and repent.  
It belongs not much to our purpose to inquire Whether those seven Epistles concern historically and literally only the Churches here named, or Whether they were intended for Types of Churches or Ages of the Church afterwards to come. It shall be sufficient to say, That if we consider their Number, being Seven (which is a number of revolution of Times, and therefore in this Book the Seals, Trumpets and Vials also are seven:) or if we consider the choice of the Holy Ghost, 
Revel. 3. 19  in that he taketh neither all, no nor the most famous Churches then in the world, as Antioch, Alexandria, Rome, and many other, and such (no doubt) as had need of instruction as well as those here named; if these things be well considered, it will seem that these Seven Churches, besides their Literal respect, were intended (and it may be chiefly) to be as Patterns and Types of the several Ages of the Catholic Church from the beginning thereof unto the end of the World: that so these Seven Churches should Prophetically sample unto us a sevenfold Temper and Constitution of the whole Church according to the several Ages thereof, answering the Pattern of the Churches named here.  
For as in the course of Man's life diversity of ages hath divers manners and conditions, so was it to be with the Church of Christ: Yea and as some Diseases are in regard of predominancy proper unto some men and not to others; so is it with the Church: All of these with their praises, if good; and remedies, if evil, are portrayed in these Seven Epistles unto the Seven Churches.  
Nay not only the whole Church, but even particular Churches have their Ages, Manners and Conditions answerable unto the whole Body: They have likewise their Infancy, Youth, Virility and old age, with their several Constitutions, Conditions and Diseases: The first age and spring-time of both like unto Ephesus, full of 
* Rev. 2. 2, 3.  patience, labour, tolerancy and zeal; The last and old age like unto Laodicea, in abundance of all external things Lukewarm, and neither hot nor cold. That which the Poet says of the disposition of old men [Nullus Senex veneratur jovem,] being more true of Churches; as they grow old, their zeal grows cold also.  
So that in this regard my Text will not be unseasonable, if the Times wherein we live be either the Last times (as most men think) or near upon the Last (as no man will deny.) Howsoever since no Condition, Temper or Disease is so proper to any one Age, but that it is found sometime more or less in all: So may this of Lukewarmness be with us, what time soever of our age it be; and therefore no question but we may in Laodicea, as in a lively Example, clearly read our own state and learn wisdom.  
Without any longer Preface therefore I come unto the Words themselves, which contain, First, God's rule, Those whom he loves, he rebukes and chastens. Secondly, Our and his Church's duty, We must be zealous and repent. Lastly, The Connexion of these two; Because those whom God loves, he will rebuke and chasten for their sin, especially Lukewarmness; We must therefore be zealous and repent.  
To begin with the first, God's rule. [As many as I love, I rebuke and chasten.] The words need no great explanation: the two last [I rebuke and chasten] are rendered for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the first whereof [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I rebuke] notes a reproving and convincing by Argument; the second [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I chasten] notes such a correction as Fathers give their children; not to hurt them, but to amend them, which we use to call a discipling, a punishment of discipline intended ad correctionem, non ad destructionem. So that the meaning is; Those whom I love, if after I have long reproved them and convinced them of sin, by my Word and Ministers, all be but in vain, than I use to chastise them with my rod, to afflict them with some scourge of my discipline, even as a Father doth the child whom he loveth.  
Come we therefore to the Observations these words afford us; 
Observat. 1.  The first whereof is, That God chastises his children out of love and for their good. For all the actions of God towards those he loves, must needs be out of love; and whatsoever he doth out of love, must be for the good of those he loveth. Indeed men for want of wisdom often do out of love that which hurts, as the Proverb is, they kill with kindness: But with God it is otherwise; He wants not skill to know what is best for his beloved, as men do; and therefore as certain it is that his chastisements shall end with our 
* Heb. 12. 10. God chastent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for our profit; and particularly, that we might be partakers of his holiness.  profit, as we are sure they spring from our sins.  
The ignorance of this point makes many to err, and with the friends of job to judge amiss of God's love and hate towards men. But we must know that God hath two sorts of arrows, Arrows of judgement and Arrows of mercy: the first he shoots against those he hates (Psal. 7. 13. Ps. 144. 6.) the other he shoots at his own, even those whom he loves, and therewith he wounds them that he may cure them; and such as these may apply to themselves the words of the Spouse in the Canticles, I am wounded with love: God's love hath wounded me, and the wound of God makes me love him: it begins in his love to me, and aims at and ends in my love to him. For we must remember in this case that which S. Austin well observes, That when the godly and the wicked suffer the very same things to outward appearance, yet there is a great unlikeness of the sufferers, even in the likeness of suffering: the one are punished out of God's just displeasure and wrathful vengeance; the other are disciplined out of mercy, that God might fit them and keep them for himself, because he loves them.  
And that we may the better understand this, let us consider what Effects Afflictions work, and what fruits they bring forth in those whom God loveth.  

1. Afflictions to them whom God loves are Medicinal, and thereby they recover their health by repentance from some spiritual disease they are sick of. For howsoever the Lord gives the rain loose to the children of wrath, and lets them enjoy their hearts desire; yet will he 
* Host 2. 6.  hedge with Thorns the ways of those he loveth, and will awaken them by some sharp rod or other out of the sleep of security. So he taught Miriam by a 
* Num. 12. 10.  leprosy to leave her murmuring; he wakened jonah out of his sleep by casting him into the Sea: Zacharias his unbelief was cured with 
* Luk. 1. 22.  dumbness; and Blessed is the man whom the Lord this way chastens and corrects. Psal. 94.  
2. Afflictions are Preservatives to keep them whom God loveth, from sin. Thus an Angel of Satan must buffet Paul, lest he should be exalted above measure, 2 Cor. 12. 7. The Earth which is not tilled and broken up, bears nothing but thorns and briers. Vines wax wild in time, 
1 Cor. 9 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God ● 〈◊〉 or ●●llage.  unless we prune and cut them. Our hearts would be overgrown with evil affections and dispositions, as with so many noisome weeds, if God by his loving chastisements should not Till and Manure them: My Father (saith Christ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Husbandman, john 15. 1.  
3. Afflictions make the fruitless bring forth fruit, beget many Virtues, and make God's Graces in us to bloom and bring forth works pleasing unto our Heavenly Father. The Prodigal Son (in Luke. 15.) never thought of returning to his Father, till he was brought low by affliction. Hagar was proud in the house of Abraham, but humble in the Wilderness, Gen. 21. jonah sleepeth in the ship, but watches and prays in the Whale's belly. Sicut Aromata odorem non nisi cum accenduntur, expandunt, saith Gregory; as sweet spices send not forth nor spread abroad their sweet smell until they be burnt or beaten; so neither do the Graces of God's children send forth so sweet, so rich a fragrancy as when they are exercised by Afflictions.  
4. Lastly, Afflictions draw men nearer unto God. Manasses, who lived in jerusalem as a Libertine; when he was bound with chains in Babylon, when he was in affliction, he besought the Lord and humbled himself greatly before the God of his Fathers. 2 Chron. 33. 11, 12. In the Gospel we read that Corporal diseases brought many to Christ, whereas many who had their health, neither regarded nor acknowledged him.   
And thus I have let you see (according to Sampson's Riddle, judg. 14.) how that out of the eater comes meat, and out of the 
* junius renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab acri. Some Greek Copees render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the bitter, and to this sense are the Syriack and Arabic Versions here. Sen. lib. de Provide. c. 2. Paternum Deus habet adversùs bonos viros animum; & illos fortiù amat, & doloribus ac damnis exagitat, ut verum colligant robur. Observat. 2.  sour (or sharp) comes sweet: Out of sour and sharp or bitter afflictions, out of troubles and calamities that sometimes threaten to devour us, comes sweetness, comfort and refreshment.  
The main use of all is for comfort in all our sufferings and crosses whensoever God sends them: For they are Signs of our Sonship and Tokens of his love. So the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews tells us expressly, chap. 12. 6. etc. Whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every Son whom he receiveth; If ye endure chastening, God dealeth with you as with Sons. But if ye be without chastisement— then are ye bastards and not Sons. Let us then learn to bless God in our afflictions; and say with David (Psal. 94. 12.) Blessed is the man whom thou chastenest, O Lord, and teachest him out of thy Law; It is good for me that I have been afflicted; for before I was afflicted, I went astray; but now have I kept thy Word, Psal. 119. 67, 71.  
My Second Observation is this, That if God spares not those whom he loveth, much less shall his Enemies escape punishment. Surely if God chastises those whom he loves, he will break in pieces those whom he hates. 
* Wisd. 12. 22. Whereas thou, O Lord, dost chasten us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; thou s●ourgest our enemies a thousand times more, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  If thou art God's Enemy, as thou canst not expect any of that Favour he shows unto his Friends and children, so much less hast thou reason to hope that he will not revenge himself on thee, when thou seest him so severe unto his own. Let them think on this who live in enmity against God, and never yet made their peace with him, by casting off the old man and putting on the new; but continue still to walk after the flesh, in all the ways of sin, and cast God's Law behind them. Let them not rejoice at the afflictions of God's children, nor laugh at their sufferings; but fear and tremble; For every lash that the Children of God feel is a Warning-piece to ungodly men, and should make them dread those sorer punishments, those many (and worse) stripes (Luke 12. 47.) the indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish which shall be to every one that doth evil, Rom. 2. To conclude, consider, that in 1 Pet. 4. 17. If judgement must first begin at the house of God, what shall be the end of them that obey not the Gospel of God?  
AND now I come to the last thing to be observed out of these words, 
Observat. 3.  viz. That God rebukes before he chastens. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, As many as I love, I rebuke and chasten: first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I rebuke, and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I chasten; first admonish and reprove them, and convince them of their Sin; and then chastise them: his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his disciplining goes with admonition.  
It is a part of God's style whereby he proclaims himself, 
* Exod. 34. 6.  The Lord, The Lord God, merciful and gracious and long-suffering. And this appears in that he strikes not a sinner without frequent forewarnings, reproofs and convincing him of sin: His Word is always the harbinger of his Sword: he rebukes and then chastens; 
Ezek. 33.  for he desireth not our misery but our amendment. As I live (saith the Lord) I desire not the death of a sinner, but rather that he would turn from his way and live. And so in Prov. 1. Wisdom first cries out in the streets, 
* Pro. 1. 20. 22  How long will ye Scorners delight in scorning, and ye fools hate knowledge? First she calls, before she 
* Vers. 26. 27.  laughs at their calamity, before destruction comes upon them as a whirlwind, or distress and anguish fall upon them.  
Before the Flood came and overwhelmed the Earth for sin, man had given him 120 years' warning, so long a space for repentance; as the Chaldee Paraphrast expounds that in Gen. 6. 3. [— his days shall be an 120 years'] to this sense, A term of 120 years shall be given them (i.e. the men of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 evil generation) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, if they will return or repent. Before Nineveh should be destroyed, the Prophet jonah was sent to cry against it. Israel was not carried captive into Assyria before the Lord had testified against them by all the Prophets and by all the Seers, saying, Turn ye from your evil ways, and keep my Commandments, etc. 2 Kings 17. 13. The like is said of judah, in 2 Chron. 36. 15, 16. The Lord God of their Fathers sent to them by his Messengers; rising early and sending, because he had compassion on his people— But they mocked the Messengers of God, and despised his words, and misused his Prophets, until the wrath of the Lord arose against his people, till there was no remedy. The 
* That by Wing of abominations, (for so it should be rendered rather than the overspreading of abominations) 〈◊〉 meant here an Army of Idolatron● Gentiles, or the Roman Army that destroyed jerusalem, see a clearly proved in Book III. in the Treatise of Daniel's Weeks.  wing of abominations [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof Daniel speaks in ch. 9 27.] overwhelmed not the City jerusalem, until Christ had long laboured in vain to gather them under his wings, as a Hen gathereth her Chickens; and they would not, Matth. 23. 37. Nay when other warnings have been fruitless, and God's chastisements and judgements near, the very Heavens themselves shall by Comets and other Signs give warning of their approach, if at length by our humiliation we would stop them even at the door, or at least by our preparation to endure them mitigate them unto us.  

1. 
Use 1.  If this than be God's manner of dealing, To warn us by reproof, of our danger, that so we might avoid it before it comes; it should behoove us not lightly to pass by his warnings, his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so often sounding in our ears in the reading or preaching of his Word. There is no Evil that hath, doth, or shall befall us for any sin we commit, but there it is foretold and threatened us: no one Example there, but it is for our learning or instruction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rom. 15. 4. and for our admonition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Cor. 10. 11. Nay the Holy Ghost doth so lively pattern by Examples the several cases which may befall men; as none scarce ever hath been or in any age shall be, which in one Example or other may not clearly read his own case and learn Wisdom. The Precepts also in the Holy Scripture are so plentiful, and the threatenings so plain; that neither can we excuse our sins by ignorance, nor justly say that God's judgements took us unawares.  
2. 
Use 2.  If God so powerfully warns his Creature before he strikes him, how dare we strike our Brother before we warn him: For those who deal with men, as Experience showeth, are often scorched with the fire before they see the smoke. But the reason of this difference is plain; God strikes because he loves and would amend us, and therefore he first rebukes and warns before he chastiseth: But we punish if we have power, or procure our Brother to be punished if we have not, because we hate him, and therefore lie in wait to entrap him: He must not be admonished, lest he should take heed and grow too wary, and so escape our snare: and yet we cry nothing but Discipline and Execution of justice, when our hearts and Consciences tell us it is but the wreaking of our Malice.   
But God gives us a Rule to follow, fashioned according to the Pattern of his own Long-suffering: If thy Brother trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone— if again, take with thee one or two more: and if yet he amend not, Tell the Church, etc. Matth. 18. He that observeth not this Rule, little hope is there that ever God will give him grace to make use of his warning, who gives no warning to his brother.  
AND thus I come to the Second part of my Text, which is our duty; We must be zealous and repent. Where first as the words lie, we will speak of Zeal, and then of Repentance.  
Concerning Zeal, I will draw all I have to speak unto these two Heads. 1. What is this Zeal which is here commanded. 2. What Motives there are to urge and command it.  
For the first, Zeal is the Intention and Vehemency of all our affections in matters of God and his Service. 
The Nature of Zeal.  It hath its name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is to burn and boil as water over the fire, and thence may be styled the Fervency and boiling of our affections. Such a one was Apollos, as S. Luke (in Acts 18. 25.) describes him to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fervent in Spirit, and such S. Paul exhorts the Romans to be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fervent or burning in Spirit, ch. 12. 11. For as burning is the excess or highest pitch of heat, so is zeal of our affections. The Schoolmen make it an Intention of love; which is true if Love be taken as the Scripture useth; for it comprehendeth all our Affections under that name: all of them spring from presupposing Love. No man is ignorant of this that knoweth how in Scripture all our Duty both to God and man is styled Love and Charity. But Love is a special affection, Zeal is not the Intention of it alone, but of the rest also, Hatred, joy, Grief, Hope, Fear, etc.  
So he that with David loves the Law of God more than 
a Psal. 19 10.  honey or the hony-comb, more than 
b Ps. 119. 72.  thousands of gold and silver; he loves zealously. He that rejoiceth in God's Testimonies more than they that find 
c Vers. 162.  great spoil, more than his 
d job 23. 12.  appointed food; he joys zealously. He whose eyes gush out 
e Ps. 119. 136.  rivers of waters, and wisheth his eyes were 
f jer. 9 1.  a fountain of tears, because men keep not God's Law; he grieves zealously. He whose eyes fail and whose soul almost fainteth with waiting and longing for the 
g Ps. 119. 81, 82.  Salvation of the Lord; he hopes zealously. He who says, 
h Vers. 120.  my flesh trembleth for fear of thee, and I am afraid of thy judgements; he fears zealously: and so of the rest.  
But as in our Bodies we find Aguish burnings as well as the healthful vigour of Natural heat; and as Nadab and Abihu offered fire unto God, but not the right and holy fire, but 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ignem alienum qui non erat ● coelo mis●●●s, & sumptus ex Altari aeneo, ubi crat Ig●is sacar, demissu●e 〈◊〉.  strange fire which he commanded them not (Leu. 10. 1.) So are there some counterfeits of zeal, as it were false fires, abominable unto God and odious unto men. All is not gold that glisters, no more is all Zeal which seemeth so, this zeal which God approves. Lest therefore blazing Comets be mistaken for the purer Stars of heaven, and Nadab and Abihu's strange fires for the fire of God's Altar; let us take a survey of the kinds and characters of false zeal, for the better discerning of the true.  
The kinds then of false zeal may be reduced unto Three heads. 1. Hypocritical zeal, which wants sincerity. 2. Blind zeal, which wants knowledge. 3. 
3 Kind's and Characters of False zeal.  Turbulent zeal, which wants love and moderation.  

1. The First of these [Hypocritical zeal] is a mere blaze and show of fervency, without any true and solid heat: It is nothing but the Vizor of zeal; looking a squint one way, but tending another; pretending God and his Glory, but aiming at some private and sinister end. Such was the zeal of jehu who marched 
* 2 Kings 9 20.  furiously, and his word was, The Lord of hosts; 
* Ch. 10. 16.  Come (said he to jonadab) and see my zeal for the Lord: but his project was the Kingdom. jezabel proclaimed a Fast, as out of an Ecstasy of zeal that God should be blasphemed; 
1 Kings 21.  but her aim was Naboth's vineyard. So in Acts 19 Demetrius the Silver-Smith and his fellows cry, Great is Diana of the Ephesians; but meant the gain they got by making of her Silver Shrines, 
* The Silver 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Diana (not for Diana as in our Translation) were little Shrines or Cabinets, made like little Temples or Chapels (and in the form of her Temple at Ephesus) wherein was the Image of Diana: These Demetrins made and sold to the people that came to Ephesus, w●● took them ho●e with them to worship by.  (vers. 24.)   
This Zeal is soon descried by the proper Character it hath, namely, an affectation of having their works seen of men (which is said of the vainglorious Pharisees in Matt. 6.) be it by ostentation of their zealous deeds, like jehu; or by the excess of affected gestures, sighs, and other like actions falling within the view of men: Not but that a true zeal doth show itself vehement, even in external actions; but it is the straining of them beyond measure which argues the Heart to be guilty of emptiness within.  

2. The Second kind of False zeal is Blind zeal, Ignis fatuus or Fool's fire, leading a man out of the right way: when men zealously affect evil things, supposing them to be good; or are eagerly bend against good things, supposing them to be evil. Such was the Zeal of the jews, of whom S. Paul 
* Rom. 10. 2.  witnesseth that they had a zeal of God (that is, in the matters of God) but not according to knowledge. And with this Zeal was he himself once carried, when he persecuted the Christians with an opinion of doing God good service, as the phrase is john 16. 2. I verily thought (saith he 
* Acts 26. 9 ) with myself, that I ought to do many things contrary to the Name of jesus of Nazareth. And such is the zeal of simple and devout Sectaries, who blindly run after some person they esteem, without knowing themselves either why or whither. This kind of zeal is like to metal in a Blind horse, that will speed to fall into a pit or to break his neck: The counsel I would give for avoiding this kind, is to look before we leap, and see our way clearly before we run.  
3. The Third kind of False zeal is Turbulent zeal, which S. james 
* Ch. 3. 13.  calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bitter zeal; a kind of Wildfire transporting a man beyond all compass of Moderation; namely when in the excess of our heat we either outgo the bounds of our place and calling, or use undue Means or ways, or overshoot the limits of Love and Charity whether to God or our Neighbour. For howsoever Zeal be an excess of our affections in the things of God; yet must this excess never break over the banks either of our vocation, or in choice of Means out-bound the Rule of God's Law, as theirs most certainly doth who endeavour to colour their Religion by the Massacres of Princes, overturning of Kingdoms, breach of Oaths and almost all bands of humane Society. Such was the Zeal of Saul when he slew the 
* 2 Sam. 21. 1, 2.  Gibeonites, forgetting the Oath which the Princes of the Congregation had made unto them, josh. 9 15, 18, 19 And such was the zeal of james and john in the 
* Luke 9 54.  Gospel, when to vindicate the honour of Christ they would have Fire to come down from heaven to consume a whole Village of Samaria. Such also was Peter's zeal, when he cut off 
* john 18. 10.  Malchus his ear: The former outwent the limits of Love and Charity; the last the limits of his Vocation. As Clocks whose Springs are broken, overstrike the hour of the day; So this mad and untempered Zeal the measure of Moderation.   
Thus I have briefly described these False fires, that by the Law of contraries we may know who is the true Zealot whom God approveth, namely, He whose Spirit is in Fervency and not in Show, for God and not for himself, guided by the Word and not with humours and opinions, tempered with Charity and free from headstrong violence. This is that Zeal which our Saviour calls for in my Text [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be zealous therefore.] This is that Zeal which whoso wants, in him God hath no pleasure, but will spew him out of his Mouth, as it is said in vers. 15. a little before my Text.  
But why (will you say) should this zeal be so needful, or why may we not worship God without it? Let us therefore now see the Reasons and Motives which do evince and prove it needful, and should urge us to it.  

1. First, therefore I will seek no further than my Text, where the want of Zeal is reckoned for a Sin, a Sin to be repent of, Be zealous and Repent: Is not that needful, without which all our works are sinful?   
But Virtue (you will say) consists in a Mean, 
Object.  and not in Excess; and why should not Piety also?  
I answer, 
Answ.  The Mean wherein Virtue is placed, is the Middle of different kinds, and not the Middle or Mean of degrees in one and the same kind. Virtue (so it be Virtue) is at the best in the highest degree, and so is Religion in the highest pitch of Zeal.  

2. It is the Ground-rule of the whole Law of God, and of all the Precepts concerning his Worship; 
Deut. 6. 5.  That we must love the Lord our God with all our heart, with all our Soul, with all our Mind, and with all our Strength. What is this else but to love him zealously, 
Mark. 12. 30.  to worship him with the highest pitch of our affections and the uttermost strain both of Body and Soul? For he is the Sovereign and chiefest Good; what Love then can suit to him but the very top and Sovereignty of Love? All things in God are Supreme; his Power, his Knowledge, his Mercy; and therefore he cannot truly be worshipped, unless we yield him whatsoever is Supreme in ourselves; a supremacy of Fear, a supremacy of Hope, a supremacy of Thankfulness. For whom then should we reserve the top and chief of our affections? for our gold? for our Herodias, &c, How can we offer God a base indignity? will he endure that any thing in the world should be respected before him, or equalled to him? The Lord our God is a jealous God, 
Exod. 20.  and will not suffer it. Let therefore all the Springs and Brooks of our affections run into this Main, and let no Rivulet be drawn another way. If Zeal be good in any thing, it is most required in the best things: and if in any thing it be 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  comely to work with all our might (Eccles. 9 10.) certainly in the service of God it is most comely: Be not slothful in business, but fervent in spirit, serving the Lord, Rom. 12. 11.  
3. Zeal is that which carries our Devotions up to Heaven, As Wings to a Fowl, Wheels to a Chariot, Sails to a Ship; so is Zeal to the Soul of Man. Without Zeal our Devotions can no more ascend than Vapours from a Still, without fire put under it. Prayer, if it be fervent, availeth much: but a cold Suit will never get to Heaven. In brief, 
jam. 5. 16.  Zeal is the Chariot wherein our Alms, our Offerings and all the good works we do, are brought before the Throne of God in Heaven. No Sacrifice in the Law could be offered without fire; no more in the Gospel is any Service rightly performed without Zeal.   
Be zealous therefore, lest all thy works, all thy endeavours be else unprofitable: Rouse up thy dull and heavy Spirit, serve God with earnestness and fervency; and pray unto him that he would send us this fire from his Altar which is in Heaven, whereby all our Sacrifices may become acceptable and pleasing unto him.  
AND thus I come to the next thing in my Text, Repentance. [Be zealous and repent.] Repentance is the changing of our course from the old way of Sin unto the new way of Righteousness: or more briefly, A changing of the course of sin for the course of Righteousness. It is called also Conversion, Turning and Returning unto God. This matter would ask a long discourse, but I will describe it briefly in five degrees which are as five steps in a Ladder, by which we ascend up to Heaven.  

1. The first step is the Sight of Sin and the punishment due unto it, for how can the Soul be possessed with fear and sorrow, except he Understanding do first apprehend the danger: for, that which the Eye sees not, the Heart rues not. If Satan can keep sin from the Eye, he will easily keep sorrow from the Heart. It is impossible for a man to repent of his wickedness, except the reflect and say 
* jer. 8. 6.  What have I done? The serious Penitent must be like the wary Factor, he must retire himself, look into his Books, and turn over the leaves of his life; he must consider the expense of his Time, the employment of his Talon, the debt of his Sin, and the strictness of his Account.  
2. And so he shall ascend unto the next step, which is Sorrow for sin. For he that seriously considers how he hath grieved the Spirit of God and endangered his own Soul by his sins, cannot but have his Spirit grieved with remorse. The Sacrifices of God are a contrite Spirit. 
〈…〉  Neither must we sorrow only, but look unto the quality of our Sorrow, that it be Godly, 
* 2●  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and to the quantity of it, that it be Great. We must fit the plaster to the wound, and proportion our sorrow to our Sins. He that with Peter hath sinned heinously, or with Mary Magdalen frequently; must with them weep bitterly and abundantly.  
3. The Third step of this Ladder is the Loathing of sin. A Surfiet of Meats how dainty and delicate soever, will afterwards make them loathsome: He that hath taken his fill of sin, and committed iniquity with greediness, and is sensible of his 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jam. 1. 21.  supersinity or abundance of naughtiness, and hath a great Sorrow for it; he will the more loath his sins, though they have been never so full of delight: Yea it will make him loathe himself, and cry out in a mournful manner with S. Paul (Rom. 7. 24.) O wretched man that I am, who shall deliver me from this body of death?  
4. The fourth step is the leaving off Sin. For as Amnon hating Tamar shut her out of doors: 
* 2 Sam. 13. 17.  So he that loathes and hates his Sins; the sight, the thought, the remembrance of them will be grievous unto him, and he will labour by all good means to expel them. For true Repentance must be the consuming of sin. To what purpose doth the Physician evacuate ill humours, if the Patient still distempers himself with ill diet? What shall it avail a man to endure the lancing, searching and tenting of a wound; if he stay not for the cure? So in vain also is the Sight of sin, and the Sorrow for and Loathing of Sin, if the works of darkness still remain, and the Soul is impatient of a through-cure. And therefore as Amnon not only put out his loathed Sister, but bolted the door after her (as it is said in the forequoted place): So must we keep out our sins with the Bolts of Resolution and Circumspection. Noah pitched the Ark within and without (Gen. 6. 14.) So to keep out the waters: and a Christian must be watchful to secure all his Senses, External and Internal, to keep out sin. 
* Origen. hom. 2. in Gen. 6. Vult te architectus Ecclesiae, Christus, & corpore Sanctum esse extrinsecùs, & cord intrinsecùs purum; cautum undique & castitatis atque innocentiae virtute munitum, hoc est intus & foris bitumine esse oblitum.   
5. The Fifth and last step is the Cleaving unto God with full purpose of heart, to walk before him in newness of life. All the former Degrees of Repentance were for the putting off of the Old man; this is for the putting on of the New: For ubi Emendatio nulla, Poenitentia necessariò vana (saith Tertullian de Poenit. c. 2.) Where there is no Reformation, 
* The true Repentance is (Acts 20. 21.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Poenitentia quâ ad Deum boníque studium acceditur: and this is the Repentance to Salvation (2 Cor. 7. 10.) and unto Life, Acts 11. 1●.  there the Repentance must needs be vain and fruitless; for (as he goes on) caret fructu suo, evi eam Deus sevit (i. e. hominis saluti) it hath not its fruit unto holiness, nor the end everlasting life, Rom. 6. 22.   
And thus have I let you see briefly What Repentance is. Will you have me say any more to make you to affect it as earnestly, as I hope by this time you understand it clearly: Know then that this is that which opens Heaven and leads into Paradise: This is that Ladder, without which no man can climb thither: and therefore (as S. Austin saith) Mutet vitam qui vult accipere vitam: Let us change our life here, if we look for the Life of Glory hereafter: Let us leave the old way of sin for the new way of righteousness: and (to apply all to my Text) Let us change our course of Lukewarmness for a course of fervency in God's service, our dull and drowsy Devotions for a course of Zeal. Be zealous and Repent.  
AND thus I come to the Third thing I propounded, namely, the Connexion and dependence of these latter words [Be zealous therefore and Repent] upon the former [As many as I love, I rebuke and chasten.] Many things might be here observed, but I will name but one, which is this, God's judgements. For (as Tertullian in his de Poenitentia observes,) * Qui poenam per judicium destinavit, idem & veniam per poenitentiam spospondit: He that hath decreed to punish by justice, hath promised to grant pardon by Repentance. And so we read in jeremy 18. 7. When I shall speak (saith the Lord there) concerning a Nation or Kingdom, to pluck up, to pull down, and to destroy it: If that Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from evil, I will repent of the evil which I thought to do unto them. And in Ezekiel 18. Repent and turn from all your transgressions, for why will ye die, O ye house of Israel; namely, that death wherewith God threatened them, if they should continue in their sins, they might prevent by returning to him by repentance. And so saith God to jeremy, in chap. 26. 2, 3. Speak all the words that I command thee to speak unto them: If so be they will hearken, and turn every man from his evil way, that I may repent me of the evil which I purpose to do unto them, because of the evil of their doings. Lo here, If we repent us of our Sins, God will also repent him of his judgements, that is, he will not send them. Thus when the Ninevites repent in Sackcloth and ashes, it is said (jonah 3. 10.) And God saw their works, that they turned from their evil may, and God repent of (that is, he brought not upon them) the evil that he had said he would do unto them. And so if Laodicea (in my Text) should leave her Lukewarmness; God, who would have chastised her because he loved her, would yet withhold her chastisements because she repented. Would we then avoid the judgements of God hanging over our heads? Let us not then defer our Repentance. Would we not have the flaming fire of God's wrath and vengeance to consume us? Let us repent of our Lukewarmness, and get this sacred Fire of Zeal, the only means to preserve us: Be zealous therefore and repent.    

DISCOURSE LIII.  

1 Ep. JOHN 2. 3.  Hereby we do know that we know him, if we keep his Commandments. 
MAN that is born of a woman (saith job) is of short continuance and full of trouble: 
job 14. 1.  Nay our days are not so few, but they are also as full of sorrow, full of unquietness and discontent; no hour is without, no estate is free; from him that sitteth upon the glorious throne unto him that is beneath in the earth and ashes, from him that is clothed in silk and wears a crown even unto him that is clothed in simple raiment. He that had attained the highest pitch of worldly felicity, King Solomon, 
Eccles. 2. 9, 10.  who was great and increased above all that were before him in jerusalem, whose eyes had whatsoever they desired, who withheld not his heart from any joy; yet when he had considered all, he could see no good thing under the Sun, nothing wherein he could find true hearts-content; 
Vers. 2. 14.  but cried out, Vanity of vanities all is vanity and vexation of Spirit: All things are full of Labour, man cannot utter it. Yea Pleasure itself is linked with pain and sorrow, 
Vers. 8.  Extrema gaudii semper occupat luctus. In vain then do men take up their rest where they have not long to stay; in vain do they seek for comfort in those things where no true comfort can be found. There is but one thing in the world that can make this miserable life happy unto us, and that is so to demean ourselves while we live here, as that we may be assured of the Life to come: This is that will make us not to feel the sorrows and troubles of this life; This is that will make us with ease to swallow the bitter pills of Death itself; when we can say with 
* job 19 25, 26.  job, I know (or I am sure) that my Redeemer liveth, and that these eyes shall see him, though worms consume this body of mine.  
But the greatest part of men think no such Assurance can be had, and therefore think it but labour lost to seek after it: Others on the contrary are too credulous, assuring themselves of God's savour and of eternal life, without any proof or trial of their Assurance whether it be true or no. That both these sorts of men may see what a dangerous Error they are in, let them peruse but this one Epistle of S. john, and out of the whole Epistle let them consider with me a while the Verse which I have read; let them hear what the Spirit saith by the beloved Apostle of the Lord, By this we do know (or come to be assured) that we know him, if we keep his Commandments.  
The first part of these words tells us of an Assurance to be gotten; and lest we might deceive ourselves, the other part tells us what that is whereby we come to be assured, and whereby we may prove insallibly whether our Assurance which we have conceived be good or no, viz. If we keep his Commandments. By this we do know (or we are sure; so the former Translation, and it comes all to one) that we know him; if we keep his Commandments.  
In the first part of these words all is plain, and there is nothing hard to be understood, but only what is meant by this Knowing of Christ; what manner of Knowledge this should be which is here spoken of. For there are divers kinds of knowing Christ. 
jam. 2. ●9.  There is a Knowledge which the very Devils have: the Devils (saith S. james) believe also and tremble; and in Luke 4. 34. we read that the Devil said unto Christ, I know thee who thou art, the holy one of God; and in verse 41. that other Devils also came out of many whom they possessed, crying out and saying, Thou art Christ the Son of God; but Christ rebuked them, and would not suffer them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to say that they knew him to be Christ. There is a Knowledge likewise which the wicked may have, but it is like unto the Knowledge which Devils have: 
1 john 2. 3.  For the wicked may know Christ to be the Son of God, they may know he died upon the Cross for the sins of men they may know that he is gone up into Heaven and sitteth at the right hand of his Father in glory everlasting; but, alas! this Knowledge, if they have no more than it, will not profit them at all, it will never stand them in stead, but rather make them more inexcusable at the Day of judgement.  
But the Knowledge which the Text speaks of, it is the Knowledge of the Faithful, yea it is the Knowledge of Faith, yea it is Faith itself: For this Knowledge of Christ is to know him to be our Christ, to know him to be our Redeemer, to know him to be the Propitiation for our sins as well as for the sins of other men. This you see is Faith itself, and this is the Knowledge here meant; as you may easily see further, if you do but read the words going next before my Text, where our Apostle saith, If any man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father, jesus Christ the righteous: And he is the Propitiation for our sins; and then come the words of my Text, And hereby we know (or we are sure) that we know him; that is, Hereby we know him to be (as was said before) our Advocate, our Propitiation; all this we are sure, we know, he is to us, if that we keep his Commandments.  
If therefore Faith be a Knowledge, If to believe in Christ to be know Christ; how then can Faith and Ignorance stand together? how can an ignorant man be a faithful man? or how can he have Faith who knoweth not the things of Faith?  
Here is a Lesson to be learned of those that think it needless for a man to busy his head in the knowledge of the things belonging to his Salvation; that think it is enough if they have a good meaning, though they know nothing else. They are proud of their Ignorance, and will say they have as good Souls as the best of them all: but, alas! they know not that Light and Darkness cannot agree together; they know not that to walk in darkness is to walk in the shadow of death; they remember not that Light is come into the world, and that those that love darkness rather than light should be cast into outer darkness, where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth. What will you answer at the great day of hearing, when Christ will 
* Luke 13. 27.  not know you, because ye knew him no better? Will you say, as some do, That you were not Book-learned, and therefore could not read? Will you say you had no Learning, and therefore hope to be excused? These Fig-leaves will not serve to cover your nakedness withal.  
I confess, there are many things which the Learned know, which you are not bound to know; Those who are expert in the Scriptures know many things both concerning God and his Works, which others may be ignorant of without endangering their Soul's safety; yea matters of high Controversy, those who are simple are forbidden to meddle withal; for so saith S. Paul, Rom. 14. 1. Him that is weak in the faith receive you, but not to doubtful disputations.  
But things which concern our Faith, things which are needful to our Salvation, things which concern our Obedience unto God; these things no man must be ignorant of that regards the safety of his Soul; these things God will require at the hands of every one who shall be saved, whether they be learned or unlearned, whether they be of the wise or of the simple: whosoever knows not Christ and the means to come to Christ; whosoever knows not what it is to have a Redeemer, to have God to be his Father, what it is to be reconciled to God, to have Christ to be his Advocate and Mediator; whosoever knows not such things as these, must hear that heavy doom of Go ye cursed into everlasting fire.  
For want of this knowledge of things needful to be known God had a controversy with his people Israel, Host 4. 1. The Lord hath a controversy with the inhabitants of the land, because there is no knowledge of God in the land. For want of this knowledge it was that God saith, Esay 5. 13. My people are gone into captivity, because they wanted knowledge. And our Saviour in Luke 19 42. wept over jerusalem, and said, O that thou hadst known the things which belong unto thy peace, etc. As it befell the jews, so will it fall out with every one of us that knows not the things which belong unto our peace, that is, unto our reconciliation with God in jesus Christ; God will have a controversy with us, he will send us into everlasting captivity, from whence we shall never return again.  
Let me therefore beseech you (Brethren) in the bowels of jesus Christ, If there be any among you that have not yet gotten this needful knowledge, that do not yet know the things belonging to their peace, that they would now look unto themselves, and use the means which God hath appointed. If you may have the best means, use the best: if not, yet make use of those which God hath given you; despise not the least and weakest means; despise not the bare reading of the Scriptures, for they are the Oracles of God, and God's Spirit may be in the mouth of the reader. Pray therefore unto the Lord that he would give you hearts to understand, that his Word may dwell in you plentifully in all wisdom, that he would open unto you the treasures of wisdom and knowledge, that you may relish the heavenly Manna, and that you may long after the sincere milk of the Gospel; that by this means your ways may prosper, your sorrows may be easy and your comforts may, your lives holy and your deaths comfortable.  
And thus much I have spoken to those who are ignorant, and please themselves therein. Now let me speak a word or two also to those who covet and desire knowledge, and take delight in the understanding of rare and excellent things. Surely it is a commendable thing to be desirous of knowledge in any thing which may lawfully be known; 
1 Kings 3.  and this desire in Solomon pleased God so well, that because he asked wisdom and knowledge, God gave him riches also, and such honour that there was no King like unto him among the Kings that were before him, neither after him ever came the like. Art thou then desirous of knowledge? wouldst thou know rare and excellent things? wouldst thou know things secret, and foreknow things which are to come? Lo here is a Knowledge the best of all knowledges, the knowledge of Faith, to know Christ to be thy Redeemer. What more secret thing wouldst thou know than to know the Mystery which was hidden from the beginning of the world? What higher knowledge than to know thy name to be written in heaven? What more gainful knowledge than that knowledge that will bring thee a Kingdom whose glory shall never have end? What better knowledge of things to come than to know that thou shalt live in the life to come? If thou knewest the tongues of Men and Angels, if thou knewest all Arts and Sciences, if thou were wiser than Solomon, 
1 Kings 4. 33.  and couldst discourse of Trees and Herbs, of Beasts, of Fowl, and of Fishes, and yet wantest this Knowledge of Faith; all thy wisdom is folly, and thou art not worthy to wipe the shoes of those who are truly wise indeed. Nevertherefore count thyself wise, before thou art wise in the Lord; never think thou knowest any thing, before thou knowest thou hast a part in Christ jesus: For Faith is the 
* Prov. 1. 20. & ch. 9 1. etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sapientiae, (i. e.) Sapientia Sapientiarum, vel Summa Sapientia.  Wisdom of wisdoms; he that knows Christ, knows all, though he knows nothing else. So that we may say with Solomon, Prov. 3. 13, etc. Blessed is the man that findeth this wisdom, and getteth this understanding: For the merchandise thereof is better than the merchandise of silver, and the gain thereof than fine gold. Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. She is a Tree of life to them that lay hold upon her, and happy is every one that retaineth her.  
There is yet a third sort of men to whom this which hath been spoken may give profitable instruction; I mean the nice and dainty hearers of the Word, who grow almost weary of hearing, because the Ministers sing nothing but this old song of Knowing and Believing in Christ; they always beat upon this one point, How men should get Faith, and know Christ to be their Redeemer: But they would have some new things taught them, these common things are tedious, the Minister must teach them something they never knew before: or, if they must have the old things still, their stomaches are so queasy, that they must needs have them dressed and set out with delicious words and gay shows of Learning, that so they may go down the better; that is, They would have Gold to be gilded, and find want of knowledge in the noblest piece of Learning in the world.  
These men are like unto the Israelites, 
Vers. 5, 6.  Num. 11. who, when God gave them Manna from heaven, and fed them with the food of Angels; after they had a while been used to it, they began to murmur, and said, Our souls loathe this Manna; what, nothing but Manna? what, still Manna? every day Manna, Manna? O that we had the fleshpots of Egypt, our onions and our cucumbers I As if they had said, What though this Manna be an heavenly Manna, we had rather have that which comes from the Earth, so it be rare and geason; we regard not the goodness of the meat, but the variety of fare.  
But what befell these dainty-mouthed murmurers? Many they had their wish, they had flesh of the best, the flesh of Quails sent them; but while the 
* Num. 11. 33.  meat was in their mouths, the wrath of the Lord came upon them, and they died; not because it was unlawful for them to eat flesh, but because they made more account of this grosser food because 'twas rare, then of the Manna which fell from heaven. Take heed therefore, you that are too-too choice in hearing, and had rather hear rare and new things, than profitable things, because you hear them often.  
The Knowledge of Christ is this Manna which came from heaven. If the Minister of God feed you with this, it is the best food he can give you. What more sovereign Diet can be unto your souls than that which makes them live for ever? What more pleasing News can you hear than Tidings that God will be at peace with men? This made the very Angels of heaven to sing for joy at the birth of Christ, Glory be to God on high, 
Luke 2. 14.  and peace amongst men. Account not that common which so few men taste of: account not that tedious which the best of you all have need of, and which if you could once but relish the sweetness of, you would think you never had enough of.  
I speak not all this as quite disallowing a moderate show of Learning in Sermons, but because I would have you know that in respect of the Manna itself they are but leeks and cucumbers, the onions and garlic of Egypt.  
AND so I come to the next thing I observe out of the First part of my Text, and that is from these words, we are sure, or we know, as in the Greek it is 
* So in Luke 10. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendered Be ye sure; and job. 6. 69. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We are sure. And so a like word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendered, john 16. 30. Rom. 2. 2. & ch. 15. 29.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but it comes all to one, for he that knows he knoweth Christ, is sure he knows; he that knows he hath a thing, is sure he hath it.  
Mark then from hence, That a man may be sure he shall be saved, he may be sure that the Benefits of Christ's death belong unto him. For to know Christ, I told you, was to know him to be our Redeemer, that is, to have Faith in him or to believe him to be our Christ. If every one therefore that knows him aright and believes in him truly, shall be saved; he that is sure he knows him, he that knows he believes truly in him, this man must needs know also and be assured of his Salvation. But you see the words of my Text do plainly imply that a man may be sure he knows Christ, or else in vain should the Apostle tell us of the means how to get that which was impossible to be gotten. But if the words of my Text be not sufficient to persuade you, then call to mind the firm Assurance of S. Paul, 
Rom. 8. 38, 39  who was persuaded that neither life nor death, neither principalities nor powers, nor any thing else in the world, could sever him from the love of God. Call to mind again the words of job, 
job 19 25, etc.  who saith he was sure that his Redeemer liveth, and that his eyes should see him.  
But perhaps you will say that these were extraordinary men, Apostles and Prophets might know so much by special inspiration, but every man must not look for that which they had; All are not Apostles, all are not Prophets, and therefore all must not look to be like unto Apostles and Prophets.  
But mark again the words of my Text, We are sure, or we know, that we know him: He says not, I john am or may be sure, or that the other Apostles might be sure; but we know, or we are sure, we know him: that is, I and you both; not I alone who am an Apostle, but all you also to whom I write, who have believed through the preaching of the Apostles and Disciples of the Lord jesus; we all of us may be sure, or know, we know him, if we keep his Commandments. And surely if this be not so, why doth S. Peter 2 Ep. chap. 1. 10. bid us endeavour to make our calling and election sure? why is the Spirit of God called 
* Ephes. 1. 14.— the earnest of our inheritance; and ch. 4. 30— sealed unto the day of redemption.  the Earnest and Seal of our Salvation? The Seal, we know, confirms and makes a thing sure; and he that hath given earnest, is bound to stand to his bargain: whosoever then doth feel the Spirit of God to be within him, as every one may, and must do before they shall be saved, this man hath God's promise sealed unto him, and God hath given him the Earnest of his Salvation: and certainly God useth not to break covenants, he will not break promise with us, if we keep promise with him; for he is not as the sons of men, that he should be changed; the Lord hath sworn, 
1 Sam. 15. 29.  and it shall not repent him; the counsel of the Lord remains for ever, and his decree from generation to generation.  
wouldst thou then have comfort in thy misery, wouldst thou have joy in all thy sorrows, wouldst thou find rest in the greatest troubles of thy life, wouldst thou entertain Death as a messenger of joy, wouldst thou welcome the Lord jesus at his coming? O labour then to make thy election sure; never cease till thou hast gotten the seal and earnest of thy Salvation; renounce all kind of peace till thou hast found the peace of conscience; discard all joy till thou feelest the joy of the Holy Ghost. Do this, and there is no calamity so great but thou mayest undergo, no burden so heavy but thou mayest easily bear it: Do this, and thou shalt live in the fear, die in the favour, and rise in the power of God the Father, and help to make up the heavenly Comfort, singing with the Saints and Angels, Hallelujah, Hallelujah, All glory and honour and praise be ascribed to the Lamb, and to him that sitteth upon the throne for evermore. 
Rev 5. 13.   
But now lest that which hath been spoken concerning Assurance of Salvation might disquiet the weak conscience of some who cannot feel this Assurance in themselves; let them know That this Assurance doth not always continue in like measure, but is often shaken with the assaults of mis-belief, and overcast with clouds of distrust. We know that though the Sun be risen upon the earth, she doth not always show herself in full brightness, but sometimes is overcast with clouds and shadowed from our sight; and yet she always giveth so much light as thereby we may discern the day from the night: Even so although the Sun of comfortable Assurance be risen in our hearts, yet it doth not always shine forth with brightness, or show itself in full strength and vigour, but is sometime overcast with fear and distrust; and yet when there is least, there is so much light that a man may discern day from night, and know the children of God from the sons of Darkness. Despair not therefore, though fear sometimes disquiets thee; Distrust not the Lord thy God, though he seems sometimes to hide his Countenance from thee: but when thou feelest a combat in thy soul, pray then and say with the Father of that child in the Gospel, 
Mark 9 24.  Lord, I believe, help thou my unbelief.  
AND thus I come unto the second part of my Text, which contains the Means whereby we come to this Certainty of knowing Christ and this Assurance of Salvation; and that is, By keeping God's Commandments; for saith my Text, Hereby we know that we do know him, if we keep his Commandments. To know Christ (I told you) is to believe in him, to be assured we know him is to be assured our Faith is a right and a true Faith; which Faith whosoever knoweth he hath, cannot choose but know certainly he shall be saved: But hereby (saith my Text) may we know that we know Christ aright, and believe in him truly and savingly, if that we keep his Commandments.  
From whence I observe 
Observat. 1.  First, That though it be true, That whatsoever good thing we have cometh from God, and that it is his Holy Spirit that worketh all heavenly graces in our hearts; yet he doth it not immediately, without means, but by blessing those helps and motives to us which he hath ordained for us to attain such graces and such favours by.  
For it is true, That Assurance of Salvation is the work of God's Spirit; and yet S. john saith here, That it is the keeping of God's Commandments whereby we are assured we know Christ to be our Redeemer: that is, The Spirit of God by this keeping of the Commandments and by obedience to the will of God doth assure us, as by an argument or evidence, that our Faith is a true Faith, a living Faith; and that therefore we may assure ourselves that the Spirit of God dwelleth in us, and that we shall enjoy a Crown with Saints and Angels in the life to come. So likewise Faith is the work of the Spirit of God; 
Rom. 10. 17.  and yet S. Paul saith, that Faith cometh by hearing, and how should men believe unless they hear the Word preached? It is God that saveth us, and Christ who purchased eternal life for us; and yet the use of the Sacraments must be as means to bring us to this happiness. So saith Christ, Every one that believeth and is baptised, 
Mark 16. 16.  shall be saved; and S. Peter, 1 Ep. 3. 21. calleth Baptism the figure whereby we are saved.  
And throughout the Scripture we shall find that God bestows his blessings and favours by the use of means, and to those who use the means which he hath appointed. If Abimelech will have God to heal him and to forgive his sin, he must have Abraham to pray unto God for him: so saith the Text, Gen. 20. 7. Restore the man his wife; for he is a Prophet, and he shall pray for thee, and thou shalt live. So if Iob's friends will have God to forgive their sin in censuring job so uncharitably, they must use the means which God commanded them, job 42. 8. Take unto you (saith God) seven bullocks and seven rams, and go to my servant job, and offer for yourselves a burnt-offering; and my servant job shall pray for you, and I will accept him. If Cornelius will have the will of God revealed to him, he must send to joppa for Peter to preach unto him, Acts 10. 5. If Naaman the Syrian will have the God of Israel to heal him of his Leprosy, he must use the means commanded, to wash himself seven times in the River jordan, 2 Kings 5. 10, 14. Again, Though God had promised jacob that he would be with him, that he would do him good, when he was to return unto the land of Canaan; and though jacob depended only upon God to deliver him from the fury of his brother Esau; yet he knew that God would require of him the using of the means, 
Gen. 3●.  and therefore he sent a Present to his brother, and when he came unto him, he used all humble and submiss behaviour toward him. Lastly, Though Hezekiah in his sickness had received a Sign and a Promise from God that he should recover, I have heard thy prayer, (saith the Lord, 2 Kings 20. 5.) I have seen thy tears: behold I will heal thee, on the third day thou shalt go up unto the house of the Lord; yet for all this he did not neglect the means, for according to the counsel of the Prophet Esay, he took a lump of figs (saith the Text, ver. 7.) and laid it upon the boil, and he recovered. Thus than you see the manner how God bestows his graces and favours upon the sons of men: He is the chief and principal worker in all things which are done, and yet he worketh not without the means, for so he should always do Miracles; (for Miracles are nothing else but the works of God without and against the ordinary means) but he worketh by blessing of the means to those who have and use them.  
Here is therefore a Lesson worthy to be learned of those who, when you tell them of the perverseness and corruption of their hearts, and exhort them to seek to be at peace with God, to amend their lives, to eschew evil and do the works of righteousness; answer presently, That all the thoughts of man's heart are by nature evil, and that of ourselves we are not able so much as to think one good thought, much less to do any good deed; we have no free will in these things, but are dead in sin; we cannot turn to God, unless he turns us first unto him; we cannot mend, unless God first amend us; we cannot believe, unless he give us Faith; we cannot of ourselves do any good, until it pleaseth God to enable us: 
2 Pet. 3. 16.  And after this manner (as S. Peter saith) those who are unskilful and unstable wrest the Scriptures to their own destruction. But do you not know also, that it is God that giveth us our daily bread, that he giveth us meat to eat and clothes to put on? and yet which of you all will not use the means to get these things, because else you cannot look that God should give you his blessing? Do you not know, when you are sick of a bodily disease, that if you be healed, God must heal you, God must restore you to your former health? and yet which of you all will not seek unto the Physician, and use all means that can be gotten? Do you not know, when you are in danger, that God must deliver you? and yet would you not laugh at him that in such a case should sit still and say, God help me, and never stir his finger to help himself? Are you thus wise in these outward things, and will you not be as wise in things spiritual? It is needful you should use the means to obtain God's blessing in things concerning your Body, and is it needless in things concerning the good of your Soul?  
It is true indeed that of yourselves you are not able to turn from your evil ways unto the Lord your God; but you are able, I hope, to use the means whereby God's Spirit works the conversion of the heart. This Sun the Lord makes to shine both upon the evil and the good; this Rain he showers down upon the just and unjust. What though thou canst not believe of thyself? yet thou canst use the means of believing. What though thou canst not of thyself will or do the thing which is good? yet mayest thou use the means whereby God gives the grace of willing and doing good. wouldst thou then have God to enable thee with the grace and power of his Spirit? use the means wherein the Spirit of God is lively and mighty in operation, 
Heb. 4. 12.  sharper than any two-edged sword, and entereth through even to the dividing asunder of Soul and Spirit: Meditate continually in the Law of God, be diligent to hear the Word both read and preached, attend to Exhortation, to Instruction: and as joab said unto his army going against the Aramites, 
2 Sam. 10. 12.  Be strong, and let us be valiant for our people and for the cities of our God, and let the Lord do that which is good in his eyes; so say thou unto thine own Soul, I will firmly resolve, and with all the power I have endeavour to use the means appointed by our God, and let the Lord do that which is good in his eyes. Nay then fear not, thou shalt see the salvation of the Lord: he will give thee a new heart, and put a new spirit within thee; he will take away thy heart of stone, and give thee an heart of flesh, that thou mayest walk in his statutes and keep his Commandments; and thou shalt be one of his people, and he will be thy God.  
Observe in the second place, That a true and unfeigned Faith in Christ (which is the knowing him here mentioned) brings forth obedience to his Commandments. 
Observat. 2.  Christ, we must know, is not only a Priest to reconcile us, but also a King to be obeyed by us. 
Christ must be received whole, not only as a Priest, but as a King.  These two, as they are inseparable in him, [a Priest, but a Kingly Priest; a King, but a Priestly King;] so must the acknowledgement of them be in his servants. Whosoever therefore receives him as a Priest for atonement of his sin, must also submit unto him with loyal obedience as a King. We can never truly acknowledge him the one, but we must also yield him the other. For Christ will not be divided by us; we must, if we will have him, take him whole; otherwise we have no share in him at all. This is that Faith we say justifies, and no other but such a Faith as this, which adheres unto Christ jesus both as a Priest and as our Lord and King. And therefore do our Adversaries most unworthily and wrongfully charge us, That we condemn Good works, or hold a man may be in Christ or in the state of grace, though his life be never so wicked; because we hold, as S. Paul does, we are justified by Faith, and not by the works of the Law, Gal. 2. 16.  
Observe, 
Observat. 3.  thirdly, That the Act of Faith which justifies is the Receiving or Knowing of Christ; not (as some erroneously conceive) an Assurance or Knowing we know him. For Assurance of being justified is no way a Cause or Instrument, but a Consequent of justification. A man must be first justified before he can know or be assured he is justified. For this Assurance or Certification you may see in my Text comes in the third place, not in the first; wherein you may observe these three things to have this order, 1. Knowing or owning Christ, which is Faith: 2. Keeping his Commandments, which is the Fruit and evidence of a true Faith: then in the third place comes Assurance, For by this we are sure we do know him, if we keep his Commandments. The Object must be before it can be known; the Sun must be risen before she can be seen: So hath every one his interest in Christ before he can know he hath it. Nay he may have it long before, before he knows he hath it: For it is not only a consequent, but a separable consequent, neither presently gotten, and often interrupted. For though it be necessary the Sun should be risen before she can be seen; yet she may be long up before we see her, and often clouded after she hath shined. This I observe for the comfort of those who are troubled in mind and tempted to despair, because they see not the light of God's countenance shining in their hearts.  
My fourth Observation, 
Observat. 4.  and the chief in the Text, is this, That he that walks in the ways of God, and makes conscience to keep his Commandments, may hereby infallibly know he knows Christ, that his Faith is a true Faith, and that he shall be saved everlastingly. This is the main and principal Scope of the Text, and so plainly therein expressed, that it needs no other confirmation. But the Reason is plain; For Good works are the fruits of Faith, and a Godly conversation is the work of God's holy Spirit. Whomsoever Christ accepts as a Servant, he gives the token of his Spirit, the Grace which enlivens and quickens the Heart and Will to his Service in a new and reformed conversation. Even as the heat of the Fire warmeth whatsoever comes near unto it; so the Spirit of Christ kindles this Grace in every Heart that Faith links unto him: the Fruit whereof is that infallible Livery whereby every one that wears it may know himself to be his Servant.  
A Tree is known by its fruit, the workman is known by his work; whosoever them shows these works, and brings forth these fruits, hath an infallible argument that the Spirit of God, the earnest of his Salvation, dwells in his heart; that his Faith is a true and saving Faith; that his believing is no presumption, no false conceit, no delusion of the Devil, but the true and certain motion of God's own Spirit. The rising of the Sun is known by the shining beams, the Fire is known by its burning, the Life of the Body is known by its moving: Even so certainly is the presence of God's Spirit known by the shining light of an holy conversation; even so certainly the purging Fire of Grace is known by the burning Zeal against sin, and a servant desire to keep God's Commandments; even so certainly the Life and liveliness of Faith is known by the good motions of the Heart, by the bestirring of all the powers both of Soul and Body, to do whatsoever God wills us to be doing as soon as we once know he would have us do it. He that hath this Evidence, hath a bulwark against Despair, and may dare the Devil to his face: He that hath this, hath the Broad Seal of Eternal life, and such a man shall live for ever.  
But on the contrary, He that walks not in the ways of Obedience to God's Commandments; whatsoever conceit he hath of God's favour toward him, without all doubt he knows not Christ to be his Redeemer, he hath not nor cannot have any Assurance of Salvation; for how should a man be assured of that which is not? His Hope is Presumption, his Faith is nothing but Security, his Comfort (if he feels any) a mere imagination: His Hope, his Faith, his Comfort are all delusions of the Devil. For if we say (saith our Apostle chap. 1. ver. 6.) that we have fellowship with him, and walk in darkness, we are liars, yea and the Devil, the Father of lies, is in us.  
Here therefore is a good Caveat for us all. 
Heb. 12. 14.  Let us not deceive ourselves; without Holiness no man shall see God. Beware of Presumption, for Presumption sends more to Hell than Desperation. Let us never think we have Faith to be saved by, or acknowledge Christ throughly, till we may see and know it by keeping his Commandments. For hereby we know that we know him, etc.  
But you may say, Alas! this is an hard saying: If none have true Faith or know Christ aright but those who keep the Law of God, who then can be saved? For what man is he who hath such a Faith? For there is no man living which sins not; and who can say his Heart is clean? the best of us all hath need to pray unto God daily and hourly, Lord, forgive our trespasses.  

1. I answer, It is true, that an absolute and perfect Obedience to the Law of God is not attainable in this life: For the best that are, though not in a current and constant course, yet ever and anon offend, both in doing what they ought not, and omitting what they should do; yea some mixture of infirmity and imperfections will cleave unto the face of the fairest action. So incompatible is an uninterrupted and unstained purity with this unglorified state of mortality.  
2. All this is true and cannot be denied; For our Apostle himself saith chap. 1. 8. If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and there is no truth in us. But the same Apostle in chap. 3. 8. of this Epistle saith also, That he which commits sin, is of the Devil. There is therefore some measure of holiness and obedience, and that more than ordinary, required of those who are the Sons of God. That ours may be such, we must know the requisites thereof are three, To be Cordial, Resolved, and Universal.   

1. It must be Cordial, that is, Conscionable and Sincere: it must be internal, proceeding from the Heart, not external only, in the appearance of the outward work. 
Matth. 21. 19  God looks for fruit, and not for leaves; therefore the Figtree in the Gospel which had nothing but leaves, 
Psal. 119. 2.  we know, was accursed. But blessed are they (saith David) that keep his Testimonies, and seek him with their whole heart. For true Faith not only restrains the actions of the outward man, (for that Humane laws and other respects may do) but it purifies the Heart also from the reigning allowance of any lust or lewd course of sin. There is abhorring as well as abstaining, loathing as well as leaving; for else a chained Lion, though he abstain from devouring, hath his Lionish nature still.  
2. It must be Resolved, that is, out of a full and settled purpose to conform ourselves to the Law of God; That howsoever we often fail in the execution, yet this Root may still keep life within us. For good actions which come only by fits and occasions, are no part of true Obedience: nor where such a Resolution is, are failings and slips more a sign of a disobedient child, than the missing of a mark argues he that shot never aimed to hit it; but only is a sign either of weakness, want of skill, or good heed, or some impediment.  
3. It must be Universal; I say not absolute and perfect, for no man can keep the Law of God absolutely and perfectly; yet it must be Universal, that is, to one Commandment as well as to another. True Obedience knows no exception, no reservation, nor can any such stand with a true Faith and allegiance to Christ our Lord.   
First therefore there must no darling, no bosom sin, no Herodias, be cherished: such a dead fly as this will mar the whole box of ointment: For how should he take himself for a faithful servant of Christ, who still holds correspondence with his Arch-enemy the Devil? It were treason in an earthly subject to do it, how serviceable soever he might otherwise be unto his Prince. One breach in the walls of a City exposeth it to the surprise of the Enemy; one leak in a Ship neglected will sink it at last into the bottom of the Sea; the stab of a Penknife to the Heart will as well speed a man as twenty Rapiers run through him: If thou hedge thy close as high as the middle region of the Air in all other places, and leave but one gap, all thy grass will be gone: If the Fowler catch the Bird either by the head or the foot or the wing, she is sure his own. So in the present case, If Satan keep possession but by one reigning sin, it will be thine everlasting ruin. If thou live and die with allowance and delight in any one known sin, without resolution to part with it; thou art none of Christ's servants, thou as yet carriest the Devil's brand, he hath thereby marked thee out for his own.  
Secondly, An Universal obedience submits not only to Prohibitions of not doing evil, but puts in practice the Injunctions of doing good. Many think they keep the Commandments well, so they do nothing which they forbid: But the not doing good is a sin as well as the doing of evil. Dives fries in Hell, not for robbing, but for not relieving Lazarus. The unprofitable servant was cast into outer darkness, not for spending, but for not bestowing his Master's talon. The five foolish Virgins were shut out of doors, not for wasting, but for not having oil in their Lamps. And the wicked shall be condemned at the last day, 
Matth. 25.  not for reaving the meat from the hungry, but for not seeding their poor brethren; not for stripping the naked out of his clothes, but for not clothing him. It will not be enough for thee that thou bringest forth no bad fruit, 
Matth. 3. 10.  but thou must bring forth good fruit. Every Tree that bringeth not forth good fruit, shall be hewn down and cast into the fire. What if thou steal not from thy brother? yet if thou open not thy hand to help and succour him, thou art a Robber. What if thou dost neither lie nor swear? yet if thou makest not thy mouth a glorious organ, and thy tongue a trumpet to sound forth and proclaim the love and mercy of God, thou art a deep and a round offender. What if no man can condemn thee for any evil? yet unless God and thine own conscience shall commend thee for some good thou hast done, thou art far from any Assurance of Faith, or Knowing thou knowest Christ to be thy Redeemer.  
The End of the First Book.     

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned joseph Mede, B. D. SOMETIME Fellow of CHRIST'S College in CAMBRIDGE  
CONTAINING SEVERAL DISCOURSES AND TREATISES OF CHURCHES, AND The Worship of God therein.  
Horat. de Art Poet.  

— Fuit haec Sapientia quondam,  
Publica privatis secernere, sacra profanis.   
Corrected and Enlarged according to the Author's own Manuscripts.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE SECOND BOOK.  

Of Churches.  

1 COR. 11. 22.  Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in? [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;] or despise ye the Church of God? 
pag. 319    

The Reverence of God's House.  

ECCLES. 5. 1.  Look to thy foot [or feet] when thou comest to the House of God; and be more ready to obey, than to offer the Sacrifice of fools. 
pag. 340    

The Christian Sacrifice.  

MALACHI 1. 11.  From the rising of the Sun even unto the going down of the same, my Name shall be great among the Gentiles; and in every place Incense shall be offered unto my Name, and a pure Offering: for my Name shall be great among the Heathen, saith the Lord of Hosts. 
  

CHAP. I.  The Text a Prophecy of the Christian Sacrifice, according to the judgement of the ancient Fathers in the Second, Third and Fourth Centuries. The difficulty of explaining the Christian Sacrifice: The Reasons of this difficulty. The Method and Order propounded for this Discourse. 
pag. 355   

CHAP. II.  The Christian Sacrifice defined, and briefly explained. The two parts or double Object of this Sacrifice. What meant by Sacrificium Quod, what by Sacrificium Quo. 
pag. 356   

CHAP. III.  The words of the Text explained, and applied to the foregoing Definition of the Christian Sacrifice. Incense denotes the rational part of this Sacrifice, Mincha the material part thereof. What meant by Mincha purum. Two Interpretations of the Purity of the Christian Mincha given by the Fathers; a third propounded by the Author. 
pag. 357   

CHAP. IV.  Six Particulars contained in the Definition of the Christian Sacrifice. The First, viz. That this Christian Service is an Oblation, proved out of Antiquity. How long the Apostles Age lasted, or when it ended. Proofs out of the Epistles of Clemens and Ignatius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how distinguished in Ignatius. The Christian Service is properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but improperly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the strict and prime sense of the word. 
pag. 360   

CHAP. V.  The Second Particular, That the Christian Sacrifice is an Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer, proved from justin Martyr, Tertullian, Clemens Alexandr. etc. The Altar, or Holy Table, anciently the place of the public Prayers of the Church. Prayer, Oblation and Sacrifice promiscuously used by the Fathers when they speak of the Christian Sacrifice. The Conjunction of Prayer and the Eucharist argued from Acts 2. 42. and from Ignatius ad Ephes. The three parts of which the Christian Synaxis consisted. 
pag. 362   

CHAP. VI  The Third Particular, That the Christian Sacrifice is an Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer through jesus Christ Commemorated in the Creatures of Bread and Wine. Sacrifices under the Law were Rites to invocate God by. That the Eucharist is a Rite to give thanks and invocate God by, proved from several Testimonies of the Fathers and the Greek Liturgies. A passage out of Mr. Perkins agreeable to this notion. What meant by that usual expression of the Ancients speaking of the Eucharist, [Through jesus Christ the great High Priest.] By Nomen Dei in Mal. 1. justin M. and Irenaeus understood Christ. Why in the Eucharist Prayers were to be directed to God the Father. 
pag. 365.   

CHAP. VII.  The Fourth particular, That the Commemoration of Christ in the Creatures of Bread and Wine (in the Eucharist) is a Sacrifice, according to the style of the ancient Church. How Sacrifices are distinguished from all other Offerings. A Sacrifice defined. The Universal Custom of mankind to contract or confirm Covenants and Friendship by eating and drinking together: This illustrated from Testimonies of Scripture and humane Authors. Sacrifices were Federal Feasts, wherein God and men did feast together in token of amity and friendship. What was God's Mess or portion in the Sacrifices. The different Laws of Burnt-offerings, Sin-and-Trespass-offerings, and the Peace-offerings. Burnt-offerings had Meat and Drink-offerings annexed to them, and were regularly accompanied with Peace-offerings. That Sacrifices were Feasts of amity between God and men, proved by four Arguments. The reason of these phrases, Secare foedus and Icere foedus. That in those Sacrificial Feasts (and also in the Eucharist) God is to be considered as the Convivator, and Man as the Conviva. This cleared by several passages in this (as also in the following) Chapter. 
pag. 369.   

CHAP. VIII.  The Fifth Particular, That the Body and Blood of Christ in the Eucharist was made of Bread and Wine which had first been offered to God, to agnize him the Lord of the Creature. This proved from the Testimonies of Antiquity next to the Apostles times, and from ancient Liturgies; as also from the Father's arguing from this Oblation of the Creature in the Eucharist to God, that the Father of Christ was the Creator of the world, in confutation of some Heretics in their days; and lastly from S. Paul's parallel of the Lord's Supper and the Sacrifices of the Gentiles. Two Questions answered. 1. Whence may it appear that our Saviour at the Institution of the Eucharist did first offer the Bread and Wine to God, to agnize him the Lord of the Creature? 2. Is not the celebration of the Eucharist in the Western Churches (whether the Reformed or the Roman) therefore defective, because no such Oblation is there in use? 
pag. 372.   

CHAP. IX.  The Sixth Particular, That Christ is offered in the Eucharist Commemoratively only, and not otherwise. This Commemorative Sacrifice, or the Commemoration in the Eucharist, explained. That Christ is offered by way of Commemoration only, was the sense of the ancient Church. This proved from ancient Liturgies and Fathers. The Conclusion, containing an elegant description of the Christian Sacrifice out of the History of S. Andrew's Martyrdom. 
pag. 376.   

EZRA VI X.  That they may offer Sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of Heaven, and pray for the life of the King, and of his Sons. 
pag. 379.   
The Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Altar anciently given to the Holy Table. 
pag. 382.   
We will go into his Tabernacle, we will worship towards his Footstool. 
pag. 393.    

Concio ad Clerum.  

Levit. 19 30.  Sanctuarium meum reveremini. 
pag. 398.     

CHURCHES, THAT IS, Appropriate Places FOR CHRISTIAN WORSHIP, BOTH IN, AND EVER SINCE THE APOSTLES TIMES.  
A Discourse at first more briefly delivered in a Colledge-Chappel, and since enlarged.  
BY JOSEPH MEDE B. D. AND Sometime Fellow of Christ's College in CAMBRIDGE.  
Concil. Gangrense Anno Christi 325. can. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

REVERENDISSIMO IN CHRISTO PATRI & DOMINO SUO SUMME HONORANDO, DOMINO GUILIELMO DIVINA PROVIDENTIA ARCHIEPISCOPO CANTUARIENSI, METROPOLITANO● TOTIUSQUE ANGLIAE PRIMATI,  
Hanc suam de Ecclesiarum (hoc est, Locorum cultui Christiano dicatorum) jam inde ab Apostolorum temporibus Antiquitate Dissertationem,  
Antiquitatis Ecclesiasticae propugnatori, sublatique inter sacrum & profanum discriminis assertori eximio,  
In grati & officiosi animi indicium, Eâ quâ decet submissione & favoris spe, DICAT CONSECRATQUE REV ma Paternitatis ipsius  Cultor & Sacellanus observantissimus I. M.  

THE SECOND BOOK; CONTAINING SEVERAL DISCOURSES and TREATISES CONCERNING CHURCHES, AND The Worship of God therein. CHURCHES, THAT IS, APPROPRIATE PLACES For Christian Worship, both in and ever since the Apostles times.  

1 COR. 11. 22.  Have ye not houses to eat and drink in? [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;] or despise ye the Church of God. 
IT is taken in a manner for granted by the most of our Reformed Writers, and affirmed also by 
* joseph. Vicecom. de ant●quis Missae ritibus, Vol. 3. l. 2. c. 21.  some of the other side, That in the Apostles times and in the Ages next after them (whilst the Church lived under Pagan and persecuting Emperors) Christians had no Oratories or Places set apart for Divine worship; but that they assembled here and there promiscuously and uncertainly, as they pleased, or the occasion served, in places of common use, and not otherwise. But that this is an error, I intent to demonstrate by good evidence; taking my rise from this passage of the Apostle, who reproving the Corinthians for using profane banquet and feast in a Sacred place, Have ye not houses (saith he) to eat and drink in? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or despise ye the Church of God? Here I take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Church, to note, not the Assembly, but the Place appointed for Sacred duties; and that from the opposition thereof to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, their own Houses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in? these are places proper for ordinary and common repast, and not the Church or House of God: which is again repeated in the last verse of that Chapter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, If any man hunger, let him eat at home.  
Thus most of the Fathers took 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this passage, namely, as most of the words signifying an Assembly or Company are wont to be used also for the Place thereof; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Synagoga, Collegium, etc.  
S. Austin is so plain as nothing can be more. 
1 Cor. 11. 22.  For concerning expressions, where the Continent is called by the name of the Thing contained, 
Quast. 57 sup. L●vit.  he instances in this of Ecclesia; 
a As (for Example) the Church is called the Place where the Church is assembled. For the Church are men, of whom accordingly it is said (Eph●s. 5. 21.) That he might present to himself a glorious Church: But withal that the Church is called the House of Prayer, the same Apostle testifies, where he saith, Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in? or despise ye the Church of God?  Sicut Ecclesia (saith he) dicitur locus quo Ecclesia congregatur. Nam Ecclesia homines sunt, de quibus dicitur, Vt exhiberet sibi gloriosam Ecclesiam: Hanc tamen vocari etiam ipsam Domum orationum, idem Apostolus testis est, ubi ait, Numquid domos non habetis ad manducandum & bibendum? an Ecclesiam Dei contemnitis?  
S. Basil hath the same notion in his Moralia, Reg. 30. 
b That we ought not to dishonour Sacred places or things by the mixture of things of common use. S. Basil confirms it from that in S. Matth. 21. 12, 13. as also from that in 1 Cor. 11. 22. Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in? or despise ye the Church of God? and verse 34. If any man hunger, let him eat at home, etc.  Quòd non oportet [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] loca sacra misturâ eorum quae ad communem usum spectant c●ntumeliâ afficere. Which he confirms thus; Et intravit Iesus in Templum Dei, & ejiciebat omnes ementes & vendentes in Templo, & mensas numulariorum, & cathedras vendentium columbas evertit, & dicit eye, Scriptum est, Domus mea domus orationis vocabitur, vos autem fecistis eam speluncam latronum. Et ad Cor. 1. Numquid domos non habetis ad manducandum & bibendum? aut Ecclesiam Dei con●emnitis? Si quis esurit, domi manducet, ut non in judicium conveniatis.  
Again, in his Regulae compendiosiùs explicatae, Interrog. & Respons. 310. answering that Question, 
c In answer to that Question, Whether may the Holy Oblation (or Eucharist) be celebrated in a common house, he affirms. That as the Word doth not allow that any common vessel or utensil should be brought into places that are Sacred [carried through the Temple, Mark 11. 16.] so likewise doth it forbid that the Holy Mysteries should be celebrated in a common house: For neither would the Old Testament permit any such thing to be done, nor our Lord who said, There is here one greater than the Temple, (Matth. 12 6.) nor the Apostle, saying, Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in? etc. Whence we may learn, That we ought not to take our common supper in the Church, nor should we dishonour the Lord's Supper by eating it in a private house. But if one be necessitated to communicate in private, let him then choose out the most clean and decent house or room for such a purpose, and withal see that he do it in the fittest and most seasonable time.  Numquid in communi domo sacra obletio debeat celebrari; Quemadmodum, saith he, verbum non permittit ut vas ullum commune in sancta introferatur; eodem modo etiam vetat sancta in domo communi celebrari: quum vetus Testamentum nihil isto modo fieri permittat; Domino item dicente, Plus quam templum est hic; Apostolo item, Numquid domos non habetis ad manducandum & bibendum? etc. Ex quibus erudimur, neque communem coenam in Ecclesia edere & bibere, neque Dominicam coenam in privata domo contumeliâ afficere: extra quam si quis, cum necessitas poscat, locum domúmve puriorem delegerit tempore opportuno—  
The Author also of the Commentaries upon the Epistles, amongst the works of S. Hierome, (whosoever he were) expounding 
d Despise ye the Church of God?  Ecclesiam Dei contemnitis? by 
e Making it a place for common feasts and banquet.  Facientes eam Triclinium epularum, shows, he took Ecclesia here to signify the Place.  
The selfsame words are to be found in the Commentaries of sedulius, as many other passages of this Author verbatim; which I note by the way.  
S. chrysostom is of the same mind; 
f Behold a fourth charge, That not the poor only, but also the Church itself is injured. For as hereby thou makest the Lord's Supper a private Supper; so thou dealest no better with the Place, in that thou usest the Church as a private and ordinary house.  Ecce quarta accusatio, (saith he) quòd non pauperes tantùm, sed Ecclesia laeditur. Quemadmodum enim Dominicam coenam privatam facis; ita & Locum, tanquam Domo Ecclesiâ usus. Ecclesia therefore here with him is Locus.  
And so it is with Theodoret, who paraphraseth the words on this manner; 
g If ye come together to feast it, do this in your own Houses: for to do thus in the Church is a manifest contempt, a plain dishonour done to the Church. For how can it but seem a thing wholly indecorous and absurd for you to far deliciously in the Temple of God, where the Lord himself is present, who hath prepared for us a common table; when at the same time those Christians that are poor are hungry, and out of countenance by reason of their poverty?  Si acceditis ut lautè & opiparè epulemini, hoc facite in domibus. Hoc enim in Ecclesia est contumelia. & aperta insolentia. Quomodo enim non est absurdum, intus in Templo Dei, praesente Domino, qui communem nobis men same apposuit, vos quidem lautè vivere, eos autem qui sunt pauperes esurire, & propter paupertatem erubescere?  
Theophylact and Oecumenius follow the same tract, as he that looks them shall find.  
I have produced thus largely the Glosses of the Fathers upon this Text, that they might be as a preparative so my ensuing Discourse, by removing, or mitigating at the least, that prejudice which some have so deeply swallowed, of an utter unlikelihood of any such Places to have been in the Apostles times, or the times near them. For if these Glosses of the Fathers be true, then were there Places called Ecclesiae or Churches, and consequently Places appointed and set apart for Christian assemblies to perform their solemn Service to God in, even in the Apostles times. Or suppose they be not true, or but doubtful, and not necessary; yet thus much will follow howsoever, That these Fathers, who were nearer to those Primitive times by above one thousand one hundred years than we are, and so had better means to know what they had or had not than we, supposed there were such Places even in the Apostles times: If in the Apostles times, than no doubt in the Ages next after them. And thus we shall gain something by this Text, whether we accept this notion of the word Ecclesia or not.  
HAVING therefore gotten so good an entrance, we will now further inquire What manner of places they were, or may be supposed to have been, which were appropriated to such use; and that done, proceed to show by such Testimonies or footsteps of Antiquity as Time hath left unto us, That there were such Places through every Age respectively from the days of the Apostles unto the reign of Constantine, that is, in every of the first three hundred years.  
For the first, It is not to be imagined they were 
* Isidorus P●lusiota lib. 2. Ep. 246. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Wh●●● note that of two c●p. 〈…〉 place, the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Copy are deficient in the first them; but to b● supplied out of this, the second, or repetition of the same thing, as the Reader that considers it will observe the Antithesis requires.  such goodly and stately Structures as the Church had after the Empire became Christian, and we now by God's blessing enjoy; but such as the state and condition of the times would permit; at the first, some capable and convenient Room within the walls or dwelling of some pious disciple, dedicated by the religious bounty of the owner to the use of the Church, and that usually an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an upper room, such as the Latins call Coenaculum, being, according to their manner of building, as the most large and capacious of any other, so likewise the most retired and freest from disturbance, and next to Heaven, as having no other room above it. For such uppermost places we find they were wont then to make choice of, even for private devotions; as may be gathered from what we read of S. Peter, Acts 10. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he went up to the housetop to pray: for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies, ex usu Hellenistarum, and is accordingly here rendered by the vulgar Latin, in superiora.  
Such an Hyperôon as we speak of, was that remembered by the name of 
* Coenacula dicu●tur, ad quae s●●●● ascenditur. jest. Ind Enyo, Coenacula maxima coeli.  Coenaculum 
a The Upper room of Zion,  Zion, where, after our Saviour was descended, the Apostles and Disciples (as we read in Acts 10. 13, etc.) assembled together daily for prayer and supplication; and where being thus assembled, the Holy Ghost came down upon them in Cloven tongues of fire at the Feast of Pentecost. 
* For these Traditions see Adricomius ex Nicephor. etc. and 〈…〉 infra de locis sanctis.  Concerning which there hath been a Tradition in the Church, That this was the same room wherein our Blessed Saviour the night before his Passion celebrated the Pas●eover with his Disciples, and instituted the Mystical Supper of his Body and Blood for the Sacred Rite of the Gospel: The same place where on the day of his Resurrection he came, and stood in the midst of his Disciples, the doors being shut, and having showed them his hands and his feet, said, Peace be unto you; As my Father hath sent me, so I send you, etc. john 20. 21. 
john 20. 6.  The place where eight days or the Sunday after, he appeared in the same manner again unto them being together, to satisfy the incredulity of Thomas, who the first time was not with the rest: 
Acts 6.  The place where james the Brother of our Lord was created by the Apostles Bishop of jerusalem: The place where the seven Deacons (whereof S. Stephen was one) were elected and ordained: 
Acts 15.  The place where the Apostles and Elders of the Church at jerusalem held that Council, and pattern of all Councils, for decision of that Question, Whether the Gentiles which believed were to be circumcised or not. And for certain, the place of this Coenaculum was afterwards enclosed with a goodly Church, known by the name of the Church of Zion, upon the top whereof it stood: Insomuch that S. Hierome, 
Epist. 27. Psal. 87. 1, 2.  in his Epitaphio Paulae, made bold to apply that of the Psalm unto it, 
a Her foundations are in the holy mountains; the Lord loveth the gates of Zion more than all the dwellings of jacob.  Fundamenta ejus in montibus sanctis; diligit Dominus por●as Sion super omnia tabernacula jacob. How soon this Erection was made I know not; but I believe it was much more ancient than those other Churches erected in other places of that City by Constantine and his Mother; because neither Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoret, nor Sozomen make any mention of the foundation thereof, as they do of the rest. It is called by S. Cyril, who was Bishop of the place, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the upper Church of the Apostles, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles in the likeness of fiery tongues, here in jerusalem, in the UPPER CHURCH OF THE APOSTLES. Cyril. Hierosol. Cat. 16.  
If this Tradition be true, it should seem by it that this Coenaculum, from the time our Blessed Saviour first hallowed it by the institution and celebration of his Mystical Supper, was thenceforth devoted to be a Place of prayer and holy assemblies. And surely no Ceremonies of dedication, no not of Solomon's Temple itself, are comparable to those sacred guests whereby this place was sanctified. This is the more easy to be believed, if the House were the possession of some Disciple at least, if not of kindred also to our Saviour according to the flesh; which both Reason persuades, and Tradition likewise confirmeth it to have been. And when we read of those first Believers, that such as had houses and lands sold them, 
Acts 4. 34, 35.  and brought the prices, and laid them down at the Apostles feet; it is nothing unlikely but some likewise might give their house unto the Apostles for the use of the Church to perform Sacred duties in. And thus perhaps should that Tradition whereof Venerable Bede tells us be understood; viz. That this Church of Zion was founded by the Apostles: Not that they erected that Structure; but that the Place, from the time it was a Coenaculum, was by them dedicated to be an House of Prayer. His words are these, De locis sanctis cap. 3. in Tom. 3. 
b In the upper plain of Mount Zion there are cells of Monks encompassing that great Church, which was founded there (as they say) by the Apostles; because that there they received the Holy Ghost: and there also is to be seen the venerable place of the institution and first celebration of the Lord's Supper.  In superiori Mon●is Sion planitie monachorum cellulae Ecclesiam magnam circundant, illic, ut perhibent, ab Apostolis fundatam; eò quòd ibi Spiritum Sanctum acceperint: In quaetiam Locus Coenae Domini venerabilis ostenditur.  
And if this were so, why may not I think that this Coenaculum Zion or upper room of Zion was that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof we read, concerning the first Christian society at jerusalem, Acts 2. 46. That they continued daily in the Temple, and breaking bread [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in the House, ate their meat with gladness and singleness of heart? the meaning being, That when they had performed their devotions daily in the Temple at the accustomed times of prayer there, they used to resort immediately to this Coenaculum, and there having celebrated the Mystical banquet of the Holy Eucharist, afterwards took their ordinary and necessary repast with gladness and singleness of heart. For so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be rendered for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈…〉  and not domatim, or per domos, house by ●. use, as we translate it; and so both the Syriack and Arabic render it, and the New Testament (as we shall see hereafter) elsewhere uses it. Moreover we find this Coenaculum called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the second verse of the same Chapter. And for the phrase of Breaking of bread, we know that the same a little before in the 42. verse is wont to be understood of the Communion of the Eucharist, and by the Syriack Interpreter is expressly rendered by the Greek word, 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The breaking of the Eucharist.  Fractio Eucharistiae, both there and again chap. 20. verse 7. according to that of S. Paul, 
1 Cor. 10. 16.  The bread which we break, etc. why should it not then be so taken here? If it be, then according to the Interpretation we have given this will also follow, That that custom of the Church, to participate the Eucharist fasting, and before dinner, had its beginning from the first constitution of the Christian Church. A thing not unworthy observation, if the Interpretation be maintainable; of which let the learned judge.  
It was an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Coenaculum, also where the Disciples at Troas came together upon the First day of the week to break bread, or to celebrate the holy Eucharist, Acts 20. 7. where S. Paul preached unto them, and whence Eutychus, being overcome with sleep, sitting in a window, fell down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the third story or lost, and was taken up dead. Such a one seems also to have been the Place of the Church's assembly at Caesarea Cappadociae, by that which is said Acts 18. 22. viz. That S. Paul sailing from Ephesus, landed at Caesarea, where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having gone up and saluted the Church, he went down to Antioch. Note, he went up to salute: whereby it should seem that the place where the Church was assembled was some upper place. See Ludovic. de Diea upon this place; where he tells us, that the Aethhiopic translator so understood it, rendering, 
a And he came down to Caesarea, and went up into the House of the Christians, (that is, the Church) and saluted them, and departed thence to Antioch.  & descendit Caesaream, & ascendit in Domum Christianorum, (i. Ecclesiam) & salutavit eos, & abiit Antiochiam. Such as these, I suppose, were the Places at first set apart for Holy meetings, much like to our private Chapels now in great men's houses, though not for so general an use.  
In process of time, as the multitude of Believers increased, some wealthy and devout Christian gave his whole House or Mansion-place, either whilst he lived, if he could spare it, or bequeathed it at his death, unto the Saints, to be set apart and accommodated for Sacred assemblies and Religious uses.  
At length, as the multitude of Believers still more increased, and the Church grew more able, they built them Structures of purpose, partly in the Coemeteries of Martyrs, partly in other public places: even as the jews (whose Religion was no more the Empire's than theirs,) had, nevertheless, their Synagogues in all Cities and places where they lived among the Gentiles.  

In the First Century.  
THIS being premised, I proceed now (as I promised) to show, That there were such places as I have described appointed and set apart among Christians for their Religious Assemblies and Solemn address unto the Divine Majesty, through every one of the first three Centuries particularly; and that therefore they assembled not promiscuously and at haphazard, but in appropriate places, unless Necessity sometimes forced them to do otherwise.  
For the Times of the Apostles therefore, or First Century in particular, which ends with the death of S. john the Evangelist, I prove it, first, from the Text I premised, where is a Place mentioned by the name of Ecclesia, not to be despised or profaned with common banquet: at least from the authority of the Fathers, who by their so expounding it, give us to understand, they thought it not improbable that there were such Places in the Apostles times. For the further strengthening of this kind of argument, 
Hist. Eccl. l. 2. cap. 17.  Know also that Eusebius, in that Discourse of his where he endeavours to prove that the Essenes', or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Philo describes, were the first Christian Society of the jewish Nation at Alexandria, converted by S. Mark, amongst other Characteristical notes (as he calls them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) or badges of Christianity, (however he were mistaken in his conclusion or inference) alleges this for one of the first, That they had sacred Houses called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Worshipping-Places, that is, Churches. His words are these, 
b Philo having described what kind of habitations they had, proceeds to speak of their Churches which were frequently to be met with in several places of their Country; How that the Sacred House was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Worshipping-place, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Monastery, wherein these solitary livers perfomed the Mysteries of a severely-religious life; bringing in thither not meat nor drink, nor any other necessaries for the use of the Body, but the Books of the Law, the Prophets, the Psalms or Hymns, and the like things of Sacred use, whereby Divine knowledge and Piety might be increased and advanced to great perfection.  Deinceps ubi eorum domicilia quaenam essent descripserat, (nempe Philo) de Ecclesiis in variis locis exstructis sic loquitur: Est in quoque agro aedes sacra quae appella●ur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in quo illi ab aliis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, soli agentes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sanctae religiosaeque vitae mysteria obeunt; [N. B.] nihilque eò vel cibi, vel potionis, vel aliarum rerum quae ad corporis usum necessariae sunt, important, sed leges & oracula à prophetis divinitus edita, & hymnos, aliáque quibus scientia & pietas erga Deum crescat & perficiatur. Afterwards reciting some other customs and particular observances of their Discipline, as their frequent assemblies in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hear the Scriptures read and interpreted; the distinction of places for men and women; Their manner of singing Hymns and Psalms by a Precentor, the rest answering 
* 〈◊〉 Const. 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 〈…〉 David 〈◊〉 canat, & populus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 extremitates versuum: non versuum initia, ut male interpres Bovius.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the extremes of the verses; The Degrees of their Hierarchy, like those of Deacons and Bishops, and some other the like, he concludes, Quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That Philo wrote these things, as one having knowledge of the customs at the beginning delivered by the Apostles, is manifest to any one. But whether that be so manifest or not, this I am sure is, That Eusebius believed the Antiquity of Churches or Oratories of Christians to have been from the Apostles times, yea, to have been an Apostolical ordinance; or else he mightily forgot himself, to bring that for an argument or badge to prove Philo's Essenes' to be S. Marks Christians; than which otherwise there could not be a stronger argument to evince the contrary to what he intended. Now who could know this better than Eusebius, who had searched into and perused all the Writings and Monuments of Christian Antiquity then extant, for the compiling of his Ecclesiastical History, and his Commentaries of the 
* He mentions it Hist Eccl. l. 5. cap. 1.  Acts of Martyrs now perished?  
Add to this, what ● a little before observed out of Bede, De locis sanctis, of a Tradition, That the Church of Zion was founded by the Apostles. And so I leave my first Argument.  
My next Argument why may I not take from that singular Character given to some one above other in the Apostles Salutations, as their peculiar? Salute such a one, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Church at his house. As Colos. 4. 15. of Nymphas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Salute Nymphas, and the Church at his house. To Philemon also ver. 1, 2. To Philemon our dear brother and fellow-labourer (to Apphia our beloved, and Archippus our fellow-soldier,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to the Church at thy house. See, he forgets it not after a Parenthesis, neither attributes it to Archippus, but as proper to Philemon alone. The like he hath of Aquila and Priscilla two several times: once sending salutation to them, Rom. 16. 3, 5. Salute Priscilla and Aquila, and the Church at their house: again sending salutation from them, 1 Cor. 16. 19 Aquila and Priscilla salute you much in the Lord, with the Church at their house. Which I understand not to be spoken of their Families as it is commonly expounded, but of the Congregation of the Saints there wont to assemble for the performance of Divine duties; that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whence (if it be granted) it will follow, First, that the Churches then used to assemble not in mutable and promiscuous, but in definite and appropriate places. Secondly, That those who are here saluted with that Appendix, were such as in their several Cities had bestowed and dedicated some part or some place within their dwellings to be an Oratory for the Church to assemble in for the performance of Divine duties according to the rule of the Gospel; Nymphas at Colosse, Philemon at Laodicea, (for there Archippus, who is saluted with him, was Bishop, saith 
* Lib. 7. c. penult.  Author Constit. Apost. as Philemon himself was afterwards of the neighbouring City Colosse) Aquila and Priscilla first at Rome, till Claudius banished them with the rest of the jews from thence, Acts 18. 2. afterwards at Ephesus, ver. 19 whence S. Paul wrote that first Epistle to the Corinthians.  
I am not the first (I think) who have taken these words in such a sense. Cecumenius in two or three of these places (if I understand him) goes the same way, though he mention the other Exposition also. As to that of Aquila and Priscilla, Rom. 16. his note is, 
a They were so eminently religious, as that they converted their own House into a Church. Or else it is said [The Church at their House,] because all of their household were Believers and faithful Christians; so that their House or Family was a little Church.  Adeò virtute spectati erant, ut suam etiam domum Ecclesiam fecerint. Vel dicitur hoc, Quia omnes domestici fideles erant, ut jam Domus esset Ecclesia. He mentions as I said, both Interpretations. So upon that of Nymphas, Col. 4. his words are, 
b He was a person of great esteem, for he turned his House into a Church.  Magni nominis hic vir erat, nam domum suam fecerat Ecclesiam. And unless this be the meaning, why should this appendent be so singularly mentioned in the Salutations of some, and not of others, and that not once, but again, if the same names be again remembered, as of Aquila and Priscilla? Had none in those Catalogues of Salutation Christian families, but some one only who is thus remembered? It is very improbable; nay, if we peruse them well, we shall find they had, but otherwise expressed; as in that prolix Catalogue, Rom. 16. we find Aristobulus and Narcissus saluted with their household, v. 10, 11. Asyncritus, Phlegon, etc. with the brethren which are with them, v. 14. others, with the Saints which are with them, v. 15. 2 Tim. 4. 19 The household of Onesiphorus. This therefore so singular an Appendix must mean some singular thing, not common to them with the rest, but peculiar to them alone: And what should this be but what I have showed?  
Now because this Exposition concludes chiefly for a Coenaculum devoted to be an House of Prayer; let us see if out of a Pagan writer, who lived about the end of this Centurie, we can learn what manner of ones they were. For 
* Or whosoever else were the Author thereof under Trajan, whose then fresh success in subduing the Parthians and Arabians (contrary to the unlucky presages of some) his scope seems to have been to gratulate. See jacobus Mi●yllus in Argumento.  Lucian in his Dialogue Philopatris, by way of derision (sed ridentem dicere verum quid vetat?) brings in one Critias telling how some Christians went about to persuade him to be of their Religion; and that they brought him to the place of their assembly, being at Hyperôon, which he describes thus; 
a We passed through iron gates and over brazen thresholds, and by many winding ascents we came at last to the house or room, whose roof was overlaid with gold, (not unlike to what Homer makes Menelaus his house to have been:) And now I beheld and observed all things therein; but I could see no Helena there, but on the contrary a company of persons with their bodies bowed down and pale countenances.  Pertransivimus (saith he) ferreas portas & aerea limina; [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] multisque jam superatis scalis, in Domum aurato fastigio insignem ascendimus, qualem Homerus Menelai fingit esse: atque ipse quidem omnia contemplabar;— video autem, non Helenam, sed mehercle [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] viros in faciem inclinatos, & pallescentes. So he.  
My third proof is from a Tradition the Church hath had, of the Houses of some devout and pious Christians, as afterwards, so even in the Apostles time, converted into Churches or Oratories; as the house of Theophilus, a potent man in Antioch, (the same, as is supposed, to whom S. Luke (who was also an Antiochian) inscribes both his Gospel and Acts of the Apostles) who, being converted unto the Faith by S. Peter, converted his house into a Church, where S. Peter had his first See or Episcopal Residence. This Tradition is derived out of the Recognitions of Clemens, where it is first found: Which, though it be an Apocryphal writing, yet is of no small antiquity; and this passage is of such a nature, as it cannot be well imagined to what end it should be devised or feigned.  
The like is reported of the house of Pudens, a Roman Senator and Martyr, in the Acta Pudentis, That it was turned into a Church after his Martyrdom. This is that Pudens mentioned by the Apostle in the 2 Epist. to Timothy, 4. 21. and coupled with Linus; Pudens and Linus (saith he) salute you. All this comes not of nothing; but surely argues some such custom to have been in those times.  
I will seal up all my proofs for this Centurie of the Apostles with one passage of Clemens (a man of the Apostolical Age) in his genuine 
* Pag. 52.  Epistle ad Corinthios: Debemus omnia ritè & ordine facere quaecunque nos Dominus peragere jussit; 
[See this of Clemens quoted in Greek and translated by the Author, in the next Discourse, Sect. 1. toward the end.]  praestitutis temporibus oblationes & liturgias obire. Neque enim temerè vel inordinatè voluit ista fieri, sed statutis temporibus & horis. VBI etiam, & A QVIBUS peragi vult, ipse excelsissimâ suâ voluntate definivit; ut religiosè omnia secundùm beneplacitum ejus adimpleta, voluntati ipsius accepta essent. Here Clemens saith expressly, That the Lord had ordained (even now in the Gospel) as well appropriate Places WHERE, as appropriate Times and Persons, (that is, Priests) When and WHEREBY he would be solemnly served, that so all things might be done religiously and in order. Who then can believe that in the Apostles times (when this Clemens lived) the Places were not distinct for holy Services as well as the Times and Persons were? or that Clemens would have spoken in this manner, unless he had known it so to have been? The Corinthians, it seems, in that their notorious sedition and discord, had violated this order; at the correction whereof this passage aimeth.  
This one passage therefore makes all my former Proofs credible, and may supply their defect where they are not enough convictive. And it is the more precious, in regard of the penury of written Monuments by any Disciples of the Apostles remaining unto us of that Primitive Age.  
If any man shall ask, where this Divine Ordinance which Clemens here mentioneth is to be found; I answer, in the Analogy of the Old Testament, whence this Principle is taught us, That as the Divine Majesty itself is most Sacred and Incommunicable, (the reason why the Worship and Service given unto him must be communicated with no other;) so is it likewise a part of that Honour we owe unto his most Sacred, Singular and Incommunicable Eminency, that the things wherewith he is served should not be promiscuous and common, but appropriate and set apart to that end and purpose. And thus I conclude the First Seculum.   

In The Second Century.  
NOW for the Second, and that too for the beginning thereof, 
Ab Ann. 100, ad 200.  we have a witness not to be rejected, the holy Martyr Ignatius, who suffered An. 107. and wrote the most of his Epistles in his bonds. He in his confessed Epistle add Magnesios' speaks thus; 
a This passage out of Ignatius is thus translated by the Author in another M S. copy of this Discourse. All of you meet together, for prayer, in one place; let there be one prayer common to all, one mind, one hope, in love, in the immaculate faith in jesus Christ, than whom nothing is better. All of you, as one man, run to the Temple of God, as to one Altar, to one jesus Christ the Highpriest of the unbegotten God.  Omnes ad orandum in idem loci convenite, una sit communis precatio, una mens, una spes in charitate & fide inculpata in jesum Christum, quo nihil praestantius est. Omnes velut Vnus ad Templum Dei [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] concurrite, quemadmodum ad UNUM Altar, ad UNUM jesum Christum Pontisicem ingeniti Dei. Lo here a Temple with an Altar in it, whether the Magnesians are exhorted to gather themselves together to pray; To come together in one Place, that so they might all join together in one common prayer, spirited with one intention, with one and the same Hope in the Charity and Faith they have to Christ-ward: Secondly, To come thither as One, that is, in Unity of affection and brotherly love one towards another, as if all were but One, and not many; even as the Altar before which they presented themselves was but One, and the Highpriest and Mediator between them and the Father, jesus Christ, but One.  
For it is to be observed that in those primitive times they had but One Altar in a Church, as a Symbol both that they worshipped but One God through One Mediator jesus Christ, and also of the Unity the Church ought to have in itself: whence Ignatius, not only here, but also in his Epistle to the Philadelphians, urges the Unity of the Altar for a monitive to the Congregation to agree together in one. For 
b One Altar to every Church, and One Bishop with the Presbytery & Deacons my fellow-servants.  Vnum Altar (saith he) omni Ecclesiae, & unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio & Diaconis conservis meis. This custom of One Altar is still retained by the Greek Church. The contrary use is a transgression of the Latins, not only symbolically implying, but really introducing, (as they handle it) a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
1 T●m. 2. 5.  or multiplying of Gods and Mediators, in stead of that One God, and One Mediator between God and men, the man Christ jesus.  
Nay more than this: It should seem that in those first times (before Dioceses were divided into those lesser and subordinate Churches we now call Parishes, and Presbyters assigned to them) they had not only one Altar in one Church or Dominicum, but one Altar to a Church, taking Church for the Company or Corporation of the Faithful united under one Bishop or Pastor; and that was in the City and place where the Bishop had his See and Residence: like as the jews had but one Altar and Temple for the whole Nation united under one High Priest. And yet, as the jews had their Synagogues, so perhaps might they have more Oratories than one, though their Altar were but one; there namely where the Bishop was. 
c On Sunday all that live in towns or in the country meet together in one place.  Die Solis (saith justin Martyr in Apol. 2.) omnium, qui vel in oppidis vel ruri degunt in eundem locum conventus fit; namely, as he there tells us, to celebrate and participate the holy Eucharist. Why was this, but because they had not many places to celebrate in? And unless this were so, whence came it else that a Schismatical Bishop was said 
d To set up another Altar.  constituere or collocare aliud Altar; and that a Bishop and an Altar are made correlatives? See S. Cyprian Ep. 40. 72, 73. de unitate Ecclesiae. And thus perhaps is Ignatius also to be understood in that forequoted passage of his, 
e One Altar to all the Church, and One Bishop with the Presbytery and Deacons.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio & Diaconis. Howsoever, I here determine nothing, but refer it to the judgement of those who are better skilled in Antiquity: only adding this, that if it were so, yet now that Parishes are divided into several Presbyteries as their proper Cures, every one of them being as it were a little Diocese, the reason and signification of Unity is the same, to have but One Altar in a Parish Church.  
To this Testimony of Ignatius of the use in his time I will add another of his, in his Epistle ad Antiochenos, where in his Salutes he speaketh thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I salute the keepers of the Holy Doors, the Deaconisses which are in Christ; that is, the Doors the women entered in at. For so we may learn from the Compiler of the Apostolical Constitutions, Lib. 2. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. al. 61. describing a Church assembly; 
a Let the Doorkeepers stand at the entries of the men, looking well to them; the Deaconisses at the doors where the women were to enter.  Stint ostiarii, saith he, ad introitus virorum, illos custodientes; Diaconissaes ad introitus foeminarum. But if they had in Ignatius his time Holy Doors, (or, as some render it, 
* [Holy Porches.]  sacra vestibula) who can believe also but they had Holy Houses?  
This Epistle indeed is none of the confessed ones: The title is excepted against; as that Ignatius wrote no Epistle ad Antiochenos, because Eusebius, and after him S. Hierom, when they rehearse his Epistles, make no mention of any such. Yet were the Antiochians his flock, his pastoral charge. Who would not then think it unlikely that, amongst so many Epistles written to other Churches in his going that long journey from Antioch to Rome, to receive the crown of Martyrdom, (yea to Smirna, through which he had passed) he should not remember with one farewel Epistle that Church whereof he was Bishop and Pastor, as well as the rest? Thus much I dare say, That this is as strong an Argument every whit to persuade that he wrote such an Epistle, (especially there being one extant under that Title,) as Eusebius his silence (for S. Hierom did but follow his steps) is that he did not. For why should it be thought more necessary that Eusebius should have met with all the Epistles of Ignatius in the Library of AElia or jerusalem, (whence he 
* Lib. 6. c. 14. al. 21. Vid. Graec.  professeth to have collected the whole matter of his History,) than he did with all the Works and Commentaries of some other Ecclesiastical men whom he mentioneth; many of those Writings, besides those he rehearseth, he confesseth not to have come to his hands or knowledge either what or how many they were? See him Hist. Lib. 5. c. 
a In Graeco 27.  26. & Lib. 6. c. 
b In Graeco 12.  10. This will be yet more considerable, if we remember that some Books, even of the Canon of the New Testament, were not known to some Churches at the same's time with the rest, and therefore a while doubted of, after they had notice of them. Besides, it is to be noted that Eusebius in express terms undertakes only to recite those Epistles of Ignatius which he wrote as he passed through Asia: but after his coming into Europe (whence those Epistles are dated which he mentions not) whether any thing were written by him or not he informs us nothing. Nay, which is yet more, Vedelius grants the words and sentences of this Epistle to be the most of them, by their style and character, the words and sentences of Ignatius; but he would have them therefore to be taken out of some of his other Epistles, to wit, according to a new and a strange conceit of his, that the genuine Epistles of Ignatius have been robbed and gelded of much of their contents, to make up more Epistles under new Titles. He excepts only in this Epistle against the Salutations at the end thereof; because there were not so many or no such 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vid. Epiphan. Exposit. Eid●i cathol. c. 21. De duobus ul●imis, Const. Apol. l. 8. c. 24, 26.  Church-offices in Ignatius his time as are there mentioned. But what is this else but to beg the question? Till therefore some body shall not only affirm, but prove there were no such, no not in the Church of Antioch, (
b See Act. 11. 26. S●cr. lib. 6. c. 8. T●●od, l. 2. c. 24. 2.  whence divers ecclesiastical customs had their first beginning, which were afterwards imitated by the rest of the Churches) I can see no just cause hitherto why I should not believe this passage, as well as the rest, and so the whole Epistle, to have had Ignatius for its Author. And so I leave it.  
For the middle of this Seculum, or thereabouts, there are 
* In Tom, 1 Biblioth. Patrum edit. Paristans. ex Ard●ivo Viennensi.  extant two short Epistles of Pius the first, Bishop of Rome, to one justus Viennensis; none of the Decretals, (for they are indeed counterfeit,) but others divers from them, which no man hath yet, that I know of, proved to be supposititious. In the first whereof there is mention made of one Euprepia, a pious and devout Matron, who consigned the Title of her House unto the Church for the use of Sacred assemblies. Antequam Româ exiisses, (saith he) soror nostra Euprepia (sicut bene recordaris) titulum domûs suae pauperibus assignavit; ubi nunc cum pauperibus nostris commorantes, 
* The word Missa seems to have been long used in Italy before it was elsewhere.  Missas agimus. He seems by pauperes, the poor, to note the Clergy, which in his other Epistle he calls Senatus pauperum, Salutat te Senatus pauperum: Otherwise the whole Christian flock might be so called; according to that in the Gospel, Pauperes Evangelizantur. The poor have the Gospel preached to them, (Matt. 11. 5. Luke 7. 22.) and that of Esa. ch. 61. 1. applied by our Saviour, Luke 4. 18. The Lord hath anointed me to preach the Gospel to the poor; and according to that in the Parable, Luke 14. 21. Introduc pauperes, Bring in hither the poor. Perhaps in those perilous times they were wont to make their Donations of this kind under such covert names.  
In the second Epistle to the same justus, he mentions certain Martyrs who had then newly (as he there speaks) triumphed over the world: amongst which he mentions one Pastor, by Office a Presbyter, who before his death had erected or created a Titulus, that is, a Church, as that name is vulgarly known to signify: Presbyter Pastor (saith he) Titulum condidit, & dignè in Domino obiit. Why the Roman Church called such places by the name of Tituli, whether because of their dedication the the Name of Christ our Lord was as it were inscribed upon them, (as the manner than was to set the Names or Titles of the Owners upon their Houses and possessions,) and so it would concur in notion with those other names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Basilica, The Lord's, and The King's; or whether because they gave a Title of Cure or denomination to the Presbyters to whom they were committed, (for the chief or Episcopal Church I doubt whether it were so called or not,) let others determine.  
I shall not do amiss, I think, if I add to this testimony a passage of Theophilus Antiochenus, (who lived at the same time) which though, I grant, it be indifferent to be otherwise understood, yet seems very prone to be construed for our purpose. It is to be found in his second Book ad Autolicum, where having compared the World to the Sea, he follows the Allegory thus; 
a As in the Sea there are Islands to be met with, which are commodious for habitation, fruitful and well watered, and accommodated with convenient harbours and ports for those who are distrestat Sea to repair to for their safety; so is it in the world, (which is a very troubled Sea, tempestuous and tossed by reason of sin) God hath here provided Synagogues, or Holy Churches, as we call them, wherein the Truth is diligently taught, and whither they repair who are lovers of the Truth, and desire in good earnest to be saved, and to escape the judgement and wrath of God.  Quemadmodum (saith he) in Mari insulae quaedam prominent habitabiles, frugiferae, & quibus est aqua salubris, necnon navalia, & portus commodi, quò se naufragi reciperent; sic Deus dedit mundo, qui peccato●um tempestatibus & naufragiis jactatur, Synagogas, quas Ecclesias sanct as nominamus, [Or. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in quibus veritatis doctrina fervet, ad quas confugiunt veritatis studiosi, quotquot salvari Deique judicium & iram evit are volunt. It is ambiguous what he means here by Ecclesiae, Churches: but if it were probable that Synagoga were here taken, as it is usually in the New Testament, for a Place, than might we determine that Ecclesia were so taken also, and not for a Company or Assembly only.  
Well, howsoever Ecclesia be taken in this passage (which I reckon not upon,) yet thus much I am sure of, That toward the end of this Century it was used for a Place of Sacred assembly; witness Clemens Alexandr. (who then lived) Lib. 7. Strom. where speaking of the Church or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I call not now the Place, but the congregation of the Elect, Ecclesia, the Church: whereby it appears, that in his time Ecclesiae was used for the Place of the assembly of the Elect, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as he calls them, that is, of the Saints, and not for the Congregation only; for otherwise this Caution needed not. And so 
* Cl●m, Alex. in Opere. Quis fit ille dives qui salvetur, apud Euseb. Hist, Eccl. lib. 3. ●. 17. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Also in this Century undoubtedly were extant those Fabrics in the Cemeteries of S. Peter in the Vatican, and of S. Paul in via Ost●nsi (which could be no other tha● some Christian Oratories) whereof Gains speaks in ●usib. and calls Throphaea Apostolorum lib. 2. cap. 24.  himself uses it in that story of the young man whom S. john committed to a Bishop of Asia to be instructed and trained up in the Christian piety and discipline, and who afterwards was by ill company withdrawn to lewd and debauched courses, and became Captain of a band of robbers in the mountains: For there when S. john, after a time coming again to visit the Churches, demanded of the Bishop an account of the Charge he had committed to him; the Bishop answers, He is become a villain and a robber, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and now instead of the Church he hath laid hold of a Mountain, with a company like himself. To conclude, if the Name were in Clemens his time, undoubtedly the Thing was. And this is my proof for the latter end of this Centurie.   

In the Third Centurie.  
NOW are we arrived at the Third Seculum, and the last under the Ethnic and persecuting Emperors: 
Ab Anno 200. ad 300.  wherein the Testimonies of the Christians Oratories do abound, and are such as will outface any that shall dare contradict them.  
For the beginning of this Centurie, Tertullian shall give in Evidence; first, in his Book De Idololatria: Where declaiming against some Christian Artificers, who because it was their occupation and trade, thought it lawful to make Idols for the Gentiles, so themselves worshipped them not, he speaks thus; 
a All the day long shall the zeal of Faith speak to this point; bewailing that a Christian should come from Idols into the CHURCH, that he should come into the HOUSE OF GOD from the shop of his enemy; that he should lift up to God the Father those hands which were the mothers (and makers) of Idols, and adore God with those very hands which (namely in respect of the Idols made by them) are adored without (the Church, viz. in the Heathens Temples) in opposition to God; and that he should presume to reach forth those hands to receive the Body of our Lord, which are employed in making Bodies (that is, Images) for the Demons. [That according to the Gentiles Theology Images were as Bodies to be informed with Demons as with Souls, see the Treatise of the Apostasy of the latter Times, chap. 5. in Book. III.  Totâ die ad hanc partem zelus fidei perorabit, ingemens Christianum ab Idolis in ECCLESIAM venire, de adversaria officina in DOMUMDEI venire; attollere ad Deum patrem manus matres Idolorum; his manibus adorare quae (nempe in operibus suis.) foris (1. in Templis Gentium) adversus Deum adorantur; eas manus admovere Corpori Domini quae Daemoniis corpora conferunt. Mark here, DOMUS DEI THE HOUSE OF GOD, & ECCLESIA THE CHURCH expounded by it; In Ecclesiam venire, idest, In Domum Dei venire; To come into the Church, that is, To come into the house of God; and both of them set in opposition to an Idol-shop.  
Of this Domus Dei or House of God, in his Book adversus Valentinianos', cap. 2. he describes unto us the form and posture upon this occasion. He compares the Valentinian heresy, in respect of their affected secrecy and reservedness in hiding the mysteries of their doctrine, to the Eleusinian Holies, whose Temple had many Curtains and doors, through which those that were to be initiated were five years in passing before they could be admitted unto the Adytum or sacrary where the Deity was: whereas chose, he proveth out of Scripture the badge and genius of the Religion of Christ to consist in a Dovelike simplicity and openness, and accordingly had its Oratories or Houses of worship, not like that of the Eleusinian Holies, concealed with multiplicity of walls, veils, turnings and windings, but agreeable to and as it were figuring its disposition. For, Nostrae Columbae domus (saith he) simplex, etiam in editis & opertis, & ad lucem. Amat figuram Spiritûs sancti, Orientem Christi figuram. Nihil veritas erubescit, etc. 
b The house of our Dove, that is, of our Dovelike Religion, or the Catholic flock of Christ figured by the Dove.  Nostrae Columbae domus, i. Domus religionis nostrae columbinae, or Catholici Christi gregis, qui Columbâ figuratur; namely, as he said a little before, Christum Columba demonstrare solita est, serpens verò tentare; meaning, as I suppose, not so much Christ personal, as Christ mystical, that is, the Disciples or Religion of Christ. For it is the conclusion of his proofs brought out of Scripture, to show that Simplicity was the Livery of Christ's Disciples or Religion; 
c In short, The Dove is wont to point out Christ.  In summa, saith he, Christum columba demonstrare solita est, etc. And otherwise, that [solita est, is wont] would scarcely be true; since Christ personal is but once pointed out by a Dove, namely, at his Baptism. This House, saith he, is 
d Plain, without such a multiplicity of doors and curtains.  simplex, that is, sine tot portarum & sipariorum involucris: Also 
e In high and open places. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cyril. Hier.  in edi●is & apertis, places which Doves delight in; & ad lucem, that is, toward the place whence light springeth, or the Sun rising: For Amat figuram Spiritûs sancti, that is, the Dove, as also Orientem Christi figuram; wherein be alludes to that Oriens ex alto or Dayspring from on high in zachary's 
* Luke 1. 78.  Benedictus, and hath reference to the word, & ad lucem, i. ad locum vel plagam lucis. For, that the Churches of Christians anciently were turned toward the East, appears by the Author of the 
* Lib. 2. c. 57 al. 61.  Apostolical Constitutions, which surely are as ancient as Tertullian: 
a Let the House be long, and built Eastward.  Domus sit oblonga, ad Orientem conversa, saith he. Besides, it appears out of 
* Apol. c. 16.  Tertullian himself, that Christians then worshipped towards the East, and therefore more than probable their Houses were sited and accommodated accordingly. Thus I have done my best to clear this passage, because the Author is crabbed and obscure.  
There are two or three 
* De Spect. ●. 25. ad Vxo●. l. 2. c. 9 De co●on. mi●t. cap. 3. De velandi● virgini●us. c. 3, & 13.  more places in the same Father where the Christian Oratories are mentioned by the name of Ecclesia: but because the ambiguous and indifferent signification of this word, either for a Place or an Assembly, makes them not convictive, unless some circumstance be annexed which determines it, I will only produce that De corona Militis, Cap. 3. where concerning th● Sacrament of Baptism he speaks thus; 
b Coming to the Water, (to be baptised,) not only there, but also somewhat afore, in the CHURCH, under the hand of the Bishop or Priest, we take witness that we renounce the Devil, and his Pomp and Angels; and afterwards we are drenched thrice in the Water.  Aquam a●lituri, ibidem, sed & aliquanto prius in Ecclesia, sub Antistitis manu, contestamue nos renunciare Diabolo, & Pompae & Angelis ejus: dehinc ter mergitamur. I say, Ecclesia here signifies the Place. For the clearing whereof, know that the Baptisteries, or places of water for Baptism, in those elder times were not, as now our Fonts are, within the Church, but without, and often in places very remote from it. When therefore Tertullian here saith, That those who were to be baptised first made their Abrenunciation in the Church sub manu Antistitis, (that is, as I suppose, the Bishop or Priest laying hands upon them, either in the mean time, or as soon as they had done) and afterward again at the Water; he must needs by Ecclesia mean the Place: otherwise if it were taken for the Assembly of the faithful, the Church in that sense was present also at the Water. But Ecclesia here and the Water are supposed to be two distinct places; in both of which (according to the rite of the African Churches.) Abrenunciation was to be performed; Aquam adituri, IBIDEM (i. apud aquam) sed & aliquanto prius in ECCLESIA, contestamur nos renunciare Diabolo, etc. And thus much for the testimony of Tertullian.  
My next witness is Hippolytus, who flourished between the twentieth and thirtieth year of this Century in the reign of Alexander Mammeae. He, in his Treatise De consummatione mundi seu de Antichriste, describing the signs and impieties which should precede the Persecution of Antichrist, (as he conceived thereof,) hath this passage concerning the irreligion and profaneness which should then reign; 
c The Temples of God shall be as common and ordinary Houses, Churches shall be utterly demolished every where, the Scriptures shall be despised.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Templa Dei domorum communium instar erunt; ubique Ecclesiarum eversiones fient, Scriptura contemnentur. And in his description of the Persecution itself, this; 
d The Sacred Edifices of Churches shall become heaps, and as a desolate lodge in an Orchard; there shall be no more Communion of the precious Body and Blood of Christ, Liturgy shall be extinguished, Singing of Psalms shall cease, Reading of the Scriptures shall no more be heard.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Ex Psal. 79. 2. & caelesis similibus, ●u●ta LXX. IIebr. in ●cerv●● seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desolationes.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Sacrae Ecclesiarum aedes instar Pomorum custodiae erunt, pretiosúmque corpus & sanguis non exstabit in diebus illis; Liturgia extinguetur, Psalmorum decantatio cessabit, Scripturarum recitatio non audictur. No man of reason can believe but that he that speaks thus knew and was well acquainted with such Places in his own time; though his description be of that which was to be in time to come: For it would be a marvellous conceit, to think he prophesied of them, having never seen them. Nay, a profane Testimony will further confirm us he needed not: 
Cap. 49.  For Lampridius reports of this Alexander Mammeae, (in whose time Hippolytus lived) 
e The Christians being in possession of a certain public place, and challenging it for theirs; and on the other side the Taverners alleging that it belonged of right to them; the Emperor's Rescript in favour of the Christians was this, That it was better that God should be worshipped there after what way soever, than that it should be delivered and given up to the Taverners.  Quòd cum Christiani quendam locum, qui publicus fuerat, occupàssent; contrà Popinarii dicerent, sibi cum deberi; rescripsit Imperator, Melins esse ut quomodocunque illic Deus colatur, quam Popinariis dedatur.  
About the middle of this Century flourished that famous Gregory of Neocaesarea, surnamed Thaumaturgus. He in his Epistola Canonica (as the Greeks call it) describing the five degrees or admissions of Penitents, according to the discipline of his time, (which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 
a 1. Weeping (the first degree of Penance) was without the Porch of the Oratory, where the mournful sinners stood and begged of all the Faithful as they went in to pray for them. 2. Hearing (the second degree) was within the Porch, in the place called Narthex, the place where these penitent Sinners (being now under the Ferula or censure of the Church) might stand near to the Catechumen and hear the Scripture read and expounded, but were to go out before them. 3. Prostration or Lying along on the Church-pavement. These Prostrate ones were admitted somewhat further into the Church, and went out with the Catechumen. 4. Standing or Staying with the people or Congregation. These Consistentes did not go out with the Catechumenes, but after they and the other Penitents were gone out, stayed and joined in prayer with the Faithful. 5. Participation of the Sacraments.  1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) est extra portam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ORATORII, ubi peccatorem stantem oportet Fideles ingredientes orare ut pro se precentur. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i. Auditio) est intra portam, in loco qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur, ubi oportet eum qui peccavit stare usque ad Catechumenos, & illine egredi. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i. Substratio) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 NAOY 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut intra Templi portam consistens, cum Catechumenis egrediatur. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i. Congregatio seu Consistentia) est ut cum Fidelibus consistat, & cum Catechumenis non egrediatur. Postremò est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, participatio Sacramentorum. Who sees not here that Christians in his time had Oratories or Sacred Houses to worship in, and those accommodated with distinct places of remoter and nearer admission.  
Nay, further, we find in this Gregorie's life written by Gregory Nyssen, that he was himself a great Founder and erecter of these sacred Edifices; whereof the Church built by him at Neocaesarca in Pontus (where he was Bishop) was still standing in Gregory Nyssen's time. Hear his words, where he relates the speedy and wonderful success this Thaumaturgus had in the conversion of that City: 
b How that by becoming all things to all men, he had in a short time gained a great number of Converts through the assistance of the Divine Spirit, and that hereupon he had a strong desire to set upon the building of a Temple or Place for Sacred assemblies; wherein he was the more encouraged by the general forwardness he observed among the Converts to contribute both their moneys and their best assistances to so good a work. This is that Temple which is to be seen even at this day. This is that Temple, the erection whereof this Great person being resolved to undertake without any delay, he laid the foundation thereof (and therewithal of his Sacerdotal, i.e. Episcopal, Prefecture) in the most conspicuous place of all the City.  cum omnibus omnia fieret, saith he, tantum sibi anxilio Spiritûs repentè populum adjunxit, ut ad Templi fabricationem animum adjiceret; (Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) cum omnes offerendo tam pecunias quam operas suas studium ejus adjuvarent. Hoc est Templum quod usque hodie ostenditur; quod magnus ille Vir statim aggressus, quasi fundamentum atque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacerdotii sui (i. Episcopâtus) in maximè conspicuo urbis loco constituit. He adds besides, that whereas in his own time there had happened a most grievous Earthquake, 
c Whereas all other Houses, whether Public or private, were overthrown by that Earthquake; this [Gregorian] Temple alone stood firm without any the least hurt.  Quo omnia tam publica quam privata aedificia disjecta essent; solùm illud Templum [Gregorianum] illaesum & inconcussum mansisse.  
Nor is this all; He tells in the same place how that a little before the persecution of Decius (which was Anno Christi 252.) this Thaumaturgus, having converted not the City of Neocaesar●a only, but the whole territory adjoining, to the Faith of Christ, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Converts pulling down their Idol-Altars and Idol-Temples, and in every place erecting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Oratories in the name of Christ, stirred up the fury and indignation of the Emperor.  
About the same time with this Gregory lived S. Cyprian at Carthage. 
He was made Bishop Anno 249. lived until 260.  In him I observe the Christian Oratories twice remembered; once by the name of 
d The Lord's House.  Dominicum, i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, another time of 
e The Church.  Ecclesia. The first in his Book De opere & eleemosynis, speaking against communicating the holy Eucharist without an Offering; 
f Thinkest thou, O Matron, which art rich and wealthy in the Church of Christ, that thou dost celebrate or commemorate the Lord's Sacrifice (that is, that thou dost participate the Lord's Supper worthily as thou oughtest) who dost not at all respect (but art regardless of) the Corban; who comest into the Lord's House without a Sacrifice or Offering, nay who takest part of the poor man's Sacrifice, feedest on what he brought for his Offering, and bringest none thyself?  Matrona, saith he, quae in Ecclesia Christi locuples & dives es, Dominicum (sacrificium) celebrate to credis, quae corbonam omnino non respicis, quae in Dominicum sine sacrificio venis, quae partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit sumis? The other in his 55. Ep. or 3. ad Cornelium; where declaiming against some lapsed Christians, 
Script. ●n. 253.  who having in time of persecution sacrificed unto Idols, would nevertheless without due penance and satisfaction be admitted again into the Church; If this be once permitted, (saith he) 
a What then remains but that the Church should yield to the Capitol; and that, the Priests withdrawing themselves and taking away the Altar of our Lord, Images and Idol-Gods together with their Altars should succeed and take possession of the Sacrary or place proper to the sacred and venerable Bench of our Clergy?  Quid superest quam ut Ecclesia Capitolio cedat; & recedentibus Sacerdotibus ac Domininostri Altare removentibus, in Cleri nostri sacrum venerandúmque consessum (i. in Presbyterium, seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Simulacra atque Idola cum Aris suis transeant? Note that Ecclesia here and Capitolium, Christ's House and Jupiter's Temple, stand in opposition one to the other; also that Capitolium by Antonomasia is put for a Gentile Temple in general; that in the one (to wit, Ecclesia) was 
b The Altar of our Lord and the place for the sacred and venerable Bench of the Clergy.  Altar Domini nostri & sacer venerandúsque consessus Cleri, in the other, 
c Idol-Gods and Images together with the Altars of the Devil.  Idola & simulacra cum Aris Diaboli. Contemporary with S. Cyprian was that famed Dionysius Alexandrinus, made Bishop somewhat before him, but outlived him some five years, namely until 265. There is an Epistle of his extant (which is part of the Canon-Law of the Greek Church) to one Basilides, resolving certain Quaere's of his; amongst the rest, Whether a woman, during the time of her separation, might enter into the Church or not: To which his answer is negative. This Quaere he expresseth thus; De mulieribus quae sunt in abscessu, an cas sic affect as oporteat Domum Dei ingredi, 
d might enter into the House of God.  Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By which, and his answer thereunto, we learn not only that the Christians had then House● of Worship, but a religious respect also to difference them from common places.  
And here, because the Time fitly presents it in our way, take notice, for some reason that we shall bear of ere we have done, That this of the Christians having such Houses for their devotions was a thing publicly known to the Gentiles themselves, together with the name whereby they called them: as appears by two Imperial Rescripts, the one of Galienus about the year 260. (recorded by Eusebius, Hist. lib. 7. c. 12. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) which calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Worshipping Places; which, having been a little before, in the persecution of Valerianus his Father, taken from the Christians, and then in the hands of the Gentiles, Galienus graciously restored unto them, with liberty freely to exercise their Religion. The words of the Rescript, so much of them as is needful to our purpose are these; 
e The Emperor C. P. L. Galienus to Dionysius, Pinnace, Demetrius, and the rest of the Bishops, Greeting— What I have been pleased graciously to do for the Christians, I have caused to be published throughout the world, viz. That all men should quit the Worshipping-places for the Christians use, And therefore you may make use of the Copy of my Letters, to the end ye may be secured from any future attempts to disturb you herein.  Imperator Caesar Publius Licinius Galienus, etc. Dionysio, Pinnae, Demetrio, & caeteris Episcopis, Salutem.— Meae munificentiae beneficium per universum divulgari Orbem praecepi: Vt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. à locis religionis cultui dicatis discedatur. Et propterea vos mearum literarum exemplari uti poteritis, quo nemo deinceps vobis quicquam facessat molestiae, etc.  
The other is of Aurelianus, De Libris Sibyllinis inspiciendis, when the Marcomanni invaded the Empire, Anno Ch. 271. recorded by Vopiscus, in these words: 
f I wonder (sacred Fathers) that ye demur so long about opening and consulting the sibyl's books; as if ye were treating (or debating this matter) in the Christians Church, and not in the Temple of all the Gods.  Mirorvos, Patres sancti, (he writes to the Senate) tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis dubitâsse libris; perinde quasi in Christianorum Ecclesia, non in Templo Deorum omnium, tractaretis; that is, in the Capitol, where the Senate used sometimes to sit.  
Add to this, if you please, that which 
* Hist. Eccl. l. 7. c. 29. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Eusebius relates of this Emperor, to wit, that when Paulus Samosatenus, being deposed by the Council from his Bishopric, and Domnus chosen in his room, would not yield up the possession of the Church, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the matter being brought before Aurelianus the Emperor, he decrees that it should be given to those of the Sect unto whom the Bishops of Rome and Italy should send Letters of communion: 
a Thus was Paulus with great disgrace cast out of the Church by the Secular power.  Sic demum Paulus (saith Eusebius) à seculari potestate summo cum dedecore ex Ecclesia expellitur. For that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here meant the Christians Oratory or House of Sacred assembly at Antioch, (and not the Bishop's house, as some would have it,) appears, both because Eusebius elsewhere so uses it, as namely Lib. 8. c. ult. & Lib. 9 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as also because he expounds himself presently by Ecclesia, when he saith, Sic Paulus summo cum dedecore à potestate seculari ex Ecclesia exigitur. For surely he meant not that he was by the secular arm cast out of the Church, as Church is taken for the Company of the Faithful, but as it signifies the Place of Sacred assembly, where this Paulus kept possession after he was deposed for Heresy by the Council.  
But what need we trouble ourselves thus to gather up Testimonies for the latter half of this Seculum? I have one Testimony behind which will dispatch it all at once, yea and, if need be, depose for the whole also. It is that of Eusebius in his eighth Book Hist. Eccl. in the beginning; where describing those peaceful and Haltionian days which the Church enjoyed for many years, from the time of the Martyrdom of S. Cyprian unto that most direful persecution of Diocletian, and how wonderfully the number of Christians was advanced during that time, he speaketh on this manner: 
b How shall any one be able to express those infinite multitudes of Christians assembling in every city, those famous meetings of theirs in their Oratories or Churches? and therefore they not being content with those smaller Churches which before they had, (those their ancient Edifices not being large enough to receive so great a number) took care to erect from the very foundations fairer and more spacious ones in every city.  Quomodo quisquam infinitâ illos hominum turbâ frequentatos conventus, coetuúmque in singulis urbibus congregatorum multitudinem, illustrésque in 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Oratoriis concursus describere valeat? Quorum causa, quum in 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Antiquis illis AEdificiis satis amplius loci non haberent, (vel, antiquis illis AEdificiis handquaquam amplius contenti) 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  amplas spatiosásque in omnibus urbibus ex fundamentis erexcrunt Ecclesias. Lo here how in those Haltionian days Christians had not only Churches or Houses of worship, but such as might then be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ancient Edifices; which how far it may reach let others judge: Secondly, That the number of Christians being grown so great that those ancient Fabrics were no longer sufficient to contain them, they erected new and more spacious ones in every City from the foundations: And all this testified by one that himself lived and saw part of those times. These sacred Edifices Diocletian and those other surrogated Emperors (which continued that direful ten-years Persecution begun by him) commanded by their Edicts to be every where demolished, as we may read in the same Eusebius at large. The like whereunto seems never to have happened in any of the former Persecutions, in which they were only taken from the Christians, but again, when the persecution ceased, for the most part restored unto them: as in the former Persecution they were by Galienus, under the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Worshipping Places.  
And thus I think I have proved by good and sufficient Testimonies, That Christians had Oratories or Churches, that is, appropriate Places for Christian worship, in every of the first three hundred years: I am well assured (whosoever be judge) long before the days of Constantine. I will add to these Authorities two or three Reasons why they must, in all likelihood, have had such Places. First, Because it is certain that in their Sacred assemblies they used then to worship and pray towards the East: which how it could be done with any order and conveniency, is not easy to be conceived, unless we suppose the Places wherein they worshipped to have been situated and accommodated accordingly, that is, chosen and appointed to that end. Secondly, Because of their Discipline, which required distinct and regular Places in their assemblies, for the 
c The Penitents, the Hearers, the Catechumen or Learners and Probationers in Christianity, and the Believers.  Poenitentes, Auditores, Catechumeni, and Fideles; and therefore argueth they met not in every place promiscuously, but in Places already fitted and accommodated for that purpose. 
Wheresoever Ten men of Israel were, there ought to be built a Synagogue. Mai● in T●phillah. c. 11.  Lastly, Because they had before their eyes an example and pattern in Proseucha's and Synagogues of the jews, from whom their Religion had its beginning; which though as contrary to the Religion of the Empire as theirs, yet had places appropriate for the exercise thereof, wheresoever they lived dispersed among the Gentiles. Who can believe that such a pattern should not invite the Christians to an imitation of the same, though we should suppose there were no other reasons to induce them but that of ordinary convenience?   

Answers to the OBJECTIONS.  
I Come now to answer the Objections 
Object. 1.  brought by such as maintain the contrary opinion, which are two. First, say they, It is not likely, no not possible, they should have any such Places, living under a Pagan and persecuting State and Empire.  
I answer, 
Answer.  This Objection is already confuted by matter of Fact: For it is to be noted that the greatest and most cruel Persecutions, and the five last of the Ten, fall within the third or last Centurie; in which that Christians had Oratories or Houses of Christian worship, we have before proved by most indubitate and irrefragable Testimonies: But if in this, why not as well in the former Ages, wherein the Persecutions were, as no more in number, so far less bitter? For it is to be taken notice of, That these Persecutions were not continual, but as it were by fits; and those of the two first Centuries of no long durance; so as the Churches enjoyed long times of peace and quietness between them.  
Besides, why should it seem to any one less credible that Christians should have their Oratories or Houses of worship under the Roman Empire, whilst the State thereof was yet Gentile and opposite to the Faith of Christ, than that they had them in the Kingdom of Persia, which never was Christian? For that they had them there as old as the days of Constantine, Sozomen testifieth, Lib. 2. c. 8. The occasion of the demolishing whereof by King Isdigerdes, and of that most barbarous persecution of the Christians of those Countries for thirty years together, about the year 400. Theodoret relates Lib. 5. c. 38. namely, that one Audas, out of an indiscreet and unseasonable zeal, (though otherwise a virtuous and godly Bishop) having demolished the Persians Pyraeum or Temple where the Fire was worshipped, and refusing to build it up again as was enjoined him, the King thereupon mightily enraged, caused all the Christians Oratories or Churches in his dominions to be demolished likewise, and that horrible Persecution before mentioned to storm against them. Could the Christians find means and opportunity to erect Churches, that is, Houses for their Religion, under a Pagan government in Persia, and could they not under the Roman Empire?  
The other Objection 
Object. 2.  is from the Authors of Apologies against the Gentiles, Origen against Celsus, Minutius Felix, Arnobius, and Lactantius, who when the Gentiles object Atheism to the Christians, as having no 
* No Temples, Altars, Images.  Templa, no Arae, no Simulachra; these Authors are so far from pleading they had any such, that they answer by way of Concession, not only granting they had none, but (which is more,) affirming they ought not to have, and condemning the Gentiles which had. 
a Celsus (saith Origen) affirms that Christians decline the building or setting up of Altars, Images and Temples.  Celsus, saith Origen, 
* Lib. 8. contra Celsum.  ait nos Ararum & Statuarum Templorúmque fundationes fugere. Origen denies it not, but gives the reason; 
b We do indeed (saith Origen) decline the building of Temples, (not for the reason which the Gentiles suppose, but) because, we having learned by the doctrine of jesus Christ How God is to be worshipped and served, we think ourselves obliged in conscience to avoid and abstain from all such things as under a prerence and colour of Piety do make men really impious, namely those who have erred and gone astray from the true way of worshipping God by jesus Christ, who alone is the way of worshipping God aright, according to that most true saying of his, I am the Way, the Truth, and the Life.  Templorum fundationes fugimus, quia ubi per jesu Doctrinam comperimus quemadmodum colendus sit Deus, ea nos evitamus quae sub pietatis praetextu & opinion quadam impios reddant qui à vero per jesum cultu aberrando falluntur, qui utique solus est veri cultûs via, veréque illud profatur, Ego sum Via, Veritas, & Vita.  
Minutius Felix, when Caecilius objects, 
c Why do the Christians keep such ado to conceal and hide that, whatsoever it be, which they worship?— Why have they no Altars, no Temples, no Images?— unless that which they worship and keep so close were either worthy of punishment, or shameful.  Cur occultare & abscondere quicquid illud quod colunt magnopere nituntur?— Curio nullas Aras habent, Templa nulla, nulla nota Simulachra?— nisi illud quod colunt & interprimunt out puniendum est, an't pudendum; brings in his Octavius answering thus, 
a Do you think that we conceal what we worship, because we have neither Temples nor Altars? But I beseech you, What Image should I make for God, whenas (if we well consider it) Man himself is the lively Image of God? What Temple should I build for him, whenas the whole world, made by him, is not able to contain him? And whenas I who am but a man have a large habitation and room enough to be in, shall I think to enclose and confine so Great a Majesty within one little House? Tell me, Is not God better sanctified in our Mind and Heart? and where can we better prepare an habitation and consecrate a place for God than in the bottom of our Souls, in the inmost of our inward man?  Putatis autem nos occultare quod colimus, si Delubra & Ar●s non habemus? Quod enim Simulachrum Deo fingam, cum, si rectè existimes, sit Dei homo ipse Simulachrum? Templum quod ei exstruam, cum totus hic mundus, ejus operâ fabricatus, eum capere non possit? & cum homo 
* Al. laxiú●,  latius maneam, intra unam AEdiculam vim tantae Majestatis includam? Nun melius in nostra dedicandus est ment, in nostro imo consecrandus est pectore?  

* Advers. Gent. l. 6.  Arnobius: 
b Herein ye are wont to charge us with most hideous impiety and irreligion, viz. That we neither build Sacred Houses or Temples to perform the Offices of religious worship in, nor make any Image or Representation of any God, nor build any kind of Altars at all.  In hac consuéstis parte crimen nobis maximum impietatis affigere, quòdneque AEdes sacr as venerationis ad officia exstruamus, non Deorum alicujus Simulachrum constituamus ant formam, non 
* See the Difference between Altar and Ara in the Treatise of Tl● Name Altar.  Altaria fabricemus, non Aras. 
* See the Difference between Altar and Ara in the Treatise of Tl● Name Altar.  He denies none of this, but thus answers: 
c For what use of the Gods should we desire to have Temples? for what necessary purposes do we affirm these present Temples to be built, or do ye think Temples should be built anew?  Templa quaerimus, in Deorum quosusus? aut in cujus rei necessitatem aut dicitis esse constructa, aut esse rursus aedificanda censetis? etc.—  

* Institut. adversus Gentes, lib. 2. cap. 2.  Lactantius condemns the Gentiles for having them: 
d Why do ye not lift up your eyes to Heaven? and invocating the Gods by name, sacrifice openly and in public? Why do ye rather look to walls and wood and stone, than look up thither where ye believe the Gods to dwell? What then can Temples mean? what do Images or Altars signify?  Cur (inquit) oculos in coelum non tollitis? &, advocatis Deorum nominibus, in aperto sacrificia celebratis? Cur ad parietes & ligna & lapides potissimùm, quam illò spectatis ubi Deos esse creditis? Quid sibi Templa? quid Arae volunt? Quid denique ipsa Simulachra? Who would now think that Christians had any Churches or Houses of worship in these Author's days?  
This Objection indeed looks very big at the first sight, 
Answer.  but it is no more but a show, and we shall deal well enough with it. For we are to take notice, that these Authors, all four of them, lived and wrote within and after the Third Seculum was begun, and the eldest of them Minutius Felix after Tertullian; Origen after him: yea, why do I say after the Third Seculum was begun or within it? whenas two of them, Arnobius and Lactantius, lived and wrote rather after it was ended, and in the beginning of the Fourth; Arnobius in the time of the Persecution of Diocletian, Lactantius somewhat after him; for he was his Scholar, and dedicates his Institutions adversùs Gentes to Constantine the Great.  
Now then remember what Authorities and Testimonies were even now produced for the Christians Oratories all that Seculum throughout, not Probabilities only, but such as are altogether irrefragable and past contradiction. This they seem not to have considered, unless they dissembled it, who so securely urge these passages, to infer a Conclusion point-blank against evidence of Fact. As for example, (I will allege no more but what is out of possibility to be denied or eluded) Had the Christians no Oratories or Churches in Gregory Thaumaturgus his time? Had they none in S. Cyprian's? Had they none in the days of Dionysius Alexandrinus? Had they none when Galienus released their 
* Worshipping Places.  To 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Had they none in those Haltionian days whereof Eusebius speaks, when the multitude of Christians was grown so great, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the ancient Edifices were no longer able to contain their Assemblies; but that they were fain to build new and spacious Churches in every City from the foundations? Had they none when the Edict of Diocletian came forth for demolishing them? For all these were before that either Arnobius or Lactantius wrote. Let those therefore, who put so much confidence in these passages, tell us, before they conclude, how to untie this knot, and then shall say something.  
What then, will you say, is the meaning of these passages? and how may they be satisfied, and this scruple taken off? I answer; The Gentiles in these Objections had a peculiar notion of what they called a Temple: and these Fathers and Authors, in their disputes with them, answer them according unto it. For they defined a Temple by an Idol and the enclosure of a Deity; not of the Statue or Image only, but of the Daemon himself: that is, They supposed their Gods by the power of Spells and Magical consecrations to be retained and shut up in their Temples, as Birds in a Cage, or the Devil within a circle, that so their suppliants might know where to have them when they had occasion to seek unto them; and that, for such retaining or circumscribing of them in a certain Place, an Idol was necessary, as the Centre of their collocation. Thus much Origen himself will inform us in those his disputes against Celsus, as in his 3. Book pag. 135. Editionis Graecolat. where he describes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Temples and Idols, to be places where Demons are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, enthroned or seated, either having preoccupied such places of themselves, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or brought thither by certain Ceremonies and Magical invocations, do as it were dwell there. And again, Lib. 7. pag. 385. in fin. telling us that Demons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sat in those kind of Forms and Places, (viz. Idols and Temples) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. either lodged and confined thither by Magical consecrations, or otherwise having preoccupied the places of themselves; where they are delightfully fed and refreshed (for so the Gentiles thought) with the nidor and savour of the Sacrifices. I shall not need to produce the rest of his sayings to the same purpose; let him that will consult him further in the end of that 7. Book pag. 389. and a little before, pag. 387. in fin. To this confining of Gods in Temples (that so those that had occasion to use their help might not be to seek, but know where to find them) that also of Menander cited by justin Martyr, in his De Monarchia Dei, hath reference.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

No God pleaseth me that god's abroad,  
None that leaves his house shall come in my Book.  
— A just and good God ought  
To tarry at home to save those that placed him.   
According to this notion of a Temple, these Authors alleged grant that Christians neither had any Temples, no nor ought to have; forasmuch as the God whom they worshipped, was such a one as filled the Heaven and the Earth, and dwelled not in Temples made with hands. 
Acts 7. 4●.  And because the Gentiles appropriated the name of a Temple to this notion of encloistering a Deity by an Idol; therefore the Christians of those first Ages, for the most part, abstained therefrom, especially when they had to deal with Gentiles, calling their Houses of worship Ecclesiae, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (whence is the Dutch and our English Kurk and Church) in Latin Dominica; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Oratories, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the like: seldom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Templa; that 
* According to this notion of Templum, Tertull. cap. 15. de Idololatria, Si Templis renunciâsti, 〈◊〉 feceri● Tem● plum janu●● tuam. Et de Corona mil. cap. 11. Ex●ubabit (nempe Christi●nus) pro Templis quibus rena●ciavit? & coevabit il●● ubi Ap●stolo non place●? id est. in Idoko. 1 Cor. 8. 10.  appellation being grown, by the use of both sides, into a name of distinction of the Houses of Gentile Superstition from those of Christian Worship. Which that I affirm not upon bare conjecture, these Examples will make manifest. First, that of Aurelian the Emperor, before alleged, in his Epistle to the Senate. De Libris Sibyllinis inspiciendis: 
a I wonder (sacred Fathers) that ye demur so long about opening and consulting the sibyl's books; as if ye were treating (or debating this matter) in the Christians CHURCH, and not in the TEMPLE of all the Gods.  Miror vos, Patres sancti, tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis dubitâsse libris, perinde quasi in Christianorum ECCLESIA, non in TEMPLO Deorum omnium, tractaretis. And that of Zeno Veronensis, in his Sermon de Continentia: 
b Let us propound the case, and suppose (as it often comes to pass) that the performance of these different Religions may fall out upon one and the same day, wherein thou (being a Christian) must go to the CHURCH, and he (thy Husband, a Gentile) must at the same time repair to the TEMPLES.  Proponamus itaque, ut saepe contingit, in unum sibi convenire diversae religionis diem, quo tibi ECCLESIA, illi adeunda sint TEMPLA. (He speaks of a Christian woman married to a Gentile.) That also of S. Hierom, in in his Epistle ad Riparium, saying of julian the Apostate, 
a That he either destroyed the Churches of the Saints, or else turned them into Temples.  Quòd Sanctorum BASILICAS aut destruxerit, aut in TEMPLA converterit. Thus they spoke when they would distinguish: Otherwise, now and then, the Christian Fathers use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Templum for Ecclesia; but respecting the Temple of the true God at jerusalem, not the notion of the Gentiles.  
That this Answer is true and genuine, I prove, first, Because the Gentiles themselves, who objected this want to the Christians, neither were nor could be ignorant that they had Oratories where they performed their Christian service; when they were so notoriously known (as we saw before) to the Emperors Galienus and Aurelian, and a controversy about one of them referred unto the latter; when also the Emperor's Edicts flew about in every City for demolishing them. Why therefore do they object in this manner, but because, for the defect of something they thought thereto necessary, they esteemed not those Oratories for Temples?  
Secondly, Because in that dispute between Origen and Celsus it is supposed by both that the Persians and jews were, as concerning this matter, in like condition with the Christians, neither of both enduring to worship their Gods in Temples. Hear Origen speak, Lib. 7. p. 385, 386. 
b Although the Scythians, the Numidians in afric, and the irreligious or Atheistical Seres (as Celsus characterizes them) besides other Nations— yea and the Persians too cannot endure TEMPLES, ALTARS and STATUES or IMAGES; yet is not their and our averseness from these things founded upon the same Grounds and Considerations. And a little after (saith Origen,) Among those that are averse from worshipping the Deity in and by ALTARS, TEMPLES and IMAGES, the Scythians, Numidians, and the irreligious Seres and the Persians also go upon other Grounds and Principles, than the Christians and jews, who hold it utterly unlawful to worship God after that manner. For none of those Nations is averse from erecting and setting up Temples, Altars and Images upon this account, as being apprehensive of that unworthy Hypothesis and notion of the other Gentiles, who supposed that the Demons were enclosed and shut up fast in certain Places (viz.) Temples and Images, being either confined thither by Magical Spells, or else having preoccupied such places of themselves, where they did greedily feed and feast themselves with the Nidour and Savour of the Sacrifices. But now Christians, and also the jews, are utterly averse from such things, out of a conscientious respect to that in the Law. (Deuter. 6. 13.) Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve, as also in obedience to that in the Decalogue, Thou shalt have no other Gods but me; and again, Thou shalt not make to thyself any Image, etc.  Licet Scythae Afríque Numidae, & 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  impii Seres, ut Celsus ait, aliaeque gentes, atque etiam Persae 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  aversentur TEMPLA, ARAS, STATVAS; non candem aversandi causam esse illis & nobis: and a little after; Inter abhorrentes 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  ab ARARUM, TEMPLORUM, STATVARUM ceremoniis, Scythae, Numidae, impiíque Seres & Persae aliis moventur rationibus quam Christiani & judaei, quibus religio est sic numen colere. Illarum enim gentium nemo ab his alienus est— quòd intelligat, Daemonas DEVINCTOS haerere CERTIS LOCIS & STATVIS, sive incantatos quibusdam magicis carminibus, sive aliàs incubantes locis semel praeoccupatis, ubi lurconum more se oblectant victimarum nidoribus.— Caeterùm Christiani homines & judaei sibi temperant ab his, propter illud, Legis, Dominum Deum tuum timebis, & ipsi soli servies; item propter illud, Non erunt tibi alieni Dii praeter me; &, Non facies tibiipsi simulacrum, etc. Lo here, it is all one with Origen to have Templa, as to worship 
* So with Tertullian, in the places before alleged in the margin, Renunciôsse Templis dicitur, qui Idolis.  other Gods: as it was a little before with Minutius Felix his Octavius (if you mark it) to have Delnbra & Simulacra.  
Yet certainly neither Celsus nor Origen, whatsoever they here say of the Persians and jews, were ignorant that the Persians had their 
* Strabo li. 15. in appeud, ad Herodot. Theodo●et li. 5. c. 38. Yea se● de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 N●nae●e in Elymaide Persidis. 1 Mac. 6. 2. 2 Mac. 1. 13.  Pyraea or Pyrathaea, (Houses where the Fire was worshipped) though 
‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  without Images or Statues; also that the jews had both then, and also formerly, their Synagogues and Proseuchaes in the places and Countries where they were dispersed; and once a most glorious and magnificent Temple or Sanctuary: Ergo, by Temples they understand not Houses of prayer and religious rites in the general; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Places where Demons were encloistered by the position of an Idol or consecrated Statue. And here let me add (because it is not impertinent) what I have observed in reading the Itinerarium of Benjamin Tudelensis the jew; namely, that he expresses constantly after this manner the Oratories of jews, Turks and Christians by differing names: those of the jews he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i Houses of assembly or Synagogues; the Turkish Mosques 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Houses of prayer; but the Christian Churches, because of Images, (yea that renowned Church of S. sophy itself) he called always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 BAMOTH, the name of the Idol-Temples in the Old Testament, which we translate High-places. This I note for an example of that proneness in Religions of a contrary Rite thus to distinguish, as other things, so their Places of worship, by diversity of names, though they communicate in the same common nature and use.  
Thirdly, That the Answer I have given to these objected passages is genuine, I prove, Because some of these Authors acknowledge elsewhere that Christians had Houses of Sacred worship in their time. As namely Arnobius (whose words were as pressing as any of the rest, yet) in the selfsame Books acknowledges the Christian Oratories by the name of CONVENTICULA or Meeting-places; by that name endeavouring, I suppose, to express the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The place is about the end of his fourth Book adversùs Gentes: 
a If there were in you any zeal for your Religion, (any just indignation against what doth manifestly dishonour, it) ye ought rather to burn those Books and Writings of your Poets so full of profane fables and fictions of your Gods, and to throw down those Theatres wherein the Gods are every day openly dishonoured by your Poets shameful tales and contumelious fictions of them. But as for our Sacred Writings (i. the Books of Scripture.) how did they deserve to be burnt? and why were our Meeting-Places so furiously demolished? wherein the most High God was prayed unto, Peace and Mercy was prayed for in the behalf of all men, Magistrates, Armies, Kings, Friends, Enemies, those that are alive, and those that are loosed from the bonds of these gross earthly Bodies.  Quòd si haberet vos (saith he) aliqua vestris pro religionibus indignatio, has potius literas, (he means the Poets absurd and blasphemous fictions and tales of their Gods,) hos exurere debuistis olim libros; demoliri, dissolvere Theatra haec potius, in quibus infamiae numinum propudiosis quotidie publicantur in fabulis, (of this their scurrilous dishonouring of their Gods upon the Stage he had spoken much before.) Nam nostra quidem scripta cur ignibus meruerint dari? cur immaniter CONVENTICULA dirui? in quibus 
* Liturgiae Christianae des●●ipi●●.  summus oratur Deus, pax cunctis & venia postulatur, Magistratibus, Exercitibus, Regibus, Familiaribus, Inimicis, adhuc vitam degentibus, & resolutis corporum vinctione, etc. He alludes unto the burning of the Books of Scripture and demolition of the Christians Oratories by Diocletian; of which see Eusebius, Lib. 8. c. 2. And know from hence when Arnobius wrote.  
Nay Origen himself, one of the first brought to depose against us, (if Rufinus his Translator deserve my credit) will in his Homily upon the 9 chap. of josua testify both for Churches and Altars among Christians in his time. For thus he allegorizeth there the story of the Gibeonites, whose lives josua and the Elders spared, but gave them no better entertainment than to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the Congregation and for the Altar of the Lord: 
b There are a sort of men in the Church that believe and have faith in God, that assent to all Divine precepts, who are also very officious toward the servants of God, and are ready to serve them; yea and are exceeding ready and forward to the adorning of the CHURCH and the service thereof: But yet all this while, as to their actions and the course of their lives and conversations, they are altogether engaged and entangled in sin and filthiness; they care not at all put off the old man with his deeds. [Col. 3. 9] but keep on their old dress and habit, their old sins and filthinesses, just as these Gibeoconites came to josua with their old shoes on their feet and in their old garments. Now these men, (setting this aside, that they profess to believe in God, and seem to be devoutly affected towards the servants of God and the adorning of the CHURCH) what do they do? even nothing at all towards inward reformation and real amendment of their lives— And a little after (saith Origen,) But here we are to know, (that which we are taught from what is shadowed out by these and the like Figures and Types in the Old Testament, particularly from this History of the Gibeonites,) That if their be any such Christians among us, whose Faith signifies only thus much and goes no further than this, viz. That they come duly to the CHURCH, and bow their heads to the Priests, perform their duties, honour the servants o, God, and withal contribute something to the adorning of the ALTAR or the CHURCH; and yet do not seriously endeavour to reform and amend their lives and actions, and leaving off their former vices, to follow after chastity and purity, nor labour in good earnest to subdue their anger, their covetousness, and that ravenous disposition in them, unsatisfiedly and greedily catching at more and more still;— If (I say) there be any such, let them know this and consider it. That as for all such Christians as these, who mind not to amend their ways, to reform themselves, but even to their old age continue in their sins, our Lord jesus (of whom josua was a Type) will give them their part and portion with the Gibeonites.  Sunt quidam in Ecclesia (saith he) 
* I●●. 2. 1●. 〈◊〉.  credentes quidem, & habentes sidem in Deum, & acquiescentes in omnibus divinis praeceptis, quíque etiam erga servos Dei religiosi sunt & servire eis cupiunt; sed & ad ornatum ECCLESIAE vel ministerium satis prompti paratíque sunt: in actibus verò suis & conversatione propria, obscoenitatibus & vitiis involuti; nec omnino deponentes veterem hominem cum actibus suis, sed involuti vetustis vitiis & obscoenitatibus suis, si●ut & isti (i. Gabaonitae) pannis & calceamentis veteribus obtecti: praeter hoc, quòd in Deum credunt, & erga servos Dei vel ECCLESIAE cultum (i. ornatum) videntur esse devoti, nihil adhibent emendationis vel innovationis in mores, etc. And a little after; Veruntamen sciendum est, quantum ex hujuscemodi figurarum adumbrationibus edocemur, quòd si qui tales sunt in nobis, quorum fides hoc tantummodo habet, ut ad ECCLESIAM veniant, & inclinent caput suum sacerdotibus, (mark here a custom) officia exhibeant, servos Dei honorent, ad ornatum quoque ALTARIS vel ECCLESIAE aliquid conserant, non tamen adhibent studium ut etiam mores suos excolant, actus emendent, vitia deponant, castitatem colant, iracundiam mitigent, avaritiam reprimant, rapacitatem refraenent;— sciant, sibi, qui tales sunt, qui emendare se nolunt, sed in his usque in senectutem ultimam perseverant, partem sortémque ab jesu Domino cum Gabionitis esse tribuendam.  
Thus Origen by his Interpreter. And if any where Rufinus may be trusted, sure he may in this; forasmuch as in his Peroration in Epist. ad Romanos he hath given us his word, that in his translation of this and the next Book he took not his wont liberty to insert or alter any thing, but simply expressed every thing as he found it. Hear his words; 
a As to what we have written upon josua the son of Nave or Nun, as also upon the Book of judges, and upon Psal. 36, and 37, and 38. we have simply expressed every thing therein as we found it in Origen, whose Comments upon these parts of Scripture we translated without any great labour.  Illa (saith he) quae in jesu Nave & in judicum librum & in 36, 37, & 38. Psalm. scripsimus, simpliciter expressimus ut invenimus, & non multo cum labore transtulimus. Vide locum & Erasmi Censuram Lib. Origen. Besides, he that but considers the matter together with the brevity of this Homily, cannot see a possibility how these passages can be an addition or supplement of the Translator's, unless he made the whole Homily; because the contents of them are the only argument thereof, and being taken from it nothing would be remaining.  
Lastly, Because the fore-alledged words of Lactantius are so usually brought against us, though they be nothing urgent, and his time be altogether repugnant to any such inference; yet absolutely to take away all scruple, let us hear him also, Instit. Lib. 5. c. 2. expressly giving evidence for us, and that even by the name of Templum. 
b As I was teaching Oratory in Bythinia, (whither I was sent for and called to that end,) at which time also it fell out that the Temple of God was thrown down; there were two then upon the place that infulted, whether more proudly or importunely I know not, over the Christian Verity then in a low and afflicted condition.  Ego (saith he) come in Bythinia literas oratorias accitus docerem, contigissét que eodem tempore ut Dei Templum everteretur; duo exstiterunt ibidem, qui jacenti atque objectae veritati, (the Christian verity) nescio utrùm superbiùs an importunius, insultârunt. See the rest which follows. This was when the Edict of Diocletian came forth for the demolishing of the Christian Churches.  
And thus having removed that stumbling-stone which hath been the main inducement to the contrary opinion, so prejudicial to those works of religious bounty and piety; I hope my Proofs will find the freer passage with those of understanding and judgement, to whose pious consideration I have devoted this my Discourse.    

THE REVERENCE OF GOD'S HOUSE. ECCLESIASTES 5. 1.  Look to thy foot [or feet] when thou comest to the House of God: and be more ready to obey, than to offer the sacrifice of fools; for they know not that they do evil. 
SOLOMON, whom God chose to build that sacred and glorious Temple to his Name, 
[This Sermon was preached at S. Mary's in Cambridge, on S. Man●ias's day, Anno 1635/6.]  it hath pleased his holy Spirit to make also our principal Instructor how we ought to demean ourselves in such sacred places. This appears, as by that his solemn and famous Prayer made at the Dedication thereof, so also by this Scripture which I have now begun to read; the first seven verses of this Chapter, if we will rightly understand them, being wholly spent upon that argument, and containing precepts and instructions fitted to the several duties of holy worship we are to perform, both at our coming thither, and whilst we remain there.  
To unfold them all, were too much for the shortness of the time allotted me: May it please you therefore to vouchsafe me your Christian patience and charitable attention, whilst I utter my thoughts upon the words I have now read. For the better and more distinct explication whereof, consider in them these two parts; An Admonition, and a Caution. 1. An Admonition of reverend and awful demeanour when we come to God's House; Look to thy foot, or feet, when thou comest to the House of God. 2. A Caution, not to prefer the secondary Service of God before the first and principal; Be more ready to obey, than to offer the sacrifice of fools; for they know not that they do evil. In the first, or Admonition, I will consider two things: 1. The Place, God's House; 2. The Duty of those who come thither, Look to thy feet. Of these in order, and first of the Place, God's House.   

SECTION I.  
THE House of God is the place set apart for his Worship and service, and so hath peculiar Relation unto him; wherewith being invested it becomes sacred and holy; not only whilst Divine duties are performed therein, as some erroneously affirm, but as long as it is for such use; namely, according to the nature of other Sacred things, which continue their state of separateness and sanctity, so long as that relation they have unto God (wherein this Sanctity consists) is not quite abolished.  
To erect and set apart such Places as these for the exercise of the Rites of Religion, is derived from the Instinct of Nature, and approved of God from the beginning. It began not with that Tabernacle or ambulatory Temple which Moses caused to be made by God's appointment at Mount Sinai, but was much more ancient. Noah built an Altar as soon as he came out of the Ark● Abraham, Isaac and jacob, (wheresoever they came to pitch their Tents,) erected Places for Divine worship, (that is, Altars with their septs and enclosures) without any special appointment from God. jacob in particular vowed a place for Divine worship by the name of God's House, where he would pay the Tithes of all that God should give him, Gen. 28. 19, etc. Lo here a Church endowed. Yea Moses himself (Exod. 33. 7.) before the Ark and that glorious Tabernacle were yet made, pitched a Tabernacle for the same purpose without the Camp, whither every one that sought the Lord was to go. 
Eccles. 5. 1.  And all this was done tanquam recepti moris, as a thing of custom, and as mankind by Tradition had learned to accommodate the Worship of their God, by appropriating some Place to that use; Nature teaching them, that the work was honoured and dignified by the peculiarness of the place appointed for the same; and that if any work were so to be honoured, there was nothing it more beseemed than the Worship and service of Almighty God, the most peculiar and incommunicable act of all other.  
Nay more than this; It was believed in those elder times, That that Country or Territory, wherein no Place was set apart for the Worship of God, was unhallowed and unclean. Which, I think, I rightly gather from that Story in the Book of josua, of the Altar built by Reuben, Gad and the half Tribe of Manasseh upon the bank of the River jordan; which josua and the Elders, as their words intimate, supposed they had done lest the land of their possession, being by the River jordan cut off from the land of Canaan, (where the Lord's Tabernacle was) and so having no place therein consecrated to the worship of their God, might otherwise be an unclean and unhallowed habitation. Hear the words of Phinehas and the Princes sent to dissuade them (josua 22. 19) and judge whether they import not as I have said. If the land (say they) of your possession be 
* Note that our Copies of the LXX. here corruptly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  unclean, then pass ye ●ver unto the land of the possession of the LORD, where the LORD'S Tabernacle dwelleth, and take possession amongst us: but rebel not against the LORD, nor against us, in building you an Altar besides the Altar of the LORD your God.  
Now concerning the condition and property of Places thus sanctified or hallowed, what it is; whence can we learn better than from that which the Lord spoke unto Moses, Exod. 20. immediately after he had pronounced the Decalogue from Mount Sinai: 
Vers. 23, 24.  where premising that they should not make with him gods of gold and gods of silver, but that they should make him● an Altar of earth (as namely their ambulatory state then permitted, otherwise of stone) and thereon sacrifice their burnt-offerings and peace-offerings; he adds, in all places where I record my Name, I will come unto thee, and bless thee, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In every place where the remembrance or memorial of my Name shall be, or, Wheresoever that is which I have or shall appoint to be the remembrance or memorial of my Name and presence, there I will come unto thee, and bless thee. Lo here a description of the Place set apart for Divine worship: It is the Place where God records his Name, and comes unto men to bless them, Two things are here specified: The Monument, Record or Memorial of God's Name; secondly, His coming or meeting therewith men. Of both let us inquire distinctly, what they mean.  
I know it would not be untrue to say in general, That God's Name is recorded or remembered in that place upon which his Name is called, or which is called by his Name, (as the Scripture speaks,) that is, which is dedicated to his worship and service: But there is some more special thing intended here; namely, the Memorial or Monument of God's Name is that token or Symbol whereby he testifieth his Covenant and commerce with men. Now although the Ark● called the Ark of the Covenant or Testimony, (wherein lay the 
* Heb. 9 4.  two Tables, namely the Book or Articles of the Covenant, and Manna, the Bread of the Covenant) were afterwards made for this purpose, to be the standing Memorial of God's Name and Presence with his people: yet cannot that be here either only, or specially aimed at; because when these words were spoken, it had no being, nor was there yet any commandment given concerning the making thereof. Wherefore the Record here mentioned I understand with a more general reference to any Memorial whereby God's Covenant and commerce with men was testified: such as were the Sacrifices immediately before spoken of, and the seat of them the Altar; which therefore may seem to be in some sort the more particularly here pointed unto. For that these were Rites of remembrance, whereby the Name of God was commemorated or recorded, and his Covenant with men renewed and testified, might be easily proved. Whence it is that that which was burned upon the Altar is so often called the Memorial; as in Leviticus the 2. 5. 6, and 24. chapters. Accordingly the son of Sirach tells us, chap. 45. 16. that Aaron was chosen out of all men living, to offer Sacrifices to the Lord, incense and a sweet savour, for a Memorial, to make reconciliation for his people. Add also that (Esay 66. 3.) Qui recordatur thure, quasi qui benedicat Idolo; He that (without true contrition and humiliation before the Lord) recordeth or maketh remembrance with incense, is as if he blessed an Idol: But I must not stay too long upon this.  
You will say, What is all this to us now in the time of the Gospel? I answer, Yes: For did not Christ ordain the holy Eucharist to be the Memorial of his Name in the New Testament? 
Luke 22. 19  This (saith he) is my Body, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Do this for my Commemoration, 
1 Cor. 11. 24.  or in Memorial of me. And what if I should affirm that Christ is as much present here as the Lord was upon the Mercy-seat between the Cherubims? Why should not then the Place of this Memorial under the Gospel have some semblable sanctity to that where the Name of God was recorded in the Law? And though we be not now tied to one only Place, as those under the Law were; and that God heareth the faithful prayers of his Servants wheresoever they are made unto him, (as also he did then:) yet should not the Places of his Memorial be promiscuous and common, but set apart to that sacred purpose. In a word, All those sacred Memorials of the jewish Temple are both comprehended and excelled in this One of Christians; the Sacrifices, Shewbread, and Ark of the Covenant; Christ's Body and Blood in the Eucharist being all these unto us in the New Testament, agreeable to that of the Apostle, Rom. 3. 25. God hath set forth jesus Christ to be our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 through faith in his blood, that is, our Propitiatory or Mercy-seat; for so it is called in the Greek both of the Old and New Testament; nor is the word, I think, ever used but in that sense, unless in Ezekiel 43. for the Settle of the Altar.  
But you will say, This Christian Memorial is not always actually present in our Churches, as some one or other at least of those in the Law were in the Temple. I answer, It is enough, it is wont to be; as the Chair of State loses not its relation and due respect, though the King be not always there. And remember that the Ark of the Covenant was not in jerusalem when Daniel opened his windows and prayed thitherward; yea, that it was wanting in the Holy Place (I mean that sacred Cabinet made by Moses) all the time of the second (or Zorobabel's) Temple; and yet the place esteemed notwithstanding as if it had been there.  
You will yet except and say, That in the Old Testament those things were appointed by divine Law and Commandment, but in the New we find no such thing. I answer, In things for which we find no new Rule given in the New Testament, there we are referred and left to the Analogy of the Old. This the Apostle's proof taken from thence for the maintenance of the Ministers of the Gospel, 1 Cor. 9 13, 14. viz. Thus were they, Ergo, So God hath ordained that we] will give us to understand; likewise the practice of the Church in baptising Infants, derived surely from the Analogy of Circumcision; the hallowing of every first day of the week, as one in every seven, from the Analogy of the jewish Sabbath; and other the like. S. Hierome witnesseth the same in that saying of his, 
Al Evag●●●.  Vt sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas ex Veteri Testamento; quod Aaron & filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt, hoc sibi Episcopi, Presbyteri atque Diaconi vendicant in Ecclesia: That we may know (saith he) that the Apostolic traditions were derived from the Old Testament; that which Aaron, his Sons and the Levites were in the Temple, the same do Bishops, Priests and Deacons claim in the Church. For we are to consider, That the end of Christ's coming into the world was not properly to give new Laws unto men● but to accomplish the Law already given, 
M●tt. 5. 17, 18.  and to publish the Gospel of Reconciliation, through his Name, to those who had transgressed it. Whence it is that we find not the style of the New Testament to carry a form of enacting Laws almost any where; but those which are there mentioned, to be brought in occasionally, only by way of proof, of interpretation, exhortation, application, or the like, and not as by way of constitution or re-enacting. Meanwhile, lest I should be mistaken, mark well that I said not, the Old Testament was to be our Rule simply in the case mentioned, but the Analogy thereof only; that is, this regulation is to be made according to that proportion which the difference of the two Covenants and the things in them admits, and no further: the more particular application and limitation of which Analogy is to be referred to the judgement and prudence of the Church.  
There comes here very fitly into my mind a passage of Clemens, (a man of the Apostolic age, he whose name S. Paul saith was written in the Book of life) in his genuine Epistle Admetus Corinthios, 
Phil. 4. 3.  lately set forth, pag. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, All those duties which the Lord hath commandedus to do, we ought to do them regularly and orderly; our Oblations and divine Services to celebrate them on set and appointed times. For so he hath ordained, not that we should do them at haphazard and without order, but at certain determined days and times: WHERE also and BY WHOM he will have them executed, himself hath defined according to his supreme will. But where hath the Lord defined these things, unless he hath left us to the Analogy of the Old Testament.  
It follows in the Text alleged, There I will come unto thee, and bless thee. In the Place where the Lord's Memorial is, where his Colours, as I may so speak, are displayed and set up, there, in a special manner, he vouchsafes his presence with the sons of men to bless them: or, to speak rotundè, where his Memorial is, there His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SHECINAH or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is, (as the Hebrew Masters term it,) that is, His GLORY. 
* Hermes Trism. in Afclepio. Athenag. Legat. pro Christ. Origen. contra Cels. l. 7. & 3. Euseb. Praepar. Eu. lib. 5. c. 15.  The Gentiles ascribed the presence of their Gods to the places where Images and Statues were erected and consecrated for them: But such personal similitudes the God of Israel abhors, and forbids to be made unto Him; yet promiseth his presence in every place where the Memorial or Record of his Name shall be; but of his own appointment, not of man's devising. For thus, I suppose, is the Text there to be understood, and to be construed by way of Antithesis or opposition: You shall not make with me gods of silver, nor gods of gold: An Altar only of earth, or of 
* Exod. 20.  stone, shalt thou make unto me, to offer thy Sacrifices upon. For in every place where I shall record my Name, I will come unto thee, and bless thee. And here take notice, that for this reason the Tabernacle of the Lord was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Tabernacle of meeting; not of men's meeting together, as is commonly supposed, when we translate it, Tabernacle of the Congregation; but of God's meeting there with men. I have a good author for it; for so the Lord himself gives the reason of the name in three several places of the Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Tabernacle of meeting, ●here I will meet with you. See Exod. 29. 42. 30. 36. Num. 17. 4. and Masius in jos. c. 18.   

SECTION II.  
THUS we have seen What is the condition and property of that Place which in my Text is called God's House. But before I proceed to speak of the Duty of those who come thither, (which was the second thing I propounded) there is one thing yet to be cleared concerning that which I last mentioned, namely, How God is said to come unto, or to be present with, men in one place more than another; seeing his Presence fills every place; Heaven being his throne, and the whole Earth his footstool. For although we read often in Holy Scripture of such a SHECINAH, or Speciality of the Divine presence, and have it often in our mouths; yet what it is, and wherein the Ratio thereof consisteth, is seldom, if at all, enquired into. When we speak of Churches, we content ourselves to say, That God's special presence there is in his Word and Sacraments: But though it be true that the Divine Majesty is there specially present where his Word and Sacraments are; yet seems not this Speciality of presence to be the same with his Word and Sacraments, but a divers relation from them. This may be gathered, in some sort, out of those words of Exodus whereupon we have so long dwelled, as where the recording of God's Name and his coming thither are spoken of as two: but is more strongly evinced by such instances of Scripture, where the Lord is said to have been specially present in places where this Record of his Word and Sacraments was not; as for example, to Moses in the Bush, to jacob at Bethel, and the like. The true Ratio therefore of this SHECINAH or Speciality of Divine Presence must be sought and defined by something which is common to all these, and not by that which is proper to some only.  
Well then, to hold you no longer in suspense, This Specification of the Divine presence, whereby God is said to be in one place more than another, I suppose (under correction) to consist in his train or retinue. A King is there where his Court is, where his train and retinue are: So God the Lord of Hosts is there specially present where the Heavenly Guard, the blessed Angels, keep their sacred station and rendezvous.  
That this is consonant to the revelation of holy Scripture, I show, first, from the collection or inference which the Patriarch jacob makes upon that Divine vision of his at Bethel: where having seen a ladder reaching from heaven to earth, and the Angels of God ascending and descending upon it; Surely, (saith he) the Lord is in this place, 
Gen. 28. 16, 17.  and I knew it not. How dreadful is this place! It is no other but the House of God, even the gate of Heaven, that is, Heaven's Guild-hall, Heaven's Court; namely, because of the Angels: For the Gate was wont to be the judgment-hall, and the Place where Kings and Senators used to sit, attended by their guard and ministers.  
Secondly, I prove it from that interpretative expression used in the New Testament of the Lord's descent upon Mount Sinai when the Law was given; intimating, that the Specification of the presence of the Divine Majesty there also consisted in the Angelical retinue there encamping. For so S. Steven, Acts 7. 53. You who have received the Law by the disposition of Angels, and have not kept it. S. Paul twice; first, Gal. 3. 19 The Law was added because of transgressions, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ordained by Angels in the hand of a Mediator: and again, Heb. 2. 2. he calls the Law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the word spoken by Angels. Howbeit in the story itself we find no such thing expressed, but only that the Lord descended upon the Mount in a fiery and smoking cloud, 
Exod. 19 16, 18.  accompanied with thunders and lightnings, with an earthquake, and the voice of a trumpet. Whence then should this expression of S. Steven and the Apostle proceed, but from a supposition, that the Special presence of the Divine Majesty, wheresoever it is said to be, consisted in the encamping of his sacred retinue the Angels? for that of himself, He, who filleth the Heaven and the Earth, could not descend, nor be in one place more than another.  
Yea all the Apparitions of the Divine Majesty in Scripture are described by this retinue. That of the Ancient of days coming to judgement, Dan. 7. 10. Thousand thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him; to wit, of Angels. Whence we read in the Gospel, that Christ our Saviour shall come in the glory of his Father, 
Matth. 16. 27.  that is, 
Mark 8. 38.  with an Host of Angels, as the Holy Ghost himself in the same places expounds it: for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Glory here signifies the Presence of the Divine Majesty.  
In the same style, of the same Appearing, prophesied Enoch, the seventh from Adam, jude verse 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Behold, the Lord cometh with his holy Myriads, or ten thousands; for so it ought to be rendered, and not, as we have it, with ten thousand of his Saints. Wherefore here the vulgar Latin comes nearer, which hath, Ecce, venit Dominus in sanctis millibus suis. A like expression whereunto of the Divine presence we shall find in Moses Blessing, Deut. 33. 2. The Lord (saith he) came 
* That ● came unto them ●esling upon 〈◊〉. Compare Psal. 68 vers. 17. or 18.  from Sinai unto them, (i. unto Israel) and rose up from S●ir unto them; he shined forth from mount Paran, he came with his holy ten thousands, or holy Myriads, (for so it should be translated: than it follows,) from his right hand went a fiery law for them. From whence perhaps that notion of the jewish Doctors, followed by S. Steven and the Apostle [That the Law was given by Angels] had its beginning. And thus you have heard out of Scripture What that is whereby the Special presence of the Divine Majesty is (as I suppose) defined, that is, wherein it consists; namely, such as is appliable to all places wherein he is said to be thus present, even to Heaven itself his Throne and Seat of glory, the proper place (as every one knows) of Angelical residence.  
Now, according to this manner of presence is the Divine Majesty to be acknowledged present in the Places where his Name is recorded, as in his Temple under the Law, and in our Christian Oratories or Churches under the Gospel; namely, that the heavenly Guard there attend and keep their rendezvous, as in their Master's House: according to that vision which the Prophet Esay had thereof, Esay 6. 1. I saw the Lord (saith he) sitting upon a Throne, high and lifted up, and his train filled the Temple, [Septuagint, and john 12. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] that is, the Angels and Seraphims his stipatores; as may be gathered from that which immediately follows, verse 3. where it is said, The Seraphims cried one unto another, Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God of hosts; the whole earth is full of his Glory.  
This King Agrippa in 
* De Bello jud. lib. 2. cap. 16.  josephus intimates, in that Oration he is said to have made unto the jews a little before that fatal siege, dehorting them from rebelling against the Romans: where speaking to the people hard by, and in view of that sacred Temple, he hath these words; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I call to witness your sacred Temple and 
* To whom some think that voice may be referred before the destruction of the Temple, Migremus hinc, Let 〈◊〉 depart ●●nce.  the holy Angels of God; namely, which encamp there.  
The ●ame is implied in that of the 138. Psalms, ver. 1, 2. according to the translation of the Septuagint and Vulgar; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In conspectu Angolorum psallam tibi; Adorabo ad Templum sanctum tuum, & confitebor Nomini tuo: Before the Angels I will sing praise unto thee; I will worship towards thy holy Temple, and praise thy Name.  
And according to this sense I understand that of Solomon in this Book of Ecclesiastes within two or three verses of my Text, concerning vows to be made in God's House: When thou vowest a vow, 
Vers. 4, 5, 6.  defer not to pay it— Better it is thou shouldest not vow, than vow and not pay. Suffer not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin; neither say thou BEFORE THE ANGEL, It was an error;— that is, Let not such a foolish excuse come from thee in the house of God, before the holy Angels. For note that the word Angel may be taken 
* As tree for trees, leaf for leaves, Gen. 3. 2, 7, etc.  collectively, for more than one.  
For this cause all the curtains of the 
* Exod. 26. 36, 37. chap. 1 Kings 6.  Tabernacle were filled with the pictures of Cherubims, and the 
* Exod. 26. 36, 37. chap. 1 Kings 6.  walls of Solomon's Temple within with carved Cherubims; 
* Exod. 26. 36, 37. chap. 1 Kings 6.  the Ark of the Testimony overspread and covered with two nighty Cherubims, having their faces looking towards it and the Mercy-seat, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) with their wings stretched forth on high, called Heb. 9 5. The Cherubims of glory, that is, of the Divine Presence: All to signify, that where God's sacred Memorial is, the ensign of his Covenant and commerce with men, there the blessed Angels out of duty give their attendance.  
Nor is it to be over-passed, that the jews at this day continue the like opinion of their modern Places of worship; namely, that the blessed Angels frequent their assemblies, and praise and laud God with them in their Synagogues: notwithstanding they have no other Memorial of his there than an imitative one only, to wit, a Chest with a Volume or Roll of the Law therein, in stead of the Ark with the two Tables. For thus speaks the Seder Tephilloth, or Form of prayer used by the jews of Portugal; O Lord our God, the Angels, that supernal company, gathered together with thy people Israel here below, do crown thee with praises, and altogether do thrice redouble and cry that spoken of by the Prophet, Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of hosts; the whole earth is full of his glory. They allude to Esay's Vision of the Glory of God, above mentioned.  
You will say, Such a presence of Angels perhaps there was in that Temple under the Law; but there is no such thing in the Gospel. No? why? Are the Memorials of God's Covenant, his Insignia in the Gospel, less worthy of their attendance than those of the Law? or have the Angels, since the nature of man, jesus Christ our Lord, became their Head and King, gotten an exemption from this service? Surely not. S. Paul, if we will understand and believe him, supposes the contrary, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, chap. 11. verse 10. where treating of a comely and decent accommodation to be observed in Church-assemblies, and in particular of women's being covered or veiled there, he enforces it from this presence of Angels; For this cause (saith he) ought the woman to have a covering on her head, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because of the Angels; namely, which are there present. For otherwise the reason holds not, that she should more be covered in the Place of Prayer than any where else, unless the Angels be more there than elsewhere. This place much troubleth the Expositors: but see what it is to admit a truth; for now there is no difficulty in it.  
And that the ancient Fathers conceived no less venerably of their Christian Oratories in this particular than the jews did of their Temple, appears by S. Chrysostom●, who is very frequent in urging an awful and reverend behaviour in God's house from this motive of Angelical presence. As in his Homily 
* In Morali●.  36. in 1 Corinth. where reproving the irreverent behaviour of his Auditory in that Church, in talking, walking, saluting, and the like, (which he saith was peculiar unto them, and such as no Christians elsewhere in the world presumed to do,) he enforces his reproof with words that come home to our purpose: Non tonstrina, (inquit,) neque unguentaria officina, neque ulla alia opi●icum qui sunt in ●oro taberna, est Ecclesia; sed Locus Angelorum, Locus Archangelorum, Regia Dei, ipsum Coelum: The Church (saith he) is no Barber's or Drug-seller's shop, nor any other crafts-mans' or merchant's workhouse or warehouse in the marketplace; but the place of Angels, the place of Archangels, the Palace of God, Heaven itself.  
And in his 4. Homily De incomprehensibili Dei natura, towards the end; Cogi●a apud quem proximè stas, quibuscum invoces Deum; s●il. cum Cherubin, cum Seraphim, cum omnibus coeli Virtutibus: animadverte quos habeas socios: satis hoc tibi sit ad sobrietatem, cum recorderis te corpore constantem & carne coagmentatum, admitti cum Virtutibus incorporeis celebrare omnium Dominum: Think near whom thou standest, with whom thou invocatest God; namely, with Cherubims and Seraphims, and all the Powers of Heaven: consider but what companions thou hast: let it be sufficient to persuade thee to sobriety, when thou remember'st that thou, who art compounded of flesh and blood, art admitted with the incorporeal Powers to celebrate the common Lord of all. But all this, you will say, the Angels may do in Heaven. Well, let it be so, yet is it not altogether out of our way: but the next places I shall bring will not be so eluded.  
Namely, that in his 15. Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, against those that laughed in the Church: Regiam quidem ingredients, & habitu, & aspectu, & incessu, & omnibus aliis te ornas & componis: Hîc autem verè est Regia, & planè hîc talia qualia coelestia; & rides? Atque scio quidem quòd tu non vides. Audi autem, quòd ubique adsunt Angeli, & maximè in Domo Dei adsistunt, Regi, & omnia sunt impleta incorporeis illis Potestatibus: When thou goest into a King's Palace, thou composest thyself to a comeliness in thy habit, in thy look, in thy gate, and in all thy whole guise: But here is indeed the Palace of a King, and the like attendance to that in Heaven; and dost thou laugh? I know well enough thou seest it not. But hear thou me, and know that Angels are every where, and that chiefly in the House of God they attend upon their King, where all is ●illed with these incorporeal Powers.  
The like unto this you shall find in his 24. Homily upon the Acts of the Apostles; Knowest thou not that thou standest here with Angels, that with them thou singest, with them thou landest God with Hymns? 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and dost thou laugh? See the rest.  
I will allege but one passage more of his, lest I should grow tedious, and that is out of his 6. Book de Sacerdotio, not very far from the beginning; where speaking of the time when the holy Eucharist is celebrated, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Then the Angels stand by the Priest, and the whole Choir resounds with celestial Powers, and the place about the Altar is filled with them, in honour of him who is laid thereon, that is, of his Memorial. Compare with it a like passage in his 3. Hom. De incomprehensibili Dei natura; Item Hom. 1. De verbis Isaiae.  
S. Ambrose acknowledgeth the same in 
That it was the sense of the Ancient Church (That Christ is offered in the Eucharist by way of Commemoration only) see it proved in the following Treatise of The Christian Sacrifies, Chap. 9]  c. 1. Luc. 
a Doubt not but an Angel is present, when Christ is present, when Christ is offered.  Non dubites assistere Angelum, quando Christus assistit, Christus immolatur.  
Yea Tertullian, (in whose time, which was within two hundred years after Christ, some will scarcely believe that Christians had any such Places as Churches at all,) if I understand him, intimates as much in his Lib. de Oratione c. 12. where reprehending the irreverent gesture of some in sitting at the time of Prayer in the Church; Si quidem (saith he) irreverens est assidere sub conspectu contráque conspectum ejus quem cum maximè reverearis ac venereris; quantò magìs sub conspectu Dei vivi, ANGELO adhuc ORATIONIS adstan●e, factum illud irreligiosissimum est; nisi exprobramus Deo, quòd nos oratio fatigaverit? If it be an irreverent thing to sit in the sight and before him whom thou in a special manner honour'st and reverencest; how much more is it an act most irreligious to do it in the presence of the living God, the ANGEL OF PRAYER. yet standing by; unless we upbraid God, that we have wearied ourselves with praying? Mark [In the presence of the living God, the Angel of Prayer standing by] that is, in the presence of the living God specified by his Angel; the latter being an explanation of the former. It is like unto that in this chapter of my Text, Say not thou before the Angel, It was an error: yet I believe not borrowed thence; forasmuch as the Septuagint, whose translation Tertullian was only acquainted with and every where follows, have no mention of Angel in that place, but of God; rendering it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Say not before the presence of God. Which shows how they understood it.  
I cite the passage of these Fathers thus at large, lest I might to some seem to broach a Novelty. And though some of those of S. chrysostom be Hyperbolically expressed; yet for the main and substance of what he intended, I believe it to be true, and ground my belief upon the authority of S. Paul before alleged, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Because of the Angels. If any shall say, whatsoever were then, they will not believe there in any such kind of presence in our Churches now: I must tell them, If it be so, it is because of our irreverent and unseemly behaviour in them, which makes those blessed Spirits loath our company. For though they be invisible and incorporeal creatures, yet can they not look into our hearts, (that is God their Master's prerogative) but are witnesses of our outward behaviour and actions only; and it was a case of external decorum, wherein the Apostle mentions this presence of theirs for a motive or reason; For this cause ought the woman to have a covering on her head, because of the Angels. For they love not to behold any thing that is uncomely and unbeseeming, but fly from it: and if we lose their company, the best members of our congregation are wanting.  
Thus you have heard what is the dignity and prerogative of God's House. 
Eccles. 5. 1.  Who now that considers and believes this, (and there was a time when it was believed,) will not say with the Patriarch jacob, when he saw the Angels ascending and descending at Bethel, quam reverenda sunt haec loca! How reverend are these places! For every Place where the name of God is recorded, is Bethel, where the Angels of God are ascending and descending, that is, God in a special manner present and meeting with men. How seemly therefore, orderly and awfully should we compose ourselves in them? how reverend should our manner be at our coming into them? which is the second thing I propounded to speak of. Thus much therefore of God's House: I come now to the Duty of those who come thither; Look to thy feet when thou comest to the House of God.   

SECTION III.  
LOOK to thy feet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for so the Cethib or Textual reading hath it: the Masorites in the margin note another reading, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular number. But which way soever of the two it be read, the sense is still the same; Look to thy foot being to be expounded plurally Look to thy feet, as in other places of Scripture. The Symbolical application of this Precept to the purifying and ridding the Mind of corrupt and fleshly thoughts, though it be useful, and the thing itself true, yet I will let pass, as being not argumentative; and betake myself wholly to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Literal meaning, which the Symbolical or Tropological signification destroyeth not, but presupposeth. The meaning therefore in general is; Have a care that thy feet be as they should be, when thou goest (or comest) to the House of God. But what is that? Most of the Interpreters (saith Aben Ezra) compare it with that which is said of Mephibosheth, 2 Sam. 19 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He dressed not his feet, that is, He washed them not: So here, Look to thy feet when thou goest to the House of God, is as much as to say, Come not into God's House illotis pedibus, with unwashed feet. This is true, but goes not far enough. For I suppose here is an allusion in particular to that Rite of Discalceation used by the jews and other Nations of the Orient at their coming into Sacred places; namely, that whereof the Lord spoke to Moses, Exod. 3. 5. and again to josua, jos. 5. 15. Exue calceamenta tua de pedibus tuis; locus enim in quo stas terra sancta est: Put thy shoes from thy feet; for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground.  
For although the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here used signifies properly motum à loco, that is, to go; and not in locum, to come, (in which respect the Rite of washing the feet perhaps, being a preparatory act, might agree better with it;) yet is it not always so used: besides, it is an unusual Trope in Scripture, ex antecedente intelligere consequens, by the antecedent to understand the consequent; which hath place here. That whereby I gather it is, because the Precepts following my Text, whereunto this word of motion belongs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (that is, in common) are not of things to be done when we are going to the House of God, but when we are come thither: as, When thou comest to the House of God, be not rash nor hasty to utter any thing before God, etc. When thou comest to the House of God, and makest a vow before him, defer not to pay it,— neither say thou before the Angel, etc.— To which may be added the latter part of my Text, When thou comest to the house of God, be more ready to hear, or obey, than to offer the Sacrifice of fools. All, as you see are of things to be done when we are come into God's house. Therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is common to them, should rather note motum in termino ad quem; 
Accordingly the Vulgar Latin hath ingredients Domum Dei, Entering into the House of God.  not when thou goest, but when thou comest to the house of God; and accordingly this admonition of care to be had of the feet, to intend something to be observed when we come there, rather than when we are going thither: Which was, (as I have said) among the jews and other Nations, of the Orient especially, that Rite of Discalceation, or putting of their shoes, still used and continued amongst them unto this day, when they come into their Temples and Sacred places.  
Which that I affirm not without good warrant, in case any one shall doubt thereof, these Testimonies following will sufficiently evidence. First, That Symbol of Pythagoras, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, OFFER SACRIFICE AND WORSHIP WITH THY SHOES OFF. 
Apud ●●●blich. Pro●re●●●. 21.  What mystical or symbolical sense he intended, I inquire not; but it is plain, his expression alludes to some such custom then used by those who came to worship in the Temples of their Gods.  
Wherein that my collection fails me not, justin Martyr will bear me witness in his second Apology, where he tells us, That those who came to worship in the Sanctuaries and Temples of the Gentiles were commanded by their Priests, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, to put off their shoes: 
Edit. Pa●●is. pag. 95.  which their Gods learned (saith he) by way of Imitation, from that which the Lord spoke to Moses out of the flaming Bush, Lose thy shoes from off thy feet, 
●●x●d. 2. 5.  for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground. This Testimony for the antiquity of the practice is without exception. Yet by the Father's good leave, I am prone to think that those words unto Moses gave not the first beginning unto it, but were an admonition only of the Divine presence, thereby commanding the Rite then accustomed in places so hallowed: and that therefore it was rather, as other Religious Rites, derived unto the Gentiles by Tradition from the Patriarches before Moses; of whom both the jews and those Nations of the Orient which agreed with them in this custom were descended. Concerning whose present custom Drusius in his Notes upon josua affirmeth, Quòd etiam nunc apud plerasque Orientis Nationes piaculum sit, calceato pede Templorum pavimenta calcâsse: That even to this day among most of the Nations of the Orient it is reputed a piaculary crime, to tread upon the pavements of their Temples with their shoes on their feet.  
For the jews in particular, that this Rite of Veneration was anciently used by them in Places sanctified by the Divine Presence; Maimonides puts us out of doubt, telling us in his Beth Habbechirah, chap. 7. That it was not lawful for a man to come into the Mountain of God's House with HIS SHOES ON HIS FEET, or with his staff, or in his working garment, or with dust on his feet, and the like. The same hath Rabbi Solomon upon the 19 of Levit. ver●. 30.  
It is further confirmed by their modern practice in their Synagogues; even here in these Western and colder parts of the world: where though no such custom be in use as in the Orient, nor our manners with conveniency capable thereof, yet they still observe it, as far as the guise of the West will permit them; an argument it descends unto them by a strong and rooted Tradition from their forefathers. My Author is Buxtorf. Synagog. judaic. lib. 5. c. 5. where he hath these words; Ante Synagogam vel scholam ipsorum ferrum quoddam habent immuratum, ad quod quilibet calceos immundos aut coenosos abstergere tenetur; idque Solomonis authoritate, qui, Custodi, ait, pedem tuum— Quisquis crepidis indutus est, is eas immundas de pedibus suis detrahere tenetur— prout scriptum est, Solve calceamenta tua de pedibus tuis, etc. that is, Before their Synagogues they have a certain iron fastened in a wall, whereat every one is bound to make clean his foul or dirty shoes; and that by the authority of Solomon, who saith, Look to thy foot, etc. Whosoever hath slippers on, is bound they being foul to put them quite off, (viz. before he enters into the Synagogue) according as it is written, Lose thy shoes from off thy feet, etc.  
And for the mahometans, what they do in their Mosques, Bartholomew Georgivez, who was a long time a captive amongst them, can best inform us, in his Book De ritu & ceremoniis Turcarum. Quicunque (saith he) veniunt ad urationem, debent abluere manus, pedes, etc. postremò ter spargunt aquam super capita, recitando haec verba, ELHEMDV LILLAHI, (i. gloria Deo meo:) Deinde exutis calceamentis Patsmagh dictis, iisque ante januam Templi relictis, introeunt, alii NUDIS PEDIBUS, alii habentes munda calceamenta Mesth dicta. That is, Such as come to pray, their duty is first to wash their hands-feets, etc. at last they sprinkle water over their heads thrice, repeating these words, ELHEMDV LILLAHI, (that is, Glory be to my God:) Then putting off their shoes, called Patsmagh, and leaving them before the door of the Temple, they enter, some barefooted, others having a clean kind of Sandal, which they call Mesth; namely as the custom is with us, when we pull off our hats, to wear a cap.  
Lastly, That we may not want an instance among Christians, Zaga Zabo, an AEthiopian Bishop, sent Ambassador from David King of the Abyssines to john the third King of Portugal, above an hundred years since, in his description of the Religion and Rites of the Abyssine Christians, thus informs us: 
* Vide Damianum a Goes De AEthiopum motibus.  Prohibitum est apud nos (saith he) nè aut gentes, aut canes, aut alia hujusmodi animalia, in Templa nostra intrent. Item non datur potestas nobis adeundi Templum, nisi NUDIS PEDIBUS; neque licet nobis in ipso Templo ridere, obambulare, aut de rebus prophanis loqui, neque spuere aut screare in ipso Templo. Quia Ecclesiae AEthiopum non sunt similes terrae illi ubi populus Israel comedit Agnum Paschalem decedens ab AEgypto, (in quo loco, propter terrae pollutionem, jussit eos Deus comedere indutos calceamentis & zonis accinctos;) said similes sunt monti Sinai, ubi Dominus locutus est Mosi, dicens, Exue calceamentatua de pedibus tuis, quoniam terra quam pedes tui premunt sancta est. That is, it is prohibited amongst us that either Pagans, or dogs, or any other beasts should come into our Churches. Moreover, it is not permitted to us to go into the Church, but barefooted; nor is it lawful for us in the Church to 
* 
Eadem planè judaeorum magistr● prohibent à ● su●● in Synagogis fieri, apud Ma●nomdem, Msuae Part. 1. l. 2. Trac. 7. Debenedictionibus & consecr. per prece●, quae & in Templo olim observari solita.  
Et Greg. Nazian. in Orat. ●un. pro patre laudat matrem suam Nonuam, quòd in Templo Dei ne vocem quidem emittert nisi de rebus mystieis & divini●, neque unquam tergum altari obverteret, aut sacrum pavimentum conspa●ret. De quibus Lector pro prudentia sua statna●, an & quousque nobi● imitari conducat.   laugh, or to walk up and down, or to speak of secular matters, no not to spit, thank or him in the Church. Because the Churches of AEthiopia are not like unto that Land where the people of Israel, ready to depart out of Egypt, ate the Paschal Lamb, (where, because of the pollution of the country, God commanded them to eat it with their shoes on their feet and their loins girded;) but they are like unto Mount Sinai, where God spoke unto Moses, saying, put off thy shoes from thy feet, for the ground whereon thy feet tread is holy. Thus Zaga Zabo of the Abyssine Christians, whereof he was a Bishop. And till the contrary be showed me, I am prone to believe that some other Christians of the jacobite sect may have the like custom, as it is certain that in most of their Rites they agree with them.  
Now the religious guise of the jews and other Nations of the Orient having anciently been (and still being) such as you have heard, when they entered into their Temples, or remained in them; the words of my Text, Look to thy Foot or feet, being taken for an expression borrowed from and alluding thereto, will have the same sense, as if we, inflecting them to our manners, should say, Look unto thy Head, (that is, have a care thy Head be fitted as it ought to be) when thou comest into the House of God; meaning that he should put off his hat, or be uncovered, when he comes thither, and use such other reverence as is wont to accompany it. For know that the Holy Ghost, mentioning or specifying but one Rite, is yet so to be understood as implying therewith the rest of the same order accustomed to go with it; according to that usual Trope of Scripture, by a part, or that which is more notable or obvious in any kind or rank of things, to imply the rest; the rule whereby we interpret the Decalogue, and is the more fitly appliable here, because this guise of Discalceation was a leading Ceremony to the other gestures of Sacred veneration then used, as that of putting off the hat (in civil use at least) is wont to be with us. Nor as if Solomon or the Holy Ghost in this Admonition intended the outward Ceremony only, and no no more; (that were ridiculous to imagine;) but the whole act of Sacred reverence commenced in the heart and affection, whereof this was the accustomed and leading gesture: to wit, the very same and all that which the Lord commandeth in that original law, Leu. 19 30. Sanctuarium meum reveremini, Reverence my Sanctuary; which Ionathan's Targum explaineth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ye shall go to the House of my Sanctuary with reverence; Solomon paralleleth here with, Look to thy foot when thou goest to the House of God. For so is the manner of Scripture almost every where, under the name of the Gesture only to understand and imply the whole duty of Veneration which such Gesture representeth and importeth.  
But as this is most true, so is it on the other side as false, if any shall from hence collect, That therefore the Outward worship may securely be neglected, (in Time, and Place where and when it may be done,) so the Inward be performed. Nay the contrary follows: For if the Inward worship be chiefly intended when the Outward or Bodily is only named, as it is granted; is it not then absurd to imagine, that where that which is not expressly named is meant, there that which is only mentioned should be excluded? Nay surely, where the Outward is mentioned, (as here in my Text,) there no doubt but the Outward, in one kind or other, is a part of the duty commanded, whatsoever besides it be intended. And because it is a disease almost proper to our time, (for our forefathers were mostly sick of the other extreme,) so far to slight and disesteem (that I may not say disdain) the worship of God by the Body, as to think it may be omitted and neglected even in Time and Place convenient, as in God's House and public service, without all guilt of sin; give me therefore leave to propound a few Considerations for the Cure of such as are sick of that malady. For as that which seems but some lighter Symptom at the first, if the cure thereof be neglected and contemned, oftentimes proves fatal, and destroys life itself; so may this. I would have them therefore consider, 

1. That we all look not only for the Glorification of our Souls, but of our Bodies in the life to come; Now a Reward presupposeth a Work. It is meet and right therefore we should worship and glorify God here in this life with the Body as well as the Soul, if we look that God should one day glorify both.  
2. That as the Outward worship without the Inward is dead, so the Inward without the Outward is not complete; even as the Glorification of the Soul separate from the Body is not, nor shall be consummate, till the Body be again united unto it.  
3. That those who derogate so much from Bodily worship in the service of the true God, as kneeling, bowing, and the like, make by consequent Idolatry a sin far less heinous in degree than it is. For is not Idolatry to communicate that honour with a creature which is due unto the Creator alone? By how much therefore the worship of gesture and posture is less due unto God when we do our homage unto him, by so much is the sin the less heinous and grievous when the same is given unto an Idol. For I believe, they will not deny but part of the sin of Idolatry consists even in the outward worship given unto an Idol, as kneeling, bowing, and falling down before it, and the like.  
4. Lastly, That although Bodily worship, being considered in itself, be one of the minora Legis, of the lesser things of the Law, and the honour done unto God thereby of no great value (though not of none) in his sight; yet may a voluntary and presumptuous neglect even of so small a duty be a great and heinous sin, because such a neglect proceeds from a profane disposition and election of the heart. For a sin is not always to be esteemed according to the value of the duty omitted, but from the heart's election in omitting it. 
Epist. 92.  Non est bonum per se (saith Seneca) munda vestis, sed mundae vestis electio; quia non in rebonum est, sed in electione: that is, A clean garment hath no goodness of itself, but it is the election of a clean garment which is commended; because the goodness consists not in the thing, but in the election thereof. So say I here; It is not the value or merit of the work which aggravates the sin in omitting the doing thereof, but the Election not to do it.    
Now therefore to return to my Hypothesis; By that which hath been delivered it appears, That it is not only lawful to use some Reverential gesture when we come into God's House, (which yet some think they are very liberal if they grant,) but that it is a duty commanded by God himself, and so no Will-worship; as namely in that Divine admonition given first to Moses, and afterward to josua, Put thy shoes from off thy feet, etc. in that Law, Reverence my Sanctuary; in this Instruction by Solomon, Look to thy feet when thou comest to the house of God: That the Saints and people of God in the Old Testament, and Christians in the New, have used such Reverence: That the neglect thereof is condemned of Profaneness by the practice of jews, 
* Seneca lib 7. Nat. qq. c. 30. Intramus Templa compositi, ad sacrificium accessuri vultum submittimus, togam adducimus, in omne argumentum modestiae fingimur. We enter our Temples with a composed gesture, coming to sacrifice we let fall our Countenance, draw in our Gown, are framed to all show of Humility.  Gentiles, Pagans, Mahumetans, all Religions whatsoever: if any be to be excepted (proh pudor & dolour!) it is ourselves.  
But without doubt, in this we are not in the right, nor was it so from the beginning. Whatsoever is dedicated unto God in general, or (to speak in the phrase of Scripture) whatsoever is called by his Name, that is, is His by peculiar relation, aught to be used with a different respect from things common: and God's House (as you have heard) hath something singular from the rest. Should we then come into it as into a Barn or Stable? It was not (once) good manners so to come into a man's house: For our Blessed Saviour, when he sent forth his Disciples to preach the Gospel, Matt. 10. 12. said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when ye enter into an house, salute it. Why should we not think it a part of religious manners to do something answerable when we come into the House of God? that is, to bless the Master thereof, (you know how far that word extendeth;) and if not to say, God be here, (which hath been the form, and is somewhere still, when we enter into a man's House) yet to say with 
* Gen. 28. 16.  jacob at Bethel, God is here; and to testify in some manner or other, as the Saints of God were wont to do, that we acknowledge it; and that both at our first coming thither, and while we continue there; for the one follows from the other. And because I paralleled before that Oriental rite of Discalceation (whereunto I supposed the words of my Text to have reference) with ours of Uncovering the Head, by the name of a leading ceremony; if any shall therefore ask me, what other Gesture I implied thereby as fitting to accompany this in the case we speak of, I answer, That belongs to the discretion of our Superiors and the authority of the Church to appoint, not to me to determine. For here as in other Ceremonies, the Church is not tied, but hath liberty to ordain (having respect to the Analogy of the Old Testament) what she shall judge most suitable and agreeable to the time, place, and manners of the people where she lives. But if I may without offence or presumption speak what I think, than I say, That Adoration, or Bowing of the body, with some short ejaculation, (which the Church of Israel used in their Temple together with Discalceation, and which the Christians of the Orient use at this day, and time out of mind have done, at their ingress into their Churches,) is of all other the most seemly, ready and fitting to our manners; which yet I submit: namely, according to that of the 132. Psal. v. 7. Introibimus in Tabernacula ejus, incurvabimus nos scabello pedum ejus: We will go into his Tabernacles, and worship before (or toward) his Footstool, that is, the Ark of the Covenant or Mercy-seat, which you shall find thus styled, 1 Chron. 28. 2. and according to that, Psal. 5. 7. I will enter into thine House in the multitude of thy mercies; in thy fear will I worship toward thy holy Temple, (i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for they stood in the Courts when they worshipped) which is the Form the jews use at this day when they come first into their Places of worship; and so might we too, for any thing I know. The ordinary form among the Greeks is that of the Publican, God be merciful to me a sinner; yet sometimes they premise this of the Psalm before it.   

SECTION IU.  
AND thus have I done with the First part of my Text, which for distinction sake I called The Admonition: I come now to the Second, which I termed A Caution; Be more ready to obey, than to offer the Sacrifice of fools: as much as to say, Prefer not the Secondary service of God before the First and Principal. Our Translation hath, Be more ready to hear, than, etc. whereby some have taken occasion childishly to apply this Scripture against that custom of a short and private Prayer at our first coming into the Church, before we join with the Congregation. For we should (say they) rather hear and listen to what the Minister is reading or speaking, (as Solomon here bids us;) than at such a time to betake ourselves to any private devotion; which (say they) is but the Sacrifice of fools. But I would themselves who thus argue were as wise as they should be: For if they were, they would consider both that Solomon (according to the time wherein he spoke) must needs mean of another kind of Sacrifice than what so loose a notion importeth, namely of such as were then used in the Temple he had built; and besides, that this sense of theirs directly thwarts the purport and meaning of the words going before, which is, that we ought to use some sign of reverence when we come into the house of God, such as according to the custom of the West is this. But though none of these things were, yet would this Text be nothing to their purpose: Forasmuch as by Hearing in this place is not meant auricular hearing, but practical, that is, Obedience to God's commandments, according as the Vulgar hath, 
* Obedience is better than the Sacrifices of fools. 1 Sam. 15. 22.  Melior est obedientia quam victimae stultorum. For it is the same with that Proverbial sentence of Scripture, Obedience is better than Sacrifice, which Samuel used in that bitter reproof of King Saul, for sparing Agag and the best of the spoil of the Amalekites, upon a pretence of sacrificing to the Lord in Gilgal. Hath the Lord (saith he) as great delight in burnt-offerings and sacrifices, as in obeying the voice of the Lord? Behold, to obey is better than sacrifice; and to hearken, than the fat of rams. The word here twice rendered obey, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the same which is in my Text, and it is an ordinary signification thereof in Scripture. The case is clear.  
But was not the offering of Sacrifice, will some man say, part of the obedience due unto the divine Law? How come they then to be thus opposed one to the other? Give me leave therefore, before I give my full explication of this passage, to inquire and consider of some others, of much more difficulty in this respect, yet their meaning conducing to the understanding of this.  
There are divers places in Scripture disparaging and vilifying Sacrifices, yea so far, as if Sacrifice were a service which God neither appointed nor approved. As Psal. 51. 16, 17. Thou desirest not Sacrifice, (saith David,) else would I have given it thee; but thou delightest not in burnt-offerings. The sacrifice of God is a troubled spirit; a broken and contrite heart, O God thou wilt not despise. Hosea 6. 6. I will have mercy, and not sacrifice. Micah 6. 6. Wherewith shall I come before the Lord, and bow myself before the most High? shall I come before him with burnt-offerings, with calves of a year old? 7. Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams, and with ten thousands of rivers of oil? Shall I give my firstborn for my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul? 8. He hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God? Nay, jer. 7. 21, 22, 23. he seems to say expressly, that he never commanded them: Put (saith he) your burnt-offerings unto your sacrifices, and eat flesh. For I spoke not unto your Fathers nor commanded them, in the day that I brought them out of the Land of Egypt, concerning burnt-offerings and sacrifices: But this thing commanded I them, saying, Obey my voice, and I will be your God, and ye shall be my people; and walk ye in the ways that I have commanded you, that it may be well with you.  
Yet nothing is more plain than that God ordained Sacrifices at Mount Sinai. How then shall this difficulty be resolved? Some, and those of the Ancients too, have affirmed, that these Ordinances of Sacrifice were not given to Israel at first, nor prima intentione Dei; but were (as they call them) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, superinducta, afterwards imposed upon them, when they had committed Idolatry in making and worshipping the golden Calf. But the contrary to this is also apparent. For to pass by Cain and Abel's sacrifices and the sacrifices of Noah and Abraham; when the Lord pronounced the Decalogue from Mount Sinai, he added this, as it were an Appendix thereto, Ye shall not make with me gods of silver, 
Exod. 20. 23, 24.  neither shall ye make unto you gods of gold: Only an Altar thou shalt make unto me, and shalt Sacrifice thereon thy burnt-offerings, and thy peace-offerings, thy sheep and thine Oxen, etc. and this before Moses came down from the Mount, or the Calf was yet made. Nay, more than all this, when Moses and Aaron were sent unto Pharaeoh, the effect of their Embassy was, The God of the Hebrews saith, Let my people go, 
Exod. 3. 18. & 5. 1. 3. 8.  that they may sacrifice unto me, three day's journey in the wilderness. And when Pharaoh would have given them leave to have sacrificed to their God in the Land; 
Exod. 8. 27.  No, (saith Moses) we will go three days journey into the wilderness, and there Sacrifice to the Lord our God, as he hath commanded us. What shall we answer then to those passages of Scripture where God disclaimeth Sacrifice, saying, he required no such Service at his people's hands; yea, that he commanded them no such thing when he brought them out of the Land of Egypt?  
For the assoiling this difficulty, according to the differing quality of the passages which are or may be produced to this purpose, I lay down these three Propositions. 


1. That according to the propriety and genius of the Hebrew tongue, a Comparative sense is often expressed after the form of an Antithesis: As in that of joel, 
joel 2. 13.  Rend your hearts, and not your garments; that is, more or rather than your garments: Prov. 8. 10. Receive my instruction, and not silver; that is, rather than silver, (as the words following teach us to construe it) and knowledge rather than choice gold. Likewise in the New Testament, Lay not up treasures for yourselves on earth, but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven; 
Matt. 19 20.  that is, Treasures in Heaven rather than treasures on earth; have more ●are to lay up the one than the other.  
According to this construction only, without more ado, some of the aforesaid passages will be discharged of their difficulty: as namely that of Hosea, I desired mercy, and not sacrifice, that is, more or rather than sacrifice; as the following words give us to understand, which are, and the knowledge of God more than burnt-offerings; and according as the same sense is elsewhere expressed, as Prov. 21. 3. To do justice and judgement, is more acceptable to the Lord than Sacrifice. But all will not be thus salved.   
2. Wherefore I lay down this second Proposition; That antecedenter, antecedently, it is true, that God commanded not Sacrifice should be offered unto him, neither when the Law was given, nor before; but consequenter, consequently only. For the understanding whereof we must know, That Sacrifice was a Rite whereby men renewed a Covenant with God, by making atonement for their sin; therefore it presupposed a breach and transgression of the Law. But the will of God was not, that men should transgress his Law, and violate the Covenant he had made with them, but that they should observe and keep it; which if they did, Sacrifice would have no place. This is that I mean, when I say that God required not nor commanded Sacrifice antecedently, but that men should keep his Commandments. But in case sin were committed, and the articles of his Covenant violated, then and in such a state God ordained and admitted of Sacrifice for a Rite of atonement and redintegration of his Covenant with men: that is, he commanded Sacrifice only consequenter, consequently, as a remedy, if sin were committed. And if those Ancients could be thus understood who say that Sacrifice was not ordained when the Law was first given, but after it was transgressed; namely, if their meaning were only, that the ordinance of Sacrifice presupposed a transgression of the Law; then their Assertion were true: but otherwise historically taken, it cannot be defended. Now according to this proposition is of that of jeremy 7. 22, 23. to be understood, (or if there be any other like it) I spoke not unto your Fathers, nor commanded them, in the day that I brought them out of the Land of Egypt, concerning burnt-offerings and Sacrifices: But this thing commanded I them; Obey my voice, and I will be your God, and ye shall be my people: and walk ye in all the ways that I have commanded you, that it may be well with you.  
3. My third Proposition is this; That when Sacrifice was to be offered in case of sin, yet even then God accepted not thereof primariò, primarily and for itself, as though any refreshment or emolument accrued to him thereby, (as the Gentiles fond supposed of their gods;) but secondarily only, as a testimony of the conscience of the offerer, desiring with humble repentance to glorify him with a Present, and by that Rite to renew a covenant with him. For Sacrifice (as I have said) was oblatio foed●ralis a federal oblation. Now Almighty God renews a Covenant with, or receiveth again into his favour, none but the repentant sinner; and therefore accepts of Sacrifice in no other regard, but as a token and effect of this. Otherwise it is an abomination unto him, as whereby men professed a desire of being reconciled unto God, when they had offended him, and yet had no such meaning. Hence God rejects all Sacrifices wherein there is no Contrition, nor Purpose to forsake sin and keep his commandments, which are the parts of Repentance. So is to be taken that in the first of Esay: 
Ver. 11-18.  To what purpose is the multitude of your Sacrifices?— Bring no more vain oblations; incense is an abomination unto me.— Wash ye, make you clean, put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes, cease to do evil:— then (if you offer sacrifice unto me) though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow, etc. and that in Esay the last: To this man will I look, to him that is poor and of a contrite spirit. He that killeth an ox, (namely otherwise,) is as if he slew a man; 
Ver. 2, 3.  he that Sacrificeth a lamb, (unless he comes with this disposition) as if he cut off a dog's neck; he that offereth an oblation, as if he offered blood; he that burneth incense, as if he blessed an Idol. And surely, he that blesseth an Idol is so far from renewing a Covenant with the Lord his God, that he breaks it: So did they who without conscience of Repentance presumed to come before him with a Sacrifice; not procure atonement, but aggravate their breach.    
According to one of these three senses are all passages in the Old Testament disparaging and rejecting Sacrifices literally to be understood: namely, when men preferred them before the greater things of the Law; valued them out of their degree, as an antecedent duty; or placed their efficacy in the naked Rite, as if aught accrued to God thereby; God would no longer own them for any ordinance of his: nor indeed in that disguise put upon them were they.  
I will except only one Passage out of the number, which I suppose to have a singular meaning; to wit, that of David in the 51. Psalms, v. 16, 17. which the ancient translations thus express: Quoniam si voluisses sacrificium, dedissem utique; sed holocaustis non oblectaberis, (vel, holocaustum non acceptabis.) Sacrificium Deo spiritus contribulatus, etc.— If thou wouldst have had a Sacrifice, I would have offered it; but thou wilt accept no burnt-offering, etc.— For this seems to be meant of that special case of Adultery and Murder which David here deploreth: for which Sins the Lord had provided no Sacrifice in his Law. Wherefore David in this his Penitential confession tells him, That if he had appointed any Sacrifice for expiation of this kind of sin, he would have given it him; but he had ordained none, save only a broken spirit and a contrite heart: which thou, O God, (saith he) will't not despise, but accept that alone for a Sacrifice in this case, without which Sacrifice in no case is accepted.  
Now out of this Discourse we are sufficiently furnished for the understanding of this Caution of Solomon in my Text, Be more ready to obey, than to offer the Sacrifice of fools; or, as the words in the Original import, Be more approaching God with a purpose and resolution of obedience to his Commandments, than with the Sacrifice of fools; that is, Have a care rather to approach the Divine Majesty with an offering of an obediential disposition, than with the bare and naked Rite. But the sense is still the same; namely, The House of God at jerusalem was an House of sacrifice, which they, who came thither to worship, offered unto the Divine Majesty, to make way for their prayers and supplications unto him, or to find favour in his sight. Solomon therefore gives them here a caveat, not to place their Religion either only or chiefly in the external Rite, but in their readiness to hear and keep the Commandments of God; without which that Rite alone would avail them nothing, but be no better than the sacrifice of fools, who when they do evil, think they do well. For without this readiness to obey, this purpose of heart to live according to his Commandments, God accepts of no Sacrifice from those who approach him, nor will pardon their transgressions when they come before him. He therefore that makes no conscience of sinning against God, and yet thinks to be expiate by Sacrifice, is an ignorant fool, how wise and religious soever he may think himself to be, or appear unto men, by the multitude or greatness of his Sacrifices. The reason, Because the Lord requires Obedience antecedently and absolutely, but Sacrifice consequently only; and then too not primariò, or chiefly and for itself, but secondarily only, as a testimony of Coutrition and a ready desire and purpose in the offerer to continue in his favour by Obedience.  
This is Solomon's the Preacher's meaning: Wherein behold, as in a glass, the condition of all external Service of God in general, as that which he accepteth no otherwise than secondarily; namely, as issuing from a Heart respectively affected with that devotion it importeth. For God, as he is a living God, so he requires a living worship: But as the Body without the Soul is but a carcase: so is all external and bodily worship wherein the pulse of the Heart's devotion beats not.  
But if this be so, you will say, it were better to use no external worship at all of course, as we do the worship of the Body in the gestures of bowing, kneeling, standing, and the like, than to incur this danger of serving God with a dead and hypocritical service; because it is not like the Heart will be always duly affected when the outward worship shall be required. I answer; Where there is a true and real intent to honour God with outward and bodily worship, there the act is not Hypocrisy, though accompanied with many defects and imperfections. Here therefore that Rule of our Saviour touching the greater and lesser things of the Law must have place: 
Matt. 23. 23. & Luke 11. 42.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, These things (that is, the greater things of the Law) we ought to do, and not to leave the other (though the lesser) undone. For otherwise, if this reasoning were admitted, a man might upon the same ground absent himself from coming to Church upon the days and times appointed, or come thither but now and then; alleging the indisposition of his Heart to join with the Church in her public worship at other times: or if he came thither, act a mute; and when others sing and praise God, be altogether silent, and not open his mouth, nor say Amen when others do. For all these are external services; and the service of the voice and gesture are in this respect all one, there is no difference. But who would not think this to be very absurd? We should rather upon every such occasion rouse and stir up our Affections with fit and seasonable meditations, that what the order and decency of ● Church-assembly requires to be done of every member outwardly, we may likewise do devoutly and acceptably. These things we ought to do, and not leave the other undone.  
But you will say, What if I cannot bring my Heart unto that religious fear and devotion which the outward worship I should perform requireth? I could say that some of the outward worship which a man performs in a Church-assembly, he does not as a singular man, but as a member of the Congregation. But howsoever, I answer; Let the worship of thy Body, in such a case, be at least a confession and acknowledgement before God of that love, fear and esteem of his Divine Majesty thou oughtest to have, but hast not. For though to come before God without that inward devotion requisite, be a sin; yet to confess and acknowledge, by what our outward gesture importeth, the duty we owe unto him, but are defective in, I hope is not; no more than the confession of any other sin. For our worship, in such a case, if we will so intend it, is an act of Repentance: and as the modern Greeks are wont to call their Adorations, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Repentances; so may we in this case make ours to be: namely, as if we said, Lord, I ought to come before thee with that religious sear, humble reverence, and lifting up of Heart, which the gesture, the posture I here present, importeth; but, Lord, be merciful to me a sinner. If a man's Heart be so profane and irreligious as not to acknowledge thus much, I yield that such a one might better spare his labour, and not come into the presence of God at all. Otherwise I conclude still with our Blessed Saviour's determination in the like case, Those greater things we ought to do, and not to leave the other undone.    

THE CHRISTIAN SACRIFICE. 
Mal. 1. 11.   

MALACHI 1. 11.  
Ab ortu Solis usque ad occasum, 
* LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  magnum erit Nomen meum in Gentibus; & in omni loco 
‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  offeretur Incensum Nomini meo, & 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Munus purum: quia magnum erit Nomen meum in Gentibus, dicit Dominus exercituum.  
From the rising of the Sun even unto the going down of the same, my Name shall be great among the Gentiles; and in every place Incense shall be offered unto my Name, and a pure Offering: for my Name shall be great among the Heathen, saith the Lord of hosts.  

CHAP. I.  
The Text a Prophecy of the Christian Sacrifice, according to the judgement of the ancient Fathers in the Second, Third and Fourth Centuries. The difficulty of explaining the Christian Sacrifice: The Reasons of this difficulty. The Method and Order propounded for this Discourse.  
THIS place of Scripture, howsoever now in a manner silenced and forgotten, was once, and that in the eldest and purest times of the Church, a Text of eminent note, and familiarly known to every Christian, being alleged by their Pastors and Teachers, as an express and undoubted Prophecy of the Christian Sacrifice or Solemn Worship in the Eucharist, taught by our Blessed Saviour unto his Disciples, to be observed of all that should believe in his Name: and this so generally and grantedly, as could never have been, at least so early, unless they had learned thus to apply it by Tradition from the Apostles.  
For in the Age immediately succeeding them, being the second hundred of years after Christ, we find it alleged to this purpose by justin Martyr and Irenaeus, the Pillars of that Age; the former of them flourishing within little more than thirty years after the death of S. john, and the latter a Disciple of Polycarp S. John's Scholar. In the Age following, or third Seculum, it is alleged by Tertullian, Zeno Veronensis and Cyprian: in the fourth Seculum by E●sebius, chrysostom, Hierome and Augustine; and in the after-Ages by whom not? Nor is it alleged by them as some singular opinion or private conceit of their own, but as the received Tradition of the Church; whence in some Liturgies (as that of the Church of Alexandria, commonly called the Liturgy of S. Mark) it is inserted into the Hymn, or Preface, which begins, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, It is truly meet and right; the conclusion of the Hymn or Laud there being, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Giving thanks we offer unto thee, O Lord, this reasonable and unbloudy Service, even that which all Nations from the rising of the Sun to the going down of the same offer unto thee; for thy Name shall be great among all Nations; and in every place Incense is offered unto thy holy Name, and Sacrifice and Oblation.  
Thus you see the antiquity of Tradition for the meaning and application of this Prophecy.  
But for the Christian Sacrifice itself whereunto it is applied, What the ancient Church understood thereby, What and Wherein the Nature of this Sacrifice consisted, is a point, though most needful to be known, yet beyond belief obscure, intricate and perplexed. He that shall make trial, will find I say true. A reverend and learned Prelate of ours acknowledges as much: Apud veteres Patres (saith he) (ut quod r●s est liberè fateamur) de sacrificio corporis Christi in Eucharistia incruento frequens est mentio: quae dic● vix potest quant●p●re quorundam, alioqui doctorum hominum, ingenia exercuerit, torserit, vexaverit: To speak the plain truth, In the Writings of the ancient Fathers there is frequent mention of The unbloudy Sacrifice of the Body of Christ in the Eucharist; a point which hath beyond expression puzzled and vexed the minds of several men otherwise not unlearned. The reason of this obscurity hath grown partly from the changing of the Notion of the Church thereabout in following times; partly by the violence of the Controversies of this last Age, whilst each part finding the knot, and studying not so much the right way of untying it, as how to give the least advantage to the adverse party, have infinitely entangled the same, and made it more indissoluble than before.  
I have acquainted myself long with this Argument, and spent many a thought thereabout, using the best means I could conceive to be informed; namely, Not so much to rely upon the opinions of modern Writers, as to peruse and compare the passages of the Ancients themselves, and their Forms and Liturgies, out of which I was assured the Truth might be learned, if I were but able to understand them.  
What I have sound and learned, I desire to give an account of in this place, as I shall have occasion; the Argument being such as befits no other Auditory but the Schools of the Prophets. Nor will the Discourse be unprofitable for such as mean to be acquainted with the Writings of the Fathers and Antiquities of the Church: there being nothing in them so like to stumble the Reader as this.  
To come then to the matter: where I will chalk out my Discourse in this order.  
First, I shall premise, as the ground thereof, A Definition of The Christian Sacrifice as the ancient Church meant it.  
Secondly, Explain the meaning of my Text, by application thereto.  
Thirdly, Prove each part of the Definition I shall give, by the Testimonies of the Fathers, Councils and Liturgies of the first and best Ages; interlacing therewith such passages as may make for the better understanding either of the Testimonies I bring, or of the matter itself for which they are brought.   

CHAP. II.  
The Christian Sacrifice defined, and briefly explained. The two parts or double Object of this Sacrifice. What meant by Sacrificium Quod, what by Sacrificium Quo.  
TO begin with the First, The Definition of the Christian Sacrifice: Under which name first know, That the ancient Church understood not, as many suppose, the mere Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ; but the whole Sacred Action or Solemn Service of the Church assembled, whereof this Sacred Mystery was then a prime and principal part, and as it were the Pearl or jewel of that Ring, no public Service of the Church being without it. This observed and remembered, I define the Christian Sacrifice, ex ment antiquae Ecclesiae, according to the meaning of the ancient Church, in this manner:  
An Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer to God the Father 
* or, Through the Sacrifice of jesus Christ upon the Cross.  through jesus Christ and his Sacrifice commemorated in the Creatures of Bread and Wine, 
* or, first offered to God to agnize him.  wherewith God had first been agnized. So that this Sacrifice as you see hath a double object or matter: first, Praise and Prayer, which you may call Sacrificium Quod; secondly, The commemoration of Christ's Sacrifice on the Cross, which is Sacrificium Quo, the Sacrifice whereby the other is accepted. For all the Prayers, Thanksgivings and Devotions of a Christian, are tendered up unto God in the name of jesus Christ crucified. According whereunto we are wont to conclude our Prayers with Through jesus Christ our Lord. And this is the specification whereby the Worship of a Christian is distinguished from that of the jew. Now that which we in all our Prayers and Thanksgivings do vocally, when we say, Through jesus Christ our Lord; the ancient Church in her public and solemn Service did visibly, by representing him, according as he commanded, in the Symbols of his Body and Blood: For there he is commemorated and received by us for the same end for which he was given and suffered for us; that through him we receiving forgiveness of our sins, God our Father might accept our service and hear our prayers we make unto him? What time then so sit and seasonable to commend our devotions unto God, as when the Lamb of God lies slain upon the holy Table; and we receive visibly, though mystically, those gracious Pledges of his blessed Body and Blood? This was that Sacrifice of the ancient Church the Fathers so much ring in our ears; The Sacrifice of Praise and Prayer through jesus Christ mystically represented in the Creatures of Bread and Wine.  
But yet we have not all, there is one thing more my Definition intimates, when I say, Through the Sacrifice of jesus Christ commemorated in the Creatures of Bread and Wine, wherewith God had first been agnized. The Body and Blood of Christ were not made of common Bread and common Wine, but of Bread and Wine first sanctified, by being offered and set before God as a Present to agnize him the Lord and Giver of all: according to that, 
* psal. 24. 1.  The earth is the Lord's, and the fullness thereof; and 
* Deut. 16. 16.  Let no man appear before the Lord empty. Therefore as this Sacrifice consisted of two parts, as I told you, of Praise and Prayer, (which in respect of the other I call Sacrificium Quod,) and of the Commemoration of Christ Crucified, (which I call Sacrificium Quo:) so the Symbols of Bread and Wine traversed both; being first presented as Symbols of Praise and Thanksgiving to agnize God the Lord of the Creature, in the Sacrificium Quod; then, by invocation of the Holy Ghost, made the Symbols of the Body and Blood of Christ, in the Sacrificium Quo. So that the whole Service throughout consisted of a reasonable part, and of a material part, as of a Soul and a Body: of which I shall speak more fully hereafter, when I come to prove this I have said by the Testimonies of the Ancients.   

CHAP. III.  
The words of the Text explained, and applied to the foregoing Definition of the Christian Sacrifice. Incense denotes the rational part of this Sacrifice, Mincha the material part thereof. What meant by Mincha purum. Two Interpretations of the Purity of the Christian Mincha given by the Fathers; a third propounded by the Author.  
AND this is that Sacrifice which Malachi foretold the Gentiles should one day offer unto God; In every place Incense shall be offered unto my Name, and a pure Mincha: for my Name shall be great among the Heathen, saith the Lord of hosts. Which Words I am now, according to the order I propounded, to explicate, and apply to my Definition.  
Know therefore that the Prophet in the foregoing words upbraids the jews with despising and disesteeming their God; forasmuch as they offered unto him for sacrifice not of the best, but the lame, the torn and the sick; as though he had not been the great King, Creator and Lord of the whole World, but some petty God, and of an inferior rank, for whom any thing were good enough. Vers. 6, 7. If I be a Father, where is mine honour? If I be Dominus, where is my fear? saith the Lord of Hosts unto you, O Priests that despise my name; and ye say, Wherein have we despised it? Ye offer polluted bread upon mine Altar; and ye say, Wherein have we polluted thee? [I'll tell you] In that ye say, The Table of the Lord is contemptible, or, not so much to be regarded; that is, you think so, as appears by the baseness of your Offering: for the Present shows what esteem the giver hath of him he honoureth therewith. But you offer that to me which ye would not think fit to offer to your Prorex or Governor under the King of Persia; which shows you have but a mean esteem of me in your hearts, and that you believe not I am He that I am. It may be, because you see me acknowledged of no other Nation but yours, and that ye have been subdued by the Gentiles, and brought into this miserable and despicable condition wherein you now are, you imagine me to be some Topical God, and as of small jurisdiction, so of little power. But know, that howsoever I now seem to be but the Lord of a poor Nation, yet the days are coming, when from the rising of the Sun to the going down of the same, my Name shall be great among the Gentiles; and in every place Incense shall be offered to my Name, and a pure Offering: for my Name shall be great among the Heathen, saith the Lord of Hosts: it follows, though you have profaned it, in that ye say, The Table of the Lord is contemptible; whereas I am a great King, and my Name shall be dreadful among the Heathen.  
This is the coherence and dependence of the Words. Now to apply them. Incense (as the Scripture itself tells) notes the 
* Revel. 8. 3.  Prayers of the Saints. It was also that wherewith the 
* Esay 66. 3. Qui record●●tur thure.  remembrance was made in the Sacrifices, or God put in mind. Mincha, which we turn Munus, 
Levit. 24. 7.  a Gift or Offering, is Oblatio farrea, an Offering made of meal or flower baked or fried, or dried or parched corn. We in our English, when we make distinction, 
Ecclus. 45. 16.  call it a Meat-offering; but might call it a Bread-offering, of which the Libamen or the Drink-offering being an indivisible concomitant, both are implied under the name Mincha, where it alone is named.  
The Application than is easy: Incense here notes the rational part of our Christian Sacrifice, which is Prayer, Thanksgiving, and Commemoration; Mincha the material part thereof, which is Oblatio farrea a Present of Bread and Wine.  
BUT this Mincha is characterised in the Text with an attribute not to be overpast, Mincha purum; In omni loco offeretur incensum Nomini meo, & Mincha purum, In every place Incense shall be offered to my Name, and a pure Mincha: The Meat-offering which the Gentiles should one day present the God of Israel with should be Munus purum, a pure Offering, or, as the Septuagint, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a pure Sacrifice. Let us learn, if we can, what this Purity is, and wherein it consisteth, or in what respect the Gentiles Oblation is so styled.  
1. Some of the Fathers take this Pure Offering, to be an Offering that is purely or spiritually offered: The old Sacrifices both of the jew and Gentile were offered modo corporali, in a corporeal manner, by slaughter, fire, and incense; but this of Christians should be offered only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by way of Prayer and Thanksgiving, as 
* Apol. 2.  justin Martyr expresses it; whence it is usually called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a reasonable and unbloudy Sacrifice; namely, of the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Constant in Orat. ad Sanctos 〈◊〉 c. 12. apud Euseb.  manner of offering it: not that there was no material thing used therein, as some mistake, (for we know there was Bread and Wine;) but because it is offered unto God immaterially or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only; which the Fathers in the first Council of Nice call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be sacrificed without sacrificing rites. This sense of Pure Sacrifice is followed by Tertullian, as may appear by his words ad Scapulam, where speaking of the Christian Liturgy, Sacrificamus (saith he) pro salute Imperatoris;— sed, quomodo praecepit Deus, purâ prece: Non enim eget Deus, Conditor Vniversitatis, odoris aut sanguinis alicujus; haec enim Daemoniorum pabula sunt: We offer Sacrifice for the health and welfare of the Emperor; but it is (according as God hath commanded) the Sacrifice of 
* Pure prayer, that is, Prayer not defiled with shedding of blood & smoke of Incense according to the manner of the Gentiles. This to be the meaning of purâ prece, the words immediately following will tell us, Non enim eget Deus, etc. [Thus the Author in another paper where this passage of Tertullian was set down.]  pure prayer: For God, the maker of the World, stands not in need of the smell or savour or of the blood of any creature: These indeed are the food and diet which the Devil's love. Also in his third Book against Martion cap. 22. In omni loco offertur Sacrificium Nomini meo— In every place Sacrifice shall be offered to my Name— & sacrificium mundum, and a pure Sacrifice; that is, (saith he) gloriae relatio, benedictio, laus & hymni, giving glory to God, blessing, praise and hymns: which he presently calls munditia sacrificiorum, the purities of Sacrifices. The same way go some others. But this sense, though it fitly serves to difference our Christian Sacrifice from the old Sacrifices of the jews and Gentiles, and the thing itself be most true; yet I cannot see how it can agree with the context of our Prophet, where the word Incense (though I confess mystically understood) is expressed together with Munus purum a pure offering. For it would make the Literal sense of our Prophet to be absurd, and to say, In every place Incense is offered to thy Name, and an Offering without Incense. And yet this would be the Literal meaning, if Pure here signified without Incense.  
2. Let us hear therefore a second Interpretation of this Purity of the Christian Mincha, more agreeable to the dependence of the words; and that is à conscientia offerentis, from the disposition and affection of the offerer; according to that of the Apostle, Tit. 1. 15, 16. To the pure all things are pure; but unto them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure, but even their mind and conscience is defiled; They profess they know God, but in works they deny him. The jews offering was profane and polluted, because it proceeded not out of a due belief, and a conscience throughly persuaded of the Greatness of their God, that he was the Creator and Lord of the whole earth, but rather some petty and particular God, like the Gods of other Nations: But the Gentiles, who should see him not only the God of one Nation, but universally acknowledged over all the earth, should have no such reason to doubt, but firmly believe him to be the Great God, Creator of heaven and earth, and worship him as such; and so their Offering be a Pure Offering, not polluted with unbelief. And it is to be observed, that all the ancient Christian Liturgies begin with this acknowledgement: For the Sum of the Eucharistical Doxology, when the Bread and Wine is first presented before God, 
Chap. 4. 11.  is comprehended in that of the Apocalypse, Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receive glory, and honour, and power: for thou hast created all things, and for thy pleasure they are and were created.  
And to this way of interpreting the Purity of the Christian Sacrifice, to wit, from the conscience and affection of the offerers, the Father's mostly bend. Irenaeus lib. 4. cap. 34. Sacrificia non sanctificant hominem, (non enim indiget Deus sacrificio) sed conscientia ejus qui offert sanctificat sacrificium, pura exsistens— Quoniam igitur cum simplicitate Ecclesia offered, justè munus ejus purum sacrificium apud Denm deputatum est: Sacrifices do not sanctify a man, (for God stands not in need of any of our Sacrifices;) but the Conscience of him that offers, being pure, sanctifies the Sacrifice— And because the Church offereth with Simplicity, (with a Conscience purified from all malice and hypocrisy) rightly therefore is her Oblation accounted by God a Pure Sacrifice. And a little after, Oportet enim nos oblationem Deo facere, & in omnibus gratos inveniri fabricatori Deo, in sententia pura & fide sine hypocrisi, etc. For it behoveth us to present God with our Oblations, and in all things to be found thankful unto God our maker; with pure minds and faith unfeigned, with steadfast hope and fervent love offering unto him the First-fruits, or a Present, of his Creatures. Neither is Tertullian, whom I alleged before for the other interpretation, averse from this; for in his fourth Book Cont. Marc. c. 1. Sacrificium mundum, a pure Sacrifice, that is, saith he, simplex oratio de conscientia pura, sincere Prayer proceeding from a pure Conscience. But this conscientious purity they seem to restrain, at least chiefly, to freedom from malice, as that singular purity whereby this Christian Sacrifice is differenced from that of the jew, because none can offer it but he that is in charity with his brother; according to that in the Gospel, When thou bringest thy gift unto the Altar, 
Matt. 5. 23. 24.  and remember'st thy brother hath aught against thee— Go first and be reconciled to thy brother, etc. And therefore in the beginning of this Christian Service, the Deacon was anciently wont to cry, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Let no man have aught against his brother; and then followed osculum sanctum, the kiss of reconciliation. Thus the Fathers of the first Council of Nice took Sacrificium purum, as appears Can. 5. where they expound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pure Gift or Oblation, to be that which is offered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, omni simultate depositâ, all malice and hypocrisy, and the like instances of an unworthy and ignoble spirit, being laid aside.  
But according to this Exposition, the Purity of the Christian Sacrifice will not be opposite to the pollution of the jewish in the same kind, as it would if more generally taken, but in another kind; and so the sense stands thus; You will not offer me a pure offering, but the Gentiles one day shall, and that with a purity of another manner of stamp than that my Law requires of you. And thus I have told you the two ways according to which the Ancients understood this Purity; and I prefer the latter, as I think they did.  
3. But there is a third Interpretation, were it backed by their Authority, (which I confess it is not) which I would prefer before them both; and, I think, you will wonder with me they should be so silent therein: namely, that this title of Purity is given to the Christian Mincha in respect of Christ whom it signifies and represents, who is a Sacrifice without all spot, blemish and imperfection. This the Antithesis of this Sacrifice to that of the jews might seem to imply: For the jews are charged with offering polluted Bread upon God's Altar; whereby what is meant the words following tell us, If you offer the blind for sacrifice, is it not evil? and if you offer the lame and sick, 
Verse 14.  is it not evil? and in the end of the Chapter, Cursed be the deceiver, who hath in his flock a male, and voweth and sacrificeth to the Lord a corrupt thing. Now, if the Sacrifice of the Gentiles be called Pure in opposition to this; is it not so called in respect of that most perfect, unblemished and unvaluable Sacrifice it represents, jesus Christ the Lamb of God? I leave it to your consideration.   

CHAP. IU.  
Six Particulars contained in the Definition of the Christian Sacrifice. The First, viz. That this Christian Service is an Oblation, proved out of Antiquity. How long the Apostles Age lasted, or when it ended. Proofs out of the Epistles of Clemens and Ignatius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how distinguished in Ignatius. The Christian Service is properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but improperly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the strict and prime sense of the word.  
THUS having absolved the Two first things I propounded; given you a Definition of the Christian Sacrifice, and explained the words of my Text: I come now to the Third and longest part of my task, To prove each particular contained in my Definition by the Testimonies and Authorities of the ancient Fathers and Writers of the first and purest Ages of the Church. The Particulars I am to prove are in number Six.  

1. That this Christian Service is an Oblation, and expressed under that Notion by the utmost Antiquity.  
2. That it is an Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer.  
3. An Oblation through jesus Christ commemorated in the creatures of Bread and Wine.  
4. That this Commemoration of Christ, according to the style of the ancient Church, is also a Sacrifice.  
5. That the Body and Blood of Christ, in this Mystical Service, was made of Bread and Wine which had first been offered unto God, to agnize him the Lord of the Creature.  
6. That this Sacrifice was placed in Commemoration only of Christ's sacrifice upon the Cross, and not in a real offering of his Body and Blood anew.   
When I shall have proved all these by sufficient Authority, I hope you will give me leave to conclude my Definition for true, That the Christian Sacrifice (ex ment antiquae Ecclesiae, according to the meaning of the ancient Church) was An Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer to God the Father, through the Sacrifice of jesus Christ commemorated in the Creatures of Bread and Wine, wherewith God had first been agnized.  
Let us begin then with the first, That this Christian Service is an Oblation, and under that notion expressed by all Antiquity. The names whereby the Ancient Church called this Service are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Oblation, Sacrifice; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eucharist, (a word, if rightly understood, of equipollent sense;) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Sacrifice of Praise, a reasonable and unbloudy Sacrifice; Sacrificium Mediatoris, Sacrificium Altaris, Sacrificium pretii nostri, Sacrificium Corporis & Sanguinis Christi, the Sacrifice of our Mediator, the Sacrifice of the Altar, the Sacrifice of our Ransom, the Sacrifice of the Body and Blood of Christ. It would be infinite to note all the Places and Authors where and by whom it is thus called. The four last are 
* In E●chirid. ad Lauren. cop. 109. & Confess. l. 9 c. 12.  S. Augustine's; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be found with justin Martyr and Irenaeus, whose antiquity is the Age next the Apostles. But, you will say, the Fathers even so early had swerved from the style of the Apostolic Age, during which these kind of terms were not used; as appears, by that we find them not any where in their Epistles and Writings. But what if the contrary may be evinced, That this language was used even while the Apostles yet lived? For grant they are neither found in the Acts of the Apostles, nor in S. Paul's and S. Peter's Writings; yet this proves not they were not used in the Apostles times, no more than that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was not, whose case in this point is the same with the other. But know, that to confine the Apostles Age within the limits of S. Paul's and S. Peter's lives, is a general mistake: For the Apostles Age ended not till S. John's death, Anno Christi 99 and so lasted as long, within a year or thereabouts, after S. Paul's and S. Peter's suffering, as it was from our Saviour's Ascension to their Deaths, that is, one and thirty years. And this too for the most part was after the Excidium or Destruction of jerusalem, in which time it is likely the Church received no little improvement in Ecclesiastical Rites and Expressions; both because it was the time of her greatest increase; and because, whilst the jews Polity stood, her Polity, for its full establishment, stood in some sort suspended. This appears by S. John's Writings, which are the only Scripture written after that time, and in which we find two Ecclesiastic terms of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Word, for the Deity of Christ, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Lord's day, for the first day of the week; neither of both seeming to have been in use in S. Paul's and S. Peter's times: and why may we not believe the like happened in others, and by name in these now questioned?  
Which, that I may not seem only to guests, I think I can prove by two witnesses which then lived; the one Clemens, he whose name 
* Phil. 4. 3.  S. Paul says was written in the Book of life; and the other Ignatius. Clemens in his undoubted Epistle ad Corinthios (a long time missing, but now of late come again to light.) In this Epistle the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is three times used of the Christian Service, Pag. 52. All those duties (saith he) which the Lord hath commanded us to do, we ought to do them regularly and orderly; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Our Oblations and divine Services to celebrate them on set and appointed times. And a little after, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They therefore that perform their Oblations on set and appointed times, are acceptable to God and blessed: for observing the Commandments of the Lord, they offend not. The other, Ignatius, in his Epistle ad Smyrnenses, hath both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Non licet (saith he) absque Episcopo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is not lawful without the Bishop either to baptise, or to celebrate the Sacrifice, or to 
* The ancient Latin Translation renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agap●n facere, to celebrate the Feast of Charity, which at first did accompany the Eucharist.  communicate. Where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he calls, in a stricter sense, the first part of this sacred and mystical Service, to wit, the Thanksgiving, wherein the Bread and the Wine, as I told you, were offered unto God, to agnize his Dominion. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he calls the mystical Commemoration of Christ's Body and Blood; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the receiving and participation of the same. For know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are sometimes used for the whole Action, and sometimes thus distinguished. Of the genuineness of this Epistle the learned doubt not; but if any one do, I suppose they will grant that Theodoret had his genuine Epistles. Let them hear then a passage which he, in his third Dialogue, citys out of the Epistles of Ignatius, against some Heretics; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They do not admit, or allow of, Eucharists and Oblations, because they do not acknowledge the Eucharist to be the flesh of our Saviour jesus Christ, which suffered for our sins. Here you see Oblations and Eucharists exegetically joined together. And so, I think, I have proved these terms of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have been in use in the Church in the latter part of the Apostles Age.  
But what if one of them, namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were used sooner, even in S. Paul's and S. Peter's time? In the first Epistle of Peter, chap. 2. 5. You are (saith he, speaking to the Body of the Church) an holy Priesthood, to offer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spiritual Sacrifices to God by jesus Christ. In the Epistle to the Heb. 13. 15. By him (that is, through Christ our Altar) let us offer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Sacrifice of praise to God continually. Why should I not think S. Paul and S. Peter speak here of the solemn and public Service of Christians, wherein the Passion of Christ was commemorated? I am sure the Fathers frequently call this sacrifice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sacrifice of Praise. And in some ancient Liturgies, immediately before the Consecration, the Church gives thanks unto God for chufing them to be an holy Priesthood to offer sacrifices unto him, as it were alluding to S. Peter. Thus you see, first or last or both, the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were no strangers to the Apostles Age.  
I will now make but one Quaere, and answer it, and so conclude this point: Whether these words or names were used (seeing they were used) properly, or improperly (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) of the subject we speak of. I answer briefly; This Christian Service, as we have defined it, is an Oblation properly: For wheresoever any thing is tendered or presented unto God, there is truly and properly an 
* Heb. 5. 7. & Chap. 13. 15.  Oblation; be it spiritual or visible, 
1 Pet. 2. 5.  it matters not; for Oblatio is the Genus: and 
* Lib. 4. c. 34.  Irenaeus tells me here, Non genus oblationum reprobatum est; oblationes enim & illic, oblationes autem & hîc; sacrificia in populo, sacrificia & in Ecclesia; said species immutata est tantúm: For Offerings in the general are not reprobated; there were Offerings there, (viz. in the Old Testament) there are also Offerings here, (viz. in the New Testament;) there were Sacrifices among the people, (that is, the jews,) there are Sacrifices also in the Church: but the Specification only is changed. But as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sacrifice, according to its prime signification, it signifies a Slaughter-offering, as in Hebrew, so in Greek of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, macto, to slay; as the Angel Acts 10. 13. says to S. Peter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Peter, kill and eat. Now we in our Christian Service slay no offering, but commemorate him only that was slain and offered upon the Cross: Therefore our Service is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 improperly and Metaphorically. But if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be Synecdochically taken for an Offering in general, as it is both in the New Testament and elsewhere, than the Christian Sacrifice is as truly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

CHAP. V.  
The Second Particular, That the Christian Sacrifice is an Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer, proved from justin Martyr, Tertullian, Clemens Alexand, etc. The Altar, or Holy Table, anciently the place of the public Prayers of the Church. Prayer, Oblation and Sacrifice promiscuously used by the Fathers when they speak of the Christian Sacrifice. The Conjunction of Prayer and the Eucharist argued from Acts 2. 42. and from Ignatius ad Ephes. The three parts of which the Christian Synaxis consisted.  
NOW I come to the Second particular contained in my Definition; To prove that the Christian Sacrifice, according to the meaning of the ancient Church, is an Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer.  
My first Author shall be justin Martyr, in his Dialogue with Tryphon the jew; where, to the Evasion of the jews, labouring to bereave the Christians of this Text (by saying it was meant of the Prayers which the dispersed jews at that time offered unto God in all places where they lived among the Gentiles; which Sacrifices, though they wanted the material Rite, yet were more acceptable unto God in regard of their sincerity than those profaned ones at jerusalem; and not that here was meant any Sacrifice which the Gentiles should offer to the God of Israel: to this Evasion) justin replies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That Prayers and Thanksgivings made by those that are worthy are the only Sacrifices that are perfect and acceptable unto God, I do also affirm; for these are the only Sacrifices which Christians have been taught they should perform. If you ask where, and how; he tells you, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [leg. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that thankful remembrance of their food both dry and liquid, wherein also is commemorated the Passion which the Son of God suffered by himself. It is a description of the Eucharist, wherein, as I have already told you, the Bread and Wine were first presented unto God, as the Primitiae or a kind of First-fruit-Offering, to agnize him the Giver of our Food both dry and liquid; and then consecrated to be the Symbols of the Body and Blood of Christ.  
My next Author shall be Tertullian ad Scap. in the 
* [See Chap. 3. of this Treatise, pag. 358. where these two passages are translated.]  place before alleged: Sacrificamus (saith he) pro salute Imperatoris;— sed, quomodo praecepit Deus, purâ prece: Non enim eget Deus, Conditor Vniversitatis, odoris & sanguinis alicujus; haec enim Daemoniorum pabula sunt. The Gentiles so thought, that their Gods were refreshed and nourished with the smell and savour of their Sacrifices. Besides, in his third Book contra Marcionem cap. 22. In omni loco sacrificium nomini meo offertur, & sacrificium mundum, (to wit, saith he) Gloriae relatio, benedictio, laus & hymni; and Lib. 4. cap. 1. Sacrificium mundum, scilicet simplex oratio de conscientia pura.  
Thirdly, Clemens Alexandrinus Lib. 7. Stromat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, We (Christians) honour God by Prayer; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And this we send up unto him as the best and holiest Sacrifice, honouring him by that most sacred Word, whereby we receive knowledge; that is, by Christ. Again, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The sacrifice of the Church is an oration exhaled from sanctified souls. He speaks not of the private Prayer of every Christian, but of the public Prayer of the Church as a Body; as will be evident to him that reads the place, and appears by the words quoted, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Sacrifice of the Church; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, exhaled (not from a sanctified soul, but) from sanctified souls. For to private Prayer was not given this title of the Christian Sacrifice, but unto the public, which the Church offered unto God when she presented herself before him, as one Body in Christ, by the mystical Communication of his Body and Blood.  
This my next Author, Cyprian, will make plain in his 16, Epist. ad Mosen & Maximum. Nos quidem (saith he) vestri diebus & noctibus memores, & quando in sacrificiis precem cum pluribus facimus, & cum in secessu privatis precibus oramus: We indeed are mindful of you day and night; both when we in our Sacrifices pray publicly with others, and when we pray privately in our retirements: where we see the Sacrifice of Prayer to be, cum precent cum pluribus facimus, and distinguished from that we do cum in secessu privatis precibus oramus.  
These Authorities are all within the first three hundred years: to which I will add one of the fourth; Optatus Milevitanns Lib. 6. contra Parmenianum, where he thus expostulates with the Donatists for breaking and defacing the Altars of the Catholics: Quid est enim tam sacrilegum (saith he) quam Altaria Dei (in quibus & vos aliquando obtulistis) frangere, radere, removere? in quibus Vota Populi & Membra Christi 
* [Vide infra— Eregistis etiam Calices, Dominici Sanguinis portatores.]  portata sunt; quò Deus omnipotens invocatus sit: For what is there so sacrilegious as to break and deface, nay and quite take away, the Altars of God, whereon ye yourselves have sometimes offered; those Altars which did bear both the Prayers of the People and the Body and Blood of Christ, that so Almighty God might be invocated? Mark here Altaria in quibus Vota populi & Membra Christi portata sunt, and gather hence what parts the Christian Sacrifice consisted of: Vota populi are the Prayers of the Church, Membra Christi the Body and Blood of Christi, which the Prayers were offered with; both of them upon the Altar. For it is worthy your notice, That the ancient Church had no other Place whereat she offered her public Prayers and Orisons but that whereon the memory of the Body and Blood of Christ was celebrated; that as they were joined in their Use, so they might not be severed in their Place.  
According to which use, and agreeable to this passage of Optatus, speaks the Council of Rheims, commanding the Table of Christ (that is, the Altar) to be reverenced and honoured, Quia Corpus Domini ibi consecratur, & sanguis ejus hauritur; Preces quoque & Vota populi in conspectu Dei à Sacerdote offeruntur: Because there the Body of Christ is consecrated, and his Blood is drunk; there also the Prayers and Desires of the People are offered up by the Priest before God.  
Furthermore, That the Christian Sacrifice was an Oblation of Prayer, and consisted in Invocation, is also another way to be evinced; namely, Because the Fathers, when they speak thereof, use the terms of Prayer, Oblation and Sacrifice promiscuously and interchangeably one for the other, as words importing the same thing.  
Tertullian Exhort. ad Cast dissuading a Widower from marrying again, because it would be uncomely in the Sacrifice of the Church to make mention (as the manner than was) of more Wives than one, and that too by the mouth of an once-married Priest, speaks thus; Neque enim pristinam poteris odisse, cui etiam religiostorem reservas affectionem, ut jam receptae apud Dominum, pro cujus spiritu postulas, pro qua oblationes annuas reddis. Stabis ergo ad Dominum cum tot uxoribus quoi in oratione commemoras? & offeres pro duabus? & commendabis illas duas per Sacerdotem de monogamia ordinatum? circundatum virginibus & univiris? & ascendet sacrificium tuum cum liberâ front? For thou canst not hate thy former wife, for whom thou reservest a more religious affection, as being received already with the Lord, for whose spirit thou makest request, for whom thou rendrest yearly Oblations. Wilt thou then stand before the Lord with as many wives as in thy prayers thou makest mention of? and wilt thou offer for two? and commend those two by a Priest ordained after his having been but once-married? encompassed with virgins and with women but once married? and shall thy Sacrifice ascend freely and confidently? Here postulatio and oblatio, oratio and offer, oratio and sacrificium are interchangeably put one for the other. So also, in his Book De Oratione are Oratio and Sacrificium; where he speaks of the kiss of Peace and Reconcilement, used at the Eucharist: Quae oratio (saith he) cum divortio sancti osculi integra? quale sacrificium, à quo sine pace receditur? What Prayer can be complete that is without the holy kiss? what a kind of Sacrifice is that, from which Christians come away without the kiss of Peace?  
Augustine De Civit. Dei Lib. 8. cap. 27. speaking of the honour of Martyrs; Nec Martyribus (saith he) sacrificia constituimus— quis audivit aliquando fidelium, stantem Sacerdotem ad Altar (etiam super sanctum corpus Martyris) ad Dei honorem cultúmque constructum, dicere in Precibus Offero tibi sacrificium, Petre, vel Paul? etc. We do not sacrifice to Martyrs— Who among the faithful, while the Priest was standing at the Altar built for the honour and worship of God, (nay though it were over the holy body of the Martyr,) I say, who ever heard the Priest to say thus in Prayer, To thee, O Peter, or O Paul, do I offer Sacrifice? Here Sacrificium is expounded by Preces, and Preces put for Sacrificium.  
And Lib. 22. cap. 8. concerning one Hesperius, a man of quality in the City whereof Austin was Bishop, who, by the affliction of his cattle and servants, perceiving his Country-Grange liable to some malignant power of evil spirits, Rogavit nostros, (saith S. Austin) me absent, Presbyteros, ut aliquis eorum illò pergeret, cujus orationibus cederent. Perrexit unus, obtulit ibi sacrificium corporis Christi, orans, quantum potuit, ut cessaret illa vexatio. Deo protinus miserante cessavit. He entreated our Presbyters, in my absence, that some one of them would go to the place, through the prevalency of whose Prayers he hoped the evil spirits would be forced away. Accordingly one of them went thither, and offered there the Sacrifice of Christ's Body, praying earnestly with all his might for the ceasing of that fore affliction: and it ceased forthwith through God's mercy. The Priest was entreated to pray there; he went, and offered sacrifice, and so prayed.  
For this reason the Christian Sacrifice is among the Fathers, by way of distinction, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sacrificium laudis, that is, of Confession and Invocation of God; namely, to difference it from those of Blood and Incense. Augustine Lib. 1. contra Adversarium Legis & Prophetarum cap. 20. Ecclesia immolat Deo in corpore Christi sacrificium laudis, ex quo Deus Deorum locutus vocavit terram à Solis ortu usque ab occasum: The Church offereth to God the Sacrifice of praise, ever since the fulfilling of that in Psalm 50. The God of Gods hath spoken, and called the earth from the rising of the Sun to the going down thereof. Again, Epist. 86. Sacrificium laudis ab Ecclesia toto orbe diffusa diebus omnibus immolatur: The Sacrifice of Praise is continually offered by the Christian Church dispersed all the world over. And elsewhere. And amongst the Greek Fathers this term is so frequent as I shall not need to quote any of them.  
Now this joining of the Prayers of the Church with the mystical commemoration of Christ in the Sacrament of his Body and Blood, was no after-Invention of the Fathers, but took its original from the Apostles times, and the very beginning of Christianity: For so we read of the first believers Acts 2. 42. that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which the Vulgar Latin turns, Erant autem perseverantes in doctrina Apostolorum, & communicatione fractionis panis, & orationibus; And they persevered in the doctrine of the Apostles, and in the communication of the breaking of bread, and Prayers: but the Syriack, Perseverantes erant in doctrina Apostolorum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; & communicabant in oratione, & fractione Eucharistiae: They persevered in the doctrine of the Apostles, and communicated in Prayer and in breaking of the Eucharist; that is, They were assiduous and constant in hearing the Apostles, and in celebrating the Christian Sacrifice. Both which Translations teach us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Breaking of Bread and Prayers, are to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Communion, as the Exegesis thereof; namely, that this Communion of the Church consisted in the Breaking of Bread and Prayers; and so the conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be Exegetically taken, as if the Greek were rendered thus, Erant perseverantes in (audienda) doctrina Apostolorum, & in communicatione, videlicet, fractione panis, & orationibus. And who knows not that the Synaxis of the ancient Christians consisted of these three parts, Of hearing the Word of God, of Prayers, and Commemoration of Christ in the Eucharist? Our Translation therefore here is not so right, which refers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and translates it, The fellowship of the Apostles.  
The Antiquity also of this conjunction we speak of appears out of Ignatius, in his Epistle to the Ephesians, where speaking of the damage which Schismatics incur by dividing themselves from the communion of the Church, he utters it in this manner; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Let no man (saith he) deceive himself: unless a man be within the Altar, he is deprived of the Bread of God. And if the prayer of one or two be of that force as to set Christ in the midst of them, how much more shall the joynt-prayer of the Bishop and whole Church, sent up unto God, prevail with him to grant us all our requests in Christ? These words of Ignatius directly imply that the Altar was the place as of the Bread of God, so of the Public Prayers of the Church; and that they were so nearly linked together, that he that was not within the Altar, (that is, who should be divided therefrom) had no benefit of either.   

CHAP. VI  
The Third Particular, That the Christian Sacrifice is an Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer through jesus Christ Commemorated in the Creatures of Bread and Wine. Sacrifices under the Law were Rites to invocate God by. That the Eucharist is a Rite to give thanks and invocate God by, proved from several Testimonies of the Fathers and the Greek Liturgies. A passage out of Mr. Perkins agreeable to this notion. What meant by that usual expression of the Ancients speaking of the Eucharist, [Through jesus Christ the great Highpriest.] By Nomen Dei in Mal. 1. justin Martyr and Irenaeus understood Christ. Why in the Eucharist Prayers were to be directed to God the Father.  
THE second Particular thus proved, the Third comes next in place, which is, I That this Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer was made through jesus Christ commemorated in the creatures of Bread and Wine: Namely, they believed that our Blessed Saviour ordained this Sacrament of his Body and Blood as a Rite to bless and invocate his Father by, in stead of the manifold and bloody Sacrifices of the Law. For, 
* [See th● morefully proved in the following Discourse.]  That those bloody Sacrifices of the Law were Rites to invocate God by, is a Truth, though not so vulgarly known, yet undeniable; and may, on the Gentiles behalf, be proved out of Homer and other Authors; 
* See 1 Sam. 7. 9  on the jews, by that speech of Saul, 1 Sam. 13. 12. when Samuel expostulated with him for having offered a burnt-offering: 
Ezra 6. 10.  I said, saith he, The Philistines will come down upon me to Gilgal, 
Psal. 116. 13.  and I have not made supplication to the Lord; I forced myself therefore, and offered a burnt-offering: upon which place Kimchi notes, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Pr●●. 15. 8.  Sacrifice was a Rite or Medium, whereby Prayer was usually presented unto God. The same is likewise true of their Hymns and Doxologies, 
Baruch 1. 10, 11. 1 Mat. 12. 11. 2 Chron. 7. 12.  as is to be seen 2 Chron. 29. 27. and by the words of the Chaldee Paraphrast jonathan, upon Exod. 38. 8. concerning the women that assembled at the door of the Tabernacle: The Women (saith he) which came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to pray, stood at the door of the Tabernacle 
* Ab. ezra upon this place observes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that these religious women despising the vain delights of this world, gave, as a Free-will-offering for the making of the Lavit, their Looking-glasses, by which they were wont to dress and adorn themselves; not caring to use them any longer for such purposes.  by their Oblation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and they praised and confessed; afterwards they returning to their husbands, brought forth righteous children.  
It is further confirmed for Invocation in general, by that which the Scripture so often reports of Abraham and Isaac. 
* Gen. 12. 7. 13. 4. 26. 25. 33. 20.  That they built Altars where they came, and there they called upon the name of the Lord: But the Altar was a place for Sacrifice.  
In stead therefore of the slaying of Beasts and burning of Incense, whereby they called upon the Name of God in the Old Testament; the Fathers, I say, believed our Saviour ordained this Sacrament of Bread and Wine, as a Rite whereby to give thanks and make supplication to his Father in his Name.  
The mystery of which Rite they took to be this: That as Christ, by presenting his Death and Satisfaction to his Father, continually intercedes for us in Heaven; so the Church on Earth semblably approaches the Throne of Grace, by representing Christ unto his Father in these holy Mysteries of his Death and Passion. Veteres enim, (saith Cassander) in hoc mystico sacrificio, non tam peractae semel in Cruee oblationis, cujus hîc memoria celebratur, quam perpetui Sacerdotii & jugis sacrificii, quod quotidie in Coelis sempiternus Sacerdos offered, rationem habuerunt; cujus hîc Imago per solennes Ministrorum, preces exprimitur. The Ancients did not in this mystical Sacrifice so much consider and respect the Oblation once made upon the Cross, (the memory whereof is here celebrated,) as the everlasting Priesthood of Christ and the perpetual Sacrifice which he, our Highpriest for ever, doth continually offer in Heaven; the resemblance whereof is here on earth expressed by the solemn prayers of God's Ministers.  
This a Reverend and famous Divine of blessed memory, once of this Society, and interred in this place, saw more clearly, or expressed more plainly, than any other Reformed Writer I have yet seen, in his Demonstratio Problematis, and Title de Sacrificio Missae; where he speaks thus: Veteres Coenam Domini, seu totam coenae actionem, vocârunt Sacrificium, variis de causis:— quia est commemoratio, ade●que repraesentatio Deo Patri, sacrificii Christi in cruse immolati: The ancient Fathers used to call the Supper of the Lord, or the whole action of the Supper, a Sacrifice; and that for divers reasons— Because it is a Commemoration, and also a Representation unto God the Father, of the Sacrifice of Christ offered upon the Cross. He goes on, Hoc modo fideles etiam inter orandum Christum offerunt Deo Patri victimam pro suis peccatis, dum scilicet ment affectúque ad sacrificium ejus unicum feruntur, ut Deum sibi habeant faciántque propitium: In this sense the Faithful in their prayers do offer Christ as a Sacrifice unto God the Father for their sins, in being wholly carried away in their minds and affections unto that only and true Sacrifice, thereby to procure and obtain God's favour to them. That which every Christian doth mentally and vocally, when he commends his prayers to God the Father through jesus Christ, making mention of his death and satisfaction; that in the public service of the Church was done by that Rite which our Saviour commanded to be used in Commemoration of him.  
These things thus explained, Let us now see by what Testimonies and Authorities it may be proved the ancient Church had this meaning. I will begin with S. Ambrose, because his Testimony is punctual to our explication. Offic. lib. 1. cap. 48. Antè (saith he) Agnus offerebatur, offerebatur & Vitulus: nunc Christus offertur; sed offertur quasi homo, quasi recipiens passionem; & 
* In Lit. Chrysost. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Thou, O Christ, art both the Offerer, and the Offering itself.  offered seipsum quasi sacerdos, ut peccata nostra dimittat: hîc in imagine, ibi in veritate, ubi apud Patrem pro nobis quasi advocate us intervenit. Heretofore (under the Law) was wont to be offered a Lamb, and a Bullock: (Exod. 29.) But now (under the Gospel) Christ is offered; but he is offered as a man, and as one that suffered; and he also as a Priest offers himself, for the forgiveness of our sins. Here (on earth) this is done in a resemblance and representation; there (in Heaven) in truth, where he as our Advocate intercedes for us with his Father. 
* In Missa seu Liturg. Ambrosiana. post Confra●●orium Sacerdos sic orat. Ipsius praeceptum est, Domine, quod agimus, in cujus nunc praesentiâ postulamus: Da Sacrificio Authorem suum, ut impleatur fides rei in sublimitate mysterii; ut sicuti, veritatem coelestis sacrificii exequimur, sic veritatem Dominici corporis & sanguinis hauriamus.  An Author which Cassander in his Consultations quotes without name, expresses this mystery fully; Non impiè à nobis (saith he) Christus occiditur, sed piè sacrificatur; & hoc modo mortem Domini annunciam us donec veniat: hoc enim hîc per eum humiliter agimus in terris, quod pro nobis ipse potenter (sicut filius pro sua reverentia exaudiendus) agit in Coelis; ubi apud Patrem pro nobis quasi advocatus intervenit; cui est pro nobis intervenire, carnem quam pro nobis & de nobis sumsit, Deo Patri quodaemmodo pro nobis ingerere. Christ is not wickedly slain by us, but piously sacrificed; and thus we show the Lord's death till he come: For we by him do that here on earth in a meaner way, which he (as a 
* So the Vulg. ● at. Hebr. 5. 7. renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which (according to G●otius and others) should be rendered, Exauditus (i. liberatus) à me●u. The like phrase in Psal. 22. 22.  Son to be heard for his reverence or piety) doth for us in heaven powerfully and prevailingly, where he as our Advocate mediates for us with the Father, whose office it is to intercede for us, and to present that flesh which he took for us and of us, to God the Father in our behalf.  
My next Author shall be Eusebius, Demonstrat, Evangel. lib. 1. cap. 10. where mentioning that of the 23. Psalms, Thou hast prepared a Table before me, etc. Thou anointedst my head with oil; Herein, saith he, are plainly signified the Mystical unction, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the venerable Sacrifices of Christ's table; (he means the Symbols of the Body and Blood of Christ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereby propitiating God, we are taught to offer up all our life long unto the Lord of all, unbloudy and reasonable Sacrifices, most acceptable to him, by his most glorious Highpriest, jesus Christ. Here Eusebius affirms that Christians are taught to offer unto God reasonable and unbloudy sacrifices, that is, Prayer and Thanksgiving, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, propitiating, or finding favour with God, through the venerable mysteries of Christ's Table. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is, litare, i. e. propitiare, or placare Numen, votum impetrare, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, gratum facere.  
Next I produce Cyril of jerusalem (or more likely john his successor) Author of those five Catecheses' Mystagogicae: In the last of which, relating and expounding the meaning of that which was said or done in the celebration of the Eucharist, according to the use of his time, amongst other things he says thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after that Spiritual Sacrifice, that unbloudy Service, that is, After the Thanksgiving and Invocation of the Holy Ghost upon the Bread and the Wine, to make it the Body and Blood of Christ, (of which he was speaking before) was done, 
* 1 Mac. 12. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Super iis quae offerimus Sacrificii●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. We do over that Propitiatory Sacrifice beseech God for the common peace of the Churches, for the good estate of the World, for Kings, their Armies and Confederates, for the sick and the afflicted, and in fine for all that are in an helpless condition. And this is the manner of the Greek Liturgies, immediately upon the Consecration of the Dona (viz. the Bread and Wine) to be the Symbols of the Body and Blood of Christ, and the Commemoration thereon of his Passion, Resurrection and Ascension, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dionys. ●reop. Ep. ad Demoph. Therapeutam.  to offer to the Divine Majesty, as it were over the Lamb of God then lying upon the Table, their Supplications and Prayers, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. de Vita Constant. lib. ●. c. 45.  for the whole state of Christ's Church and all sorts and degrees therein, together with all other their suits and requests; and that ever and anon interposing the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we offer unto thee, for these and these, that is, we commemorate Christ in this mystical Rite for them. This Prayer therefore our Author cyril in the place aforequoted calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the prayer of the holy and most worthily dreaded Sacrifice lying then upon the Table: and saith, that it is a most powerful Prayer, as that wherein we offer unto the Divine Majesty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Christ that was once slain for our sins, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, propitiating the merciful God for ourselves and others we pray for.  
And this is that, if I mistake not, which Tertullian means lib. de Oratione cap. 11. where he says of the Christians, that they did Dominicâ passione orare. Nos vero (inquit) non attollimus tantùm [manus,] said etiam expandimus; & Dominicâ passione orantes confitemur Christo, id est, Christum; We do not only lift up, but spre●● forth our hands, and praying with the Lord's passion, (that is, by the Commemoration thereof in the Eucharist) confess unto Christ, that is, confess and acknowledge Christ; according to the Dialect of the Scripture, Confitemur Domino for Confitemur Dominum: For by commemorating Christ and offering our Prayers to the Father in his Name, we confess and acknowledge him to be our Mediator. So Eusebius de Laude Const. calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, To send up Prayers in his Name to the God of all.  
The same with Tertullian means S. Austin, describing the Christian Sacrifice to be, immolare Deo in Corpore Christi sacrificium Laudis, lib. 1. contra Adversarium Legis & Prophetarum, cap. 20. Ecclesia (saith he) immolat Deo, in Corpore Christi, sacrificium Laudis, ex quo Deus Deorum locutus vocavit terram à Solis ortu usque ad occasum, Psalm 50. 1. The Church offereth unto God the Sacrifice of Praise in the Body of Christ, ever since the fulfilling of that in Psal. 50. The God of Gods hath spoken, and called the earth from the rising of the Sun to the going down thereof.  
Lastly, That the representation of the Body and Blood of Christ in this Christian Service was intended and used as a Rite whereby to find grace and favour with God, when the Church addressed herself unto him, (which is that I undertook to prove,) is apparent by a saying of Origen Hom. 13. in Levit. where treating of the Shewbread, which was continually set before the Lord with Incense, for a memorial of the children of Israel, that is, to put God in mind of them, he makes it in this respect to have been a lively figure of the Christians Eucharist; for, saith he, Ista est commemoratio sola quae propitium facit Deum hominibus; That's the only Commemoration which renders God propitious to men.  
All these Testimonies have been express for our purpose, That the Thanksgivings and Prayers of the Church in the Christian Sacrifice were offered unto the Divine Majesty through Christ commemorated in the Symbols of Bread and Wine, as by a Medium whereby to find acceptance.  
There is, besides these, an usual expression of the Fathers, when they speak of the Eucharist; which though it be not direct and punctual, as the former, yet I verily believe it aimed at the same Mystery: namely, when they say that in this Sacrifice they offer Praise and Prayer to God the Father, through jesus Christ the great High Priest. I will quote an Example or two. Clemens, or the Author of the Constitutions, lib. 2. cap. 29. al. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, You, (saith he) O Bishops, are now unto your people as Priests and Levites,— standing at the Altar of the Lord our God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and offering unto him reasonable and unbloudy Sacrifices through jesus Christ the great Highpriest. The same Clemens, in a more undoubted writing of his, to wit his Epist. ad Corinthios, quoting that of the 50. Psalms after the Septuagint, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The sacrifice of Praise shall glorify me; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,— and there is the way wherein I shall show to him that sacrificeth the salvation of God; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This is the way, saith Clemens, that is, the Sacrifice of Praise is the way, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein we have found our salvation, jesus Christ, the Highpriest of all our offerings. The Fathers are wont to expound this place of the Eucharist; and therefore I doubt not but Clemens means of the same, and tells us that in this Sacrifice Christ, the Highpriest of our offerings, is found, that is, represented and commemorated.  
In the same style speaks Iust. Mar. Dial. cum Tryphone. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There is not any sort of men in the world, whether Barbarians, or Greeks, or of what denomination soever— amongst whom Prayers and Thanksgivings are not made to the Father and Maker of all through the name of the crucified jesus. He is speaking of the Christian sacrifice, and our Text in Malachi, In omni loco offeretur Incensum Nomini meo: where note that by Nomen Dei the Name of God he understands Christ, through whom in this Sacrifice our devotions are offered. So doth Irenaeus and others, Iren. lib. 4. cap. 33. Quod est aliud Nomen quod in Gentibus glorificatur, 
Quemadmodum siquis Rex ipse filii sui pingat imaginem, justè suam illam dicit imaginem secundùm utrumque; quoniam & filii ejus est, & quoniam ipse fecit eam: Sic & jesu Christi nomen, quod per universam mundum glorificatur in Ecclesia, suum esse confitetur Pater; & quoniam Filii ejus est, & quoniam ipse scribens id, ad salutem dedit hominum. Iren. ibid.  quam quod est Domini nostri, per quem glorificatur Pater, & glorificatur homo— quoniam ergo Nomen Filii proprium Patris est, & in Deo omnipotent, per jesum Christum offert Ecclesia; bene ait secundùm utraque, Et in omni loco offeretur Incensum Nomini meo, & Sacrificium purum. What other Name is there that is glorified among the Gentiles, than the Name of our Lord, by whom the Father is glorified, and man also is glorified?— And because the Name of the Son is the Father's, and in Almighty God, the Church offers through jesus Christ; well saith the Prophet in respect of both, And in every place Incense shall be offered to my Name, and a pure Sacrifice.  
Now how this Incense and Sacrifice, which the Prophet saith the Gentiles should offer to the Name of God, may be expounded, Offered by the Name of God, to wit, by Christ, Origen lib. 8. contra Cels. will inform us; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We worship, (saith he) as we are able, with our Prayer and Supplications the one God and his only Son, the Word and Image of God, jesus Christ; offering to the God of the Universe our Prayers by his only-begotten Son, TO WHOM WE FIRST OFFER THEM; beseeching him, that he, being the Propitiation (i. Propitiator) for our sins, would vouchsafe, as our Highpriest, to present our PRAYERS and SACRIFICES and INTER CESSIONS to God most High. The sum whereof is this, That which we offer to the Father by Christ, we offer first to Christ; that he, as our Highpriest, might present it to his Father. More passages hath Origen in the same Books of this kind.  
But I will not weary you too much in this rugged way; Only I will add, that out of this which we have hitherto discoursed and proved, may be understood the meaning and reason of that Decree of the third Council of Carthage and Hippo, namely, Vt nemo in Precibus, vel Patrem pro Filio, vel Filiumpro Patre, nominet: Et cum Altari assistitur [N. B.] semper ad Patrem dirigatur oratio: That none in their Prayer should name either the Son for the Father, or the Father for the Son: And that, when they stand at the Altar, they ought always to direct their Prayers to the Father. The reason, Because the Father is properly the Object 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
1 Cor. 8. 6.  to whom; the Son only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by whom, in this Mystical service; and therefore to direct here our Prayers and Thanksgivings to the Son, were to pervert the order of the Mystery, which is, as hath been proved, An Oblation of Praise and Prayer to God the Father through the Intercession of jesus Christ, represented in the Symbols of Bread and Wine.   

CHAP. VII.  
The Fourth Particular, That the Commemoration of Christ in the Creatures of Bread and Wine (in the Eucharist) is a Sacrifice, according to the style of the ancient Church. How Sacrifices are distinguished from all other Offerings. A Sacrifice defined. The universal Custom of mankind to contract or confirm Covenants and Friendship by eating and drinking together: This illustrated from Testimonies of Scripture and humane Authors. Sacrifices were Federal Feasts, wherein God and men did feast together in token of amity and friendship. What was God's Mess or portion in the Sacrifices. The different Laws of Burnt-offerings, Sin and Trespass-offerings, and the Peace-offerings. Burnt-offerings had Meat and Drink-offerings annexed to them, and were regularly accompanied with Peace-offerings. That Sacrifices were Feasts of amity between God and men, proved by four Arguments. The reason of those phrases, Secare foedus and Icere foedus. That in those Sacrificial Feasts, (and also in the Eucharist) God is to be considered as the Convivator, and Man as the Conviva. This cleared by several passages in this (as also in the) following Chapter.  
THE Fourth Particular propounded was this, That the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, or Lord's Supper, or the Commemoration of Christ in the Creatures of Bread and Wine, is also a Sacrifice, according to the style of the ancient Church.  
It is one thing to say, That the Lord's Supper is a Sacrifice, and another to say, That Christ is properly sacrificed therein. These are not the same: For there may be a Sacrifice which is a representation of another Sacrifice, and yet a Sacrifice too. And such a Sacrifice is this of the New Testament, a Sacrifice wherein another Sacrifice, that of Christ's death upon the Cross, is commemorated. Thus the Papists gain nothing by this Notion of Antiquity, and our asserting the same: For their Tenet is, That Christ in this Sacrifice is really and properly sacrificed; which we shall show in due time that the Ancients never meant.  
To begin with this, That the Lord's Supper or Mystical Rite of the Body and Blood of Christ is a Sacrifice: As in the Old Testament the name of Sacrifice was otherwhile given to the whole Action in which the Rite was used, sometimes to the Rite alone: so in the Notion and Language of the ancient Church, sometimes the whole Action or Christian Service (wherein the Lord's Supper was a part) is comprehended under that name; sometimes the Rite of the Sacred Supper itself is so termed, and truly, as ye shall now hear.  
The resolution of this Point depends altogether upon the true Definition of a Sacrifice, as it is distinguished from all other Offerings. Which, though it be so necessary that all disputation without it is vain; yet shall we not find that either party interessed in this question hath been so exact therein as were to be wished. This appears by the differing Definitions given and confuted by Divines on both sides: The reason of which defect is, because neither are deduced from the Notion of Scripture, but built upon other conceptions. Let us see therefore if it may be learned out of Scripture what that is which the Scripture, in a strict and special sense, calls a Sacrifice.  
Every Sacrifice is an Oblation or Offering: but every offering is not a Sacrifice, in that strict and proper acception we seek. For Tithes, First-fruits, and all other called Heave-offerings in the Law, and whatsoever indeed is consecrated unto God, are Oblations or Offerings; but none of them Sacrifices, nor ever so called in the Old Testament. What Offerings are then called Sacrifices? I answer, Burnt-Offerings, Sin-offerings, Trespass-offerings and Peace-offerings. These, and no other, are called by that name.  
Out of these therefore must we pick the true and proper ratio and nature of a Sacrifice. It is true, indeed, that these Sacrifices were Offerings of beasts, of beefs, of sheep, of goats, of fowls: but the ratio or essence of any thing consists not in the matter thereof; as the Gowns we wear are still the same kind of apparel, though made of differing stuffs. These Sacrifices also were slain, and offered by Fire and Incense: but neither is the modus of any thing the ratio or essential Form thereof. That therefore may have the nature and formale of a Sacrifice, which consists of another matter, and is offered after another and differing manner. Those we call Sacraments of the Old Testament, Circumcision and the Passeover, were by effusion of blood; ours are not; and yet we esteem them nevertheless true Sacraments: So it may be here.  
To hold you therefore no longer in suspense: A Sacrifice, I think, should be defined thus; An Offering whereby the offerer is made partaker of his God's Table, in token of Covenant and Friendship with him, etc. or more explicately thus; An Offering unto the Divine Majesty of that which is given for the Food of man; that the offerer partaking thereof might, as by way of pledge, be certified of his acceptation into Covenant and fellowship with his God, by eating and drinking at his Table. S. Augustine comes toward this Notion, when he defines a Sacrifice (though in a larger sense) Quod Deo nuncupamus, reddimus & dedicamus, hoc fine, ut sanctâ societate ipsi adhaereamus; That which we devote, dedicate and render unto God, for this end, that we may have an holy society and fellowship with him. For to have society and fellowship with God, what is it else but to be in league and covenant with him?  
In a word, a Sacrifice is Oblatio foederalis. For the true and right understanding whereof, we must know, That it was the universal custom of mankind, and still remains in use, to contract covenants and make leagues and friendship by eating and drinking together. When Isaac made a covenant with Abimelech the King of Gerar, the Text saith, He made him and those that were with him a Feast, and they did eat and drink, and rose up betimes in the morning, and swore one to another, Gen. 26. 30, 31. When jacob made a covenant with Laban, after they had sworn together, he made him a Feast, and called his brethren to eat Bread, Gen. 31. 54. When David made a league with Abner, upon his promise to bring all Israel unto him, David made Abner and the men that came with him a Feast, 2 Sam. 3. 20. 
* Vide etiam jos. 9 14. 15. Psal. 41. 10. Vir pacis mea, in quo fidebam, qui comedebat panem meum.  Hence in the Hebrew tongue a Covenant is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To eat; as if they should say An eating: which derivation is so natural, that it deserves to be preferred before that from the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eligere, quia Foedus pangitur conditionibus certis qua duae partes ●ligunt.  other signification of the same Verb, which is To choose. And this will suffice for the custom of the Hebrews.  
Now for the Gentiles, Herodotus tells us, the Persians were wont to contract leagues and friendship inter Vinum & Epulas, in a full Feast, whereat their wives, children and friends were present. The like Tacitus reports of the Germans. Amongst the Greeks and other Nations, the covenanties ate Bread and Salt together. Unto which comes near that Ceremony somewhere used at Weddings, that the Bridegroom, when he comes home from Church, takes a piece of Cake, tastes it, then gives it to his Bride to taste it likewise; as a token of a Covenant made between them. The Emperor of Russia at this day, when he would show extraordinary grace and favour unto any, sends him Bread and Salt from his Table: And when he invited Baron Sigismond, the Emperor Ferdinand's Ambassador, he did it in this form; Sigismunde, comedes Sal & panem nostrum nobiscum, Sigismond, you shall eat our Bread and Salt with us. Hence that Symbol of Pythagoras, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Break no bread, is interpreted by Erasmus and others to mean Break no friendship. 
* Vide Turcicum ritum apud Busbequium, Epist. 1. 11.  Moreover the Egyptians, Thracians, and Libian in special, are said to have used to make leagues and contract friendship by presenting a cup of Wine one to another; which custom we find still in use amongst our Western Nations. And what is our ●le pledge you, but I take it as a pledge of league and friendship from you? Yea it is a rule in Law, that if a man drink to him against whom he hath an accusation of slander or other verbal injury, he loses his Action, because it is supposed he is reconciled with him.  
Such now as were these Covenant-feasting and eatings and drink in token of league and amity between men and men, such are Sacrifices between Man and his God; Epulae foederales, Federal feasts, wherein God deigneth to entertain Man to eat and drink with or before him, in token of favour and reconcilement. For so it becomes the condition of the parties, that he which hath offended the other, and seeks for favour and forgiveness, should be entertained by him to whom he is obnoxious; and not è contrá: that is, that God should be the Convivator, the entertainer or maker of the Feast, and man the Conviva, or Guest. To which end the Viands for this sacred Epulum were first to be offered unto God, and so made his; that he might entertain the offerer, and not the offerer him. For we are to observe, that what the Fire consumed was accounted as God's own Mess, and called by himself the meat of his Fire-offerings: 
Levit. 3. 11, & 16. Numb. 28. 2, & 24.  the rest was for his guests, which they were partakers of either by themselves, as in all the Peace-offerings; or by their proxies the Priests, as in the rest, to wit, the Holocausts, the Sin and Trespass-offerings. The reason of which difference was, I suppose, because the one was ad impetrandum or renovandum foedus, for the making or renewing the Covenant with God, where therefore a Mediator was needful; the other, to wit, the Peace-offerings, ad confirmandum & consignandum, for the confirming the Covenant only, wherein therefore they addressed themselves before the Divine Majesty with greater confidence. If any shall object, That the Holocaust was wholly burnt and consumed, and so no body partaker thereof; I answer, It is true, the Beast which was slain was wholly burnt, and so all of it as it were God's Mess: But there was 
* Levit. 23. 13. 18. Num. 8. 8. & 15. 4, 5. & 28. 28, 28, 31. & 29. ●, 11. 19 Vide & Nehem. 10. 33.  a Meat-offering and Drink-offering annexed thereunto, as a part of the holy Feast; of which a handful only was burnt for a memorial, the remainder was for the 
* Leu. 7. 9 with Leu. 2. 2. 3, 9, 10.  Priests to eat in the holy place. Besides Burnt-offerings were regularly accompanied with Peace-offerings (as you shall find them in Scripture ordinarily joined together;) now in these the people that offered had the greatest share. In a word, That those who offered Sacrifice, both among jews and Gentiles, were partakers of the same, is a thing to be taken for granted; as appears by the warning God gave the Israelites, Exod. 34. 12, 15. That they should make no covenants with the inhabitants of the land; Lest, when they went a whoring after their Gods, and offered a sacrifice unto them, they might call them, and they also eat of their sacrifice. Also by that Psal. 106. 28. They joined themselves to Baal-Peor, and ate the sacrifices of the dead. By that of S. Paul, Heb. 13. 10. We have an Altar, whereof they have no right to eat which serve at the Tabernacle. So that of this there need be no question.  
It remains only that we prove, That these sacred Epulae were Epulae foederales, Federal Feasts, and so our Definition will stand good. Now this will appear first in general, by that expression of Scripture, wherein the Covenant which God makes with Man is expressed by eating and drinking at his Table, Luke 13. 26. Those to whom the Lord opens not, plead for themselves, We have eaten and drunk in thy presence, and thou hast taught in our streets, etc. Chap. 22. 29, 30. Our Saviour tells his Disciples, I appoint you a Kingdom, as my Father hath appointed unto me; That ye may eat and drink at my Table in my Kingdom. Apocal. 3. 20. Behold, I stand at the door, and knock; If any man hear my voice, and open the door, I will come in unto him, and will sup with him, and he with me. But these passages, you will say, show rather how fitly Sacrifices might be Feasts of amity between God and men, than prove they were so indeed: Hear therefore such proofs as I think come home to the point.  
First, Every sacrifice, saith our Saviour, Mark 9 49. is salted with salt. This Salt is called Levit. 2. 13. The salt of the Covenant of God; that is, a Symbol of the perpetuity thereof. Now if the Salt which seasoned the Sacrifice were Salfoederis Dei, the Salt of the Covenant of God, what was the Sacrifice itself but Epulum foederis, the Feast of the Covenant?  
Secondly, Moses calls the Blood of the Burnt-offerings and Peace-offerings, wherewith he sprinkled the children of Israel when they received the Law, The Blood of the Covenant which the Lord had made with them; This is, saith he, the Blood of the Covevenant which the Lord hath made with you, Exod. 24. 8.  
Thirdly, But above all, this may most evidently be evinced out of the 50. Psalms, the whole Argument whereof is concerning Sacrifices: There God saith, vers. 5. Gather my Saints together unto me, which make covenant with me by sacrifice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And vers. 16. of the Sacrifices of the wicked and such as amend not their lives, Unto the wicked God saith, What hast thou to do to declare my Statutes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and take my Covenant in thy mouth? seeing thou hatest instruction, etc. Statutes here are Rites and Ordinances, and particularly those of Sacrifice, which whoso bringeth unto God, and thereby supplicates and calls upon his Name, is said to take the Covenant of God in his mouth; forasmuch as to invocate God with this Rite, was to do it by way of commemoration of his Covenant, and to say, Remember, Lord, thy covenant, and, For thy covenant's sake, Lord, hear my prayer and supplication. For what hath man to do with God, to beg any favour at his hands, unless he be in covenant with him? Whereby appears the reason why mankind, from the beginning of the world, used to approach their God by this Rite of sacrificing, that is, ritu foederali, by a foederal Rite.  
Fourthly, I add in this last place, for a further confirmation yet, That when God was to make a Covenant with Abram, Gen. 15. he commanded him to offer him a Sacrifice, vers. 9 Offer unto me (saith he, 
* And so the Chald●e Par. forth Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Offer before me.  so it should be turned) a heifer, a she-goat, and a ram, each of three years old, a turtle dove, and a young pigeon. All which he offered accordingly, and divided them in the midst, laying each piece or moiety one against the other; and when the Sun went down, God in the likeness of a smoking furnace and burning lamp passed between the pieces, and so (as the Text says) made a covenant with Abram, saying, unto thy seed will I give this land, etc. By which Rite of passing between the parts, God condescended to the manner of men. And note here, that the Gentiles, and jews likewise, in their more solemn Covenants between men and men, (which were made under pain of curse or execration) used this Rite of Sacrifice, whereby men covenanted with their God, as it were to make their God both a witness and party with them. And here the jews cut the Sacrifice in sunder, and past between the parts thereof; as God did here with Abram: which was as much as if they had said, 
See jerem. ch. 34. vers. 18. 19  Thus let me be divided and cut in pieces, if I violate the oath I have now made in the presence of my God. The Gentiles, besides other ceremonies, used not to eat at all of these Sacrifices, but to fling them into the Sea, or bury them in the Earth; as if they had said, If I break a Covenant, thus let me be excluded from all amity and favour with my God, as I am now from eating of his Sacrifice. Hence came those phrases of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Hebrew; of ferire, percutere & icere foedus, in Latin; of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Homer, To cut or to strike a Covenant; à ferendis, percutiendis, & secandis sacrificiis in foederibus sanciendis, from the custom of striking and cutting the Sacrifices asunder at the making of Covenants between man and man. Though this manner of speech may be also derived from their ordinary Epulae foederales, wherein they killed Beasts, which the ancients in their ordinary diet did not.  
Having thus seen what is the nature of a Sacrifice, and wherein the ratio or essential Form thereof consisteth; it will not be hard to judge, whether the ancient Christians did rightly in giving the Eucharist that name, or not. For that the Lord's Supper is Epulum foederale a Foederal Feast we all grant, and our Saviour expressly affirms it of the Cup in the institution, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This Cup is the Rite of the new Covenant in my Blood, which is poured out for many for the remission of sins; evidently implying, That the bloody Sacrifices of the Law, with their Meat and Drink-offerings, were Rites of an old Covenant, and that this succeeded them as the Rite of the 
* Eusebius (Demonst. Evang. lib. 9 n●um n●●stcum sacrosa●cta Eucharistiae voca● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Casaubaxer●. ad Ann. 32. N. 26.  New: That that was contracted with the blood of beefs, sheep and goats; but this founded in the blood of Christ. This parallel is so plain, as I think none will deny it. There is nothing then remains to make this sacred Epulum a full Sacrifice, but that the Viands thereof should be first offered unto God, that he may be the Convivator, we the Convivae or the Guests.   

CHAP. VIII.  
The Fifth Particular, That the Body and Blood of Christ in the Eucharist was made of Bread and Wine which had first been offered to God, to agnize him the Lord of the Creature. This proved from the Testimonies of Antiquity next to the Apostles times, and from ancient Liturgies; as also from the Father's arguing from this oblation of the Creature in the Eucharist to God, that the Father of Christ was the Creator of the world, in confutation of some Heretics in their days; and lastly from S. Paul's parallel of the Lord's Supper and the Sacrifices of the Gentiles. Two Questions answered. 1. Whence may it appear that our Saviour at the Institution of the Eucharist did first offer the Bread and Wine to God, to agnize him the Lord of the Creature? 2. Is not the celebration of the Eucharist in the Western Churches (whether the Reformed or the Roman) therefore defective, because no such Oblation is there in use?  
MY last task was to prove, That not only the whole Action of the celebration of the Eucharist, according to the Definition I gave thereof, but even the Rite of the Lord's Supper is indeed a Sacrifice, not in a Metaphorical, but a proper sense; and this, if the nature of Sacrifice be truly defined, no whit repugnant to the Principles of the Reformed Religion.  
To evidence which I showed, That a Sacrifice was nothing else but a Sacred Feast, namely Epulum foederale, wherein God mystically entertained Man at his own Table, in token of amity and friendship with him: Which that he might do, the Viands of that Feast were first made God's by oblation, and so eaten of, not as of Man's, but God's provision.  
There is nothing then wanting to make this sacred Epulum, of which we speak full out a Sacrifice; but that we show, That the Viands thereof were in like manner first offered unto God; that so being his, he might be the Convivator, Man the Conviva or the Guest. And this the ancient Church was wont to do; this they believed our Blessed Saviour himself did, when, at the institution of this holy Rite, he took the Bread and the Cup into his sacred hands, and looking up to Heaven gave thanks and blessed. And, after his example, they first offered the Bread and Wine unto God, to agnize him the Lord of the Creature; and then received them from him again in a Banquer, as the Symbols of the Body and Blood of his Son. This is that I am now to prove out of the Testimonies of Antiquity, not long after, but next unto the Apostles times, when it is not likely the Church had altered the form they left her for the celebration of this Mystery.  
I will begin with Irenaeus as the most full and copious in this point. He in his fourth Book cap. 32. speaks thus; Dominus Discipulis suis dans consilium Primitias Deo offerre ex suis Creaturis, non quasi indigenti, sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi nec ingrati sint; eum qui ex Creatura panis est accepit, & gratias egit, dicens, Hoc est curpus meum; & Calicem similiter, qui est ex ea Creatura quae est secundùm nos, suum sanguinem confessus est: & Novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem, quam Ecclesia ab Apostolis accipiens, in universo mundo offert Deo, ei qui alimenta nobis praestat, primitios suorum munerum in Novo Testamento: Our Lord counselling his Disciples to offer unto God the First-fruits (or a Present) of his Creatures, not for that God hath any need thereof, but that they might show themselves neither unfruitful nor ungrateful; He took that Bread which was made of his Creature, and gave Thanks, saying, This is my Body; and he likewise acknowledged the Cup, consisting of the Creature which we use, to be his Blood: And thus taught the new oblation of the New Testament, which the Church receiving from the Apostles, offers throughout the world unto God, that feeds and nourisheth us, being the First-fruits of his own gifts in the New Testament.  
And Cap. 34. Igitur E●clesiae oblatio, quam Dominus docuit offerri in universo mundo, purum sacrificium reputatum est apud Deum, & acceptum est ei; non quòd indigeat à nobis sacrificium, sed quoniam is qui offered, glorificatur ipse in co quod offered, si acceptetur. munus ejus: Per munus enim erga Regem honos & affectio ostenditur. Therefore the Oblation of the Church, which our Lord taught and appointed to be offered through all the world, is accounted a pure Sacrifice with God, and is acceptable unto him; not because God stands in need of our Sacrifice, but because the offerer is himself honoured in that he offers, if his Present be accepted: For by the Present it appears what affection and esteem the Giver hath for the King he honoureth therewith. He alludes to that in Malachi 1. 14. I am a great King, saith the Lord of Hosts.  
Ibid. Oporiet nos oblationem Deo facere, & in omnibus gratos inveniri Fabricatori Deo— Primitias earum quae sunt ejus Creaturarum offerentes: & hanc oblationem Ecclesia sola puram offert Fabricatori, offerens ei cum gratiarum actione ex Creatura ejus: It behoveth us to present God with our Oblations, and in all things to be found thankful unto God our Maker— offering unto him the First-fruits of his Creatures: and it is the Church only that offers this Pure Oblation unto the Creator of the world, while it offers unto him a Present out of his Creatures with thanksgiving.  
In the same place, Offerimus autem ei, non quasi indigenti, sed gratias agentes Dominationi ejus, & sanctificantes creaturam: But we offer unto him, not as if he needed, but as giving thanks to his Sovereignty, and sanctifying the Creature. He alludes again to that in this Chapter of Malachi, v. 6. If I be Dominus, where is my fear, saith the Lord of hosts unto you, O Priests that offer polluted Bread ubon mine Altar?  
My next witness shall be justin Martyr, in time elder than Irenaeus, though I reserved him for the second place. He in his Dialogue with Tryphon, (the place before alleged) telling the jew, That the Sacrifices of Christians are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Supplications and giving of Thanks; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and that these are the only Sacrifices which Christians have been taught they should perform, in that thankful remembrance of their food both dry and liquid; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein also is commemorated the Passion which the Son of God suffered by himself. Here is a twofold commemoration witnessed to be made in the Eucharist: The first, as he speaks, of our food dry and liquid, that is, of our meat and drink, by agnizing God, and recording him the Creator and giver thereof; the second, of the Passion of Christ the Son of God, in one and the same food. And again, in the same Dialogue, Panem Eucharistiae 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in commemorationem passionis suae Christus fieri tradidit, Christ hath taught us that the Eucharistical Bread should be consecrated for the Commemoration of his Passion; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that withal we may give thanks to God for having made the world with all things therein for man, and for having freed us from that evil and misery wherein we were, and having utterly overthrown 
* [So the evil Angels are called, Coloss. 2. 1●. Eph. 6. 12.]  Principalities and Powers, by him that became passable according to his 
* Acts 2. 23. etc. 4. 28.  counsel and will. To which he immediately subjoins the Text, and applies it to the Eucharist, Thus justin Martyr.  
My third witness is Origen in his 8. Book Contra Cels. Celsus (saith he) thinks it seemly we should be thankful to Demons, and to offer them 
* Thank offerings, or Grateful acknowledgements.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but we think him to live most comely, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that remembers who is the Creator: unto whom we Christians are careful not to be unthankful, with whose benefits we are filled, and whose Creatures we are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, And we have also a Symbol of our Thanksgiving unto God, the Bread which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where note that the Eucharistical Bread is said to be a Symbol not only of the Body and Blood of Christ, but a Symbol of that Thanksgiving which we render to the Creator through him.  
Again, in the same Book, where Celsus likewise would have mankind thankful unto Demons, as those to whom the charge of things here upon earth is committed, and to offer unto them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, First-fruits and Prayers; Origen thus takes him up, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let Celsus, as being void of the true Knowledge of God, render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Demons. As for us Christians, whose only desire it is to please the Creator of the Universe, we eat the Bread that was offered unto him with Prayer and Thanksgiving for his Gifts, and then made a kind of holy Body by Prayer. Mark here, Bread offered unto God with Prayer and Thanksgiving pro datis, for that he hath given us, and then by Prayer made a holy Body, and so eaten.  
Thus much out of Fathers; all of them within less than two hundred and fifty years after Christ, and less than one hundred and fifty after the death of S. john.  
The same appears in the Forms of the ancient Liturgies. 
Vide etiam Can. Apostol. II. (al. III.) Can. XL. Synod. Cart●●●. Can. VII. Edicti Yo●ophili Alexandrini apud Balsamon.  As in that of Clemens, where the Priest in the name of the whole Church assembled speaks thus; 
a Const. Clem. l. 8. c. 12.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, We offer unto thee our King and God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to his (that is, Christ's) appointment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this Bread and this Cup; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Giving thanks unto thee through him, for that thou hast vouchsafed us (he speaks of the whole Church) to stand before thee and to minister unto thee: And we beseech thee, thou God that wantest nothing, that thou wouldst look favourably upon these Gifts here set before thee, and accept them to the honour of thy Christ, etc.  
Again, 
b Const. Clem. l 8. c. 13. Non potest hoc accipi de Symbolis corporis Christi, verùm de Symbolis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quomodo enim Christus ipse offerretur Deo per intercessionem Christi?  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Gift or Oblation that is offered to the Lord our God, let us pray that our good God would receive it through the mediation of his Christ to his heavenly Altar for a sweet-smelling savour.  
Yea, in the Canon of the 
* In Ordin● Romavo dimissi● Catechum●nis, Rubrica habet. Postea incipiunt cantores cantare offertorium, & populus dat oblationes suas, id est, Panem & Vinum; & offerunt cum Fanonibus, id est, velis candidis, primò Masculi, deiude Foeminae, novissime Sacerdotes & Diaconi; sed solum panem, & hoc ante Altar: Tunc accipiens Archidiaconus à Subdiaconis oblatas, ponit tantas super Altare quantae possunt populo sufficere ad communionem. Videatur Theodoret. in h●st. d● Theodosio offerente, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. l. 5. c. 17. Consul Cyprian. de Op. & Eleemos.— Quae in Deminicum sine sacrificio venis; quae partem de Sacrificio quod pauper obtulit sumis. August. de Temp. Serm. CCXV. Oblationes quae in Altari consecrantur offerte: Erubescere debet homo idoneus, fi de aliena Oblatione communicaverit.  Roman Church, though the Rite be not used, yet the words remain still; as when the Priest, long before the consecration of the Body and Blood of Christ, prays, Te, Clementissime Pater, per jesum Christum Filium tuum, Dominum nostrum, supplices rogamus, ut accepta habeas & benedicas haec Dona, haec Munera: We humbly beseech and entreat thee, most merciful Father, Through jesus Christ thy Son, our Lord, to accept and bless these Gifts, these Presents: and other like passages, which now they wrest to a newfound Oblation of the Body and Blood of Christ, which the ancient Church knew not of.  
But, of all others, This Rite is most strongly confirmed by that wont of the Ancient Fathers to confute the Heretics of those first times (who held the Creator of the world to be some inferior Deity, and not the Father of Christ,) out of the Eucharist: For, say they, unless the Father of Christ be the Creator of the world, why is the Creature offered unto him in the Eucharist as if he were? would he be agnized the Author and Lord of that he is not?  
Hear Irenaeus, Adversus Haeres. lib. 4. cap. 34. Haereticorum Synagogae (saith he) non offerunt [Eucharisticam oblationem quam Dominus offerri docuit;] Alterum enim praeter Fabricatorem dicentes Patrem, Ideo quae secundùm nos Creaturae sunt offerentes ei, cupidum alieni oftendunt eum, & aliena concupiscentem: The Synagogues of the Heretics do not offer [the very Eucharistical oblation which our Lord taught and appointed to be offered;] for they affirming another besides the Creator of the world to be the Father of Christ, do therefore, while they offer unto him the Creatures which are here with us, represent him to be desirous of that which is another's, and to covet that which is not his: and a little after, Quomodo autem constabit eis eum panem 
* So Ius●● Martyr in Apol 2. ca●● it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  in quo gratiae actae sunt Corpus esse Domini sui, & Calicem sanguinis ejus, si non ipsum Fabricatoris mundi Filium dicant, id est, Verbum ejus per quod lignum fructificat, & defluunt fontes, & terra dat primùm quidem 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ma●. 4. 28.  gramen, post deinde spicam, deinde plenum triticum in spica? How shall it appear to them that that Bread for which Thanks have been given is the Body of their Lord; and that Cup the Cup of his Blood, if they deny him to be the Son of the Creator of the world, that is to say, to be the word of him by whom the Tree brings forth fruit, Fountains send forth water, and the Earth brings forth first green corn like grass, than the ear, after that the full corn in the ear?  
From the same ground Tertullian argues against Martion, Contra Marc. lib. 1. cap. 23. Non putem (saith he) impudentiorem quam qui in al●ena aqua alii Deo tingitur, ad alienum Coelum alii Deo expanditur, in aliena terra alii Deo sternitur, super alienum panem alii Deo gratiarum actionibus fungitur: I cannot conceive any one more impudent than he that is baptised to a God in a water that is none of his, that in prayer to a God spreads forth his hands towards an Heaven that is none of his, that prostrates himself to a God upon an Earth that is not his, that gives thanks to a God for that Bread which is none of his.  
Origen against the same Heretic useth the same Argument, Dialog. advers. Marc. 3. pauso ante finem: Dominus aspiciens in coelum gratias agit: Ecquid non agit conditori gratias? cum panem accepisset, & poculum, & benedixisset, quid? alterine pro Creaturis conditoris benedicit? an potius illi qui effecit & exhibuit? Our Lord looking up to heaven gave thanks. What? did not he give thanks to the Creator of the world? When he took the Bread and the Cup, and blessed; did he bless and give thanks to any other for the Creatures of God the Maker of the world, and not rather bless and give thanks to him who made them and gave them us?  
Lastly, This Oblation of the Bread and Wine is implied in S. Paul's parallel of the Lord's Supper and the Sacrifice of the Gentiles: 
1 Cor. 10. 21.  Ye cannot (saith he) be partakers of the Table of the Lord, and the Table of Devils; namely, because they imply contrary Covenants, incompatible one with the other; a Sacrifice (as I told you) being Epulum foederale a Federal Feast. Now here it is manifest that the Table of Devils is so called, because it consisted of Viands offered to Devils, (for so S. Paul expressly tells us,) whereby those that eat thereof, eat of the Devil's meat; Ergo, The Table of the Lord is likewise called his Table, not because he ordained it, but it because consisted of Viands offered unto him.  
Having thus, as I think, sufficiently proved what I took in hand, I think it not amiss to answer two Questions which this Discourse may beget. The first is, How the Ancients could gather out of the Institution, that our Saviour did as hath been showed. I answer, They believed that he did as the jews were wont to do: But they did thus. How, will you say, doth this appear? I answer, It may appear thus. The Passeover was a Sacrifice, and therefore the Viands here, as in all other holy Feasts, were first offered unto God. Now the Bread and Wine, which our Saviour took when he blessed and gave thanks, was the Mincha or Meat-offering of the Passeover. If then he did as the jews used to do, he agnized his Father and blessed him, by oblation of these his Creatures unto him, using the like or the same Form of words; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Blessed be thou, O Lord our God, the King of the world, which bringest forth Bread out of the earth: and over the Wine, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Blessed be thou, O Lord our God, the King of the world, which createst the fruit of the Vine. Moreover the Church ab initio applied that Precept of our Saviour, Matt. 5. 23. If thou bring thy Gift to the Altar, etc. to the Eucharist; for they believed that he would not enact a new Law concerning Legal Sacrifices which he was presently to abolish, but that it had reference to that Oblation which was to continue under the Gospel.  
The other Question is, If all this be so, how is not our celebration of the Eucharist defective, where no such Oblation is used? I answer, This concerns not us alone, but all the Churches of the West of the Roman Communion, who, as in other things they have depraved this mystery, and swerved from the Primitive pattern thereof, so have they for many Ages disused this Oblation of Bread and Wine, and brought in, in lieu thereof, a real and Hypostatical oblation of Christ himself. This blasphemous Oblation we have taken away, and justly; but not reduced again that express and formal use of the other. Howsoever, though we do it not with a set ceremony and form of words; yet in deed and effect we do it, so often as we set the Bread and Wine upon the Holy Table: For whatsoever we set upon God's Table, is ipso facto dedicated and offered unto him; according to that of our Saviour Matt. 23. 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Altar sanctifies the gift, that is, consecrates it unto God, and appropriates it to his use. In which respect it were much to be wished that this were more solemnly done than is usual; namely, not until the time of the administration, and by the hand of the Minister, in the name and sight of the whole Congregation standing up and showing some sign of due and lowly reverence; according as the Deacon was wont to admonish the people in Ancient Liturgies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Con●●n. Clem. l. 8. c. 12.  Let us stand in an upright posture before God to offer with fear and trembling.   

CHAP. IX.  
The Sixth Particular, That Christ is offered in the Eucharist Commemoratively only, and not otherwise. This Commemorative Sacrifice, or the Commemoration in the Eucharist, explained. That Christ is offered by way of Commemoration only, was the sense of the ancient Church. This proved from ancient Liturgies and Fathers. The Conclusion, containing an elegant description of the Christian Sacrifice out of the History of S. Andrew's Martyrdom.  
THE Sixth and last thing to be proved was, That Christ is offered in this Sacrifice Commemoratively only, and not otherwise.  
Though the Eucharist be a Sacrifice, (that is, an Oblation wherein the Offerer banquets with his God) yet is Christ in this Sacrifice no otherwise offered than by way of Commemoration only of his Sacrifice once offered upon the Cross, as a learned Prelate of ours hath lately written, objectiuè only, not subjectiué. And this is that which our Saviour himself said when he ordained this sacred Rite, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This do in commemoration of me.  
But this Commemoration is to be made to God his Father, and is not a bare remembering or putting ourselves in mind only, (as is commonly supposed,) but a putting of God in mind: For every Sacrifice is directed unto God, and the Oblation therein, whatsoever it be, hath him for its Object, and not Man. If therefore the Eucharist be Sacrificium Christi Commemorativum, a Commemorative Sacrifice of Christ, as ours grant, then must the Commemoration therein be made unto God: And if Christ therein be offered objectiuè, that is, as the Object of the Commemoration there made, (as that learned Bishop speaks,) if the Commemoration of him be an Oblation of him, to whom is this Oblation, that is, Commemoration, made but unto God?  
Well then, Christ is offered in this Sacred Supper, not Hypostatically, as the Papists would have him, (for so he was but once offered,) but Commemoratively only: that is, By this Sacred Rite of Bread and Wine we represent and inculcate his blessed Passion to his Father; we put him in mind thereof, by setting the Monuments thereof before him; we testify our own mindfulness thereof unto his Sacred Majesty; that so he would, for his sake, according to the tenor of his Covenant, in him be favourable and propitious unto us miserable sinners.  
That this, and no other Offering of Christ in the blessed Eucharist, the Ancient Church ever meant or intended, I am now to show by authentical Testimonies.  
First, by the constant Form of all the Liturgies; in which, after the reciting of the words of Institution, is subjoined, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, commemorantes, or commemorando, offerimus, Commemorating, or by Commemorating, we offer.  

* C●●. Clem. l. 8. c. 12.  Clemens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore commemorating his Passion, and Death, and Resurrection from the dead, and ascension into Heaven— we offer to thee our King and God this Bread and this Cup. Mark here, Commemorating we offer, that is, We offer by Commemorating. But this Commemoration is made unto God to whom we offer. This is the tenor of all the Greek Liturgies, save that some, in stead of We offer unto thee this Bread and this Cup, have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, We offer unto thee this dreadful and unbloudy Sacrifice; as that of jerusalem (called S. james his Liturgy:) others, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this reasonable and unbloudy Service; as that of S. chrysostom: others, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, thine own of thine own; as that of Basil and of Alexandria (called S. Mark's:) but all, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Commemorantes offerimus, Commemorating we offer.  
In the same form runs the Ordo Romanus, Memores, Domine, nos servi tui, sed & Plebs tua sancta, ejusdem Christi Filii tui Domini Dei nostri, tum beatae Passionis, nec non ab inferis Resurrectionis, sed & in Coelum gloriosae Ascensionis, Offerimus praeclarae Majestati tuae, de tuis donis ac datis, hostiam puram, hostiam sanctam, hostiam immaculatam, panem sanctum vitae aeternae & calicem salutis perpetuae: We, O Lord, thy servants, as also thy holy people, being mindful both of the blessed Passion and Resurrection from the dead, as also of the glorious Ascension into Heaven, of the same Christ thy Son our Lord, Offer unto thy excellent Majesty of thy own Gifts a pure Sacrifice, a holy Sacrifice, an immaculate Sacrifice, the holy Bread of eternal life and the Cup of everlasting Salvation. Note here also Memores offerimus, Being mindful of,— or Commemorating, we offer.  
Which Ivo Carnotensis explains thus; Memores offerimus Majestati tuae (id est, oblatam commemoramus per haec dona visibilia) hostiam puram— sanctam, immaculatam, etc. Et hanc veri sacrificii commemorationem postulat sacerdos ita Deo Patri fore acceptam, sicut accepta fuerunt munera Abel, etc. Remembering, or being mindful, we offer to thy Majesty a pure, holy, and immaculate Sacrifice, that is, (saith he) we commemorate the same offered unto God by these visible Gifts. And the Priest accordingly prays that this Commemoration of the true Sacrifice may in like manner be acceptable to God the Father, as the Gifts of Abel were accepted of him. Thus he.  
Memores therefore in the Latin Canon is Commemorantes, which the Greek expresses better 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the sense whereof that we may not doubt, hear the explication of that great Council of Ephesus in this manner: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Al. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Showing forth the Death of the only begotten Son of God, that is, of jesus Christ, as also confessing his Resurrection and Ascension into heaven, we celebrate in our Churches the unbloudy Sacrifice or Service.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* So the Syr. Paraph. (in 1 Cor. 11. 26) renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ye sh〈…〉 th' by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ye commemorate.  Commemorating therefore is Showing forth and Confessing: But unto whom should we confess but unto God? To him therefore, and not unto ourselves, is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Commemoration to be made which Christ commended to his Church, when he said, Do this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for my Commemoration, or in remembrance of me.  
In this Council of Ephesus Cyril of Alexandria was chief Actor and Precedent: and it is to be noted, that the Liturgy of the Church of Alexandria (usually called S. Mark's) hath in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the self-fame words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, showing forth and confessing, which I now quoted out of the Council for an explication of the same: which argues, as I take it, Cyril to have been the penman of the Decree of the Council, and the Liturgy of his Church to have then run in this form.  
I shall need allege no more of the Latin Liturgies; there is no material difference amongst them; so that if you know the form of one, you know of all. I will add only out of S. Ambrose an Explication following those words of the Institution, Do this in remembrance of me, expressed in this manner; Mandans & dicens ad eos, Quotiescunque hoc feceritis, toties commemorationem mei facietis, Mortem meam praedicabitis, Resurrectionem meam annuntiabitis, Adventum sperabitis, donec iterum adveniam: Commanding and saying to them, As often as ye shall do this, ye shall commemorate me, declare my Death, show forth my Resurrection, express your hope of my Coming, until I come again.  
This may suffice for Liturgies. Now let us hear the Fathers speak.  
I quoted heretofore a passage out of justin Martyr affirming a twofold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Commemoration to be made in the Eucharist; the one of our Food, dry and liquid; (as he speaks) that is, of our meat and drink, by agnizing and recording him the Lord and Giver of the same; the other an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same Food 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Passion of the Son of God. The first of these Commemorations is made unto God; for to whom else should we tender our thankfulness for the Creature? Ergo, the second, the Commemoration of the Passion of the Son of God, is made to him likewise.  
My next Father is Origen, Homil. 13. in Leu. cap. 24. where comparing the Eucharist to the Shewbread which was every Sabbath ●et for a Memorial before the Lord, Ista est (saith he, meaning the Eucharist) commemoratio sola quae propitium facit Deum hominibus; That's the only Commemoration which renders God propitious to men. Where note that both this Commemoration is made unto God as that of the Shewbread was; and that the end thereof is to make him propitious to men: According to that of S. Augustine l. 9 c. 13. Illa quae in coena Christus exhibet, Fides accep●a interponi inter peccata nostra & iram Dei, tanquam satisfactionem & propitiationem: Those things which Christ exhibits in his Supper, Faith having received them, interposeth them as a Satisfaction and Propitiation between our sins and God's wrath.  
My next witness is Eusebius, Demonst. Evan. lib. 1. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
* juxta formulam Liturgiarum omnium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After all other things done, (saith he, speaking of Christ) he made that so wonderful an Oblation and excellent Sacrifice to God for the Salvation of us all, appointing us to offer continually unto God a Remembrance thereof in stead of a Sacrifice. And again, toward the end of that Chapter, having cited this place of Malachi which I have chosen for my Text, and alluding thereunto, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, We offer the Incense spoken of by the Prophet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We offer Sacrifice and Incense, while we celebrate the remembrance of the Great Sacrifice according to the mysteries given to us by him, and offer the Eucharist with holy Hymns and Prayers to God for the Salvation of our Souls; as also in that we consecreate ourselves wholly unto him, and dedicate ourselves both Soul and Body to his High Priest the Word.  
But above all other, S. chrysostom speaks so full and home to the point as nothing can be more; to wit, Hom. 17 an Epist. ad Hebraeos, upon these words cap. 9 v. 26. But now once in the end of the world hath he appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; What then? (saith he) Do not we offer every day? He answers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We offer indeed, but it is by making a Commemoration of his death: And this Sacrifice is one, and not many.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; But how is it one, and not many? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Because it was once offered, not as that which was carried into the Holy of holies. That was the figure of this, and this [the Truth] of that. And a little after, O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He (that is, Christ) is our Highpriest who offered that Sacrifice which purifieth us. The same do we also offer now, that then was offered, and is yet unconsumed. This is done in remembrance of that which was then done; For Do this, (saith he) in remembrance of me. We offer not another, not a different, Sacrifice, as the jewish Highpriest did of old, but still one and the same; or rather we perform the remembrance of a Sacrifice. What can be more express than this is?  
Primasius is short, but no less to the purpose. Offerunt quidem, saith he, Sacerdotes nostri, sed ad recordationem mortis ejus, in 10. cap. ad Hebraeos: Our Priests indeed offer, but it is in remembrance of his death. S. Augustine calls it Memoriale sacrificium a Sacrifice by way of remembrance, in his Book against Faustus.  
In a word, The Sacrifice of Christians is nothing but that one Sacrifice of Christ once offered upon the Cross, again and again commemorated.  
Which is elegantly expressed by those words of S. Andrew, recorded in the History of his Passion, written by the Presbyters of Achaia: where AEgeas the Proconsul requiring of him to sacrifice to Idols, he is said to have answered thus; Omnipotenti Deo, qui unus & verus est, ego omni die sacrifico, non thuris fumum, nec tanrorum mugientium carnes, nec hircorum sanguinem; sed immaculatum Agnum quotidie in Altari crucis sacrificio; cujus carnes postquam omnis populus credentium manducaverit, & ejus sanguinem biberit, Agnus qui sacrificatus est integer perseverat & vivus: I sacrifice daily to Almighty God, but what? not the smoke of Frankincense, nor the flesh of bellowing Bulls, nor the blood of Goats: No, but I offer daily the unspotted Lamb of God on the Altar of the Cross; whose Flesh and Blood though all the Faithful eat and drink of, yet after all this notwithstanding, the Lamb that was sacrificed remains entire and alive still. This Riddle though AEgeas the Proconsul were not able to unsold, I make no question but you are. And here I conclude.    

EZRA VI X.  That they may offer Sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the King, and of his Sons. 
THE words of the Decree of King Darius, for the building and furnishing of the service of the Temple of God at jerusalem; That (saith he) which they have need of for the burnt-offerings of the God of heaven, both young bullocks, rams and lambs, wheat, salt, wine and oil, let it be given them day by day without fail: That they may offer Sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of Heaven, and pray for the life of the King, and of his Sons.  
I have made choice of this Scripture, to show that Sacrifice was Species Orationis, or a Rite of Supplication unto God: Such a one, namely wherein the Supplicant came not with naked Prayer, but presented something unto his God whereby to find favour in his sight. The nature and quality of the thing presented was Munus foederale a Federal Gift, consisting of meat and drink; in the tender whereof, as a sinner agnized himself to be his God's vassal and servant, so by acceptance of the same he was reconciled and restored to his Covenant, by the atonement and forgiveness of his sin. 
* See this largely proved in the foregoing Treatise, chap. 7.  Forasmuch as, according to the use and custom of Mankind, to receive meat and drink from the hand of another was a sign of amity and friendship; much more to make another partaker of his Table, as the sinner was here of God's, by eating of his Oblation: hence those who came to make supplication unto the Divine Majesty, whom they had offended, were wont by this Rite to make way for their suit, by removing the obstacle of his offence. For what hope of speeding could there be, whilst the party to whom we tendered our supplication should be at enmity with us? when God might say, 
Psal. 50. 16, 17.  What hast thou to do to take my Covenant in thy mouth, seeing thou hatest instruction, and castest my words behind thee? For the foundation of all Invocation is, Remember thy Covenant; and of Impetration, the Remission of our sin.  
For this cause therefore was Sacrifice used as Medium deprecandi Deum, 
Unde Philo de Sacrif. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nabet.  as a Rite of address unto God, when we were to make prayer and supplication unto him; yea or to bless or give thanks. But this is not to my present purpose, but the use for Prayer only; which to have been thus addressed as I speak, appears not only by the words of my Text, That they may offer, etc. and pray, etc. but sundry other places of Scripture; which I mean to rehearse.  
As first, by that so often inculcated of Abraham and Isaac, that where they pitched down their Tents, they built also an Altar, and there called upon the Name of the Lord: But an Altar was a place for Sacrifice: Therefore Sacrifice must be a Rite whereby they called upon the Name of God.  
The same appears by that speech of Saul, 1 Sam. 13. 12. when Samuel reproving him for having offered a Burnt-offering, I said, (saith he) The Philistines will come down upon me to Gilgal, and I have not made supplication unto the Lord: I forced myself therefore, and offered a Burnt-offering: Therefore to offer a Burnt-offering was to make Supplication.  
It is yet more plain out of 1 Sam. 7. 8. The Children of Israel said to Samuel, Cease not, (or be not silent) to cry unto the Lord our God for us, that he will save us out of the hands of the Philistines. And Samuel (saith the Text, v. 9) took a sucking Lamb, and offered it for a Burnt-offering unto the Lord; and Samuel cried unto the Lord for Israel, and the Lord heard him.  
It is further proved by that in the 116. Psalms, 
Ezra 6. 10.  v. 13. I will take the Cup of Salvation and call upon the Name of the Lord: For this Cup of Salvation is the Libamen or Drink-offering annexed and poured upon the Sacrifice, at what time they used (as here you see) to call upon the Name of the Lord. 'Tis a Synecdoche, where the part is put for the whole. Also [to take] is here to offer, by that Figure, quâ ex Antecedente intelligitur Consequens.  
The same is implied by that of Micah 6. 6. Wherewith shall I come before the Lord, and bow myself before the most High? Shall I come before him with burnt-offerings, with calves of a year old?  
And by that Antithesis, Prov. 15. 8. The Sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to the Lord; but the Prayer of the upright is his delight: For here the words of Sacrifice and Prayer are taken the one for the other: it being all one as if it had been said, for [Prayer of the upright] the Sacrifice of the upright, or for [Sacrifice of the wicked] the Prayer of the wicked. Hence it follows, That Sacrifice was Species Orationis, or a Rite of Supplication unto God.  
The like may be inferred out of Solomon's prayer at the dedication of the Temple, and the Lord's answer to the same: For in that dedicatory prayer is no mention at all of Sacrifice to be there offered, but only that the Lord would be pleased to hear from heaven the Prayers of such and such as should be made in that Place, or towards it. Nevertheless, when God appeared to Solomon in the night, he saith unto him, I have heard thy Prayer, and have chosen this place to myself for an house of Sacrifice, 2 Chron. 7. 12, plainly implying, That to be an house of Sacrifice was to be an house of Prayer.  
Add to these that in 1 Mac. 12. 11. where the jews in their Epistle to the Lacedæmonians speak on this manner; We at all times (say they) without ceasing, both in our Feasts and other convenient days, do remember you in the Sacrifices which we offer, and in our prayers; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for in our prayers at our Sacrifices. Certainly it may be gathered hence, that Prayers were annexed to their Sacrifices, and that Sacrifice was a Rite of Prayer.  
The like we shall find in the first of Baruch, where we read that those who were carried Captive with jechonias made a Collection of Money, and sent it to jerusalem, 
Vers. 10. 11.  saying, Behold, we have sent you money to buy you Burnt-offerings and Sin-offerings and Incense; and prepare ye the Meat-offering, and offer upon the Altar of the Lord our God: And pray for the life of Nabuchadnezzar King of Babylon, and for the life of Balthasar his son, that their days on earth may be as the days of heaven; just to that of my Text, that they may offer Sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the King, and of his Sons.  
Hence appears the reason why 
* Antiq. jud. l. 1. c. 4.  josephus, when the Scripture mentions no more but that Noah offered a Sacrifice when he came out of the Ark, attributes unto him a Prayer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Noah fearing lest God (having adjudged men to a general destruction) should every year thus drown the earth, offered Sacrifices unto God, beseeching him that hereafter all things may continue in that good order and primitive state, etc.  
I could be as plentiful in Profane Testimonies to this point as I have been in Sacred; and could allege the Testimonies of Homer, (where we have Examples of Sacrifices with the forms of Prayer,) of Herodotus, and others. But what need we the Testimonies of the Gentiles, save to know that in this point the jews and they agreed? It is enough to have proved it out of Scripture, that this was the use and nature of Sacrifice: wherein I have been so much the longer, because though the thing be of itself most apparent and evident, yet it is very little taken notice of.  
But you will inquire now, What profit hath this Discourse, or what use is there of this thing being known? I answer, Yes; it will help our conceit very much to understand in what sense and for what respect the ancient Church called the Eucharist or Lord's Supper a Sacrifice, and how harmless that notion was; namely, They took this Sacrament to have been ordained by our Blessed Saviour to succeed those bloody Sacrifices of the Law, and to be a Medium deprecandi Deum, a mean of Supplication and address to God, in the New Testament, as they were in the Old, by representing the Body and Blood of Christ unto his Father, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to his appointment: Forasmuch as they saw them both to be Rites of a like kind, as consisting of Meats and Drinks; both Epulae foederales, Federal Feasts, those of the Old Covenant, this of the New, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This Cup is the New Testament,] both Rites of atonement or for Impetration of Remission of sin, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith our Saviour, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This is my Blood, which is shed for many for remission of sins.] Besides, the Eucharist was by the time of its institution as it were substituted in place of the Passeover, which was a Sacrifice of that kind called Pacifica. All these things considered how obvious was it for them to think, that it was in the Institution intended for the same End and Use the other were, namely, for a Commemoration, whereby to have access and find favour with God, when we address ourselves unto him in the New Testament?  
And that this was no new device of later ages, but derived from the first times; may appear out of Cyril (or his Successor john of jerusalem) Author of the 5. Catech. Mystag. In the last whereof, relating and expounding the meaning of that which was said or done at the celebration of the holy Eucharist, according to the use of his time, (which was the Fourth Seculum current) amongst other things he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. [See this passage quoted in the foregoing Discourse, Chap. 6. pag. 366.]  
Yea that it was the use in the days of Constantine thus adhibere Eucharistiam ad preces, to use the Eucharist as a Rite of impetration in their prayers, appears out of Eusebius in his De vita Constantini, lib. 4. c. 45. where speaking of a great Synod of Bishops assembled at jerusalem by the Emperor's Command, to celebrate the dedication of a Church erected over the place of our Saviour's Sepulchre, and telling how the Bishops there met employed themselves during that Solemnity; Some (saith he) by Panegyric Orations set forth the Emperor's felicity; others were employed in preaching and expounding the Mysteries of Holy Scripture; another part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, did propitiate God and sought his favour by unbloudy Sacrifices, offering unto God humble Prayers for the public peace, for the Church of God, for the King the Author of so much good, and for his children beloved of God; namely, as the jews in their Sacrifices prayed for the life of the King and his Sons, according to my Text.  
But for the more full understanding the notion and practice of this Age, take also a passage of S. Austin: it is in his 22. Book De Civitate Dei, concerning one Hesperius, etc. [See this passage quoted in the foregoing Discourse, Chap. 5. pag. 363.]  
But some will suspect perhaps that this Custom began in the days of Constantine. No, it did not: It was in use in the days of Cyprian 60. years before, as appears in his 16. Epistle ad Mosen & Maximum. 
* Add hereunto that of Cyprian in his De Orat Dom. Et quando in unum cum fratribus con●enimus, & SACRIFICIA Di●ina cum Dei Sacerdote celebramus, verecundiae & disciplinae memores essi debemus, non passi● ventilare PRECES nostras inconditis vocibu●, etc.  Nos quidem vestri memores, & quando in Sacrificiis precem cum pluribus facimus, etc. [See this passage quoted in the foregoing Discourse, Chap. 5. pag. 362.]  
Let us ascend a little higher yet unto the days of Tertullian, within 200 years after Christ. He, in his Book De Oratione, makes express mention of Orationes Sacrificiorum, Prayers that accompanied the celebration of the Christian Sacrifice, such namely as S. Cyprian (Bishop of the same City whereof Tertullian was Presbyter, to wit of Carthage) even now spoke of. And in his Book ad Scapulam, Sacrificamus (saith he) purâ prece, We sacrifice with pure prayer. But you will say, This is against me rather, because he saith purâ prece, implying their was nothing else. No, it is not: For by purâ prece he means not nudâ & solitariâ prece, bare and naked prayer, but 
* This to be his meaning, appears from the words immediately following, Non eget Deus od●r●s & sanguinis alicujus, etc. See Chap. 3. of the foregoing Discourse, pag. 358.  prayer not defiled with shedding of blood and smoke of Incense, according to the manner of the Gentiles. And thus (as Sozomen in l. 2. c. 14. relates) Constantine writes to Sapores the Persian King in behalf of the Christians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they did satisfy themselves and acquiesce in offering up Prayers without blood for the entreating of God's favour, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for that the shedding of blood was no way acceptable to God, whose sole and chief delight was in a purified Soul.  
And that it was the manner in Tertullian's time adhibere Eucharistiam ad preces, may be further confirmed by the promiscuous use of the words signifying the one and the other. For in his 
* [See the passage quoted in the foregoing Discourse, Chap. 5. pag. 363.]  Exhort. ad Castitatem, Oratio and Offerre, Oratio and Sacrificium are interchangeably put the one for the other. It was observed before, how that josephus' attributes unto Noah a Prayer when the Scripture mentions only his offering a Sacrifice. And for that which is said (Acts 6. 6.) in the story of the seven Deacons set before the Apostles to be ordained by them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and when they had prayed, etc. we have in Constit. Apostol. l. 8. c. ult. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. We having offered (according to his appointment) a pure and unbloudy Sacrifice, ordained Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, in number seven.  
[What remains in the Manuscript, consists of Testimonies quoted out of justin Martyr his Dialogue with Trypho, and Ignatius his Epistle to the Ephesians, and Acts 2. 42. All which Passages are quoted at large in the foregoing Discourse, Chap. 5.]    

Of the Name ALTAR, OR 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anciently given to the HOLY TABLE. A Chapel Common-place, An. 1635.  
GENTLE READER.  
ALong Preface would not become a Treatise of so small abulk. Only therefore, in a word or two, thou art desired to take notice, That this Discourse was a private Exercise delivered in a College Chappel, 
* An. 1635.  above two full years since, and so before the present Controversy about that Subject whereof it treats was commenced by any public Writing; and therefore not to be suspected to aim at, or to have relation to, any man's opinion or person since interessed therein.  
That it was never intended for the public view, but, as thou mayest easily perceive by the form it still carries unaltered, fitted properly to that private Auditory and time, wherein it was uttered. But when, by occasion of the late polemics, it was copied out, to communicate to some friends for their better resolution in the controverted point; it chanced to fall into the hands of some, who so well liked it, as that they thought, the time of its composure especially considered, (which by way of caution was then prefixed in the front) it would, being made public, conduce to peace, and settling of men's minds and judgements in this question.  
The hope of so desirable a good prevailed with the Author (otherwise the most unwilling of any man to come abroad) to permit it to the Press. For whom would it not grieve to see, 
Matt. 5. 23, 24.  that the very NAME of That, the approach whereunto was wont, and still should, dissolve all differences, should now become the occasion of so much quarrel?  
Thus much I thought good to admonish thee: and so hoping thou wilt make a favourable and candid construction of what is presented unto thee, with no ill meaning, (I dare assure thee) I bid thee Farewell.  

SECTION I.  
HAVING made so long a Tractation about the Eucharist or Christian Sacrifice, I hold it not unfit, before I pass to another Theme, to speak somewhat of the Seat or raised Fabric whereon this holy Mystery hath been celebrated; as an Appendix to my former Discourses thereof: and the rather, because some questions and scruples are moved thereabout. And though others commonly pronounce of these things according to vulgar opinion and hear-say, without further search and enquiry; yet it becomes not us, who live in the Schools of the Prophets, to do so; but to give our verdict, when we do give it, out of judgement and due examination.  
To come then to the matter: The Seat or raised Fabric appointed for the setting and celebration of this holy Mystery was the HOLY TABLE, or ALTAR: for by both these names hath that sacred Bier (as I may call it) of the Body and Blood of Christ been ever promiscuously and indifferently called in the Church. Of the name TABLE there is no question; it is granted by all: But concerning the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ALTAR, many will not believe it. Let us therefore see what may be alleged for the antiquity of the use of it, as well as of that of TABLE. And take notice, that I speak not here either of the matter or form, (wherewith men are wont to entangle this question) but of the name and notion only, whatsoever the form or matter were.  
I will begin with Tertullian, 
Tertullian An. 200.  the most ancient of the Latin Fathers now extant; who flourished about 100 years after the death of S. john are Evangelist, and 200. after the birth of Christ. 
See also c. 10.  He, in his Book De oratione, in fine, reprehending their scrupulosity who thought it not so lawful to partake the Eucharist upon their station or weekly fast-days, lest their Fast thereby should be dissolved, expresses himself after this manner.  

a And so for the Station or Fast-days, there are many so scrupulous as to think they may not be present at the prayers of the Christian Sacrifices, because their Fast would be dissolved (as they suppose) upon their receiving the Lord's Body. But what? Does the Eucharist then dissolve that their Service devoted to God? Does it not rather the more strictly engage them to God and his Service? Nay will not thy Station or Fast be the more solemn if thou shalt also stand at God's ALTAR, where thou mayest receive the Lord's Body, and reserve it to be eaten at home when thy Fast is ended? And thus both shall be salved; thou mayest partake of the Sacrifice, and withal go on in the performance of thy Devotions.  Similiter de stationum diebus, (saith he) non putant plerique sacrificiorum orationibus interveniendum, quòd statio solvenda sit accepto corpore Domini. Ergo devotum Deo obsequium Eucharistia resolvit, an magìs Deo obligat? Nun solennior erit statio tua si & ad ARAM Dei steteris? Accepto corpore Domini & reservato, utrumque salvum est, & participatio sacrificii, & executio officii.  
Again, in his De Exhortatione castitatis, c. 10. endeavouring to prove (though erroneously) that a Soul conscious of the act of the marriagebed could not be fit for the duties of prayer and devotion, he speaks thus; 
* If a Soul be conscious of its guilt, and thereupon Conscience be ashamed, how shall it dare to pray at the ALTAR?  Si spiritus reus apud se sit, & conscientia erubescit, quomodo audebit orationem dicere ad Altar?  
These two places show, That in Tertullian's time, as the name Sacrifice was used for the Eucharist, so was that of ALTAR for the HOLY TABLE: Besides that, the Prayers of the Church used there to be offered up unto God.  
Within 50. years after Tertullian lived S. Cyprian, 
Cyprian An. 250.  Bishop of the same Church where Tertullian was Presbyter; to whom this language was so familiar, that I have observed it ten times at least in his Epistles only: but whether he ever useth the name TABLE, I know not. I will recite only five or six of the most pregnant and evident places, and not easy to be eluded.  
And first, that in his 42. Epist. or 2. ad Cornelium; where, to show that he favoured his part against Novatianus at the beginning, though he was not fully informed then of the lawfulness of his election, he relates, That having read his letters in the Church-assembly, 
Sect. I.  he refused to publish those Libellous criminations against him which Novatianus had sent by his messengers to be there read. 
a Being mindful of our common honour and dignity, and regardful of the Sacerdotal gravity and holiness, we have utterly rejected all that was raked up against you in a Writing that was sent us, full of a deal of provoking and reproachful stuff; seriously considering and weighing with ourselves, that in so full and religious an assembly of the Brethren, God's Priests being set, and the ALTAR placed, it was no way fit such libellous criminations should be either read or heard.  Honoris (saith he) communis memores, & gravitatis sacerdotalis ac sanctitatis respectum tenentes, ea quae ex diverso in librum ad nos transmissum congesta fuerant acerbationibus criminosis, respuimus; considerantes pariter & ponderantes, quòd in tanto fratrum religiosoque conventu, considentibus Dei sacerdotibus, & ALTARI POSITO, nec legi debeant nec audiri. 'Tis a description or Periphrasis of an Ecclesiastical assembly, or, as he calls it, religiosus conventus.  
Likewise in his 55. Epistle; where declaiming against some lapsed Christians, who in time of Persecution having sacrificed unto Idols, were yet so proud and insolent as to endeavour by threats and violence to be received again into the Church, without undergoing public penance and the satisfaction accustomed, he speaks on this manner: If such Insolency as this be tolerated, and those who sacrifice unto Idols once come to be received again into the Church without due satisfaction, 
b What then remains but that the Church should yield to the Capitol, and that the Priests withdrawing themselves, and taking away the Lord's ALTAR, Images and Idol-Gods together with their Altars should succeed and take possession of the place proper to the sacred and venerable Bench of our Clergy?  Quid superest, quam ut Ecclesia Capitolio cedat, & recedentibus sacerdotibus, ac Domini nostri ALTARE removentibus, in Cleri nostri sacrum venerandúmque 
* Consessus here notes the place, as in Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  CONSESSUM (i. e. in Presbyterium, seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) simulachra atque idola cum ARIS suis transeant?  
Again, in his 64. Epist. against one Fortunatianus a Bishop, who having lapsed in the time of Persecution would nevertheless return to the office of a Bishop, he hath these words; 
c Whenas he ought to make due satisfaction, and with earnest supplications, prayers and tears both day and night entreat God's mercy; does he as yet dare to claim the Sacerdotal dignity which he had betrayed; as if it were a fit thing for one to come immediately from the Devil's Altars to the Altar of God?  cum debeat satisfacere, & ad Dominum exorandum diebus ac noctibus lacrymis & orationibus & precibus incumbere; audet sibi adhuc sacerdotium quod prodidit vindicare, quasi post ARAS Diaboli accedere ad ALTARE Dei fas sit? And in the same Ep. 
d We ought to use our utmost care and industry, that such lapsed and apostatised persons do not return again to their charge, to the defiling of the ALTAR and the infecting of the Brethren.  Nè tales ad ALTARIS impiamenta & contagia fratrum denuo redeant, omnibus viribus excubandum est. In these two last places note, 1. The name ALTAR used for the HOLY TABLE: 2. That those Fathers, when they would distinguish between the ALTAR of the true God and the ALTARS of Idols, do usually call the one ARA, and the other ALTAR; of which more hereafter.  
A fourth Testimony is to be found in his 70. Epistle ad januar. & caeteros, where to prove that Heretics cannot give true Baptism, he reasons thus; 
e And moreover we are to consider that as the Eucharist, so the Oil also wherewith the baptised ones are anointed, is consecrated on the ALTAR. But how can any such consecreate the Creature of Oil, as have neither ALTAR nor Church? And therefore there can be no spiritual unction amongst the Heretics, since it is evident that neither can the Oil be consecrated nor the Eucharist celebrated by such as are Heretics.  Porrò autem (saith he) Eucharistia, &, unde Baptizati unguntur, Oleum, in ALTARI sanctificatur. Sanctificare autem non potuit olei creaturam, qui nec ALTARE habuit nec Ecclesiam. Vnde nec unctio spiritalis apud Haereticos potest esse, quando constet oleum sanctificari & Eucharistiam fieri apud illos omnino non posse.  
A fifth Testimony of this use of speech we may have in his 63. Epist. ad Caecilium, where he saith, 
f But withal the Holy Ghost by Solomon doth foreshow the Type of the Lord's Sacrifice, the Oblation there offered, and the Bread and Wine; as also makes mention of the ALTAR and the Apostles, saying, Wisdom hath built herself an house, and hath set it upon seven pillars; She hath killed her Sacrifices, she hath mingled her Wine in her Cup, she hath also prepared her table, and sent forth her servants, calling with a loud voice and inviting all unto her Cup, saying, etc.  Sed & per Solomonem Spiritus Sanctus typum Dominici sacrificii antè praemonstrat, immolatae hostiae, & panis & vini; sed & ALTARIS & Apostolorum faciens mentionem. Sapientia, inquit, aedificavit sibi domum, 
Prov. 9 ●, etc.  & subdidit columnas septem; 
* LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  mactavit suas hostias, miscuit in cratera vinum suum, & paravit mensam suam; & misit servos suos, 
* ●XX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  convocans cum excelsa praedicatione ad crateram, dicens, etc.  
A like passage whereto is to be found also in his Testimoniorum adversùs judaeos lib. 2. c. 2. 
a That Christ is the Wisdom of God, as also concerning the mystery of his Incarnation, and of his Passion and Cup, and the ALTAR, and the Apostles who being sent preached the Gospel, there is a plain Testimony in Solomon's Proverbs, viz. Wisdom hath built herself an house, and set it upon seven pillars; She hath killed her Sacrifices, she hath mingled her wine in her cup, and prepared her table, etc.  Quòd Sapientia Dei Christus, & de Sacramento Incarnationis ejus, & Passionis & Calicis, & ALTARIS, & Apostolorum qui missi praedicaverunt [Testimonium exstat] apud Solomonem in Paroemiis: Sapientia aedificavit sibi domum, & subdidit columnas s●ptem; mactavit hostias suas, miscuit in cratera vinum suum, & paravit suam m●ns●m, etc.  
By which two passages it appears, that the name Altar was so familiarly and ordinarily used of the Holy Table in his time, that he interprets Solomon's 
* As Athanasius likewise doth Disp. cont. Ar●um in Con. Nic p. 90. To. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●quit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Mensa by that name, tanquam per notius, as by the better known. Otherwise what need he have expounded Solomon's mensa by Altar Christi? Mensa Christi would have served the turn. I have deduced these Testimonies of Cyprian the more at large, because of those Objections wont to be alleged out of Arnobius to the contrary, who notwithstanding lived fifty years after him; and out of Lactantius, who, being Tutor to Constantine's son Crispus, was younger than he.  
Not long after Cyprian, about the year 260. lived Zeno V●ronensis, 
Zeno Veronensis. An. 260.  as appears by himself in his Book De Continentia. Casaubon calls him Scriptor vetustissimus & elegantissimus. This Author in the 9 of his Paschal Sermons Ad Neophytoes, Invitatione ad Fontem tertiâ, says of the Church, than a childbearing mother unto God of many sons by Baptism, That she brought forth far cleaner children than a natural Mother useth to do, being herself 
b Happily nourished and brought up (not in ill-sented cradles, but) within the pleasant Septs of the holy ALTAR.  Non foetidis cunis, sed suavè-redolentibus SACRI ALTARIS feliciter enutrita cancellis. Here it is not only ALTAR, but ALTARIS cancelli, the septs whereby it was separated from the rest of the Church or place of sacred assembly.  
And for the days of Constantine (whose reign began some fifty years after) Eusebius 
Euseb. histor. Eccles. l. 10. c. 4.  hath left us a copy of a Panegyric Oration made at the dedication of a sumptuous and magnificent Church at Tyre; the structure and garnishing whereof the Panegyrist describing at large, and amongst the rest the seats erected in the Sacrarium or Choir, for the honour (as he speaks) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Prelacy and Priestly Order, he adds, 
c And placing the most holy ALTAR in the middle; that the multitude might be hindered from pressing too near it, he compassed it about with a wooden rail of network, of so curious an artifice, as was admirable to behold.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & sacrosancto ALTARI in medio collocato; ista rursus, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] ut à multitudinis accessu prohiberertur, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] reticulati operis cancellis ex lignofabricatis circumdedit, adeò ad summum solertis artificii elaboratis, ut mirabile intuentibus praebeat spectaculum. Lo here again ALTAR, and cancelli ejus.  
But the same Eusebius, in his Book De laudibus Constantini, versùs finem, hath a more full passage, and which shows this language to have been at that time common and usual. For there, magnifying and setting forth the stupendious and unparall'd power of Christ our Lord and Saviour, testified abundantly by that wonderful and never-before-exemplified change which he had then wrought in the world, amongst other instances he hath this passage: 
d Who else besides our Blessed Saviour did ever teach and appoint his Friends and followers to offer Unbloudy and Reasonable Sacrifices, such as were to be performed by prayer and the mystical service of blessing and praising God? And hence it was that ALTARS were erected, and Churches also consecrated, throughout all the world; as also Intellectual and Reasonable Sacrifices were by all Nations offered up to God the King of the whole world. But as for the bloody and smoky Sacrifices, they are by a secret and invisible power quite extinguished, and are no more in use.  Quis alius, solo Servatore nostro excepto, coëpulonibus suis incruenta & rationalia sacrificia precibus & 
* Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius means the praising of God, appears by other passages in this Book (and elsewhere) where he saith, That the Invisible Powers or Angels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (1. Deo) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— and again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .] arcanâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 peragenda tradidit? Quorum causâ tum 
* Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ALTARIA in toto terrarum orbe constituta sunt, tum Ecclesiarum dedicationes factae; solique omnium moderatori Deo divina sacrificiorum, solâment 
‖ Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  & ratione obeundorum, ministeria ab omnibus gentibus exhibita. Sacrificia verò sanguine, cruore & fumo peragi solita, vi quadam occultâ & invisibili deleta & extincta sunt. Lo here ALTARIA in toto terrarum orbe constituta, for the offering of the Christian Sacrifice.  
Where I thought not good to omit that what Eusebius speaks here of the World in general, 
In Demon. adv. judaeos & Gent. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Edit. Sa●. Tom. 6. p. 635.  S. chrysostom affirms in particular of our British Islands; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The British Islands, which lie out of this sea, and are in the Ocean itself, have felt the power of the Word: for even there also Churches and ALTARS are erected.   

SECTION II.  
BUT will some say, 'Tis true indeed, that from two hundred years after Christ, and forward, the name of ALTAR was much frequented; but before that time it cannot be showed to have been used by the testimony of any Authentic Writer; and therefore nothing so ancient as that of TABLE. So some of ours affirm indeed; but they will be tried by no other Authors and Records of those times than such only as themselves hold for genuine, as justin Martyr, Theophilus Antiochenus, Irenaeus, or it may be another small Tractator or two (with whom this name is not found.) Of whom the works of the two principal, justin and Irenaeus, the most likely to have informed us, are near the one half perished.  
But before I make further Answer to this Exception, I would know to what end it is made, and what advantage the Authors thereof do hope to gain by it. For the reason, I think, why the name ALTAR is so much scrupled at is, because it is thought to imply Sacrifice. But justin Martyr and Irenaeus are well enough known to call the Eucharist both an Oblation and Sacrifice; yea the latter to dwell upon that theme. What gain is there then, that the name ALTAR is not to be found in those works of theirs which remain, if that of Oblation and Sacrifice, (for which the name of ALTAR is disliked) be? Besides, what likelihood that those who conceived of the Eucharist under the notion of a Sacrifice, should not call the place thereof, as well as their Successors did, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉?  
Secondly, I would know of the Authors and users of this Exception, whether in those Writers and Fathers before the two hundred years after Christ, which they acknowledged for genuine, the name of TABLE be to be found, or not, given to that whereon the holy Eucharist was celebrated. If it be not, than this Exception of two hundred years after Christ, (which yet is but one hundred after the Apostles) makes no more against the one than the other, if neither be to be found in the works extant of the Fathers which then lived. For by this it will appear, they had no occasion to mention this sacred BOARD either by one name or other in those works of theirs which are left unto us. Now for my part, though I have with diligence sought to inform myself herein, yet hitherto it hath never been my hap to find the Name of TABLE in any of them more than of ALTAR. I have enquired of others, and yet they have not showed it me. And therefore till I see it, I will believe it cannot be shown.  
But perhaps you will say, What matters it whether the Fathers we speak of have it or not, if the Scripture hath? For doth not S. Paul say, You cannot be partakers of the Table of the Lord and of the Table of Devils? 'Tis true. There is this only place to be alleged to that purpose: I know no other. And yet this too, if the judgement of some of our own Expositors be taken, is not sufficient to prove it neither. For Table here might signify, not the instrument or seat, but the Epulum or meat itself; it being the use of all Languages (I am sure of those learned ones) to express 
* Psal. 78. 19 Can God furnish a TABLE in the wilderness? See the verse after, where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fl●sh or Food is rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mensa a TABLE by the LXX. and Vulgar. So is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bread or Food rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a TABLE by the LXX. twice in 1 Sam. 20. 23, 26. al. 24, 27. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Meat is rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 four times in Dan. 1.  diet by Table; yea whether it be set thereon or not. 
Sect. 2.  And the matter of the Apostle's discourse seems to require this sense; for he speaks of Idolothyta or meats sacrificed to Idols. And not to be out-vied with Antiquity, I could likewise (as some do) parallel this place for TABLE with another, of a much like nature, for the name ALTAR; namely, that Heb. 13. 10. where the Apostle saith, We (i.e. we Christians) have an ALTAR, whereof they have no right to eat which serve at the Tabernacle. I know what you would be ready to except, namely, that by the ALTAR here named is meant Christ: which I for my own part should willingly admit, so it be understood with this caution, Christ as he is to be eaten in the Eucharist. For the Apostle speaks here of an ALTAR to be eaten of; which is not the material instrument or seat, but the Sacrifice used thereon. Thus if these two places, capable of, if not requiring, the like interpretation, be set the one against the other, we have not all this while found one jot more for the Antiquity of the name TABLE than of ALTAR.  
But now to answer more directly to the Question, Whether the name of ALTAR were used in the Church before two hundred years after Christ or not; I answer, It was. For proof whereof, why may I not allege the 
* Canon's Apost.  Canons called the Apostles? Which though the Apostles compiled not, yet are more ancient sure (at least many of them) than two hundred years after Christ, being not improbably to be thought to have been the Codex Canonum whereby the Church in those first ages (especially of the Orient) was ordered and governed. And in Questions of use and custom (such as this is) not genuineness of Titles only, but whatsoever Antiquity, though masked under a wrong and untrue name, may be admitted, I think, to give evidence according to the age thereof. Besides, if it be credible that the Apostles, or those to whom they committed the Churches, Apostolical men, might leave unto the Church some Rules of Order and Discipline, besides those mentioned in Scripture, (and whence otherwise should those Catholic and generally-received Traditions of the Church be derived?) why may not some of these, which bear that name, be of that number? And if any be, than none more likely than those which are first in order: namely because Collections of this nature are wont in process of time like snowballs to receive increase by new additions ever and anon put unto them, and yet notwithstanding continue still the name and Title of their first Authors; though sometimes not the one half of the contents will be owned by them. Upon which supposition we have, for the resolving of the present question, as much advantage as can be; considering that the Canon we are to allege is the second, or at the most (according as some others divide them) but the third in order from the beginning; and so (howsoever the Collection hath in time been increased) one of the first and most ancient of them. Let us therefore hear how it speaks.  
Canon Apost. 2. 
a If any Bishop or Presbyter shall bring to the ALTAR any thing besides what is appointed by our Lord concerning the Christian Sacrifice [that is to say, besides Bread and Wine,] be it Honey, or Milk, or in stead of Wine strong Drink prepared with all possible cost and art, or Fowls, or any other Creatures besides what is appointed by our Lord; let him be deposed. Nor let it be lawful to offer any thing at the ALTAR in the time of the holy Oblation (or Eucharist,) besides new corn parched or baked, and grapes in their season; except it be Oil for the Candlestick, and Incense.  Si quis Episcopus aut Presbyter praeter Domini de sacrificio ordinationem [i. praeter Panem & Vinum] alia quaedam [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] add ALTAR attulerit, sive mell, sive lac, sive vini loco siceram studiosè confectam, vel aves, vel animalia quaevis (praeter ordinationem;) deponatur. Praeter 
* Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tritici grana fricta aut ●osta, La●in● Graneas dixere. De significatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vid. LXX. Leu. 2. 14, 16. & ca 23. 14. Casaub, in Athenaeum, lib. 14. 16. Malè hîc Balsamon & alii, Legumina. Couser. Can. Syn. Carthag. quaehabet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  nova farra aut uvam tempore opportuno, non licitum esto aliud quid ad ALTAR (quam oleum ad luminare, & incensum) tempore sanctae Oblationis offer.  
Here the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ALTAR is twice used for the HOLY TABLE. The latter part of the Canon the Greek hath thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where consider whether it might not be read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, 
b Whether Oil for the Candlestick, or Incense.  sive oleum ad luminare, sive incensum; implying that at another time they might be offered there, but not tempore sanctae Oblationis, at the time of the holy Eucharist. For the better judgement whereof, and of the right meaning of the Canon (because the readings, distinction, and translations somewhat vary) take also a Canon of the Council of Carthage under Aurelins (Anno 397.) very like unto it, and made undoubtedly in imitation thereof.  
Syn. Carth. Can. apud Balsam. 40. 
a That it is not lawful to offer any thing but Bread and Wine mingled with water at the time of celebrating the holy Mysteries. Let nothing else besides the Lord's Body and Blood be offered, as our Lord himself hath ordained; that is to say, Bread and Wine mingled with water. But as for the First-fruits, whether of Honey or Milk, let them be offered (as the manner is) upon one solemn and accustomed day, at the Baptism of Infants. And though these (viz. Honey and Milk) more especially offered at the ALTAR, yet they are to have their proper and peculiar benediction, different and apart from the blessing of the Bread and Wine, or the consecration of the Lord's Body and Blood. Nor let there be any thing presented as a kind of First-fruit-offering there (viz. at the Altar, at the time of celebrating the holy Mysteries) but Grapes and Corn.  Non licere praeter panem & vinum aquâ mixtum quidquam in sanctis mysteriis offer. Ut nihil ampliùs quam Corpus & Sanguis Domini offeratur, quemadmodum Dominus ipse tradidit; hoc est, Panis & Vinum aquâ mixtum. Primitiae autem, sive mell, sive lac, offerantur, ut moris est, uno die consueto, ad Infantium mysterium (putà in Baptismo.) Et si enim maximè [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] add ALTAR offerantur, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  propriam tamen suam habeant benedictionem. Nihil autem amplius in primitiis [nimirum ad Altar, in sanctis mysteriis] offeratur quam ex uvis & frumento. Which only were permitted to be offered at the time of the Eucharist, (as may seem) because Bread and Wine are made of them.  
But I will not set my rest upon a Pseudepigraphal Testimony, but allege a witness past exception, and for antiquity beyond them all: And that is, that holy and blessed Martyr Ignatius, Bishop of that City where the name of Christians was first given to the Disciples of Christ; 
Ignat. Ep. Antioch.  who lived and saw the latter end of the Apostles times. This blessed Martyr, in those Epistles of his which none that are learned or judicious now make question of, thrice useth the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ALTAR for the Lord's TABLE, in his Epistles Ad Philadelphenses, Trallenses, and Ephesios'. In the first whereof add Philadelph. he speaks thus: 
b I write unto you and warn you that you use one Faith, one Doctrine, one Eucharist: For there is one Flesh of our Lord jesus Christ, one Blood of the same our Lord jesus Christ which was shed for us; one Bread broken for us, and one Cup distributed to all; one ALTAR to every Church, and one Bishop with the Presbytery and Deacons my fellow-Servants.  Scribo ad vos, moneóque ut unâ fide, unâ praedicatione, unâ Eucharistiâ utamini: una enim est caro Domini nostri jesu Christi, unus illius sanguis qui pro nobis effusus est; unus item panis omnibus confractus, & unus CALIX qui omnibus distributus est; unum ALTARE omni Ecclesiae, & unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio & Diaconis conservis meis. In this place 
* P. 236. Exer. 6. in Epist. Admetus Ephesios'.  Videlius expressly acknowledgeth the name ALTAR to be used by Ignatius for the HOLY TABLE, (though otherwise he be no friend to that name) because he knew not how to elude it. I thought good therefore to put it in the head of the file, to lead on the rest which follow. Whereof  
That Add Ephesios' shall have the next place; where exhorting them to be subject and at unity with their Bishop and Presbytery, he enforceth it thus: Nemo erret; (saith he) Nisi quis intra ALTARE sit, [Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] privatur pane Dei. Si enim unius aut alterius precatio tantarum virium sit, ut Christum inter illos statuat; quanto plus Episcopi & totius Ecclesiae oratio consona ad Deum ascendens (for this used to be presented at the Altar) exorabit, ut omnia quae petiverint 〈◊〉 Christo dentur ipsis? As if he had said, Be not deceived, but take notice, that as every one who is not at peace with his brother is excluded from the Altar. [Matth 5. 24.] so much more he that through disobedience is in schism and discord with his Bishop and spiritual Fathers is excluded thence; that is, hath no right to offer his Gift thereat; and consequently is deprived of the Bread of God, (the holy Eucharist,) and of the benefit of those precious and efficacious Prayers therewith offered up to God by the Bishop and Priestly Order in the name of the whole Church. Which how great a benefit it is may appear by this, That if the Prayer of one or two be of that efficacy as to place Christ in the midst of them; how much more shall the united prayer of the Bishop and the whole Church be of force to prevail with the Divine Majesty to grant them all they shall ask in Christ's name? It follows, 
c Whosoever therefore separates himself from these, and joins not with the Council of the Clergy, whose office it is to celebrate the Christian Sacrifices, nor with the Church of the Firstborn which are enroled in heaven, (Heb. 12. 23.) Whosoever is thus in schism and discord with them, is a Wolf in a Sheep's skin, pretending meekness under that disguise.  Quisquis igitur ab his separatur, neque concurrit cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Ecclesiâ primogenitorum conscriptorum in coelis, Lupus est sub ovina pelle, faciem mentiens mansuetam: that is, An Infidel in a Christian's coat. Where by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Concilium or Senatus sacrificiorum, he understands the Bishop and his Clergy, who are Senatus rei Divinae, or sacris faciundis. Therefore Vedelius, who will needs here, without reason or copy, in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (the better to make way for his conceit, That the body of the Church in general should be the Altar Ignatius here speaks of) did but correct the Magnificat, and pervert Ignatius his meaning, which he understood not. For that this which I have said is the meaning of Ignatius in this place, appears more plainly by the third Testimony I am now to allege of his, viz.  
Ex Epist. ad TRALLENSES ante med. 
a Reverence the Bishop, as ye do Christ, as the blessed Apostles have commanded us. He that is within the ALTAR, is clean; and therefore obeys the Bishop and Presbyters. But he that is without, is he that does any thing without the Bishop, Presbyters and Deacons: and such a one hath a defiled Conscience, and is worse than an Infidel.  Reveremini (inquit) Episcopum vestrum sicut Christum, quomadmodum beati nobis praeceperunt Apostoli. Qui intra ALTAR est, mundus est; quare & obtemperat Episcopo & Presbyteris. Qui verò extra est, hic est qui sine Episcopo, Presbyteris & Diaconis quippiam agit: & talis inquinatam habet conscientiam & Infideli deterior est: i. He is a Wolf in a Sheep's skin, as he said in the other Epistle. The places are twins, and the one is a gloss unto the other.  
Now, by warrant of these Testimonies, I think I may safely conclude, That the use of the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ALTAR (for aught that any hitherto hath showed to the contrary) is no less ancient in Christianity than that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the HOLY TABLE or TABLE OF THE LORD; and that both have been promiscuously used from the Apostles times.  
Nor is it any marvel it should be so; for these names are of an equivalent notion, and signify one and the selfsame thing. For what is an Altar but of those kinds of things we call Tables? what Genus else can we refer it to? The difference is, That an Altar notes not a common, but an Holy Table, a Table for an Holy Feast, such as I have heretofore showed a Sacrifice to be, Epulum ex oblatis, or a Feast of an Oblation made unto God: That is, there is no more difference between a Table and an Altar, than between another Cup and a Chalice. An Altar is not every Table or a Table for a common Feast, but an Holy Table; and an Holy Table is an Altar. The difference is not (as many suppose) either in the matter, as of wood or stone; for an Altar may be of wood (as both the golden Altar and that of Burnt-offering were in the Tabernacle, namely of Shittim-wood) and a Table may be of stone: nor in the posture or manner of standing, whether in the middle, or against a wall; (for the Altar of Burnt-offering stood in the midst of the Priest's court, and the Altar of Incense up against the veil:) But this is the true difference, that a Table is a common Name, and an Altar is an Holy Table. This Holy Altar (saith Gregory Nyssene, Sermone de Baptismo Christi) whereat we stand, is by nature a common stone, nothing differing from other slates; but being consecrated to the service of God, and having received the benediction, it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Holy Table, an Altar inviolable. See he makes one to be the Exegesis of the other. For in times past (when men perhaps were as wise as we are now) it was thought fit and decent, that things set apart unto God, and sacred, should be distinguished not only in use, but in 
* Yea and in form and fashion too. See Maimon, apud Ainsworth upon L●●. 19 30. For both Sanctity and Sanctification consist in Discrimination.  name also from things common. Forwhat is a Temple or Church but an House? yet distinguished in name from other Houses. What is a Sacrifice but a Feast? yet distinguished in name from other Feasts. So what is an Altar but a Table? yet distinguished in name from other Tables.  
Well, let all this be granted, may some-man say, that there is no greater difference between these two names than as you affirm; yet ought the Language of the Church to be conformed to the Style of the New Testament. But where in the New Testament should those Ancients find any Text whereon to ground the application of this name to the Holy Table? I answer, There, I am prone to believe, whence they derived the Oblation of the Bread and Wine in the Eucharist, and that Rite of Reconciliation at their entrance thereunto; (where the Deacon was wont to proclaim, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
* 〈…〉 , Nè quis contra aliquem, or in some other words to like effect; and then every one to salute his brother in token of Reconciliation and Peace) and that was from that Ordinance of our Blessed Saviour in his Sermon upon the Mount, viz. If thou bringest thy GIFT unto the ALTAR, and there remember'st that thy Brother hath aught against thee; leave thy GIFT before the ALTAR, and go, first be reconciled to thy Brother, and then come and offer thy GIFT. Which Scripture they took to be an Evangelical constitution, wherein our Saviour implied, by way of Anticipation, that he would leave some Rite to his Church in stead, and after the manner of, the Sacrifices of the Law, which should begin with an Oblation, as they did; and that to require this proper and peculiar qualification in the Offerer, To be at peace, and without enmity with his Brother: Insomuch as Irenaeus seems to place that Purity of the Evangelical oblation prophesied of by 
* Chap. 1. 11.  Malachi, even in this requisite. Vide l. 4. c. 34. Hence also they may seem to have learned to call the Bread and Wine (in respect of this Oblation) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Holy GIFTS, from the word our Saviour here useth.  
For that they derived from this Text that Rite of Peace and Reconciliation before the Offertory, appears expressly out of Constit. Apost. l. 2. c. 57 Iren. lib. 4. 34. Edit. Fevard. Tertull. De Oratione c. 10. Eusebius De vita Constantini, lib. 4. c. 41. Cyril of jerusalem Catech. Myst. 5. Why then may I not believe as well that they might derive from the same Text the Offertory itself, and the application of the name Altar to the Holy Table: seeing all three in the Text depend one upon another, and that there is not in the New Testament any other passage of Scripture whereon so ancient and universal a practice of the Church, as was in all these three particulars, could expressly be grounded? And, besides that the Primitive practice of the Catholic Church is a good Rule to interpret Scripture by, there may be good Reasons found from the circumstances of the Text, and Sermon itself, to persuade it to be an Evangelical Constitution.  

1. Because there was no such thing commanded in the Law to such as came to offer Sacrifice; not any such Deuterosis to be found amongst the Traditions of the Elders. Now it is altogether improbable our Saviour would then annex a new Rite to the Legal sacrifices, when he was so soon after to abolish them by his sacrifice upon the Cross, yea (if the Harmonists of the Gospel are not deceived) within less than two years after; for they place this Sermon between his second and third Passeover. Ergo he intended it for an Ordinance of the Kingdom of God, (as the Scripture speaks) that is, for the Church of his Gospel.  
2. Because the Sermon, whereof this was part, is that famous Sermon of our Saviour upon the Mount, which he read as a Lecture to his Disciples, to instruct them in the Mysteries of the Kingdom of God, a little before he sent them out to preach; and so, in all likelihood, contained the Sum of that they were to preach; which no doubt was Doctrine Evangelical. In all other parts of the Sermon we find it so; wherefore then should we not so esteem it even in this also?  
3. Because it is brought in (and that in the first place) as an exemplification of that righteousness wherein the Citizens of the Kingdom of Christ were to outgo the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees: I say unto you, (saith our Saviour) except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees, 
Verse. 20.  ye shall not enter into the Kingdom of Heaven. Then follows this Text, showing how far we are to outstrip the Scribes and Pharisees in our obedience to the Precept, Thou shalt not kill.  
4. This passage should be Evangelical, forasmuch as it seems, together with the rest that follow it, to be a part of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Complementum Legis whereof our Saviour spoke a little before, saying, Think not that I am come to dissolve the Law and the Prophets, 
Verse 17.  (that is, to abolish or abrogate the observation of them in my Kingdom) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but to accomplish, supply, or perfect them. For this to be the meaning of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the whole discourse following it seemeth to evince, wherein namely our Saviour puts in practice and makes good de facto in several particulars what he formerly said he came to do.    

SECTION III.  
BUT there is one thing yet behind, by no means to be forgotten in this Argument, That what I have hitherto spoken of the name Altar is to be understood of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For these two are not the same. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the Altar of the true God, 
Sect. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Altar of an Idol. Wherefore the ancient Fathers and Christians (which spoke the Greek tongue) never used to call the Altar of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (though it were the usual word in that language) but ever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which difference they learned out of the Greek Bible; in all which the Altar of the true God is 
* Except only Siracid●s, and the 2. Book of Maccab. whose style gentilizeth.  no where termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. On the contrary, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is never used (when it is used) but of an Idolatrous Altar or Altar of an Idol. This difference of these two words may be evidently seen and confirmed by one passage in the first Book of Maccabees, c. I. V. 
* al. 62.  59 where concerning the Ministers of Antiochus Epiphanes, who had erected an Altar to jupiter Olympius upon the great brazen Altar in the Temple of the Lord, and sacrificed thereon, the Greek expresseth it in this manner, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, They sacrificed upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which our Translation rightly renders, They sacrificed upon the Idol-Altar, which was upon the Altar of God; the circumstances of the place leading them thereunto. And that this Testimony may not go alone, take with it a like expression or two in S. Chrysostom, who in his 24. Homil. in 1. Ad Corinthios, brings in our Saviour thus speaking; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If thou desirest blood, make not the Idols 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ruddy with the slaughter of Beasts, but my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with my blood. 'Tis upon that passage, The cup of blessing which we bless, is it not the communion of the blood of Christ? With the same style in the Homily a little before quoted [Demonstrat. Quòd Christus sit Deus] he magnifies the speedy propagation of the Gospel, that in so short a time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Bomoi & Simulacra) were abolished, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were erected throughout the Roman Empire, yea among the Persians, Scythians, Moors and Indians. To all which add another observation, That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word not used by any Pagan Writer, but is a mere Ecclesiastical and Hellenistical term, first devised (as 
* De vit. Mosis i. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Mos●s nymph graecissan●) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Philo in his Vita Mosis would give us to understand) by the Septuagint to express the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to distinguish the Altar of the God of Israel from the Altars of the Idol-Gods of the Gentiles.  
But you will ask me now, Wherein consisted the real difference between the two, which made them so nice to call the one by the name of the other? or was it verbal only? I answer, it was real. For the Altar of the true God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was only (as the name implies) a Table for sacrifice; viz. in the Law, of those bloody Sacrifices which were then offered to God by Fire and Incense; in the Gospel, of the reasonable and spiritual Sacrifice, sent up unto God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, only by the word of thanksgiving and prayer. 
Mark here who they are that have turned the Christians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the Gentiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Altars of the Gentiles were Suggesta or Scabella sculptilium & simulacrorum, Idol-stools or Foot-stools of their Images, in respect of the accommodation the one had to the other; which was such, as their Idols were placed before, upon, or above their Altars. This may appear in some sort by those passages of S. Chrysostom which I now quoted, especially the latter. And by that of S. Austin, Hom. 6. De verbis Domini, where he proves from this posture, that the Gentiles took and worshipped their Idol-statues for Gods, because they placed them upon their Altars. Nam illi (inquit) quòd Numen habeant & pro Numine accipiant illam statuam, Ara testatur. And this also the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fitly intimates, as properly importing a Basis, whereon something standeth, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Eustathius notes; and is accordingly used by 
* Odyss. H.  Homer for the Basis whereon stood the gilded Statues of Boys holding lights at a banquet; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  So 2 Chron. 34. 4. we read, That josiah caused the Altars of Baalim to be broken down, and the Images that were on high above them. Aaron, when he set up the golden calf, is said in like manner to have built an Altar before it, Exod. 32. 5. This connexion between the Gentile-Altars and Idol-statues or Images may also be gathered out of that 
* See Sect. 1. of this Treatise, pag. 384.  forecited passage of S. Cyprian, Epist. 55. where declaiming against some lapsed Christians, who having in time of Persecution sacrificed unto Idols, would for all that be admitted again into the Church without due satisfaction. If this be suffered, (saith he) Quid superest, quam ut ECCLESIA Capitolio cedat, & recedentibus saecrdotibus, ac Domini nostri ALTARE removentibus, in Cleri nostri sacrum venerandúmque consessum (i. in sacrarium nostrum, seu 
* Or, as this part of the Church is termed in a story of the same time in Euseb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the name whereby the LXX. call the Sanctuary in the Old Test. Hist. Eccles. l. 7. cap. 18. de Marino Martyr, Adductum ad Ecclesiam statuit intus prope 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) SIMULACRA atque IDOLA cum ARIS suis transeant? In this not long passage are many things worthy observing. 1. Ecclesia used for the place of Holy assembly, and opposed to Capitolium, which stands here for any Gentile-Temple. 2. The place of the Clergy next the Altar, and distinguished from that of the Laity. 3. The coupling of Simulacra and Idola cum Aris suis, as individui comites, and the opposition thereof to Altar Domini nostri, i. Christi. 4. That the Latin Fathers sometimes imitated the Greek, in distinguishing, as well as they could, the names of the Altars of Christ and the Altars of Idols, calling 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ALTAR, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ARA. Which the Author of the vulgar Latin so far observes, that throughout the Canonical Scripture he never calls the Altar of the true God ARA, but the Altars of Idols only, as the Septuagint useth the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
I have prosecuted this observation of the difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more largely, because it will help us through those doubtful and stumbling passages which are found in Origen, Minutius Felix, Arnobius and Lactantius, in their disputes against the Gentiles. Who although they lived, the two first in the third Century, (after Tertullian;) the two latter about the beginning of the fourth Seculum, in the days of Diocletian and Constantine, fifty years after S. Cyprian; (during all which time, it is apparent, confessed, and may be invincibly proved against such as shall deny it, That Christians had Oratories and Houses of worship to perform the Rites of their Religion in; as also, by those Testimonies alleged, that they usually called the HOLY TABLE there placed by the name of ALTAR and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) yet these Author's afore-named, when the Gentiles object Atheism to the Christians, as who had no Templa, no Arae, no Simulacra, are wont in their Apologies to answer by way of Concession, not only that they had none, but more, that they ought not to have. What should this mean? why this; They answer the Gentiles according to the notion wherein they objected this unto them; to wit, that they had no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, no Idol-stools, or Simulacrorum scabella; not that they had no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Therefore the word which Origen there useth is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in all those passages you shall ever find Arae & Simulacra to go together. Origen; 
a Celsus affirms that we Christians decline the building or setting up of Altars, Images and Temples.  O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Celsus ait nos Ararum & Statuarum Templorúmque fundationes fugere. Minutius Felix; 
b Why have the Christians no Altars, no Temples, no Images?  Curio nullas Aras habent, Templa nulla, nulla nota Simulacra? Arnobius; 
c Herein ye are wont to charge us with hideous impiety and irreligion, viz. that we do not make any Image or Representation of any God, nor build any kind of Altars at all.  In hac consuéstis parte crimen nobis maximum impietatis affigere— Quòd non Deorum alicujus simulacrum constituamus aut formam, non Altaria fabricemus, 
* Perhaps he adds this by way of correction of his word Altaria.  NON ARAS. Lactantius; 
d What can Temples and Altars mean? what do Statues signify?  Quid sibi Templa, quid Arae volunt, quid denique ipsa Simulacra, & c?  
And as for Temples, their meaning was, they had no such claustra Numinum as the Gentiles supposed Temples to be, and to which they 
* According to which style S. Hierome Ep. ad R●parium saith de jul. Apostate. Quod sanctorum Basilicas destruxerit, aut in Templa converterit. Ep. 10.  appropriated that name, viz. Places whereunto the Gods, by the power of spells and magical consecrations, were confined and limited, and for the presencing of whom a Statue was necessary; places wherein they dwelled, shut up as Birds in a cage, or as the Devil confined within a circle, that so they might be ready at hand when men had occasion to seek unto them: That Christians indeed had no such dwellings for their God as these; for that their God dwelled not in Temples made with hands: But not, that they had not 
e Worshipping-places, Houses of Prayer, Churches.  
a Galienus in ed. ap. Eus. l. 7. c. 12. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no 
b Apud eund. Hist. l. 7. c. 1, 2.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
c Eus. de laud. Constant.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 
d Idem Hist. l. 7. c. 3.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For such the stories and monuments of those times expressly inform us they had; and the Gentiles themselves that objected this defect, knew it too well; as may appear by their Emperor's Rescripts for demolishing them, and sometimes for restoring them, when the Persecution ceased. All which he that will may find in Eusebius his Ecclesiastical History, before either Arnobius or Lactantius wrote: Whither I refer them that would be more fully satisfied; yea to Arnobius 
* See this passage of Arnobius in the Discourse on 1 Cor. 11. 22. pag. 338  himself in the end of his 4. Book adversùs Gentes, where he speaks of the burning of the Christians sacred Books, and demolition of their Places of assembly. And thus I conclude my Discourse.   

PSALM CXXXII. VII.  We will go into his Tabernacle, we will worship towards his Footstool. 
SO the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rightly rendered; and those who say Before his Footstool, imply the same, if it be rightly construed. The LXX. hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Toward the Place where his feet stand, which is a Periphrasis of a Footstool.  
THE LORD'S FOOTSTOOL here mentioned was either the Ark of the Testimony itself, or the place at least where it stood, called DEBIR or the Holy of Holies, towards which the jews in their Temple used to worship. The very next words following my Text argue so much, Arise, O Lord, into thy rest, thou and the Ark of thy strength. And it is plain out of 1 Chron. 28. 2. where David saith concerning his purpose to have built God an House, I had in mine heart to build an House of rest for the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord, and for the FOOTSTOOL of our God. Where the Conjunction [and] is Exegetical and the same with [that is.] According to this expression the Prophet jeremy also, 
Verse 1.  in the beginning of the second of his Lamentations, bewaileth that The Lord had cast down the beauty of Israel, (that is, 
* As Isa. 60. 7. & 64. 11. Psal. 96. 6.  his glorious Temple) and remembered not his FOOTSTOOL, (that is, the Ark of his Covenant) in the day of his wrath.  
This to be the true and genuine meaning of this phrase of worshipping the Lord towards his Footstool, besides the confessed Custom of the time, is evidently confirmed by a parallel expression of this worshipping posture. Psalm 28. 2. Hear the voice of my supplication when I cry unto thee, when I lift up mine hands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 towards thine HOLY ORACLE; that is, toward the most Holy place where the Ark stood, and from whence God gave his answers. For that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 DEBIR, which is here translated ORACLE, was the Sanctum Sanctorum or Most holy place, is clear out of the 6. and 8. Chapters of the first Book of Kings; where in the 
* Verse 19  former we read, that Solomon prepared the ORACLE or DEBIR, to set the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord there: in the 
* Verse 6.  latter, that the Priests brought in the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord unto his place, into the Oracle of the House, to the most holy place, even under the wings of the Cherubims. Wherefore the Authors of the Translation used in our Liturgy rendered this passage of the Psalm, When I hold up my hands toward the Mercy-seat of thy holy Temple; namely, having respect to the meaning thereof. Thus you see that one of the two must needs be this Scabellum pedum or FOOTSTOOL of God, either the Ark or Mercy-seat itself, or the Adytum Templi, the Most holy place where it stood. For that it is not the whole Temple at large (though that might be so called) but some thing or part to those that are within it, the first word● of my Text [We will go into his Tabernacles] do argue. If then it be the Ark, (whose Cover was that we call the Mercy-seat) it seems to have been so called in respect of God's sitting upon the Cherubims, under which the Ark lay, as it were his Footstool: whence sometimes it is described, 
1 Sam. 4. 4.  The Ark of the Covenant of the Lord of Hosts, which sitteth upon the Cherubims. If the Ark, with the Cover thereof the Mercy-seat, be itself considered as God's Throne, than the place thereof, the DEBIR, may not unfitly be termed his Footstool. Or lastly, if we consider Heaven to be the Throne of God, as indeed it is, than whatsoever place or monument of Presence he hath here on Earth is in true esteem no more but his Footstool.  
Thus the meaning of the Text is plain, which I thought good to make choice of for the Argument of my Discourse at this time, for our better information concerning the lawfulness of that practice of worshipping God towards the holy Table or Altar: For it becomes not us who live in such places as these, where Knowledge is taught, and should be derived to other parts of the Church, to be ignorant of the reason and quality of any thing, especially concerning the Worship of God, which either we do ourselves, or see others do; lest in the first we be guilty of Imprudence, in the other of Uncharitableness in miscensuring others. And in this particular, Information is so much the more needful, because many scruple at this kind of posture in God's Worship; esteeming it little better than Idolatry, 
Psal. 132. 7.  as being of like nature with worshipping God by an Image: wherein how much they are deceived I shall make now to appear.  
Know therefore, That to worship God by an Image, and to worship him towards some place or monument of his Presence, are things of a differing nature: For the first is absolutely forbidden by the Divine Law; the latter we find continually practised by the people of God in the Old Testament, and that with his allowance and approbation. Thus in the Wilderness they worshipped him towards the Cloud, as the sign or monument of his Presence going with them, Exod. 34. 5, 8. In the Tabernacle and Temple they directed their posture toward the Ark of the Covenant, or most Holy place, as my Text (and that parallel place now alleged out of Psalm 28. for confirmation) witnesseth; namely, as to the place of his Throne and Footstool. Unto which I add for a third Testimony, that of Psalm 99 5. Exalt ye the Lord our God, and worship towards his Footstool: There goes before it in the beginning of the Psalm, The Lord reigneth, let the people tremble; he sitteth between [or upon] the Cherubims. The same thing is meant or implied by that expression of worshipping the Lord toward his holy Temple, in the 5. and 138. Psalms; in the first whereof, v. 7. I will come into thine House (saith David) in the multitude of thy mercy, and in thy fear will I worship toward thy Holy Temple. Mark; I will come into thine House, and then worship, etc. This form the jews at this day are wont to pronounce in the Adoration which they make at their entrance into their Synagogues, turning themselves at the same time toward an Ark or Cabinet, wherein they lay the Book of the Law, made and placed in imitation of the Ark of the Covenant with the Two Tables. In the other Psalm likewise, v. 1, 2. the Psalmist saith, Before the Gods (that is, the Angels) will I sing praise unto thee: I will worship towards thy holy Temple; that is, toward the place of the Ark or Mercy-seat. For we are to take notice, that the people or Laity came no nearer than into the Courts of the Temple only, and the Priests themselves entered no farther but when they were to order the Lamps, and burn Incense evening and morning, or renew the Shewbread; otherwise they also stood and officiated without in the Court appointed for them, called the Priest's Court: so that both (the people especially) standing in the Court● when they worshipped, they directed their faces toward the Temple or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strictly so called, where the Ark and Mercy-seat were. Hence comes this expression of worshipping the Lord toward his holy Temple: as much as to say, We will come into thy Courts, and worship thee toward the place where thy memor● or monument of thy Presence is. With these places may be compared that of the 134. Psalms, where the Levites (standing namely in the Priest's Court) are exhorted to lift up their hands toward the Sanctuary [LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Targ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 toward his holy seat] and to bless the Lord.  
Besides this, when they were absent from the Temple, yea though in a strange and foreign Country, and that far remote, yet when they prayed or worshipped, they turned their faces thitherward: as appears by 1 Kings 8. 44, etc. in the prayer of Solomon at the dedication thereof; and the example of Daniel, Dan. 6. 10. who opened his windows towards jerusalem, and kneeling upon his knees three times a day, prayed, and gave thanks before his God, as he was wont; yea, even then when the Temple and holy City were burnt and destroyed, and the Ark of the Testimony not then there, but only the place where it was wont to be. Zorobabel also, 3 Esd. 4. 58. lifted up his face to heaven toward jerusalem, and praised the King of Heaven. And this custom the jews in their devotions still observe unto this day. Yea all this may seem (for aught that can be showed to the contrary) to have been done out of the use of mankind, without any special Precept to that purpose, which is no where to be shown. For as for the prayer of Solomon (besides that Precepts are not wont to be given in prayers) it is there presupposed only as a rite of custom; 
* Plutarch, in Aristide de Paulania: L●crymis oppl●●us conver●it se ad ●anum junonis, mani●sque ad coelum tendens, precatur Citheroniam Iun●nem, etc. Varro l. 4. de lingua Lat. de Cu●io se de●ovente: Ad Concordia (sub. aedem) con●ersul, etc. Sic emendat Scalig, quem vide in Collestaneis, & quae ibidem ex Livio adducit ad ha●● rem fac●ntia.  Nature it seems having taught mankind, as in their addresses unto men to look unto their Face, so in their addresses unto the Divine Majesty to look that way, or toward that place, where his Presence is more demonstrated than elsewhere; whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (if I may so speak) as in the Heavens; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in Temples and like sacred places, where his Name and Presence either is, or is wont to be recorded. Hence it appears, that to worship God versùs locum praesentiae, towards the place where any sign or specification of his Presence is, is no Idolatry, nor forbidden by the Second Commandment: For surely that which was no Idolatry in the Old Testament, is no Idolatry in the New; whatsoever fault otherwise it might have.  
The reason of this difference, between worshipping God by an Image and worshipping him towards some place where his Presence is specified, is this, Because in the first the Creature is used objectively to the act of Divine worship, (that is, as the thing worshipped;) but in the other as a local circumstance of worship only. For we are to know that a Creature may be used in the act of Divine worship by way of Object, by way of Local circumstance, or by way of Instrument. The first, by way of Object, that is, as that to which the Act of worship is directed and terminated upon, without question is Idolatry. For the Lord our God is a jealous God, and cannot endure that any created thing should partake with him by way of Object in the Act of his worship. But he that useth an Image in the act of Divine worship as an Image, that is, interposing it in the same as the representation of that he worshippeth, makes it not the term of his posture only (as any other Creature might be, and some always will be,) but the Butt (as I may so speak) or Object of his Act. For in the act of worship, to look or attend unto any thing as that which representeth unto him the Object unto which he is tendering his act, is to make it an Object representative; and consequently, such as in part and as by way of intervention receiveth the Act which by it is tendered to the Prototype. Which although it be no more but to be only relatively worshipped, and for the examples sake, and not absolutely and for itself; yet is it more than the jealousy of God can endure, as is manifest by his so strict prohibition and frequent detestation thereof.  
But as for the two other ways of using a creature in the act of God's worship, by way of Instrument only, or Local circumstance, neither of them is impious or unlawful.  
First, Not to use it therein as (or by way of) an Instrument whereby it is performed: For than it would be unlawful to use a Table or a Chalice in the celebration of the holy Eucharist, or the like; to use a Book when we pray, sing, or give thanks unto God; to praise him with Instruments of Music, as David 
* ● Chron. ●. 6. & ch. 29. ● 27.  ordained; to use a Book to swear upon, when we take an oath; for to swear is as much an Act or Religious worship, and as much appropriated unto God in Scripture, as any other worship due unto him. Wherefore the Rites used therein (as to turn toward, lay our hands upon, and kiss the Book of the holy Gospels, as the Tables of the new Covenant of God with men in Christ) if they be well examined, will afford much light toward the decision of this Question of posture in our adoration of God in the Church: especially if it be considered that the very same Rites, for the same purpose, have been anciently used upon an 
* See 1 King. ch. 8 v 31. jurantes Aras 〈…〉 bant; C●●er Plautus Rudent. Virg. 12. AEneid. juven. Sat. 14. justin. l. 24. Vid. Pont. p. 3. p. 146.  Altar. But this by the way.  
Secondly, Neither is it impious or unlawful in God's worship to use a creature in way of a Local circumstance thereof; namely, as that whereby the place of our worship is determined: for than it would be unlawful to use Temples or Churches to worship God in, or to have any designed place there accommodated for the Priest to minister or officiate at. But this our practice shows we esteem and acknowledge lawful. Now if it be lawful to make use of a creature for the Vbi, or place where, of the worship we give unto God, why not as well for the place WHICH-WARD, or which-way we worship him? VBI & QVO Where and Which-way being both alike differences and relations of Place; and the worship of God no more communicated thereby with the Creature, whereby we determine the one, than whereby we determine the other. Indeed the Creature by this means is honoured and dignified; but that honour the Creature receiveth lies only in this, in being chosen and preferred before any other for such sacred use. Which honour, I trow, is of no other or higher nature, than what any Sacred thing according to the fitness and propriety it hath may be respected with.  
Moreover, if it should not be lawful in Divine worship to direct our posture towards a Creature, and that too in great regard of some special relation it hath to God-ward; it would be unlawful to set our faces and lift up our hands and eyes to Heaven in our prayers and invocations tendered unto the Divine Majesty; which I know not any that makes scruple of. And yet if the determination of our posture only by a creature in Divine worship be Idolatry; why might we not justly scruple, lest this posture of our hands and faces to Heaven-ward at such a time might make us guilty of worshipping the Host of Heaven, that is, the Sun, Moon, Stars and Planets, as the Gentiles and Israelitish Idolaters did? But for our warrant herein, our Blessed Saviour, in that Prayer he hath left unto his Church, hath taught us to say, Our Father which art in heaven. For without doubt, if we may without impiety determine the Divine presence thus in our speech, we may also (yea fit, I think, we should) do the like at the same time with our posture; which is no more but to express that visibly by our gesture, which we utter vocally w●th our mouths. For not that which is before us only in our posture, but that which is the terminus of our Act, is the Object of our Worship. Nor to determine our posture only by a creature, but to communicate the Worship we give unto God therewith, is that which the Divine Law forbiddeth. And that this difference must be admitted, is evinced by the severe and peremptory prohibition of the one, and the frequent examples of the other practised by holy men in Scripture. Besides that the admission thereof openeth the true way how to answer our adversaries, when they allege the aforementioned places of Scripture in patronage of their Idolatrous worship.  
Now then to apply all this to the Hypothesis: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the HOLY TABLE or ALTAR, (for the difference is but verbal) in our Christian Churches, answers unto the Ark or Mercy-seat in the jewish Temple, being Solium Christi, and in the language of Antiquity the Christian 
* Orat. Paneg. ap. Euseb. Hist. lib 10. cap. 4. Di●nys. At. ep. 8 ad Demophilum.  Sanctum Sanctorum; where the Book of the Gospels (by ancient custom laid thereon) parallels the 
* May not our order of setting the Ten Commandments over the Communion. Table have had some reference this way? See Orders Anno 1565. 7. Eliz. Artic. 7.  two Tables, the holy Eucharist the golden Pot of Manna, that is, the sacred Monuments and Symbols of the new Covenant those of the old. Why may not then a like respect be had to it in the posture of our Christian adoration, which the jews in their worship had, not only to the Ark of the Testimony, but to the Altars which stood before it, yea even to the Temple itself, when they could not come to perform their devotions therein; and that too (as I have already observed) when that Ark which Moses made by God●s appointment, with those two sacred Symbols (the two Tables and Pot of Manna) were no more there, as in the Second Temple they were not; but only the place ordained for them, or at the most (if that) some imitative Ark only with a Roll of the Law put therein, such as the jews at this day are known to have in their Synagogues, and to direct their posture toward it when they worship, as formerly they did to that in the Temple? See Buxtorf. Synagog. judaic. cap. 5.  
Lastly, all Nations and Religions have been wont to use some reverential gesture when they enter into their Temples. And our Blessed Saviour in the Gospel would not have his Disciples to enter into a man's house without some salutation; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when ye enter into an house, salute it. 
Matt. 10. 12.  Why should we not think it to be a part of Religious manners to do as much when we come into the house of God? Now of all Gestures, Adoration or bowing of the Body seems to be the most comely and ready for that purpose; and of all postures in the doing thereof (and some posture there must needs be) that which is directed towards that which is the most sacred and of most preeminent relation to God in the Church; that, namely, where he is commemorated, and the blessed Symbols of his Body and Blood reached forth unto us, (who is our 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rom. 3. 25. the name whereby the Mercy-seat is called in the old Testament. The Israelites worshipped towards the place of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was a Type of ours; why may not we worship in like manner toward the place of our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Truth of theirs?  Propitiatory through faith in his Blood, and by whom alone and whose Sacrifice we have access unto his Father,) the HOLY TABLE or ALTAR. What place then so fit to be both in our eye and mind, when we make our addresses unto Him, as this?  

Of the practice of Antiquity.  
THAT the ancient Christians worshipped 
* See the Author Quaest & Respond orthod. in justin. Mart Quaest 118. Clem. Alex. Strom. 7. ants Med. Tertul Apol. c. 16. item ad nationes. l. 1. ●. 13. Origen, Hom. 5. in Numer. cap. 4. p. 210.  towards the East, (that is, the same way they did their first homage to God 
* Dionys. Arcop. de Ecclesiast, Higher, 6. 2.  in their Baptism) is manifest to all that have but looked into Antiquity.  
That their Altars also were usually placed toward the same in their Churches, is a Truth that can hardly be questioned.  
It follows therefore that when they worshipped, they turned themselves or looked toward the Altar also.  
If it be asked, Which of the two they respected in this their posture: I answer, they respected both; and therefore placed the Altar accordingly, to the Eastward, that both might be observed; even as the jews placed their Altars both of Incense and Burnt-offering toward the West, because they worshipped that way. But if they could not observe both, than they preferred the Altar; as in that Church at Antioch, where (if 
* Lib. 5. Hist●r. Eccles. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Socrates say true) the Altar, or place thereof, the Chancel, (for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifies) stood toward the West, contrary (as he there acknowledgeth) to the manner of other Churches. Now he that considers well the Custom of Antiquity, and remembers that which Gregory Nazianzen testifies of his mother 
* Namely, that meat no time turned he back ●pon the Altar: that is, not so much as o●t of the time of worship.  Nonna, will not think it credible they should either turn their backs upon the Altar, or their faces from the Priest, whilst he officiated thereat, as than he always did; which yet they must needs do, if, notwithstanding that situation of the Altar, they had worshipped toward the East. Howsoever, if the nature of the things be considered, there can be no difference given, for the point of lawfulness, between the one and the other; nor why this should more entrench upon impiety and Superstition than that.  
Thus much we find of the Christians posture in general, when they worshipped God. But what reverential Guise, Ceremony or Worship they used at their ingress into God's House in the Ages next to the Apostles (and some I believe they did) is buried in silence and oblivion. The jews before them (from whom the Christian Religion sprang) used, as I have already shown, to bow themselves down with their faces toward the Testimony or Mercy-Seat. The Christians after them, in the Greek and Oriental Churches, have, time out of mind, and without any known beginning thereof, used to bow in like manner, with their posture toward the Altar, or Holy Table, saying that of the Publican in the Gospel, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, God be merciful to me a sinner; as appears by the Liturgies of S. chrysostom and S. Basil, and as they are still known, both Laity and Clergy, to do at this day. Which custom of theirs, not being found to have been ordained or established by the Decree or Canon of any Council, and being ●o agreeable to the use of God's people of the Old Testament, may therefore seem to have been derived unto them from very remote and ancient Tradition. Nothing therefore can be known of the use of those first Ages of the Church, farther than it shall seem probable they might imitate the jews, God's people before them, or have given beginning to the custom of the Churches after them. And if kneeling, bowing or inclination of the head could be proved, or, for want of testimony, may be supposed to have been their gesture at their ingress; surely there were no reason why we should not believe they bowed, kneeled, or inclined their heads the same way then, which they used to pray and worship at other times.  
In the Latin Church this gesture of bowing towards the Altar may seem to have been proper to the Clergy in their approaches to it, and recess from it, at least to such as came into the Choir; the Laity at their first entrance into the Church kneeling only. Card. Bessarion, (a Greek) in his 
* Apud Meursium & in Not i● Pontan● ad Protovestiarium.  Epistle to the Tutor of the Sons of Thomas Palaeologus, instructing them how to carry and behave themselves among the Latins, In Ecclesiam Latinorum (saith he) cum ingredientur, in genua procumbentes preces dicant, ut Latinis mos est: When they shall enter into any Church of the Latins, let them kneel down and say their prayers, as the manner of the Latins is. For in Greece, as is aforesaid, their manner was to bow. Yet whether they used not some other gesture in Spain, would be enquired, because of those words of Isidorus Hispalensis, De Ecclesiasticis officiis lib. 1. c. 10. concerning those that came into the Church after the Service or Lessons were begun; Si superveniat quisque (saith he) cum Lectio celebratur, adoret tantum Deum, & praesignatâ fronte aurem solicitè accommodet: If any shall come into the Church when the Lesson is a reading, let him only adore God, and crossing his forehead attend diligently to what is read.  
I will add here two the most ancient Testimonies, I think, extant of a Reverential respect used to be given to the Holy Table or Altar; and that, as I conceive, (if not both of them, one at least) of a more direct nature than that wherewith the same is honoured by being made the term only of our posture when we worship God.  
One is out of Dionysius called Areopagita, (or whosoever were the Author, for sure ancient he is) Ecclesiast. Hierarch. cap. 2. De mysterio Baptismi, where he saith, That after the Hymn accustomed was sung, the Priest or Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having saluted or kissed (for either way may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be rendered) the Holy Table, he goes thence and questions the party to be baptised, etc.  
The other is of S. Athanasius, in fine Sermonis adversùs eos qui Humanae in Christo Domino Naturae confessores spem suam in Homine defigere dicunt, Edit. Commel. tom. 2. pag. 255. in these words; Quid? quòd & nunc [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] qui ad sanctum Altare accedunt, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] illúdque amplectuntur, & cum timore & laetitia salutant (velosculantur,) none in lapidibus aut lignis, sed in Gratiâ per lapides, aut ligna piis commemoratâ animo insistunt. Understand here by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or GRATIA, the holy EUCHARIST, for so the Fathers are wont to call it. See Casaubon. Exercit. 16. § 46. The meaning therefore is, That those, who when they approach the holy Altar, do with fear and joy embrace and kiss it, (as the manner than was) attend it not as wood and stones, but as that whereby the Body and Blood of Christ is commemorated to his holy Ones.     

CONCIO AD CLERUM, DE SANCTUARIO DEI, SEU DE SANCTITATE RELATIVA.  

LEVITICI 19 30.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanctuarium meum reveremini. 
QUALEM Philosophi Virtuti sedem posuerunt ab Extremis utrinque remotam, talem quoque Sacrae Scripturae stylus Pietatis laudat semitam; Viam nempe mediam, quâ neque dextrorsum iter neque sinistrorsum: Hanc qui tenent, viam rectam insistere, perfectè coram Deo ambulare; qui verò ab ea aliquoversum deflexerint, tantundem dicuntur à rectò deviâsse. Nos autem (heu miserum genus!) nescio quo naturae nostrae vitio, dicam? an fato, tantum ferè ab aurea hac Mediocritate absumus, quantum ipsa ab Extremis suis Mediocritas. In arduo illo regulatae Pietatis jugo vix momento consistimus, quin, ut decantatum illud Sisyphi saxum, ad ima vitiorum relabimur inquieti.  
Hoc eùm in aliis quamplurimis observatu est proclive, tum vel maximè in hac, de qua nunc agendum mihi est, Reverentia Saera. Quid enim? naufragium hîc multorum video, his Scyllae allisâ, illis Charybdi absorptâ nave; dum hi Venerationis praetex●u Idololatriam, illi hujus sugâ Contemptum inducunt omnis rei Sacrae.  
Mihi, (Viri Patres Fratrésque) dum rem istam altiùs paulò cogitatiùsque mecum expendo utrique horum videntur in extrema abiisse nimis, & terminos movisse ab antiquo positos: Quos ego, pace Vestrâ, Viri Ornatissimi) aliquatenus dignoscendi & reponendi spe, naviculâ meâ, tenui licèt, audebo per hoc fretum; nullo (Deum testor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) aut Superstitionis amore, aut Christianae Simplicitatis odio, sed solius Veritatis investigandae studio; neque tam ut mores obsoletos revocem, qui nobis fortasse ex usu non fuerint, quam ut decoram rebus Christianis Majestatem asseram, & opportunam de aliorum factis judicandi modestiam charitati & prudentiae Christianae subjiciam.  
Quod ut fa●iam, duo mihi hodie explicanda su●t ad totidem hujus Scripturae Verba: Primum est De sanctuario Dei, 
Levit. 19 30.  alterum De Reverentia seu Veneratione Sacra. De Sanctuario duo dicam; primò Quid sit, deinde An locum usúmque habeat sub Evangelio. Est igitur Sansctuarium locus Sanctus, id est, Locus Deo consecratus ad usus Divinos. Sanctae autem quam verè & quo sensu nuneupentur Loca hujusmodi, id verò ex diversa Sanctitatis 
Sanctitatis triple● netio.  notione ernendum est. Diversam dico, & quam triplici notâ disparaverim in Essentialem, Virtuosam & Relativam.  
Essentiali Sanctitate Deus ipse Sanctus est, eujus Sanctitas non est aliud ab ipso. Virtuosâ nos debemus, id est, Pietate, imbui; qualitate nimirum sanctâ quam Virtutem viri pii, seu Virtutem finieris religiosam; cujusmodi Graecis propriè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur, Latinis Sanctimonia,  
Atqui Locum, puta rem inanimem, neque hâc neque illâ Sanctitate vel Sanctum ducimus, vel dicimus Sanctuarium, sed tertiâ solâ Sanctitatis notione, 
Sanctitatis Relati●e definitio.  quam dixi Relativam. Hanc autem definio Peculiaritatem rei versùs Deum à certo Praesentiae ipsius aut Dominii modo. Hujusmodi Sanctitatem Relativam appello: Qualitatis enim aut Virtutis nihil habet quod inhaereat, ut superstitiosuli multi credunt, sed pura puta Relatio est, cujus participes res Graeci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Latini sacras nominârint; nec facilè in hac verbi notione alternâ runt aut hi aut illi. Addo versùs Deum: neque enim quod evivis peculiare, neque si Angelis ipsis, id Sanctum ullo modo est habendum, sed quod soli Deo vivo & aeterno. Postremò subjungo, à certo Praesentiae ipsius aut Dominii modo: quibus verbis geminam Sanctitatis hujus efficientem designare volui, simúlque innuere duos inde oriri Sanctitatis modos, naturâ quidem diversos, re saepenumero conjunctos, Praesentiae & Proprietatis. Priorem ostendit illud Dei ad Mosem, Exod. 3. 5. Extrahe calceamenta de pedibus tuis; Locus enim in quo stas, terra sancta est: propterea scilicet, quòd Deus illic visibili specie apparuit, & singulari modo praesentem se exhibuit. Alioquin quid, quaeso, intereat inter istum Locum & reliqua illius Deserti loca? Sola Praesentia Dei singularis hunc locum singularem fecerat, & adhuc facit omnem locum ubicunque habet singulariter. Alterius modi sunt, ut omnes olim sub Lege Oblationes, ita sub Evangelio Bona (ut nunc loquimur) Ecclesiastica. Hinc enim (cum in hominum Bonis ampliùs non sint) Deo peculiare illud jus & Dominium acquiritur à quo Sancta omnino sunt censenda.  
Quamvis jam Loca praecipuè sancta sunt ob Praesentiam; Templi tamen & Sanctuarii ratio utrumque Sanctitatis hujus modum comprehendit: quà enim Locus est, à Praesentiae modo; quà Domus est Deo Divinisque addicta, à Dominio peculiari sacrum est. Ita Templum Hierosoly●itanum utrâque ratione suit sanctum; tum à Dominio Dei, nam Dei Domus dicebatur, & Templum Domini; tum à Praesentiae, singularitate, cum 
* 2 Chro. 6. 2.  Dei habitaculum audiret, eò quòd ibi Deus cum hominibus colloqui, ibi homines Deum convenire, audire, orare, & de rebus obscuris consulere solebant: ut taceam, tot Sacrificia, tot rerum Typicarum Mysteria, totidem fuisse Dei praesentis Symbola.  
Duplicem hanc Templariae Sanctitatis rationem mirum quam pulchre Apostolus Paulus Fidelium corporibus accommodavit, primâ ad Cor. cap. 6. An ignoratis (inquit) corpus vestrum esse Templum Spiritûs sancti qui in vobis est, (audite Praesentiam) neque vos esse vestri juris? audite Propri●tatem. Item alibi, 
* 2 Cor. 6. 16.  Vos (inquit) estis Templum Dei viventis. Quare autem? quia (inquit) dixit Deus, Habitabo in iis & inambulabo, (hoc Praesentiae est) deinde quia dixit, Et ero illorum Deus, & ipsi erunt mihi populus; hoc Dominii est.  
ATQUE ita Locorum Sanctorum indolem & naturam explicavi: Cujusmodi sub Lege obtinuisse cum nemo dubitet, restat porrò inquirendum, an ulla Loca hujusmodi agnoscat Evangelium. 
An Evangelium agnoscat Loca Sacra.  Certè agnoscit Evangelium Ecclesias seu Templa Evangelica: habent Christiani & omnino habere debent sua Oratoria, sua (sic loquar) Eucharisteria, & Dei Domus, non ejusdem (fateor) cum judaico rationis; si tamen Typi rationem excipias, perinde atque illud sancta atque reverenda. Sancta (inquam) non à Dominio Dei solo seu Propritate, verùm etiam à Praesentiae peculiaritate. Anno enim in illis nos Deum quasi convenire solemus, & Deus nos Ministerii sacri ore compellare? 
* Matt. 18. 2●.  Vbi sunt duo aut tres (ait Servator) congregati in nomine meo, ibi ego sum in medio illorum. Et verò, quod longè maximum est, ineffabili modo adest in mystico Panis & Vini Sacramento. Haud enim verebor dicere, in sacrosancta Eucharistia non minùs peculiariter & visibiliter nobis adesse Deum, quam Mosi in ardenti Rubo: nec Templum aut Tabernaculum judaicum magis Christi Corpus praefigurâsse, quam hunc Panem nobis exhibere. Locus igitur Rubo circumpositus sanctus erat; & non erit Sacra Mensa? Templum judaeorum, & non nostra Eucharisteria? Et quid si non ibi jugiter exhibeatur hoc Sacramentum? Locus tamen sanctus erit, ubi solet exhiberi. 
●v. 11. ●ec. di●is. 〈◊〉.  Filiae Pharaonis sas non erat habitare in domo Davidis, quia (ut dicitur 2 Chron. 8. 23.) Sancta sunt ista, in quae ingressa est Arca jehovae. Annon multò magis nostra Eucharisteria sacra (de Sanctitate enim Relativa semper loquor) ubi vera Domini Arca exhibetur, cujus illa tantùm umbra?  
Breviter igitur & uno quasi ictu sic concludo rem totam. 
S●mma dictor●m.  Si ulla sint hodie usquam terrarum aut gentium Loca Deo magis peculiaria quam omnia, aut verè haec omnia Sancta, id est Sacra, dixero, aut Sanctitatem Relativam nondum verè definivi.  
AT verò inquiunt in Evangelio nulli loco alligatum esse Deum, 
Object.  neque nos ad Deum colendum. Id enim unius Legis fuisse proprium, ut in uno loco invocetur & adoretur Deus, in Typum Mediatoris unici; hodie non ita. De nobis & nostris temporibus vaticinari Malacbiam, 
Cap. 1. 11.  in omni loco suffimentum offeretur Nomini meo, & munus purum; quia magnum Nomen meum erit in Gentibus, ait Dominus Sabaoth. Quin & Paulus ad 
* 1 Ep. 2. 8.  Timoth. in omni loco jubet orare Christianum. Ecce igitur Christianis promiscuè Deum colendum, non Templis, non Locis ad hunc usum Sacris: eodem illis loco habenda esse omnia omnino Loca. Secundò, (ut porrò sciamus hoc Legis fuisse proprium) nulla primaeva illa Christianitas hujusmodi Loca sacra novit, non vidit Apostolorum aetas: Quinimo in privatis domibus obibant illi sua Sacra; non certis, non sanctis, sed quibusvis, ut occasio tulit, locis. Denique palmarium illud est, quo vel ex Gentibus erant qui oppugnârunt Templa Gentium; ubique esse Deum, non habitare in Templis manufactis.  
Videtis, 
Soh●.  ut in campum elicui & in aciem praecipuas Hieroclastôn copias: cum quibus nunc strenuè mihi confligendum; & proterendae singulae eo quo produxi ordine. Aiunt, Legis fuisse proprium, ut loco certo, & peculiariter huc destinato, invocetur Deus; Evangelio liberum, ut in omni● Imò verò Legi fuit proprium, non tam ut certo, quam ut unico Loco publicè colatur Deus; Evangelio liberum ut in multis, impossibile ut in omni. Quod igitur Paulus, omni loco orandum, de privata Oratione dixit, non de publica: Quod Propheta, in omni loco sussitum Deo offerendum, aut siquid simile ab aliis, de omnibus Locorum generibus aiunt, non de singulis omnium generum. Genera Locorum intelligo diversarum terrarum Loca; quasi dixislet Malachias. In omnibus terris erunt Loca ubi Gentes invocabunt nomen Dei. Nunquam enim futurum erat aut est ut in singulis singularum terrarum locis publico ritu invocetur Deus; sed tantùm in aliquibus omnis terrae locis.  
Praeterea, Omnia Loca esse hodie aequè sancta, verum est de eo quod fas sit & liberum, non de eo quod sit actu. In Evangelio nullus Locus hoc privilegio gaudet, ut solus possit dicari in usum Praesentiae Divinae: & tamen multa hodie sunt Loca quae sola actu sacra sunt Praesentiae Divinae. Ut enim si quotamvis Bonorum partem liceat Deo consecrare, non idcirco dixeris omnes esse sacras; nec si quemvis Septimanae diem liberum sit sacris Conventibus obligare, ideo omnem diem esse diem Festum: idem hîc putate; Omni quidem Loco fas esse, omnem tamen non esse sanctum.  
In Lege Ministerium sacrum erat uni Familiae adstrictum; Ecclesia uni Genti. In Evangelio utrumque est Catholicum & commune; omni Familiae Ministerium, Ecclesia omni Genti: nec tamen sunt ex omni Familia Sacrorum administri, nec in omni Gente Ecclesia Dei. Idem hîc puta: liberum esse apud Christianos Deo Templum in omni Loco poni, non tamen positum esse in omni Loco.  
Pergunt, & Apostolorum (inquiunt) aevo Templa nulla aut Fana. Imò vos, inquam, Objectionum vani estis. Nam quid ingeritis mihi Tempora extraordinaria ad legem & mensuram ordinariorum? Sed non utar hoc effugio, quinimo fidenter aslevero, Christianis jam Apostolorum aevo fuisse Loca sua Sacra seu Sacella; neque in omni promiscuè loco ad publicum Dei cultum convenisse. Sacella, inquam, habuerunt, in primis sorsan initiis occulta illa, neque adeò vulgo Gentium conspicua; quia aut partes aut intra ambitum essent privatarum aedium; ipsa tamen nequaquam privata. Fallunt enim & falluntur qui, quasi publicum non esset quod semotum à conspectu publico, nimis importunè urgent, eò quòd palàm Synaxes suas non celebrârint primi Christiani, ideo non publicis, & privatis convenisse Locis. At verò aliud omnino innuit Apostolus de Ecclesia Corinthiaca, 1 Cor. c. 11. De Ecclesiae notione in hoc loco non contendam, an nempe Coetum ipsum Paulus Ecclesiam dixerit, an Locum Coetûs; sed de re ipsa. Habuerunt, inquam, Corinthii Locum Sacris usibus peculiariter destinarum; non privati, sed publici juris. Quid enim? Annon objurgat eos Apostolus quòd propriam quisque coenam sumeret in loco sacro? Enimvero, inquit, num domos non habetis ad comedendum & bibendum? aut Ecclesiam Dei contemnitis? Ergò Ecclesia Dei, seu mavis, Locus Ecclesiae, non erat domus ad comedendum & bibendum; ergò non privati juris, neque ad usus cujusvis privatos & communes. Iterum, Quòd siquis esurit; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, domi, edat; nè ad condemnationem conveniatis: Ergò locus sacrorum Conventuum non erat ubi quispiam domi erat. Haec enim duo adeò adjungit Apostolus, ut contrarium ei significet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Loco ad Religionis Conventum sacro.  
Ultimum mihi restat sternendum agmen, quod sub Omnipraesentiae Vexillo. Ubique aiunt esse Deum, & ex Sacris Literis nos doceri non habitare eum in Templis manufactis. Recté. At verò idipsum sub Lege dictum aio, & de Templo Solomonis: non magis igitur nobis Templi rationem adimet quam Iudaeis ademerat. Certè, inquies, 
Cap. 2●.  apud jeremiam dicit Dominus, Ego coelum & terram impleo. Fateor: At tu interim mihi expedias velim, quare Coelum speciatim vocetur Dei Habitaculum, quare ipsum Templum Domus Habitationis Dei, 1 Reg. 8. quorsum illi jacobi spectat Bethele à Viso Divino evigilantis, Certè, inquit, jehova est in hoc loco; attamen ego nesciveram: Quid hîc putas? an ignorâsse Omnipraesentiam Dei? an nondum fortè satis evigilâsse Patriarcham? Vide sis egò, quisquis es, Argumentator, quam non privatim in nos tuum telum: imò, si te sequamur, quam manifesta pugna, & indissolubilis planè nodus.  
Nos idcirco totum hoc difficile hujusmodi expedimus responso: Nempe Deum in Templis habitare non dici inclusione Essentiae, sed speciali Praesentia suae usu; apud judaeos quidem usu hoc ipsi loco astricto, & tantùm non sacramentaliter alligato; apud Christianos verò libero, singulari tamen: Quod ad Essentiam quidem, ubique esse; quoad specialem Praesentiae modum, non esse ubique: illâ coelum & terram implere, hoc in coelo singulariter habitare, in terra non adeò in Locis Sacris, non in omnibus adeò Locis. Idcirco jacob, qui Essentiae Ubiquitatem probè didicerat, in Bethele tamen nesciverat praesentem fuisse Deum; nimirum tam speciali Praesentiae modo. Enimvero hic est ille Praesentiae Divinae modus, quem Faciem Dei nuncupat Scriptura, hic ille peculiaris praesentiae Divinae usus, quò qui venerint, coram Deo venire, coram Deo stare dicebantur olim Hebraico & prisco usu loquendi. Quod quidem nos, quamvis non planè perinde atque illi, verè tamen & absque superstitione usurpemus de omni loco ubi sole●ni ritu Deum aut accedimus invocandum, aut convenimus audiendum.  
ABSOLVI jam de Sanctuario. Transeo itaque ad alteram & longè maximam pensi mei partem, quae de Veneratione est seu Reverentia Sacra; re profecto, siquid aliud, perplexâ & obscurâ; sed & valde lubricâ: de hac una re tumultuatur Orbis, de hac scinduntur Ecclesiae. Unde siquid ego in re tanta ac tali ex mea stultitia protulero, & non ex Dei Verbo & Orthodoxae Fidei analogia, id omne pro non dicto haberi volo; adeóque nullius praejudicio exacerbari, sed omnium charitate tegi & emolliri cupio. Quâ spe fretus, liberè dicam, sed breviter, & multa paucis. Quid enim vela pandam? hoc ipsum timidè, quod pedem omnino pono in hanc cymbam.  
Veneratio 
Veneratio definita.  igitur universè mihi est Agnitio Eminentiae habita; eàque duplex, 
Veneratio duplex.  Interna 
Interna.  & Externa. 
Externa.  Internam finio, quam Mens & Affectus habent: Externam, quae ab illis foras oftenditur actu aliquo externo; ab illis dico, Mentem autem innuo & Affectum; idque jure, Omnis enim Externa Veneratio aut Significatio, utut operosa, intrinsecùs non oriunda, inanis est; nec Venerationem verè dixeris, sed larvam hujus.  
Porrò utraque 
Utraque triplex.  harum adhuc trifariam mihi dispertienda, in Religiosam, 
Religiosa.  Sacram, 
Sacra.  Civilem. 
Civilis.  Religiosam voco, quae Essentiali Sanctitati deferenda, & Eminentiae super omnia sublimi, id est, Deo vero & vivo; & hanc Adorationem propriè dicimus. Sacram appello, quae relativè-Sanctis debetur; & hanc verâ & natiuâ vi verbi speciatim Venerationem dicendam arbitror. Civilem, quae Civili ratione eminentibus.  
jam ex hac Venerationis triga Sacram solam destinavi hodierno sermone illustrandam. Nec id quenquam moveat, quòd Sacram hanc dixi ad differentiam, quasi Religiosa etiam non esset Sacra: ad has enim angustias distinctionum cogit me verborum inopia; quam ut vos (Viri Ornatissimi) rectâ ment suppleatis, quaeso sic capiatis meam mentem, Nimirum, Religiosam Venerationem Sacram esse, sed & plusquam Sacram: hanc autem à me speciatim dici Sacram, quae sit nudè Sacra, non etiam Religiosa.  
Utcunque sit, Trichotomiam hanc aliorum in negotio isto Dichotomiis ptaetuli, ut tutam magis & illustrem. Horrui enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acroceraunia; Divisionem principio & ex se non malam, nisi eâ quidem usi malé; nunc certè à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lubricam & perplexam. De altera quoque illa quorundam è nostris in Religiosam & Officiosam, vereor nimis ut illud Officiosum parùm absit à Civili: aut si Sacram admittat, non tamen pro bono aut claro hujus doctrinae futurum, ut Sacram Civili sic eamus confusum.  
HACTENUS de Reverentia & Veneratione generatim dixi, deinceps de Veneratione Sacra 
Veneratio Sacra definita & illustrata.  in specie dicturus. Venerationem igitur Sacram definio Actum rem sanctam sanctè habendi; vel, Quâ verenter habenius rem sanctam. Quid verò sit rem sanctam sanctè habere, id ex Relativae Sanctitatis natura & ingenio sic demonstrabo. Tria sunt Sanctitati Relativae insita & nativa, Peculiaritas, Discretio, & Eminentia. Peculiaritas de essentia est Sanctitatis, ut ex Definitione est manifestum; duae reliquae Proprietates sunt. Discretio, quâ res in aliquo genere sanctae discriminantur ab aliis in eodem genere rebus. Eminentia dignitas est rebus sanctis à Sanctitate adscita. Differunt res lacrae à non sacris, & praestant res sanctae communibus. Unde tria haec simul complexus est Moses, Deut. 26. ver. 18, 19 jehova, inquit, stipulatus est à te sponsionem hodie; te fore ei populum peculiarem— ut efficiat te sublimem supra omnes Gentes quas fecit, laude, nomine, & gloriâ; & ut sis populus sanctus jehovae Deo tuo. Audite hîc populum peculiarem, sanctum, sublimem: Peculiarem, ideo sanctum; Sanctum, ideo sublimem supra omnem populum. Hinc ergò apparet rem sanctam sanctè habere nihil aliud esse quam habere prout sanctitatem condecet, id est, peculiariter, differenter, & sublimiter. Et hoc demum est ad meam mentem rem sanctam revereri & venerari; nimirum tum interno animi sensu, tum externo agendi usu eam prae aliis peculiariter, ab aliis differenter, & supra res communes eminenter & sublimiter habere.  
Proinde Spiritûs Sancti verbo veneranter habere rem sanctam, sanctificare dicitur. Sanctificabis diem septimum; id est, sanctè leu veneranter habebis, vel sanctè ages hunc diem. Ità 1 Reg. 8. ver. 64. sanctificavit internam partem atrii quae erat ante Domum Domini, eò quòd parâsset ibi holocausta & munera; id est, non consecravit, (hoc enim jam antè sactum) sed sanctè habuit, & quasi honoravit actibus ibi religiosis. Item sanctificare no men Domini eodem sensu est nomen ejus sanctè & veneranter habere.  
Sciendum tamen est, non semper hoc sensu usurpari sanctificandi 
S●nct●ficatio duplex.  verbum: Imò aliquando sanctificare est ex non sancto sanctum facere, id est, Deo addicere & consecrare; hoc Hebraeis, si rectè observavi, est 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in conjugatione Hiphil: cum verò significat, ut dixi, sanctè habere, seu sanctè uti, tum iidem 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicunt in conjugatione Piel. Quo conjugationum discrimine observato, facile erit conciliare duo Mosis loca alioquin apertè pugnantia, quod unum idémque & sanctificari praecipitur & prohibetur. Primus, Exod. 13. 1. Allocutus est Iehova Mosem, dicendo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanctifica mihi omne Primogenitum— ex hominibus & jumentis; meum enim est. At contrà est locus alter, Levit. 27. 26. Veruntamen, inquit, Primogenitum quod primùm gignitur jehovae ex bestiis, nè quis sanctificato (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) illud; Domini est. Hîc facilis, inquam, est conciliatio, si posterior locus de Consecratione loquatur, (non enim iterum consecrandum quod Deus semel sibi consecraverat;) prior de Sancto usu; sanctè enim usurpandum quod Deus sibi sanctum fecerat. Differentia haec insignis est, ut minùs sit perpetua; & tamen ex iis quae haud putares ad eam flectas multa. Ego verò me ad id à quo deflexi.  
Dixi Venerationem sacram positam esse in rem sanctam peculiariter & differenter habendo. 
C●nfirmatur Venerationis sacrae Defi●rio.  Hoc quamvis sit de omni significatione honoris etiam civili verum, specia●im tamen monstrabo de honore Sacro. Primò igitur de Sacro unguento praeceptum, Exod. 30. 31. ut veneranter & sanctè haberetur. Oleum, inquit, unctionis sanctae est hoc mihi per generationes vestras; ideo vos usu peculiari illud sanctè habebitis. Carnem enim hominis (inquit) nè quisquam eo ungito, aut secundum confecturam ejus nè facitote simile ei. Rationem subjungit; quia nempe res sancta est; id est, Totum hujus confecturae genus Deo & sanctis usibus addicitur; ideo (inquit) Res sancta esto vobis, id est, ideo vos sanctè & reverenter habebitis, peculiariter & differenter ab aliis unguentis utendo.  
Idem planè de Suffitu sacro legitur vers. 37.  
Atqui omnium apertissimè Ezech. 22. 26. Profanatio rerum Sanctarum per Exegesin exponitur non discernere inter sanctum & profanum, hoc est, promiscuè habere utrumque. Et ut tandem testimoniorum desinam, hoc ultimum adducam ponderis non ultimi, Apostolum nempe Paulum profanationem Sacrae coenae non aliâ dictione expressisse quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, peculiariter non habere, neque discernere panem mysticum: Ut hinc discamus Discretionem rei Sacrae esse Venerationem ejus; discretim habere, venerari & sanctè uti.  
SATIS jam cognovimus quid sit & in quibus sita Veneratio sacra. At quî, inquies, patebit, hanc quam explicavi talem adhuc dum deberi rebus sacris? Quî, inquam, nisi quòd adhuc in re Christiana sunt res sacrae; ergò & debitum sacrarum rerum? Objectum enim quamdiu manet, manebit etiam officium circa ipsum. Haec una ratio est, & firma; cui addo idipsum à Deo mandatum in Quarto Decalogi Praecepto.  
In hoc enim Praecepto de Peculiis Dei agi affirmo, id est, de quibusvis rebus sacris, ut sanctificentur, id est, sanctè & reverenter habeantur. At, inquis, sola hîc mentio de Sabbato, seu de Tempore Sacro; de reliquis omnino nulla. Mihi verò hoc satìs est. quòd de Tempore sacro sanctificando praecipitur; cum haec sit Synechdoche Decalogi propria, ut ex una specie intelligeremus omnes ejusdem generis species, ex una rerum sacrarum specie omnes omnino res sacras. Quod quidem ex hoc ipso, de quo ago, versu est manifestum, Sabbata mea Sanctifitate, & Sanctuarium meum reveremini. Quorsum enim hîc componitur Sanctuarium cum Sabbato, hujus Sanctificatio cum illius Reverentia, nisi quòd idem sit de utroque praeceptum, & simile utriusque officium? Praeterea, Particularis propositio rationem annexam habens aequipollet Universali quae foret integri Syllogismi major. Ità hîc, Dies Septimus est Dei dies, Ergò, Dies Septimus est sanctificandus. Enthymema hoc si compleveris, Major propositio erit, Omne quod Dei est jure peculiari, id nobis sanctè habendum est. jam assumo, non solùm Tempus sacrum, sed omnes res sacrae, Personae, Res, Loca, Dei sunt: Ergò, Unumquodque horum est sanctè, id est, honorificè & veneranter, habendum.  
ATQUE ita hactenus definivi, illustravi & asserui Venerationem Sacram: sed id promiscuè & universe. Nunc ampliùs videndum, quid ea Specierum habet, quid Divisionum; quas certè geminas ostendit tum ex se, tum ex Objectorum varietate sumendas.  
Per se dividitur, ut omnis universè Veneratio, 
Veneratio sacra duplex, Interna, Externa. Utraque illustrata.  ità speciatim Sacra, in Internam & Externam. Internam hic speciatim dico, cum internè & animo rem sacram habemus peculiarem, differentem, sublimem, id est, uno verbo, sanctè. Externam cum idipsum externè praestamus actu aliquo externo, nempe Oris, Gesiûs, operis. Ore, cum honorificè, & pro decoro sublimitatis Sanctae, si Res fuerit, loquimur; fi Persona, alloquimur. Gesiu, cum corpus ipsum singulari & praecipuo quodam motu, fitu, habitu, quod intus est Venerationis effigiat. Opere denique, cum item praecipuo tractamus modo, id est, Sanctis nec ut vulgaribus utimur, nec in iis quae vulgaria.  
De Interna Reverentia aut nulla, aut modica lis est; idcirco sufficiat posuisse, non evolvisse. De Externa multa & magna: tum, An sit in Evangelio seu rebus Christianis ullo modo ferenda; tum, si hoc constabit, Quomodo sit facienda. Prior lis iniquissima est, & procul ab omni ratione. Quae enim cogitare fas, & affectu intus concipere, cur non & proferre liceret Ore, Habitu, Opere? Certè quae istis ostentare & foras repraesentare nefas, etiam concipere, etiam cogitare impium est. Argumentatio haec solida est & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sed rem aliis porrò argumentis evincam, cum speciatim mihi ventum ad Venerationem Locis Sacris asserendam.  
Altera de modo hujus Venerationis lis est, Quâ formâ, quo actuum externorum genere exhibenda. Eam quidem, nè cum Religiosa confundatur, ancipitem agnosco & magnis tenebris involutam: mihi quoque ut difficilem, ità nec adeò tutam explicatu. Quoniam verò mihi in integro jam non est ut sortem quam elegi diffugiam, libabo etiam hìc aliquid, sed suspenso pede &, Homeri verbo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Omnis itaque Externa Veneratio aut Personalis est, aut Realis. 
Externa Veneratio duplex, Personatis, Realis, U●●aque explicata.  Personalem appello quae actione transeunte absolvitur; idque vel motu gestúve corporis; ut inclinando, incurvando, demittendo, item caput aperiendo, vel certis compellandi & appellandi formulis. Realem Venerationem voco, quae praeter actionem ipsam, rém aliquam inter agendum adhibet, aut agendo efficit, in honoris quem significat symbolum; ut qui Principem aut Dominum suum munere honoraverit, non transeunte ceremoniâ, sed praeterea Reali honore ipsum afficit, quia Muneris rem adhibuit inter honorandum.  
Ità Augurum more, partibus in hoc Venerationis coelo signatis, venio jam ad Augurium ipsum; dicóque Personalem Venerationem extrinsecus indifferenti usu posse & Deo tribui, & creaturis; aliâ quidem atque aliâ ment fateor, utrique tamen rectè, si mens & intentio recta Venerantium. Ita Deo & hominibus promiscuè genu flectimus, inclinamus, caput aperimus, supplices manus attollimus, alia de externa specie similia promiscuè facimus.  
At verò de Reali Veneratione alia ratio est; nam multa hîc deprehenduntur ingenio & indole esse ad Deum solum & unicum spectantibus. Quaecunque nimirum aut De ●e fiunt, aut Ad Rem solius Dei propriam. De Re dico, id est, de Objecto in solius Dei potestate & jure: & Ad Rem, id est, ad finem ipsi peculiarem. In hoc genere est omnis Consecratio; est enim ad rem sacram faciendam. At res sacra Dei est solius, & ab respectu ad ipsum. Soli igitur Deo est consecrandum. In illo est Sacrificium; est enim Sacrificium de re Animae quae subjecta soli Deo: Soli igitur Deo est Sacrificandum. Eódem pertinet Primitiarum & aliarum quarumvis rerum oblatio; sive pro frugum & pecoris incremento, quae Eucharistica est oblatio; sive pro exauditione precum, quae Euctica & Votiva oblatio est: nam haec de rebus sunt in solius Dei potestate ad conferendum. Uniigitur & soli Deo est de his rebus & similibus offerendum.  
Porrò etiam illi Venerationis Externae modi, qui naturâ suâ sunt promiscuè & Deo & creaturis communes possunt restringi causâ vel Circumstantiae, vel Moris. C●u●â Circumstantiae, Dei & sacrarum rerum fiunt propria quaecunque fiunt inter ipsa sacra. Causâ Moris, Dei fiunt propria quae more & instituto legitimo usurpantur erga solum Deum: rerum similiter humanarum quae in solis humanis rebus.  
Ex hisce fundamentis quatuor duco Consectaria, quibus de Externa Veneratione 
De Externa Veneratione 4. Consectaria.  quid fas, quid nefas, si mihi censere fas, ita censeo.  

1. Qui Creaturis venerandis adhibet quod naturâ & ingenio suo ad Dei solius honorem spectat, purus & propriè dictus Idololatra est: & tales assevero omnes qui sacrificant, qui consecrant, qui vota faciunt Creaturis.  
2. Quam Venerationis ceremoniam vel omnium Gentium publicus, vel alicujus privatus mos Deo fecit propriam, extra Deum usurpare Sacrilegium est, Ejusmodi forsan est (aliud in Gestu vix memini) Occulorum elevatio ad coelum. Sin minùs, tales certè dixerim istos Ecclesiasticae melodiae modos Psalmis Deo cantandis peculiariter consecratos.  
3. Quod naturâ alioquin adiaphorâ, Circumstantiae tamen causâ fit Dei aut rei sacrae proprium, qui tali circumstantiâ, si Dei fuerit, transfert ad creaturam; aut si rei sacrae, ad rem non sacram; in illo Semi-idolatra est, in isto profanator rei sacrae. Hoc Consectarium damnat Salutationes, honoris delationes & allocutiones civiles inter sacra & in loco sacro: Nam quae impietas est, cum ad Deum coeperis, ad homines converti, misso Deo? Quodcunque feceris tali loco, tali tempore, aut ad Deum solum, aut circa rem solius Dei erat faciendum.  
4. Quod naturâ pariter & usu indifferens est, aut instituto humano privatim humanis datum, illud sas est Deo & sacris adhiberi; si tamen non absuerit à decoro sacro. Ut si quae fuerit Gestûs decori ceremonia adhuc in civilibus tantùm usurpatâ, potest ea, si Ecclesiae videbitur, etiam Deo adorando & Sacris reverendis adhiberi.   
ABSOLVI de Divisione prima: 
Altera Divisio Venrationis Sacrae, scil. in Venerationem Personarum, Rerum, Locorum Temporum.  insequor alterum quae ex Objectis; unde quadruplex mihi exit Veneratio sacra, Personarum, Rerum, Locorum, Temporum; tot enim sunt Peculiorum Dei, seu rerum sacrarum, genera. Ubi in singulis, quae genere una, specie diversa est Veneratio, propter accommodationem diversam: idque de Veneratione tam Interna quam Externa verum. Suus est Internae cuique in affectu modus; Externae in effectu mos venerandi. Virum Dei veneror; etiam mensam Dominicam verenter habeo; item alias res sacras. Atqui lapis est, qui eodem affectu lapidem veneratur quo debuit personam. Simile de Locis & Temporibus Sacris mihi cogitate.  
Interim non negabo in Veneratione Interna, ut non facilè animadverti, ita difficilimè explicari quam indico differentiam: Et certè quanta quanta est, non aliunde eris discernendo, quam ex ment recta & recto de re veneranda sensu. jam verò Externae Venerationis admodum clara sunt discrimina. Ut enim in rebus naturalibus Formarum differentias vix aut nè vix assequimur; Materiarum oculis usurpamus: eadem hîc ratio; latet quod intus est; quod foras prodit, varium se prodit & multiforme. Quod quidem manifestum erit ex ternis istis quas dedi Externae Reverentiae partibus, Oris, Gestûs, Operis. Ab ea quae Ore fit Reverentia incipiam. Ea duplex est, Loquendo, alloquendo. Loquendo cohonestamus cujusque generis res sacras; Alloquendo, personas solas: honorificè enim loqui oportet de omni re sacra; personas solas alloqui decet honorificè. jam verò Gestus sive Habitus aut totius corporis est, aut partium. Totius gestu, id est, incurvando, inclinando, procumbendo, gestu, inquam, ipso, aut fallor, aut personis solis exhibenda Veneratio: Partium verò sive gestu sive habitu, etiam non personis; ut Manuum lotione, quam in sacris reverenter tractandis usurpârunt veteres; & Pedum nudatione, quae solennis erat olim in calcandis locis sacris. At Tempori sancto honorando Gestûs ceremonia nequit adhiberi, nisi quis fortè usitatum illud Festis diebus ornandi & vestiendi studium eò referat. Reverentia denique seu Sanctificatio Externa quae Opere fit, ea quidem, quod ad personas sacras spectat, in officio peculiari sita est, nempe aut ipsorum erga se, aut aliorum erga ipsos.  
Quod verò ad Res, & reliqua sacrorum genera, Loca nimirum & Tempora sacra, eorum Sanctificatio & Veneratio sita est in usu eorum sacro; ita ut in omnibus hisce suus cuique proprius debeatur usus, opus proprium: Ut Personae sacrae sint sacris reverenter tractandis & administrandis; Res personis sanctis inservirent sanctè; in Locis & Temporibus sacris Sacra fiant Locis & Temporibus dignè, id est, sanctè, decorè, ordinaté.  
SED omnia haec non audeo sigillatim pertransire; adhuc littus tantùm legi. Faciam dehinc quod postulat hujus Scripturae scopus. Unicum mihi excerpam Locorum & Templorum Reverentiam sacram; 
Locorum Sacr●rum Reverentia explicatur secundùm ejus modos & genera.  in quam altiùs penetrabo, ut exquisitè vobis renuntiem sensum mentémque horum verborum, Sanctuarium meum reveremini.  
Primùm igitur hujus Reverentiae modos & genera indicabo: deinde muniam argumentis & autoritatibus tam Sacris quam Ecclesiasticis.  
Reverentia Loci sacri alia Rei est, alia Circumstantiae rei. Reverentia Rei est, cum actio ipsa, seu res quae fit, ad Loci ipsius honorem fit immediaté. Qualis apud nos est Capitis apertio; apud Orientales, praesertim judaeos, Pedum nudatio; ideo quod hae corporis partes videbantur maximè Locis reverendis accommodatae, quibus ipsa Loca insistimus & calcamus. Uterque ritus Locum spectat immediatè, neque ullo praeterea respectu intuetur; unde mihi ex ipsa Re Veneratio est dicenda.  
jam Reverentia Circumstantiae est; cum Actio quidem ipsa Deum, eúmque solum; intuetur, Circumstantia verò agendi honorem loci. Hujusmodi sunt Preces, Sacrificia, Adoratio, & siqua praeterea sunt similia officia sacra, dum in Loco sacro fiunt, aut, ut olim Iudaeorum ritu, versùs ipsum. Nam ipsae quidem Preces, Sacrificia & reliquus cultus Religiosus Deum solum intuentur, & Deo soli fiunt, & ipso quidem cultu Deum veneramur solum: Circumstantia verò colendi, precandi, adorandi, quoòd nimirum hîc loci fiant, quòd huc vel illò versus, illud ipsi Loco honori est, quòd ex illo sanctè habetur & reverenter.  
Ut qui Coelum versus orat aut adorat, non idcirco coelum adorat, sed Dominum coeli: ita neque Locum, neque mensam Dominicam, aut mysticum Sacramentum, qui in illo, aut coram illis, aut versùs illa. Ut autem cum ad coelum conversi adoramus, haec gestûs circumstantia in honorificam praelationem expetit coelo: idem hic putandum, ità honorificè, veneranter, & ex decoro sanctitatis haberi Loca & Mysteria sacra, cum in ipsis habentur aut apud ipsa quos Deo soli praestamus actus religiosi. Cogitate mihi Tempus sacrum, ut invicem comparando illustrius fiat quod volo. Vult Deus ut sanctè habeatur, id est, dignè & veneranter agatur, Dies Septimus. At quì tandem hoc aut meliùs fiat, aut magis ex Dei voluntate, quam solenni Religionis exercitio & cultu publico? Atqui nemo idcirco verè dixerit ipsum Diem religiosè coli, quin imò Deum in die. Idem hîc censete: Cultu ipso Deum, Circumstantiarum accommodatione in cultu & ipsum Locum sanctè cohonestari; atque adeò debere, quia Dei locus.  
Hinc ego (ut liberè dicam) sententiae adeò feverae non sum, ut temerè Superstitionis damnarem omnem precum etiam privatarum usum in locis sacris; ment modò rectâ & sanâ fiat, à recto & sano. Nam si quis ità utatur, Venerationis hujus quam ingero partem dixerim, & ab iis qui alterius fortè negotii causâ opus habuerint Templorum ingressu verè ex decoro sacro usurpari. Non quòd à Loco accedat precibus efficacia, sed quòd Loco honor & reverentia à precibus. Actibus enim civilibus & alienis, etiam privatis, profanantur Templa: quidni ergo religiosis honorentur? Quod igitur Nuptiis conciones nuptiales, quod funeribus funebres, quod Martyrum coemeteriis Synaxes veterum Christianorum; id sunt Loco sancto preces: Singulae, inquam, singulis honori adjunctiuè (sic loquar) non objectiuè; non à re facta, sed à circumstantia faciendi.  
DIXI de Modis Sacrae Locorum Reverentiae. jam asseram ipsam argumentis specialibus & privatis; nam communibus feci, cum de Reverentia Sacra dixi communiter. 
Loc. Sacr Reverentia probatnt Ratione, Praeceptis & Exemplis.  Aio igitur Reverentiam etiam Externam esse Sacris Locis exhibendam. Idque primò probo ab impari. Quid enim? Regiae praesentiae (ut vocant) Cameram reveremur nos caput aperiendo, suo modo alii: quantò magis locum Divinae praesentiae sacrum? Imò Solium Regium veneramur vel absente Rege, eò quòd ibi soleat Rex sese populo ostentare: quantò magis locum sacrum, etiam cum non fiunt sacra, ideo quia solent ibi fieri?  
At inquies, Praeceptum aliquod mihi volo è sacris literis. An verò quidquam potest disertiùs praecipi quam hoc ipsum, Sanctuarium meum reveremini? Audi etiam è rubo Mosi praecipientem Dominum, Exod. 3. 5. Extrahe, inquit, calceamenta tua à pedibus tuis: locus enim in quo stas, terra sancta est. Quod nè aliorsum capias quam de Loco ob praesentiam Dei sancto externâ ceremoniâ venerando, idem omnino scias à Gentibus factitatum, justino Martyre attestante, Apol. 2. Horsum spectabat tertium Pythagorae Symbolum, Discalceatus nudi sque pedibus sacrificato, adoratóque. Horsum illud Solomonis, Eccles. 5. Custodi, inquit, pedem tuum, cum intraveris Dei domum. Cur autem pedem? ritum procul dubio indicat pedum excalceandorum; cujus usus etiam hodie manet apud Abissinos Christianos templa sua ingressuros: Et vestigia hujus moris hucusque cernere est in 
* Buxtorf, Syn. jud cap. 5.  Synagogis judaeorum & 
* Bart. Georgiv●●. de Turcarum moribus.  Turcarum Moskitis. Quin & Ratio suprà Mosi allegata observanda est; nam, inquit Deus, locus in quo stas, terra sancta est: ergò, inquam, omnis locus sanctus (hic major erit Syllogismi) externâ ceremoniâ honorandus est. Non ego tamen hanc vel illam Externae venerationis formam urgeo, sed Externam tantùm urgeo quacunque formâ, modesta modò sit, & Gentis cujusque moribus accommodata, & rebus Christianis decora.  
Si verò quis Exemplis ducatur magis, audiat mihi jacobum Bethele à somno experrectum, timentem & talia referentem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. quam reverendus hic locus! quare autem reverendus? 
Gen. 28.  quia, inquit, jehova est in hoc loco, Dei domus est & porta coeli. Verùm inquis, agnosco hîc Locum sacrum, agnosco Internae Reverentiae exemplum, Externae nondum video. Non vides? quid? in talia verba prorupisse, statuam erexisse, oleo imbuisse, aut Externa sunt dicenda, aut ego tantundem video.  
Pergo, & Israelitarum omnium Exemplum attexo, Exod. c. 19 ubi eos Moses ex Dei praescripto instituit quemadmodum sese compararent ad Deum in monte Sinai conveniendum. Sanctifices eos hodie & cras, inquit, id est, jubeas eos se sanctificare, ver 10. Estote parati, ver 15. primò internè proculdubio, deinde verò externé. Primò abstinentiâ, nè accedite ad uxores: Secundò munditie plusquam ordinariâ; Lavent (inquit) vestimenta, vers. 10. Tertiò de gestu & habitu corporis singulariter sele & reverenter comparando, ver. 12. Cavete vobis nè ascendatis in hunc montem, attingatisve sinem ejus. Nimirum eo fine totum hoc factum est, ut mons ille, super quem Deus erat visibiliter descensurus, peculiariter, differenter, & sublimiter haberctur, seu, uno verbo, sanctificar●tur. Ita disertè Dominus ad Mosen, Terminum, inquit, pone huic monti, ut sanctiices illum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, ut sanctè habeas seu reverearis ritu isthoc externo.  
De altera jam Externae Reverentiae specie quam à Circumstantia dixi: ea duplex est, vel ab actubus ●acris in loco sacro, vel ab iisdem versùs ipsum: posterioris exemplum adjungo de Israelitis, qui cum Nubis columnam aspexerint descendentem ad ostia Tentoriorum suorum, adorârunt; ipsam quidem Nubem nequaquam adorantes, sed Deum: at Nubem versùs, quòd singulariter Deus in Nube. Ejusdem Reverentiae sunt quae apud Davidem in Psalmis: Adorate ad Scabellum pedum ejus, Psal. 99 5. Item, Adorabo versus templum tuum sanctum, Psal. 5. Item, Adorate versùs montem sanctum, Psal. 99 9 Quou●que verò Christianis liceat hanc Venerationis formam imitari haud facilè dixerim; vereor enim ut aliqua Typi ratio hîc latuerit: hoc tamen scio, Idolatriam non suisse viris sanctis apud judaeos solennem; neque Christianos olim ab hac sorma penitus abhorruisse, cum apud Dionysium lego Hierarch. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. sacrum qui ingrediebantur locum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sacram salutâsse mensam; & nostros quoque sciam ad eandem tanquam quoddam presentiae Divinae solium conversos & Deum laudare, & fidem suam confiteri.  
Nazianzenus 
Gr. Nazianz. in Orat. 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  refert de matre sua Nonna, eam quidem Templum Dei adeò esse reveritam, ut in eo nè quidem vocem emitteret, nisi de rebus mysticis & divinis; neque unquam tergum Altari obverteret, aut sacrum pavimentum conspueret: planè Pythagori●è, ita enim ille Symbolo 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Possunt forsan illa de pavimento & tergo Altari non obvertendo alicui aut levia aut superstitiosa videri; Nazianzeno tamen laudantur ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 penes alios judicium esto. Ergo Patrum Gangrensium Epilogo me defungar hâc pensi mei parte. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquiunt illi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei Domus, inquiunt, reveremur; non Templorum parietibus religionem includentes, sed omnem Locum in Dei nomine aedificatum, id est, Deo consecratum, honorantes: in qua sana & religiosa sententia nos acquiescimus.  
PORRO Universam, 
Ultimó dividi tur Loc. Sacr. Rever. in Reverentiam Nud●m & Ornatum.  quam Templis & sacris Locis assero Reverentiam, duplicem adhuc volo intelligi; Reverentiam nudam, & Ornatum. Reverentiam nudam appello quam hucusque exposui. Ornatum quoque sacrae Reverentiae speciebus accenseo; quòd qui ornat, vel maximè videtur honorare. Ornatum id●irco requiro ad plenam locorum sacrorum Reverentiam; 
Orna●ûs T●mplar●● 2. Species,  Ornatum quidem duplicem; unum ex Structura, Splendore & Magnificentia, ex Munditie alterum.  
De Templorum Magnificentia 
Magnificentia, Mund●●●.  dicturus, ut caveam quae in hac causa multi in hanc vel illam Ornatûs speciem importuni objiciunt, non simpliciter, sed comparatè definio de modo & mensurâ Ornatûs sacri; nempe Dei domum esse debere aequè, imò magis quam prosana magnificam. In urbe Templum aedificas? pulcherrimum id sit omnium in urbe Palatiorum. In villa? aequet, imò vincat, reliquas in villa aedes. Ratio mihi talis, Quia Deo non fuerit dignum quod non sit in quocunque rerum genere optimum & dignissimum: contrà si feceris, eandem apud Deum reportabis gratiam, quam qui claudum & caecum obtulerunt in sacrificium; 
Malac. 1.  vultum tuum non suscipiet coeli Dominus; imò nedum in honoris, sed contumeliae partem interpretabitur, quod tu Terrae hujus incola Deo teipsum anteposueris, coenum coelo, creaturam Creatori. Nam Deo sese meliorem & majorem facit, quisquis aut malum ei offert, aut minus suo bonum.  
Satis mihi validum videtur hoc Telum, satis firmum Argumentum, quod à Dei ipsius excellentia est ad eorum excellentiam quae sunt Dei. Quòd si, ut fit, per se validum, à jacientis tamen manu videatur imbecille; agite iterum dabo non à mea, sed à sacra manu jaculatum. 2 Sam. 7. Ego, inquit David, habito in Domo cedrina, dum Arca Dei habitat inter anlaea; quasi diceret prorsus indignam rem esse ut Dei domus magnificentiâ cederet vel ipsis Regum Palatiis. Simile est Hag. 1. An tempus est vobis desidere in domubus vestris contabulatis, cum Domus haec mea vasta est? Eódem spectant Solomonis ad Hiramum verba, 2 Chr. 2. Domus quam aedificaturus sum, magna erit, (rationem audi,) quia major est Deus noster omnibus Diis. Cui consonum est illud 1 Chr. 29. Opus verò hoc (inquit, Templi scilicet) magnum est, (rationem adverte) non enim hominis istud Palatium, sed Dei est. Unde 1 Chron. 22. Domum jehovae aedificandam (ait) oportet esse summè magnificam.  
Alterum quoque Argumentum appono à Fine sumptum. Nam à Fine mensuram accipiunt media quae ad finem. cum igitur Finis sacer sit omnium Finium nobilissimus, & Loca huic Fini addicta debent esse aliis nobiliora Locis, id est, illustria magis & magnifica.  
SED Fumi aliquot Objectionum 
Object. contrà Templ●um Magnificentiam solvuntur.  mihi tollendi, qui obfuscant hunc splendorem. Typicum aiunt fuisle hanc Magnificentiam; útque ipsum Templum Christum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Deum in carne habitaturum, ita & Ornatum figurâsse excellentiam & perfectionem hujus carnis seu humanitatis Christi. Audio; at verò neque omnis Templi finis Incarnationi sigurandae: quâ unicum, fateor, quâ sacrificiorum dom●s; non quâ Dei & orationum. Quid igitur tu Ornatum ad Typi solius partem refers? Apage conjecturas. Davide & Solomone arbitris decidatur lis ista; quos operis sui finem pervidisse haud negaveris. Davidem roga, quare Opus illud tam Magnificum: respondebit, 
1 Chron. 29●  Quia Dei illud palatium est, non hominum. Solomonem: Quia, inquit, major est Deus noster omnibus Diis. 
2 Chron. 2  At hi fines ceremoniales non sunt: ergò praecipuus saltem Magnificentiae istius scopus fuit moralis condecentia, non verùm rei in Christo futurae umbra.  
At magnam nobis invidiam conflatum eunt de pauperum indigentia: Indignum enim esse, ut Auro splendescant Templa haec externa, dum viva Spiritûs sancti Habitacula fame contabescant & inediâ; in pauperes ut simus lapides, nimiùm in lapides profus●. Fatebor equidem, nec invitus, in Templa non insumendum quod alibi meliùs aut potius collocandum. Bonum enim quod efficit quò minùs fiat quod magis bonum, bonum mihi non videtur; malum censeo. At interim meminerint velim hujusmodi sermonis autores, nos non absolutè sed comparatè locutus de Templorum Ornatu, ut nè sint minùs quam hominum aedes ornatae. Deinde sciant non Templa sola hoc quod intorquent ariete, sed & Regum conquassari Palatia, sed multas privatorum aedes. Pauperes egent? Quin igitur tu aedes tuas dirue, quin Regum & Nobilium palatia demolire. Pauperes egent? Quid igitur tibi tantus domi aulaeorum & tapetum apparatus? Quid tot contignationum & concamerationum deliciae? Quid reliqua supellex otiosa, ornatus supervacuus? Aufer, aufer haec, inquam, sine quibus & tibi satis erit domi, & pauperi inde multum eleemosynae. Postea si indigeant pauperes, causam non dico quin Templis omnem auferas ornatum, imò ipsa: non enim pro Templis homines, sed pro hominibus Templa sunt condita, ut in re Sabbatica dixit Servator.  
Ut enim David, si aliunde habuisset quod comederet, sanctos panes non comedisset; ita neque tu extra hunc casum spoliabis Sacra. Dum aliunde Veritas potest confirmari, Deus non est eò advocandus juramento; dum aliis res dubia disceptari modis, ad Sortes non est recurrendum: quippe hoc esset temerè Dei nomen sumere, & profanare quod sanctum est. Idem hîc puta; nisi extrema urgeant, nec spolianda Sacra nec minuenda.  
Sed pergunt nobis adversari, & Patrum quosdam aiunt in hunc quem nos tuemur Ornatum effatos multa. At verò Patrum dicta nihil ad nos, qui nullum Ornatum in specie ponimus, sed Sacra non sacris Ornatu & Magnificentiâ praeire volumus aedificiis. Nec Patrum istorum argumentis Templorum modò, sed etiam civilium aedificiorum ornamenta perstringi. Denique, nego Patres istos Templorum Ornatum simpliciter damnare, sed immodestum, sed indecorum, sed gravioris momenti rebus praelatum, sed superstitiosum & malâ ment susceptum. Ipsos videat cui otium est, & in verbis eorum disertè inveniet hoc ipsum. In summa; Quod Christus Pharisaeis menthae● & anethi decimationem satagentibus, & graviora Legis omittentibus, id illi ingerunt sui aevi Pharisaeis; Graviora illa praecipuè facienda, sed minora haec non omittenda.  
ATQUE ita jam plenè absolvi de Magnificentia; transeo ad alteram quam feci Ornatûs Templarii speciem, Munditiem scilicet, rem cumprimis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & sacra decentem maximé.  
Argumenta communia quae multa possem, taceo: propria tantùm ingero. Et Primò, Praesentiam Divinam minimè decere Immunditiem. Id adeò verum est, ut Israelitarum Castris Munditiem mandaret Deus propter singularem suam in iis Praesentiam: Quia, inquit, jehova indefinenter ambulat in medio castrorum tuorum, eripiendo te; ideo Castra tua sancta sunto, neque conspiciat in te turpitudinem ullius rei, nè avertat se à te, Deuter. 23. 14.  
Secundò, Templa honorificè habenda sunt; at Immundities contemptum maximum & vilissimam vilitatem arguit. Unde jehu 2 Reg. 10. 27. AEdem Baalis contumeliâ quam potuit maximâ affecturus, in Latrinam vertisse dicitur. At ille Baalis Idoleum, nos Christi (proh pudor!) Domus in Latrinas vertimus. Adeò nobis in Deum ignominia non est, quâ Nebuchadnezar majorem non invenit, quâ Dei nostri blasphematorum aedes conspurcaret, 
D●n. 3.  quam ut in latrinas & sterquilinia redigantur?  
Postremò, adeò Templis Munditiem convenire putavit magnus ille Gentium Doctor, ut Corpora fidelium Templis assimilans, argumentum inde duceret de iisdem morum & vitae impuritate non temerandis; Vos Templum estis Dei viventis— quapropter impurum nè attingite, 2 Cor. 6. Si imaginem Templi non deceat Immundities, certè non decebit ipsum.  
The End of the Second Book.    

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE WORKS OF joseph Mede, B. D.   

The Third Book OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned JOSEPH MEDE, B. D.  
Wherein are contained  

I Clavis & Commentationes Apocalypticae.  
II. Opuscula nonnulla ad Rem Apocalypticam spectantia.  
III. A Paraphrase and Exposition of S. PETER 2 Ep. Ch. 3.  
IV. The Apostasy of the Latter Times.  
V. DANIEL'S Weeks, with two other Tracts upon DANIEL.   
Corrected and enlarged according to the Author's own Manuscripts.  
DANIEL S. JOHN  
Dan. 12. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

THE CONTENTS OF THE THIRD BOOK.  
I. Clavis Apocalyptica. 
pag. 419  II. Commentarius in Apocalypsin. 
pag. 437  III. Appendix ad Clavem Apocalypticam. 
  
(i.e.)  
1. Dan. Laweni Stricturae in Clavem Apocal. 
pag. 541  2. Responsio ad D. Laweni Stricturas. 
pag. 550  3. Lud. de Dieu Animadversiones in Clavem & Comment. Apocalypt. 
pag. 556  4. Responsio ad Ludovici de Dieu Animadversiones. 
pag. 569  5. Epistola ad Amicum de Resurrectione Prima & Millennio Apocalyptico. 
pag. 571  6. De Gogo & Magogo Conjectura. 
pag. 574  7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Heb. 2. 5.) 
pag. 577  8. Prophetia Tobiae moribundi, de Duplici Iudaeorum Captivitate & Statu Novissimo. 
pag. 579   

IU. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Remains on some passages in the Apocalypse, enlarged with several Additions.   

CHAP. I.  General Considerations concerning the Order and Connexion of the Apocalyptical Visions. 
pag. 581   

CHAP. II.  Particular Considerations for the understanding of the Scheme. 
pag. 582   

CHAP. III.  Mr. Mede's Defence of his own, and Answer to certain Objections of a Friend. 
pag. 586   

CHAP. IV.  Mr. Mede's further clearing of some passages in the foregoing Chapter: with some observations upon Dan. 12. 11. Apocal. 11. 19 & ch. 15. 5. 
pag. 589   

CHAP. V.  Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Wood's special accommodation of the four first Trumpets, Apocal. 8. 
pag. 591   

CHAP. VI  His Answer to Mr. Wood's three Arguments endeavouring to prove That the Vials are immediate Consequents of the seventh Trumpet. 
pag. 592   

CHAP. VII.  The Virgin-company of the 144 thousand Sealed ones, (Apocal. 14.) briefly interpreted. 
pag. 593   

CHAP. VIII.  Mr. Mede's Answer to six Inquiries about some difficult passages in the Apocalypse. 
pag. 594   

CHAP. IX.  Five Reasons demonstrating That the Antichristian Times are more than Three single years and an half. 
pag. 598   

CHAP. X.  A Discourse of the Beginning and Ending of the 42 Months, or 1260 Days (Rev. 11. 2, 3.) wherein Alstedius his Four Epocha's are examined. 
pag. 600   

CHAP. XI.  Of the 1000 years mentioned in Apocal. 20. with some Reflections upon Eusebius and S. Hierom. 
pag. 602   

CHAP. XII.  A Censure by way of Correction returned to a Friend concerning a somewhat exorbitant Exposition of his, of Apocal. 20. 
pag. 603   

V. A Paraphrase and Exposition of the Prophecy of S. Peter, 2 Ep. Chap. 3. pag. 609  
VI The Apostasy of the Latter Times.   

PART I.  

CHAP. I.  The dependence of the Text (in 1 Timothy Chap. 4. verse 1, 2.) upon the last verse in chap. 3. Why in the Description of the Mystery of Godliness those words [Assumed into Glory] are set last. A view of the several parts of the Text, containing the Method and Order of the ensuing Discourse. The Author's three Reasons for his rendering the Text differently from the common Translation. 
pag. 623   

CHAP. II.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Scripture imports Revolt or Rebellion: That Idolatry is such, proved from Scripture. By Spirits in the Text are meant Doctrines. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be taken Passively, for Doctrines concerning Daemons: Several instances of the like form of Speech in Scripture. 
pag. 625   

CHAP. III.  Daemons (according to the Gentiles Theology) were, 1. for their Nature and degree a middle sort of Divine Powers between the Sovereign Gods and Men. 2. For their Office they were supposed to be Mediators between the Gods and Men. This proved out of several Authors. The Distinction of Sovereign Gods and Daemons proved out of the Old Testament, and elegantly alluded to in the New, 1 Cor. 8. 
pag. 626   

CHAP. IV.  Daemons were for their Original the Souls of men Deified or Canonised after death. This proved out of sundry Authors. Baal or Bel or Belus the first Deified King: Hence Daemons are called Baalim. Another kind of Daemons, such as never dwelled in Bodies: These answer to Angels, as the other to Saints. 
pag. 629   

CHAP. V.  The manner of worshipping Daemons and retaining their presence, viz. by consecrated Images and Pillars. The worshipping of Images and Columns a piece of Daemon-doctrine, as was also the worshipping of Daemons in their Relics, Shrines and Sepulchers. 
pag. 632   

CHAP. VI  A Summary of the Doctrines of Daemons: How these are revived and resembled in the Apostate Church. That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometime used in Scripture according to the Theology of the Gentiles: That it is so used in the Text, was the judgement of Epiphanius; an observable passage quoted out of him to this purpose. 
pag. 634   

CHAP. VII.  Why those words in the description of the Mystery of Godliness [Received into Glory] are set last. That praying to Saints, as Mediators and Agents for us with God, is Idolatry. To be prayed to in Heaven and to deal as an Agent between us and God, is a Prerogative and Royalty appropriate to Christ. How this was figured under the Law, by the High-priest's alone having to do in the most Holy place. That Christ purchased this Royalty by suffering an unimitable Death. That Saint-worship is a denial of Christ's Prerogative. How it crept into the Church. 
pag. 637   

CHAP. VIII.  That Idolatry is the main Character of the Church's Apostasy, proved by Three Arguments. 
pag. 643   

CHAP. IX.  That Pagan-Idolatry is not here meant, nor can the Saracen or Turk be the Antichrist meant in Scripture. An Answer to an Exception, viz. That Antichristianism cannot be charged upon those that acknowledge the true God and Christ. That Antichrist is a Counter-Christ, and his Coming a Counter-resemblance of the Coming of Christ; showed in several particulars. 
pag. 644   

CHAP. X.  The Great Apostasy was to be a General one. That the word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some] does not (in the Text and several other places) imply a Few or a Small number. Wherein we and the Papists differ about the Church's Visibility. In what respects our Church was Visible, and in what Invisible, under the Reign of Antichrist. 
pag. 648   

CHAP. XI.  That the Last Times in Scripture signify either a Continuation of Time, or an End of Time. That the Last Times simply and in general are the Times of Christianity; the Last Times in special and comparatively, or the Latter Times of the Last Times, are the Times of the Apostasy under Antichrist. 
pag. 652   

CHAP. XII.  A more particular account of the Last Times in general, and of the Latter Times of the Last Times. That Daniel's Four Kingdoms are the Great Calendar of Times. That the Times of the Fourth or Last Kingdom (viz. the Roman) are the Last Times meant in Scripture. That the Latter Times of the Last Times are the Latter Times of the Fourth Kingdom, wherein the Great Apostasy should prevail. 
pag. 654   

CHAP. XIII.  The Duration and Length of the Latter Times, viz. 42 months, or 1260 days: That hereby cannot be meant three single years and an half. That the Latter Times take their beginning from the ruin of the Roman Empire. That the ancient Fathers by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (2 Thessal. 2.) understand the Roman Empire, and by the little Horn (Dan. 7.) Antichrist or the Man of sin. 
pag. 655   

CHAP. IV.  Three main Degrees of the Roman Empire's ruin. The Empire divided into 10 Kingdoms. Who are those Three Kings whom the little Horn (or Antichrist) is said (Dan. 7.) to have depressed, to advance himself. 
pag. 658   

CHAP. XV.  That Daniel's 70 Weeks are a lesser Calendar of Times. That these Phrases in the Epistles to the converted jews [viz. The Last Hour or Time, The End of all things, The Day approaching, etc.] are meant of the End of the jewish State and Service at the expiring of the 70 Weeks. That the Apostles were not so mistaken as to believe the End of the World should be in their days, proved against Baronius and others. 
p. 663.   

CHAP. XVI.  That the Spirit foretold the Great Apostasy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Dan. 11. vers. 36, 37, 38, 39 These Verses exactly translated and explained. That by Mahoz and Mahuzzim are meant Fortresses, Bulwarks, Protectors, Guardians, etc. How fitly this Title is appliable to Angels and Sain's. 
pag. 666.   

CHAP. XVII.  A Paraphrase and Observations upon Dan. 11. v. 36, 37, 38, 39 That at the beginning of Saint-worship in the Church, Saints and their Relics were called Bulwarks, Fortresses, Walls, Towers, Guardians, etc. according to the prime sense of the word Mahuzzim 
pag. 670.    

PART. II.  

CHAP. I.  The Author's Reasons for his translating the Text differently from the Common Versions. That the Preposition [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in the Text signifies Through or By. The like it signifies in other places of Scripture. 
pag. 675.   

CHAP. II.  What is meant by The Hypocrisy of Liars: That this appeared in 3 things; 1. Lies of Miracles, 2. Fabulous Legends, 3. Counterfeit Writings under the name of Antiquity. That Lies of Miracles appeared in 1. their Forgery, 2. Illusion, 3. Misapplication. What's meant by Having ●eared Consciences: Instances hereof. 
pag. 676.   

CHAP. III.  That the Worship of Saints and their Relics was brought in by Lying Miracles. No mention of Miracles done by the Relics of Martyrs in the first Ages of the Church. That the Gentiles Daemon-worship was advanced by Lying Miracles. 
pag. 679.   

CHAP. IU.  That Saint-worship was advanced by Fabulous Legends. Reflections upon Sim. Metaphrastes, and his Fables of S. Barbara, S. Blasius, etc. 
p. 681.   

CHAP. V.  That Sim. Metaphrastes his living within the time of the great Opposition against Saint-worship, moved him to devise such Stories for the help of the Cause then in danger. A brief account of the great Opposition in the Greek and Eastern Churches against Idolatry. A discovery of the slanders fastened upon the Council of Constantinople against Idolatry. 
pag. 683.   

CHAP. VI  That Saint-worship was promoted by Counterfeit Writings. That Image-worship and the Idolatry of the Mass were promoted by the Hypocrisy of Liars. A foul Story made use of in the Second Council of Nice in behalf of Image-worship. 
pag. 687.   

CHAP. VII.  That by the persons [Forbidding marriage and commanding to abstain from meats] are deciphered Monks and Friars. That the renouncing of possessions (another principle in Monkery) may be included under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture. 
pag. 688.   

CHAP. VIII.  That Monastic life and Saint-worship began much about the same time. That Monks and Friars were the chief advancers of Saint-worship, Image-worship, etc. 
pag. 690.   
VII. Daniel's Weeks. 
pag. 697.   
VIII. Regnum Romanum est Regnum quartum Danielis. 
pag. 711.   
IX. Revelatio Antichristi: Sive De Numeris Danielis 1290, 1335. Cap. 12. vers. 11, 12. quo spectent; Eousque nempe Mysterium Extremorum Temporum, ejusque qui tunc rerum potiretur, clausum & obsignatum fore; deinceps resignatum iri. 
pag. 717.     

CLAVIS APOCALYPTICA EX INNATIS & INSITIS VISIONUM CHARACTERIBUS Eruta & Demonstrata.  
Ad eorum usum quibus Deus amorem studiumque indiderit Prophetiam illam admirandam cognoscendi scrutandique.  
Editio novissima ab Authore recognita.  
Apocal. 1. 3.  
Beatus qui legit (id est, interpretatur) & qui audiunt (interpretantem) verba Prophetiae hujus, & observant quae in ea scripta sunt: Tempus enim prope est, (id est, jam adest) quo eadem impleri coeperint, & indies magis magisque implebuntur.   

CLAVIS APOCALYPTICA SEU Vaticiniorum Apocalypticorum SYNCRRONISMUS ET ORDO  secundùm res gerendas, nullius interpretationis Hypothesi, aut eventus rerum praejudicio innixus; sed ex ipsis Visionum characteribus à Spiritu S. deditâ operâ insertis firmiter demonstratus, juxtáque luculento Schemate ad intuendum propositus: ut sit tanquam Theseïum filum in sacro hoc Labyrintho versaturis, & Lydius lapis ad veram interpretationem indagandam, & alienam redarguendam. 

PRAENOSCENDA.  
SYNCHRONISMUM Vaticiniorum voco rerum in iisdem designatarum in idem tempus concursum; quasi contemporationem dixeris & coaetaneitatem: Prophetiae siquidem de rebus contemporaneis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
2. Ordo Sigillorum, & in istis Tubarum, certus est & indubitatus; is nimirum quem numerus cuique ascriptus indigitat, I. II. III. FOUR V. VI VII. Reliquis igitur Vaticiniis primùm inter se, deinde cum Sigillis per Synchronismum comparatis, elucebit Ordo totius Apocalypseos: id quod nunc ostendere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aggredimur.  
Tu qui Throno insides, Túque Agne Stirps Davidis, qui solus dignus eras Librum hunc accipere & aperire; aperi oculos servi tui, manum ei mentémque dirige, ut in hisce Mysteriis tuis aliquid cernat promátque, ad Nominis tui gloriam & Ecclesiae emolumentum.    

PARS PRIMA.  

SYNCHRONISMUS I.  
MULIERIS IN EREMO AGENTIS, BESTIAE SEPTICIPITIS INSTAURATAE, ATRII EXTERIORIS CALCATI A GENTIBUS, TESTIUM IN TERRA PROPHETANTIUM IN SACC●.  
HIC ordior; primúsque mihi Synchronismus erit nobilis istius quaternionis Vaticiniorum aequalibus Temporum intervallis insignium. 1. Mulieris in Eremo agentis per Tempus, Tempora, & dimidium, seu (ut ibidem explicatiùs dicitur) Die 1260. 2. Bestiae Septicipitis instauratae rerúmque potiturae Mensibus XLII. 3. Atrii exterioris (seu Civitatis Sanctae) totidem Mensibus calcati à Gentibus. Denique, Testium in sacco prophetantium Dies 1260.  
Hujus Synchronismi veritas ferè in confesso est, & tum astrui posse videtur, tum verò solet, ex ipsa aequalitate Intervallorum: Nam Tempus, Tempora, & Dimidium Temporis, i. tres Anni cum semisse (ut patet ex collatione vers. 6, & 14. Cap. 12.) efficiunt Menses XLII; Menses XLII Dies 1260.  
Sed quoniam necessarium non est (utcunque in Visionibus eodem tempore oblatis perquam verisimile) ut Tempora aequalia sint etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cum aequalitas non prohibeat quin alia aliis priora, alia posteriora esse possint: ideo Character iste aequalitatis intervallorum non erit praefracto cogendo idoneus. 
Pars I.  Proinde Characteres mihi aliunde accersam, ex quibus demonstratione clarâ & invictâ rem sic conficio.  

Bestiae & Mulieris.  
Tempora Bestiae & Mulieris ●emicolae ah ●noeodémque rerum termino egrediuntur, nimirum à Dracone rufo devicto & in terram deturbato: ergò, aequalia cum sint, toto intervallo concurrisse, & simul tandem curriculum suumabsolvisse, necesse est.  
Ab illo autem principio seu termino utriusque tempora inchoari, patet ex Cap. 12. Siquidem, cum jam dejecto Dracone per Michaelem, simul Mulier à facie ejus evadit in Eremum, [ver. 6, & 14.] iratus Draco, quòd ipsam eò jam ingredientem obruere incassum tentâsset [versibus 15, 16, 17.] abiit ut gereret bellum cum reliquis ex semine ejus; [iis nimirum quos in Eremo pa●itura erat, v. 17.] 
* Nam proculdubio legen dum cum Latinis omnibus, Grae●o Aldi, anno 1518. & Syro interprete (qui ex Graeco vertit) Et stetit, non, ut hodie habent exemplaria Graeca, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Et sl●●i [In Bibl. Polyglott. MS. Alexandrin, habet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et stetit.]  stánsque super arenam Maris, [v. 18.] Bestiae Decemcornupetae indè ascendenti [Cap. 13. 1.] tradit virtutem suam, & thronum suum, & potestatem magnam; ibid. v. 2.   

Bestiae & Prophetiae Testium.  
Tempora Bestiae & Prophetiae, Testium, perinde aequalia, simul finiuntur ad exitum sextae Tubae: ergò simul quoque incepisse, ac per totum intervallum contemporâsse, manifestum est.  
jam quòd simul cum sextae Tubae exitu finiantur tempora tum Bestiae, tum Testium Dei in sacco & cilicio prophetantium, id verò liquet ex vers. 14. cap. 11. ubi tam ascensus Testium in Coelum (qui pullatae prophetiae terminus est) quam Terraemotus iste magnus (quo, Urbe regiâ disjectâ, de Bestiae regno actum est) signatur articulo, quo VAE secundum (i. Tuba VI) abierit, Vaeque tertium (seu Tuba VII.) protinus adventurum esset. Quippe eo temporis momento, Testes (quos testimonium suum in sacco jam jam finituros (hoc enim est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Bestia quae ex Abysso ascenderat, morte affecisset) divinitus reviviscentes in coelum ascendisse; [ver. 7, 11, 12.] factó que eâdem horâ [ver. 13.] terraemotu magno, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 URBIS corruisse; eóque rem devenisse, ut, septimâ Tubâ clangente, facta sint regna mundi Domini nostri & Christi ejus, ver. 15.   

Testium & Atrii (sive Civitatis Sanctae) à Gentibus occupati.  
Tempora Testium & Atrii (seu Civitatis Sanctae) occupati à Gentibus contemporare liquet, tum ex ment textûs, cap. 11. v. 2, 3. tum ex ira Gentium jam exturbatarum, ineunte Tubâ septimâ; id est, à fine sextae, quando Testium quoque dies exierunt, ut jam ostensum est. Nam non aliae sunt Gentes quae ver. 18. ad septimae Tubae cla●gorem irâ inflammari dicuntur, quam quae hactenus totis XLII. mensibus Atrium Templi exterius (id est, Civitatem Sanctam) conculcâssent, quaeque nunc ideo ab ira Dei perdendae veniunt. Et hic quidem Synchronismus à nemine, quod sciam aut meminerim, in dubium vocari solet.   

Testium, Atrii, Bestiae, Mulieris.  
Si Atrii Civitatísque Sanctae conculcatio contemporavit Prophetiae Testium, contemporabit quoque Bestiae, cui Testes contemporaverint; ideóque etiam Mulieri Eremiticae, cui contemporavit Bestia. Ità Mulier Eremitica, Dominium Bestiae, Calcatio Civitatis Sanctae, & Prophetia Testium, singula singulis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.    

SYNCHRONISMUS II.  
BESTIAE BICORNIS (QUI ET PSEUDOPROPHETA) CUM BESTIA DECEMCORNUPETA (QUAE ET IMAGO BESTIAE DICITUR. 
Cap. 13. )  
BEstia enim Bicornis conditor est, seu instaurator, Bestiae illius Septicipitis, decem cornua diadematis redimitae; quam scilicet, post lethalem plagam, ad pristini cujusdam statûs Imaginem magno cum Sanctorum malo redintegravit, & verò rerum totis mensibus XLII. potituram [cap. 13. ver. 3, 5, 12, 14, 15.] Quo facto, ipse in conspectu ipsius omnem potestatem ejus exercet; edit quoque, (seu facit) signa magna in conspectu ejus [ver. 12, 13. & cap. 19 v. 20.] Tandem verò eadem haec Bestia Bicornis (quam aliàs Pseudoprophetam Ioannes vocat) unà cum Bestia illa altera, in cujus conspectu ediderat signa, tanquam comites individui apprehenduntur, & vivi conjecti sunt ambo in stagnum ignis ardens sulphure, cap. 19 v. 20. cum ergò Bestia Decemcornupeta (fas enim mihi sit Bestiam illam Septicipitem redintegratam sic evidentiae causâ appellare) & Bicornis Pseudopropheta à se invicem ne que ortu suo neque interitu separentur; quinetiam altera alterius potestatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hoc est, in praesentia ipsius, administret: quis non videt illas omniaevo suo necessariò contemporare? Ut autem res tota rectè percipiatur, sciendum, nullum alium Bestiae Septicipitis statum cap. 13. describi, quam instaurationis, seu capitis novissimi, quo Decemcornupeta evasit; id quod tota descriptionis series evincit. Quicquid enim mali Bestia patrâsse dicitur, quicquid cultûs & adorationis eidem ab incolis terrae delatum est, id omne post instaurationem ipsius, seu plagae curationem, factum perhibetur. Porrò, decem cornua ad caput seu statum Bestiae novissimum (qui status instaurationis istius est) pertinere, ex Angeli interpretatione cap. 17. manifestum est. Siquidem ibi, cum quinque capita cecidissent, id est, vices suas complevissent, sextum autem jam tum Ioannis aevo vicem suam obiret; cornuum tamen tempus nondum advenisse dicitur. Ergò ad septimum seu novissimum caput pertinere necesse est.  

Appendix de alternatione Nominum Bestiae & Pseudoprophetae; item Bestiae & Imaginis Bestiae.  
De utraque enim monebat Titulus Synchronismi. Et primò, eandem esse Bestiam Bicornem atque Pseudoprophetam, ex vetustissimis Apocalypseos interpretibus observavit Irenaeus. Id quod ex collatione ver. 13, 14, 15, 16. cap. 13. cum versu 20. capitis 19 adeò clarum est & manifestum, ut ulteriori confirmatione non egeat.  
Sed quod porrò praefert Titulus, Bestiam Decemcornupetam nomine Imaginis Bestiae aliàs signari solitam, id minùs liquidum est, & de quo Lectori non nimis forsan attento nihil suboleret. Illud tamen ità esse, haud temere mihi obseruâsse videor; ac proinde, ubicunque occurrit Bestia cum Pseudopropheta, (id quod ter factum reperio) ibi Bestiae cognomento non aliam quam Decemcornupetam Bestiam intelligi; cum per Pseudoprophetam, Bicornem designari satìs liqueat. Contrà, ubi cum Bestia Imaginem Bestiae componi videas [ut cap. 14. v. 9, 11. cap. 15. v. 2. cap. 16. 2. cap. 19 20. & cap. 20. 4.] istîc per Bestiam, Pseudoprophetam intelligendum esse; per Imaginem verò ejus, Bestiam Decemcornupetam, seu Septicipitem restitutam: Haec enim, cum Pseudoprophetam instauratorem suum agnoscat, séque totam arbitrio ejus tanquam supremi Domini regendam permittat [cap. 13. v. 12, 14, 15.] non immeritò Imago ejus dicitur; non quidem cujus similitudinem gerit, Genitivo passiuè sumpto (eo namque respectualîus Imago est, Draconis fortè Septicipitis, aut statûs in quo viguit ante plagam, juxta cujus ideam scilicet de integro Deum blasphemat, bellúmque gerit adversus Sanctos) sed Imago, cujus Bicornis iste Draconiloquus & restituendae author fuit, próque peculio suo vendicat, Genitivo nempe Agentem & Possessorem denotante; quemadmodum in iisdem illis locis Character Bestiae non est qui ipsi Bestiae imprimitur, sed quo Bestia eadem illa cultores suos inurit.  
Et quidem rem ità se habere, ut dixi, de Imagine Bestiae, argumento est primò, quòd cap. 13. ver. 15. dicitur, illam ipsam Imaginem Bestiae, quam ibi animavit Pseudopropheta, facere ut quicunque non adorârint Imaginem Bestiae, occidantur; imò alibi (ut Bestiam agnoseas) adorandi verbo ferè semper subjicitur, tanquam aliquid in quod adoratio competat. cum igitur duas tantùm, non plures, delineet Apocalypsis Bestias; haec tam improba, cum non dispari sive jubendi sive cogendi potestate, Majestas non potest non earum alterutri convenire. Porrò ubi Bestia simul adest cum Pseudopropheta, Imago Bestiae, in eadem verborum constructione, non comparet, quasi nimirum tunc vicem ejus suppleret Appellatio Bestiae. Denique, ejusdem illius esse dicitur Imago Bestiae cujus est Nomen Numerúsque, c. 15. 2. At verò Nomen & Numerus non alterius Bestiae dici videntur, c. 13. quam Bicornis: Ejusdem igitur (utputa Architecti & Domini) Imaginem quoque dici par est. Sed Imago haec, sive fit, sive non sit Bestia illa Decemcornupeta, instituto nostro nihil officit quidquam: huic enim hypothesi non innititur Synchronismus Bestiarum.    

SYNCHRONISMUS III.  
MERETRICIS MAGNAE SEU BABYLONIS MYSTICAE CUM BESTIA EADEM ILLA SEPTICIPITE DECEMCORNUPETA.  

1. TEmpus Bestiae est tempus Deserti [Synch. 1. §. 1.] Meretrix autem à Ioanne conspicitur in Deserto, cap. 17. ver. 3, 4. Sed hic character non multùm cogit.  
2. Bestia Decemcornupeta portat Meretricem, seu mavis Moechatricem, & Meretrix insidet Bestiae: Ergò ambae sunt unius ejusdémque temporis, ver. 3, 7.  
3. Decem cornua Bestiae (quibus scilicet [N. B.] supremum ejus novissimúmque Caput frondescit, cujúsque solius sub vicibus (quibus utique à lethali plaga revixit, reliquorum Capitum vicibus jam antea peractis) Meretrix Bestiam agit, Bestiáque Meretricem bajulat; haec, inquam, decem Gornua sunt decem Reges, qui authoritatem suam ut Reges ad unam horam accipiunt cum Bestia, restitutâ illâ videlicet, Moechatricem bajulante, jámque Decemcornupetâ, hoc est, ultimi Capitis vices exercente. Hi, expleto tempore quo autoritatem suam erant tradituri Bestiae [ver. 13, 17.] id est, quando jam dissolvenda venerat compago Bestiae, Meretricem odio prosequuntur, desertam illam reddunt & nudam, tandémque exurunt igne, [ver. 16.] Ità igitur Bestia, quae in Statu decacorni (quo solo eam Ioannes propheticè contemplatur) cum Meretrice, hoc est, Moechatrice, primùm coeperat, Meretrici quoque non erit superstes, neque illi Meretrix: Ergò, Meretrix & Bestia illa universè & ad amussim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.    

SYNCHRONISMUS IU.  
CENTUM ET QUADRAGINTA MILLE SIGNATORUM, VIRGINUM, CUM MERETRICE BABYLONICA ET BESTIA.  

1. PRimò enim Virgines dicuntur, atque ab eo laudantur, quòd meretriciis complexibus sese non coinquinâssent, cap. 14. v. 4. Incidunt ergò in meretricia tempora Moechae Babylonicae, quacum fornicantur Reges & incolae terrae, cap. 17. ver. 2. & 18. 3.  
2. Ex Choro hoc Virgineo prodeunt qui ruinam Babylonis denunciant [vers. 8. ejusdem cap. 14.] quíque absterrent homines ab omni communione Bestiae, Imaginis, Characterisque ipsius: Ergò Coetus iste Virgineus contemporat Babyloni & Bestiae.  
3. Hi denique sunt Vocati isti, electi & fideles Agni stipatores, vers. 4. cap. dicti, quibus comitatus (cap. 17. 14.) bellum gerit cum Regibus seu Cornubus Bestiae Babylonicae; quíque ejus auspiciis (utpote Regis Regum & Domini Dominantium) victoriam tandem reportabunt [ibid.] Illa enim, de Domino Dominantium & Rege Regum, per parenthesin censeo legenda, ubi dicit Angelus, Hi cum Agno pugnabunt, & Agnus vinceteos (quoniam Dominus Dominorum est & Rex Regum) & qui cum eo sunt Vocati, & Electi, & Fideles: hoc est, Agnus, & qui cum eo sunt Vocati, Electi & Fideles, vincent decem Reges Babyloniferos.  
4. Sed haec nondum ad contemporationem plenariam & in solidum astruendam sufficiunt; possunt enim omnia vel cum partiali contemporatione consistere. Sic igitur in universum & ad amussim Coetum Signatorum Agni Bestiae contemporare demonstro. Coetus iste Signatorum, Bestiae seu Bestiisequarum universitatis ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coaevum est; copiae videlicet sanctorum militum, tum cum caeteri Orbis incolae desertores & transfugae Bestiae characterem accepissent, in Agni fide etiamnum permanentium. Patet ex textu. Unde, ut olim prisco ritu servi & milites, ejus cui fidem suam addixerant, stigmate notari & nomine inscribi solebant; ità isti nomen Agni & Patris ejus in frontibus gestare perhibentur. Hoc cum ità sit, sequitur, utrumque alteri commensum esse & pariomnino intervallo respondere. Poscit enim hujuscemodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratio, ut Coetus Signatorum Agni, pro eo quod Viso isto intenditur, ex opposita Bestiae ratione penitus aestimetur; citra cujus nempe oppositionem ipse, ex ment hujus Visi, rationem nullam habeat; proindéque cum eadem incipiente incipiat, desinentéque desinat.  
5. Porrò de finali Contemporatione, id etiam isto charactere ex cap 7. evinci potest: quia utriusque, tam Bestiae tyrannidis, quam Coetûs istius Signatorum, limes est Turba Palmifera. Bestiae, quia de Palmiferis ibidem dicitur, Hi sunt qui venerunt ex tribulatione magna: quâ verò tribulatione nisi Bestiae Sanctos tribulantis? Ergò Bestiae tyrannidem à tergo relinquunt. Coetus Signatorum, quia eum Turba Palmifera continuò sequitur, ut ex Transitione ista 
* Cap. 7. 9  [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] manifestum est.    

V. CONSECTARIUM  
DE GENERALI OMNIUM HACTENUS MEMORATORUM SYNCHRONISMO.  
ITà Mulieri Eremicolae Conculcationi Civitatis Sanctae, & Testibus interea sacro plangentibus contemporavit Bestia rediviva seu Decemcornupeta, Synch. I. Bestiae Decemcornupetae Bestia Bicornis, Synch. II. Utrique Meretrix, Synch. III. Meretrici & Bestiae Virgineus Signatorum Coetus, Synch. IV. Ergò omnia omnibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

SYNCHRONISMUS VI.  
ATRII INTERIORIS CALAMO DEI COMMENSI DRACONISQUE SEPTICIPITIS INSIDIAM ET PRAEIII CUM MICHAELE DE PUERPERIO.  
SUnt enim proxima antecedentia contemporaneorum; Praelium Draconis ac Mulieris puerperium, Habitationis Mulieris in Eremo, Bestiaeque Decemcornupetae; Atrium interius (ejus enim periphrasis est quod de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Thysiasterio & adorantibus illic pro more Sacerdotibus, dicitur) Atrii exterioris seu populi, ubi gentes praeter jus & fas stabulari perhibentur.  
Primò enim utrumque, tam puerperium Mulieris quam dimicatio Draconis cum Michaele, in eundem omnino terminum impingit, Fugam Mulieris in Eremum; quae utriusque rem gestam proximè excepisse dicitur. Nam Mulier, simul ac peperit, fugit in Eremum, ibi alenda dies 1260. cap. 12. v. 6. Similiter, Dracone deturbato, fugit Mulier in Eremum, ibi alenda à facie Serpentis, seu Draconis, per tempus, tempora & dimidium temporis, v. 13, 14. Propterea duo haec, ut vides, in unum confert titulus Synchronismi, tanquam ejusdem temporis & junctae omnino rei Visiones, quásque in hoc negotio separare adeò opus non fuerit.  
Porrò idem illud Duellum, quo Michael Draconem devicit, proximè antecessit Bestiam Septicipitem redin●egratam, seu Decemcornupetam: nam Draco, statim ut deturbatus est in terram, stans super arenam maris, Bestiae indè emergenti de caetero tradit vices suas, i. virtutem suam, thronum suum & potestatem magnam: & (ut cum 
* Lib. 5. cap. 28. al. 23. & huic quoque lectioni astipulatur t●xtus apud Andream Caesariensem in Codice Augustano; nec non Syrus Interpres qui nuper editus est. I●●o apud Latinos Primasius illud (vidi) non legit, quamvis perinde accipit, addendo verbum [s●●rit.] Illi imposuit, quód Latine Vnum ex capitibus, etc. de casu ambiguum sit, non item Graece.  Irenaeo habet Editio Complut.) unum ex capitibus suis quasi occisum ad mortem; cujus curatâ plagâ, Bestiant admirans secuta est universa terra, cap. 13. v. 1, 2, 3.  
Atque hucusque res plana & liquida est: sed de antecessu Atrii interioris ad Atrium exterius (quod unicum ad Synchronismum hunc conficiendum restat) paulò difficilior est probandi provincia, quia res diu aliter credita, ideóque praejudiciis impedita. Sic tamen ostendo. Atrium interius, ratione structurae Templi, situ & ordine antecedit Atrium exterius, qui Throno Dei, seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (qui totius structurae caput) proximus erat. Ergò, si res significatae diversorum temporum sint (neque enim novum est, ordinem sitûs ordinem temporis denotare, ut in 
* Dan. 2.  statua quam somniavit Nebuchadnezar videre est;) sanè Interioris Atrii significatum Exterioris significato tempore prius esse, rationi consentaneum est. Esse autem Atriorum significata diversorum temporum, atque adeò Interioris Atrii significatum antiquius & prius altero, sic porr● demonstro. Quia Visio haec Atrii Templi & Altaris, seu interioris, mensurandi, exordium est Prophetiae repetitae; quae nempe (ut mox pluribus ostendetur) ab origine & quasi ab ovo relegit tempora Prophetiae Sigillorum, quorum initium ab ipsa intervalli Apocalyptici Epocha accersendum, nemo dubitaverit: Oportet te (inquit) iterum prophetare (ità libri comesti symbolum explicat) populis, & gentibus, & linguis, & regibus multis, iterum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, ordine temporum, de quo antè prophetaverat, repetito. Incipit autem à dimensione isthac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Thysiasterii, eorúmque qui illic adorabant. Si igitur visio de Mulieris puerperio & Draconis praelio (quae ipsa pars est Prophetiae hujusce repetitae) ad ipsum caput periodi, seu Temporis Apocalyptici ascendat, usque adeò, ut nihil eâ antiquius habeat Apocalypsis, quódve altiùs originem ducat (id quod tum ex rei ipsius ingenio, quae Partus est, tum ex hactenus firmatis & porrò firmandis patebit Synchronismis:) quidni multò magìs ejusdem Prophetiae exordium, & prima omnium Visio eódem ascendere putaretur? At Atrii exterioris Menses eò ascendere nequeunt; ut qui toti jam Bestiae Decemcornupetae contemporaverint. Ergò interioris Atrii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tempora exterioris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Menses non solùm antecedere, sed ab origine Prophetiae repetitae, unà cum Visione de Puerperio & Dracone, duci debere, mihi quidem liquidissimum est.  
jam tria haec, Mulieris habitationem in Eremo, Bestiam Decemcornupetam, Atrium exterius à Gentibus calcatum, contemporanea esse, patet ex primo Synchronismo: Ergò Atrii interioris commensi tempora, & Puerperium Mulieris, unà cum Draconis insidiis & Praelio cum Michaele, sunt proxima antecedentia contemporaneorum; & consequenter ipsa quoque sibi invicem non possunt non contemporare; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

SYNCHRONISMUS VII.  
SEPTEM PH●ALARUM & BESTIAE BABYLONISQUE AD OCCASUM VERGENTIUM.  
EFfusio Phialarum affert ruinam & interitum Bestiae, ut ex textu ipso manifestum est. Canunt enim victores Bestiae canticum Mosis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cap. 15. vers. 2, 3. Atque porrò speciatim patet de Phiala prima [cap. 16. v. 2.] quae ulceris plagam immi●●it in homines habentes characterem Bestiae & eos qui adorabant Imaginem ejus: De quinta [vers. 10.] quae effunditur super thronum Bestiae, & Regnum ejus reddit tenebrosum: Itémque de ultima, quâ effusâ, Babylon funditus exscinditur, [vers. 19] Ergò Effusio Phialarum contemporat Bestiae & Babyloni finientibus.    

PARS ALTERA.  
PEregi Partem primam septem Synchronismis: sequitur Pars altera Sigillaris, in qua omnium hactenus dictorum, & si qua praeterea sunt, Vaticiniorum connexionem cum Sigillis, aliis totidem Synchronismis demonstrabo; unde perspicuum evadet, (res observatione dignissima, & non parùm interpretaturo momenti, ni fallor, allatura) Apocalypsin totam indè à capite quarto (nam de Septem Ecclesiis jam nihil interpono) in duas dispertiri Prophetias principales, quarum utraque ab eadem Epocha & quasi carceribus egreditur, desinítque in eandem metam. Prima est Sigillorum, in iísque Tubarum; nam Sigillum septimum Tubarum est Sigillum; id quod ex Grammatico contextûs sensu ubique pro concesso sumo. Neque enim qui in caeteris Sigillis omnibus sensûs ordo tenetur, is septimo solo non convenire putandus est: ut quod Sigilli reserationi subjicitur visum, id Sigilli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sit. jam autem septimi reserationem excipit visio Angelorum septem cum septem Tubis. Altera Prophetia (seu mavis, Visionum Propheticarum Systema) est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu Libri aperti, quae ab eodem exorsa Temporis Apocalyptici principio, prioris, quae Sigillorum est, Prophetiae Tempora relegit, à versu 8. capitis 10. ad finem libri: Háncque Prophetiae repetitionem indicari Transitione istâ vers. 11. cap. ejusdem, ubi joanni ait Angelus, Oportet te iterum (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) prophetare populis, & gentibus, & linguis, & regibus multis. Porrò illud quoque, Lector, animadversione tuâ sortasse non erit indignum; ad utriusque istarum, perinde atque primae omnium Visionis de septem Ecclesiis, 
Pars II.  quasi trium integrarum Prophetiarum, initia singula Voce tanquam Tubae de Coelo cum Ioanne loquentis proclamari: quasi hoc indice distinguere voluisset Spiritus Sanctus à reliquis Vaticiniis, harum principalium partibus, in quibus nihil tale fieri videbis.  
Sunt autem haec, de quibus moneo, Prophetiarum initia, Visionis quidem septem Ecclesiarum, cap. 1. 10. his verbis, Fui autem Spiritu correptus die Dominico, & audivi à tergo vocem magnam tanquam tubae dicentis, etc. Prophetiae autem Sigillorum, cap. 4. vers. 1. hujusmodi, Et vox prima, quam audiveram tanquam Tubae loquentis mecum, dicebat, etc. Denique Prophetiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cap. 10. vers. 8. Et vox quam audìeram è Coelo (scilicet tanquam Tubae loquentis) rursus loquebatur mecum, & dixit, etc. Hactenus Praeloquium suit, neque id, ut spero, à re quam agimus alienum. Sequuntur jam Synchronysmi.   

I. CARDO SYNCHRONISMORUM, SEU  

SYNCHRONISMUS  
SIGILLI SEPTIMI, QUOD AD PRIORES SEX TUBAS, CUM BESTIA DECEMCORNUPETA, BICORNI, CAETERISQUE CONTEMPORANTIBUS.  

Primò enim, Initium Bestiae contemporat cum initio Sigilli septimi, quod est Tubarum.  
NEmpe quum Coetus Signatorum, tanquam Bestiae regnantis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bestiae idcirco justè & ad amussim contemporet; idémque Coetus Signatorum ineat ineunte Sigillo septimo, sive Tubarum; sequitur omnino Bestiam itidem inire cum eodem Sigillo septimo, sive Tubarum.  
jam verò Coetum Signatorum Bestiae in solidum & ad amussim contemporare, ostensum est Synch. IV. Part. I. Eundem Coetum Signatorum inire cum Sigillo VII. liquet ex cap. 7. ubi Signatio ista sexto Sigillo continenter subjungitur. Siquidem sexti Sigilli Viso transacto, cum septimum, quod Tubarum est, jam erat aperíendum, Electis Dei servis signaculo prospicitur, nè à calamitatum procellis, quae (jam quatuor Angelis, quatuor mundi cardinum praesidibus, ventos, quos hucusque retinuerant, ad Tubarum sonitum laxaturis,) Orbi terrarum incubiturae essent, perderentur. Quibus deinceps quoque cavetur ad quintae Tubae ●langorem, cap. 9 v. 4. ut vel eo indicio agnoscas, signationem istam ad Tubarum tempora pertinere. Esse verò sinem & exitum Sigilli sexti initium septimi, extra omnem dubitationem est; cum Sigillorum ad invicem series interrumpi nec possit, nec debeat. Ergò Coetum CXLIV M Signatorum, qui Sigillum sextum transactum excipit, cum Sigillo septimo, quod eidem Sigillo sexto haud minùs continenter succedit, inire necesse est. Atque ità mirabili consilio (sic sentio) Spiritus Sanct. per hujus Signationis characterem prospexit nobis de connexione ineuntis Bestiae cum initio Sigilli VII. cum alia ratio nulla reddi possit, cur hâc Visione Signatorum cap. 7. interpositâ, turbaretur alioquin non interrumpenda Sigillorum series.   

Secundò, Finis Bestiae contemporat cum exitu Tubae sextae.  
Nam quum Testium in sacco lugentium Dies 1260 finiantur ad exitum Tubae VI seu ineunte septimâ; ibidem quoque Bestiae Menses 42. finiri necesse est, & per consequens Bestiae tyrannidem intra sex primarum Tubarum ambitum contineri. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Bestiae autem Menses XLII, perinde ut contemporanei eisdem Dies 1260 luctûs Testium, ad sextae Tubae exitum finiendos esse, jam suptà demonstratum est. Part. I. Synch. 1. §. 3. ubi ex capite 11. ostenditur, cum Testes post triduanam mortem ad vitam denuo suscitati, atque in coelum subvecti, luctuosae Prophetiae suae Dies complevissent, factóque eâdem horâ, seu tempore, ingenti terraemotu, Urbs magna ruinam passa esset, Bestíáque, truculentus Testium hostis, prae clade quam tunc sentiret animam ageret; ut sciremus ubi intervalli Sigillorum & Tubarum hoc acciderit, continuò subjunxisse Spiritum, VAE secundum (hoc est; Tubam VI) jam tum abiisse, & VAE tertium (Tubam scilicet VII) venturum citó. Quem ego Characterem alterum magni hujus Synchronism indicem, vel eo praecipuè fine isthîc loci insertum credo, ut alter quasi cardinum esset, quibus magna ista & universalis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Sigillorum Prophetiae commissura verteretur. Siquidem alioquin & hoc monitum, & qui protinus sequitur clangor Tubae VII, recto & naturali ordine ad finem Prophetiae Sigillorum cap. 10. collocanda fuissent. Sed Spiritus S. septimae Tubae mysterio eò loci, ad modum praeconii, leviter tantùm, & quantum tunc satis videbatur, praesignato, (fore nimirum ut, eâ clangente, mysterium Dei Prophetis evangelizatum consummaretur) ipsius clangoris editionem & mysterii definitionem disertam aliquantisper (nec id proculdubio nisi gravi aliqua de causa) sustinere & protelare voluit; donec, nimirum, ad novam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prophetiam transitione factâ [cap. 10. à vers. 8. ad finem] primam ejusdem Visionem, stadio Apocalyptico similiter emenso, ad eundem rerum exitum provexisset. Illud enim lector attentè admodum observet velim; unâ hâc capitis undecimi Visione (Prophetiae utpote repetitae primâ) Spiritum sapientissimum totum Sigillaris Prophetiae intervallum, ceu tramâ stamen, percurrere; eandémque septimâ Tubâ, quasi fibulâ quâdam, scriei Sigillorum, temporis dirigendi causâ, subnectere. Quorsum autem, nisi ut primae Visioni sic fixae & cum Sigillis comparatae, per suos quoque characteres connixis reliquis quae sequuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vaticiniis, totum repetitae prophetiae systema cum Sigillis dextrè componi possit?  
Porrò, nè illud fortè cuiquam scrupulum injiciat, quòd ea quae in textu reseruntur de Bestiae consternatione, de ruina Urbis stragéque hominum à Terraemotu facta, minimè videntur de omnimoda Bestiae abolitione intelligi debere; aio, neque hoc ad eum de quo egimus Synchronismum postulari, sed ut accipiantur saltem de tempore potestatis & regni siniendo, quod mensibus XLII determinatur; quósque, dato Bestiae & Testium Synchronismo, simul cum Testium Diebus exire necesse est. Quod verò adhuc aliquantisper supererit Bestiae, id adeò (ut hinc colligi datur) dissimili à priore specie futurum est, ut eodem censu non sit habendum; sed &, haud ità multò pòst, sub septima Tuba delendum & abolendum penitus, Factis regnis hujus mundi Domini nostri & Christi ejus.  
Atque ità Synchronismo hoc cardinali bene constituto, reliquos indè Synchronismos facilè deduci & cum Sigillis colligari posse, manifestum erit.    

SYNCHRONISMUS II.  
CONTEMPORANTIUM ATRII INTERIORIS ET PRAELII DRACONIS ET MICHAELIS DE PUERPERIO CUM SEX PRIMIS SIGILLIS.  
QUia sunt proxima antecedanea Contemporantium succedaneorum. Nam sex prima Sigilla proxima sunt antecedanea septimi. Atrium Interius & dimicatio Mich●elis cum Dracone proxima sunt antecedanea Bestiae & Coetûs CXLIV M Signatorum. jam verò Sigillum septimum, seu (quod perinde est) sex primae Tubae, Coetûs Signatorum & Bestia sunt contemporanea; ut ostensum est priori Synchronismo.   

SYNCHRONISMUS III.  
PHIALARUM CUM TUBA SEXTA.  
SEptem Phialae irae novissimae, cum totidem sint ruinae & occasûs Bestiae gradus [Synch. VII. Part. I.] proinde necessariò ineundae sunt ab initio ruentis & occidentis Bestiae. Bestiae autem regnum, sextâ Tubâ adhuc clangente, adeò labefactari coepit, atque eo demum processerat ruinae, ut ad ejusdem illius Tubae exitium fineretur potestas illa XLII. Mensium, quibus ipsi datum fuit dominari, & Sanctos vincere [Synch. I. hujus.] Atqui eò ruinae & fatalium calamitatum prius delabi Bestia non potuit quam quinta saltem Phiala effunderetur: nam tum demum Sedem ejus concutiendam, & Regnum tenebrosum redditum iri, apparet cap. 16. v. 10. Ergò quinque ad minimum Phialarum effunduntur ante desitum sextae Tubae clangorem; credo quòd etiam sexta: Phiala verò septima, quae consummationis Phiala est, [ibid. ver. 17, 18.] proinde concurret cum initio Tubae septimae quae, itidem consummationis Tuba est. cap. 10. ver. 6.   

SYNCHRONISMUS IU.  
MILLE ANNORUM LIGATI DRACONIS SEU SATANAE, CUM TUBA SEPTIMA, SEU INTERVALLO AD EXCIDIO BESTIAE.  
UT hoc de Satane ligatione eò meliùs intelligatur, illud demonstrationi praemittendum est; in 
* cap. 20. 3.  textu dici, Satanam tunc insuper non tantùm in Abyssum conjectum, sed ibidem occlusum esse; adhaec signâsse super eum Angelum, ut non seduceret ampliùs gentes, donec consummarentur mille anni; id est, firmiter muniisse, nè ullatenus pateret exitus. Nam mos erat Hebraeis & vicinis gentibus, quando firmiter munitum & obseratum volebant ostium, ut ei sigillum apponerent. Ità lapidem impositum soveae Leonum, quò Daniel conjectus erat, obsignavit Rex Darius annulo suo, & annulo procerum suorum, Dan. 6. In historia Apocrypha ministri Danielis aedis Beli portas claudunt & obsignunt annulo Regis. Similiter judaei Matth. 27. 66. scpulchrum Servatoris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 munierunt, seu tutum reddebant, obsignato lapide, etc. ubi observandum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sese mutuò explicare. Longè igitur aliud est, Coelo dejici, cap. 12. (quod adeò multi huic loco accomodant) aliud ligari, abysso includi, obsignaríque. Illud vagandi & nocendi licentiam non adimit; hoc de carcere suo nullâ ratione egredi patitur. Imò affirmare ausim, nihil prorsus eorum quae referuntur capite vicesimo, in duodecimo comparere; neque vicissim de eo quod capite 12ᵒ memoratur, ullum in vicesimo verbulum exstare. Tantum abest ut idem utrobique representetur. Examinemus paulisper. Capite xx. quatuor de Dracone referuntur: Primum, ab Angelo qui coelo defcendit apprehensum fuisse, 2. ligatum, 3. in Abyssum conjectum, 4. occlusum atque obsignatum fuisse. Horum verò nullum in duodecimo reperies. Vicissim quod unicum narratur capite 12. de Draconis projectione de coelo in terram, de eo in vicesimo nè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem habetur. Imò ex ipso contextu apertè colligete est, illud nequaquam tunc factum esse. Dicitur enim ibi, Angelum qui Draconem ligatum veniebat, coelo descendisse: ergò Draco jam tum super terram fuit. Quorlum enim alioquin Angelus coelo descendisset eundem apprehensum? Hinc. c. 12. Michael coelo non descendit, sed in ipso coelo cum Diabolo manum conseruit. His ità praemissis. ad Synchronismi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veniamus.  
Arg. 1. Sub primis sex Sigillis Draco seu Satanas liber fuit & solutus; itémque sub primis sex Tubis Sigilli scptimi: Ergò restat ut Mille anni ligati Satanae conjiciantur in Tubam septimam.  
Non enim fuisse ligatum Satanam sive Draconem primis sex Sigillis vicem suam adhuc decurrentibus, ex eo liquet, quòd omni isthoc intervallo, septem capitibus & diadematis rubens, in coelo dimicavit cum Michaele de puerperio Mulieris, ut modò demonstratum fuit Synch. II.  
Sed neque primis sex Tubis sequentis Sigilli id factum est: Nam hoc est Intervallum Mulieris in Eremo, & dominantis Bestiae Decemcornupetae, ut constat ex Synch. I. hujus. Sanè, Muliere in Eremo agente, multum abfuit ut ligatus putaretur Draeo, qui à Michaele de coelo praecipitatus, primò eam abiturientem eluvione aquarum, quam ex ore suo ejecerat, pessundare conabatur; deinde, cum hoc ei ex sententia non successerit (terrâ flumen absorbente, & Muliere jam in Eremum receptâ) Irâ & furore accensus, abiit ad ge●endum bellum cum reliquis ex semine ejus, observantibus praecepta Dei, & habentibus testimonium jesu, cap. 12. ver. 13, 15, 17. Numquid haec sunt ligati Satanae indicia.  
Sed de Bestia quoque videamus; & quam suit sub ejus Regno Draco vinctus, audi: Scilicet, Dedit ei Draco virtutem suam, & thronum suum, & potestatem magnam; & admirans universa terra secuta est Bestiam, & adorârunt Draconem qui dedit potestatem Bestiae, [c. 13. v. 2, 3, 4.] At potuit forsan haec omnia ex carcere suo agere Satanas? Certè occluso & obsignato non potuit. Sed ut nullus sit tergiversationi locus, & liquidò appareat quam adhuc suit Draco ad ea ipsa facinor● liber & solutus, à quibus in custodiam semel datus coercendus dicitur; en alterum ejus Alumnum Pseudoprophetam, Decemcornupetae comitem individuum & Bestialis potestatis Administratorem, de quo exsertè scriptum habes, quòd edat signa magna, quódque seducat Incolas Terrae per signa quae datum est ei facere. Ecquis jam facilè credat, Bestiis istis rerum potiuntibus, Draconem, hoc est, Satanam, fuisse vinctum, fuisse in Abyssum conjectu●, & obsignatum super cum, ut non seduceret gentes amplius? juxta cap. 20. ver. 2, 3.  
Quinetiam ex ipsis Tubis (de medio saltem tempore) liberi & soluti Diaboli non deest argumentum. Quid enim? Annon Rex ille Locustarum Tubae quintae, qui Angelus Abyssi cluet, cui nomen Hebraicé Abaddon, Graecé verò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quémque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eum qui è coelo jampridem ceciderat in terram, joannes indigitat, ipsissimus est Draco & Satanas, quem Michael, nondum clangentibus Tubis, de coelo in terram deturbaverat? Neque enim in tota Apocalypsi de alio praeter ipsum legi memini, in terram cecidisse; neque scio an in alium quenquam nisi in istum competere possint elogia illa Angeli Abyssi & Abaddonis. Utut sit, certè non fuit tunc temporis ligatus Satanoes, non puteus Abyssi (ut inibi dicitur) super eum occlusus & obsignatus; ●ed (ut videre est c. 9 2.) apertus, ídque adcò, ut fumus indè ascenderit ut fumus fornacis magnae, & obscuratus est Sol & Aer à fumo ejus.  
Denique, quin haec Draconis seu Satanae in seducendis Gentibus libertas ad ipsum usque Bestiae excidium perseverârit, ac proinde fuerit sex primis Tubis omnino coaeva, eum dubitare neutiquam posse puto qui satis attenderit quid ab Effusione Phialae sextae factum legatur: quòd nimirum septimâ, hoc est novissimâ, mox effundendâ, atque ideo ●upremo Bestiae fato jam tum instante, Ex ore Draconis atque Vicariorum ejus Bestiae & Pseudoprophetae, tres spiritus impuri, Spiritus daemoniorum edentes signa abierint ad Reges terrae & totius mundi, congregatum eos ad praelium magni illius Diei Dei omnipotentis, cap. 16. v. 13, 14.  
Ità Mille Anni ligati Satanae, ut Gentes ampliùs non seduceret, neque sub primis sex Sigillis, neque sub primis sex Tubis locum habere possunt: Ergò relinquendi sunt Tubae septimae.  
Arg. 2. Posteaquam, Mille Annis absolutis, Satan de carcere suo ad breve tempus solutus novos motus concitâsset; igne coelitus delapso consumptâ, quam collegerat, deceptarum gentium colluvie, ipse Planus captus & comprehensus mitti dicitur in stagnum ignis & sulphuris, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ubi erat & Bestia & Pseudopropheta. Adverte hic, Lector, characterem chronicum, quo innuitur hoc quicquid est, de Satana post iteratam solutionem capto & damnato, id superioris capitis Visioni de Bestia & Pseudopropheta ab eo qui equo albo insidebat debellatis, captis, & perinde in stagnum ignis ardens sulphure conjectis, ut narrandi ordine, ità quoque tempore rei gestae succedere. Non enim alioquin dictum foret, eò missum esse Satanam, ubi erat & Bestia & Pseudopropheta, nisi eò jam antè, & Bestia & Pseudopropheta missi fuissent.  
Nec cordatus aliquis ad effugium dixerit, hoc capitis xx. post Mille annos Bellum non esse ab illo superioris capitis diversum; cum non tantùm jam allatus character, sed & omnes utrinque circumstantiae refragentur, partes, pugna, & modus caedis, illic gladio, hîc igne; imò & dissimilis, ut mox re demonstratâ patescet, Belli utriusque eventus; illic Satanae tempus duntaxat ligatio, hîc verò damnatio ad ignem aeternum.  
Bellum igitur, quo Bestia & Pseudopropheta capti mittuntur in stagnum ignis, quandoquidem diversum sit ab hoc novissimo, ad quod eódem randem stagni mittendus Satanas statim à solutione sua Gentes concitâsset, aut intra ipsos Mille annos gestum fuisse necesse est, aut illis nondum inchoatis. Intra Mille annos geri non potuit, quia tamdiu Satan vinctus fuisse dicitur & occlusus in Abysso, ut Gentes non seduceret ampliùs, donec Mille anni consummarentur, cap. 20. vers. 3. At in Bello, quo de Bestia, Pseudopropheta & Sociis tandem triumphatum est, si unquam aliàs, liberrimus & solutissimus suit ad decipiendum, ut ex iis constat quae modò ex capite 16. de hujus Belli apparatu allegavimus; quòd nempe ab effusione Phialae sextae, cum jam septima, quâ Bestiâ penitus conficitur, in propinquo esset ut effunderetur, Ex ore Draconis, ex ore Bestiae, & Pseudoprophetae, tres Spiritus impuri, Spiritus daemoniorum edentes signa abierint ad Reges terrae & totius mundi, congregatum eos ad Praelium magni illius Diei Dei omnipotentis.  
Quoniam ergò Mille annorum ratio hujusmodi turbas & motus Satanicos nequaquam admittit; necesse est ut Bellum hoc Bestiale eosdem tempore praecesserit. Atque ità demum Mille anni alligati Satanae contemporabunt Intervallo ab excidio Bestiae, quod erat demonstrandum.  
Arg. 3. Denique, cum per eosdem Mille annos quibus Satan in custodia detinetur, Christus cum suis Regnum illud augustum & magnificum regnâsse dicatur; proinde eisdem argumentis & notis quibus alterutrius Synchronismus stabilitur, confirmabitur & alterius. Quòd igitur Regnum illud Christi augustum cum septima Tuba ineat, seu ab excidio Bestiae, jam est ut ostendamus.   

SYNCHRONISMUS V.  
MILLE ANNORUM REONI CHRISTI AUGUSTI, ET SEPTIMAE TUBAE SEU INTERVALLI AB EXCIDIO BESTIAE.  

1. REgnum Christi singulare & augustum, iterum & saepius in Apocalypsi memoratum, déque cujus adventu Chorus Animalium & Presbyterorum ovantium hymnos & Doxologias Deo concinere solent, ubique succedit Bestiae & Babyloni devictis & triumphatis. Primò en●m illie ubi de hoc Mille Annorum Regno propriè agitur c. xx. ex numero eorum qui cum Christo regnant sunt Qui Bestiam non adoraverant neque Imaginem ejus, neque acceperant Characterem ejus in frontibus suis aut in manibus suis. Annon haec verba satìs indicat hoc Christi Regnum Regno Bestiae, Imagini & stigmaticis ejus successisse? Quorsum enim illis Regni filiis hoc elogium tribueretur, quòd Bestiam non adoraverant, etc. nisi Bestia jam praecessisset? Sanè enim benemeritum remunerationem & praemium tempore antecedit. jam verò Regnum isthoc (prout series narrationis indicat) Sanctis, ut fidei suae & constantiae praemium, tribuitur; ídque cau●â eorum prius in solenni judicio cognitâ; cujus utpote confessus iis verbis describitur, Et vidi thronos, & sederunt super eos, & judicium da●um est illis, id est, potestas judicandi facta, etc. Ergò tempus quo Sancti, Bestiâ rerum potiunte, fidem & constantiam suam Deo approbârunt, judicium antecessit; remuneratio decretum tum factum sequitur.  
2. Idem porrò adhuc magis apparet ex Paeane Presbyterorum & Animalium cantato ad excidium Babylonis cap. 19 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. vers. 7. Gaudeamus, & exultemus, & demus gloriam ei; quia venerunt Nuptiae Agni, & Uxor ejus praeparavit seipsam. Nam quin idem sit utrobique Regnum nullus dubito.  
3. Sed omnium clarissimè ex cap. 11. vers. 15, 16. etc. ubi ad septimae Tubae clangorem, Testium diebus, Bestiaeque & Gentium mensibus decursis, in coelo acclamatum est, Facta sunt Regna hujus mundi Domini nostri & Christi ejus, & regn●●it in secula seculorum. Et viginti quatuor Seniores in conspectu Dei sedentes in thronis suis, ceciderunt in facies suas, & adoraverunt Deum, dicentes, Gratias agimus tibi, Domine Deus omnipotens, qui es, qui eras, & qui venturus es; quia accepisti potentiam tuam magnam, & regnum inieris.   
Haec est illa consummatio Mysterii Dei per prophetas evangelizati, quam sub septimae Tubae clangorem Angelus suprà, cap. 10. futuram praedixerat; quando nec Bestiae Menses, nec Testium lugentium Dies, neque omnino aliquid de Periodo temporis, temporum, & dimidii temporis supererit ampliùs, ver. 6, 7. Planè juxta quod Da●ieli praedictum fuit, cap. 7. ver. 25, 26, 27. & antè, de Dominatu Christi Oecumenico, seu Regno Sanctorum post eadem Tempora, eundémque prorsus judicii consessum, futuro. Item quod cap. 12. ver. 7. ubi idem qui hic apud joannem Angelus, eodem certè gestu, ritu, iisdémque ferè (quod summè notandum est) jurisjurandi verbis asseverâsse legitur, Finito demum intervallo isto Temporis, Temporum & dimidii 
* Annon haec sunt tempor●● illa gentium  Temporis, dispersionem populi sancti, cúmque ea simul Novissimum illud mirabilium, consummatum iri.  
Qui ulteriorem confirmationem hîc desiderat, 
* Luc. 21. 24●  etiam superioris Synchronismi characteres adhibeat: nam mutuas, ut dixi, praestant operas.   

SYNCHRONISMUS VI.  
NOVAE JERUSALEM AGNI SPONSAE CUM SEPTIMA TUBA SEU INTERVALLO AB EXCIDIO BESTIAE.  

1. NUptiae Agni & Regnum illud augustum Domini Dei omnipotentis, ambo ineunt ab excidio Babylonis, unde init Tuba septima. Constat ex Hymno Presbyterorum & Animalium, quem in superiori Synchronismo laudavimus, ex cap. 19 v. 6, 7. Hallelujah, quoniam regnum iniit Dominus Deus noster omnipotens. Gaudeamus, & exultemus, & demus gloriam ei; quia venerunt Nuptiae Agni, & Vxor ejus praeparavit seipsam. At Nova jerusalem est Sponsa illa Agni, ornata & parata viro suo, cap. 21. v. 2. Et civitatem sanctam (inquit) Novam jerusalem vidi descendentem à Deo de coelo, sicut Sponsam ornatam viro suo: & ver. 9 Veni, & ostendam tibi Sponsam Vxorem Agni, etc. Ergo & illa inibit & contemporabit Tubae septimae.  
2. Nova jerusalem est Civitas dilecta; at dilecta illa Civitas, statim atque finiuntur Mille anni, à novissimis illis Satanae tunc laxati copiis circumvallari dicitur, cap. 20. v. 9 Et circuerunt Castra Sanctorum & Civitatem dilectam: ergò, jam antè exstitisse eam oportuit, dum adhuc Satan ligabatur. Hisce duobus argumentis, sive confirmandis, sive illustrandis & ornandis, duo alia visum est adjungere.  
3. Effu●â Phialâ septimâ, quâ prorsus conficitur & aboletur Bestia, prodiit vox magna è Throno dicens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cap. 16. ver. 17. Itidem, Is qui insidebat Throno dicit joanni spectanti Novam jerusalem è coelo descendentem, [cap. 21. v. 5, 6.] Ecce nova facio omnia— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ego sum A & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Initium & Finis. Ergò Nova jerusalem Agni Sponsa init ab ultimo termino Phialarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, jam extinctâ Meretrice; atque ità contemporat Intervallo ab Excidio Bestiae.  
4. Unus ex Angelis Phialarum [cap. 17.] oftendit Ioanni judicium Meretricis, utpote dum Phialae effunduntur, & ab illarum saltem una, peragendum, idémque Phialarum Angelus [cap. 21. v. 10.] monstrat eidem joanni Sponsam Agni Civitatem magnam sanctam jerusalem; utpote Phialis jam defunctis, hoc est, Bestiâ Babylonéque extinctis, conspicuam futuram.    

SYNCHRONISMUS VII.  
TURBAE PALMIFERAE INNUMERABILIUM OVANTIUM EX OMNIBUS GENTIBUS, TRIBUBUS, POPULIS, ET LINGUIS, Cap. 7. v. 9 Cum TUBA SEPTIMA SEU INTERVALLO A● EXCIDIO BESTIAE.  

1. TUrba Palmifera proximè succedit Coetui CXLIV M Signatorum: Coetus autem iste (ex opposita Bestiae, cui contemporavit, ut ratione, sic duratione, metiendus) cum Bestia quoque periodum suam complevit [Synch. IV. Part. I.] Ergò Turba Palmifera utrumque consequitur; ac proinde cadet in Tubam septimam, quod est Intervallum ab excidio Bestiae.  
2. Turba Palmifera sunt cives Novae jerusalem: de ambobus enim dicitur, quod non esurient, neque sitient, ampliùs, etc. quòd Agnus pascet eos, & ducet eos ad vivos fontes aquarum; quódque abstersurus sit Deus omnem lacrymam ab oculis eorum. jam Nova jerusalem contemporavit Tubae septimae; ergò & Turba Palmifera.    

EPOCHA APOCALYPSEOS.  
EPocha Apocalypseos, quà de futuris vaticinium est, sive eam initio Christianismi statueris, sive in Excidio Politiae & Ecclesiae judaicae, sive in eo temporis momento quo Revelatio joanni facta est, seu quomodocunque statuatur (nolo enim interpretem agere, instituti mei memor;) quin indè Sigillorum, quod ad resinibi gerendas, initium deducendum sit, dubitaturum arbitror neminem. Sed & ab eadem Epocha arcessendum esse secundae quoque Prophetiae seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 initium, si cui ipsa contextûs verba de Prophetia repentenda, & quae praeterea disseruimus suprà ad Synch. VI Part. I. & in vestibulo Part. II. non satìs persuaserint; is vel Synchronismi necessitate eò tandem adigetur, si, juxta jam factas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, singulas prophetias ordine & loco suo disponere tentaverit.  
  

CLAUSULA SYNCHRONISMORUM ET APOCALYPSEOS.  
MIlle annos Regni & damnationem Satanae excipit Universalis Resurrectio mortuorum, & judicium ultimum cum Gehenna, c. 20. à v. 11. ad fin.  
Novam jerusalem descriptam c. 21. excipit Paradisus, quam scilicet, Edenis instar, hinc atque hinc ambit Fluvius, in medio habentem Arborem vitae: sic enim capio verba cap. 22. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, scilicet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Atque hic finis Seculi & Apocalypseos.  
QUod superest, Lector, en tibi Ordinem & Seriem juxta res gerendas omnium in Apocalypsi Vaticiniorum, in isthoc Schemate ad oculum delineatam, & uno intuitu spectandam: quod ad amussim Synchronismorum jam demonstratorum, in meum & (si patiaris) in tuum construxi usum. Retegat Deus oculos mentis utriusque nostrûm, ut intueamur mirabilia ejus.  
AMEN.    

COROLLARIUM DE USU CLAVIS.  

1. EX jam dictis constate arbitror, Apocalypsin juxta literam tantummodo spectatam, ac si nuda quaedam esset rerum gestarum Historia, non item Vaticinium mysticis allegoriis & typis involutum, signis tamen & characteribus ejusmodi à Spiritu S. per totam narrationem insertis instructam esse, ut indè legitima Visionum omnium, juxta res suo quasque tempore gerendas, Series, Ordo, Synchronismi, erui, componi, & demonstrari possint, absque interpretationis ullius datae hypothesi aut adminiculo.  
2. Tum praeterea, prout in Historiis fieri consuevit, ut res plures diversaeque à pluribus & diversis simul eodémque tempore gestae, simul tamen narrari nequeant, sed seorsim & deinceps; ità quoque in Prophetiis istis & Visionibus rerum gerendarum (utut ordine longè commodissimo sapientissimóque patefactis) usuvenire: ut omnino frustrà sint qui Apocalypsin ità interpretatum eunt, quasi eventus eodem ubique ordine & serie sibi invicem succederent quo Visiones.  
3. Visionum enimvero Apocalypticarum mentem feliciter indagaturo, principio earum ad se invicem juxta res gerendas Series & Connexio, ex memoratis characteribus & notis pervestigata, atque intrinsecis argumentis demonstrata, constituenda est tanquam omnis solidae & legitimae interpretationis basis & fundamentum. Non enim (quod à plurimis perperam factum cernimus) ad Interpretantis arbitrium, pro qualicunque interpretationis concinnitate, Ordo ipse confirmandus est; sed ad jam praestructam, per Synchronismorum characteres, Ordinis hujus chronici Ideam, omnis interpretatio, quasi ad normam & perpendiculum, exigenda.  
4. Absque hujusmodi enim fundamento, vix est ut ex Apocalypsi quidquam eruas quod interpretationis & applicationis suae solidè fidem faciat, quódque authoritate divinâ, sed mendicatis principiis & puris putis conjecturis nitatur humanis. Contrà verò admisso, cum jam temporis ordinísque septa licenter & pro libitu vagari Applicationem non permiserint, illico tot variantium, imò & pugnantium, interpretamentorum multivia maximam partem sublata miraberis; paucis omnino in quibus adhuc mens, de generali saltem applicatione, anceps haereat, iísque minoris ferè momenti, differentiis relictis: Adeò ut ex hoc libro deinceps, perinde atque ex reliquis Novi Testamenti libris, argumenta peti possint, in re etiam Prophetica, de interpretamento secura, quibúsque, tanquam Spiritûs S. oraculis, non humani duntaxat ingenii inventis, fides acquiescat.  
5. Talem tibi, Lector, Clavem, imò Compassum, si fortè mavis, Apocalypticum, pro ea quam mihi indigno peccatori Deus bonus & benignus in hisce mysteriis indulsit intelligentiae mensura, in istis Synchronismis pro virili demonstro, & adjuncto Schemate, brevi facilíque compendio, spectandum propono. In quo (nè usum ejus adhuc fortè ignores) si modò de praecipui alicujus Vaticinii sensu, ejúsque temporibus impletis, semel tibi constiterit; methodum deinceps signatam habes quâ, ex Synchronismorum atque Ordinis filo, reliquarum Visionum mentem pervestigare, imò & demonstrare, poteris. Siquidem, quae isti tuo Vaticinio jam, ut dixi, cognito caetera contemporaverint Vaticinia, iisdem proculdubio temporibus sunt applicanda; quae autem praecedunt, non nisi de praecedaneis; quae succedunt, pariter de succedaneis eventibus sunt interpretanda.  
6. Et nè fortè dubites, an usquam in Apocalypsi ex omnibus illic Visionibus ullam reperire sit ejusmodi, in qua, eo quo dixi modo, pedem tutò figas, undéque, tanquam ex Statione aliqua aut Specula, reliquam dimetiaris Apocalypsin; ecce huic quoque rei à Spir. Sancto sapientissimo consilio prospectum, Illustri illâ Visione de magna MERETRICE, quam nimirum unicam & solam omnium Visionum Angelus praeter morem suum interpretatur joanni. Quorsum autem, nisi ut per eam ad reliquas, alioquin inaccessas, tanquam per januam, aperiatur aditus? Quid vis ampliús? Hàc igitur, invocato Patre luminum, intrato; ingressus, ad caetera referanda Clavem adhibeto. Experire, expertus fateberis, admirabilem esse hanc Prophetiam, quâcum, re penitiûs introspectâ, nulla Veteris Testamenti (sic decuit Evangelium) nè quidem ipsius Danielis, aut singulari patefactionis artificio, aut interpretationis, viâ & ratione eruendae, certitudine sit conferenda.   
Id extremum te volo, Lector, qui in haec incideris, ut si mihi assidenti quid fortè revelatum esse perspexeris, aut tibi ipsi aut aliis ad haec mysteria profuturum, id totum Dei in me misericordiae acceptum referas; cui & ego, ob tantillum sapientiae ejus radiolum, grates persolvere nunquam desinam: sin quid aberratum sit, id solum meum esse memineris, hominis quantillarum virium, & nullatenus ad haec (quod probè mihi conscius sum) ex meipso idonei.  
Benedictio, honor, & gloria EI Qui infidet Throno, & AGNO, in secula seculorum.   

IN SANCTI IOANNIS APOCALYPSIN COMMENTARIUS,  
AD AMUSSIM CLAVIS APOCALYPTICAE.  
Editio Tertia ab Authore recognita.  
APOCAL. 6. 2.  
Exivit vincens, & ut vinceret.  
CAP. 1. 7.  
Ecce, venit cum nubibus, & videbit eum omnis oculus, etiam qui eum transfixerunt.   

LECTORI BENEVOLO  
Salutem.  
ANNUS jam quintus agitur, Lector benevole, cum CLAVEM mean APOCALYPTICAM primitus typis dederim; sed propriis Impensis, inque amicorum solummodo gratiam. Nihil tum cogitabam de interpretatione adornanda; utpote cui me, tot ab eruditione praesidiis quae ad eam rem requiri videbantur destitutum, plane imparem fore existimavi, neque etiamnum parem puto. Sed cum opusculum illud pluribus quam speraverim placuisse intelligerem, nonnullique instarent ut ipse, juxta methodum in CLAVE mea monstratam, quae quibus eventis, rebusque gestis vaticinia applicanda essent, manuductionis vice indicare vellem: illu morem gesturus sententiam meam breviter in chartas conjeci; quodque inde natum fuit, SPECIMINA INTERPRETATIONUM APOCALYPTICARUM indigitavi. Hoc cum multis lectum & descriptum, necnon eo favore susceptum comperi, ut industriae meae qualiscunque poenitendi causam non haberem, animos tandem mihi fecit, textum Apocalypticum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interpretandi. In hoc incepto cum aliquousque progressus essem, & prout quodlibet perfeceram, amicis legendum transmisissem; factum est ut Commentationes meas, immaturas adhuc, necdum ad umbilicum perductas, in publicum protruserit nimia quorundam importunitas; qui utrum judicio suo, an curiositati potius, hac in re indulserint, equidem nescio: illud tamen vere testari possum, admodum molestum mihi accidisse, a concepta in contrarium sententia dimoveri, quodque ipse non probaram, id aliorum voluntati gratificari; nedum ut ambitio ulla aut gloriolae studium me huc impulerit. Non quod aliis inviderem, si quid forte eruissem quo mysticae illius Scripturae studiosi (quos 
* Cap. 1. 3.  beatos pronunciat Spir. S.) juvari possint; sed quod melius fore statuissem, privata communicatione contentum delitescere, quam publica editione, tot variantia hominum judicia, tot praejudicis partiumque studiis agitata, cum meo periculo experiri. Hoc te monitum velim.  
Alterum est quod te rogem: ut (quoniam minime tibi ignotum sit in quam lubrico verser argumento, quamque ad vanitatem temeritatemque prono) ne singula rigida nimis censura aestimes; illud pro certo habens, nisi in hisce talibus liberius paulo sentiendi, imo & errandi, venia concedatur, ad profunda illa & latentia veritatis adyta viam nunquam patefactum iri● Sicubi autem a communi sententia nimium fortasse tibi divertisse videbor, ibi rem totam ad Ecclesiae Catholicae Reformatae & virorum in ea doctorum tribunal defero: quodque ab illis mature excussum erroris deprehensum fuerit, a me neque dictum neque scriptum amplius haberi velle scito. Patronum operi meo neminem delegi; neque enim scio an Patrono dignum sit. Tu, Lector, ejus defectum supplebis, si te, prout spero, candidum & benignum censorem praebueris. Quod quidem, si bonus es, vel hac benevolentia tuae fiducia promeritus videbor. Vale.  
E Collegio Christi Cantabrigiae, Mense julio, Anno M DC XXXII.   

COMMENTATIONUM APOCALYPTICARUM AD AMUSSIM CLAVIS APOCALYPTICAE  
Pars prima in Prophetiam primam, quae Sigillis & Tubis continetur; praemisso De Theatro Apocalyptico.  
VISIONUM Apocalypticarum mentem indagaturo, primùm de Theatro illo coelesti, quò Ioannes eas, tanquam in Scena, spectaturus evocatur; deinde de ipsis sigillatim Vaticiniis, ad Clavem Apocalypticam examinatis, mihi agendum est.  
Christ, 
Apoc. ●.  Dei Sapientia, cui Apocalypsis à Patre data est, ut indicares servis tuis res futuras, illumina jubare tuo mentem meam, immunditiem sanguine deterge. Da, Te favente, Spiritúque duce, abdita haec mysteria perlustrem, aliísque pandam.  
THEATRUM Apocalypticum voco Consessum istum augustum Dei Ecclesiaeque, capite 4. descriptum, atque ad priscae illius in deserto cum Israele castrametationis 
* Num. ●. ver. 52. indeq● ad finem cap. ●.  typum ad amussim conformatum: id quod utriusque ordinem inter se conferenti oppidò erit manifestum.  
Siquidem in medio castrorum Israelis collocatum fuit Tabernaculum, ceu Thronus Dei. In circuitu Tabernaculi, proximè castra metabantur Levitae. Post Levitas demum, ad quatuor coeli plagas, reliquus coetus Israelis in quatuor Vexilla tributus; ternis nimirum tribubus sub uno Vexillo missis, atque à primaria cohortis suae tribu nomen fortitis. Unumquodque autem Vexillum signum praeferebat: cujus etiamsi Moses generatim tantùm meminit, nec, quae cuique Vexillo inscripta esset effigies, omnino exprimit; Hebraei tamen ex vetusta Majorum traditione, (hâc parte non temerè aspernandi) rem integrè descriptum eunt in hunc modum.  
Ad Orientem erat Vexillum judae cum sociis tribubus, signo LEONIS.  
Ad Occidentem Vexillum Ephraimi, signo BOVIS.  
Ad Austrum Vexillum Reubenis, signo HOMINIS.  
Ad Septentrionem Danis, signo AQUILAE.  
Aben Ezra ad 2 Num. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Majores nostri dixerunt, quòd in Reubenis vexillo fuit figura HOMINIS, propter inventas (inquit ille) mandragoras (sed hoc ineptum est;) in vexillo judae figura LEONIS, quoniam ei 
* Gen. 49. 9  jacob ipsum assimilavit; in vexillo Ephraimi figura BOVIS, juxta quod dicitur, 
* Deut. 33. 17.  primogenitus Bovis; denique invexillo Danis figura AQUILAE. Eadem hîc habet bar Nachman, & Chazkuni ad cap. 3.  
Quamobrem verò horum Animalium effigies reliquis in hunc usum praelatae fuerint, si quis fortè curiosiùs quaerit; praeter eam quae ex judae & Ephraimi saltem benedictionibus haud ineptè peti soleat, 
Schindler, pag, 266. ●.  istiusmodi rationem Talmudici innuere videntur. Quatuor, inquiunt, sunt superbi (vel qui emineant) in mundo; LEO inter Feras, BOS inter jumenta, AQUILA inter Volucres, & HOMO cui Deus supra omnes pulchritudinem largit us est, utomnibus imperaret. Ut ut de ratione sit, firmari potest haec Iudaeorum traditio ex quadruplici Cherubinorum facie (cave enim tot capita imagineris) apud Ezechielem; quibus nempe significatum est, qui iisdem vehebatur Dominum fuisse & Regem quatuor cohortum feu castrorum Israelis. Quemadmodum enim Principum quadrigae dominorum suorum fulgent insignibus; ità hîc Cherubini signis JEHOVAE Regis Tetrarchiarum Israelis. Neque difficile admodum fuerit, ex Ezechielis & Cherubinorum ad invicem in isthac visione positu, quam quaeque Cherubinorum facies mundi plagam respexisset colligete. Quippe cum Ezechiel, 
* Ezech. 1. 4.  converso ad Septentrionem vultu, Cherubinos quasi obviàm sibi prodeuntes conspiceret, certè quae tum ei èregione obversabatur anterior erat & directa Cherubinorum facies, nimirum HOMINIS; eóque Hominis facies Austrum spectabat. Unde sequitur, quae eidem Ezechieli 
* V●●. 10.  ad dextram fuisse dicitur, facies LEONIS, Orientem; quaeque ei ad sinistram, BOVIS, Occidentem; AQUILINAM denique faciem spectâsse Aquilonem.  
Atque cadem quidem ratio suadet ut illos quoque Cherubinos qui Arcam Dei in Templi adyto obumbrabant simili, hoc est, quadriformi, facie fuisse existimemus; praesertim cum de iis qui in Templi parietibus caelaban●ur rem ità se habuisse, testetur quod apud eundem de dimidiata ipsorum sculptura legitur cap. 41. v. 19 ubi, duabus faciebus, ut in ejusmodi caelatura necesse fuit, in plano parietis absorptis, reliquae tamen duae, HOMINIS & LEONIS, hinc indè versùs palmas utrinque ascriptas, eminuisse perhibeantur. Et quorsum, obsecro, sculperentur Cherubini aliâ formâ quam fuissent?  
Adde, quòd de quatuor Animalibus istis, totidem Israelis cohortum insignibus, quidam accipiunt illud Psalmi 68 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. quod quidem Hieronymus, in versione illa quae ab Hebraica veritate nomen habet, ità transtulit, Animalia tua habitaverun● in ca; nimirum, ut praecessit, in haereditate tua, i. castris populi tui quem per Eremum deduxisti. Similiter Septuag. &, quae indè expressa est, Vulgata habent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Animalia tua. Et sanè de illo tempore hîc agi, liquidò ostendit quod huic & praecedenti versui praemittitur: Deus, cum egredercris coram populo tuo, cum inceder●s per desertum; terra tremuit, eliam coeli distillaverunt à facie Dei, etc. Itémque quod subjungitur de pluvia munifica, pluvia, ni fallor, Mannae; ideóque vertendum, Pluviam munificam, seu liberalem, sparsisti, Deus, [quâ] haereditatem tuam etiam laborantem confortâsti. Nè illud quoque dicam, principium hujus Psalmi mutuatum ex ea precationis formula quâ Moses [Num. 10.] in profectione castrorum Israeliticorum usus suerat, Surge, JEHOVAH, & dissipentur inimici.  
Spectavimus castrametationem Dei Israeliticam; jam porrò videamus ut eidem per omnia respondet Consessus Apocalypticus.  
2. ET fui, inquit joannes, 
Cap. 4.  in Spiritu, & ecce Thronus positus erat in coelo, & supra Thronum sedens. 3. Et qui sedebat aspectu similis erat lapidi jaspidi & sardio; & iris erat in circuit● Throni aspectu similis smaragdo.  
4. Et in circuitu Throni sedilia viginti quatuor; & super sedilia viginti quatuor Presbyteri sedentes, circumamicti vestimentis albis, & in capitibus suis habebant coronas aureas.  
5. Et de Throno procedebant fulgura, & voces, & tonitrua; & septem lampades ignis erant ardentes ante Thronum, qui sunt septem spiritus Dei: erat etiam à fronte Throni tanquam mare vitreum simile crystallo.  
6. In medio autem Throni & in circuitu Throni quatuor Animalia plena oculis antè & retró. 7. Et Animal primum erat simile Leoni; & Animal secundum simile Bovi; & tertium Animal habens faciem quasi Hominis; & quartum Animal simile Aquilae volanti.  
8. Et quatuor Animalia, singula eorum, habebant alas senas in circuitu, & intus plena erant oculis; & non interquiescebant die & nocte dicentia, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus Dominus Deus Omnipotens, qui erat & qui est & quiventurus est.  
9 Et quando dabunt Animalia illa gloriam & honorem & gratiarum actionem sedenti super Thronum, viventi in secula seculorum; 10. Procident viginti quatuor presbyteri ante sedentem in Throno, & adorabunt viventem in secula seculorum, & projicient coronas suos ante Thronum, dicentes, 11. Dignus es, Domine Deus noster, accipere gloriam & honorem & virtutem: quia tu creâsti omnia, & propter voluntatemtuam sunt & creata sunt.  
Annon hic singula singulis respondent? Primùm enim, Tabernaculum quod attinet, Thronum hic in medio positum, cui Deus insidebat, non aliud quam Templum aut Tabernaculum fuisse (utriusque enim historiae, quod observandum, accommodatur descriptio) ostendunt tum septem lampades ante ipsum ardentes, tum Mare illud vitreum crystallo simile: quorum illae Candelabrum septem quoque lucernarum coram Adyto ardentium, hoc Labrum illud immane in Templo Solomonis Mare dictum repraesentat; 
Ad Cap. 4.  sed hoc discrimine, quòd illud Solomonis aeneum fuit, nostrum verò ex vitrea pellucidáque materia. Nescio tamen an hîc alludi ad vetustius illud Mosaici Tabernaculi labrum fas sit suspicari: quandoquidem & illud ex speculari, nescio quâ, materiâ, videlicet ex speculis mulierum convenientium ad ostium Tabernaculi, conflatum fuisse perhibetur, Exod. 38. 8. Videsis autem Templum Dei Throni nomine insignitum Esa. 6. ver. 1. Vidi Dominum sedentem super Solium excelsum & elevatum, & fimbriae ejus replebant Templum. Item jerem. 17. 12. Solium gloriae altitudinis à principio locus sanctuarii nostri. Et Ezech. 43. 7. Locus solii mei & locus vestigiorum pedum meorum, ubi habito in medio filiorum Israel in aeternum, etc.  
Atque hujusmodi Solium fuisse quod joannes in medio Presbyterorum & Animalium positum vidit, passim pro concesso habet Apocalypsis. Ubinam enim ille Altare coràm vidisset, sub eóque animas mactatorum propter Verbum Dei, cap. 6. 9 nisi in Templo? Undénam illi Altar aureum thymiamatis ante Thronum, cap. 8. 3. ni Templum aut Tabernaculum Thronus iste fuisset? Quídve aliud innuere volunt Quatuor cornu● Altaris aurei quod est in conspectu Dei? c. 9 13. Quid Templum, Atria Templi & Altare, quà calamo Angelico metienda, quà foras ejicienda? cap. 11. 1. Quid apertum Templum Dei in coelo, inibíque Arca Testimonii visui exposita? cap. 11. 19 Quid Angeli è Templo prodeuntes? c. 14. v. 15, 17, 18. ídque etiam in coelo? v. 17. Quid Citharoedi in crepidine Maris seu labri vitrei insistentes, atque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cantillantes? c. 15. 2. & id quoque in coelo? v. 1. Quid ibidem versu 5. Templum Tabernaculi Testimonii apertum in coelo? idémque Templum v. 8. fumo impletum à Majestate Dei? R●m verò extra omnem contradictionis aleam ponit illud cap. 16. v. 17. Et vox magna prodiit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. è. Templo Coeliè Throno.  
Porrò in hoc Throno seu Templo, nè quid fortè haereas, Locus sessionis Dei, seu (prout Hellenistae, 1 Reg. 10. 19 de Solio Solomonis loquuntur) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interior illa & sanctissima Templi pars fuit, quâ Arca Foederis cum Propitiatorio condebatur. Ibi nempe Deus habitare dicebatur & sedere inter Cherubino● gloriae. Quâ demum ratione, tum hîc septem lampades, tum postmodum Altare aureum thymiamatis, rectè dicuntor fuisse ante Thronum, putà ante adytum Templi; pro●t id de utrisque totidem planè verbis habetur, 2 Par. 4. 20. & 1 Reg. 6. 20. quorum priore Septuag. habent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (sic Hebraicè vocatur adytum) altero, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ment juxtà cum Apocalypsi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ità reliquae five Templi five Tabernaculi partes Throno speciatim sie dicto partim pro fulcris, partim pro gradibus crunt, partim pro scabello: cujusmodi seu partes seu appendices habuisse legitur augustum illud Solium Solomonis. Hactenus de Throno.  
2. Thronum autem proximè cingunt viginti quatuor Presbyteri, qui Episcopos exhibent & Antistites Ecclesiarum; respondéntque & loco & ordine Levitis & Sacerdotibus in castris Israelis; numerúsque eorum 24. totidem ephemeriis Sacerdotum & Levitarum, seu, quod eódem redit, principibus ephemeriarum. Unde; praeterquam quod Deo proximi sunt, ipsi quoque thronos suos habent; praeterea 
* In O●atione Pan●g. apud Eus. b. lib. 10. cap. ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ANON etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  coronas gestant; quae sunt dignitatis & potestatis à Deo tributae insignia.  
3. Tertiò, idoneo post Presbyteros intervallo, quà lineae per medium Throni ductae bisecant Throni latera circumquaque ad quatuor cardines coeli, quatuor visebantur Animalia; primum sigurâ LEONIS, secundum BOVIS (nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hellenistis 
* Vide Ezech. 1. 10. Exod. 34, 19 Num. 18. 17. & alibi quadrage●ies.  bos est) tertium effigie HOMINIS, quartum AQUILAE volantis: repraesentandis nimirum Ecclesiis Christianis juxta quatuor plagas mundi; respondéntque quatuor Castris Israeliticis, eorundem Animalium vexilliferis. Quod enim in textu Apocalyptico aliquantò obscuriùs dicitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in medio Throni, & in circuitu Throni, per figuram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hebraeis familiarem exponi debet; quasi nimirum dictum fuisset, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (id est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in medio ipsius circuitûs seu ambitûs Throni; ídque in hunc sensum: Si Throno, utpote quadrato, figuram quadrangulam parallelam quo deceat à Throno & Presbyteris eum cingentibus intervallo circumducas, in medio vel ad medium uniuscujusque quadranguli laterum (nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 distributiuè sumendum) quatuor sese exhibebant Animalia; nempe in medio cujuslibet lateris unum.  
Porrò Animalia ista describuntur plena oculis antè & retrò, senas insuper alas habentia in circuitu, easdémque intus oculorum plenas. To● oculi multitudinem denotant hominum oculatissimorum, & scientiae mysteriorum Dei plenissimorum; cujusmodi in Animalibus sunt, id est, Ecclesiis, quas Animalia repraesentant. Alae agilitatem & alacritatem ad Dei imperium exsequendum. Alae oculatae zelum cum scientia & side conjunctum. Sex denique alae in circuitu, quaquaversum volaturientes deno●ant, id est, ad Dei mandata universaliter & integrè implenda paratissimos.  
Additur postremò, cujusmodi esset officium utrorumque, tam Animalium quam Presbyterorum circa Thronum; nempe hujusmodi, ut quotiescunque datura essent Animalia gloriam & honorem & gratiarum actionem Sessori Throni, id est, quoties Ecclesiae sacras synaxes facerent; toties viginti quatuor Presbyteri, pro muneris ratione Animalibus praeeuntes, procidere soliti sint coram Deo, dicentes, 
* Summa hymni illius Euchari 〈…〉 quo Ecclesia in omnibus veteribus Liturgiis Deum concelebrat; cujus initium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Dignus es, Domine, qui accipias gloriam & honorem & virtutem, quia tu condidisti omnia, etc. Hâc autem interpretatione admissâ, dictio joannis, quam plerique hî● soloecismi insimulant, quasi futuris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pro praeteritis abutentem, facilè sese tuebitur; cum Hebraeis (quorum notione Apostolus passim utitur) futura denotare soleant actum solitum aut debitum: ità ut Ioannes nequaquam hîc referre putandus sit quid tum in visione ab Animalibus & Presbyteris factum sit, sed quid pro re nata faciendum esset, quódque ipse postmodum in progressu visionum, si quando Deum celebrandi occasio incidisset, ab iisdem factum vidit.  
Atque ità (ut jam tandem finiam) Thronum in augusto hoc Con●essu, Tabernaculo seu Templo; Presbyteros Levitis & Sacerdotibus; quatuor Animalia quatuor Castris Israeliticis respondere; id est, totum Con●essum priscae illius Castrametationis in eremo imaginem esse, luculenter ostendisse mihi videor. Quae res eò quidem susiùs mihi pertractanda fuit, quoniam ab ejus potissimùm cognitione plurimorum in Apocalypsi ●yporum rationem pendere animadverteram: id quod quemvis, re penitius introspectâ, juxtà mecum sensurum non dubitem.  
THeatro in hunc modum adornato, 
Ad Cap. 5.  is qui Throno insidebat Librum intus & à tergo scriptum, septémque sigillis munitum, dexuâ manu porrigit; simúlque Angelus in s●enam prodiens, editâ voce promulgat, ut, si cui aperiendi ●um facultas data sit, quò quae in ●o continerentur inspici & legi possent, in manus sibi sumeret atque adniteretur; rem proculdubio, si perfecerit, omnibus rerum arcanarum studio flagramibas pergratam facturus.  
Atque revera Liber erat dignissimus, in quo resignando quis omnes ingenii & industriae suae nervos contenderet; Codex utpote fatidicus seu consiliorum Dei, quo series & ordo rerum gerendarum ad secundum illum & gloriosum Christi adventum pertexebatur. Ejusmodi enim certè esse liquet quae deinde sequitur gemina rerum futura●um Prophetia, quam Codex iste continebat. Quae causa est, ni fallor, cur joannes, Visiones suas expositurus, adventûs istius gloriosi hypotyposin, tanquam stadii Apocalyptici metam, fronti historiae suae praescripserit. Ecce (inquit cap. 1.) venit cum nubibus, & videbit eum omnis oculus, etiam qui eum transsixerunt, & plangent super ●um omnes tribus terrae; quasi dicat, Hic scopus est, haec meta, quas narrabo, Visionum.  
Sed cum nemo eorum qui in coelo, quive in terra, quive subter terram, Librum resignare potuerit, résque jam conclamata videretur, ità ut Ioannes prae dolore in sletum erumperet: ecce Agnus, 
Verse 6.  specie tanquam qui occisus fuerat, id est, obitae mortis signa & cicatrices gerens, in medio Throni, Presbyteorum & Animalium surrexit, Librúmque resignandum patefaciendúmque recepit; putà qui solus omnium ejus rei facultatem promeruerat.  
Hoc autem viso, continuò Chorus Animalium & Presbyterorum, unà cum circumstantibus Angelis & omnibus in universum creaturis, hymnum Agno Patrique gratulabundi decantant. In quo illud solum in praesenti observare lubitum est, quòd facultatem Libri resignandi merito passionis Agni manifestò acceptum referant. Dignus es, inquiunt, aperire Librum & signacula ejus; quoniam occisus es, & redemisti Deo nos in sanguine tuo ex omni tribu & populo & lingua & gente. Quo fortasse lux fieri possit dicto Salvatoris nec dum passi nec glorificati, 
Mar●. 13. 32.  De die verò illa & hora (puta secundi adventûs sui, citiúsne an seriùs futurus sit) nemo novit, neque Angeli in coelo, neque Filius, sed Pater solus: quippe, nondum Apocalypsin Christo à Patre datam, neque ordinem rerum ad adventum ipsius gerendarum patefactum fuisse. Nihil temere assero; rem secum Lector expendat.  
Agno sic Librum resignante, ad singula ejus Sigilla singulae rerum futurarum imagines exhibentur: quarum systema totum stadium Apocalypticum percurrit, adeóque primam Prophetiam universalem constituit. Cujus nunc interpretationem, Sessore Throni & Agno faventibus, aggrediemur.  

De duabus Prophetiis Apocalypticis.  
PRophetia prima, SIGILLORUM, complectitur fata Imperii; altera, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fata Ecclesiae seu Religionis Christianae: donec tandem utrumque coaluerit in Ecclesia regnante; fact is regnis hujus mundi Domini nostri & Christi ejus. Quemadmodum enim in V.T. Daniel, secundùm Imperiorum successiones, tum Christi adventum praesignavit, tum Ecclesiae Iudaicae fata digessit: ità rem Christianam Apocalypsis, Romani, quod adhuc post Christum superfuturum esset, Imperii rationibus admetiri censenda est. Nec eventus abnuit. Primae enim Prophetiae interpretatio ex generali hac hypothesi sic procedit.  

De Prophetia prima, quae Sigillorum est: primoque, De sex primorum Sigillorum significatis.  
SEptem Sigillorum in universum scopus est, ut, discriminatis per eventorum characteres temporis sluxuri intervallis, indicetur, cujusmodi Imperii Romani cas●um ordine decurso, futurum esset ut Christus mundi numina, quibuscum bellum susceperat, debellaret: sextâ nimirum vice, seu sexto Sigillo, Gentilis Imperii Romani Deos; septimo autem, cum Tubarum series ad novissimam pervenerit Tubam, quicquid etiam postea ibidem de novo subortum fuisset, aut uspiam adhuc in mundo esset, idolorum & daemonum cultûs destructum & deletum iri: nam oportet eum regnare, usquequo ponat omnes inimieos sub pedes suos, id est, omnem principatum, potestatem, & virtutem adversariam aboleverit. 1 Cor. 15. 24, 25. 
Vid. Iust. Mart. Apol. 2. pag. 82. & D●al. cum Tryph. p. 264. & 327.  De priore periodo, prout ordo postulat, primo loco agemus.  
Prima igitur sex Sigilla, ●extuplici eventorum charactere, (iis haud multùm dissimilium quae Servator, etiam tempori ruinae Hierosolymorum designando, praestituerat) totidem distinguunt stantis adhuc & florentis Imperii Romani intervalla; quoad tandem sexto Christus potestatem idolorum & Deastrorum Gentilium in orbe illo funditus demoliretur. Characteres autem voco Casus Romani Imperii admodum insignes, quibus, tanquam emblematis, intervalla discernantur; eósque in prima hac perodo, non foris à Barbaris gentibus illatos, (cujusmodi erunt Imperii sub septem Tubarum plagis postmodum ruentis) sed casus intestinos, in ipsóque Imperio natos. Quod quidem discrimen id●irco à Spiritu S. institutum, utì dissimilibus notis dissimilia rei Romanae, hîc vigentis, illie occidentis, tempora describantur.  
Illud porrò hîc observandum venit: cum Characteres isti casuum, quos dixi, vix aut rarò totum Sigilli intervallum pervadant, eóque intervallis suis certo initio & sine circumscribendis neutiquam per se sufficiant; propterea Spiritum S. in quatuor primis Sigillis (ubi id maximè, tum ob causam jam dictam, tum ob intervallorum inaequalitatem, opus foret) quatuor Animalia porrò in eam rem adhibuisse; quorum unumquodque indicaret Sigilli Epocham cardini suo competentem. Id quomodo fiat, mox videbimus: nunc monuisse sat est.  

1. ET vidi cum aperuisset Agnus unum ex septem Sigillis, & audivi unum ex quatuor Animalibus dicens, tanquam vocem tonitrui, Veni & vide. 2. Et vidi, & ecce Equus albus; & qui sedebat super illum habebat arcum, & data est ei corona; & exivit vincens, & ut vinceret.  
3. Et cum aperuisset Sigillum secundum, audivi secundam Animal dicens, Veni & vide.  
4. Et exivit alius Equus rufus; & qui sedebat super illum, datum est ei ut tolleret pacem de terra, & ut invicem sese interficiant; & datus est ei gladius magnus.  
5. Et cum aperuisset Sigillum tertium, audivi tertium Animal dicens, Veni & vide: Et vidi, & ecce Equus niger; & qui sedebat super illum habebat stateram in manu sua.  
6. Et audivi vocem in medio quatuor Animalium dicentem, Choenix tritici denario, & tres choenices hordei denario; & vinum & oleum nè laeseris.  
7. Et cum aperuisset Sigillum quartum, audivi vocem quarti Animalis dicentem, Veni & vide. 8. Et ecce Equus pallidus; & qui sedebat super eum, nomen illi MORS, & Infernus sequebatur eum: & data est illis potestas super quaternitatem terrae interficiend● gladio, fame, & morte, & bestiis terrae.     

De SIGILLO I 
Ad Cap. 6.   
PRimus, Imperii Romani casus, 
Ad Cap. 6. ●useb. ●m. Evang● 9 p. 424. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  & sanè insignis, primordium est VICTORIAE Christi; quâ Dii Romani debellari, eorúmque cultores, sagittis Evangelii confixi, passim deficere, Christóque victori colla submittere incipiunt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (N. B.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est, Nondum jam plenè vicit, sed fundamenta jecit victoriae, deinde magis magísque complendae.  
Hujus Sigilli index est Animal primum, effigie Leonis, statione ad Orientem: monstrátque ex suo cardine prodire Equitem, id est, Imperatorem, à cujus in equum ascensu ad equitandum, id est, imperii ingressu, ineundum sit primi Sigilli intervallum; nempe ab exaltatione gloriosa Domini nostri jesu Christi: cujus ab Oriente Imperatoris ductu & auspiciis bellum hoc geritur, victoriáque vincitur. Sequentium quidem Sigillorum initia Imperatoribus Romanis diriguntur; sed ubi Christi res gesta describitur, ejus solius Imperatoris ratio habenda fuit.  
jam verò, hoc Sigillo circumacto, Deorum oracula per totum orbem Romanum obmutuere; & joannes, duodecim Christi Apostolorum ultimus, expletis militiae suae stipendiis, ex hac vita commigravit, coronam immarcescibilem in coelis, unà cum coapostolis fratribus suis, ob rem fortiter & feliciter gestam, accepturus.  
Quòd autem equo vebi potestatis symbolum sit, corùmque qui rerum habenas moderantur, vel ex Hellenistarum interpretatione Psal. 45. 5. videre est; quibus Prosperare & equita est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prosperè procede & regna: neque ab hoc sentu abit Chaldaeus, qui transfert, ut equites super thronum regni. Ità Mulier Bestiae inequitans c. 17. exponitur ab Angelo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eâdémque notione adhibetur equitandi verbum, Deut. 32. v. 13. Esa. 58. v. 14. Psal. 66. 12.   

De SIGILLO II.  
SEcundus Imperii Romani casus memorabilis, secundi Sigilli emblema, est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Caedes & laniena intestina; cui vix alia similis in omni historia Romana. Et datum est, inquit, sedenti in hoc Equo, ut auferat pacem è terra (id est, ut, illo Sessore, pax è terra auferatur,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & ut se invicem homines mactarent. Quae postrema sententiae pars firmat explicationem prioris. Nam quo demum sensu caperentur ista, datum, esse sedenti in equo, ut homines se invicem interficerent? nisi, datum esse, seu factum, ut, eo quidem sessore, homines mutuis caedibus & lanienis saevirent.  
Sigilli hujus index est Animal secundum, effigie Bovis, situ ad Occidentem: dúmque in Visione ad se respiciendum jubet, eo monet, Sigillum hoc inire cum Trajanus Hispanus rerum habenas capesseret, Imperator ab Occidente. Dion; Trajanus homo Hispanus, nec Italus erat nec Italicus: ante eum nemo alterius nationis Imperium Romanum obtinuerat. Atqui ab eo deinceps in eadem generis serie regnatum est ad Commodum usque, ubi Sigilli hujus intercapedo de●init.  
Ab hoc igitur Imperatore principio ducto, quaeramus memorabilem istum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 casum. Res verò gesta est, tum Trajano tum successore ejus Hadriano Imperii clavum tenentibus, à Gentibus & Iudaeis, tunc unà per orbem Romanum cohabitantibus. Quid sub Trajano factum, cape non meis, sed junctis Dionis & Orosii verbis. Incredibili, inquit Orosius, motu sub uno tempore judaei. quasi rabie efferati, per universas terrarum partes exarserunt. Nam & per totam Libyam adversùs incolas atrocissima bella gesserunt: quae adeò tunc, intersectis cultoribus, desolata est, ut nisi postea Hadrianus Imperator collectas illuc aliunde colonias deduxisset, vacua penitus, abraso habitatore, mansisset. Qui circa Cyrenem habitabant, (Dion loquitur) Andreâ quodam duce, Romanos pariter atque Craecos concîdunt, vescuntur eorum carnibus, edúntque viscera; tum oblinuntur eorum sanguine, & pellibus induuntur. Multos à vertice serris discidere medios, multo● objecere bestiis, multos etiam certare inter se coegerunt; ità ut interierint hominum ad DUCENTA VIGINTI MILLIA. Pergit; Praeterea in AEgypt● consimilis caedes facta est, & in Cypro, Artemione duce; ubi etiam perierunt DUCENTA QUADRAGINTA MILLIA. Salaminem urbem Cypri, intersectis omnibus accolis, deleverunt. [Oros. Euseb.] In Alexandria autem commisso praelio victi & attriti sunt. [Oros.] Tandem & ab aliis, & maximè à Lysio, quem Trajanus miserat, subacti sunt. In Mesopotamia quoque rebellantibus, jussu Imperatoris bellum illatum est. [Oros. Euseb.] Atque ità multa millia eorum vastâ caede deleta sunt.  
Hactenus quae sub Trajano. Sed an, inquies, quicquam ●ub Hadriano cum istis conferendum? Fuerintne paria, Lector judicet: audeo dicere, haud multò minora. Nec dum enim aliquid de rebellione ista samigerata, BAR CHOCHEBA Pseudomessiâ duce, retulimus. Audi igitur illam quoque ejusdem Dionis verbis: cum, inquit, Hadrianus in Vrbem Hierosolymam coloniam deduxisset, ac quo loco Dei Templum fuerat, alt●rum jovi Capitolino aedificari curavisset; magnum & diuturnum bellum indè moveri coeptum, to●am judaeam commoveri, judaeos omnes ubique gentium tumultuari, multa damna occultè apertéque Romanis inferre, cúmque iis complures alias gentes lucri cupiditate conjungi, atque ea de re omnem ferè orbem terrarum commotum esse. Pergit; Hos Hadrianus, optimis quibùsque ducibus adversùs eos missis, sed (multitudine eorum & desperatione cognitâ) non nisi singulatim eos adorari ausis, serò tandem oppressit fregítque; caesis in excursionibus praeli●sque non minùs QUINGENTIS ET OCTOGINTA MILLIBUS. Eorum autem qui fame, morbo, & igne interiere, tanta fuit multitudo, ut numerus indagari non potuit. Sed num ea victoria Romanis facilis fuit & incruenta? Minimè veró: tot enim, a●t, ex Romanis quoque in eo bello periere, ut Hadrianus, cum scriberet ad Senatum, non es● usus illo exordio quo uti Imperatores consueverunt, SI VOS LIBERIQUE VESTRI VALETIS, BENE EST, EGO QUIDEM ET EXERCITUS VALEMUS. Haec ille de motu Iudaeorum sub illo Stellae, ut vocârunt, ●eu mavis, Stellionis filio: quem Eusebius porrò scribit nolentes sibi Christianos adversum Romanum militem ferre subsidium omnimodis cruciatibus necavisse.  
Quòd si cui lubitum est judaeos ipsos audire cladem suorum aestimantes; author libri Iuchasin scribit Hadrianum duplo plures judaeos in hoc bello trucidâsse quam egressi sint ex AEgypto. Alius libro qui inscribitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quem Drusius laud●● 〈◊〉 ritis, 
Pag. 126.  Non sic afflixisse eos Nebuchadnezarem neque Titum, sicut Hadrianus Imperator Adeò haec clades tribulationis istius inauditae, quam Servator Iudaeis even●● p●●dixerat, gravissimus omnium paroxysmus fuisse videtur; ideóque non imme●ito ●um tam gentis, quam tam illustris complementi nomine praecelluerit, secundo hu●c ●tervallo signando prae aliis omnibus illius temporis eventis à Spiritu Sancto electus.   

De SIGILLO III.  
SIgilli tertii index est Animal tertium, effigie Humanâ, statione ad Meridiem: proindéque monstrat, Sigillum hoc inire, Imperatore ex illo cardine prodeunte, putà Septimio Severo Afro, Imperatore à Meridie. De quo sic Eutropius: Oriundus ex Africa, provinciâ Tripolitanâ, oppido Lepti, solus omni memoriâ & antea & post ex Africa Imperator.  
Hujusce autem Sigilli rem plerique Famem esse volunt, sive annonae caritatem; ducto argumento tum à colore Equi nigro, tum ab indicatura frumenti, Choenix tritici denario, & tres choenices hordei denario: cui quoque trutinam in manu Sessoris inservire putant; quippe non tam mensurandam quam appendendam prae nimia penuria annonam.  
Et sanè hanc interpretationem (adeò primâ fronte concinna est visa) nunquam in dubium vocâssem, si eventus ei respondisset. Sed nihil hoc aevo, hâcque Sigillorum serie de Fame reperio singulare, & characteris officio dignum. Nam quod ex Tertulliano ad Scapulam a●●ertur, id nequaquam magni ducendum arbitror. Neque enim si, quod ille perhibet, messis aliquando Hilariano praeside in Africa defecerit, illico id aut generale per orbem Romanum fuerit, aut Severi aevo. Hinc factum, dum Symboli rationem paulò propiùs intueor, ut aliò potius spectare, haud omnino vanis indiciis, colligere mihi visus sim. Quippe non, ut illa interpretatio exposcit, Stat●ra cum Choenice satìs aptè componi posse videtur; quum Libra ponderando; Choenix verò mensurae nomen sit. Praeterea, quum reliquorum Sigillorum significatis admodum congruat conditio Animalis indicantis; Victoriae, Leonis; Mactationi, Bovis; subsequentis Sigilli Cadaveribus, Aquila; hîc nulla futura esset societatis ratio. Quae enim Homini cum Fame convenientia? Color verò niger nec naturâ suâ, nec veterum Prophetarum usu, uni fami alligatus est, sed aequè tristitiae, squalori & terrori figurando inservit.  
Sit igitur hujusce Sigilli Res, non Fames aut annonae caritas, sed JUSTITIAE per orbem Romanum procuratio & severitas, prae quam in ullo retro aut subsequentium intervallorum, insignis & notabilis. Nam quod ad figuram attinet, color Equi justitiae severitati convenit. Libram esse justitiae symbolum, translatitium est; ut hodiéque justitiam cum Libra pingi nemo nesciat. Illud verò quod de indicatura subjungitur, si auscultes, ità tinnire videbitur; Nè cuiquam triticum aut hordeum, nisi justo pretio per soluto, auferto: similem quoque justitiae legem in vino & oleo servato: quasi nimirum contra fures caveret, & dixisset, Nè furator. Denarius enim ●uit operis diurni merces ordinaria, quod ex 
* Matth. 20.  Evangelio liquet; fuit etiam diurnum stipendium militum. 
* Vide Caspar. Waserum de Antiq. mensur. l. 2. c. 3.  Choenix significat demensum diurnum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed incertâ admodum mensurâ: variavit enim pro ratione gentium, locorum & hominum. Choenix militaris (ut minores choenices praetermittam, opilionum, villicorum, vinitorum) quatuor fuit sextariorum. Sed veteri Lexicographo Graecolatino 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est semimodium, id est, militaris duplum: imò Hellenistis Ezech. 45. 10, 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est Bathus, amplissima Hebraeorum mensura. Ex tam incerta Choenicis mensura quì potest aliquid de fame & annonae caritate exculpi? Choenicem igitur hic accipio pro quolibet demenso diurno, & Denarium pro quolibet demensi pretio. Ità interpretationis quam dedi ratio constabit.  
jam eventus, mirum est, quam interpretationi faveat, rerum potiuntibus Severo & Alexandro, maximè inclytis Equi nigri sessoribus. De Severo quae sparsim apud Aurelium legas, retentis Authoris verbis, in unum colligam; idem postmodum Lampridio facturus de Alexandro. Severo, inquit Aurelius, praeclarior in republica fuit nemo, legum conditore longè aequabilium. Implacabilis delictis, strennum quemque praemiis extollebat. Nulli in dominatu suo permisit honores venundari. Nè parva quidem latrocinia impunita patiebatur, in suos animadvertens magis, quod vitio ducum aut etiam praefectorum fieri vix experiens intelligeret. Aurelio adstipulatur Spartianus, dum eum & implacabilem delictis, & latronum ubique hostem vocat.  
Sed haec nullo numero fuerint prae iis quae de Alexandro Mammeae filio Lampridius; in quibus proinde characteris hujus Sigilli summa collocanda videtur. Is, inquit, leges de jure populi & fisci moderatas & infinitas sanxit, neque ullam constitutionem sacravit sine viginti jurisperitis. Severissimus judex contra fures, appellans cosdem quotidianorum scelerum reos, & damnans acerrimè; ac solos hostes inimicósque reipublicae vocans, jussit (de judicibus furibus, ni fallor, loquitur) in civitatibus nunquam videri, & si essent visi, deportari per rectores provinciarum. Referebat, inquit, Eucolpius, (quo ille familiarissimè usus est) illum, si unquam furem judicem vidisset, paratum habuisse digitum ut illi oculum erueret. Addit Septimius, qui vitam ejus non mediocriter exsequntus est, tanti stomachi fuisse Alexandrum in eos judices qui futurorum samâ labor●ssent, etiamsi damnati non essent, ut si eos casu aliquo videret, commotione animi stomachi choleram evom●ret, toto vultu exardescente, ut nihil possit loqui. jussit imòper praeconem edici, ut nemo salutaret principem qui se Furem esse nôsset, nè aliquando detectus capitali supplicio subderetur. Pergit; Si quis militum de via in alicujus possessionem deflexisset, pro qualitate loci, aut fustibus subjiciebatur in conspectu ejus, aut virgis, aut condemnationi; aut, si haec omnia transiret dignitas hominis, gravissimis contumeliis; cum diceret, Vísne in agro tuo fieri quod alteri facis? clamabátque saepius, quod à quibusdam sive Iudaeis sive Christianis audierat, & tenebat, ídque per praeconem, c●m aliquem emendaret, dici jubebat, QUOD TIBI FIERI NON VIS, ALTERI NE FECERIS. Quam sententiam usque adeò dilexit, ut & in palatio, & in publicis operibus praescribi juberet.  
En tibi, Lector, Equi nigri sessorem auream illam & coelitus demissam JUSTITIAE TRUTINAM in Theatro orbis terrarum magnificè librantem, Quod tam insigne fuit in Imperatore Pagano, ut eò in hoc Sigillo Spiritum S. respexisse nemini mirum videri debeat.  

Aliter de tritici & hordei indicatione.  
POtest & haec tritici & hordei, etc. indicatura de procuratione rei frumentariae per haec tempora insigni intelligi. Nam videri potest hanc quoque verbis istis inesse mentem; Ità rei frumentariae de copia prospiciendum esse, ut annona aequo, & cui quisque solvendo sit, pretio vaeneat. Choenix tritici Denario, i. Demensum diurnum tritici diurno laboris pretio aut stipendio aut reditu venditor: ut nè scilicet cui opus sit, plus dietim ad victum erogare quam ei dietim suppetat erogandum. Illud quoque, Tres Choenices hordei denario, videri possit ad aequationem pretii, pro qualitate mercium, pertinere. Si cui istiusmodi interpretatio placuerit, eventus hîc quoque ad amussim respondebit.  
Spartianus de Severo; Rei, inquit, frumentariae, quam minimam repererat, ità consuluit, ut excedens ipse vitâ septem annorum Canonem populo Romano relinqueret: ità ut quotidiana septuagena quinque millia modiorum expendi possent. Populo Romano diurnum oleum gratuitum (primus) donavit; ejus verò tantum, reliquit, ut per quinquennium, non solùm urbis usibus, sed & totius Italiae, quae oleo egeret, sufficeret. Quasi nimirum implere voluisset quod hîc adjicitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In oleo quoque & vino nè sis injustus. Similia habet Lampridius de Alexandro: Commeatum, inquit, populi Romani sic adjuvit, ut cum frumenta Heliogabalus evertisset, vicem de propria pecunia loco suo reponeret. Oleum quoque, inquit idem, quod Severus populo dederat, quódque Heliogabalus imminnerat, integrum restituit, addidit & oleum luminibus Thermarum.    

De SIGILLO IV.  
SIgilli quarti index est quartum Animal, effigie Aquilinâ, statione ad Aquilonem: quo monstratur, initium Sigilli ducendum ab Imperatore illic oriundo, id est, Maximino Thrace Septentrionis alumno. julius Capitolinus; Maximinus de vico Thraciae vicino Barbaris, Barbaro etiam patre & matre genitus.  
Hujus Sigilli character est Concursus GLADII, FAMIS & PESTIS unà, ut aliàs nunquam, saevientium. Unde Equi sessori Mortis, id est, notione Hebraeorum, qui abstractis pro concretis utuntur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu Mortiferi nomen inditum esse dicitur, eò quòd tot Mortes secum in Orbem inveheret. Nam iisdem quoque Hebraeis, Prophetis praesertim, nomine vocari idem quandoque valet atque esse vel exsistere, sed eximio & praecipuo quodam modo: ut Esa. 7. 14. & 9 5. jerem. 23. 6. & 20. 3. Zach. 6. 12. & hîc in Apocalypsi cap. 19 13. adeò ut Mortis nomen habere nihil aliud hoc loco sit, quam esse singulariter & insigniter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel Mortiferum: cui rei quoque est illud, quòd Orcus eundem tanquam libitinarius comitetur.  
jam de eventu videamus. Et sanè nunquam ex quo Sigilla coepere, haec tria junctim támque in●igni modo saeviere. 
De Gl●dio.  A Caede incipiam, & omitto quae ab externo hoste pertulit hoe aevum, sanè gravissima; Barbaris universum ferè imperium, sub Gallo & Volusiano Imperatoribus, rapinis & caedibus exhaurientibus: non enim ista in hunc censum veniunt; quaerimus intestina & domestica. Decem igitur plùs minùs Imperatores & Caesares, qui legitimi habentur, Sigilli hujus intercapedine, id est, triginta trium aut paulò plurium annorum spatio, gladius, non hostium, sed suorum, absumpsit. Per idem intervallum, sub unius Gallieni Imperio, triginta illi Tyranni, de quibus Pollio, aut uno aut altero fortè pauciores, in diversis orbis Romani partibus exorti sunt: atque hi plerique omnes aut à suis, aut à se invicem caesi, aut ab Imperatoribus legitimis trucidati fuere: ut non immeritò de hac plaga dixerit Orosius, eam non per vulgi caedem, sed per vulnera mortésque Principum exaltatam esse.  
Denique Imperatores ipsi, primus Maximinus, & in novissimis Gallienus, quantâ saevitiâ fuere? Maximinus, julio Capitolino teste, tam crudelis fuit, ut illum alii Cyclopem, alii Busiridem, alii Scironem, nonnulli Phalarin, multi Typhonem vel Gygem nominarent. Senatus eum tantum timuit, ut vota in Templis publicè privatímque, muli●res etiam cum suis liberis, facerent, nè ille unquam Vrbem Romam videret. Audiebant enim alios in crucem sublatos, alios animalibus nuper occisis inclusos, alios feris objectos, alios fustibus elisos; atque omnia haec sine delectu dignitatis. Pergit idem: Ignobilitatis tegendae causâ, omnes conscios generis sui interemit; nonnullos etiam amicos, qui ei saepe misericordiae & pietatis causâ pleraque donaverant; neque enim fuit crudelius animal in terris. Denique, inquit, sine judicio, sine accusatione, sine delatore, sine defensione omnes (factionis Magni cujusdam, viri consularis) interemit, omnium bona sustulit, & plus quatuor millibus hominum occisis se saturare non potuit.  
Audi etiam quid de Gallieno Trebellius Pollio, libro de 30. Tyrannis. Occiso, inquit, Ingenuo, qui à Moesiacis legionibus Imperator est dictus, in omnes Moesiacos, tam milites quam cives, asperrimè saeviit, nec quemquam suae crudelitatis exsortem reliquit: usque adeò asper & truculentus, ut plerasque Civitates vacuas à virili sexu relinqueret. Idem in vita Gallieni: Scythis, inquit, in Cappadociam pervadentibus, milites iterum de nevo Imperatore faciendo cogitaverant; quos omnes Gallienus more suo occîdit. Addit in fine: Fuit nimiae crudelitatis in milites: nam & terna millia, & quaterna milli● singulis diebus occîdit. Refert quoque in eadem Gallieni vita Pollio memorabile admodum lanienae Byzantinae exemplum, quà à militibus, quà ab ipso Gallieno editum. Nè quid, inquit, mali deesset Gallieni temporibus, Byzantinorum Civitas, clara n●valibus bellis, & claustrum Ponticum, per Gallieni milites ità omnis vastata est, ut prorsus nemo superesset. Quorum cladi ulciscendae, Gallienus vicissim Byzantio receptus, omnes milites inermes, armatorum coronâ circundatos, interemit, fracto foedere quod promiserat.  
Habes de Caedibus: 
De Peste.  ad PESTEM venio, quae hic ex usu Orientis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur. Ità Chaldaeus Paraphrastes pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 peste amat ponere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mortem, & Hellenistae plerumque vertunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, similíque notione Ecclesiasticis scriptoribus mortalitas dici solet; quae jam in multas linguas vernaculas migravit. De Peste autem res adeò notoria est & manifesta, ut oraculi fidei astruendae non opus sit multa congerere: verbo expediam. Zonaras author est, nec caeteri tacuere, sub Gallo & Volusiano Imperatoribus Pestem ab AEthiopia exortam omnes Romanas provincias pervasisse, & per quindecim continuos annos incredibiliter exhausisse. Nec alia unquam major lues mihi lecta (inquit vir nostro aevo celebris) spatio temporum, sive terrarum. 
Lips. De Constant. 2. 23.   
Superest adhuc ex triga illa calamitatum Fames. 
De Fame.  Quam quidem ab hoc aevo abesse non potuisse, etiamsi nemo veterum id prodidis●et, quivis indè colligat, quòd omne ferè Imperium à Scythis per haec tempora rapinis & vastationibus adeò attonsum & attritum sit, ut nulla, si Zosimo fides, Romanae ditionis gens ab iis libera permanscrit; omnia ferè oppida moenibus destituta, & iisdem destitutorum maxima pars capta fuerint. Qui fieri potuit ut non hujusmodi vastationibus desererentur agri, negligeretur aratio, & quicquid uspiam erat ad victum repositorum pessundaretur?  
Atque ità quidem reverâ evenisse, 
Apud Euseb. Histor. lib. 7. c. 17.  liquet ex Dionysii Alexandrini, qui tum vixit, epistola ad fratres; ubi diram istam, de qua egimus, Luem bello & ●ami successisse testatur. Post haec, inquit, id est, persecutionem quae sub Decio suit, (nam eam intelligit quae praecessit pestem) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & ●ellum & Fames secuta sunt, quae unà cum Ethnicis periulimus, & paucis interjectis, At ubi, inquit, cum nos, tum ipsi respiraveramns, invasit Lues ista; res illis quovis terrore terribilior & calamitate quacunque lamentabilior, nobis verò exercitatio & exploratio nullis reliquis inferior. Adstipulatur Cyprianus Apologi● ad Demetrianum: cum dicas, inquit, plurimos conqueri, quòd bella crebri●s surgant, quòd LUES, quòd FAMES saeviant● quòdque imbres & pluviae serena lenga suspendant, nobis imputari, tacere ultrà non oportet, etc.  
De Bestiis autem quod por●ò in textu additur; si quidem à ●uperioribus diversum sit, & non potius innuat, Tyrannos, qui instar Ferarum per ea tempora in Orbe Romano saevirent, calamitatibus istis causam daturos; indicabit solenne Orientalibus & Australibus regionibus in hoc casu malum: ut nimirum Fame & Peste saevientibus, Bestiae contra homines invalescerent, eósque occiderent; ut videre est Levit. 26. Ezech. 14. 15, 21. Sed priori sententiae magis favet Syntaxeos mutatio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, si reddas, atque id per Bestias terrae.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quartam partem terrae, in quam Orco & Morti potestas saeviendi data fuisse dicitur, (nisi si quis vulgatum Interpretem hic defendi posse putet, apud quem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, quaternio, seu quatuor partes, terrae) expono de potissima & multò maxima Orbis Romani parte. Quum enim tertia pars terrae (ut 
* Cap. 8. 7. & cap. 12. 4.  suo loco dicetur) Orbis Romani amplitudinem designet, consequens est, quartam terrarum partem esse eandem Ditionem Romanam quartâ parre minús: eóque trigam istam seu quadrigam calamitatum tres Orbis Romani quadrantes pervasisse, hoc est, ferme totum, unico tantùm quadrante ejus immuni. Et certè Orosius astruere videtur, Pestem non ultrà sese extendisse quam (ut ejus verbis utar) ad profligandas Ecclesias edicta a Decii cucurrerunt. De caeteris nihil habeo dicere. Atque haec de quarto Sigillo.   

De SIGILLO V.  
DUO quae sequuntur Sigilla nullum habent, ut superiora, de exordii sui tempore ab Animalibus subsidium; proindéque nulli hîc equorum Sessores videndi ampliùs, unde illud Animalium indicium pendebat. Utriusque igitur intervallum illic auspicandum est ubi antecedentis Sigilli casus desierit. Quod quidem facile admodum sit, ubi Casus, ut hîc, ejusmodi fuerint, ut eorum determinatio ob insignem evidentiam latere nequiret.  
Quintum proinde Sigillum inibit ab Imperio Aureliani, anno CC LXVIII. ad quod tempus, quae diutissima fuit prioris Sigilli calamitatum, quindecim annorum Pestis extincta est.  
jam maximè insignis sub hoc Sigillo rei Romanae casus, quíque omnibus aliis illius temporis eventis praecelluerit, est PERSECUTIO illa Christianorum à Diocletiano incepta, ab aliis continuata, longè omnium quae unquam fuerant acerbissima. Nihil prae isthac viderunt priora secula, Omnibus ferè anteactis (verba sunt Orosii) diuturnior & immanior fuit. Nam per decem annos incendiis Ecclesiarum, proscriptionibus innocentium, caedibus Martyrum incessabiliter acta est. Initio statim decennii istius, intra dies triginta ad septendecim hominum millia mactata feruntur, nec progressu temporis mitigavit persequentium furor. In una AEgypto (quantulâ Romani Imperii particulâ?) si Domino Ignatio Patriarchae Antiocheno, apud 
* De Emendatione Tempor. lib. 5. de primo anno Diocletiani & Coptitar.  Scaligerum, fides, mactata sunt centena & quadraginta quatuor hominum millia; septingenta autem in exilium acta: unde AEra Diocletiana apud AEgyptios nomen invenerit, ut hodiéque AEra Martyrum nuncuparetur. Quid jam censes factum in reliquis per orbem Romanum provinciis? Omnis ferè sacro Martyrum cruore orbis infectus est, inquit Sulpitius Severus. Nullis unquam bellis mundus sanguine magis exhaustus est, neque majori unquam (verba sunt ejusdem) triumpho Ecclesia vicit, quam cum decem annorum stragibus vinci non potuit.  
Figuratur haec laniena visione Animarum interfectorum propter Verbum Dei, 
Vers. 9  & propter testimonium quod habebant, jacentium sub altari, id est, humi ad pedem altaris, instar hostia●um recèns jugulatarum. Est enim 
* Isa Polycarpus martytium subiturus orat apud Eusebium— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. l 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Martyum genus quoddam sacrificii. Unde illud Apostoli ad Timotheum, instante jam Martyrio suo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ego jam libor, & tempus resolutionis meae instat, 2 Tim. 4. 6. Quò etiam spectat illud ejusdem ad Philippenses, 2. 17. Si immolor supra sacrificium & ministerium fidei vestrae, etc.  
Quòd porrò ad Deum voce magnâ clamare dicantur, ultionem sanguinis sui poscentes; periphrasis est crudelitatis extremae judicióque maturae, tanquam quae jam prae immanitate sua ipsam Dei patientiam solicitaret ad vindictam. 
a Vers. 10.  Vsquè quò, inquiunt, Domine, sanctus & verax, non judicas, & vindicas sanguinem nostrum de iis qui habitant in terra?  
Interim 
b Vers. 11.  da●ae sunt singulis stolae albae, id est, cooptantur in ordinem Beatorum. Sumpta parabola ex more judaeorum in probandis & admittendis Sacerdotibus; quos nimirum de genealogia & corporis integritate idoneos judicâssent, eos candidis stolis ind●tos in Atrium Sacerdotum recipientium, sí●que in ordinem sacerdotalem cooptantium. Maimonides in Misch●e lib. 8. tit. Biath hammik dasch, cap. 6. ●. 11. Id quod luculenter exprimitur cap. 7. 13, 14, 15. ubi de istis qui stolis albis amiciebantur dicitur, quòd ante Thronum Dei sint & colant eum (putà ut 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. joseph. de B●ll● jud. l. 6. c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sacerdotes) die ac nocte in Templo ejus.  
De clamore verò sanguinis responsum est, Vt requiescerent adhuc tempus modicum, donec compleantur conservi eorum, & fratres eorum, qui interficiendi sunt, sicut & illi: id est, ut paulisper sustinerent, donec fratrum suorum aliquot, qui posteaquam Christianismus jam regnare inciperet, sub Licinio, juliano, & 
* In persecution● Artianica, ait Basilius, pluribus tribulationibus a●●●ictae sunt Ecclesia, quam ab eo tempore commemorari possunt quo primum Evangelium Christi annunciati Coepit. Basil. M. Ep. 182.  Arrianis, similiter atque ipsi jugulandi erant, numero accederent; túncque clangentibus Tubis, solennem vindictam de Imperio tanti sanguinis reo sumptum iri.   

DE SIGILLO VI.  
SIgillum sextum init ubi quintum desinit; id est, ab anno Christi CCCXI, quo atrox illa decem annorum persecutio quievit.  
Hujus autem Sigilli casus est, COELI TERRAEQUE MOTUS admirabilis; quo mirifica illa per Constantium M. ejúsque successores Agni signiferos rei Romanae Ethnicae mutatio & subvertio figuratur: quâ putà omnes Gentilium Dii coelo suo excussi, Pontifices & Sacerdotes exaugurati, dejecti, reditibusque suis in perpetuum exuti; Templa, fana, & delubra Daemonum per omnem Romanum Orbem conquassata, direpta, inflammata, demolita. Adhaec Imperatores, Reges, Dynastae, qui Diis suis tam enormiter perielitantibus subvenire, bellum Christi Vexilliseris indicere, ingentibus copiis decernere, etiam praelio superati bellum vi summâ instaurare, in animum induxerint; inauditis stragibus coesi, susi, fugatíque; donec tandem, re desparatâ, nemo ampliùs Religioni Romanae, tanto fragore ruenti, suppetias laturus reperiretur. Ità brevi verborum ambitu complexus mihi videor quicquid sublimibus istis ad hoc Sigillum Allegoriis Spiritus Sanctus depingere voluit. Atque hoc VICTORIAE Christi, cujus primo Sigillo jactum erat fundamentum, primum complementum est: cui, quâ Imperii aetate futurum esset, designando, praesignatis temporis quod interea flueret discriminibus, quae hactenus praecesserint Sigilla inserviêre. Restat jam ut datam interpretationem singulis Allegoriae propheticae partibus applicemus, rationémque ejus ostendamus: id quod faciemus, integro prius contextu ob oculos posito; qui sic habet.  
12. Et vidi cum aperuisset Sigillum sextum, & ecce terrae motus magnus factus est, & Sol factus est niger tanquam saccus cilicinus, & Luna [tota] facta est sicut sanguis.  
13. Et Stellae coeli ceciderunt in terram, sicut ficus abjicit grossos suos, cum à vento magno commovetur; recessitque coelum sicut liber qui convolvitur. 14. Et omnis mons & insula de locis suis motae sunt.  
15. Et Reges terrae & magnates & tribuni, & divites & potentes, & omnis servus & liber absconderunt se in speluncis & in petris montium: 16. Et dixerunt montibus & petris, Cadite super nos, & abscondite nos à facie Sedentis super thronum, & ab IRA AGNI. 17. Quoniam venit DIES MAGNVS IRAE EIUS, & quis poterit stare?  
Solennes sunt istae horridiorum cladium & rerum, 
Ahen E●ra ad illud Hag. 2. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  ut ità loquar, susque déque conversionis imagines, Prophetis de more Orientis usitatae; ut nostris quoque Po●●is sua sunt schemata, suae picturae. Ità jeremias (cap. 4. 23, etc.) excidium judaeae de●ingit, ac si omnia iterum in antiquum chaos reditura essent. Aspe●ci terram, inquit, & ecce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inanis erat & vacua; & coelos, & non erat lux in iis. Vidi montes, & ecce movebantur, & omnes colles conturbati sunt. Vide caetera. Similiter joel (cap. 2. 10.) de horrenda ejusdem vastatione ab exercitu Locustarum Aquilonarium, A facie ejus, inquit, contremuit terra, moti sunt coeli; Sol & Luna obtenebrati sunt, & stellae retraxerunt splendorem suum. Sed distinctiùs agamus de singulis.  
Ecce, inquit, Terrae motus magnus factus est. Graecè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Coeli terraeque motus ut in sequentibus palàm est: vox enim Latina Graecae vim non adaequat. Terrae motus autem istiusmodi, teste Apostolo, Heb. 12. de loco Haggaei [Adhuc semel & ego commovebo coelum & terram] denotat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mutationem eorum quae commoventur. 
Maiemonides, More Neb. Part. 2. cap. 29. Arabes, de eo cui singulare aliquod infortun●um accidit, dicunt quod Coelum ejus in Terram conversum sit, vel super Terram ejus c●ciderit. Confer Thren. 2. 1.  Quod firmari potest ex eodem Haggaeo, ver. 21 & 22. ejusdem capitis, ubi ipse hanc parabolam de regnorum mundi mutatione & conversione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interpretatur: Ego commovebo coelum & terram, & subvertam solium regnorum, & desperdam fortitudinem regnorum Gentium, etc. Nos igitur, ut alibi in Apocalypsi, ità hîc quoque, Terrae Coelique motum, pro rerum ruina & quasi susque déque mutatione accipiemus.  
jam verò Mutationis hujusce, perinde ut priorum quoque sub Sigillis casuum, Objectum est Imperium Romanum: at non quà politicè à Caesaribus gubernatum (hâc enim sui formâ nondum solvendum est;) sed quà Satanae Principi, ejúsque Angelis Daemonibus, religioso nomine subditum. Hanc scilicet Imperii Romani Daemonarchiam, quae hoc Sigillo tempestas incumbit, maximo cum fragore eversum atque dissipatum ibit.  
Et Sol factus est niger ut saccus cilicinus, & Luna facta est ut sanguis: id est, per ellipsin adjectivi, rubicunda ut sanguis. Periphrasis autem est deliquii Luminarium, in quo Sol ater apparere soleat, Luna verò rubicunda. Cui planè geminum est illud Isaiae cap. 13. 10. de vindicta Babylonis; Obscurabitur Sol in ortu suo, & Luna non splendere faciet lumen suum. Septuag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut Matth. 24. 29. Nec alium omnino sensum habet, juxta Aben Ezrae sententiam, illud apud 
Isai. 24. 21, 23.  eundem cap. 24. de clade quâ Dominus in jerusalem regnaturus (prorsus ut in hoc Sigillo) visitaret militiam coeli in excelso, & reges terrae in terra. Erubescet, inquit, Luna, & pudore sussundetur Sol (id est, uterque, quasi pudore vultum tegeret, tenebris obducetur) cum regnabit Dominus exercitum in monte Zion & in jerusalem, & in conspectu senum suorum gloriosé. Sed quid haec, inquies, ad Daemonarchiam Romanam? Ausculta, & dicam. Prophetis (ut in sequentibus quoque Visionibus subindè audies) omne Regnum & Corpus Imperii Mundum refert; ut partes quoque, Coelum, Terra, Stellae pro illa imagine ●int. Cui evincendo (ut alia taceam) vel unicus ille locus apud Isaiam sufficit, cap. 51. 15. Ego sum Dominus Deus tuus, qui divisi mare (mare autem rubrum) & personuerunt fluctus ejus, Dominus exercituum nomen ejus. 
Fuisse gentibus Orientis solenne Mundi parabolam rebus pingentis adhibere, vel ex Chymica Philosophia ab Arabibus & AEgyptiis profects constare potest; in qua quodlibet ferè corpus mundanum, mundo a●●●nulatum, ex coelo, terra & astris conflatum perhibetur.  Et posui verba mea in ore tuo (id est, Legem meam tibi dedi) & umbrâ manûs meae protexi te; ut plantarem coelos & fundarem terram, (id est, Te regnum, ceu Mundum politicum, constituerem) & dicerem Sioni, Populus meus es tu. Sermo est de liberatione quâ liberavit Deus populum Israeliticum ex AEgypto, ut ex eo sibi Regnum sive Rempublicam conderet in Terra promissa. Ex quo, quid sit quoque apud eundem (cap. 65, & 66.) Coelum novum & Terra nova, haud difficile erit colligere; nempe novus ejusdem rationis mundus. Pro hac igitur imagine, 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod hodi●que Arabibus est excellere & supra reiiqua eminere.  Coelum notione Propheticâ denotabit quicquid in Regni aut Reipublicae alicujus universitate, ceu Mundo politico, celsum est; 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Terra ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iisdem humile & depressum esse. E●pe●.  Terra, contrà, quod insimum; Stellae verò eos qui in Celsitudine ista locum obtinent obeúntque. Quâ ratione Sol & Luna, praecipua coeli lumina, iste primam summámque, haec à prima proximam regni Majestatem & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indicabit. Quod quidem adeò verum est, ut Paraphrastes Chaldaeus in Prophetis subindè pro Sole & Luna, regnum & gloriam substituat; ut Isa. 60. 20. jer. 15. 9  
Esto igitur SOL in regno Idolorum Romano, jure principatûs, Draco ipse, seu Satanas; praesertim cum ab eo Spiritus Sanct. cap. 12. totum Imperium Romanum, hoc de quo agitur statu, cognominaverit Draconem rufum septicipitem, ut ibi videbimus. LUNAM, secundum hujus Coeli luminare, dixeris Pontificatum Maximum Majestati Imperatoriae jam ab origine prima annexum, ejúsque quasi partem; seu mavis, Imperatorem Satanae Pontificem, cum toto Pontificum Collegio, qui cum Imperatore capite suo unum corpus efficiebant, 
Cicero in 〈◊〉. pro Do●●●● Pe●●●  iidémque & religionibus Deorum & summae Reipublicae praeerant, neque Senatûs, neque ullius supra se potestati ad reddendam rationem obnoxii; 
* D●o●y●●●.  proindéque in isthoc Regno non immeritò secundas à Dracone ipso habituri. Non semper, fateor, opus est ut in hujusmodi Allegoriis tam accurata singulorum ratio exigatur; veruntamen, cum fieri possit, singula momenta aptemus, SOL igitur, quem diximus, tum niger factus est, & funestae majestatis suae deliquium & obscurationem passus, quando Imperatores Romani, ipso cum omnibus Angelis suis, pompis & cultu, per Baptismum ejuratis, Christo justitiae Soli sese addixere. SOLE sic denigrato & lumine spoliato, LUNA, quae à Sole lumen mutuatur, quî salva esse poterit? Et rem quidem ipsam, sive munus Pontificatûs Maximi, statim, ut aequum erat, à se abjecerunt Constantinus, Constantius, Valentinianus, Valens, nolentes deinceps Diabolo operari: nomen tamen, quod mireris, non illico aspernati sunt, sed elogiis suis ascriptum aliquantisper retinuere. 
Zosim. l. 4.  Primus Gratianus (bonum factum!) titulum quoque & stolam Pontificalem sibi pro more à Pontificibus oblatum respuit, tanquam indigna homine Christiano. Quae quidem mutatio tanti fuit, ut Caesarem Romanum, Pontificatu sic exutum, Spiritus Sanctus deinceps pro novo quasi Bestiae Romanae capite & Rege habiturus sit, ut cap. 17. audiemus. Atqui adhuc LUNA isthaec nonnullo lumine, quamuìs tristi & imbecilli, fulsit; donec & ipsum Collegium Pontificum cum omni reliqua Sacerdotum turba ●ustulit malleus ille Ethnic●●mi Theodosius primus, uno edicto omnium reditibus fisco applicatis. jam igitur tempus erat ut alium sibi Pontificem M. Satanas quaereret. Sed pergo ad reliqua.  
Et Stellae coeli ceciderunt in terram, sicut ficus abjicit grossos suos, cum à vento magno commovetur; recessitque coelum sicut liber qui convolvitur.  
Vel Coelum evanuit, etc. id est, Stellae coeli disparuere, quemadmodum literae evanescunt, libro, veterum more, convoluto. Ellipsis enim est utrobique prioris substantivi Hebraismo familiaris, ut Deut. 20. 19 2 Reg. 18. 31. & alibi passim: ità ut hoc de coeli disparitione, & illud de stellarum casu, mutuò sese explicent; neque ab invicem sejungi, ut perperàm distinctum est, sed eodem commate includi debuissent. Integer autem locus desumptus ex Isaiae cap. 34. v. 4. ubi eâdem planè imagine, sed inverso ordine, depingit Spiritus Sanctus cladem & ruinam regni Edomitici, quâ hîc regni Idolorum. Convolventur (inquit) sicut liber coeli, & totus exercitus eorum (id est, stellae) decidet ut folium è vite, & ut deciduus grossulus è ficu. Cujus sententiam aliquantò clariorem reddere voluit Spiritus Apocalypticus duplici verborum additamento; illinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Porrò de eadem ruina Edomitica haud mitioribus quam Isaias circumstantiis agunt Obadias, jerem. 49. à versu 7. ad 22. Ezech. 35. per tot. & 25. 12. quod idcirco moneo, nè quis Isaiae descriptionem non nisi magno illi universalis judicii Diei convenire putet. jam verò, ut ad Apocalypsin redeam, STELLAE Coeli Deastrorum Romani suere, tum Dii ipsi, Regni istius sub Satana principe suo Summates, tum, inferiori licèt gradu, proceres Sacerdotes: namque & stellae stellis gradibus & sublimitate differunt. Hi ergò sunt qui in motu hoc mirabili rei Romanae, sedibus suis excussi, ceciderunt in terram, sicut ficus abjicit grossos suos, cum vento magno concutitur.  
Neque hanc de Diis & Deorum Sacerdotibus STELLARUM interpretationem usque adeò mirabitur, qui meminerit tum Deos gentium passim in Scriptura sacra Exercitum coeli audire, tum apud Danielem, Terrae Decoris seu populi Israelitici Sacerdotes & primores, quos Antiochus Epiphanes in terram dejecerat, isto nomine appellari: 
* Dan. 8. 10.  Magnificavit se, inquit, adversus Exercitum coeli, & dejecit in terram de exercitu & de stellis, & conculcavit eas. Quod ille impiè in populo Dei veri, hoc ipsum piè fecerunt Imperatores Christiani in populo Draconis: eo tamen discrimine, quòd illic unus tantùm fuit Exercitûs coeli princeps, JEHOVA, qui fecit coelum & terram; contra quem ut sese Antiochus magnificare potuit, coelo tamen deturbare non potuit; hîc autem in COELO Romano plurimi fuere principes sive Daemones, quos in universum omnes imperatores Christi signiferi deturbauêre. Adde quòd firmetur haec expositio Synchroni●mo Draconis de coelo cum satellitio suo dejecti cap. 12. Draco pugnabat & Angeli ejus; sed non praevaluerunt, neque locus eorum ampliùs inventus est in coelo. Nam dejectus est Draco ille magnus, qui vocatur Diabolus & Satanas, & Angeli ejus (id est, Daemones Deorum nominibus culti) cum eo, etc.  
Sequitur, Et omnes montes & insulae locis suis emotae sunt. Possent fortasse Montes & Insulae de celsioris & humilioris conditionis hominibus accipi, qui statim proximo versu enumerantur, nisi Insulae nomen minùs huic interpretationi faveret. Magìs igitur probandum videtur, si quidem hàc eatur, ut utrumque celsioris conditionis homines designet, quod utrumque emineat; Montes in terra, Insulae in mari. Sed quid si Insulas hic intelligamus non terras in medio aquarum eminentes, quinimo aedes, cujusmodi dictae sunt quae circuitu publico privatóve cinctae, communibus cum vicinis parietibus non utebantur? Utrumque deinde, tam 
a Ità Theodoret. Colles & Montes inter pretatur in cap. 4. Mich. ver. 1. nempe de Templis Damonunt in ●s aed●●catis.  Montes quam Insulas, de Templis & Delubris Idolorum hoc turbine per Orbem Romanum disturbandis accipiamus? quam enim hujusmodi interpretationi prona sit Montium notio, nemo non vide●, cui modò ignotum non sit idololatris id in more positum, in 
b Vide Deut. 12. 2.  editioribus ejusmodi locis Aras & Delubra Diis suis exstruere. Unde passim in V.T. nomen Excelsorum frequentatum; imò Ier●m. 3. 23. ipsorum Collium & Montium de Sacellis idolorum. Verè, inquit, mendaces erant colles & multitudo montium, etc. jam neque Insulae pro aedibus, ab hujusmodi interpretatione abhorrent; quandoquidem Templis id vel maximè proprium est, ut sint 
c Vid. Durant. de Ri●. Eccles. Cathol. lib. 1. cap. 3. Sect. 2. Ecclesiae Insulae appellantur quia ab omnibus adibus distinctae & separatae esse debent, vel, ut Grae●è loquar, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nullis parietibus continuae, veluti Insulae quaedam in ma●i.  instar Insularum; neque communione, vel etiam contactu parietum aliarum aedium polluantur. Sin illud fortè non placuerit, ut unum idémque duobus nominibus figuretur; Montes, si vis, & si placet, de Sacellis ruri & in agris, Insulas de Templis Idolorum in urbibus accipito. Sed in hisce talibus minutiae ejusmodi satagendae non videntur; ut neque fortasse in universum quaevis Allegoriarum propheticarum momenta tam solicitè ad eventum exigenda: sat est, si summa rei utrobique conveniat.  
Facta est autem haec Delubrorum & Templorum demolitio, authore eodem piissimo Agni signifero Theodosio. Nam Constantinus Magnus Templa Deorum tantùm clausit, non abolevit, nisi Constantinopoli & vicinis locis: julianus iterum aperuit: Hic tandem funditus demoliri jussit. Historia cuivis obvia est, neque opus ut quae ea de re apud Ecclesiasticos Scriptores memorantur hîc ascribam. Fortè tamen non injucundum erit Zosimum, Historicum paganum, de hoc tam acerbo Deorum suorum fato quiritantem aut indignantem audire. Deûm, inquit ille, sacraria per omnes urbes & agros oppugnabuntur; adeóque periculum cunctis imminebat qui Deos esse putabant, vel in coelum omnino suspiciebant, & quae in eo conspiciuntur adorabant. Sanè, quemadmodum Dominus, veterem Israelem de servitute Egyptiaca educturus, judicium exercuisse dicitur in Deos AEgyptiorum, (Exod. 12. 12. Num. 33. 4.) ità hîc populum Christianum à tyrannide Romana liberaturus, judicium exercuit in Deos Romanorum.  
Sed nullos, inquies, quando sic turbatum est, & coelum terrae miscebatur, habuerunt Dii Atlantes, qui coelo suo ruenti humeros supponerent, Christíque vexilliferis sic omnia sternentibus contravenirent? Imò verò habuerunt; sed similem cum Daemonibus suis fortunam expertos. Nam reges terrae, inquit, & magnates & tribuni, & divites & potentes, & omnis servus & liber, id est, Maximianus Galerius, Maxentius, Maximinus cum Martiniano Caesare, Licinius, julianus, Imperatores (adde etiam, si vis, Eugenium & Arbogastem tyrannos) cum omnibus infidelitatis suae sociis, cujuscunque ordinis & gradûs, qui religionem avitam tueri, rei Deorum pessum eunti subvenire, jámque collapsam & perditam restituere vi manúque conabantur, eò tandem redacti sunt angustiarum, ut absconderent seipsos in speluncis & in petris montium, dixerintque montibus & petris, Cadite super nos, & abscondite nos à facie sedentis super thronum & ab IRA AGNI; quoniam venit Dies magnus irae ejus, & quis poterit stare? Foeda imago est quà fugientium & latitantium, quà prae rerum suarum desperatione vitae pertaesorum: cui similem habes de clade Hierosolymorum Luc. 23. 30. item Host 10. 8. de clade Samariae ejúsque idolorum; sed integram Isa. 2. 18.  
Hîc verò Lector illud imprimis observet, contineri verbis istis clavem toti visioni reserandae; agi nempe hîc de splendida aliqua AGNI victoria, quâ hostes suos clade internecinâ domuit & evertit. Porrò cum AGNUM hostem fugiant hi quorum describitur clades, seque ab ejus ira occultatos velint; indè liquere potest cladem illam, etiamsi nullo Synchronismo dirigetur, ad Reges Christianos nequaquam accommodandum esse, sed à Christo alienos; proindéque de cladibus à Gothis reliquísque barbaris nationibus Imperio, jam recèns Christiano, illatis exponi non debere.  
Quod verò ultimò addunt Reges, proceres, tribuni, quîque in eadem cum ipsis cymba fuerunt gentiles caeteri, advenisse diem magnum irae Agni, neminémque stare posse; verba sunt hominum Christi, quem ad hoc usque tempus prae Diis suis contempserant, rant, potentiam agnoscentium, irritúmque deinceps fore omnem Christianis obsistendi conatum reipsâ sentientium. Et reipsâ quidem senserunt omnes: Galerius verò, Maximinus, Licinius, etiam apertâ confessione gloriam vel inviti Deo tribuerunt.  
Author enim, cum aliis, Eusebius, Galerium (à quo Christus in hoc judicio initium fecit) foedissimo & horrendo morbo correptum, quo, vermibus nimirum scaturientibus, corpus intolerabili foetore computruit; conscientiâ demum scelerum quae contra Ecclesiam admisisset perculsum esse, Deóque culpam suam confessum, à persecutione contra Christianos destitisse, legibúsque & edictis Imperatoriis Ecclesiarum illorum exaedificationem maturâsse, consuetâsque pro ipso preces obire mandâsse; paulóque pòst animam tantae, quantae nullius unquam, in Christianos saevitiae ream effudisse. Euseb. de vita Constantini lib. 1. cap. 50.  
Maximinum hostem Christianorum immanissimum, magiae, divinationibus idolorum, daemonúmque oraculis ad omnia quaecunque ageret nixum, à Licinio nihilominus, fidem Christianam adhuc cum Constantino collega propugnante, semel iterúmque victum, abjectis Imperii insignibus fugisse, in agris & vicis aliquandiu servili habitu lati●âsse; tandémque, Tarso Ciliciae inclusum ac furore accensum, multos sacerdotes & prophetas Deorum, quorum oraculis impulsus bellum susceperat, tanquam praestigiatores, veteratores, denique salutis ipsius proditores, trucidâsse; deinde Christianorum Deo gloriam tribuentem, decretum pro eorum libertate promulgâsse: sed à Deo, poenas tot scelerum in Christianos exigente, diro & lethali angore subitò perculsum, carnéque universâ peditentim exesâ & absumptâ, tandémque & oculis (justâ supplicii quod in Christianos excogitaverat talione,) prae aestu quo totus ardebat exsilientibus; Domino se confessum esse, istáque propter amentiam & temeritatem contra Christum meritò se perpeti agnoscentem, animam efflâsse. Vide eundem Histor. Eccles. lib. 9 cap. 8, & 10. & lib. 8. c. 27. Item de vita Constantini lib. 1. cap. 51, 52.  
Denique Licinium, Christianorum, quorum partibus sese aliquandiu cum Constantino addixerat, desertorem, déque multitudine Deorum suorum contra unicum illum, eúmque novitium & peregrinum (sic enim vocabat) Constantini Deum ●magnificè apud milites suos gloriantem; duobus praeliis ingentibus devictum, (quorum uno, ex exercitu centum & triginta millium, vix triginta millia evaserant) tandem, cum abhuc quiescere nollet, à Constantino unà cum suis belli jure condemnatum, debito supplicio addictum fuisse. Quum verò qui praelii contra Deum suscipiendi authores suislent, pariter cum tyranno ad locum supplicii adducerentur, sicut antè, spe in Diis vanis locatâ, insolenter sese extulissent; ità nunc Constantini Deum, qualis & quam admirabilis esset, reipsâ intellexisse, húncque verum & solum Deum se agnoscere confessi sunt. De vita Constantini lib. 2. c. 4, 5, 18.   

APPENDIX.  
EX vetustis AEgyptiorum, Persarum & Indorum monumentis, authoribus Tarphane, interprete Pharaonis; Baramo, Saganissae Persarum Regis, (Diocletiani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Syrbachamo, Regis Indorum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Apotelesmata Insomniorum collegit Apomasar, vel, secundùm alios, Achmetes F. Seirim Arabs; ut suit ea gens cum istiusmodi artium aliarúmque jam ab ultima antiquitate studiosissima, 
Vide jer. 49. 7. & imp●mis Ba●uc. 3. 23.  tum, florente ipsorum Imperio, omnium ubicunque gentium scripta in Arabifmum transserendi avida. Hunc libellum jam olim Graecè, incertum quo authore, loquentem, ex Io. Sambuci bibliotheca, Latinè à se versum superiori: seculo in lucem dedit joan. Leunclavius: eundem postea, anno 1603. ex Bibliotheca Regis Christianissimi Graecum communicavit Nicolaus Rigaltius in Onirocriticis, suppletis quae in exemplari Sambucino deerant. In hoc libello videre est plerasque imagines propheticas, quae nostris hominibus tantum negotii facessunt, gentibus Orientalibus familiares, certè in Divinationibus non insuctas exstitisse. Authorum verò, unde collectio facta est, antiquissimus omnium videtur Tarphan AEgyptius; ut qui non solùm se Pharaonis interpretem nuncupet, sed passim in interpretamentis suis pro Rege Pharaonis nomen usurpet; ut tum vixisse videri possit dum adhuc AEgyptus reges suos habuit, iidénique Pharaones dicebantur. Persa, cum rege suo Saganissa, Diocletiani, ut dixi, coaetaneus fuit. Indus citerioris est aevi, ut qui se passim Christianum prodat. Sed mirus est utriusque cum AEgyptio cosensus.  
Quum igitur à gentibus istis, populo Hebraeo olim sinitimis, moribúsque & sermonis usu magìs cognatis, verborum & phrasium in Sacris literis usum haud illibenter discamus; cur idem hîc in figurarum & imaginum propheticarum significatis (cum juxta Hebraeorum magistros deciduum prophetiae sit somnium) dedignaremur? Nemo igitur vitio mihi vertat, si ex hoc authore ascribam quae ad modó explicatorum Sigillorum figuras intelligendas facere mihi videntur; 
Maiemonides, More Neb. Part. 2. cap. 36.  idem postmodum in Tubis caeterisque Visionibus (sicubi occasio tulerit) bona cum Lectoris venia facturus.  Primo igitur Sigillo, partim etiam sequentibus, lucem faciunt ista. 
CAP. CCXXXIII. ex sententia Indorum, Persarum, AEgyptiorúmque, Equus generosus qui PHARAS dicitur (Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arab. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equus) in somniorum interpretationibus ad eminentiam & dignitatem refertur. Equi vulgares de nobilitate & gloria quadam inferiore accipiuntur.  
Si quis in somnis visus sibi fuerit Equo agili ac lasciviente vehi, coram populo famam & exislimationem amplissimam & eminentiam & decus inveniet.  
Item, Si quis Equo generoso vehi visus ●uerit armatus, potestatem cum bona fama reperiet, pro armorum ratione.  
Cap. CCXLIX. juxta Persarum & AEgyptiorum interpretationes, Si quis tela cum A●cubus tenuisse visus sibi fuerit, cum gaudio suis hostibus insultabit.  
Plura habet eódem pertiventia: ut cap. CLII ex disciplina Indorum de magna & longa Equi cauda, significante potestatis comites & pedissequos; de cauda praecisa, significante tam libertatis quam principatûs amissionem, si nempe princeps fuerit qui se tali equo vehi somniaverit. Similiter cap. CCXXXIII. descensus ex equo, si sponte fiat, de spontanea potestatis diminutione; sin invitè, de successore in dignitatem surrogando exponitur.  Tertio Sigillo allucebunt ista. 
Cap. XV. ex disciplina Indorum, Si quis in somnis Stateram vel Campanam quod vocant (genus est staterae) loco quodam librari viderit, ea de persona judicis intelligat. Quòd si litem habet, ac inter librandum ea viderit exaequari; jus suum obtinebit.  
Si Stateram aequam purámque videre videatur, judicem loci justum esse cognoscat: sin perversas fractásque lances viderit, ejus loci judicem, quo loco somnium vidit, injustum cogitet.  
Item, Modii quoque cum mensuris eandem pro portione interpretationem habent; sed inferiorum judicum personis accommodantur.  Sexto Sigillo ista. 
Cap. CLXVII. ex Indorum, Persarum AEgyptiorúmque monumentis, SOL ad Regis personam interpretando refertur, & ad principis à Rege secundi personam LUNA; Venus ad personam Augustae; itidem alia maxima sidera ad viros Regis amplissimos.  
Haec dum lego, parùm abest quin existimem, titulum istum famosum Saporis Regis Persarum in literis suis ad Constantium Imperatorem datis, [REX REGUM SAPOR, particeps Siderum, frater Solis & Lunae, Constantio Caesari fratri meo salutem] quem Ammianus marcellinus fastui Persico deputat, haud aliud fuisse quam stylum genti vernaculum ex hujusmodi imaginibus natum. Quod eò minùs mirum cuipiam videri debeat, quum etiam faciales nostros videamus, Imperatorum & Regum insignibus enunciandis, Solis, Lunae, reliquorúmque Planetarum nomina adhibere. Huc quoque referendum jacobi interpretamentum somnii josephi filii sui, de Sole, Luna, & undecim Stellis ipsum adorantibus: quod ille protinus, tanquam parabolarum Orientis minimè ignarus, familiae suae applicat; Solem & Lunam de se & uxore, ceu Rege & Regina, Stellas de filiis, tanquam Familiae proceribus, interpretando. Gen. 37. 10. Sed ad Achmetem nostrum redeamus, pergit autem ille eodem capite: 
Si quis Solem in coelo luce radiìsque carentem videre visus fuerit, ad personam Regis calamitas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spectat.  
Si cui Sol defecisse visus fuerit, ea res afflictionem & bellum Regi portendit.  
Si quis videre visus fuerit Solem nube tectum; in a afflictionem & in morbos, pro occultationis modo, Rex incidet.  
Si quis absque lumine Solem, Lunam & Sidera congregata videre visus fuerit; si de magnatum numero est, propter istas tenebras omnino ruit in interitum; si Rex est, circundatus ab universis bello petetur, & magnam in afflictionem incidet.   
Cap. CLXVIII. ex observationibus Persarum & AEgyptiorum, Si quis sidera perexiguo praedita lumine, disjecta & sparsa caliginosáque videre visus fuerit, hoc ad Nobilium & opulentorum calamitatem & ad Regis praesides refertur.  
ABsoluto Sigillo sexto, protinus ad septimum septuplici plagâ soecundum ordine pergendum foret, ut quod cun sexto continuo nexu cohaereat. Sed Spiritus Sanctus certo consilio gradum paulisper sustinendum duxit; donec Coetûs cujusdam ei contemporantis statum ob oculos poneret, sub plagis ejus cum incolumis futuri, tum etiam superaturi. Ei igitur Visioni prius interpretationis, quam possumus, facem praefetemus: deinde coeptum Sigillorum ordinem continuabimus.    

VISIO COETUS SERVORUM DEI, SIVE ECCLESIAE ELECTAE & FIDELIS, Sub Septimi Sigilli sive Tubarum ruinis conservandae, exhibita typo CXLIUM EX OMNIBUS TRIBUBUS ISRAELIS SIGNATORUM, Ineunte Sigillo Septimo.  
BIS ponitur Signatorum Visio: 
Ad Cap. 7.  primô hîc ineuntibus Tubis, in Prophetia prima; iterum, ceu Bestiae rerum potiuntis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Prophetia secunda, c. 14. Duplici etiam respectu: hîc quá conservandorùm sub Tubarum ruinis; illic quà collaudandorum ob fidem Deo & Agno servatam, cum caeteri Orbis Incolae, desertores & transfugae, Bestiae characterem accepissent. Ex quo liquidò apparet, Vaticinium Bestiae Tubarum rebus contemporare: quousque autem, aliunde judicandum est; nempe non ultra Tubae sextae exitum, quo Bestiae menses cum Testium lugentium diebus finiuntur, cap. 11. 14. Nobis in praesenti institutum est, priori Signatorum Visioni, quâ de iisdem conservandis agitur, faculam interpretationis allucere: de collandandis postea, cum eò ventum.  
Postea, inquit, (id est, sexti Sigilli visione transactâ, septimóque, quod Tubarum est, jam inituro) vidi quatuor Angelos stantes super quatuor angulos terrae, retinentes quatuor ventos terrae, nè flaret ventus super terram, neque super mare, neque in ullam arborem. 
R●●●bi Ted●cu● Ler● in lib. de 10. Numerationibus, Et illis qua●nor Vovis cr●●vit quatuor Aegelos, qui pruaefecti sunt super eos in di● & nocte. Apud Reuchlin. de A●te Cabbal. lib. 3. versus ●●●em.   
Sensus est, Vidit Angelos qui praeessent ventis, id est, bellorum & calamitatum procellis, quacunque ex mundi plaga proditurae essent, quousque Deo visum, coercendis; ad ejus verò nutum, signum siquando daret, in Orbem terrarum laxandis: non quidem eosdem cum Tubarum Angelis, sed qui ad illorum tamen sonitum Ventos istos modò ex hac, modò ex illa mundi parte laxaturi essent, Rei Romanae dissipandae ac prosternendae. Ventorum enim parabola apud Prophetas motus bellicos & hostiles impetus atque impressiones designat: ut jer. 49. 36. Inducam super Elam quatuor ventos à quatuor plagis coeli, & ventilabo eos in omnes ventos istos; & non erit gens ad quam non perveniant profugi Elam. Vide caetera. Item cap. 51. 1, 2. Ecce ego, dicit Dominus, excitabo super Babel, etc. ventum corrumpentem. Et emittam in Babel ventilatores, & ventilabunt eam, & evacuabunt terram ejus. Adde quoque cap. 18. 17. Sicut ventus Orientalis dispergam eos (id est, judaeos) coram inimico, hoc est, Rege Babylonis. Hue quoque referendum videtur illud Danielis cap. 7. 2, 3. Ecce quatuor venti coeli pugnabant in mari magno; Et quatuor Bestiae grandes ascendebant de mari: id est, ex gentium undique bello ferróque inter sese concurrentium, de di●ionéque & imperio concertantium conflictu, nata sunt quatuor Regna magna.  
Et vidi, inquit, alium Angelum ascendentem ab ortu Solis, habentem sigillum Dei vivi: (sortè igitur Christus Dominus est) & clamavit voce magnâ quatuor Angelis, quibus datum est (ventos nempe laxando, quos retinuerant) laedere terram & marc, dicens, Nè laedite terram, neque mare, neque arbores, quousque signaverimus Servos Dei nostri in frontibus suis.  
Id est, Ventos nè laxetis, néve iisdem in Orbem eundi, furendi potestatem faciatis. Terram autem, mare & arbores nominat ventorum imagini congruenter, utpote quibus venti damnum inserre soleant; terrae, aedificiorum ruinis; mari, naufragiis; arboribus, strage & laceratione multifariâ. Sustinete, inquit, quousque signaverimus servos Dei nostri in frontibus suis: id est, notâ impressâ discreverimus, ceu electum Dei Coetum, in quem perditoribus istis ventis, reliquam hominum societatem in exitium daturis, nihil juris sit; sed cui, sigillo suo animadverso, Providentia Divina jugiter invigilaret, nè hâc rei Romanae ruinâ, quam afferrent Tubae, sancta ipsorum progenies extingueretur. Ità enim rem comparatam fore, ut neque impunè laturi sint qui laeserint, tanquam juris à Deoconcessi limites transgressi; porrò damnum, si quod datum fuerit, à Deo protinus resarciretur. Allusum verò est ad locum Ezechielis cap. 9 ubi ab Angelo signantur suspirantes, & exclamantes propter abominationes jerusalem, ad hoc, nè parem cum impiis & reprobis cladem à percussoribus sustineant.  
Et sanè, eventum quod attinet, si quis temporum de quibus hîc agitur statum perpenderit; miraculi instar videbitur, fieri potuisse, ut Imperio Rom. tanta cum urbium atque incolarum suorum strage dissipato & destructo, ità ut, veteribus incolis propemodum extinctis, à barbaris & à Christo alienis gentibus habiraretur; Ecclesia tamen ibidem in mediis hisce malis, & quasi mundo in caput ipsius corruente, perennaret; imò etiam, Bestia eodem tempore (ut suo loco audiemus) universum Christianismum cultu idololatrico incestante, Coetum nihilominus (qualis hic est) illibatum, cóque nomine Deo curae, in situ suo foveret. Tanti erat Dei signaculi munitam fuisse.  
Et audivi, inquit, numerum signatorum; centum quadraginta quatuor millia signali sunt ex omnibus tribubus filiorum Israel, id est, duodecies duodecim millia, ex singulis tribubus duodena millia.  
Quemadmodum enim initio, Theatrum Visionum seu Consessum Apocalypticum pro veteris Synagogae imagine statúque descriptum vidimus, magnáque pars hujus libri Typorum eódem spectat, adeò ut etiam Pseudo-Christiani in Epistolis ad Ecclesias ea de causa 
* Cap. 2. 9 & cap. 3. 9  Pseudo-Iudaei audiant; ità quoque hic Ecclesia gentium catholica, sigillo Dei munienda, figuratur typo Israelis; duodecim illius Apostolis totidem hujus Patriarchis commodè respondentibus.  
Nec id quidem immeritò fit, cum alias ob causas, tum maximè quòd Ecclesia, quae indè à rejectione judaeorum hucusque ex Gentibus colligitur, in Israelis vicem successerit, ●ítque, ut ità loquar, surrogatus ISRAEL; eóque loco apud Deum tantisper habenda, dum, veteri populo suo denuo misericordiam consecuto, plenitudo gentium introierit; id est, Turba illa innumera ex omnibus gentibus, tribubus, populis & linguis, quam, finitâ demum Israelis hujusce signaturâ, joannes se vidisse testatur, laudes Deo & Agno concinentem. Hoc enimvero illud est, (de surrogatione loquor) quod Apostolus Paulus docere voluit ad Rom. c. 11. dum inculcat, ruinam Iudaeorum salutem attulisse Gentibus, & eorum abjectionem fuisse reconciliationem mundi. Non quòd aliter Gentes suo tempore vocandae non fuissent, (cum totus Prophetarum chorus elamet, Gentes ad gloriam Israelis aggregandas, & ad Dominum convertendas fuisse; quod neque ipsi Iudaei jam olim, neque hodie diffitentur:) sed quòd non hâc, quae per anticipationem, surrogationem, & ad Zelotypiam facta est, vocatione, nisi Iudaei Christo renunciâssent. Intelligens sciet quid velim. Vobis necesse fuit, inquit Apostolus Act. 13. primùm exponi Verbum Dei: postquam autem ipsum repellitis, & indignos vos ipsos decernitis aeternâ vitâ; ecce, convertimus nos ad Gentes. De Gentium verò conversione anticipata (id est, quae. judaeorum instaurationem praecederet) accipiendum videtur (ut hoc quoque moneam) testimonium illud Amosi à jacobo in Concilio Apostolorum Act. 15. laudatum; eóque sortasse nomine caeteris, quae de Gentium in populum Dei cooptatione aliàs haberi potuissent, vaticiniis tunc praelatum. Innuit enim, non tantùm nomen Domini super gentes invocandum fuisse (id est, futuras ei Gentes in populum;) sed etiam illud ex parte tunc futurum, dum adhuc tabernaculum Davidis collapsum jaceret, id est, regnum Israelis nondum per Christum instauraretur. Posthaec, inquit, revertar, & reaedificabo tabernaculum Davidis collapsum, & diruta ejus reaedificabo, & erigam illud: ut requirant caeteri hominum Dominum, & omnes gentes super quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invocatum esset nomen meum; hoc est ut reliquiae hominum, unà cum gentibus istis super quas jam antea nomen meum invocatum esset, tum demum me verum Deum requirerent & colerent. Pro eo enim quod nunc in textu Hebraico habetur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, olim scriptum lectum videtur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quinimo ex Hebraica ●ectione quae nunc obtinet, idem de anticipata gentium in Dei populum cooptatione colligi posse videtur; nempe isto sensu: judaeos reduces, tum cum tabernaculum Davidis collapsum denuo instauraretur, reliquias Edom, necnon Gentes super quas nomen Domini jam antea invocatum esset, haereditario jure adituros: ergò Gentium aliquas in Dei populum futuras ante instaurationem tabernaculi Davidici. Sed deistis satis.  
Numerum signatorum quod attinet, Duodenarius numerus Apostolici generis insigne est; qui tribuum tam singularum, quam universarum millenos multiplicando progeniem denotat Apostolicam; progeniem putà, licèt in plures millenos auctam, minimè tamen degenerem, sed parentes suos side & sanctitate exprimentem. Nimirum, quemadmodum Bestiae numerum habere, 
* Cap. 13. 17.  (ut postea audiemus) gentem Bestianam seu Bestiae sectatricem; ità & Apostolorum numerum gerere, legitimam Apostolorum sobolem designat. Hanc esse duodenariae illius multiplicationis verissimam mentem, oftendit analogia novae jerusalem; in cujus structura & dimensionibus portarum, fundamentorum areae, murorum ambitûs, longitudinis, latitudinis, altitudinis, idem duodenarius numerus, aut duodenaria multiplicatio adhibetur. Et nè ampliùs haesitaremus duodenarius iste quorsum tandem respiciat, ecce de duodecim muri fundamentis disertè dicitur quòd inscripta fuerint nominibus duodecim Apostolorum Agni, cap. 21. 14.  
Ex tribu judae, ex tribubus Reubenis, Gad, Aseris, Nephthali, Manassis, Simeonis, Levi, Isacharis, Zabulonis, josephi, Benjaminis, ex singulis signata sunt duodecim millia.  
Nusquam alibi in tota Scriptura hoc ordine Tribus recensentur, etiamsi aliàs numerentur diversimodé. Praeterquam enim quòd Dan prorsus non compareat, neque Ephraimi nomen audiatur; in caeteris ab omnium quae alibi habentur recensionum lege disceditur, neque aut nativitatis, aut dignitatis natalium, aut habitationis ordo servatur; sed extremae permiscentur mediis, & ancillarum filii natu minores semel atque iterum majoribus natu uxorum liberis praeponuntur: ut minimè dubitandum sit, quin praecipuum aliquod Typi mysterium in ordine tam novo ac insolito lateat. Hoc, Deo coeptis adspirante, aliquatenus eruisse videmur; nempe hujusmodi.  
Primùm, ab hoc Typo abjicitur Dan, tacetur Ephraim, tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Israeliticae antesignani & primipili (jud. capitibus 17, & 18.) i●démque, tempore Regni, publicorum idolorum Dane & Bethele hospites; propterea religionis purioris cultoribus figurandis omnino inepti.  
Ut autem nihilominus duodenarius numerus compleatur, pro Dane Levi substituitur, tacitum Ephraimi nomen supplet josephi.  
Numero sic constituto, uxorum & ancillarum filii, insuper habitâ natalium dignitate, permiscentur, ac ancillarum liberi in Dominarum adoptantur. In Christo enim neque servus est, neque liber, sed omnes unius rationis sunt.  
cum igitur Leae filii, quà naturales, quà adoptivi, duplo plures sint quam Rachelis; illius nempe octo, hujus tantùm quatuor: proinde ordo iste in recensendo observatur, ut duplâ quoque ratione quaterni Leae filii alternatim cum binis Rachelis conferrentur: utrobique autem eae Tribus reliquis, tanquam potiores, praeferantur, quas factum aliquod suum aut suorum, in sacris literis memoratum, de vero Dei cultu & erga eundem zelo commendaverat. Primum verò agmen ducit prosapia Leae propter Christi, Principis Coetûs, praerogativam, ex ejus utique stirpe oriundi: hoc modo.  
Primus quaternio filiorum LEAE. 


1 JUDA  
2 Reuben  
3 Gad  
4 Aser.    Prima biga filiorum RACHELIS. 


5 Nephthali  
6 Manasse.    Alter quaternio filiorum LEAE. 


7 Simeon  
8 Levi  
9 Isachar  
10 Zabulon.    Altera biga filiorum RACHELIS. 


11 joseph  
12 Benjamin.     Ratio ordinis filiorum Leae. 
EX LEAE, ut vides, filiis primum quaternionem constituunt juda, Reuben, Gad, Aser, utpote prae caeteris eo nomine, cui Typus figurando est nobilitati.  
In istis primus locus, ut par est, tribuitur judae, ob Christum Regem fidelium eâ tribu proseminatum.  
Secundus Reubeni, quem illustris illa protestatio de altari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad jordanis ripam exstructo nobilitavit; quâque meruit, nè nativitatis praerogativam (primogenitus enim fuit) alii quam judae, tribui regiae submitteret.  
Tertium locum sortitur Gad, utpote Reubenis in celebri ista protestatione de vero Dei cultu retinendo socius; & porrò Eliâ Prophetâ & jehu Rege Baalismi destructoribus, insignis.  
Quartum denique, & in hoc quaternione novissimum, locum capessit Aser, viduâ Sareptanâ, quae Eliam pavit, illustris, (nam ad Aseris sortem spectavit Sarepta) necnon Annâ Prophetissâ Aseritide, quae Christo, cum in Templo juxta Legem sisteretur, testimonium perhibuit, nobilis; sed tribus praecedentibus, quòd utraque foemina esset, nequaquam comparandus.  
In ultimum quaternionem rejiciuntur Simeon, Levi, Isachar, Zabulon; nempe aut nullis, aut pa●●ioribus nominibus condecorati, aut, si quae habuerint, scelere aliquo postmodum obliteratis. Siquidem Levi zelum, quo se in deserto probavit, (ut taceam de seditione Korachi) obliteravit ejus cum apostatis & idololatris Israeliticis indè ab initio consortium. Tam enim Michae Ephraimitae quam suribus Danitis, primis à morte josuae idololatris, jonathan Levites Mosis neoos operam suam in idolorum cultu condixit, jud. 17. 10. & 18. 30. Fieri etiam potest ut Levi in postremum quaternionem detruserit substitutio in locum Danis.  
Porrò, cum nihil habeant hujus quaternionis fratres quo alii aliis praecellant; ideo nativitatis ordinem servant immutatum, & quo quisque ordine natus est, juxta eum recensetur.  Ratio ordinis filiorum Rachelis. 
Inter RACHELIS autem posteros familiam ducit biga Nephthalis & Manassis; agmen claudunt joseph & Benjamin. Praeferuntur Nephthali & Manasse; quia ille, ut Baraco Siserae Cananaei debellatore, ità Hiramo instrumentorum & supellectilis Templi Dei artifice ex patre Nephthalita, (1 Reg. 7. 14. cum 2 Chron. 2. 14.) sed & majori adhuc nomine (de quo postea) inclytus; hic Gideone Baalis subversore, & Elisaeo Prophetâ nobilis fuit.  
Nephthalim verò, licèt ancillae filium, supra Manassen extulit gloria incolatûs Christi; qui utique munus suum orsurus, in nobilissima Nephthaliticae sortis urbe, totiúsque Galilaeae metropoli, Capernaum, domicilium & praedicationis suae sedem fixit: unde tanquam ex urbe Episcopali totam Galilaeam cum Apostolis suis semel iterúmque obivit, in omnibus Synagogis & vicis docens Evangelium regni & miraculis sanationum coruscans.  
Id enim Lector, ex Evangelica historia notes velim (quia multos fugit) Servatorem nostrum omni tempore quo in terris versabatur in Galilaea habitâsse; in judaea verò, praecipuâ tum gentis tum tribûs suae sede, non nisi festis temporibus conspectum suisse. Hócque illud esse quod Isaias jam olim praedixerat (Isa. 9 Matth. 4. 14.) Consiliarium illum admirabilem, Deum sortem, Authorem aeternitatis (Septuag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Principem pacis, uno verbo MESSIAM, Galilaeum suturum; & quasi in ●ompensationem & solatium captivitatis, quam prima omnium Terrae sanctae regionum ab Assyrio tum recèns Galilaea pertulerat, (2 Reg. 15. 29.) illum praecipuè tractum praesentiâ suâ illustraturum; in specie autem viam illam publicam, dictam VIAM MARIS, quò loci ex Syria veniens jordanem p●r mediam Capernaum transit, indéque secundùm Mare Galaeae pergens in AEgyptum ducit. 
Vid. Adrichoni. Tab. Nephthal. ipsum que pag. 115. b.  Audiamus ipsum: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quod, distinctione vulgatâ posthabitâ, sponte & ad literam ità sonat: Sicut tempore primo vilem reddidit terram Zabulon & terram Nephthali; (utique, ut dixi, 
Vel Tempora primo vilem redi●●it, etc. sed in novissimo, etc.  per Tiglath-peleserem) ità in novissimo gloriosam [& inclytam] faciet. Via [enim] Maris (ab assyrio calcata) ad transitum jordànis (ibi Capernaum sita) Galilaea gentium, populus qui ambulabat in tenebris (nempe afflictionum) vidit lucem magnam, habitantibus in regione umbrae mortis lux exorta est, etc. Vin● scire unde, & quo authore ità beabitur Galilaea, in eâque via illa maritima ubi trajectus est jordanis? statim subjicit, Quia parvulus natus est nobis, filius datus est nobis, & erit principatus super humerum ejus, & vocabitur nomen ejus Admirabilis, Consiliarius, Deus fortis, Pater aeternitatis, Princeps pacis.  
Verba autem illa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (à quibus nostri ferè, judaeorum, qui nunquam hanc prophetiam intellexerunt, vestigia prementes, caput hoc, magnâ sensûs perturbatione, ordiuntur) cum Hieronymo & Bibliis Regiis praecedentis capitis sententiae annecto; vertóque, quoniam non est obscuratio ei qui angustiae est ipsi: id est, in calamitoso isto & afflicto rerum statu, in quem respublica Israelitica tunc temporis, juxta Legis comminationem, incidisse memoratur, atque oculis quasi subjicitur, ad indignationem & desperationem homines adactos, quòd hostem quo premebantur viderint perpetuis successibus uti, neque ullum ei insortunium obveni●e. Magni profectò fidei Christianae interest, oraculum hoc de Messia Galileo clarè intelligi, atque Matthaei ipsum allegantis fidem asseri: proptereá lucem ei qualemcunque hâc occasione foenerare volui, sperans Lectorem id non ingratum habiturum. Ad Apocalypsin redeo, illúdque porrò addam, priusquam Nephthali●● dimisero, Quòd quemadmodum in Leae filiis primum locum sortitus sit juda, propter Christi genus; ità inter Rachelidas, Nephthali, ob ejus domicilium; ut utrobique superemineat Christi praerogativa, cujus nomine, ceu Domini & Imperatoris, Coetus iste 
* Cap. 14. 1.  (ut suo loco audiemus) inscribitur.  
Restant joseph & Benjamin, ad postremum Rachelidarum bigam rejecti quorum illum in hunc locum detrusit peccatum Ephraimiticum: siquidem Ephraim est, qui josephi nomine tegitur, indignus qui suo (tum quia Idololatriae Israeliticae, authore Michâ, antesignanus suit; tum ob immanem illam, jeroboamo & Achabo authoribus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in hoc catalogo audiatur. Benjaminem denique, aliàs natu minimum, altiori gradu prohibet Saulis Benjaminitae adversus Davidem (utpote Christi genearcham typúmque) odium, & Schimei in eundem maledicta.  
¶ Sententia memorialis ex nominum, quibus Tribus appellentur, significatis conflata; quâ, cum Tribuum signatarum ordo, tum Coetûs ipsius indoles, lucta, atque à Deo praemium declarantur.  
JUDA Confitetur Deo Cultus purus & ritè Christianus. REUBEN intuendo filium GAD Coetus ASER benedictus. NEPHTHALIM Luctantur cum Lucta. MANASSE obliviscentibus SIMEON obedientiam. LEVI Adhaesio, scil. Christo Praemium. ISACHAR mercedem ZABULON habitaculi, se. aeterni JOSEPH adjicit BENJAMIN filio dextrae  
Confitetur, vel celebrat Deum, intuendo filium, (id est, Christum mediatorem uni●um) Coetus benedictus, (coetus signatorum.) Luctantur cum obliviscentibus obedientiam (id est, cum Antichristianis.) Adhaesio Christo mercedem habitaculi (nemp● aeterni) adjiciet filio dextrae, (id est, ei quem Deus magni facit:) vel aliter, Adhaerentibus Deo mercedem habitaculi (id est, aeternae vitae) adjiciet Filius dextrae, (id est, Christus.)  
Contractiori huic & afflictiori Ecclesiae statui Typo signatorum ex Israele, 
Ad Cap. 8.  succedit amplissimus longéque felicissimus ejusdem status, imagine Palmiferorum innumerabilium, ex omni gente, populo, tribu, & lingua. Posthaec, inquit, vidi, & ecce turba multa, quam numerare nemo poterat, ex omni gente & tribubus, & populis, & linguis, stantes ante thronum, & ante Agnum, amictai vestibus, albis, & palmae in manibus eorum. Et clamabant voce magnâ, dicentes, Salus Deo nostro qui sedet super thronum, & Agno, etc. Atqui haec Visio ●ùm ad Tubam septimam pertineat, neque alibi commodè & dilucidè ob tot praenoscenda explicari possit, eò scholium ejus differemus. Praesenti loco sufficiat quod modò in genere dictum est, Lectorémque memoriâ tenere, ambas quidem Visiones istas junctim totum Sigilli septimi seu Tubarum intervallum pervadere; seorsim verò Coetum Signatorùm sex primis Tubis, Turbam Palmiferorum ●Tubae septimae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Atque ità interjectae Visionis Visionúmve interpretatione defuncti, intermissam Sigillorum seriem resumamus.   

MENS SIGILLI SEPTIMI, Id est, SEPTEM TUBARUM.  
FUerunt SEX PRIMA SIGILLA, quibus stantis adhuc & vigentis Imperii status, usque dum potestas Idolorum rueret, casibus intestinis describebatur: Succedit Septimum, cujus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, SEPTEM TUBAE, quo Imperii labantis & cadentis fata, septuplici plagarum ordine, bellicum canentibus Tubis, ruituri, consuetis ad eam rem imaginibus panduntur; Deo nempe sanguinis tot Martyrum, Romanis auspiciis effusi, isthâc Ruinâ poenas exigente.  
Qui enim nè brutis quidem animantibus, si quando hominem imaginem suam occiderint, parci velit, annon ille sanguinem servorum suorum ab Imperio tot annis Martyricidâ reposceret? Neque sera Christianorum Imperatorum ibi rerum potiuntium pietas justitiae Dei intercedere debuit, non magìs quam pietas josiae ut regnum judae, sanguinis à Manasse effusi rerum, excidium à Deo decretum effugeret. Hanc ultionem animae Martyrum, sub immani illa Sigilli quinti laniena gementes, precibus efflagitârunt: hanc Deus promisit, quamprimùm Tyrannus Romanus, eorum accessione qui tum adhuc jugulandi restabant, mensuram suam implêsset, cap. 6. 11. Hoc tempus jam advenerat. Quapropter preces istas Angelus coeli Sacerdos ad Altare thymiamatis (ut moris erat precibus populi in Templo factis) suffitu ad Thronum Dei transmittit, eíque in memoriam revocat. Interea silentium in coelo factum est ad semihoram; pro Templi nempe ritu in istiusmodi sacro obeundo. Constat enim, in sacris ubivis ferè Gentium Silentium de Religione fuisse. Favere linguis, dicebant. Id à populo Dei observatum, tum cum Incensum fieret. Dum enim Sacrificia offerebantur, (quae 
a Refert Philo 〈…〉 de Sacrificii 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉  prima pars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuit, Templum canticis, tubis, aliisque instrumentis musicis personabat, 2 Chron. 29. 25. usque ad 28. At tempore incensi omnia 
b ●●orte huc alluditur Psal. 62 2. Ad Deum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 silet omnis anima; & Psal. 65. 2.  silebant, & populus tacitè secum precabatur, Luc. 1. 10. Huc igitur allusum est, dum Angelo ad Altare aureum sacra futuro, factum esse dicitur in Coelo Silentium ad semihoram, id est, toto tempore Incensi.  
Quo demum peracto, 
c Vers. 5.  Implevit Angelus thuribulum ex igne Altaris, abjecitq●● in terram. Nempe, ut hoc ritu indicaret quorsum spectarent preces istae, quas ad Deum commeantes grato odore perfuderat; scilicet ad vindictam in Terricolas impetrandam, qui Sanctos laeserant, imò sanguinem eorum effuderant.  
Preces autem continuò responsum ferunt. Nam facta sunt, inquit, (scilicet ex Throno seu adyto Templi, ut cap. 4. 5.) Voces & tonitrua & fulgura & 
d It● quoque Act. 4. 31. D●●● Apo●olorum precious terr●● motu a●●●●bat. Vid Psal. 18. prout habetur 2 Sam. 22. ● vers. 7. ad ●. ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro eo quod in Psal. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  terrae motus. Quibus verbis describitur oraculum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 BATH KOL, id est, Filia vocis seu tonitrui, quo Deus olim in veteri populo responsa dabat, eodémque hîc precibus Sanctorum annuit. Hebraeo autem sermone sciendum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem sonare; Tonitrua enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellari, id est, Voces. Aut igitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sumendum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro hoc est; aut, quod malim, per-figuram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Voces & tonitrua sunt Voces tonitrui aut cum tonitru.  
Scilicet Deus ut plurimùm cum tonitru placita sua edebat, quemadmodum & Legem tulit, Exod. 19 16. imò unicum id oraculum Iudaeis reliquum post captivitatem Baby lonicam mansit. Cujus exemplum est apud Evangelistam nostrum, cap. 12. 28. cum dixisset Dominus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pater glorifica Nomen tuum; venit, inquit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sequitur ibi, Et turba quae astabat & audierat, dicebat, Tonitru esse factum. Alii dicebant, Angelus ei locutus est. Id est, alii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tonitru Divinum, seu conjunctum cum voce Divina, Filiam nempe tonitr●i, dicebant; alii verò, Angelum loqui. Atque hinc est quòd in Apocalypsi, non hoc tantùm loco, sed alibi passim, cum oraculis vocibúsque Divinis tonitru conjungitur; ut cap. 4. 5. cap. 6. 1. cap. 10. 3. Videsis Clarissimi Danielis Heinsii Aristarchum sacrum, pag. 277, & 455.  
Sacro sic peracto, & Deo voce tonitrui Sanctorum precibus annuente, Septem Angeli qui habebant septem Tubas, praeparaverunt se ut clangerent. 
Verse 6:   
Opera Divinae providentiae & gubernationis Angelis administris geri, apud omnes Theologos in confesso est. Angeli igitur in Visionibus istis eorum locum tenent, quibus ad res gerendas à Deo praeponuntur; quódque communibus operis tam Angelorum quam hominum geritur, id Angelis authoribus, tanquam auspicibus & ducibus, geri dicitur. Ut omnino à scopo aberrare mihi videantur qui sub istis Angelorum nominibus aliud aliquod mysterium latere putent. Angeli igitur Tubicines, de quibus hîc sermo, sunt qui ad gubernandas Tubarum plagas, adhibitis ad gerendum, per quos Deo decreta sua exsequi visum, hominibus, constituti sunt.  
Harum verò Tubarum quatuor primae angustiorum & minorum plagarum sunt; utpote quibus, Orbi Occidentali seu Latino maximam partem incumbentibus, sanandis suit Episcopus Romanus, dehinc Orbi saltem isti in caput futurus. Quarum imaginibus ritè accommodandis, hîc quoque Lector observet, Universitatem Romanam cum reliquis Orbis Imperiis à Spiritu S. tacitè assimi●ari Systemati Mundano, cujus partes sunt Terra, Mare, Flumina, Coelum, Stellae; eâ ratione, ut Imperii cujusque Systema suam quoque Terram habeat, quae sit instar illius Telluris, nempe imum quoddam & Basin cui totius politiae moles incumbat: Mare item, quod, Terram suam circumfundendo, Maris similitudinem (haec Ditionis amplitudo sen extensio est) omnimodò gerat: ●lumina quoque politica, quae aliorum fluminum ritu ex Mari suo originem ducat eodemque revertantur; cujusmodi sunt Magistratus provinciales caeteríque ditionis administri, un● cum illorum Fluminum alveis provinciis ipsis: Solem denique alíásque Stellas in Supremae potestatis coelo, Solem, Lunam, Stellásque in coelo mundano referentes. Hâc analogiâ observatâ, Interpretatio, ut similibus veterum Prophetarum siguris omnimodò munita, ità proclivis erit & reigestae omnino appositissima.  
Quod autem passim de Tertia parte, ut de tertia parte Arborum terrae, tertia parte Maris, Fluminum, Coeli, inculcatur, id de finibus Imperii Romani accipio, tertiam Orbis terrarum Ioannis aevo cogniti partem abitu suo complectentis. Id quod ex eo probari posse videtur, quòd postea cap. 12. DRACO ille Septiceps decacornis (id est, Imperium Romanum Ethnicum) tertiam partem Stellarum Coeli caudâ suâ traxisse & in terram abjecisse dicitur; id est, tertiam partem Principum & Dynastarum Orbis Imperio suo subjecisse. His ità positis, ad singularum interpretationem veniamus.  
7. Et primus Angelus clanxit, & facta est GRANDO & IGNIS mista sanguine, & missa sunt in TERRAM: & tertia pars terrae combusta est, & tertia pars arborum concremata est, omnisque 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He●lenistus significare herban● adeò ex tribu● prin●is Geneseos capitibus manifestum est, 〈◊〉 nega●● nequeat.  herba viridis exusta est.  
8. Et secundus Angelus clanxit, & tanquam MONS MAGNVS igne ardens missus est in MARE; & facta est tertia pars maris sanguis: 9 Et mortua est tertia pars creaturarum in mari animas habentium, & tertia pars navium periit.  
10. Et tertius Angelus clanxit, & cecidit de coelo STELLA MAGNA, ardens tanquam lampas, c●ciditque in tertiam partem FLUMINUM, & in FONTES aquarum.  
11. Et nomen STELLAE dicitur ABSINTHIUM: & facta est tertia pars aquarum in absinthium; & multi homines mortui sunt ex aquis, quòd amarae factae essent.  
12. Et quartus Angelus clanxit, & percussa est tertia pars SOLIS & tertia pars LUNAE & tertiapars STELLARVM; ità ut obscuraretur tertiapars eorum, & diei non ●●ceret pars tertia, & noctis similiter.  

TUBA I.  
PRima septimi Sigilli Tuba ab Idolarchia Romana sexti Sigilli exitu jam prorsus disturbatâ atque excussâ init; primámque Imperio jam ruituro plagam datura, TERRAE trientem horrifico GRANDINIS cum Igne Sanguinéque nimbo pessundat: id est, Territorium populúmve Orbis Romani (universi scilicet illius politici basin & Tellurem) terribili & cruentâ Gentium Septentrionalium irruptione depopulatur, magnates plebeiósque prosternit absumitque.  
Videsis eódem spectantem Grandinis imaginem, ad impressionem, inquam, hostilem, Isai. cap. 28. v. 2. Ecce validus & fortis Domino, (Salmanassarem indigitat) sicut tempestas GRANDINIS & turbo excisionis, sicut tempestas aquarum multarum inundantium dejiciet in terram fortiter. Pedibus calcabuntur Corona superbiae, temulenti Ephrai●. Item Isaiae 30. 30. de clade Assyriis ventura, Et audiri faciet Dominus majestatem vocis suae, & descensionem brachii sui ostendet in ira furoris & flamma ignis consumentis, dispersione & turbine & lapide GRANDINIS; quia à voce Domini conteretur Assur, etc. Hìc observandum, quia Grando cum fulmine, in calidioribus praesertim regionibus, esse soleat; ideo cum Grandinis mentione ignem conjungi, cum hîc apud joannem & Isaiam, tum Psal. 18. 13, 14. imò in historia Exod. 9 23. Sed Ioannes sanguinem quoque praeter naturam commiscuit, ut Imaginem totam hoc indicio ad caedem spectare innueret. D● Grandinis imagine videat quoque Lector Isai. 32. 19 ibíque Chaldaeum Paraphrastem.  
Adhaec, Arbores in parabolis propheticis significare Magnates & divites, docet idem Paraphrastes; qui pro quercubus Basan, Isai. 2. 13. substituit principes provinciarum; pro cedris, Isai. 14. 8. divites; pro abietibus, modò principes. Isai. 37. 24. modò reges, Isai. 14. 8. Qui quoque illud Zach. 11. 2. Vlula abies, quia cecidit cedrus, quoniam magnifici vastati sunt: Vlulate quercus Basan, quia cecidit sylva munita, sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vlulate Reges, quia contriti sunt principes; qui opibus erant divites, vastati sunt: Vlulate Satrapae provinciarum, quia vastata est regio fortitudinis vestrae. Unde ex analogia facilè colligitur, HERBAS de Plebeiis capiendas, quando, ut hîc, cum Arboribus componuntur.  
jam, ut de eventu aliquid ex historia delibemus, initium hujus Tubae, donec certius quid constiterit, ducam à morte Theodosii primi, id est, ab anno Christi CCC XC V; quòd tunc Religio Christiana de Diis Gentilium pla●è triumphâsse videtur; & simul, tanquam in superioris Sigilli desinentis & hujus incipientis communi quodam termino, Barbarorum irruptiones nonnihil antehac tentatae, sed proximis annis, pacato iterum Imperio, compressae, horribiliter denuo cieri, & universo fere Orbi Romano ferro & igne continuè & immaniter vastando populandóque incumbere coeperunt.  
Hoc ipso enim anno ALARICUS primùm, cum ingenti Gothorum aliorúmque Barbarorum exercitu, ex Thracia in Macedoniam irrumpit, nullis neque oppidis neque hominibus parcens. Indè per Thessaliam progressus, Thermopylarúmque angustiis occupatis, in Graeciam, id est Achaiam, descendit, quasvis urbes praeter Thebas & Athenas exseindit. In Peloponnesum irruit, Corinthum, Argos, Spartam vastat. Indè in Epirum sese intulit, ubi easdem populationes & vastitates edere pergit.  
Anno sequenti Epiro egressus Achaiam incursavit, eámque cum Epiro finitimísque provinciis quadriennio toto incendiis & populationibus foedè vastare contendit.  
cum sic per quinquennium immanibus Orientem direptionibus vexâsset, animum ad invadendum Occidentem adjicit, in Dalmatiam & Pannoniam transit, eásque regiones latè populatur. Tristissimum hujus temporis statum, hucusque grassante tempestate, audi deplorantem, qui tum vixit, Hieronymum, Epist. 3. Inter Constantinopolin & Alps Iulias quotidie Romanus sanguis effunditur; Scythiam, Thraciam, Macedoniam, Dardaniam, Daciam, Thessaliam, Achaiam, Epiros, Dalmatiam, cunct ásque Pannonias Gothus, Sarmata, Quadus, Alanus, Hunni, Vandali, Marcomanni instant, rapiunt. Quot matronae, quot virgines Dei, & ingenua nobiliáque corpora his belluis fuere ludibrio? capti Episcopi, interfecti Presbyteri, & diversorum officia Clericorum: subversae Ecclesiae, ad altaria Christi stabulati equi, martyrum effossae reliquiae. ROMANUS ORBIS RVIT. Quid pu●as nunc habere animi Corinthios, Athenienses, Lacedaemonios, Arcadas, cunct ámque Graeciam, quibus imperant Barbari?  
Anno verò sequenti, Christi 401, idem Alaricus, Gothis, Alanis, Hunnisque subsequentibus, in Italia quoque bellum gesturus, Noricum perrumpit, & per Tridentinum saltum in Venetiam venit, eas urbes brevi tempore in potestatem redigit, Honorium Imperatorem Hastae obsidet; adeò ut omnes ferè in Italia jam de relinquendis sedibus cogitarent. Sed hîc tandem Stilico Honorii Dux, magno comparato exercitu, furorem ejus sufflaminavit, & semel iterúmque victum atque adversis praeliis fatigatum in Pannoniam, unde venerat, pedem referre coegit. Ex qua paulò post, foedere percusso, atque militari praesecturâ ab Honorio honoratus, in Illyricum Orientis provinciam secessit.  
Quiescente aliquantisper Alarico, nè tamen ullo deinceps tempore Occidens feriaretur, statim anno 404. memorabilis altera Barbarorum irruptio in Italiam est instructa, Radagaiso homine Scythâ duce; qui cum Gothorum, Sarmatarum & Germanorum exercitu ad ducenta millia, praesidiis in Alpibus dejectis, in Venetiam regionem, AEmiliam & Hetruriam transit, Florentiam obsidet; ubi à Stilicone ingenti strage devictus capitur atque obtruncatur.  
Hoc hoste, utcunque terribili, brevi temporis spatio & minori cum damno sublato, statim anno 406. tertia, eáque gravissima maximéque exitiosa, in Occidentem irruptio Vandalorum & Alanorum, assumptis secum Marcomannis, Herulis, Suevis, Alemannis, Burgundionibus, aliorúmque Barbarorum colluvie, facta est; quâ Gallia primùm, indè Hispania, & postremò Africa sunt occupatae, & omnis generis calamitatibus afflictae. Quas clades ità Hieronymus Epistolâ 11. partim expressit, partim significavit: Innumerabiles, inquit, & ferocissimae nationes universas Gallias occupârunt: quicquid inter Alps & Pyrenaeum est, quod Oceano & Rhodano includitur, Quadus, Vandalus, Sarmata, Alani, Gipedes, Heruli, saxons, Burgundiones, Alemanni, & hostes Pannonii vastârunt. Magunciacum capta atque subversa est, & in ecclesia multa hominum millia trucidata. Vangiones longâ obsidione deleti; Rhemorum urbs praepoteus, Ambiani, Atrebates, Morini, Tornacus, Nemetae, Argentoratus translati in Germaniam. Aquitania, Nouémque populorum, Lugdunensis & Narbonensis provinciae, praeter paucas urbes, populata sunt cuncta. Non possum absque lacrymis Tolosae facere mentionem, quae ut hucusque non ruerit, sancti Episcopi Exuperii merita praestiterunt. Ipsae Hispaniae jam jámque periturae contremiscunt. Roma vitam auro redimit.  
Atque hic fuit terribilis iste Grandinis cum ignc & sanguine Nimbus; Imago quidem applicationis adeò obviae, ut Nicephoro Gregorae lib. 2. c. 7. de Apocalypsi nè cogitanti unquam, sed de Scythis tamen agenti, adeò concinnum quid exciderit, ut non possim non ascribere: Vt, inquit, terrores de coelo saepe hominibus à Deo incutiuntur, ut fulmina, incendia, & crebri imbres, etc. ità hi à Deo asservantur Septentrionales & Hyperborei terrores, ut pro poena, quando & quibus Providentiae visum fuerit, immittantur. Sed corollarium quoque ex Achmete adjiciam, adhuc magìs confirmando Lectori.  Corollarium ex Achmete de significatis GRANDINIS, IGNIS & ARBORUM in interpetatione Somniorum. 
Capite C XC I ex Indorum, Persarum & AEgyptiorum rationibus, Nix, grando, gelu aerumnas, solicitudines & tormenta portendunt.  
Si quis videre visus fuerit grandinem alicubi delapsam, hostilem impressionem subitam exspectet.  
Si videre visus fuerit grandinem, quae frumenti hordeíque culmos laeserit; in eo loco, prout culmi fracti fuerint, bellicae caedes evenient.  
Eidem cap. C L IX. ex Indorum, Apotelesm. C LX. ex Persarum & AEgyptiorum explicatione, Ignis interitum, bellum, pugnas, punitionem & afflictionem significat, si quid aut quem urere visus fuerit.  
Item cap. C L I. Persae, Indi, AEgyptii Arbores de hominibus, praecipuè Magistratibus, proceribus, & viris amplissimis interpretantur: ut,  
Si quis visus sibi fuerit irrigare arbores & excolere, vir amplissimus & populi nutritius erit.  
Si Rex visus sibi fuerit arbores plantâsse, novos magistratus instituet. Item,  
Si arbores diuturnitate temporis vitiatae ac putrefactae corruerint, naturali morte proceres Regis morientur.  
Si videre visus fuerit virgulta quae in arbores excreverint, hoc ad successionem magnatum ipsius pertinet.  
Si plebeius arborum folia visus sibi fuerit in domum collegisse, opes à magnatibus pro foliorum modo consequetur, etc.   

TUBA II.  
SEcunda Tuba Mundum Romanum, terrâ suâ jam satìs vastatum, graviore adhuc plagâ labefactatura, MARE impetit; cujus qui eò pertinebat trientem, MONTIS magni ei antiquitus imminentis, jam verò conflagrantis casu, totum cruentum reddit; magnâ cum ibi degentium animantium seu piscium, tum navigiorum, strage. Hoc est, ROMAE urbis magnae, semel iterúmque captae, spoliatae, atque hostilibus flammis ardentis, clades in amplitudinis ditionis jurisdictioní sve Romanae interitum erupit; provincias ejus, prae capitis sic afflicti debilitate, jam pro libitu rapientibus, atque in nova Regna discerpentibus Barbaris; irreparabili cum legionum inibi ad tutelam degentium strage, omniúmque potestatis retinendae & sustentandae (quasi negotiandi) adminiculorum jacturâ.  
MARE mundi politici, ut dixi, est Ditionis illa amplitudo incolas universos ejusdem juris politici communione amplectens. Hâc imagine Babylonis Ditio exprimitur jer. 51. 36. ubi minatur Dominus se exsiccaturum MARE ejus, & arefacturum venam ejus: quod v. 44. exponitur eâdem retentâ metaphorâ, non confluxuras ad eam ampliùs Gentes. Amplitudo quoque Regni Assyriaci sic describitur Ezech. 31. 4. Aquae crescere fecerunt eam, (scil. cedrum Assyriacam) Abyssus seu Mare exaltavit eam. Fortè etiam Pharaonis Ditio Mare est, Isai. 19 5. ubi de Regni ejus interitu dicitur, defecturas aquas de Mari ejus, id est, ablatum iri ditionem ejus. Indè Imperia illa magna apud Danielem conspiciuntur ex MARI ascendere, id est, ex Ditionis amplitudine oriri.  
Quòd autem tertia Maris pars, id est, MARE Romanum, sanguineum factum dicitur; sciendum, Sanguinem primò pro caede usurpari, deinde pro morte etiam sine sanguine: Mortem autem in genere pro interitu sumi, etiam rei vitâ carentis. Vide Ezech. 14. 19 & 3. 18, 20. & 18. 13. Amos. 2. 2. Rom. 7. 9 Unde sanguinem vel sanguineum fieri imago est rei interitum passae, quasi nempe cruore manantis instar animalis occisi aut laniati. Quòd igitur hîc Mare montis magni casu cruentum factum dicitur, nihil aliud denotat quam mortem quandam seu interitum violentum illo casu passum esse. Id quod in Phialis, ubi eadem est imago, aliquantò apertiùs dicitur, factum esse quasi sanguis mortui, i. occisi. Mens est, Ditionem seu Amplitudinem Romanam cladem passam esse, truncatam, dilaniatam, perditam esse.  
Simile etiam Montis symbolum urbi significandae, de veteri Babylone reperire est jerem. 51. 25. Ecce ego ad te, MONS pestifer (seu corruptor) qui corrumpis universam terram, & extendam manum meam, etc. & dabo te in MONTEM COMBUSTIONIS: ubi Septuag. habent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eodem sensu quo hîc joannes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De eadem Isai. 13. 2. Super MONTEM eminentem levate vexillum. Targum, Super civitatem habitantem confidenter. Item c. 37. 24. ad Sennacheribum regem Assyriae, Exprobrâsti, inquit, Domino, & dixisti, In multitudine quadrigarum mearum ascendi altitudinem Montium: Targum, Ascendi in munitionem Civitatum eorum. Sed an rectè dubito.  
Porrò, quod Mons hîc in Mare mitti seu projici dicatur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est figurae, cum non aliâ ratione Mons Mari nocere posset quam si in ipsam projiceretur. Atque hoc in sequenti quoque Tuba, de Stella cadente, locum habere memineris.  
Historiam quod attinet, Roma primùm capta est Anno 410. ídque ab eodem Alarico Gothorum rege, qui in priore Tuba fati quasi praeludium exhibuerat: jam verò postmortem Stiliconis novos motus ciente, nouámque & fatalem in Italiam expeditionem adornante; quâ quidem Honorium in tantas angustias redegit, ut ipse Barbarus novum Imperatorem, Attalum nomine, Romae daret, quocum Honorium Augustum Ravennae obsideret, jam, prae rerum suarum desperatione, in Orientem, Occidente relicto, sugere cogitantem. Sed hostis poenitentiâ ductus, Attalo Imperio abrogato, Honorium in integrum restituit.  
Hanc urbis Romae cladem Ditionis Romanae dilaceratio continuò secuta est. Testem advoco Sigonium: Romanam cladem, inquit ille, miserabilis Italiae vastitas, continua Galliae at que Hispaniae bella, ac nova demum Barbarorum in utraque provincia regum imperia exceperunt.  
Primùm enim Honorius, ut Romam cum Imperio recuperaret, foedere cum Alarico icto, Gothis sedes & regnum in Galliis permittere coactus est.  
Biennio post, Anno 412, Hun●is quoque sese in Panuonia, quam Gothi reliquerant, effundentibus, idem, viribus ad resistendum in tantis difficultatibus destitutus, foedus cum iis, datis acceptisque obsidibus, secit.  
Deinde Anno 413, Constantius, ejusdem Honorii Dux, Burgundiones, qui, sic turbatis prioribus hisce annis rebus, unà cum Vandalis in Galliam sese contulerant, nè in aliquam fortèbelli difficultatem incideret, libenter in amicitiam recepit, atque sedes ad Rhodanum assignavit.  
Anno denique 415, idem Honorius, (ut tradit Procopius) cum Gothi paulò post in vicinam Hispaniam transiissent, Vandalis quoque cum Rege suo Gunderico ex Gallia à Francis nuperrimè expulsis, sedes quas occupârunt concessit habitandas, pacto Gothis bellum inferendi. Qui plura scire cupit, consulat paulò antè nominatum Sigonium de Occidentali Imperio, lib. 10, & 11. unde nos haec desumpsimus.  
Atque ità deinceps Amplitudo Ditionis Romanae quotidie magìs magísque laniata atque distruncata est, donec, iterum Româ Anno 455. à Genserico Vandalo captâ atque direptâ, sequenti statim anno, aut non ità multò pòst, totum Imperii corpus in decem omnino regna divisum apparuit: quae, unà cum populorum regúmque nominibus, & provinciis quibus regnatum est, adhaec quibusdam ex historia annotatis ad majorem lucem faciendam, sequens Tabella exhibebit.  

¶ Typus dilacerationis Imperii seu Ditionis Romanae ad annum CHRISTI 456. & deinceps.  REGNA. Provinciae quibus regnatum est. Nomina regum ad An. 456. regnantiù Observanda quadam. 1 Britonum In Britannia. Vortimerus.  2 Saxonum  Hengistus.  3 Francorum In Gal. Belgic. primùm, mox & Celtica. Childericus.  4 Burgundionum In Gal. Sequan. & Lugdunens. Gundericus. Regnum Burgundionum ann. 526. â Francis subjugatum atque extiuctum est. Sed numero denario complendo commodè Ostrogothorum Ditio eodem tempore in duo Regna diffiliit; Pannoniâ, quae illis hucusque paruerat, â Longobardis occupatâ, & Italiâ solâ regibus Ostrogoth. relictâ. 5 Wisigothorum In Aquitania & parte Hispaniae. Theodoricus. II. 6 Suevorum & Alanorum In illo Hispaniae tractu qui Gallaeciâ & Lusitaniâ continetur. Riciarius. Riciarius. 7 Vandalorum In Africa, sed paulò antè in Hispania. Gensericus. 8 Alemannorum In Germaniae tractu qui Rhaetia dicebatur. Sumanus. Alemannorum regnum ab ann. 475. cum Herulorum, quamdiu illi rerum in italia potiti sunt, coaluit, ann. nimirum 16. 9 Ostrogothorum In Pannonia, debellatis Hunnis: nec seculum hoc exierat, cum iidem in Italiam quoque regnum propagârint. Theodemirus. Ostrogothis' etiam in Italia successerunt Longobardi, â Narsete, postquam Ostrogothorum regnum destruxerat, evocati anno 567. Sedes autem suas in Pannonia Hunnis & Avaribus deinceps fruendas tradiderunt. 10 Graecorum In residuo Ditionis Imperii. Siquidem, Antiq. Romae Imperio dissoluto; Graecorum, Regnisannumerand. est, in quae Ditio Urbis latèquondam regnantis dissilierat. Marcianus  
Atque hoc demum modo Decem illa regna, in quae Romanum Imperium novissimè divisum iri, tum apud Danielem tum joannem Spiritus S. praenunciaverat, supputanda videntur; neque ex tot Regionum aut terrae tractuum nudis, ut vulgò fit, nominibus, quinimo Regnis, in quae Ditio & Dominium Imperii dilacerandum foret, omnino aestimanda. Interim tamen non tam rigidè Denarii istius circumscriptionem interpretandam putamus, ut plura quovis tempore regna, aut cui cui modi Dynastias, excludat: sed quòd in decem ad minimum, vel in decem praecipua Regna, Imperium scindendum esset. Id quod jam indè à primordiali isthac quam repraesentavimus dilaceratione, usque ad nostrum seculum, sub tot variantium Rerumpublicarum & Regnorum fatis & conversionibus, semper verum fuisse opinor; licèt oraculi fidei astruendae sufficeret, si vel initio solùm in tot Regna divisum fuisset, ut ut postmodum fortasse imminuto numero. Ità autem ut dixi, nec aliter, intelligendam esse circumscriptionem istam Decadis regnorum, simile de Monarchiae Alexandraeae dilaceratione Vaticinium nos edocere potest: in qua, licèt ultra 
* Dan. ●. 6. & cap. 8. 8.  quatuor illa praecipua, Macedoniae, Asiae, Syriae & AEgypti Regna, etiam quintum Thraciae, conditore Lysimacho, accesserit; Spiritus S. tamen multiplicitatem istam quaternario definierit: tot putà ad minimum futura essent, aut tot praecipua regna. Regno enim Thracico, licèt simul cum reliquis coeperit, & ad 40. annos duraverit, successum non suit, sed cum primo rege Lysimacho exspiravit; ideóque in numerum non referendum. Similiter huic de decuplici divisione Romana judicandum. Propterea neminem moveat, si praeter enume●a●a modò in Galliis regna, etiam Alanorum Aurelianensium regnum, item Armoricarum Civitatum Dynastiam, ibidem fortè invenerit, usque ab Honorii Imperio ad haec tempora permanentia. Hanc siquidem modicae admodum ditionis suisse; illud modico deinceps tempore, nempe decem plurimùm annos, durâsse comperiet. Neutrum igitur cum reliquis pari loco & ordine habendum est, nec si cujusdammodi quid alibi inveniri possit.   

TUBA III.  
TUBA tertia fulgidam Stellam, HESPERUM scilicet Romanum seu OCCIDENTIS Caesarem, jam indè ex quo Gensericus Vandalorum Rex Romam captam spoliaverat praecipitem, & morti aliquantisper sub istis nihili Caesarum, Aviti, Majorani, Severi, Anthemii, Olybrii, Glycerii, Nepotis, mutuis insidiis & lanienis intereuntium, nominibus quasi obluctatum, tandem anno 476. sub fatali Augustuli nomine extremum spiritum ducentem, Odoacre Herulorum Rege immisso, de Coelo potestatis suae revulsum penitus deturbavit atque extinxit; amarissimo Fontium & Fluminum, id est, Urbium & Magistratuum provincialium, fato.  
Caesarem Hesperium hîc eum intelligo qui, à firmata, jam indè à morte Theodosii primi, Imperii in Orientis & Occidentis divisione, Romae antiquae & Occidenti adhuc Imperator mansit, sed brevis admodum aevi; utpote post annum 91 de coelo suo ad hujus Tubae clangorem penitus lapsurus.  
Quòd enim Episcopus Romanus annis plusquam trecentis & viginti, postquam Caesar iste Hesperius in Augustulo occiderat, Reges Francorum (qui postea Gemanorum) in id nominis & titulum de novo subrogavit; nihil aliud effecit quam ut hoc quasi Caesaris redivivi, ceu sexti capitis Bestiae adhuc regnantis, oppanso velo, nèipse pro capite novissimo, id est, Antichristo, tandem à minùs perspicacibus tam liquidò haberetur.  
Atqui Caesar iste Papanus ad capita Bestiae Romanae non pertinet; verùm ad cornua seu regna in quae sexti capitis Imperium, jam capiti novissimo vices cessurum, dilacerandum fuerat. Neque enim post tantum temporis intervallum quantum est annorum 325 (tot autem sunt ab Augustulo ad Carolum Magnum) Hesperiorum Caesarum quasi seriei continuandae succedi potuit.  
Sed age, textui Ioannis porrò faciamus lucem, ut interpretationis ratio constet. Et cecidit, inquit, è coelo Stella magna ardens ut lampas. 
Verse 10.  Stellam crinitam seu Comitam describere videtur, cujus inter species à Plinio recensitas est Lampadias speciatim sic dicta. Et profectò non incommodè Caesar Occidentis hujusmodi stellâ figuretur, ob brevem durationem. De quo idcirco cap. 17. dicetur, Oportere eum cum venerit ad exiguum tempus manere. Stella autem magna fuit; utpote summae Majestati aptiùs figurandae, cujus splendorem aliàs Sol in parabolis propheticis repraesentet. Et sanè notum est, Cometas fuisse qui vel Solem magnitudine aequâsse visi sint; cujusmodi & hanc Stellam fuisse, sortè non aberrabit qui diceret.  
Similem autem Stellae cadentis parabolam, nè de applicatione dubites, adhibet Isaias, cap. 14. 12. de casu Regis Babylonis: Quomodo, inquit, cecidisti de coelo, Lucifer fili aurorae? resectus es in tertam qui debilitâsti gentes? Alibi quoque, ut loco Isaiae cap. 34. 4. jam antè laudato, Stellae coelo cadentes de Principum & Summatum ruina intelliguntur. Stella igitur singularis & inusitatae magnitudinis, supra communem sortem Principum Principem designat, hoc est, magnum & eximium. Sequitur  
Et nomen STELLAE dicitur ABSINTHIUM. 
Vers. 11.  Schema est propheticum, quo, nominis quasi proprii impositione, reiaut personae de qua agitur qualitas aut fatum indicetur; cum aliàs etiam in Hebraismo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut Luc. 1. 37. Non est impossibile Deo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Vocari idem valeat quod Esse vel Existere, ut Isa. 56. 7. Domus mea Domus orationis vocabitur; pro quo Luc. 19 46. Domus orationis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, est, erit, habebitur; & Gen. 21. 12. In Isaac vocabitur tibi semen, id est, erit. Videsis quoque Septuag. Isai. 14. 20. Ruth. 4. 11. Schematis autem quod dixi exempla passim obvia sunt. Sic enim Isai. 7. 14. de Christo, Vocabitur nomen ejus Emmanuel; i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. erit. Et cap. 9 6. Vocabitur nomen ejus Admirabilis, Consiliarius, Deus fortis, Pater futuri seculi, Princeps pacis; id est, erit haec omnia. Item jerem. 23. 6. Et hoc est nomen quo vocabunt eum, DOMINUS JUSTITIA NOSTRA. Et Zachariae 6. 12. Ecce vir GERMEN nomen ejus: sequitur, quia ex loco suo germinabit, etc. Adde Apocalyps. 19 13. Vocatur nomen ejus VERBUM DEI; id est, ipse, est Verbum illud Dei. Istis gemina sunt quae habentur jer. 20. 3, 4. Non Pashurem vocat Dominus nomen tuum, sed Magor-missabib, [id est, formidinem circumquaque] Nam sic ait Dominus, Ecce ego inditurus sum tibi formidinem, tibi & omnibus amicis tuis. Et Ezech. 23. 4. Nomina earum (id est, Mulierum Samariae & jerusalem) Aholah & Aholibah. Adde Isai. 8. 3. Host 1. 6, 7.  
Simili omnino figurâ Stella haec lapsabunda ABSINTHIUM dicitur, id est, (notione Hebraeorum, quibus abstracta pro concretis adhibeantur) ABSINTHITES, Princeps nempe amaritudinum & aerumnarum. Cujusmodi reverâ fuit, si quis unquam, Caesar iste Hesperius, perpetuis aerumnis à primo exortu suo ad finem usque exercitus. Quo nimirum rerum potiunte, Imperium Romanum ruiturum esset: cujus imò constitutione occasio ruinae data, eò quòd, invectâ istiusmodi Imperii divisione, via Barbaris patefacta, résque Romana in atrocissimas calamitates conjecta fuerit. Anno● hic propter amaram sibi & aliis sortem Absinthium meritò diceretur? juxta illud Naomi, Nè vocate me Naomin, vocate me Maran; eò quòd amaritudine affecit me Omnipotens, Ruth 1. 20.  
Sed priusquam hinc abeam, de Civitatis reique Romanae, post istum Caesaris sui casum, statu aliquid dicendum est, ut via sequentis Tubae interpretationi muniatur. Caesare igitur Occidentis sic deturbato atque extincto, interea Odoacer Herulus Italiam annis 16 Regio nomine obtinuit; qui Romae & Occidenti Consulatum, quem tamen initio iratus ademerat, post biennium restituit, adhúcque conservavit. Hunc excepit Ostrogothorum Rex Theodoricus; ídque, ut refert Paulus Diaconus, Imperatore Orientis Zenone Italiam ei per pragmaticam tradente, ac sacro velamine capiti imposito confirmante. Qui, Odoacre devicto ac trucidato, praeter Dalmatiam & Rhaetiam, quae Odoacris provinciae erant, Siciliam quoque regno adjecit, Urbis Romae moenia nonnulláque aedificia, ingenti ad eam rem pecuniae summâ collatâ, refecit; adeò ut ad praeteritae fortunae fastigium nihil desiderari posse, exemptâ Urbis direptae atque incensae infamiâ, videretur: regnum sapientissimè ordinavit, nullum Romanum institutum mutavit, sed Senatum & Consules, Patricios, Praefectos praetorio, Praefectum urbis, Quaestorem, Comitem sacrarum largitionum, Comitem privatarum, & militiae, Comitem domesticorum, Magistros peditum & equitum, caeterósque qui fuerant in Imperio magistratus retinuit, eósque Romanis hominibus tantùm mandavit. Id quod à successoribus quoque, Athalarico, Theodohato, Vitige, regibus Italiae Ostrogothicis, aliquandiu servatum est. Vide Sigonium de Imperio Occidentali lib. 15. anno 479. lib. 16. annis 493, 494, 500   

TUBA IV.  
QUARTA Tuba ulteriùs adhuc progressa, MAIESTATIS ROMANAE in Urbe Roma Lumen, quo sub Ostrogothis etiam regibus eousque splenduerat, penitus ademptum ivit; postquam nimirum, ab anno 542, in Bello isto Ostrogothico, Belisario primùm, deinde Narsete, justiniani ducibus, Italiae recuperandae gesto, Consulatus Romae desecerat; deinde ipsa à Totila semel iterúmque capta, incensa, tertiâque sui parte demolita, incolis insuper omnibus (memorandum fortunae ludibrium!) destituta, à Narsete tandem post tot funera & clades recepta, verùm turbine paulò post & fulguribus prostrata; Urbium quondam REGINA Consulari potestate, Senatûs authoritate, reliquísque, quibus tanquam Stellis Orbem hactenus irradiaverat, Magistratibus nunc demum orbata, in nescio quem ignobilem Ducatum ex tanto gloriae fulgore dilapsa est, Ravennae, cui olim imperaverat, deinceps sub Exarchatu servire coacta (heu tenebras!) & tributa pendere. 
Quomodo sedet solitaria civitas copiosa populo? facta est veluti vidua? copiosa in gentibus, Domina in Provinciis facta est tributaria? Thren. 1. 1.   
Atque haec fuit quae 
* Vers. 12.  hîc memoratur Solis, Lunae & Stellarum tertiâ parte percussio, quâ factum est ut tertia pars diei non luceret, & tertia pars noctis similiter. Ubi Diei nomine vocatur Lumen diurnum, quod Solis est; Noctis verò, Lumen nocturnum, quod Lunae & Stellarum; juxta illud jerem. 31. 35. Qui dat Solem in lumen Diei, & statuta Lunae & Stellarum in lumen noctis. Sol Romae fulsit, quamdiu Consularis dignitas & Regnum super alias urbes & provincias penes ipsam fuit: Luna & Stellae ibidem luxerunt, quamdiu pristina Senatûs reliquorúmque Magistratuum authoritas adhuc mansit. At his omnibus sublatis, (quod hâc Tubâ factum est) quid nisi tenebrae & Luminis tam diurni quam nocturni omnimodum deliquium fuit? nempe quod ipsam attinebat, cui tertia pars Luminis Coeli debebatur.  
Frequentissima est hâc ment Solis, Lunae & Stellarum Imago apud Prophetas. Ut Isai. 13. 10. item 60. 20. ubi pro, Non occidet ultrà Sol tuus, & Luna tua non minuetur, etc. Targum habet, Non cessabit ampliùs Regnum tuum, (jerusalem alloquitur) & gloria tua non auferetur. Etiam jerem. 15. 9 ubi de jerusalem, Occidit Sol ejus, cum adhuc esset Dies: Targum vertit, Migravit gloria eorum in vita eorum. Et Ezech. 32, 7. idem Paraphrastes illud de Pharaone, Operiam, cum extinxero te, coelos, & Stellas nigrescere faciam, vertit, Operiet te tribulatio, cum extinxero splendorem gloriae regni tni, etc.  
Transferat huc Lector etiam quae suprà ex Achmete notavi, ad lucem Sigillo sexto faciendam: quae mirum est quam conveniant.    

DE TRIBUS VAE-TUBIS.  
REstant adhuc tres Tubae omnium maximae & gravissimae, ideóque trium VAE appellatione à prioribus discriminatae. Nam post quartae Tubae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vidi & audivi, inquit, Angelum quendam volantem per medium coeli, dicentem voce magnâ, 
Vers. 13.  VAE, VAE, VAE habitantibus super terram, à reliquis vocibus Tubae trium Angelorum qui deinceps clancturi sunt. Item cap. 9 12. & 11. 14. Nimirum, cum Christiani Romani Orbis incolae, interim dum priores Tubae clangerent, novorum idolorum cultu sese contaminâssent, duplici jam peccato vindicando, quae supererant Tubae auctiores factae sunt. Nam istud quoque Romani Orbis peccatum, cum priori caedis Martyrum, deinde in criminis vindicandi censum venire, apparet ex eo quòd secundo VAE subnectitur elogium; nempe, Reliquos homines qui istis plagis (scilicet, ut ego quidem intelligo, VAE isto & priore) occisi non fuerint, non resipuisse ab operibus manuum suarum, ut nè adorarent daemonia, & simulacra aurea, & argentea, & aerea, & lapidea, & lignea, quae neque cernere possunt, neque, audire, neque ambulare. Cap. 9 20.   

PRIMA VAE-TUBA, SEU TUBA V.  
PRIMA VAE-Tuba jamdudum praeteriit. 
Ad. Cap. 9  Ea horrenda LOCUSTARUM agmina ex tartarco Abyssi, jam SATANAE operâ adapertae, fumo scaturientium, Orbi vastando emisit; id est, SARACENOS sive ARABES (gentem populosam & numerosam Locustarum instar) stupendâ Muhammedis Pseudoprophetiâ in tot Gentium exitium concitatos.  
Fumus enim ex insernali puteo ascendens Mahummedismus est, 
Vers. 2.  quem Nebulones Muhammedani Islamismum vocant. Hic Orbem terrarum, Christi Solis justitiae imperio & disciplinâ, discussis Gentilium errorum tenebris, jamdudum illuminatum nouâ caligine obduxit.  
Et eò quidem concinnior est LOCUSTARUM typus, 
Vers. 3●  quia Locustae quoque AEgyptiacae ex eadem Arabia venerunt, AEgypto nempe ad Orientem conterminâ. Ità enim Exod. 10. 13, 14. Dominus adduxit ventum Orientalem in terram— & apportavit locustas; & ascenderunt locustae super totam terram AEgypti, resederúntque in ora tota AEgypti. Adhaec Arabes, propter insignem Gentis multitudinem, locusiis assimilantur. judic. 7. 12. Midianitae & Amalekitae, & omnes filii Kedem seu Orientis, jacebant in convalle tanquam locustae multitudine; camelísque eorum non erat numerus, sicut arena quae est in littore maris multitudine. Ubi observandum, Arabes in Sacris literis peculiariter Filios Orientis nominari, ●. t & Arabiam ipsam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 KEDEM seu Orientem; utique respectu AEgypti, ubi Israelitae sic loqui didicerant. Videsis Gen. 10. 30. & 25. 6. 1 Reg. 4. 30. Isai. 11. 14. jer. 49. 28. fortè & Matth. 2. 1. Eâdem planè ratione, quâ hodie Asia minor Natolia dicitur, & Arabia felix reliquis Arabiis ad Austrum sita, Ayaman, i. Meridies. Unde Regina Austri, Matth. 12. 42. Sed haec obiter.  
Similem autem Locustarum Imaginem, de Assyriis Babyloniísque judaeam vastaturis, videre est apud joelem, duobus primis capitibus: unde hunc typum mutuatum esse non negabit qui utriusque descriptionem contulerit.  
Ejus verò interpretationem ad hostiles copias referendam esse ostendit ex usu Orientis Achmetes, cujus verba hoc loco inserenda putavi. Sic igitur ille cap. CCC. ex Indorum, Persarum & AEgyptiorum disciplinis:  
LOCUSTA generaliter ad hostium multitudinem haud dubiè resertur. Sic enim in Sacris literis perscriptumest, Locustas jussu divino ad vastationes regionum instar alicujus exercitûs proficisci. Hoc de Sacris literis, Indorum solorum est, ut quicquid in hoc libro Religionis Christianae notitiam sapiat, sicut legenti apparebit. Pergit:  
Si quis aut Rex, aut potestate praeditus, LOCUSTAS adversus aliquam regionem profectas videre visus fuerit, eo in loco multitudinem hostium cum magna potentia exspectet; quantúmque Locustae damni dederint, tantundem & illi nocebunt.  
jam igitur firmatâ imagine, de reliqua descriptione videbimus.  
Data est illis (inquit ver. 3.) potestas qualem habent terrestres Scorpii: nam habebant (vers. 10.) caudas similes scorpionibus, in iísque aculeos quibus nocerent; & (vers. 5.) tormentum earum ut tormentum Scorpii, quando percusserit hominem.  
Id est, non solùm potestatem haberent Locustis propriam, regiones quas permearent erodendi & depopulandi; sed, quod monstri simile, Caudas instar Scorpionum, quorum ictu venenum quoque diffunderent. Mira res, Locusta Scorpio! Quid autem mali innuat, loqui videtur speciei Serpentinae symbolum: siquidem Scorpio serpentini generis est. Hujus autem specie, quâ primùm genus humanum decepit, à Deóque avertit Diabolus, amat ipsum Spiritus S. porrò homines seducturum introducere. Unde est illud, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cap. 12. 9 & 20. 2. Ca●da igitur Scorpionis cum aculeo Diabolicae illius Pseudoprophetiae Muhammedicae propaginem cum toto apparatu suo denotat, quibus LOCUSTAE ARABICAE, haud minùs quam vi bellicâ fretae, ubi ubi gentium grassatae sint (infandum!) nocuere. Imo hoc foedissimorum errorum syrma primi post homines natos post se traxerunt SARACENI; nec simili (credo) de religione imposturâ, praetextúque destruendi Idolorum cultús, ulla unquam gens ante hos subnixa, ad Orbis Imperium contenderat.  
Sed ipsis dictum est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, homines solos qui non haberent signum Dei in frontibus suis. 
Vers. 4.   
Pro significatione particulae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sensus est vel exceptivus, ut nullam neque herbam (nam haec est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hellenistis) neque viridi neque arborem laederent, nisi eas herbas solas, arbores & viridia quae Dei signo non erant inscripta (nempe ut homines, ac herbae, arbores & viridia mutuò sese exp●icent:) Velure potest non exceptiuè, sed adversatiuè exponi, pro usu particulae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hellenismo 
* Mat. 12. 4. Rom. 14. 14. & alibi.  sacro pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nempe quòd dictum sit ipsis, non ut, pro vulgarium Locustarum more, aut herbas, aut arbores, aut ullum omnino viride depascerent; quinimo ut, illis insuper habitis, homines solos depopularentur; ex eorum scilicet numero quos Angeli Sigillum initio Tubarum ab earum plagis immunes non fecerat.  
Utro utro modo accipiatur, de significatione & discrimine Graminis viridis & arborum frustià essemus soliciti; utpote quae ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 figurae referenda sint, in quo mysterium non est quaerendum. Sic enim de Locustis AEgyptiacis Exod. 10. 15. Operiebant superficiem totius terrae, ità ut obscuraretur terra; absumebántque omnem herbam (Septuag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) terrae & omnem fructum arboris, neque residua facta est ulla viriditas (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in ulla arbere aut in herba agri per totam terram AEgyptrorum. Quòd verò nostrae Locustae homines ipsos affliger●nt, hinc patet non esse eas ex Insectorum genere, putà naturales Locusta, sed symbolicas. Quâ occasione operae p●etium erit regulam istam sem●l ponere, Quando qu●d Typo prophetico tribuitur quod eidem per naturam non competat, id ad rci typo significatae intellectum manuduc●re, próque ●jus conditione interpretationem faciendem monere. Id quod quater ad minimum in hac Visione fieri animadver 〈…〉; ut cum Loc●stis ●ibuitur non tantùm potestas hominesipsos invadend●, sed & facies humana, capilli m●l bres, coronae aureae, loricae ferr●ae: quibus omnibus innuitur, non ins●●ta, sed h●m●●es designari; ●osque mi●●m● cucullatos, ut multi autumant, sed omnino qui a●mis in aliorum perniciem grassentur. D● quibus Locustis porrò dicitur,  
Datum esse illis, non ut occiderent homines, 
Vers. 3.  sed ut torquerent eos m●nses quinque. Nemp● hoc differunt LOCUSTAE ARABICAE ab Equitibus Euphrataeis, de quibus in sequenti Tuba. Datum erat Saracenis, Romani nominis gentes din & immaniter cruciare; sed ipsum Triental, ut ità loquar, Romanum alterutra ex parte vitâ spoliare, nequaquam datum erat. Nam cum, interea dum priores Tubae ●langerent, ex politici statûs ruinis, Regnum novum Pontificale veteris Romae, quasi pari cum alterius ruina passu, succreverat: neque hujus, neque novae illius Romae Constantinopolis Regnum Saraccui delere potuerint. Contrà Turcae, urbe regiâ captâ, Constantinopolitanum funditus●è medio s●stulere, ut in sequenti Tuba audiemus. De mensibus autem quinque, quib●● iste à Locustis cruciatus definitur, commodiùs dicemus ubi ad corum repetitionem ventum v. 10.  
Per eos dies homines quaerent mortem, 
Vers. 6.  & non invenient eam: & cupient mori, & fugiet mors ab iis; id est, Tanta esset istorum temporum calamitas, ut homines vitae suae taederet.  
Nè enim putes nudis persuasionibus aut deceptionum praestigiis actum fuisse; armis, idque ex ipsius Muhammedis instituto, rem gessere. Quorum apparatus satìs quidem terribilis, unà cum dominationis acquirendae amplitudine, Gentí●que belligerantis habitu, luculentâ imagine depingitur. Bellicus apparatus itá: Et figurae locustarum similes equis (id est, equitibus) paratis ad praelium. 
Vers. 7, 8.  Dentes earum ut Leonum (id est, fortes erant ad devorandum, 
Vers. 9  joel. 1. 6. Dan. 7. v. 7, 23.) Et habeb●n● loric●s ●t loricas ferreas; & sonitus alarum ip sarum ut sonitus curruum, equis multis currentibus ad bellum. Tota descriptio ex Ioele petita est, unde ipsa, ut dixi, Locustarum Imago. Vid. cap. 2. 4. cap. 1. 6. cap. 2. 5. Successum & dominationis acquirendae amplitudinem indicant Impositae capitibus earum tanquam coronae similes auro. 
Vers. 7.  Neque sanè immeritó. Nulli unquam Genti tam latè regnatum fuit, neque tam brevi temporis spatio unquam tot regna, tot regiones, sub jugum missa. Incredibile dictu, verissimum tamen est; Octoginta, aut non multò plurium, annorum spacio subjugârunt illi & Diabolico regno Muhammedis acquisiverunt Palaestinam, Syriam, Armeniam utramque, totam ferme Asiam minorem, Persiam, Indiam, AEgyptum, Numidiam, Barbariam totam ad Nigrum usque fluvium, Lusitaniam, Hispaniam. Neque hîc stetit illorum fortuna, aut ambitio, donec & Italiae magnam quoque partem adjecerint, ad por●as usque Urbis Romae; quinetiam Siciliam, Candiam, Cyprum & reliquas Maris mediterranei insulas. Deus bone, quantus hic terrarum tractus! quot hîc coronae! Unde dignum quoque observatu est, non hîc, ut in caeteris Tubis, Trientis mentionem fieri: siquidem non minùs extra Imperii Romani fines quam intra ipsum caderet haec clades, ad extremos usque Indos sese porrectura.  
Restat de Gentis belligerantis habitu. 
Vers. 8.  Et facies earum, inquit, ut facies hominum. Fuerunt Locustae istae facie humanâ, id est, reverâ homines, (nè quis fortè de Insectis agi putet) habentes capillos ut capillos mulierum, id est, natione ARABES, qui, inquit Plinius, intonso utuntur crine, & (mulierum more) mitrati degunt, Plin. lib. 6. capite 28. quibus hodiéque moris est, ut peregrinatores affirmant, ituris in praelium, ex proprio capillo sibi cornua & cincinnos nectere; Camerar. Operum subcis. Tom. 1. c. 93. Unde perspicuum evadit, locum à Brightmanno nostro ex Herodoto in Thalia, quasi pro Arabum tonsura, laudatum, non de capitis, sed aut de barbae tondendae ritu aliquo Arabibus Bacchi imitatione us●tato (cujus & Plinius aliquatenus meminit, cum barbam iisdem abradi solitam dicit, praeterquam in superiori labro) aut de extremorum crinium rotundatione, citra integram capitis tonsuram, accipiendum esse. Quorum utrumque, fortè quia Bacchi, vicini ipsis Deastri, cultorum insigne fuit, Deus populo suo vetuit, Levit. 19 27. & 21. 5. Ut ut sit, quin Plinius Arabes Romae vidislet, nullus dubito.  
Sequitur de plagae duratione, quae quidem Quinque mensibus determinatur, pro typo Locustarum, quae totidem mensibus durant; nempe ab exortu Vergiliarum (veteribus exitu Veris dicto, uno circiter ab AEquinoctio verno mense) quando ex ovis in terra per hyemem relictis in lucem emittuntur, usque ad initium Autumni, quando, alteris ovis ad subsequentis anni sobolem in terram depositis, statim moriuntur. Videsis Plinium lib. 11. c. 29.  
Voluit tamen Deus hanc temporis notationem non modò typo sed etiam antitypo convenire, cum principem terrarum Italiam, & peccati quod plagam attraxerit antesignanam, Locustis Saracenicis infestandam tradidit, ab anno 830 ad annum 980, id est, annis 150, seu mensibus annalibus quinque.  
Alibi quidem terrarum diutiùs, sed ordine quodam, & aliis atque aliis temporum intervallis, incubuit plaga; maximè regionibus Orientalibus, Syriae, AEgypti, atque minoris Asiae, quae capiti imperii istius quod Damasci primùm, deinde Bagdadi fuit, conterminae, in anteriores quasi corporis Saracenici partes per multa secula cessere.  
Utque illud notem; Licèt quascunque occupârunt terras, earum incolas venenato illo Caudae Scorpioniae, quem dixi, ictu cruciavere; tamen Itali aliâ nescio quâ & singulariratione Caudae Locustarum ictum sensisse videntur. Toto enim examine corpor● assimilato, anterioribúsque partibus, ut par est, Orienti assignatis; quid agmina Africana erunt, tanto à capite intervallo in Occidentem porrecta, nisi Cauda? Atqui ab istis omnis Italiae calamitas, quam utique obliquo (vide Scorpionum ingenium) per Mare mediterraneum, ejúsque insulas Sardiniam & Siciliam, ictu continenter ●eriebant: quasi huc nimirum digitum intenderet Spiritus S. cum, iteratâ mentione Mensium, dixerit, 
Vers. 10.  Et habebant caudas similes Scorpionibus & aculeos; & in caudis suis habebant potestatem nocendi hominibus MENSES QVINQVE. 
* [* Ita & legit in Bibl. Polyglot. MS. Alexander.]  Ità enim legit Codex Complutensis, suffragantibus Syro, Primasio, Andrea, & Areta. Cujusmodi interpretatio licèt temporis designationi non inconcinna foret; tamen aliam esse, multóque latiùs sese diffundentem, Syrmatis illius serpentini significationem, jam suprà dixi, neque hîc muto. Si quis de secundario aliquo sensu (cujusmodi ego haud facilè admittere soleo) persuaderisibi patietur, per me quidem licet.  
Atque haec una ratio est quâ Quinque menses typi Locustarum, rei gestae aptari possint. Est & alia, si modò ex eo quòd Menses isti quinque 
* In vers. 5. & 10.  bis ponantur, geminetur calculus: quasi nimirum voluisset Spiritus Sanct. quinarium numerum adhibere, propter analogiam & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Typi; duplicare verò, ut antitypo insigniori aliquo intervallo responderet. Quorsum enim alioquin Mensium istorum notationem iisdem penè verbis it eraret? Annon mysterium aliquod huic iterationi subest? Simile enim alibi, in continua ejusdem Typi descriptione, factum non memini.  
Hoc igitur si arriserit, comprehendent ANNI TRECENTI, quot bis quinque menses annales efficiunt, nobile illud Regni Saracenici intervallum, quod ab initio Caliphatûs Abasidarum, (qui primi Bagdadi Imperii sedem fixerunt) ad eandem Bagdadam à Rege Turcarum Togrulbeco (qui nostris Tangrolipix audit) captam ducitur; id est, ab anno Christi 750 ad annum 1055. Amplius quidem hoc spatium est annis circiter quinque; sed cum per menses numeratio fit, dierum aliquot non magìs habenda ratio est quam, ubi per dies computatur, horarum soleat. Illud quoque addi potest, commodè incipere hoc intervallu à sublato ab Urbe Roma Exarchatûs jugo; quo praecedentis Tubae calamitas desiit. Hoc enim eodem tempore, fortè etiam anno, contigit.  
Si quaeras adhuc, quorsum Spiritus S. integram plagae Saracenicae durationem numeris hisce non comprehenderet, cum ante hunc Abasidarum principatum, ab anno nempe 630, Saraceni continuis successibus adeò imperium propagâssent, ut jam quasi ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suam pervenisset: responderi potest, quia numerus iste quinque mensium, magis typi Locustarum fuit, quam antitypi Saracenorum; ideóque qui illis propriè competebat, sat erat si in istis insigniori aliquâ intervalli ratione exhiberetur, etiamsi non integrè mensuraret. Nihil tamen hîc statuo, sed aliis, quibus plus à Deo datum fuerit, ampliùs disquirendum relinquo. Haec interim difficultas interpretationi de Saracenis nihil praejudicat. Nam quamcunque interpretationem sequeris, eadem difficultas te urgebit.  
Restat adhuc de Rege & nomine ejus. 
Verse ●1.  Habebant, inquit, super se Regem Angelum abyssi, cui nomen Hebraicè ABADDON, Graecè verò APOLLYON, id est, Perdens.  
Videtur Spiritus Sanctus, quòd Angelum Abyssi Regem dicit, innuere, Locustas hasce fore Gentem, non Christianam, sed infidelem quae Christo nomen non dedisset. Dicuntur enim Paulo, Ephes. 2. 2. filii incredulilatis, sen Pagani, Principi subesse cui potestas est aeris; qui non alius est quam Abyssi Angelus: contrà, qui Christiani fiunt, è Satanae potestate erepti ad Deum converti, Act. 26. 18.  
Quicquid sit, res est disquisitione dignissima, cur hunc Abyssi Principem hîc nomine planè novo & inaudito appellet; neque, ut solet, Diabolum, Satanam, Serpentem, aut Draconem: aut, si à perdendi notione maluisset, cur non potius Asmodaeum, nomine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quo eum Iudaei vocare jam assueverant; Abaddonem verò nunquam. An quia, cum Muhammedani gloriarentur non aliumse Deum colere & adorare quam unum illum & solum Deum Demiurgum seu Factorem Universi, qui Chaldaeis & Syris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ABUDA audit, ipsisque adeò Arabibus epitheto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ABDI id est, aeterni, insignitur; iis Spiritus Sanctus occurrere voluerit contrarii sensûs, sed similis soni, vocabulo? quo nimirum innueret, tantum abesse ut illi (quicquid contendant) ABUDAN vel ABDIN, aeternum illum Mundi opificem, venerarentur, ut Dei ipsius aestimatione, quem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse volunt, neque per Christum adeundum, non ipsum, sed Angelum nequam ABADDONEM, id est, Mundi non Factorem, sed Perditorem, Regis seu Numinis loco haberent. Sic cum putarent jeroboamitae se Deum Israelis in vitulis suis coluisse; ait tamen Scriptura, eos Daemonibus sacrificâsse, 2 Par. 11. 15.  
An verò allusum esse dicemus ad commune Regum Arabiae nomen ejus tractûs, unde Muhammedes primitus cum Locustis proditurus erat; qui à prisco Rege OBODA in Deorum numerum à suis relato, cujúsque à sepulchro OBODA regioni Nabataeorum nomen mansit, OBODAE deinceps, potestatis nomine, dicti sunt; sicut AEgypti Reges Pharaones & Ptolemaei, Romanorum Caesares, Parthorum Arsaeae, & contermini Petraeorum ●rabam Reges Aretae? Stephanus enim Byzantinus, ex Uranii, rerum ●rabiearum scriptoris, lib. 4. OBOΔA, inquit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Anaon igitur 1 Mac. 12. 31. pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 endum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nam Iosephus de iisdem agens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat. Vid. Ant. jud. ●. 13. c. 5. & Zabad●orum nomen alias inauditum.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
a De Oboda Arabem Deo vid. Tertul. ad Nat. l. 2. c. S. & ibi Gothofredi notas. Vide & Euseb. De laudibus constantini, p. 478 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ab hoc autem deinceps istius tractûs Reges communi nomine OBODAS dictos, fidem mihi faciunt Strabo & josephus. Quorum hic duos ejus nominis commemorat: 
b De bello judaic. lib. 1. cap. 3.  unum bellicosum, nimiúmque Iudaeis clade Alexandri jamnei regis sui notum; quem nempe OBODAS iste Arabs, toto exercitu ejus in Galaadensi regione caeso, Hierosolymam fugere coegit, annis ante Christum plus minùs nonaginta; quem non immeritò Iudaei levi immutatione ABADDON, id est, Perditorem, vocare potuissent. 
c Antiquit. jud. lib. 16. c. 11, 13. 14, 15.  Alterum segnem & inertem, Herodis magni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cujus Procurator Syllaeus (qui res ejus pro libitu administrabat) Salomen Herodis sororem in matrimonium sibi deposcebat: sed voto frustratus, atque inimicus Herodi factus, eundem calumniis apud Augustum in non exiguum discrimen adduxit. Hujus OBODAE semel atque iterum meminit Strabo in AElii Galli expeditione Arabica, ídque cum eadem pigritiei nota; aítque eundem vicino Regi Aretae (commune & hoc nomen, ut dixi, conterminorum Petrae Regum fuit) affinitate conjunctum fuisse. Ex eodem colligere est, OBODAE regnum magis Austrum versùs situm ad mare rubrum pertinuisse: quo terrarum tractu Ismaelitas & Saracenos habitâsse credo. Certè enim Nabathaeos, quorum tractus, Uranio teste, OBODAM regionem complectebatur, Ismaelitas fuisse constat, à 
d Gen. 25. 13.  Nabaiotho Ismaelis primogenito id nominis sortitos. Addit josephus, OBODA vitâ defuncto, Aretam, favente Augusto, regnum ejus suo adjunxisse.  
Si quis igitur, tantâ rerum convenientiâ & concinnitate permotus, opinabitur Spiritum S. hoc nomen ABADDON de industria adhibuisse, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quadam nominis Regii ad eam Gentem digitum intenderet, cui in more positum Reges suos, imò & Deos, simili appellatione cognominare; ego quidem eum veniâ dignum putem; praesertim cum utraque vox ab eadem radice esse videatur, Hebraeis & Arabibus communi, licèt, ut aliàs quoque sit, significatione contrariâ; cúmque apud veteres Prophetas haud omnino dissimilium allusionum exempla quandoque occurrant. Sic quod Isaias Christum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 NEZER, id est, surculum, vocaverit, Matthaeus ad jesus NAZARENI nomen traduxit c. 2. vers. ult. Videsis etiam jer. 1. 11, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SCHAKED amygdalus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SCHOKED advigilo. Amos. 8. 2. canistrum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 KAIITZ, id est, aestivorum fructuum, quia venit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 KETZ, id est, finis etc. Et verò etiam ab ejusmodi agnominationibus non abhorruisse citerioris seculi judaeos, vel illud argumento fit, quòd paulò ante Salvatoris adventum, propterea quòd Acheron, Inferorum (ut ex Graecis audierant) fluvius, sono nonabluderet ab Accaron civitate Palaestinorum (sic enim olim Ekron pronunciatum 
* Vid. LXX.  est) ex Beelzebub hujus Deo nomen fecere Satanae, illius, id est, Inferorum, Principi. Hinc enim, ut quidem conjicio, in Evangelio Beelzebub Princeps Daemoniorum.   

SECUNDA VAE-TUBA, SEU TUBA VI  
VAE PLAGARUM altera (quae etiamnum (proh dolor!) incumbit) TURCARUM Tetrarchas, equitatu numerosissimo, ab Euphrate (ubi jam diu haeserant) in Orbem Romanum evocat.  
Solve (inquit vox ex quatuor cornibus Altaris thymiamatis) quatuor illos Angelos alligatos ad magnum flumen Euphratem. 
Vers. 14.  Angeli ponuntur pro 
* Videatur Epiphanius 〈…〉 ex Deut, 32. 8.  Gentibus quibus praeesse credebantur, non inusitatâ in hoc Libro metonymiâ. Id ex eo apparet, quod qui continuò ex oraculi praescripto solvuntur, Exercitus equestres sunt, hominibus occidendis emissi.  
Angelos alligatos jubet solvi, ut qui, durante adhuc superiore plagâ, in Romanas regiones irrumpentes, ad Euphratem aliquot seculis cohibiti fuerant, nè porro prolibitu grassarentur. Principio quidem paulò ulteriùs sunt progressi, ad Nicaeam Bithyniae usque; sed ab Argonautis Christianis in expeditione Hierosolymitana, devicto Solimanno, denuo ad Euphratem compulsi.  
Porrò Angeli quatuor totidem Sultanias seu Regna significant, in quae Turcae, cum primùm, trajecto Euphrate, in vicinos Asiae & Syriae tractus sese essudissent, dispertiebantur. Haec ex Scilice authore Graeco sic enumerat Christophorus Richerius de origine Turcarum; Asianum, Alepiense, Damascenum, & quartum Antiochenum. Quorum primum Asianum seu minoris Asiae, exordium suum debuit Cutlumuso, (Elmachino, ni fallor, alio nomine Sedijduddaulae dicto) Tangrolipicis illius qu● Bagdadum primus ceperat, propinquo. Is, eodem teste, Caesareâ Cappadociae circa annum Christi 1080 expugnatâ & Romanis ademptâ, sibi & posteris suis, in Asiae partibus Euphrati conterminis, regnum inchoavit. Cujus fines deinde ampliavit successor Solimannus ad Nicaeam Bithyniae usque; sed à nostris in famigerata illa expeditione Hierosolymitana devictus, universam quam acquisierat regionem relinquere & ad Euphratem recedere coactus est. Atque hujus Tetrarchiae sedes, etsi initio alibi, maximam tamen partem, Iconii in eadem Cappadocia fuit.  
Secunda Tetrarchia Alepiensis fuit, metropoli Aleppo, quae ramo Euphratis, eò â Sultanorum quodam deducto, adluitur. Hujus Rex primus (teste Elmachino) Sjarfuddaulas, anno 1079 Aleppo potitus. Cui successit Roduwanus Salghucides, anno 1095.  
Tertia Tetrarchia, metropoli Damascus, conditorem habuit (eodem teste) Tagjuddaulam Nisum Togrulbeci (seu Tangrolipicis) nepotem, qui Damaseum subjugavit eodem anno 1079. Hujus successor Ducathes seu Decacus fuit, Roduwani Sultani Alepiensis frater, anno 1095. Cui, inquit Scilix, parebat omnis regio Decapoleos. Haec autem Euphratem attingebat.  
Hisce quartam annum erat Scilix Antiochenam, modicis finibus contentam. Nam, inquit, Laodiceam usque Syriae Caliphas AEgypti è gente Saracenica possidebat regiones. Sed cum regnum illud Antiochenum, ut ab Euphrate paulò remotius, ità non nisi quatuordecim annis duraverit, Antiochiâ statim, Boamundo duce, à nostris captâ; praestiterit forsan, eo expuncto, Imperium Bagdadense seu Persicum ab altera Euphratis ripa (nam Scilix tantùm Turcarum qui Euphratem trajecerant rationem habuit) quaternario complendo adjicere; ut ità Imperium Turcicum universum, ultra citràque Euphratem, in quatuor istas Sultanias divisum intelligatur. Quas cum Regum sive Sultanorum aliquousque ferie, en tibi, Lector, sequenti diagrammate distinctiùs contemplandas.  

¶ Regni Turcici ad Euphratem quadripartiti Diagramma, ab anno 1080 & deinceps, ex Elmachino Arabe & Scilice Authore Graeco.  Vltra Euphr. Cis Euphra- - tem. BAGDADI. Togrulbecus Olbarsalanus 
* quara in Historia Saracen, Elmach●ni Siaizarum dici puro, quomodo apud Benjaminem Tud●●●●sem Caesarea Palaestinae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 37.  CAESAREAE Cappadociae & ICONII, etc. in Asia minore. ALEPI. DAMASCI. Ghelaluddaulas ann. 1071. Barkyarucus Muhammedus Mahmudus, coepit. ann. 1117. etc. Sedijduddaulas cognomine Cutlumusus Solimannus Tanismanius Masutus Calisastlanus etc. Sjarfuddulas Roduwanus Tagjuddaulas fil. Bulgarus, caepit anno 1117. Tagjuddaulas Decacus Ababacus, adhuc in vivis anno 1115.    Sanguinus NOradinus etc.  
Atque iste rerum Turcicarum status fuit cum primùm Euphratem trajecerant, &, quasi irruptionis in terras Romanas specimine dato, praestitutis ad Euphratem carceribus coercerentur. Ut ut autem iste Sultaniarum quaternio ad tempus laxationis integer non permanserit, sed varias mutationum vices subierit: tamen Spiritus Sanct. gentem aestimat ex primae irruptionis statu, quo, Euphrate trajecto, ligati sunt ad tempus constitutum.  
Et soluti sunt quatuor isti Angeli, parali ad horam & diem & mensem & annum, ut occiderent tertiam partem hominum. 
Vers. 15.   
Solutio haec Turcarum contigit paulò ante annum 1300, Caliphatu Bagdadensi (quocum VAE primum penitus exspiravit) jam à Tartaris ann. 1258 extincto, & Turcarum reliquiis, qui ab altera Euphratis ripa rerum in Perside hucusque potiti fuerant, ab iisdem ann. 1289, quasi ex funda, in regiones Romanas cis Euphratem ejectis. Sic enim rebus comparatis, accidit quoque ut eodem tempore Latini, qui primis Turcarum irruptionibus, jam ducentis ferè annis, fraena & compedes injecerant, ex Syria & Palaestina, anno utique 1291. expellerentur. Interea Turcae, licèt in varias adhuc Satrapias distracti, totàm ferè Asiam minorem incursare, inter sese haereditario jure possidendam dividere, tandèmque sub unius Othomanni imperio coeuntes, omnimodò laxatis habenis immanè grassari, in Europam trajicere: neque ullâ ampliùs vi iisdem obsisti potuit, donec Imperium Constantinopolitanum universum miserandis stragibus exscidissent.  
Sed & hujus cladis Constantinopolitanae tempus quoque, ni fallor, designat Oraculum: fore nempe eam post Diem, Mensem, & Annum, id est, annos 396, quam Turcae, dato iis Imperio Saracenico, à Deo parari coeperant; id est, à Bagdado ab iisdem capta. Hoc enim irruptionis Turcicae initium fuit, quo Imperium Saracenicum demoliri coeptum, & Ditio Romanorum affligi; ità tamen, ut vis mali ad praestitutum laxationi tempus coercenda esset. Intervallum certè temporis ad unguem congruit. Resert enim is, quem jam aliquoties laudavi, Elmachinus historicus Arabs, quo nemo temporum momenta accuratiùs annotavit, Togrulbecum Salghucidem, Turcarum principem, (hic est qui nostris Tangrolipix dicitur, ex familia Zelzuccia) captâ regiâ urbe Bagdado, à Calipha Cajimo Biamrilla veste imperiali indutum, atque regno inauguratum fuisse, ann. Hegirae 449, id est, Christi 1057. tunc, inquit, stabilitum ei fuit imperium. Ab hoc igitur tempore Turcae, datâ iis Imperii Saracenici arce cum tota ditione Transeuphratensi, praeparati sunt ut post Diem, mensem & annum propheticum occiderent tertiam partem hominum; id est, anno Christi 1453, Imperii Romani in Oriente reliquum, captâ regiâ urbe Constantinopoli, funditus exscinderint. Intervallum enim, ab anno 1057 ad annum 1453 captae Constantinopoleos, est praecisè annorum 396. quorum Dies efficit unum, Mensis 30, Annus 365. Tanta est hîc accuratio calculi, ut facilè quis in suspicionem deveniat, etiam Horam (quae juxta eaeterorum rationem quindecim dies efficeret) eventui pariter responsuram, si mensi● quoque inaugurationis Togrulbecianae perinde atque annus proditus fuisset. Interim, donec illud constiterit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hîc sumi potest, non pro vicesima diei parte, sed pro tempore opportuno, & conjunctio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exponi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi Parati in tempus opportunum, nempe, in diem, mensem & annum, ut occiderent tertiam partem hominum. Quot verò anni deinceps currerent ad Regni Turcici excidium, nusquam habetur; tantummodo, ad finem temporum BESTIAE id futurum dicitur; nempe VAE secundum tunc abiturum quando VAE tertium Regno BESTIAE abolendo immineret, cap. 11. vers. 14, 15.  
Sed priusquam hinc abeam, illud haud sanè invitus fatebor; Ni tam exacta prophetiae cum re gesta convenientia quasi manus mihi injiceret, aliam, nempe istiusmodi, interpretationem haudquaquam displicituram fuisse; Angelos istos ad omnem occasionem paratos & instructos fuisse, sive horâ sive die, sive mense, sive etiam anno ad rem gerendam opus fuerit. Sed an verisimile sit, tam accuratum temporis responsum, qualem hîc eventus exhibet, casu contigisse, penès alios judicium esto. Erit fortè cui religio erit existimare.  
Sequitur de qualitate & numero copiarum: 
Vers. 16.  Et numerus, inquit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, exercitûs equestris, duae myriades myriadum. EQUITATUM nominat, nec quid praeterea copiarum in tota plagae descriptione; quasi hic hostis ab Euphrate totus Equitatus esset. An quia in militia Turcica Equitatus peditatum tantum superet, ut hic prae illo nullo numero fit? Imò (quod Spiritum S. praecipuè respexisse credo) quia hic ipse character est, jam dudum ab Ezech. sacratus, Gentis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quâ Turcae oriundi sunt. Sic enim illa in prophetia illa celeberrima de GOGO (nomen hoc fuit Ezechielis aevo Regum Magogicorum 
* R. Moses bar Na●hman in P●n●a●●ch●m. G●●. inquit, nomen generale quo vocatur o●n 〈…〉 gog, Idem joannes Bapti●●a ex Iu● 〈…〉 Prol●go partis secundae. Le●●●● 〈…〉 Historiae Turcicae p. 186. GOG 〈…〉 GIOC vel K●OC, unicâ tantium 〈…〉 KIOC CAN. qui albi GOG C●●●● GOG ELP qui & GUG ELP.  commune, sicut Pharaoh AEgyptiorum) gentem eam describit ab Equestri militia. cap. 38. 4. Et educam te, inquit, & omnem exercitum tuum, EQVOS & EQVITES, loricis vestito● universos. Iterum v. 15. Et venies de loco tuo à lateribus Aquilonis, ●u & populi multi tecum, ASCENSORES EQVORVM VNIVERSI, etc. Porrò GOGUS iste vocatur princeps primarius Mescheck & Tubal, id est, qui finibus suis egressus, utrique Armeniae, ultra citráque Euphratem, imperitaret. Citerioris hîc Armeniae nomine Cappadocas comprehendo, antiquitùs Meschinos & Moschos nuncupatos, ubi & oppidum primarium Mazacha, postea Caesarea dicta, & in eodem tractu Moschici montes incolarum à Mescheck oriundorum non obscura indicia. Ulterior seu major Armenia est, quae hodie à Turcarum incolatu Turcomania dicitur; in qua olim Urbs Thelbalana, Tibareni & Balbiteni populi, Teleboas fluvius, & alia nominis Tubal vestigia. Non tamen, quod Ezechiel narrat, bellum de hac quam Ioannes describit Turcarum irruptione capiendum, (hanc ille tantummodo innuete videtur) verùm de alia sub Iudaeorum reditum novissima, ídque, si fas est conjicere, hâc quae nunc occupat prius nonnihil recedente, intelligendum est.  
Sed de Equitatûs typo est & aliud quod bona Lectoris cum venia adjiciam: sed pacto, ne quis me putet nominum & etymologiarum ludificationibus plùs nimiò indulgere. Cibi etiam solidi & bene praeparati, cum condimento suaviores esse solent. Nè igitur fastidiat Lector, si ejusmodi quid apponam: Turcas scilicet, ante solutionem, longo jam incolatu Persas fuisse, eóque nomine Byzantinis historicis passim appellatos. Certè Nicetas, qui maximam temporis partem, quo apud Euphratem cohibiti sunt, historiâ complexus est, ferè semper Persas vocat, rarissimè Turcas. PERSAE autem, si attendas, vel ipso nominis sono EQUITES sunt; quandoquidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 PARAS, quo nomine in Sacris libris vocatur Persia (quacum eadem est, aliâ tantùm pronunciatione, Parthia) tribus linguis Orientalibus, Hebraicâ, Chaldaicâ, Arabicâ, Equum vel Equitem designat. Hâc igitur ratione EQUITES Euphrataei sunt TURCO-PERSAE, id est, Euphratis accolae gentilitio nomine Equites dicti.  
Nec deesse videtur (si quis fortè insolentiam objiciat) hujusmodi allusionis exemplum apud Danielem cap. 8. ubi Macedones, qui tunc temporis AEGEADES (hoc est, Caprini) dicebantur, typo Caprarum, Réxque Hirei figu●â designatur. ●cce, inquit, HIRCUS Caprarum (id est, caprarum maritus) venit ab Occidente, etc. Innuit autem Alexandrum Magnum, AEgeadum regem. Illi Macedones sunt. Ità enim Gens ista vocabatur quà prima Regni sedes erat, à Carano conditore, ducentis plus minùs ante Danielem annis. Occasionem nominis ex Trogo refert Epitomator justinus lib. 7. cujus verba ascribere non gravabor. Caranus, inquit, cum magna multitudine Graecorum, sedes in Macedonia responso Oraculi jussus quaerere, cum in AEmathiam venisset, urbem Edessam, non sentientibus oppidanis propter imbrium & nebulae magnitudinem, gregem Caprarum imbrem fugientium secutus, occupavit: revocatúsque in memoriam oraculi, quo jussus erat ducibus Capris imperium quaerere, regni sedem statuit; religioseque postea observavit, quocúnque agmen moveret, ante signa easdem Capras habere, c●ptorum du●es habiturus quas regni habuerat authores. Urbem Edessam ob memoriam muneris EGEAS, populum E●EADAS vocavit. Vide caetera.  
Tanta est hîc con●●nnitas, ut quis suspicari possit, etiam Arietis de Rege Persarum in eadem Visione typum, ad nominis ELAM (quod alterum duorum est quo ea Gens appelletur) significatum alludere. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim Hebraeis (unde nomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aries) & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 atque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chaldaeis, idem significant, nempe Fortem seu robustum esse. Fortè igitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ELAM istis, ut illis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arietem. ●onabat, indéque Rex ELAM hoc typo Danieh ●iguratur. Ut ut sit, quando res ipsa aliunde firmatur, non potest non hujusmodi nominum cum typo convenientia harum rerum studiosis pio oblectamento este; sive id casu, sive secùs accidisse credendum sit. Atque haec obiter.  
jam it●rum in viam ad Equites Euphrataeos redeo; 
Vers. 16.  quorum numerus, inquit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, duae myriades myriadum. Alii, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, expuncto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut c. 5. 11. Significatur autem multitudo immensa, ut Psal. 68 17. Curruum Dei duae myriades, millia duplicia. Est enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex iis vocibus numerabibilibus quae in Hebraismo solent indefinitè sumi, ut apud Latinos Sexcenti; n●que decem millium numerum, sed ingentem quemcunque denotare, praesertim cum sic g●minetur, ut Dan. 7. 10. videre est. Quantae autem, quámque immensae in expeditionibus suis Turcarum copiae suerint, hodiéque esse soleant, nemini ignotum est.  
Ftandi●i, inquit, numerum eorum. Siquidem quaeri potuit unde joanni de numero constiteri●, ut quem in Visione subducere haud ei fuerit possibile. Audivi, inquit. Simile in aliis quoque Visionibus fieri existimandum, quoties narratur aliquid quod Viso exhiberi non po●erat; nempe de eo voce admonitum fuisse Apostolum.  
Sequitur de armatura: 
Vers. 17.  Atqueità vidi, inquit, equos aspectu, & qui insidebant ipsis, habentes (●ci●icet) thoraces igne●s, hyacinthinos & sulphureos; & capita equorum quasi capita leonum, & quasi ex ore eorum prodierat ignis, fumus & sulphur; à quibus occisa fuit tertia pars hominum.  
Nusquam apud ullum Prophetarum aut alibi in Sacris literis occurrit Imago hujusmodi de Igne, sumo hyacinthino, & sulphure. Quare juxta literam accipio, de novo illo & ante hanc Tubam prorsus incognito armorum genere, quibus hostes isti Euphrataei statim post solutionem suam usuri essent: Bombardoes intelligo, ignem, fumum & sulphur evomentes. Pulvis enim bombardicus pulvis est ignivomus, fumo hyacinthino, materiâ sulphureâ: quo qui in bello utantur, hostium sese sensibus ingerunt quasi loricis igneis, hyacinthinis & sulphureis obtectos, ob medium igne, fumo, & sulphuris odore corruptum: ob quod & Equorum capita truci & terribili specie cernuntur, quasi Leonum. Hinc Ioannes dicit, se vidisse Equos & equites, non reverâ, sed aspectu tales; aspectu, inquam, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non r●verâ, habentes thoraces igneos, hyaci●thinos & sulphureos; aspectu, habentes capita irstar Leonum; denique aspectu, non reverâ, ex ore equorum prodiisse ignem, sumum & sulphur; quippe res ità ex adverso intuentibus apparere solet. Haec est vis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod bis hoc sensu usurpatum Capite quarto, vers. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neque alibi, nisi semel tantùm, vox illa in N.T. comparet.  
A Triga verò ista bombardica, Ignis, fumi & sulphuris, addit, occisam esse tertiam partem hominum, id est, qui ex TRIENTE illo hominum fuerant quem Orbem Romanum diximus. Neque enim necesse est hîc aut alibi, ubi Trientis mentio, universum Trientem intelligi, sed partitiuè sumi. Cujusmodi Ellipseos voculae partitivae cum alibi in his literis, tum in hoc libro occurrunt exempla: ut jud. 12. 7. Sepultus est Iephte in Vrbibus Gilead, hoc est, aliquâ urbium; & Apoc. 17. 16. Decem cornua odio prosequentur meretricem, id est, aliqua ex illis. Sic Occisa fuit Tertia pars (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) hominum, id est, qui ex tertia illa parte.  
Hoc autem in Constantinopolitano excidio quis nescit abundè impletum esse? Annon Urbs illa nobilissima, TRIENTIS hominum caput, machinis istis ignovimis expugnata & internecioni data fuit? Audi Chalcocondylam. Mechmetes, inquit, in expeditione contra Byzantium Bombardas fieri curavit maximas, quantas novimus e● tempestate nunquam exstitisse— Eas undique per castra dispersit, ut globulos in Graecos jactarent— Quarum unius tantafuit magnitudo, ut à septuaginta jugis boum & à viris bis mille trahenda fuerit— Huic ab utroque lateré aliae duae quoque maximae adjungebantur, quarum singulae lapidem emittebant cujus pondus erat dimidium talentum— Eas sequebatur Bombarda illa admiranda, quae torquebat globum cujus pondus continebat tria circiter talenta, & magnam muri partem sternebat— Cujus tonitru tantum fuisse traditum est, ut finitima regio usque ad quadraginta stadia concuteretur— Haec Bombarda interdiu septem ejaculabatur globos, noctu unum, qui diei signum erat, & indicabat ubinam eo die globos torqueri oporteret. Qui plura scire desiderat, útque etiam in oppugnatione maritima Bombardae adhibitae fuerint, útque moenia quadraginta diebus Bombardis fortiter quassata tandem corruerint, útque LONGUS Genuensium Dux cum suis Bombardarum globulis icti locum deseruerint, atque viam Turcis in urbem patefecerint, adeat Chalcocondylam ipsum. Ab eodem quinetiam disect, iisdem armis ab Amurathe, Mechmetis hujus patre, Isthmum Peloponnesiacum quoque expugnatum, & Peloponnesiacos imperata facere coactos; à Mechmete autem ipso, statim post captam Constantinopolin, vi quoque ignivomâ expugnatâ Corintho, penitus subjugatos suisse.  
Huic de armis subjungitur aliud de Equorum & Equitum ingenio. 
Vers. 19  Potestatem ipsorum esse non in ore tantùm (de qua hactenus) sed & in candis. Nam caudas eorum similes esse serpentibus, habentes capita per quae laedunt. Hoc est, idem quod de SARACENIS suprà dictum fuit, de TURCIS quoque obtinere: eos nempe non vi modò hostili, sed & Muhammedicae & imposturae syrmate, perniciem ubi grassentur afferre. Unde non minùs hi quam LOCUSTAE Saracenicae (quarum religionem imbiberant,) caudâ serpentes sunt. Quòd verò alia his, alia illis attribuatur Caudae serpentinae species, id ex naturali effigiei utriusque, Locustarum & Equorum, diversitate nascitur; quâ illis spiculata Scorpionum cauda, his caudae serpentinis capitibus conveniebant maximé.  
Caeterum reliqui hominum, qui non occisi sunt his plagis, 
Vers. 20.  (seu qui has plagas evaserant) non refipuerunt ab operibus manuum suarum, ut nè adorarent DAEMONIA, & simulachra aurca & argentea & aerea & lapidea & lignea, quae neque cernere possunt, neque audire, neque ambulare, etc.  
Qui verò isti sint haud difficile erit colligere; cum in toto Orbe Romano, aut cis Euphratem, nulli jam sint qui Simulachra colant (prohpudor & dolor!) praeter Christianos, Annon igitur iidem illi Daemonia quoque colant necesse est, cum utrumque iisdem hoc loco ascribatur? At quae tandem Daemonia? inquies. Non sanè quae ipsimet pro impuris spiritibus habeant, sicque vocitent (quis enim hos sciens volènsque coleret Christianus?) sed quae hoc nomine à Gentilium Theologis intelligebantur, Deastros, quà Angelorum, quà 
* Vide Hesiod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vers. 121.  mortuorum nominibus consecratos, tanquam Mediatores inter Deum & homines, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquit 
* In Symposio.  Plato, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 DAEMONES medii sunt inter Deos & mortales● Item, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem caeteri Platonici, & plerique aliarum sectarum Philosophi, Epicureis exceptis. 
De Daemonio Socratis.  Apuleii solius verba ascribam, quibus Platonis & reliquorum sententia plenè & perspicuè continetur. 
Consulat Iector Augustin. de Civit. Dei lib. 8, & 9  DAEMONES, inquit, sunt mediae Potestates, per quas & desideria nostra & merita ad Deos commeant, inter mortales coelicolásque vectores, hinc precum, indè donorum; qui ultrò citróque portant, hinc petitiones, indè suppetias; seu quidem utrinque interprete & salutigeri. Neque enim, inquit, pro Majestate Deûm coelestium fuerit, haec curare. Scilicet duplices Deos habuere: Coelestes, qui in coelo & stellis perpetuò residentes, neque ad haec terraena prope se demitterent, neque eorum contagione temerandi (hi propriè & singulariter Dii dicebantur;) Alios Daemones, qui, tanquam medioxuma numina, & coelestium seu summorum Deorum administri, res humanas procurarent. Illos Scriptura sacra (si quid conjicio) Excrcitum coeli; hos (praesertim qui ex mortuis fiebant) BAALES vocat, à Rege Babyloniorum sive Assyriorum Baale, sive, Chaldaicâ pronunciatione, Belo, qui primus post mortem à suis in DAEMONEM consecratus est; unde postea factum ut istiusmodi numina BAALIM, id est, Baales, dicerentur, ut Baalpeor, Baalberith, Baalzebub, Baalmoloch (jer. 19) quemadmodum à primo Imperatore julio Caesare reliqui deinde Imperatores Romani Caesares dicti sunt. 
Videsis Hieron. inc. 23. Ezech. Item. in Host c. 2. & Isai● c. 46.  quam autem haec DAEMONUM Theologia conveniat cum Sanctorum & Angelorum cultu apud Pseudo-christianos, res ipsa loquitur: hoc tantùm discrimine, quòd illis plures erant Dii supremi seu coelestes; nobis tantùm unicus est, Pater omnium. Et verò unicum quoque Mediatorem esse oportuit, Dominum nostrum jesum Christum, nisi quòd Pseudoprophetae plures instar DAEMONUM introduxerint. Planè juxta quod Paulus prophetavit, 1 Tim. 4. 1, 2, 3. futurum posterioribus temporibus, per falsiloquorum hypocrisin miraculorum mendacia confingentium, pérque ementitam Monachorum conjugio & cibis ex voto abstinentium sanctitatem, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est, Theologiae haec DEASTRORUM, in Orbem postliminiò reduceretur. Quadrabit interpretatio, si Genitivum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 passiuè sumas, ut sit Doctrina de Daemonibus, sicut Heb. 6. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Nam sanè illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & quae sequuntur, ut syntaxeos ratio salva sit, per rectionem duorum substantivorum exponendum est, ' E N praepositione instrumentum & causam (quod ex Hebraismo familiare est) denotante. Sed de hoc loco alibi, in peculiari tractatu, susiùs disserui, neque hìc repetere animus est.   

TERTIAE VAE-TUBAE, SEU TUBAE VII.  
Praeconium.  
ABsoluto sextae Tubae Viso (nam unius Tubae unicum tantum Visum est, 
Ad Cap. 10.  sicuti & Sigillorum & Phialarum) proximus locus ordine rerum debebatur clangori Septimae. Quo tamen Spiritus S. in Prophetiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quò jam transiturus est, dilato, nè quid interca Prophetiae SIGILLORUM modò fini●ndae ad complementum sui deesset, vicem clangoris differendi supplet juramento, quo eventus Tubae saltem de genere indicatur. Fore nimirum, cum Angelus iste clanxerit, ut Bestiâ Romanâ, finitis novissimi capitis temporibus, delatâ, Mysterium Dei consummetur, sicut annunciavit servis suis Prophetis. Ità enim jam olim Danieli praedictum fuit, Bestiâ quartâ interfectâ, Regem Sanctorum universo Orbi terrarum imperaturum (c. 7.) unáque promissum illud gloriosum de instauratione Israelis impletum iri, (c. 12.) Quin enim Regnum hoc illud sit quod Mysterii Dei complementum vocat, dubitare non sinet acclamatio illa eidem Tubae postmodum clangenti subjuncta, Facta sunt regna hujus Mundi Domini nostri & Christi ejus, & regnabit in seculae seculorum: ut mirum sit, reperiri potuisse qui id aliorsum acciperent. Igitur nec tempus illud, cujus hîc jurat Angelus nihil superfore ampliùs, aliud esse potest quam aut Tempus 4. Monarchiarum universè, aut (quod vero propius, sed tantundem est) novissimi Regni, id est, Romani, periodus novissima TEMPORIS, TEMPORUM, & DIMIDII TEMPORIS: cum idem quod hìc apud joannem dicitur futurum cum tempus non erit ampliùs, id apud Danielem tum futurum ostendatur cum periodus ista novissimorum temporum absolvetur.  
Atque haec quidem consummatio MYSTERII Dei Septimae Tubae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est; cui comites adduntur Septem Tonitrua: non enim sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipsum quod exhibet Tuba, sed contemporaneum ejus. Scilicet, dum Angelus praeconium suum de Tubae Mysterio exequitur, Septem tonitrua voces suas edunt. Clamavit, inquit, voce magnâ, sicut Leo rugit; & cum clamâsset, locuta sunt septem tonitrua voces suas: id est, cum ille praeconium suum jam exorsus esset, Septem quoque tonitrua coeperunt loqui. Neque non Tubae septimae contemporare possunt; cum quod sextam Tubam sequitur, necessariò in septimam incidat. Vox autem tonitrui quid? num 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 BATH KOL? Si hoc, erunt, Septem Tonitrua ORACULA totidem, quibus septimae Tubae intervallum quasi periodis quibusdam distinguetur; sed ignorandae omnino rei, nec nisi suis temporibus percipiendae. Quod innuit, joanni voces tonitruum scripturo coelitus facta prohibitio, Obsigna quae locuta sunt septem tonitrua, & nè ea scribas. Frustrà igitur nos inquirendo erimus quae Deus occulta esse voluit, & suis temporibus reservanda.  
Atque ità Tubae septimae suo loco & ordine commodè satìs inservitum fuit, licèt clangoris ipsius patefactione, quâ totum Mysterium plenè reseratur, aliò rejectâ. Cujus Rejectionis consilium, cum toto dispositio●● hujusce artificio, tamets● de eo in CLAVE APOCALYPTICA monitum, tam●n hîc denuò & paulò fusiùs reponere nec supervacaneum nec infructuosum fuerit; 
Vid. Clau. Apocal. part. 1. Synchron. 6. & part. 2. in initio, & Synchron, ●.  quum plerosque interpretum de eodem ratio fugiat. Facem mihi primùm hîc alluxit, atque etiam tibi, Lector, ●i fallor, allucebit, Systematis Visionum Apocalypticarum per Synchronismorum characteres constructi diligens contemplatio. Res verò (ut eam quâ possim orationis tum perspicuitate tum compendio recludam) sic se habet.  
Utraque Prophetia, tam SIGILLORUM quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, uno eodémque rerum exitu clauditur; eo nimirum quem exhibet Tuba septima. Cui indicando, Spiritus Sanctus, Tubae septimae mysterio suo loco in Tubarum serie leviter & quantum ibi satis erat praesignato, clangoris ipsius pleniorem patefactionem distulit, donec, ad novam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prophetiam transitione factâ, (cap. 10. à vers. 8. ad finem) primam ejus Visionem, stadio Apocalyptico similiter emenso, ad eundem rerum exitum provexisset (cap. 11. 14.) túncque MYSTERIUM illud Tubae septimae, utriusque Prophetiae Catastrophe communis, & in priori Prophetia (quae Sigillorum erat) de genere tantùm promulgatum, hîc clangore demum edito plenè evolvitur: atque id quidem ordine commodissimo; cum alioquin, absque utriusque Prophetiae praecognitione, quod ab utraque pendebat intelligi non potuisset.  
Atque hinc factum est ut Translationis istius negotium non ab aliquo Tubarum Angelo procuratum sit, sed ab Angelo illo magno & illustri qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, secundae Prophetiae symbolum, manu teneret, joanni mox devorandum. Ejus nempe intererat qui secundam Prophetiam revelaret, ut istius clangoris patefactio, qui utriusque Prophetiae Catastrophen contineret, eosque differretur. Imò si Angelus iste, ut ex augustiori amictu totóque apparatu colligi posse videtur, Christus Dominus sit; nulli magìs jus hoc clangorem novissimum in alterius Prophetiae gratiam suspendendi competet, quam ipsi, qui utriusque Prophetiae author erat. Hactenus quidem Agni formâ apparuerat, nunc verò Angeli personam induisse videtur; quippe idem Consummationis mysterium joanni revelaturus quod olim Danieli, eâdem Angeli specie, eodémque jurisjurandi ritu & verbis, revelaverat. Videsis Danielem cap. 12. vers. 6, 7. cum ver. 5. capitis decimi.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SEU SYSTEMATIS ALTERIUS VISIONUM APOCALYPTICARUM INTERPRETATIO, ad amussim Clavis Apocalypticae.  
PERACTO SIGILLORUM curriculo, quo Res Imperii describebantur, ad alteram Prophetiam itur, multò nobilissimam, utpote ECCLESIAE seu Religionis fata continentem. Ad eam instituitur joannes traditione & comestione Libri aperti, quasi Doctoratu facultatis propheticae imbuendus.  
Et vox, inquit, quam audieram de coelo, rursum locuta est ●ecum (vox nimirum illa tanquam Tubae loquentis, cap. 4.) & dixit, Abi, & accipe libellum illum apertum in manu Angeli stantis super mare & super terram. Abii igitur ad Angelum, dicens ei, Da mihi libellum, & dixit mihi, Accipe, & devora eum, etc.  
Porrò cum Prophetia modò revelanda, ut solet omnis rerum Divinarum & arcanarum, praesertim futurarum, cognitio, praeceptu quidem suavis & jucunda foret; sed, propter calamitosum Ecclesiae statum, tanquam aloen, in abdito ejus contentum, aut ipsarum fortè allegoriarum typorúmque quibus tegitur obscuritatem, enucleantis & in sensa ejus penetrantis animum haud mediocriter lancinaret; ideo Liber comedendus dicitur Apostolo futurus in ore quidem dulcis, id est, primâ facie prim●que gustu mentem ejus oblectaturus; in ventre verò receptus & concoquendus amaritudinem allaturus: Et amaritudinem, inquit, adferet ventri tuo, sed in ore tuo erit dulcis tanquam mel. Tota autem imago ex Ezekiele petita est; nisi quòd ibi dulcedinis quidem in ore, at amaritudinis in ventre aut nulla aut obscura mentio.  
Libro sic accepto & deglutito, mens symboli clarissimis & disertissimis verbis aperitur; nempe joanni alterius adhuc & nobilioris multò Prophetiae, quaeque prioris tramitem relegeret, à Christo accipiendae, inque Ecclesiae notitiam deferendae, munus impositum esse. 
Ad Cap. 11.   
Et accepi, inquit, libellum è manu Angeli, & devoravi eum: erátque in ore meo dulcis tanquam Mel; sed cum devorâssem eum, amaruit venter meus.  
Tum dixit, Oportet te iterum prophetare (haec mens symboli) coram populis, & gentibus, & linguis, & regibus multis. 
Verbis istis, Oportet te (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) it●rum prophetar●, (qu●bus Libri comesti symbolum explicatur) innuitur sequens Visionum Systema Tempus Apocalypticum ab ●vo relegere. Atqui si ulla Syllematis iilius prophetici visio ab initio periodi seu temporis Apocalyptici auspicanda sit, cer●e rationi consentaneum est ut prima illius Sydematis visio inde initium su●at, ●um quòd prima sit, tum quòd sequentium omnium summa & compendium.   
Sic fuit Ioannis inauguratio; sequitur Prophetia, quae ab ejusdem circa Templum Dei sacto inchoat; eóque duplicis Atrii imagine, unius dimensi, alterius ob Gentium prophanationem rejecti, duplicem Ecclesiae statum ordine futurum commonstrat.  

MENS ATRII INTERIORIS calamo Dei dimensi.  
ATRIUM TEMPLI interius cum inibi adorantibus, 
Vers. 1.  calamo divino mensurabile, Statum Ecclesiae Christianae primaevum denotat, ad verbi Divini regulam examinatum & examussim sanctum; necdum verò, ut postea, (cum ad Exterioris A●rii tempora perventum) cultûs; idololatrici contagione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quinimo Deum per aliquot secula in unico Mediatore jesu Christo normaliter colentem.  
Hujusmodi enim commensum etiam Angelicae dimesionis apud Ezechielem typo propositum fuisse, ex eo colligere mihi videor quod eidem dicitur cap, 43. indè à vers. 7. ad 10. & deincep●; Tu antem, fili hominis, ostende domni Israel Templum, & erubescant propter iniquitates suas, & metiantur exemplar. Videsis locum. Sin quis aliter senserit, & maluerit dimensionis typum ad aedificationis significationem referre, ut quod Architectis graphis seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, futuri nempe operis designatio, id sit Deo apud Prophetas mensuratio; ad eundem tamen sensum collineabit. Nam quid tum denotabit Atrium hoc divino calamo dimensum, quam Ecclesiae statum eo figuratum facturam Dei esse, aedificatam super fundamentum Apostolorum & Prophetarum, Christo angulari lapide? contrà quam Atrium sequens, quod Deus pro structura sua non agnosceret, ideóque Ioannes ipsum metiri prohibetur. Hoc aut illo modo interpreteris, res, ut vides, eódem redibit. Sed qui in diversum sensum interpretabitur, aut fallor, aut nullum è Scriptura interpretationis suae exemplum proferre potest. quam verò appositè Altaris in hoc Atrio situs● frequentes sub eo Ecclesiae statu Martyriorum hostias adumbret, id tum ex re ipsa, tum ex contemporanea DRACONIS rusi cum MICHAELE de Mulieris puerperio pugnantis Vislone, tunc cum ad ejus interpretationem ventum, patebit.   

MENS ATRII EXTERIORIS CUM  
Civitate S. a Gentibus concultati, proindeque in dimensione negligendi forasque ejiciendi.  
ATRIUM exterius à Gentibus conculcatum & dimensioni Divinae rejiculum designat Civitatem Dei sanctam, seu Ecclesiam Christianam, mox ab exitu temporum ATRII normalis (cui proximè succedit) novis Idololatris dandam, rebúsque ejus, demolito jam penitus sub prioris Atrii statu Gentilium cultu, confirmatis, redintegratae Idololatriae, tanquam redivivi Ethnicismi, contagione prophanandam; uno verbo, Apostasiam Antichristianam mensibus XLII annalibus in Ecclesia regnaturam. 
Allusum est ad prophantionem Antiochi, quam describit Psal. 79. Videsis 1 Macc. 7. 17. & Psal. 79. vers. 1, 2, 3. etc. D●us, venerunt Gent●s in har●ditotem tuam, po●●u●run● T●mplum sanstum ●uum, posuerunt jerusalem i● acc●●vos, etc.  De qua in BESTIAE historia, ATRIO huic contemporante, congenerísque rei Visione, plenè & particulatim agetur. Sed verba textûs in cujus interpretatione versamur consideremus. Datus est, inquit, mihi calamus similis virgae, adstitítque Angelus dicens, Surge, & metire Templum Dei & Altare & adorantes in eo. 2. Sed Atrium quod est extra Templum ejice foras, & nè metiaris illud: 
Vers. 1.  n●m datum est Gentibus, & 
* 1 Mac. 3. 45● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Vers. 51. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & cap. 4. 60. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Civitatem sanctam calcabunt mensibus XLII.  
Quorum verborum mentem ut dextrè percipiamus, sciendum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (quo nomine universum Templi aedificium complector) duplici Atrio distinctum fuisse: uno Interiori, in quo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Templum ipsum (unà cum Altari holocausti pro foribus ejus) situm fuit, patebátque solis Sacerdotibus & Levitis; altero Exteriori, quod 2. Paralip. 4. 9 Atrium magnum dicitur, Ezechieli plusquam duodecies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hoc Israelitarum erat seu populi Israelitici, ideóque Israelis Atrium haud incommodè dicendum, licèt Iudaeis speciatim sic vocabatur ea hujus Atrii pars quae virorum erat. Prius Atrium nominibus Templi & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indicatur. Surge, inquit, & metire Templum Dei (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) & Thysiasterium: Ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non Altare tantùm holocausti, quod ibi situm, sed spatium etiam circumjectum, id est; totum Altaris & sacrificii locum designat; ut ex verbis ei proximè cohaerentibus colligitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quomodo etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sumitur cap, 14. v. 18. & cap. 16. 7. 
Ità Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat, non sacram mentam, sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. lib. 1 cap. 25. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & confer cum Theodorero, lib. 1. cap. 14. Vide & Canon: Trull. 69. Zosimum lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Item Nicephorum lib. 8. cap. 30. disertiss. Imo Iosephus etiam vasa, quorum in Sacrificiis usus, appellare videtur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut excollatione Antiquit. lib. 12. cap. 7. cum 1. Mac. 1. 22. apparere potest.  Vide Bezam. Unde Lexicon vetus Graecolat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interpretatur Altarium, Sacrarium: & vice vensâ Glossarium Philoxeni, Sacrarium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hoc autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unà cum Templi, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Area, nomine Interioris Atrii rectè comprehendi, ex Tabernaculi descriptione disco; ubi similiter totum illud Septum quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Habitaculum ac Altare Holocausti ambibat, unius Atrii nomine censetur: ut liquet. Exod. 40. 33. Tantum de Atrio priore, quod Ioannes metiri jubetur. Atrium autem posterius satìs clarè nomine suo designatur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, per Ellipsin prioris Substantivi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Atrium quod est extra Templi & altaris septum. In hoc cum Gentes, praeter jus & fas admissae, stabularentur, nequaquam mensurari, sed ejici jubetur & pro prophano haberi.  
Sed inquies, non Atrium exterius, sed Civitatem sanctam à Gentibus conculcatam dici. Respondeo, Atrium exterius & Civitatem sanctam sese mutuò explicare, cum Atrium exterius locus fuerit Civitati sanctae, seu populo Israelis, ad Divina conveniendi; imò in Deserto, unicum tantùm Atrium habente Tabernaculo, (quod non nisi Sacerdotibus ac Levitis ordinariè ingredi fas erat) Atrium exterius nullum fuit, praeter Castra Israelis seu Civitatem sanctam. Perinde igitur sensus est ac si diceretur, Atrium quod extra Templum est ejice foras, & nè metiaris illud: nam datum est Gentibus, & calcabunt (illud) mensibus XLII. Pro Relativo autem (illud) substituitur Substantivum, & quidem ejusmodi quod rem Antecedenti designatam declaret; Civitatem, inquit, sanctam calcabunt mensibus XLII. Enallage autem Substantivi pro Relativo saepe, tum in hoc Libro, tum alibi, occurrit; nempe cum aut Substantivum quod praecessit loco Relativi repetitur, aut ejus synonymum Relativi vice substituitur. Posterioris modi exemplum hîc habes, & Act. 25 21. Et sanè quid aliud esse dicemus Gentibus dari, hoc est, occupandi potestatem fieri, quam calcari? & quid tandem calcarent Gentes nisi id quod eís datum fuerat? ut hae quoque voces, non minùs quam Atrii & Civitatis sanctae, sese mutuò explicare videantur.  
Duobus hisce Atriis (quorum, & non plurium, Scriptura meminit) posterioribus seculis, in Templo nimirum Herodiano, alio adhuc muro in Templi ambitu exstructo, tertium additum fuit, quod Gentium & immundorum dicebatur; sed pro sacro non habitum: quinimo in columnis ibi positis, tum Graecis tum Latinis literis, inscriptum fuit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In Atrium sanctum transire alienigenam non debere. josephus de Bello judaic. l. 6. cap. 6. Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

MYSTERIUM DVORVM TESTIUM in sacco prophetantium.  
GEntibus in Atrio populi Dei seu Civitate sancta stabulantibus, TESTES seu PROPHETAE à Deo bini praedicant pullati & amicti saccis. Hi sunt veritatis Divinae Interpretes & Assertores, qui foedam illam & lacrymabilem Ecclesiae Christi contaminationem assiduis querulis deflerent, quósque Deus indesinenter Orbi Christiano cum Gentibus scortanti monitores, Sanctísque suis fidem servantibus duces, excitaturus esset. Nempe ad instar Parium illorum illustrium sub Veteri Testamento, MOSIS & AARONIS in Eremo, ELIAE & ELISAEI sub Apostasia Baalitica, ZOROBABELIS & JESUAE sub servitute Babylonica. Ex illorum putà numero, conditione, potestate, réque gesta, Testes isti Apocalyptici manisestè describuntur; quemadmodum & Ecclesiae status in quo prophetârunt, Israelitico congruenter, Babylonis, Eremi & Gentilismi seu Baalismi imaginibus figuretur. Quod de Testium descriptione dixi, id in sequenti tabella, Lector, oculis tuis usurpato.  
Moses & Aaron. Elias & Elisaeus. Zorobabel & jesua. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  vers. 6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. vers. 5.  vers. 4. De Mose & Aarone videsis Num. 16.   De Elia 2 Reg. c. 1.    
jam ad textum accedamus. Et dabo, inquit, duobus Testibus meis, ut prophetent diebus MCCLX amicti saccis. 
Vers. 3.  Ubi illud primò notandum venit, totam quae sequitur prophetiam, ab hoc commate ad clangorem Tubae septimae, rei naturâ sic postulante, non viso exhibitam, sed ab Angelo Christi personam sustinente joanni dictatam fuisse; id quod obseruâsse, ad genium allegoriae seu typi rectiùs percipiendum haud parùm facit.  
Duobus Testibus meis] Duos dicit propter typum, qui, ut dixi, binorum est; acsi dixisset, Dabo Zorobabeli & jesuae meis, Eliae & Elisaeo meis, Mosi & Aaroni meis. Cui accedit quòd Testes eos vocat, Testes autem ex Lege 
* Deut. 1●, 15,  duos esse oportuit ad stabiliendum omne verbum. Adde, quòd Duo dici possint, pro numero Tabularum Dei, quas in prophetia sua adhiberent, Veteris & Novi Testamenti, quasi duorum Testamentorum Testes.  
Vt prophetent amicti saccis] Nempe lugubriter plangendo conculcationem Civitatatis sanctae ex Gentilium cultu introducto, Dei veritati Testimonium perhibendo, & cohortando ad resipiscentiam.  
Diebus 1260] Quot nempe in mensibus 42. continentur. Quos non esse dies horarios liquet, tum ex tribus illis diebus & dimidio, horum dierum partibus, paulò pòst Testi●m morti assignandis; quos pro diebus horariis accipi non posse, arguunt quae tunc gerenda praedicuntur: tum ex eo quòd Bestia (cujus item duratio sint) Coetui 144 M. Signatorum; Coetus autem Signatorum sex primis Tubis contemporet, Tubarum verò res tantillo tempore, quantum est dierum 1260 horariorum, seu triennii & semestris, decurri non possint. Sed cur, inquies, Gentium profanatio Mensibus, Testium autem purum Dei cultum asserentium prophetia Diebus mensuretur? Nempe, quia cultus Idolorum omnéque peccatum & error potestatis tenebrarum & noctis sit, quibus Luna praesidet; contrà Religio vera Luci & Diei comparetur, quarum penes Solem praefectura est. Ideo Act. 26. 18. Pauli missio ad Gentes ab idolis convertendas dicitur, ad convertendum eas à Tenebris ad Lucem, à potestate Satanae ad Deum, Quâ ment est & illud, 
* 2 Cor. 6. 14●  Quae socictas luci cum tenebris? jam verò Menses LUNAE, tenebrarum dominae; Dies & Anni SOLIS, qui luci praesidet, motu diriguntur. Eadem de causa, ut 
* Cap. 13. 5.  postea videbimus, Bestiae blasphemia, similiter ad motum LUNAE, mensibus; Mulieris verò in Eremo mansio, annis & diebus, ad motum SOLIS, numerabitur.  
Hi sunt duae illae oleae & duo candelabra, 
Vers. 4.  coram Domino terrae consistentes.  
Id est, sunt instar ZOROBABELIS & JESVAE, quos olim Dominus unxerat ad Ecclesiam judaicam, sub captivitate Babylonica perditam, denuo instaurandam, atque Testibus hisce consimiliter sub Gentium servitute procurandam. Allusum enim est ad duas istas olcas quas Zacharias viderat utrinque Candelabri aurei crescentes, oleúmque Lucernis ejus suppeditantes, Zach. 4. de quibus Angelus rogatus, quid sibi vellent; Hi sunt, inquit, duo filii olei stantes coram Domino totius terrae; indigitans duo Ecclesiae sub Gentibus tum servientis capita, ZOROBABELEM ducem & JESUAM Pontificem, de quibus paulò antè prophetaverat.  
Candelabrum enim ibi septem lucernarum Templum designabat, ejúsque typo illius temporis Ecclesiam: cujus instaurationem conservationémque duo Vncti isti procuraturi essent, non copiis, non robore, ullóve adminiculo hùmano, sed virtute solius Dei, 
Zach. 4. 6.  modo quodam invisibili & mirabili operantes; quemadmodum Oleae istae Candelabro utrinque assistentes oleum luminibus ejus sufficiebant viâ planè extraordinariâ nec perceptibili.  
At quorsum, inquies, hîc apud joannem non unius, ut apud Zachariam, sed duorum Candelabrorum mentio, quibus itidem, & non Oleis duntaxat, duo isti Prophetae assimilari videntur? Fateor me hìc haerere, necdum satis expeditam & liquidam hujus discriminis rationem invenisse. Interim in verbis puto Hebraismum latere, esséque acsi dixisset, Hi sunt duae illae Oleae, ad vel juxta duo candelabra, coram Domino terrae consistentes: ità ut Testium solummodo cum Oleis comparatio fiat, Candelabrorum verò adjectio non nisi ad Olearum descriptionem pertinere judicetur. Nam copulativa Hebraeis quandoque vice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praepositionis est, id est, pro cum, juxta, apud; ut 1 Sam. 14. 18. Quia erat arca Dei in die illo & filii Israel, id est, cum filiis Israel. Vide Lexicon Schindleri. Sed manebit nihilominus difficultas de duobus Candelabris. An igitur dicendum unicum illud apud Zachariam Candelabrum hîc pro duplici censeri, propter nempe geminum ab utraque parte scapi lucernarum ordinem, & duas oleas utrisque seorsim oleum infundentes? Est quoque apud Zachariam septem & septem, i. bis septem, infusoriorum mentio; sed quorsum spectet non satìs liquet. An verò binarium istum putemus ad Ecclesiae Christianae conditionem designandam privatim pertinere? nempe, aut quasi ex duobus populis, Iudaeis & Gentibus, congeminantis; aut, quod verò forsan propius, quia tempore quo Testes pullati ingemiscerent, unà cum Imperio Romano, in Orientis & Occidentis dividendae? Ut ut sit, certum est, Candelabra, non Prophetas aut Antistites Ecclesiarum, sed Ecclesias ipsas denotare, ex eo quòd suprà cap. 1. Angelus septem Candelabra totidem Ecclesias interpretetur: Septem, inquit, Candelabra quae vidisti, septem Ecclesiae sunt.  
Quos si quis voluerit laedere, 
Vers. 5.  ignis prodit ex ore ipsorum & devorat inimicos corum: Et si quis voluerit eos laedere, ità oportet eum occîdi.  
Non manu, non ferro aut pugionibus sese ulciscuntur Testes, si quando ab hostibus laesi fuerint; sed ex ore ipsorum prodit vindicta, id est, oralibustelis inimicos configunt; dum nempe iram Dei, ministrorum ejus violatoribus impendentem denunciant, aut precibus & gemitibus suis ultionem impetrant. Ignis enim hic, qui ex ore Testium egredi perhibetur, Vltionis verbum est; juxta illud Domini ad jeremiam cap. 5. 14. Ecce ego do verba mea in ore tuo in IGNEM, & populum istum in ligna, & vorabit eos. Moses quidem & Aaron, & postmodum Elias; illi in seditionis Korachicae conjuratos, hic vero in Ahaziae Regis Baalicolae ministros, ignem propriè dictum coelo devocârunt: at nostrorum Testium ignis mysticè interpretandus est, cum, monente mox Spitu S. AEgyptus nostra, proindéque Eremus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accipiantur. Por●quod Prophetae in nomine Dei denunciant, idem & ipsi patrare dicuntur, ut ostendit quod ad eundem jeremiam ait Dominus, c. 1. 10. Praefeci te, inquit, gentibus & regnis, ad exstirpandum & demoliendum, & ad perdendum & destruendum, ad aedificandum & plantandum: nè quis jam miretur, quòd ex ore Testium prodire dicatur ignis seu vindicta Divina, penes quos tamen sola denunciandi aut à Deo impetrandi potestas sit.  
Ità propriam injuriam ulciscuntur Testes: Sequitur, quâ ratione etiam contumeliam Templo Dei illatam. Videlicet.  
Potestatem habent claudendi coelum, 
Vers. 6.  nè pluat (pluvia nempe mysticâ) in diebus prophetiae ipsorum.  
Hoc est, * clavium potestate instructi sunt, 
Vid. 〈…〉 E●ias ●●uisse dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●lav●m pluvia.  quâ novis istis Gentilibus, cultûs Christiani contaminatoribus, coelum claudant, nè sanguinis Christi gratia per Baptismum obsignata tamdiu super eos stillet ad remissionem peccatorum, quamdiu idololatriis & superstitionibus suis pullatae Testium prophetiae causa esse perseveraverint. Dicam planiús. Spe vitae aeternae, solis puris Dei cultoribus promissae, novos istos Idololatras ex verbo Dei arcent; donec, stipulationis in Baptismo memores, ad unius Dei cultum per unicum Mediatorem jesum Christum, abjectis Satanae cultibus, redierint, sícque finem lugubri Testium Prophetiae imposuerint. Quemadmodum & Eli●s non prius Israelitis, siccitate jam propè enectis, pluviam reddiderit, quam Baalis prophetae ejúsque cultus exterminarentur.  
Hujusce autem potestatis Testium exemplum habemus infrà cap. 14. 9 Si quis, inquiunt, adoraverit Bestiam & imaginem ejus, & acceperit characterem in fronte sua aut manu sua; Bibet hic ex vino irae Dei, ex mero misto in calice irae ipsius, & cruciabitur igne & sulphure, in conspectu Angelorum sanctorum & in conspectu Agni: Et fumus tormenti ipsorum ascendet in secula seculorum, etc.  
Denique potestatem habent super aquos, convertendi eas in sanguinem, & percutiendi terram omni plagâ, quotie scunque voluerint.  
Cujusmodi nempe potestatem exercuerint Moses & Aaron Israelem ex AEgytiaca servitute educturi. Unde colligo, potestatem Testium, typo isthoc figuratam, non ad omnes Prophetiae pullatae dies, sed ad finem eorum pertinere, seu tempus Phialarum; quando nimirum Testium seu Prophetarum istorum auspiciis, quasi Mosis & Aaronis, populus Christianus, plagis AEgyptiacarum imagine expressis, similiter de Bestiae tyran●ide atque servitute educendus est. Siquidem prima phialarum plaga terram ulcere percutit; secundâ & tertiâ aquae in sanguinem vertuntur; caeterae aliis adhuc gravioribus Bestianos seu gentes in Atrio Templi stabulantes plagis conficiunt. Quarum omnium interpretationem suo loco servamus. Sufficiat hic, novissimam hanc potestatem ad Phialarum effusionem retulisse. Sequitur,  
Sed cum finituri sunt testimonium suum, 
Vers. 7.  Bestia quae ascendit ex Abysso faciet adversùs eos bellum, & vincet eos, & occîdet eos.  
De munere & potestate Testium hactenus; sequitur jam de fato quod ad finem prophetiae suae experirentur. Cujus descriptio ex historia Passionis Dominicae tota conflata est. Dominus enim Iesus consimiliter, cum praedicationem suam totidem circiter, quot Testium prophetia, dierum finiret, à Praeside Romano Bestiae hujus qua cum Testibus bellum est (sed sexti capitis sui vice) legato occisus est. Tertio pòst die, facto item terrae motu magno, resurrexit; paulóque pòst, die nempe quadragesimo, in coelum nube receptus ascendit. Quae omnia in hac Testium seu Prophetarum ipsius clade voluit Deus repraesentari: ut sicuti in muneris sui statu Parium istorum illustrium (de quibus antè) similitudinem gesserant; ità in perpessione & morte Christo Domino suo, Testi illi fideli, conformes efficerentur; quod quidem ipsis in mediis aerum●is suis & solatio esse debet & gloriae.  
Sed textui lucem saciamus. cum finituri sint, inquit, testimonium suum (sic enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vertendum, non de praeterito, cum finierint) Bestia quae ascendit ex abysso faciet cum iis bellum, & vincet eos, & occîdet eos: Id est, cum jam, parte Civitatis Sanctae seu Orbis Christiani incolarum, de idololatriis & abominationibus suis, agni●â Gentilismi foedi●ate, resipiscente, & Templum Dei apud sese repurgante, Testes gratulabundi saccum exuere & diuturno planctu suo defungi inciperent, nondum tamen penitus defuncti essent; BESTIA illa Romana septiceps vicis novissimae (de qua cap. 13.) usque eò pullatorum istorum concionem valuisse indignata, faciet eis bellum, vincet & occîdet eos. Quorum primum, de Testium planctu finiri coepto, ab initio Ecclesiae reformatae hucusque continuè factitatum est.  
Alterum, de bello & caede, etiam●um futurum esse suspicor. Brightmannus quidem noster illud jamdudum, in Bello nimirum Smalcaldico, sub Carolo V. Caesare, impletum censuit. Alii modernae Ecclesiarum Germanicarum stragi accommodant. Et quis tam tristem Ecclesiae Casum non multò magis praeteriisse mallet quam adhuc metuendum superesse? Sed non est ex voto nostro interpretatio dirigenda: imò majori cum periculo in partem istam quam è contrà errabitur: plus siquidem ad pietatem valet calamitatis futurae expectatio, quam credula nimis de ea quasi jam transacta securitas. Adhuc autem metuendam esse cladem istam novissimam duo mihi persuadent. Primum, quòd luctuosa illa Gentium Civitatem Sanctam seu Religionem Christianam conculcantium tempora, sive MENSES XLII, tantisper dum Bestia regnaverit, periodum suam complevisse dici non possint; proindéque neque contemporanei ac coaevi iisdem Testium in sacco & cilicio plangentium DIES. Alterum, quòd haec Testium clades proximè antecessura sit (ut paulò pòst audiemus) cladem & ruinam Urbis magnae, id est, Romae, quam tam propè abesse non patitur Phialarum series; utpote quarum quartam (quamuìs in praesenti rerum motu id agi sperandum) nondum praetervecti simus, ut ibi docebitur. Atqui Urbis ruinam ad quintam spectare mox ostendemus: cujus idcirco prodromam fore cladem istam de qua agimus, admodum vero consentaneum est; praesertim cum Christo Imperatori nostro solenne sit, non nisi crucis methodo hostes debellare & victoriam suis largiri. Neque tamen, ex co quòd clades haec novissima sit atque etiamnum futura, quicquam de gravitate ejus supra omnes quae praecesserunt certò statui potest. Fortè enim, non tam gravitatis nomine (certè non diuturnitatis) quam quòd in signum esset protinus tùm finiendi luctûs Testium, atque instantis ruinae Romanae Urbis, ideo sola ex omnibus quibus Bestia Sanctos contritura esset cladibus singularem mentionem & descriptionem meruit: perinde nempe ut circundatio Hierofolymorum ab exercitu Cestii Galli, paulò ante fatalem per Titum obsidionem, in excidii ejusdem tunc instantis & pro foribus signum praedicta suerit. Ut quemadmodum Apostolis, detemporis illius excidii signis quaerentibus, dixetit Servator, cum videritis circundari ab exercitu jerusalem tunc scitote quòd appropinquavit desolatio ejus: simile hîc innui putetur de excidio Babylonis; 
Luc. 21. 20.  cum videritis triennalem istam & dimidii anni Testium caedem, scitote quòd appropinquavit desolatio Urbis magnae.  
Caedem autem quâ Testes à BESTIA sternendi praedicuntur intelligi puto significatione generalissimâ, quâ necem etiam comprehendat metaphoricè seu analogicè dictam. Mori enim câ notione dicitur, qui in quocunque statu constitutus, sive Politico sive Ecclesiastico, seu quovis alio, desmit esse quod fuit; unde & occîdit qui tali morte quemquam afficit. Siquidem in stylo sacro Vivere subindè est Esse, Mori Non esse. Quâ ment Satanae & peccato mori dicimur, cum eorum mancipia in posterum esse desinimus; & Christo vivere, cum ejus esse incipimus. Et omnino poscere videtur oppositionis ratio, ut cujusmodi futura sit post patratam caedem resurrectio Testium ad vitam, talis foret & ipsa caedes: Illam verò analogicam esse patet, quia nulla resurrectio propriè dicta futura sit ante Christi adventum sub Tuba VII. haec verò fit, currente adhuc sextâ.  
Testium igitur in bello occubitus, si ad istiusmodi intelligendi normam exponamus, videbitur esse illorum ab officio & statione quam in Ecclesia, vi praedicationis suae reformatâ, aliquantisper consecuti sint, deturbatio & dejectio; sive ea cum morte corporali conjuncta sit, sive secús: adeò ut vitam, qualemtum vixerant, propheticam deinceps non vivant, muniáve ejus exerceant ampliús. Quo simul necesse est futurum ut, columnis fuis subductis, Bestiaeque pseudoprophetis in locum prophetarum Christi postliminiò substitutis, tota Ecclesiae Reformatae politia, quam latè hoc acciderit, in terram concidat. Quod citiúsne an seriùs futurum sit, solus ille novit in cujus manu sunt tempora & opportunitates.  
Interim, nè fortè quis decipiatur, illud accuratè animadvertendum, Bellum hoc BESTIAE novissimum non esse ejusdem generis cum eo quod adversùs Sanctorum coetum hucusque continuè gesserat (de quo nempe in BESTIAE historia dicatur cap. 13. quòd datum sit ei bellum gerere cum sanctis, & eos vincere;) sed omnino diversi. Quorsum enim illud tanquam ultimis Bestiae temporibus peculiare narraretur, quod si non ab incunabulis suis, saltem jam indè ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sua, ei solenne fuerat? Aliud igitur est bellum quod Bestia gessit contra sanctos universè, aliud quod in novissimo suo gerit cum Prophetis, qui jam cilicio exui planctúmque suum propheticum finire coepissent, id est, Antistitibus Ecclesiae parte suâ reformatae. Id quod ampliùs ex diverso utriusque belli eventu manifestum est; illic sanè prospero, hîc admodum sunesto. Illic enim potestatem consequnta est Bestia in omnem tribum, liuguam & gentem, etc. hîc verò subitam & fatalem sibi ruinam accersit, ut in textu videre est.  
Et cadavera eorum (jacebunt) in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 VRBIS magnae, 
Vers. 8.  quae vocatur spiritualiter Sodoma & AEgyptus, ubi & Dominus ipsorum crucifixus est.  
URBS illa cognomie Magna, ROMA est, sic dicta, non tam quantitatis intuitu, quam quòd aliarum Urbium regina esset; juxta illud Angeli cap. 17. ult. Mulier quam vidisti est VRBS illa MAGNA, quae regnuni habet super reges terrae. Quemadmodum nomine REGIS magni (quomodo Deus appellatur Pf. 48. 3. & Matth. 5. 35. quíque titulus olim peculiariter Regibus Assyriorum & Persarum competebat) innuitur Rex regum, qui in alios reges potestatem habet. Unde per totam Apocalypsin, quocunque aliàs nomine ROMA appellatur, sive Babylonis, sive Meretricis, semper hoc titulo Magna insignitur; ut Babylon illa Magna, Meretrix illa Magna. Adde, quòd in tota Apocalypsi nulli praeter ipsam urbi titulus iste tribuatur, nisi, demum post excidium ejus, Novae isti jerusalem de coelo descensurae, in cujus lumine deinceps ambularent Gentes: quam qui hîc significari putaret, 
Cap. 21. 10.  ei sanè helleboro opus esset. Atqui nec jerusalem Ioannis aevo fuit, neque ulla alia jerusalem praeter ipsam unquam futura est Vrbs Magna, seu aliarum Orbis urbium capút & regina.  
Additur, Quae vocatur spiritualiter Sodoma & AEgyptus: AEgyptus, ob tyrannidem in populum Dei, instar AEgyptiacae; Sodoma, ob scortationem, scilicet spiritualem. Est autem hic (quod Lector diligenter observet) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 allegoriae, (cujusmodi plures in hoc libro occurrunt) quâ nempe Spiritus Sanct. semel innuere voluit, quicquid uspiam de plagis AEgyptiacis aut Sodomorum clade in hisce Visionibus exhibeatur, id omne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, mysticè, interpretandum esse; cum nempe ROMA, statúsve rei Romanae, plagarum istarum omnium subjectum, Sodoma sit atque AEgyptus mystica. Occurrunt antem, de plagis AEgyptiacis, in descriptione Tubarum & Phialarum, necnon in hac ipsa Testium historia; de Sodomorum clade, in judicio Bestiae, c. 19 20. & 20. 10. quorum omnium sensus hâc Clave aperiendus est. Hinc etiam demonstrari potest, Tubarum subjectum esse ditionem Romanam: quoniam ex earum plagis quaedam AEgyptiacae sint; cui autem plagae AEgyptiacae inserrentur nisi AEgypto? atquihaec, Spiritu S. authore, Roma est.  
Ità de Vrbe magna res plana est. Sed quid sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa Urbis, cujus hic mentio, non adeò scitu facile est. Sanè enim pro vico, aut co quod Latinè plateam dicimus, aut foro, aut loco quovis alio intra Urbem, sumi non posse videtur; idque obsequentes rationes.  
Primò enim Christus Dominus, qui in hac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crucifixus dicitur, neque in Urbis Romae neque Hierosolymorum vico aliquo, aut foro, aut areâ crucifixus est; quinimo extra hujus portam, (Hebr. 13. 12.) in illius autem provincia duntaxat, à Pilato Praeside. Ergò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est vicus aliquis, aut via latior, intra alterutrius Urbis moenia, sed locus extra Urbem.  
2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 singulari numero positam, ejus generis rem designare verisimile est, cujusmodi unicam Urbs habeat, non plures. At vici in qualibet Urbe, saltem insigniori, plures sunt.  
3. Ibi jacere corpora Testium putandum est ubi bello victi sunt. At bello congredi non solet intra Urbis moenia; sed, si non in hostico, saltem in regione & provinciis Urbi subjectis.  
4. Quorum occisorum cadavera, per tres dies & dimidium, populi, tribus, linguae & gentes coràm intueri potuerint, & curare nè sepelirentur; ea non in Urbis magnae vico aliquo aut platea jacebant, sed aut dispersa fuisse, aut circumlata per provincias videntur; ad quas idcirco significatio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accommodari debeat. Et si quis dixerit, exercitum Bestiae, quo Testes fusi caesíque sunt, ex variis populis & linguis conflatum esse, ideóque facilè cadavera eorum cernere potuisse quos ceciderant: ad argumentum superius recurrendum est, Cum tantis exercitibus congredi non solere intra Urbis moenia. Nam omnino res ità explicanda est, praesertim ubi nulla allegoriae ratio obtendi potest, ut nè sensui literali quid absurdi insit.  
Quid igitur hîc aliud dicemus, quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nomenclaturâ regionem & territorium universum Vrbis ditioni subjectum designari; ídque significationis vel ab Hebraico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 traxisse, cui saepe in versione Septuag● respondeat? nimirum pro more & usu linguae Hellenisticae, quae vocem Graecam voci Hebraeae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unâ significatione juxta usum suum nativum respondentem, etiam alteri significationi adhibere soleat; ut multis exemplis probari possit, si res esset hujus instituti. jam verò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hebraeis significat quicquid omnino extrà sit; sive extra aedes, ut vicos & vias in urbibus; sive extra urbem, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regionem seu agrum circumjectum. Sanè job 5. 10. ubi in Hebraeo est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Chaldaeus reddit, Qui dat pluviam super faciem terrae, & mit●it aquas super faciem provinciae seu regionis populorum. Vel à notione latitudinis, ut sit idem quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Isa. 8. 8. Et extensio alarum ejus (id est, Assyrii) implebit latitudinem terrae tuae, ô Immanuel: & Apoc. 20. 9 de Gog & Magog, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Huc enim facit quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae vox altera est quam Septuag. 
In San●ed●in cap. 11. Sect. 6. mentio sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 transferunt, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae latitudinem seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. significat, easdem omnino literas habeant, & utraque Chaldaeis unâ eâdémque voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicatur. Vel denique notione latitudinis, quae voci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nativa est, innuere voluit Spiritus Sanctus amplitudinem ditionis Urbis illius magnae, quâ omnes Urbes superaverit, hodiéque superet: acsi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 positum esset pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Sanè vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adjectivum est Substantiuè positum, proindéque subintelligi aliquid debet; & verò aliud atque aliud potest, ad significationem ejus explanandam: nec scio an illa vici significatio apud veteres scriptores Graecos admodum reperiatur.  
jam verò autem, cui haec interpretatio sese probaverit, ei ampliùs obscurum esse non potest, aut quâ ratione Christus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 urbis Romanae crucifixus dicatur, aut ubi Testium occisorum cadavera abjicienda sint; nempe non in Urbe Roma, sed intra ditionem Romanam. Scio equidem, complures nostrorum, ut ad eundem seopum perveniant, hîc Urbis nomine totam Urbis ditionem intelligere. Sed quid tum, amabò, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erit? Nam quorum alterutrum ut sit propè necessarium videtur, neutrum esse potest. Non ditio, ut quae jam ipsius Urbis nomine designetur: Non provincia aliqua, ut quas Urbs magna plures habeat; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verò unum quid & singulare, singulari numero positum, innuat. Atque haec de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notâsse sufficiat: jam pergamus ad reliqua.  
Et cernent (homines) ex tribubus & populis & gentibus cadavera eorum per tres dies & dimidium, & cadavera eorum non sinent poni in monumentis. Vel, 
Vers. 9  Et erunt 
* De partitiva hic locutio●e Hebraeis & Syris familiarissima vid. Ludovic. de Dieu Com. in Evangel. p. 134. in fine.  ex tribubus & populis & gentibus quicernent cadavera eorum, etc.  
Utrùm hoc in immanitatis, an verò beneficii partem accipiendum sit, in ambiguo est; nec nisi ex prohetiae complemento determinandum. Potest enim accipi vel tanquam ab hostibus profectum, hoc insuper ignominiae, ad cumulum quam patraverant caedis, adjicientibus, ut interfectorum corpora sepulturâ prohiberent: Vel tanquam ab amicis & fautoribus Testium, hâc nimirum ratione, quasi mox revicturis consulentibus. Ut ut enim maximae alioquin immanitatis sit non sepelire mortuos, & insepultum abjici, praesertim apud judaeos, pro summa ignominia habebatur; tamen qui ità occubuerunt ut non planè desperatum sit quin adhuc vitae restitui possint, eos sepulcri claustris tantisper prohibere in beneficii loco ponendum est. Si prius statuendum; innui hoc typo videtur aliqua infamiae aut ignominiae nota quâ Bestiani, sustulisse Testes haud contenti, eosdem insuper mulctabunt. Sin posterius; subsidii aliquid à populis Reformatis, quorum formidine, utpote multitudinis longè maximae, ideóque, recenti adhuc vulnere rebúsque nondum confirmatis, ad desperationem haud impunè provocandae; aut saltem operâ & favore occulto, futurum sit, nè ità cum Testibus agatur ut nulla spes sit reviviscendi. Achmetes ex Indorum disciplina. Apotel. 130. Si quis in somnis visus sibi fuerit sepultus, sepulcrum ipsum ad plenam certitudinem interitûs ejus spectat. Si videre visus fuerit defectum aliquem rerum ad sepulturam pertinentium, is defectus ad spem refertur. Si jam quaeras, ecquid in textu appareat quod ad hanc interpretationem potius inclinet quam ad illam? Ego verò illud in hujus rei argumentum traherem, quòd cum diverso modo & verbis suppositum hîc enuntiet atque cum de hostibus sequenti versu agat, non eosdem hîc atque illic intelligi velit, sed diversos; illic quidem hostes, hîc verò amicos Testium. Nam de hostibus in sequenti versu exsultantibus & munera invic●m mittentibus dicit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de istis verò qui Testium cadavera non sinent ● oni in monumentis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, partitiuè, quasi certos quosdam notaret diverso à reliquis ingenio. judicet Lector.  Per tres dies & dimidium. 
Id est, ut videtur, triennium semestre. Nam de dieb●● horariis intelligi non posse arguunt quae tunc gerenda praed cun●ur. Ecquis enim credat, tridui & dimidii diei spatiolum aut famae neci● Testium per Orbem disseminandae, aut Legatis cum muneribus ultrò ci●roque inter gentes mittendis, sufficere? Imò nè parandis quidem sufficeret. Adde quòd dimidium diei horarii, seu horae duodecim, hujusmodi actibus determinandis p●orsus ineptum sit. Non enim ad horas res istiusmodi observari solent, quinimo ad menses, saltem ad dies integros. Interim animadvertendum, tempus hîc computari non Testium occidendorum, sed quo jacebunt mortui & inanimes postquam jam occubuerint. Quamdiu autem bellum ipsum durabit, quantúmque temporis dabitur Prophe●is interficiendis, non nisi Vaticinii complementum docebit.  
Et qui habitant super terram gandebunt super illis, & hilares erunt, & munera mittent invicem, 
Vers. 10.  quòd hi duo Prophetae torserant habitantes super terram.  
De more mittendorum munerum in publico gaudio aut in magna laetitia, vide Estherae c. 9 19, 22.  
Sed post tres dies & dimidium, 
Vers. 11.  Spiritus vitae à Deo ingressus est in illos, steterúntque in pedes suos; & metus magnus cecidit in eos qui spectârint ipsos.  
Qualis erat Testium mors, talis erit excitatio à mor●uis seu resurrectio, nempe restitutio in statum pristinum; idque non tam operâ aliquâ aut auxilio humano, quam digito Dei, qui mirabilis est in operibus suis. Hoc enim innuit, Spiritus vitae à Deo ingressus est in illos. Achmetes Apotelesm. 6, & 7. ex AEgyptiorum & Persarum disciplina: Siquis in somnis suscitationem mortuorum videre visus fuerit, eares vinctorum liberationem ac bellorum finem significat. Apot. 6. ex calamitatibus creptionem. Videsis Ezech. cap. 37.  
Et audierunt vocem magnam de coelo dicentens ipsis, 
Vers. 12.  Asceudite huc. Ascenderúntque in coelum per nubem (vel in nube;) & conspexerunt illos inimici eorum.  
Non restituentur solummodo Testes in locum & stationem pristinam, quinimo evehentur in sublimiorem aliquem honoris & potestatis gradum. Id enim nube vehi & in coelum ascendere significat. Vide Dan. 7. 13. Isai. c. 14. 13. & 
* Tar●● innube gloria suae.  19 1. Unde in Apotelesmatis insomniorum, quae ex priscis AEgyptiorum & Persarum monumentis collegit Arabs ille quem toties laudavi, Apomasar an Achmetes? legitur, Si Rex in nubibus consedisse sibi visus fuerit, & vehi qu●cunque libeat, barbari hostes ei servitutem servient, quibus ipse cum imperio praecrit. Item, Si Rex ad coelum quasi volâsse visus sibi fuerit ubi sidera essent, super Reges caeteros eminentiâ potietur & famâ. Item, Si Rex visus sibi fuerit sursum profectus in coelo consedisse, regionem eâ majorem quam possidet in potestatem rediget. Apotel. 162, & 164. Haec eò adduco ut ostendam, parabolam istam eâ quam dico significatione, apud Dei Prophetas, ex usu Orientis adhibitam. Non igitur, ut antea, ministerium Testium despicatui erit, neque ipsi pro abjectae & contemptae sortis hominibus habendi. Adeò illud quod Salvator de seipso dixit Luc. 24. 26. Nonne haec oportuit pati Christum, & [deinde] introire in gloriam suam? in Prophetis quoque suis vim suam & veritatem consequetur. Et quis novit annon Ecclesia Reformata probrum Christo hâc parte illatum, Testium ad tempus sublatione, luitura sit; quòd eos pro legationis dignitate, dum fruebantur, non habuissent? Notum est nimis quid ab Ecclesiis Reformatis in hanc partem peccatum sit: útque dum Prophetae Christi Templo Dei repurgando strenuè incubuere, alii interim, gazis ejus expilandis oblationibúsque intervertendis, sanctissimum opus commaculârunt; nè alimentis quidem alicubi (magno verae Religionis dedecore) relictis, quibus Ministri ejus honestè & pro ordinis sui dignitate sustentarentur; nedum ut quod superabundaret, ad Rei reformatae amplificationem, belli sacri necessitates, afflictorum fratrum subsidium, alióque pios usus seponerent. Annon verò id genus fuit praevaricatio illa, ob quam olim Templum judaicum Antiocho Epiphani prophanandum, atque Religio veri Dei triennio similiter conculcanda data fuerit? Exercitus, inquit Daniel, dabitur ei contra juge Sacrificium propter praevaricationem, & projiciet veritatem in terram, & faciet, & prosperabitur, cap. 8. 12. Vide autem historiam lib. 2. Mac. ab initio cap. 3. ad 5. & judica. Sed nolo ampliùs unguem in hoc ulcere. Hoctantùm adjiciam, Fortè hoc honoris & potestatis augmentum Testibus à resurrectione sua, supremi magistratûs jussu (quae vox illa de coelo esse videtur) obventurum, tanquam in infamiae illius atque ignominiae compensationem, quâ eosdem Bestiani mortuos multaverant; si modò id significatum fuerit prohibitione istâ sepulturae.  
Et in illa hora factus est terrae motus magnus, 
Vers. 13.  & decima pars Vrbis (puta illius magnae) cecidit, & occisa sunt in terrae motu nomina hominum septies mille.  
Quo tempore Testes seu Prophetae in vitam redierunt atque ascenderunt in coelum, factus est terrae motus magnus, i. magna gentium commotio & rerum politicarum conversio; quâ nempe Testibus via aperta, atque facultas data sit in vitam redeundi, cum tanto dignitatis & potestatis auctario. Eo gentium motu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vrbis corruit, & occisa sunt nomina hominum septies mille. Quorum verborum sententiam ut, quantum in re futura fieri possit, vero quam proximam assequamur, duo nobis praestruenda sunt & probanda. Primum, cum nullus non Bestiae ruentis casus Phialarum aliquâ contineatur, eandem igitur hîc Bestiae cladem describi quae ad effusionem Phialae quintae. Argumento est idem utrobique plagae subjectum; illic sedes seu thronus Bestiae, hîc URBS illa magna. Esse enim URBEM illam magnam, ROMAM nempe, Bestiae sedem, notius est quam ut probari opus sit. Firmatur ampliùs, Quia clades quae hîc describitur tam propè antecedat plenariam Bestiae abolitionem ad Tubam VII, ut nihil interea intervenisse narretur praeter abitionem VAE secundi. jam verò omnimodo Bestiae abolitio opus est Phialae novissmae; Abitio VAE secundi, seu plagae illius ab Euphrate, Phialae sextae. Ergò Urbis magnae clades, quae abitionem istam proximè antevertat, competit in Phialam quintam. Alterum à nobis praestruendum, est, Urbis magnae casum istum esse ipsissimam Babylonis cladem, quae cantatur cap. 18. Probatur, quia ex eodem capite certum est istam Babylonis seu Urbis Romanae cladem praegressuram esse plenarium Bestiae excidium, & augustum Christi regnum cum VII Tuba ineundum. jam verò quae hîc narratur Urbis ejusdem clades idem illud regnum tam propè antecedit, ut Spiritus, nullius praeterea cladis mentione injectâ, ad Regnumillud & Tubae VII descriptionem statim transeat. Necesse est igitur eandem utrobique Urbis illius cladem describi. Quis enim in animum sibi inducat, ut credat Spiritum S. cladem illam maximam omnino praetermissurum fuisse, minoris alicujus cladis mentione interpositâ, & cum illa nullo modo comparandae?  
His ità se habentibus, sequitur, hujus loci interpretationem ad illius normam dirigendam, & quasi ad Lydium lapidem probandam esse; adeóque istiusmodi horum verborum mentem quaerendam quae cum cladis illius Babylonicae descriptione consentiat. Quod quâ ratione fieri possit jam videamus. Philippus Nicolai, Augustanae confessionis Theologus, vir doctus & acutus, per ΔEKATON 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intelligi putat Decarchiam URBIS, seu decem Regna ditioni ejus subdita, quae nempe in hoc gentium motu, à Roma, cujus imperio tot annis suberant, successu facto, deficerent, jussa ejus deinceps non factura. Idipsum nimirum quod alibi dicitur, Decem Reges qui potestatem suam tradiderant Bestiae, tum cum sermones Dei completi fuerint, odio habebunt Meretricem, solitariam eam efficient & nudam, carnes ejus comedent, ipsámque exurent igne. Sed hujusmodi notio vocis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut ut mihi ipsi de hujus loci sententia cogitanti prima sese obtulerit, & rei ipsius concinnitate valde abblandiebatur, postea tamen rem propirìs intuenti duriuscula visa est & insolens; ut verear nè iis qui simplicem & incoactam interpretationem desiderent haud facilè sese sit probatura.  
Aliam igitur interpretationem quaero. Et primò animum subit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fortasse Tributi nomen esse; sive ejus quod Pontifex ex toto Bestiae regno, sive ejus quod ex latifundiis suis URBS ipsa dominii jure accipit. Hanc URBIS decimam in magna ista rerum commotione casuram, i. defecturam esse; eóque innui, URBIS principatum prorsus extinctum iri: scilicet, agro sibi pro patrimonio attributo spoliatam, & Pontifice vi indè pulso, praerogativam & dominium quod in urbes populósque longè latéque exercere solebat amissuram; cum, quod ei praerogativam & dominium conciliavernt, non ampliùs futura esset, putà Regni Bestiani metropolis, aut Pseudoprophetae sedes. Notum est enim, Tributum esse dominii symbolum, ejúsque nomine plerasque sub antiquae Romae imperio provincias omnium fructuum partem decimam quotannis persolvisse. Quod in Orientis quoque regnis solenne fuisse, tum ex 1 Maccab. cap. 10. 31. & 11. v. 35. tum exilla juris regii. summula, 
Vers. 15, & 17.  1 Sam. 8. (cave enim quod de decimis ibi dicitur, de decimis sacris accipias; Regiae fuerunt, regibus tanquam Vicediis pendi solitae) probati potest; quod & Aristoteles confirmat Oeconomicorum l. 2. Non igitur insolens videri debuit si quis hîc affirmaret, nomine decimae, speciei tam vulgatae, quodvis in genere URBIS tributum significari posse. Sed eò devenire non est opus, cum in Italia ea tributi ratio necdum obsoleverit, & praeterea Pontisex Romanus in Imperio suo Ecclesiastico imaginem ejus jam olim instauraverit, omnium beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum partem decimam quotannis exigendo. Atqui huic interpretationi obstat, quòd tunc potius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicendum fuisse videtur quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Praeterea vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quâ necesse est effectum aliquem terrae motui congruum designari, hujusmodi interpretationi non satìs obsequens est. Imò si stare posset, ruinam tamen Babylonis, quacum eandem esse praesupponimus, nimis obscurè & dilutè, nec ut par erat, exprimere videretur.  
Tandem igitur, donec quis certius aliquid & textui magìs consonum edocebit, eò dilabor, ut existimem per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partem quidem Urbis intelligi, verùm non hodiernae Urbis partem aliquam, sed totam; totam dico ROMAM Pontificiam, quae decima pars est illius antiquae. Quod quidem ità esse, neque veteris illius Romae qualis Ioannis aevo fuit hodie superesse plusquam decimam, ex sequenti ratiocinio perspicere licet.  
Siquidem ROMAM illam veterem, qualis Ioannis aevo fuit, adstruit Lipsius, formam quod attinet, propemodum rotundam fuisse, haud tamen justè; semidiametrum ejus, à milliarìo aurco in capite Fori Romani statuto ad extrema aedificiorum, habuisse ad septem millia passuum, ambitum denique fuisse milliarium 42. cum igitur exactè rotunda non fuerit, ad aream ejus metiendam minuamus semidiametrum uno milliari (quantum scilicet in figura sexangula pro perpendiculari in latus minuendum esset) erit 6. quae cum 21 dimidio peripheriae multiplicate dabit aream Urbis 126.  
jam verò ROMA hodierna seu Pontificia ambitum habet non nisi 13, aut 15 milliarium, 
Admira●d. lib. 3.  ut nôrunt, inquit Lipsius, qui dimensi sunt; formam, ut ex ichnographia ejus videre est, quadrangulari proximam, oblongam, proportione quasi duplâ. Cui idcirco dimetiendae constituatur parallelogrammum rectangulum, cujus perimeter sit 15, longitudo ad latitudinem dupla: cujusmodi nimirum erit ex lateribus 2½, & 5. quibus inter sese multiplicatis, prodibit Area 12½. jam numerus 126 numerum 12½ decies comprehendit. Est igitur Area posterior prioris, ideóque ROMA hodierna illius antiquae, pars decima; quod erat demonstrandum. Cui hujusmodi ratiocinationes minùs usitatae sunt, oculorum suorum judicium adhibeat in sequentibus diagrammatis.  
ROMA vetus xlii milliarium ambitu.  
ROMA hodierna xv mille passuum ambitu.  
Non possumus quidem hic omnia ad lineam & regulam examinare; sed mirum est, id quod possumus tam propè convenire. Urbis autem hodiernae ambitum definio, quibus ea nunc cingitur muris: nam extrà, contrà quam olim, hodie non habitatur, sed tota quanta quanta est muris includitur; muris verò quos ei Hadrianus 1 & Leo IV Pontifices, seu Pontificalis regni sedi jam factae, terminum fatali quasi instinctu posuere. Nam ità tradit Blondus, muros qui nunc exstant ab Hadriano 1 centenis aureorum millibusè Thuscia contractis exstructos. Eos postmodum, ut ex aliis notum. Leo IV, ad annum Domini 850, sive refecit, sive per●ecit, & Transtiberi seu Leoninâ Civitate adjectâ, Urbem in eam quâ nunc cernitur formam & ambitum complevit. Et quamuìs spatii muris inclusi multum habet vacuum & desertum, tamen cum muri in praeipuis Urbis operibus numerandi sint, Urbs ipsa muris suis angustior putari nequit; amplior quidem esse potuerit, si, ut olim vetus illa, continentibus aedificiis quaquaversum extra muros porrigeretur.  
Ut jam tandem finiam, summa huc redit; Id dicere sive innuere velle Spiritum Sanct. tantum Urbis magnae, quantum ad hunc terrae motum superfuerat, id temporis ruinam fecisse, videlicet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neque enim amplius cousque superfuturum esse. Novem partes multis antè seculis casurae erant, & verò nos vidimus cecidisse; partim cladibus & vastationibus quas Barbari tot vicibus intulerint, partim vetustate nimiâ fatiscentes, partim etiam (ut ad quartam Tubam indicavimus) sulminibus disturbatas: DECIMA Pontifici Romano fato servata fuit, novi Imperii caput constituenda & Meretricularum Christianarum mater. Hanc terrae motus iste, qui cum Testium resurrectione conjunctus erit, funditus demolietur.  
Nec tamen fortasse necessarium fuerit ut Spiritum S. de Urbis decima parte locutum tam rigidè, ut fecimus, ad leges Geometricas interpretemur: sat fuerit s●, ut olim cum de populi Iudaici excidio apud Isaiam agens dixerat, 
Isa. 6. 13.  Decimam ejus servatum iri, ac in terram suam reducemfore; ità hîc intelligamus, non tam justè decimam, quam partem aliquam minimam, quasi decimam, de pristina illa Romanae Vrbis amplitudine ad Bestiae hujus sedem & cladem novissimam superfuturam esse.  
Additur, Et occisa sunt in terrae motu nomina hominum septies mille.  
Hîc si nominibus hominum hominum capita, seu singulos homines, intelligamus; nimiùm exilis videtur numerus, neque pro magnitudine cladis quam alibi innuit Spiritus S. Ecquid enim in excidio Babylonis non longè major erit occisorum numerus quam septem millium hominum? Et num effusionem Phialae quintae in THRONUM Bestiae tantillâ hominum strage abituram verisimile est? Huic scrupulo ut aliquo pacto satisfiat; primò advertendum est, Vrbis nomine hîc intelligi non Cives & incolas, sed aedificia ac moenia, id est, Regiam Bestiae; 
〈…〉  sícque duplicem BABYLONIS interitum in hisce Vaticiniis describi: primò BABYLONIS pro Vrbe Bestiae Regia, puta, URBE Romana, ad Phialam quintam; deinde BABYLONIS pro civibus aut Civitate Romana, quam nimirum constituit Papa cum Cardinalium purpuratorum senatu, reliquâque civium, praesertim Ecclesiasticorum, turbâ, qui, ROMA destructâ & concrematâ, aliò sese habitatum conferent, ad Phialam novissimam reservandi. Ad cujus nempe ef●usionem dicitur, praeter alias, ubivis terrarum, Gentium & Civitatum, in terrae motu illo longè omnium qui unquam suerunt maximo, ruinas, etiam BABYLONEM illam magnam venisse in memoriam coram Deo, ut daret illi calicem indignationis irae suae: cum tamen BABYLONIS illa crematio & excidium, quod capitibus 18, & 19 describitur, omnino plenariam Bestiae & Pseudoprophetae exterminationem antevertat, ut in textu ibidem manifestum est. Scio quosdam aliter hunc nodum expedire, dicendo, BABYLONEM, cujus ad Phialam novistimam mentio, esse Constantinopolin, Turcarum metropolin: sed nunquam mihi persuadebunt Spiritum S. in primaria & praecipua omnium imagine tam insigni homonymiâ usum, & duas, non verò unicam semper & eandem, licèt duplici respectu, BABYLONEM intelligere. Ad propositum igitur ut veniamus. Fieri fortasse potest ut prior illa BABYLONIS clades, id est, Romanae Vrbis devastatio & excidium, absque immani aliqua, nedum totali, civium nece peragenda sit. 
Vid. Isa. 34. 10.  Et quamuìs fumus ejus ascensurus sit in secula seculorum, id est, ipsa tota in cineres vertetur, & solo aequabitur, nunquam iterum habitanda; tamen magnam partem Civium ex Urbis clade evasuram; vel quia fugâ sibi tempestiuè consuluerint, vel alia de causa, quam eventus manifestam faciet.  
Atque haec una ratio est, quâ scrupulo de exili nimiùm caesorum numero satisfieri possit. Altera est, si dicamus per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fortasse designari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Viros nominis. Hujusmodi enim Hypallage in Scripturis non infrequens est, u● in rectione nominum id quod epitheti loco est praecedat. Testantur Argentum siclorum Leu. 5. pro siclis argenti seu argenteis; immunditia hominis, pro homine immunditiei, i. immundo, ibid. c. 7. lex justitiae, pro justitia Legis, Rom. 9 divitiae gratiae, pro gratia divite; & similia. Nomen autem pro celebritate omnibus ferè linguis familiare est, praesertim sanctae; in qua 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Viri nominis sunt Viri illustres: Filii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absque nomine (job 30.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ignobiles, Chaldaeo Idiotae. Unde Beza in annotationibus ad Ephes. 1. 21. & Phil. 2. 9 de exaltatione Christi super omne nomen, ut & Heb. 1. 4. nomen accipit significatione dignitatis & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hujusmodi interpretationem si sequamur, (nec video quid opponi possit) nomina hominum erunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dignitates hominum; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Viri nominis, homines illustres & dignitate praecellentes; quorum ad septem millia (& quid si pseudoprophetici ordinis, quem illi Ecclesiasticum vocant?) in hoc rerum gentiúmque motu concidentur: numerum tamen septem millium ità definitum esse opinor, ut paulò major vel minor pro more Scripturae intelligi possit. Ex plebeiis quantus numerus in hoc bello casurus esset, nihil attinebat dicere, cum illud ex illustrium clade conjici potuerit, nec Spiritus S. ad faecem occisorum calculo subducendam descendere voluit.  
Sed & alia adhuc interpretatio dari potest, ut non opus sit ad hominum capita devenire: nempe si nomina hominum hominum coetus & societates interpretemur, propriis suis nominibus haud minùs quam singulares homines appellari solitos, ut sunt Civitates, municipia, paroeciae, pagi, coenobia, & similes communitatum humanarum tituli. Haec enim quid aliud sunt, si rem putare velimus, quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Sic enim AEschini Thebanorum politia vocatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & nomen Romanum ponitur pro Romanis. Quid si igitur ex istis communitatum humanarum titulis, quicunque taudem sint; & sive Romae, sive in Statu quem vocant Ecclesiae, ad septies mille in hoc gentium motu occidendi sint, id est, adversae potestati succubituri, quod Scriptura pro more suo necem vocaverit? Sed non est quid temerè de re futura pronunciandum, cum prophetiae commentarius sit eventus rerum praedictarum. Haec tamen eo fine in medium attuli, ut appareat multò hîc, quod verba attinet, liberiorem interpretationem esse quam fortè vulgò putetur; cum Nominis vocabulum Scripturae usus ad unam aliquam & certam significationem non astringat. Nec enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conjunctim extra locum quem prae manibus habemus usquam reperire est; nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simpliciter de capitibus hominum, nisi bis tantùm, Act. 1. 15. Apoc. 3. 4 alibi aliâ atque aliâ significatione adhibetur. Restat,  
Et reliqui territi sunt, & dederunt gloriam Deo Coeli.  
Nempe consternatione suâ, quâ vel inviti & ingrati digitum ejus agnoscant. Dei enim sapientiam, bonitatem, aut potentiam quocunque indicio agnoscere, est gloriam ei tribuere. Sicut qui à Deo deprehensi peccata sua confitentur, dicuntur gloriam Deo tribuere, ut 
* jos. 7.  Achan. Sequitur  
VAE secundum abiit, & ecce VAE tertium venit citó.  
Sententia est, Terrae motum istum magnum ad exitum VAE secundi sive Tubae sextae continuatum iri, 
Vers. 14.  cum eóque unà lugubrem Testium prophetiam tandem finiendam esse; siquidem post tantam de Bestianis victoriam, ipsorúmque in coelum potestatis & honoris ascensum, sacco non induentur ampliús. Si jam autem VAE secundum, seu Tubae sextae plaga, sit illa Turcarum ab Euphrate jam olim in Orbem Romanum exundatio, ut ibi interpretati sumus; fieri vix potest quin haec ejusdem plagae abitio sit exsiccatio illa aquarum Euphratis futura ad effusionem Phialae quintae, quò paretur via regibus ab ortu Solis venturis, cap. 16. 12.  
A quo quidem Regum Orientis adventu (nè hiatus alioquin inter utramque Tubam relinquatur) inire videtur Tuba septima; adeóque mirificum illum Draconis, Bestiae & Pseudoprophetae, ad bellum Armageddunte gerendum, apparatum, (ibidem ver. 13, 14.) unà cum eventu ejus ad Phialam novissimam (ver. 17, etc.) in ejusdem septimae Tubae initium conjici debere. Et sanè admodum congruum videtur, ut apparatus ad bellum ad eandem, quò praelium ipsum, Tubam pertineat.  
Sed ex hoc dubitatio oboritur quae solutionem exposcit, ideóque silentio haud praetereunda. cum enim idem sit Mensium XLII Bestiae terminus qui est Dierum 1260 luctûs Testium, & verò Dies isti luctûs Testium ad abitionem plagae Tubae sextae, seu VAE secundi, finiantur; quaeri non immeritò potest quare Bestiae menses non ulteriùs putarentur, cum post istum terminum, haud modicum Bestiae etiamnum supersit, non nisi inchoatâ Tubâ septimâ abolendum.  
Responderi potest, hoc fieri vel quia tunc Conversio Israelis & novum quasi Regnum init (nuncupantur enim REGES ab ortu Solis;) vel quia in Bestiae duratione ad Romanae Urbis imperium potissimùm attenditur. Vrbs verò illa magna Bestiae regia in isthoc terrae motu capitur & disjicitur: usque adeò ut Bestia deinceps formam quasi mutaverit, cum, Metropoli suâ sic depulsa, pro septem montium Regno (quae altera septem ejus capitum significatio est) ampliùs haberi nequiverit.  
Superest in textu de clangore Tubae septimae, & augusto Christi Regno in MAGNO ILLO DIE JUDICII. Cujus interpretationem ad calcem Libri differemus, ut omnia eò pertinentia Vaticinia ibi simul & quasi uno intuitu repraesentemus.   

MENS DRACONIS RUFI SEPTICIPITIS cum Michaele dimicantis de Puerperio.  
PRima 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Visio, 
Ad Cap. 12.  qua de egimus cap. 11. stadium Apocalypticum totum ab initio ad finem permeavit, idque, ut alibi monuimus, ad connexionem ejusdem cum SIGILLIS & TUBIS indicandam. Ei jam Visioni reliqua ejusdem intervalli reíque Ecclesiasticae Vaticinia, ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 systema complendum, connectenda veniunt. Ex quibus.  
Bellum Draconis rufi septicipitis cum Michaele idem complectitur cum ATRIO normali rei Ecclesiasticae intervallum; quo nimirum in Ecclesiam Puerperam, de Christo in Regem Orbi Romano edendo laborantem, Imperium Romanum DRACONICOLA diris persecutionibus saeviit, pérque annos minimùm trecentos bellum gessit contra Christi Spiritum in servis suis potenter operantem. Sed MULIER tandem post multos in parturiendo dolores, sectiones, lanienas, Christum qualem parturiebat, Regem enixa est, recturum gentes virgâ ferreâ; DRACONE que de solio Romano deturbato, facta est in ORBE illo salus & potentia & regnum Dei nostri, & potestas Christi ejus.  
Hâc summâ totius rei evidentiae causâ praemissâ, ad textum particulatim explicandum veniamus.  
Et signum magnum, inquit, visum est in coelo. 
Vers. 1.   
Quò nempe spectatum Ioannes initio evocatus fuerat, & ubi superiores Visiones omnes spectaverat. Nec alium puto hujus circumstantiae sensum quaerendum esse. Manisestum est enim vel ex fine capitis praecedentis, joannem hucusque in coelo spectâsse.  
Mulier circumamicta Sole, & Luna sub pedibus ejus, & in capite ejus corona stellarum duodecim.  
Signum verò & imago pulcherrima ECCLESIAE primitivae puerperae; Christi nimirum justitiae Solis fide circumfulgentis, elementa mundi (umbrásne Legales, an Gentilis superstitionis tenebras?) pedibus conculcantis, Apostolicae denique originis insignibus gloriosae.  
Plerique LUNAM symbolum esse volunt rerum terrenarum & mutabilium, quas Ecclesia Christi infra se despicit. Quod etsi verum sit, tamen nusquam, ut opi●or, in tota Scriptura LUNA de hac proprietate celebratur. Symbolorum autem Propheticorum interpretatio haud facilè aliunde petenda est quam ex iis proprietatibus quibus Scriptura alicubi attestetur. jam verò illud certum est, pleraque Festorum, quibus cultui typico operabatur, ad Lunae motum descripta fuisse, ut Novilunia, Pascha, Pentecoste, Festum tabernaculorum; imò totíus anni Ecclesiastici rationem ab ejus motu pependisse; 
Methodius apud Andream Caesar. hujusmodi quid quasi per transen●am vidit, ubi utramque interpretationem conjungit hisce verbis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ecclesia enim legalem nocte-lucentis Lunae lucem, vitámque mundanam quae instar Luna mutabilis & inconstans existit, sub pedibus prostratam tenet.  quò fortè spectat illud Psal. 104. 19 fecit Lunam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quidni igitur LUNAE symbolum ad cultum Mosaicum referri potest? quem nempe Ecclesia revelatione Christi quasi prostratum cernit & pedibus suis subjectum: juxta illud Apostoliad Colossenses cap. 2. 14. asserentis, Christum delevisse quod adversùm nos erat chirographum rituum, & cruci suae affixumè medio sustulisse.  
Porrò, cum Deus Solem luminare majus ad dominium dici creâsse dicatur, Lunam verò luminare minus ad dominium noctis; quidni LUNAE noctis praefecturam sortitae symbolum, quod est potestatis tenebrarum seu apparatum caliginis, id est, Satanae daemonúmque ejus in idolis cultum, significet? Ità quidem ut res tota ad Baptismum transferri possit, quo Ecclesia illuminanda Christúmque indutura, cultum idolorum, Satanae, ejúsque Angelorum, cultuum & pomparum abrenunciatione, proculcat. Haec enim omnia vetus abrenunciationis formula disertè continebat; & praeterea abjuraturi ad Occidentem convertebantur, tanquam ad plagam coeli unde Nox oritur; sicut è contrario fidem Christo & Deo vero Uni-trino professuri, ad Orientem, tanquam plagam unde Sol abactâ nocte reducit diem. Dionys. Areop. de Hierarch. Eccles. cap. 2. Cyrillus Hierosol. Cateches. 1. mystagog. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40. Hieron. ad cap. 6. Amos. Ambros. De iis qui mysteriis initiantur, cap. 2. Quinetiam ejusdem figurae intuitu (ut suprà quoque observatum) duratio Apostasiae seu contaminati idolis Christianismi mensibus, ad motum LUNAE definitur; Mulieris autem & Testium in Christi fide perseverantium, annis & diebus, ad motum SOLIS. Utri tamen interpretationi potius accederem in ambiguo sum, & an alterutri tantùm, an utrique. Sanè Apostolus ad Galatas, cap. 4. utrumque, tam paedagogiam Mosaicam quam cultum idolorum Gentilium, promiscuè Elementa mundi vocare videtur; utrumque Ecclesia Christi pedibus suis subjectum gloriatur. Utatur Lector judicio suo. 
Vid. Athenag. p. 15.   
Et in utero habens, clamabat parturiens, & distorquebatur ad pariendum. 
Vers. 2.   
Ecclesia, quà universè & abstractè velut Idea spectatur, Mater est; quà verò respectu singulorum, qui in ea continuò gignuntur, sobolem habet, quam Deo parturire & parere dicitur. Hoc in Prophetis adeò obvium, ut de eo non opus sit ampliùs verbum addere. Videsis Ezech. cap. 16. usque ad v. 21. item cap. 23. v. 4. Isai. cap. 54. Hoseam c. 2. v. 4, 5. Non est igitur allegoria hâc parte cujusvis importunitate vexanda, quòd scilicet Matremà sobole distinguat, quae tamen alioquin in unam candémque Ecclesiam coalescant. Kimchi ad Host 2. v. 2, 3. Comparatur Synagoga, seu Congregatio, Matri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viâ universalitatis; at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 singuli quique, filiis.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verò istae & cruciatus, ob quos clamabat Puerpera, persecutiones illae gravissimae fuerunt quas Ecclesia primitiva inter pariendum experta est. Notum est enim, tribulationes & angustias parturientium doloribus assimilari. Unde verba illa Isaiae cap. 66. 7. Antequam parturiret, peperit; antequam veniret partus ejus, peperit masculum, Chaldaeus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Antequam veniat ei tribulatio, redempta erit; antequam veniat ei tremor sicut dolores parturientis, revelabitur Rex ejus, id est, MESSIAH. jeremias verò cap. 30. v. 6, 7. ipse imaginem hanc interpretatur. Interrogate, inquit, & videte si pariat masculus. Quare ergò vidi omnis viri manum super lumbum suum, quasi parturientis, & conversae sunt universae facies in auriginem? Vae, quia magna Dies illa, nec est similis ejus: tempúsque tribulationis est jaacob; verùm ex ipsa salvabitur. Vide etiam quid Servator 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocet Matth. 24. 8, 9 Mar. 13. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Et visum est aliud signum in coelo; nam ecce DRACO magnus rufus, habens capita septem & cornua decem, & in capitibus ejus septem diademata. 
Vers. 3.   
Et Cauda ejus trahebat tertiam partem stellarum coeli, & abjecit ea● in terram. 
Vers. 4.   
Signum sen Imago Imperii Romani Ethnici DRACONICOLAE; cujus utpote insignia universè sunt septem capita & decem cornua: septem quidem capita, tum ob septem colles quibas URBS inaedificata est, tum ob septem Regum sive Dynastarum ordines qui imperium illius Urbis successiuè recturi erant; decem verò cornua ob decem regna quae novissimi capitis vice (cui innascuntur) surrectura essent. Quae interpretatio non mea est, sed Angeli cap. 17. ubi commodior erit de his, si quid addendum sit, agendi locus. Interim istis alius Imperii Romani character hîc additur, quòd tertiam partem stellarum coeli caudâ suâ traxisse & in terram abjecisse dicitur; id est, tertiam partem Principum & Dynastarum Orbis imperio suo subjecisse. Tantundeni enim, putà trientem Orbis terrarum Ioannis aevo cogniti, Ditio Romana finibus suis circumscribebat. Cauda autem, ex disciplina Indorum apud Achmetum, in genere potestatis comites & pedissequos significat, Apot. 152. quid verò ampliùs Serpentis cauda innuat, mox videbitur. Atque hi quidem characteres Imperii Romani fuerunt universè; sed Draconis effigies porrò Draconicolam & SEMINIS Mulieris hostem in specie determinat, id est, Ethnicum & Christiani nominis adversarium; & cum rufus quoque sit, truculentum & sanctorum sanguine rubentem. Adde quòd Draconis typo respici videtur ad Pharaonem, veteris Synagogae in AEgypto patientis, juxtà atque Romanus Puerperae Christianae, hostem dirum & malignum. Nam & is similiter, eadémque de causa, Draconis imagine induitur, Psal. 74. v. 13, 14. Tu contrivisti fortitudine tuâ mare; confregisti capita DRACONUM (id est, AEgyptiorum) in aquis. Tu confregisti capita LEVIATHAN, (Chaldaeus, Pharaonis) dedisti eum escam populo deserta incolenti. Isai. c. 51. 9 Suscitate, suscita te, indue fortitudinem, brachium Domini: Suscita te secundùm dies antiquos, secundùm generationes seculorum. Nonne tu es brachium illud olim proscindens superbam AEgyptum & conficiens DRACONEM? Ità Ezech. 29. 3. Pharaoh Rex AEgypti, DRACO magne. In omnibus hisce locis in Hebraeo est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quam vocem LXX, Symmachus & Hieronymus Draconem interpretantur; & verò Syrus interpres Draconem in Apocalypsi semper eâ voce nuncupat. Cui firmando, inquit Drusius, est lingua Arabica, in qua Draco Thennin vocatur. Et Exod. 7. Projecit Aharon virgam suam coram Pharaone, & versa est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in serpentem seu draconem. Significat quidem alioquin Cetum seu Balaenam, sed tanquam Draconem marinum, cujus nempe formam quandam referat. Sed quorsum, inquies, de voce hac adeò satagitur? Nempe ut ostenderem, quâ effigie olim abusus est Satanas primo Adamo evertendo, illius infamati & maledicti animalis typo in more esse Spiritui S. regna Diabolo insessa, atque Ecclesiae suae Mulieris semini insesta, designare.  
Et stetit DRACO ante Mulierem parituram, ut cum peperisset Filium ejus devoraret.  
Nempe ut PHARAOH Israeli veteri in AEgypto nascenti, útque deinde Herodes Christo Mariae, Domino nostro; ità DRACO Romanus Christo mystico, quem Ecclesia paritura erat, insidiatus est, ut eum statim à partu opprimeret.  
Et peperit filium masculum, 
Vers. 5.  qui recturus erat omnes gentes virgâ [seu sceptro] ferreâ.  
Id est, peperit Christum mysticum, seu Christum in membris suis formatum, non Mariae, sed Ecclesiae filium; juxta illud Apostoli ad Galatas cap. 4. 19 Filioli mei, quos iterum parturio, donec Christus formetur in vobis. Nam cum verba sint Christi periphrasis, necesse est ut iisdem Christus aliquis designetur; nempe, ut in typis propheticis fieri amat, non verè, sed analogicè dictus. Qui, inquit, recturus erat omnes gentes sceptro ferreo, id est, potestate viferri seu bello partâ; utpote in eos imperium habiturus qui non ab origine cives fuerint, sed aut hostes aut alieni; ut eos prius subjugate opus habuerit quam regeret. Verba sunt ex Psalm. 2. 9 non juxta hodiernam Masoretharum, 
Non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  sed veterem LXX & Apostolorum, lectionem petita. Quorum hanc esse mentem colligere mihi videor ex cap. 19 v. 15. ubi itidem, ut in Psalmo, de Christo Domino nostro, cui primariò competunt, adhibentur: Ex ore ejus, inquit, prodibat gladius acutus, ut eo percuteret gentes; ipse enim reget eos virgâ ferreâ. Hîc autem tribuuntur Christo mystico seu homini Christiano, Ecclesiae apud Gentes partui, qui ad Christi capitis sui typum pingitur; cuíque ejusdammodi suae similem potestatem se aliquando daturum esse sub nomine Thyatirensis Ecclesiae pollicetur Dominus: Qui vicerit, 
Apocal. 2. 26, 27.  inquit, & observaverit ad finem opera mea, dabo ei potestatem in gentes, & reget eos virgâ ferreâ & tanquam fictilia conterentur; sicut & ego accepi à Patre meo. juvabit hîc nonnihil, audire Andreae verba quibus ex Methodii ment ad hunc locum commentatur: Ecclesia, inquit, per eos qui Baptismo initiantur, citra intermissionem general Christum; utpote in illis formandum usque ad consummatam spiritualis aetatis plenitudinem. Filius masculus est Ecclesiae populus— per quem Christus Deus manibus Romanorum, quasi ferrum robustis, gentes regit. 
* Vide, ut pulchre ●em hanc explicat Author Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum, Homil. 49.  Alludit ad typum Regni 4. apud Danielem, de quo ei non assentior; (quomodo enim eo David spectâsset?) caeteroquin haud multum abest à scopo, ut jam apparebit.  
Et raptus est filius ejus ad Deum & thronum ejus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pro Ad thronum Dei. Raptus est Mulieris Filius ad thronum Dei, id est, ad Solium Romanum subvectus, ubi, eâ quâ dicebatur potestate recturus, gentes regeret. Verè quidem Christus Mariae ad solium Dei subvectus est; sed Christus mysticus seu formatus, quem Ecclesia Apostolica peperit, analogicé: siquidem Thronus potestatum (ut 
* Rom. 13.  Apostolus vocat) supereminentium Thronus Dei est, terrestre coelum: Non est, inquit, potestas nisi à Deo. Unde in Apotelesmatis insomniorum, Si quis sibi in somno visus suerit ad coelum subvehi, de regia sublimìtate interpretantur. Notum quoque est, in lingua sancta Magistratus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Deos, appellari: 
* Psal. 82. 1, 6.  Stetit Deus in synedrio Dei, in medio Deorum judicat: item, Dixi, Vos Dii estis & filii Excelsi omnes. Quemadmodum igitur in Mosis cathedra sedere dicuntur qui doctrinam docent à Mose traditam; ità in Dei throno, qui vices ejus in terris obeunt. Quòd ideo partus Ecclesiae Apostolicae dicitur rapi seu recipi ad thronum Dei, tantundem est atque eò celsitudinis subvehi, ut quasi juxta Deum sedeat; quod, inquam, regiae sublimitatis est. Hoc autem tum impletum suit, cum jam sub CONSTANTINO magno & successoribus ejus, Christiani, deturbato DRACONE, rerum potiti sunt.  
Verùm, inquies, cum Christus iste mysticus Gentes quibus imperitaret, perinde ac Christus Dominus, ferreo Sceptro recturus dicebatur, quali demum bello quibtúsve praeliis (si haec ferrei illius Sceptri significatio sit) PARTUS IST●. Ecclesiae Apostolicae Orbem Romanum sibi subjugavit? Aio verò duplici bello: Primo spirituali, mirabili & divino, adversus Daemones Orbis illius principes & Deos; quod quidem, exercitu Angelorum coelestium s●cum adver us hostes dimicante, viriliter gessit; de quo in sequentibus agetur: Altero verò, cum jam solium apprehendisset, etiam corporali; quod testantur tot illustres victoriae, pa●●im Consrantini adversus Maxentium, Maximinianum & Licinium, partim Theodos●i illius magni adversus tum alios, tum Eugenium & Arbogastum, Da monum vexilliferos, priusquam Gentilium Draconicolarum imperio Christiano rebellium contumacia & superbia penitus fracta & contrita conquieverit.  
Sed priusquam hinc abeamus, unum adhuc monendum restat; nempe, non statim atque editus est MULIERIS partus, ad thronum Dei subvectum fuisse, verùm quamprimùm regno maturuisset. Ideo dicitur peperisse filium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nempe non statim, sed cum adolevisse●. Quemadmodum & Christus Mariae, Dominus noster, (cujus imaginem in omnibus exprimit Christus iste mysticus, Ecclesiae partus) non simulatque natu● erat, sed cum similiter ad justam aetatem pervenisset, ad thronum Dei sublatu● regnum adiit, ibi sessurus donec posuerit inimicos suos scabellum pedum suorum. Sequitur,  
Mulier verò fugit in desertum, 
Vers. 6.  ubi habet locum paratum à Deo, ut ibi alerent eam diebus MCCLX.  
Quod cum postea repetendum, & aliquantò pleniùs describendum sit, eò explicationem differemus.  
Et factum est praelium in coelo; Michael & Angeli ejus praeliati sunt cum Dracone, 
Vers. 7.  & Draco pugnavit & Angeli ejus: Sed non praevaluerunt, neque locus eorum ampliùs inventus est in coelo. 
Vers. 8.   
Dictum est, Puerperam, partu suo salvo, Draconis insidias effugisse. Sed qui factum sit ut qui eam tam diligenter obseruârat, conatu tamen suo exciderit, jam demum commemorari incipit. Scilicet id Michaelis operâ atque auspiciis contigisse, qui Draconem insidiantem strenuè oppugnatum ivit, eúmque, superior tandem factus, de coelo deturbavit in terram. Indè Mulieris filium non tantùm salvum evasisse, sed ad thronum Dei evectum esse, ipsámque in tutum à Draconis furore locum secessisse.  
Etfactum est, inquit, praelium in coelo, etc.] nempe, dum pareret Mulier, non postquam peperisset, ut multi accipiunt. Nam certum est ex v. 14. bellum hoc gestum esse ante Mulieris fugam in Eremum. Mulier autem in Eremum non fugit priusquam peperisset, & Filius ejus raptus sit ad thronum Majestatis, v. 5, & 6.  
Michael & Angeli ejus praeliati sunt cum Dracone] non soli, sed adhibitis, quorum gratiâ dimicahani, Christi regis sui Martyribus & Confessoribus; de quibus proinde paulò pòst in Epinicio cantabitur, quòd vicerunt eum propter sanguinem AGNI & propter sermonem testimonii sui, neque dilexerunt animas suas usque ad mortem: id quod de nudis & solis Angelis dici non potest.  
Et DRACO pugnavit & Angeli ejus,] id est, Daemones, adhibitis itidem cultoribus suis Tyrannis Romanis eorúmque ministris.  
Sed quis, inquies, est iste MICHAEL? Non, opinor, Christus ipse, sed, ut apud Danielem, ni sallor, liquet, ex principibus primariis, seu septem Archangelis, unus, imò primus, cap. 10. nempe Angelus ille magnus qui apud eundem stare dicitur à partibus populi Dei, cap. 12. quémque adeò Christus magnus ille Archistrategus, Angelorúmque perinde atque hominum Rex, Satanae ejúsque satellitii contra suos furori opposuit. Mittuntur enim Angeli ob salutem eorum qui sunt Dei haeredes, Heb, 1. ult. eó●que pro suo agendi modo, abscondito & invisibili, contra malos Spiritus, qui in hominibus, Dei Christique sui hostibus, operantur, protegunt & tuentur, etiamsi visibili specie non appareant. Ità in hoc quo de agitur bello primitivae Christi Ecclesiae contra Draconicolas Romanos partes suas egerunt Angeli Michaele duce; quà nempe sanctos Christi Martyres & Confessores contra tyrannorum minas & vim tormentorum corroborando, & in agonibus ipsorum dolores minuendo, quandoque & doloris sensum planè adimendo; quà Spirituum adversariorum impetus frangendo & debilitando, persecutoribúsque, qui eorum instinctu agebantur, nunc obstacula & impedimenta ex improviso objiciendo, canatus elidendo, nunc terrores aliá●ve mentis alienationes injiciendo, ità ut incepto subindè desistentes, Ecclesiae vel inviti inducias & respirandi spatium concesserint; donec tandem, post trecentûm annorum bellum, cum Christo suos jam satìs exercuisle visum esset, atque Angelis suis plenam victoriam largiri vellet; Partu Mulieris, Christianis rerum potiuntibus, in Imperii solio collocato, Diaboli regnum expugnatum mirabili ruinâ concidit. Hoc enim est quod inquir, Draco non praevaluit, neque locus ei ampliùs inventus est in coelo, id est, cum omnibus copiis suis fusus fugatúsque coelo exutus est. 
Vers. 9  (In dictione Non praevaluit Hebraismus est, de quo postea.)  
Et projectus est Draco ille magnus, serpens antiquus, qui vocatur Diabolus & Satanas, qui seducit universum Orbem, (id est, ad Idololatriam impellit, hactenúsque Imperium Romanum insederat) projectus est in terram, & Angeli ejus cum eo projecti sunt.  
Id est, ipse cum omnibus Daemonibus suis, 
Clem. Rem. l. 8. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Satanam) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  hactenus pro Diis cultis, de culmine divinitatis quo gaudebant in imum exsecrationis & contemptûs devoluti sunt. Ut, quod olim in liberatione Israelis à tyrannide Pharaonis AEgyptii, cujus Draco iste imaginem gessit, factum legitur, 
* Exod. 12. 12. Num. 33. 4.  exercuisse Deum judicia in Deos AEgyptiorum; idem hîc saltem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 locum invenerit. Tradunt judaei, quòd etiam illic. Vide enim utrumque Targum, R. Salomonem, R. Aben Ezra, cum R. Mose ben Nachman, etc. Nec est quòd quis clara Scripturae verba aliò detorqueat, praesertim cum eò alludi videatur Isai. 19 1.  
Non praevaluit, pro devictus est, figura est, ut dixi, Hebraica, quâ adverbia negandi ejus cui adhibentur contrarium significant; prout in hac ipsa Visione paulò pòst habetur, Non dilexerunt animam suam usque ad mortem, id est, nihili fecerunt vitam suam, seu prodegerunt, pro Christo. Est enim hoc dicendi genus Hebraeis non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sic Prov. 12. 3. Non stabilitur homo in improbitate, id est, radicitùs commovetur & eradicatur. Ibid. 10. 2. Non prosunt the sau●i iniquitatis, id est, nocent, damnosi sunt. 17. 21. Non laetabiturpater stulti, id est moerore afficietur. Et 1 Cor. 16. 22. Si quis non amat Dominum jesum Christum, sit anathema, id est, quisquis odit & exsecratur. Vide Buxtorf. Thesaur. Gram. lib. 2. cap. 19 Ità hic, Non praevaluerunt Draco & Angeli ejus, idem est atque, prorsus devicti sunt.  
Pleniorem autem hujus victoriae historiam jam dedi ad interpretationem Sigilli sexti, quocum casus iste DRACONIS contemporat; imò Sigilli illius argumentum est, quantum ad insignem Imperii Romani mutationem spectat. Quod autem de Partu mulieris in Imperii solio collocato & Christianis tunc rerum potiuntibus dixi, id verò ex Epinicio quod subjungitur clarum & expeditum est.  
Audivi, 
Vers. 10.  inquit, vocem magnam in coelo dicentem, Nunc facta est salus & potentia & regnum Dei nostri, & potestas Christi ejus; quoniam projectus est Accusator fratrum nostrorum, qui accusabat illos ante conspectum Dei nostri die & nocte.  
Sed ipsi vicerunt eum per sanguinem Agni, & per Verbum testimonii sui, & non dilexerunt animas suas usque ad mortem— 
Vers. 11.   
Quae verba, ut sunt clarissima & absque omni allegoriae velo prolata, ità Clavis sunt totius Visionis interpretandae. Nam hinc liquidò perspici potest, tum quae fuerit illa Partûs Mulieris ad Thronum Dei subvectio, nempe, salutis, potentiae, & regni Dei, & potestatis Christi ejus in Solium Romanum introductio; tum quo hoste debellato ad regnum pervenerit, nempe deturbato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Accusatore illo qui dies noctésque fratres calumniatur & traducit coram Deo; denique cujusmodi secum copias adhibuerint Michael & Angeli ejus in isthoc adversus Draconem ejúsque satellitium praelio, sanctos scilicet Martyres & Confessores, qui vicerunt eum per sanguinem AGNI, & per sermonem testimonii sui, eò quòd non dilexerunt, id est, prodegerunt, animas suas usque ad mortem. Et verò omnino impossibile est ut illa Partûs Mulieris evectio, Draconis deturbatio, Regníque Dei & Christi introductio, non ad unum & eundem rerum eventum collineent; cum ab omnibus, tanquam ab uno quodam rerum termino, incipiat Mulieris Fuga in Eremum, vers. 6, & 14.  
Quòd verò Satanas hîc nomine novo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Accusator nuncupetur, qui antea Draco & Diabolus audiit; sciendum & hoc ab Hebraeorum usu profectum esse, quibus eodem quidem nomine, quod illi suum secerunt, jam olim appellatus est. Dicunt enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kategor. R. juda in libro Musar, citante Drusio, Kategor, inquit, est Satan, adversarius vel calumniator malus, qui adversatur homini, aut calumniatur eum coram Creatore benedicto. Maiemonides ad Pirke Avoth, (ubi in Gnome R. Eliezar & haec & contrariae significationis vox Paraclit, à Graecis quoque derivata, occurrit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id est, PARACLIT 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur, qui interpellat in bonum pro homine apud Regem: cujus contrarium est KATEGOR; is enim est qui traducit hominem apud Regem: & conatur occidere eum. Et sanè, si aliàs unquam, durante hoc puerperio & bello, Satan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & calumniatoris nomen digne promeruit. Quod testantur tot convitia & probra quibus Christianos toto hoc tempore Draconicolae obruebant, objicientes iis Thyestaeas coenas, incestus Oedipodios, adulterium, promiscuas libidines, homicidia, conjurationes in Principes, pestes, famem, incendia, & quicquid publicae calamitatis erat. Sed videtur hîc potius respici ad historiam job, ubi Satanas calumniando & accusando effecit ut Iob sibi à Deo tentationibus & tribulationibus probandus permitteretur. Id quod hîc quoque innuit Spiritus Sanct. ab eo pro more suo factum esse. Sciens intelliget quid velim. Sequitur in Epinicio,  
Propterea laetamini coeli & qui habitatis in iis (id est, 
Vers. 12.  sancti Angeli & beati spiritus, quorum feliciter navatâ operâ victoria haec parta est.) Vae incolentibus terram & mare, (id est, Orbem terrarum) nam descendit Diabolus ad vos, haebens iram magnam, (ideóque novum aliquod malum machinaturus) ut qui sciat se exiguum tempus habere.  
Nam licèt indè usque à Constantino Magno solio Romano dejectus fuit, aliquandiu tamen apud populum haesit Draconis cultus: unde cum, haud ità multò pòst, se tandem quoque expellendum, & universum Orbem Romanum Baptismo Christi imbuendum fore, rebus cousque progressis, praesentisceret; totus i●â & surore percitus, consilium iniit Ecclesiae victoriam, quacunque adhuc ratione potuit, in discrimen adducendi, &, si conatu excideret, vel ejectus, eam novo aliquo machinamento subruendi. Quorum utroque sibi non defuisse nequissimum spiritum jam videbimus.   

MYSTERIUM MULIERIS EREMICOLAE.  
MULIER Puerpera, debellato DRACONE, deinceps degit in Eremo: quo Ecclesiae ab Ethnica tyrannide liberatae status usque ad Tubam septimam & secundum Christi adventum figuratur; non latentis invisibilis, sed quasi mediae cujusdam conditionis typo, Israeliticae in deserto peregrinantis similis, ab exitu ex AEgypto ad ingressum Canaanitidis; status utique ejus a DRACONIS illius rufi, tanquam Pharaonis, furore tutae, nondum tamen eò gloriae appulsae quò tandem, reliquis hostibus debellatis, quasi ad Canaanaeae possessionem, perventura est. Status equidem qui Ethnicae illius tyrannidis servitute (ex qua tanquam ex servitute AEgyptiaca populus Christianus Christi potentiâ emersit) extrinsecùs melior esset; utpote potestate exinde, Christianorum Imperatorum & Regum auspiciis, factâ Christum liberè colendi, similiter atque Israelitis Eremicolis JEHOVAM; Templis quoque, ceu cultûs Christiani Tabernaculis, magnificè exstructis, Ecclesiae politiâ regibus, reditibus sacris, decimis oblationibúsque constitutâ: sed Apostasiâ multimodâ, non minùs quam Israel Erimicola Vitulo, Baalpeoro, Balaamo, Koracho, etc. infelix. Neque illud sortasse praetereundum fuerit, Mulieris hujusce Christianae Eremicolae Menses XLII. totidem Israelis in Deserto mansionibus respondere. Vid. Num. 33.  
Typi ratione & indole sic expositâ, textum particulatim illustremus, reique gestae aptemus.  
cum igitur vidisset Draco quòd projectus esset in terram, persecutus est Mulierem quae peperit masculum. 
Vers. 13.  14. Siquidem datae sunt Mulieri duae alae Aquilae magnae, ut volaret à facie Serpentis in desertum in locum suum, ubi aleretur per tempus & tempora & dimidium temporis. 15. Ejecit autem Serpens ex ore suo post Mulierem aquam tanquam flumen, ut eam à flumine abripi faceret.  
Hic primus Satanae dejecti, nondum vero penitus ejecti, sed in imo aliquantisper haerentis, conatus fuit; ut MULIEREM, rerum potiunte partu ejus, in Eremiticum statum concedentem, si quo modo posset, obrueret, antequam penitus eò à furore ipsius tuta se reciperet. Non enim statim ut evadere coepit, sed aliquâ temporis morâ interjectâ, in Eremum pervenit: quemadmodum & Israel, in profectione sua eódem ex AEgypto susceptâ, aliquantum temporis insumpsit. Verba autem hîc posita ità concipienda sunt, ut ad illud quod superiùs de eadem MULIERIS in Eremum suga dictum erat aliquo pacto referri videatur, hâc aut simili sententiâ; cum vidisset Draco quòd dejectus esset in terram, persecutus est MULIEREM quae peperit masculum. Nam cum (ut suprà dictum) MULIERI post editum & in thronum subvectum partum ejus datum fuit (nempe aliis duabus Aquilae magnae eidem commodatis, quasi volatu quodam) in Eremum concedere, ubi aleretur per tempus, tempora, & dimidium temporis; ejecit ille ex ore suo post eam aquam tanquam flumen, ut eam à flumine abripi faceret. Ità quoque Pharao populum Israeliticum de ditione sua in Eremum contendentem perfecutus est, sed alio flumine.  
Aquila magna Imperium est Romanum. Alae ejus duae, duo Caesares bipartiti jam Imperii, Occidentis & Orientis, quorum tutelâ & auspiciis Ecclesia in Eremeticum statum concessit. Notum est enim, Imperium Romanum, simul ut fidem Christianam suscepit, bipartitum evasisse, & geminis quasi Caesarum alis volâsse. Hanc interpretationem nemini non obviam facit Aquila Imperii Romani insigne. Sed quid vetat etiam ex scriptore Apocrypho typi prophetici significationem confirmare? Is est Esdras prophetes, (hoc enim eum nomine Clemens Alexandrinus laudat, Strom. lib. 3. paulò ante sinem) apud quem Aquilae typus Regnum quartum significat, duodecim alae pennatae totidem ejus Caesares primos. 
2 Esdr. c. 1●. & 12.  Vide cap. 11. & 12. Sed dic, Lector, annon etiam hîc respici dixeris ad illud Domini de exitu Israelis ex AEgypto, Exod. 19 4. Vidistis, inquit, quae secerim AEgyptiis, ut portaverim vos super alas Aquilarum, & adduxerim ad me, scilicet in Desertum?  
Verùm aliud adhuc hoc versu est quod enodari postulet: Quorsum Tempus incolatus MULIERIS in Eremo, quod paulò antè Diebus numerabatur, hîc in Annos convertatur, seu tempus, tempora, & dimidium temporis. Ego verò aliam alternationis istius causam indagare nequeo, quam ut Clavis esset similis apud Danielem temporis notationis, nósque moneret, in iis ipsis temporibus nunc versari Ecclesiam quae ille temporis, temporum & dimidii temporis periodo definiverit. Et sanè absque hoc indice illa temporis designatio incertissima & inexplicabilis fuisset. Unde enim aut quo demum indicio sciri potuerit, tempus denotare Annum? aut si hoc, tempora non plures quam biennium? jam verò ex hac commutatione clarum est, intervallum illud in Dies 1260 resolvendum esse, eóque significare Annum biennium, & semestre.  
Istis verò in hunc modum illustratis, dispiciamus tandem quid Aqua illa fuerit, quam instar fluminis DRACO ex ore suo eructaverit, ad Mulierem dum in Eremum contenderet submergendam. Oris scaturigo est sermo & doctrina; juxta illud Prov. 18. 4. Aquae profundae verba oris viri, torrens scaturiens est vena sapientiae. Unde verbum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & instar fontis scalurire significat, de doctrina adhibetur: ut Psal. 78. 2. Aperiam in parabolis os meum, eructabo vel scaturiam abscondita à constitutione mundi: id quod de doctrina Servatoris allegatur Matth. 13. 35. Ità Prov. 1. 23. Sapientia praedicare dicitur in plateis, Eructabo vobis spiritum meum scire faciam vos verba mea. Quid igitur scaturigo ex ore Serpentis, Bestiae venenatae, nisi doctrina pestifera, id est, haeresis, erit? juxta illud Prov. 15. 28. Os impiorum eructabit, vel scaturiet, mala. Eam verò hujus temporis historia instar fluminis ex ore Draconis prodeuntem exhibet; Arrianismum dico & sobolem ejus. Hoc Flumine suo DRACO Mulierem penè abripi secerat; voluit certé. Et profecto mirum fuit ni Imperatores Romani, qui tum recentes Christo nomen dederant, necdum rem Christianam plenè confirmârant, tam horrendo inter Christianos (vel tantillum à persecutione respirantes) dogmatum in re tam primaria dissidio, tam infernecinis partium odiis, tumultibus, credulitate in fratres, vel illam Ethnicorum exaequante, offensi atque abalienati fidem abjecissent.  
Sed succurrit Terra Mulieri; 
Vers. 16.  nam aperuit terra aos suum, & absorpsit flumen quod ejecerat Draco ex ore suo.  
Id est, Multitudo Christianorum in Conciliis orthodoxâ fide praevalentium inundationem Diabolicam exhausit; quemadmodum Terra aquam solet cum siccitate praevaluerit. Nam si Aqua (sed venenata & pestifera, qualis ex Serpentis ore prodit) haeresim repraesentet; omnino postulabat analogiae ratio, ut quod eandem absumptum atque abolitum iret terrâ figuretur, ut quae eluviones aquarum ariditate sua soleat exhaurire. Quod quidem hac in re eò commodiùs ad rem gestam significandam accidit, quia etiam aliàs in oratione historica & simplici Terra passim pro terra incolis poni soleat. Vide Gen. 41. 57 1 Sam. 14. 25. Deut. 9 28. & passim alibi.   

DE BESTIA DECEMCORNUPETA Deum blasphemante, ET BESTIA BICORNI SEU PSEUDOPROPHETA authore & Hierarcha ejus.  
MULIEREM Eremi fines ingressam nova malorum scena invasit: 
Ad Cap. 13.  nam in Bestiam continuò incidit geminam, specie quidem minimè reformidandam, quippe Draconis aut Serpentis, cujus solius horret figuram, nihil, sed Pantheram aut Agnum prae se ferentem; reverâ tamen Draconis illius dejecti fiduciariam, ejúsque vice soboli quam in Eremo paritura erat magnas aerumnas daturam.  
Et iratus est Draco adversus Mulierem, (indè enim capitis hujus historiam accerso) & abiit bellum facturus cum reliquis ex semine ejus, (iis nimirum quos in Eremo paritura erat) qui custodiut mandata Dei, & habent testimonium jesu Christi; stetítque super arenam maris.  
Id est, cum vidisset Draco (ille qui Romano imperio jam modò exutus erat) se, ad obruendam Mulierem in Eremum contendentem, Arrianismi eluvione nihil profecisse, quin salva nihilominus in Eremum pervenisset; praeterea, neque ampliùs passurum Romanum Orbem ut ipse proprio nomine rerum ibi, ut olim, potiretur: aliâ ratione eum aggreditur, nempe Regnum vicarium sibi tacitè substituendo; eóque fine stetit super arenam Maris, ut novam Regni Romani faciem tunc orituram vicariam sibi faceret. Duplicis autem BESTIAE rem Romanam gesturae historia sequitur, unius DECEMCORNUPETAE, alterius BICORNIS, summâ necessitudine inter sese devinctarum, utriusque simul, eâdémque Orbis ditione, regnantis. Quarum primam DECEMCORNUPETAM, Secularem; alteram BICORNEM, Ecclesiasticam, si lubet, voca.   

De BESTIA DECEMCORNUPETA.  
BESTIA Decemcornupeta seu Secularis, est UNIVERSITAS illa Decem plus minùs regnorum (in quae Caesarem, post exturbatum Draconem, Imperium Barbaricâ plagâ desilierat) in unam denuo Rempublicam Romanam, redintegratâ Draconis impietate, coalescentium.  
Vidi, inquit, Bestiam é Mari ascendentem, habentem capita septem & cornua decem, & super cornibus ejus decem diademata, & super capitibus ejus nomina blasphemiae.  
Eadem hîc Bestia describitur quae infrà cap. 17. MERETRICEM bajulat: Bestia autem septiceps Romana sub vice capitis novissimi. Vidi, inquit joannes, typum Regni Romani statûs illius novissimi, quo nimirum sub septimo capite agens in decem regna divisum esset, adhúcque, perinde atque sub prioribus capitibus suis fecerat, Deum Opt. Max. idolorum cultu blasphemaret. Nam septem capitum numerus Romani regni insigne est, ut & decem cornnum gestamen. Nomen blasphemiae idololatriae nota. Cornibus (quae solius novissimi capitis sunt) imposita diademata, Regnum illud sub novissimi capitis vice exhiberi ostendunt; id quod reliquâ BESTIAE descriptione ampliùs confirmabitur.  
Et Bestia quam vidi èrat similis Pardo, 
Vers. 2.  & pedes ejus ut Vrsi, & os ejus ut os Leonis.  
Id est, Regnum hoc, partim regiminis & statûs, partim indolis suae respectu, ità comparatum esset, ut tres istas Monarchias, olim Danieli hisce Bestiis figuratas, confuso quodam temperamento effingeret. Siquidem reliquâ corporis specie Graecum esset; pedibus, ut Persarum regnum, incessu gestionéque insisteret; ore, instar Babylonii, facienda ediceret. Pardus enim Regni Graecorum, Vrsus Persarum, Leo Babyloniorum typus est.  
Primùm igitur, Regnum istud corpore suo planè Graeci instar esset, puta Regnum instar illius in plura Regna divisum, Dan. 7. 6. & 8. 8, 22. Graecum enim quadrisidum, Romanum hoc novissimum in decem regna secandum erat; cui typo est decem cornuum gestamen in capite Bestiae novissimo, quae Angelo postea interprete cap. 17. sunt decem reges, seu regna in quae Imperium Romanum sexti capitis dilaceratum, in novum regnum sub septimo coalesceret, MERETRICI bajulandae. Esse autem Cornua illa decem solius capitis novissimi, id est, septimi, neque, ut vulgò putatur, promiscuè omnium; sic demonstro. Florente capite florescunt cornua; quo occidente, etiam cornua indè enascentia occidere necesse est. In primis igitur quinque capitibus cornua inesse non poterant, quia quinque illa capita, aiente Angelo cap. 17. jam Ioannis aevo abierant, & unà cum capitum vicibus cornuum quoque iisdem innascentium vices abiissent; neque in sexto, quoniam eo Ioannis aevo (ut etiam disertè affirmat Angelus) regnante, cornuum tamen tempus nondum advenerat; nam, inquit, decem cornua sunt decem Reges qui regnum nondum acceperunt. Relinquuntur igitur Capiti novissimo. Apagite igitur pictores, qui hîc pro libitu decem cornua in septem capita distribuitis, aliis singula, aliis, pro liberalitate vestra, bina largientes: quod quam inconcinnum sit & omni textûs sundamento procul, imò Angeli interpretationi planè repugnans, nemo qui jam monitus rem secum seriò perpenderit non confitebitur. Pro vero igitur & certo habendum, solum caput septimum, in illa capitum sese invicem scandentium scalâ situ summum, vice novissimum, cornuum gestamine superbire. jam igitur pergo reliquam ejusdem BESTIAE novissimae effigiem exponere.  
Ea verò Pedibus, quibus corpus innititur, quibus movetur incedítque, quorúmque anteriores Bestiis pro manibus brachiísque sunt, tractando, rapiendo, pugnando, pedibus, inquam, Persarum imperium admodum resert: cum, sicut illi in rebus gerendis Magorum suorum consiliis innitebantur, ità Regnum Romanum statûs novissimi, Monachorum Clericorúmque idololatricorum, Magis illis simillímorum, authoritate regitur. Quò illud spectat quod de BESTIA illa altera Pseudoprophetica 
* viz. vers. 12.  Postmodum dicetur, quòd totam Bestiae hujus DECEMCORNUPETAE potestatem exerceat in conspectu ejus. Pedes enim hic non ut infima & indigniora corporis membra considerandi, sed cujusmodi sint in Bestiis, non tantùm incessûs sed & pugnandi praedandíque organa; in quibus & Vrsis (de pedibus anterioribus loquor) praecipuum corporis robur inest. Neque pedes hîc intelligendi sunt ea tantùm pars quae vestigium ponit in solo, sed quod cum pede illo minore dicto crura quoque & brachia comprehendit.  
Denique BESTIA Decemcornupeta Ore Babylonico facienda ediceret; scilicet Deastrorum & Imaginum cultum jubendo, poenâ mortis & vivicombutii abnuentibus indictâ; perinde ut Nebuchadnezar ille Iudaeis Imaginem auream, quam Belo suo erexerat sexaginta cubitos longam, adorare nolentibus, Dan. c. 3. Interim aliorum interpretationi nihil hâc meâ praejudicatum velim; eorum nempe qui ad naturalem potius trium harum Bestiarum indolem respiciendum putent; quarum omnium ingenium vel feritatem DECEMCORNUPETA exprimeret. Utatur quisque judicio suo.  
Et tradidit ei Draco (dejectus ille qui stetit super arenam Maris) potentiam suam (id est, vires seu copias suas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) & thronum suum & potestatem magnam.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hellenistis copias sive exercitum significat, ex usu, ut videtur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hebraeorum, quo utrumque, tum robur & virtus, tum exercitus denotatur. LXX Exod. 14. 28. de exercitu Pharaonis submerso, Operuerunt Aquae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. omnem exercitum pharaonis; & 15. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, exercitum ejus dejecit in Mare; 
Ad Cap. 13.  & sic passim: nec apud eos solos, sed etiam apud profanos scriptores. Ab hac notione sunt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dominus exerci●uum; & Matth. 24. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, copiae seu exercitus coelestes commovebuntur: item ver. proximo, Filius hominis venturus dicitur in nubibus coeli, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod 
* Matth. 25. Vers. 31.  capite sequente exponitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in gloria sua, & cum omnibus sanctis Angelis suis. Ità hoc loco, Tradidit Draco, [seu Satanas,] BESTIAE Decemcornupetae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, copias suas, seu exercitum suum. Satanae autem copiae sunt Angeli ejus seu Daemones, & idola Daemonum receptacula. Has ille copias scilicet BESTIAE huic novissimae tradidit excolendas ornandásque, unà cum throno suo & potestate magna; id est, uno verbo, potestatom illam universam quâ nuper per Michaelem & sanctos Christi Martyres & Confessores victus & debellatus exciderat. Ità quidem ut Draco seu Satanas, in hac novissimi statûs BESTIA, pristinum suum dominium quod in Rufa exercuerat quodammo. ●o recuperaret; sed adeò dissimili à priore specie, ut MULIERIS in Eremo SEMEN id m●nimè statim animadverteret. Non enim jam Draco draconis, ut antea, specie se ingessit, id est, se eum esse qui fuit professus est, juratum Christiani nominis hostem. Hoc enim si fecisset, statim eum agnovisset, sibíque, tanquam ab hoste saevissimo, cavisset Mulieris Semen; ex innata videlicet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa quam Deus jam indè ab exordio mundi inter ut●umque fore edixerat; Ponam, inquit, inimicitiam inter te & Mulierem, & inter semen tuum & semen ejus. At verò cum se, non Serpentis, sed alte●ius Bestiae nequicquam cognationis cum Serpente habentis, sormâ induisset, haud ità diffic●le ei fuit, Mulieris semini, id est, Ecclesiae Christianae, ob nuperam victoriam laetae, jánique Draconis securae, imponere atque ad morem sibi gerendum allicere. Quod quidem tam tectè & subdolè, sub Bestiae sibi non amatae larva, fecit Veterator, ut non nisi serò demum sese ab antiquo hoste deceptam, atque sub hac larva, Draconem venerari, Ecclesia agnosecret. Quis enim suspicatus esset sub Pardalis ●eu (quod idem est) Pantherae figura latitâs●e Draconem, id est, sub specie illius animalis quod cum caeterae Bestiae sive cutis pulchritudine, 
Isidor. lib. 12. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus, quod omnium animalium amicus sit, excepte dracono.  sive odoris suavitate ille●●a, accedere & contemplari ament, solus penè Draco horrere & fugere dicitur? Vel, ut aliquantò clariùs rem explicem, Quis sub Imperio Religionis Christianae, Idolorum demolitricis, cultum prae se ferente, Idolola●riam nefandam & an●iquatum pridem Ethnicismum immani studio instaurari, legibus & edictis promoveri existin ●âsset?  
Et vidi unum ex capitibus ejus (sextum nimuum) quasi caesum suisset ad mortem, (hoc factum in praelio cum Michaele & sanctis Martyribus) & plaga lethalis ejus curata suit, 
Vers. 3.  scilicet vicariae hujusce potestatis pharmaco.  
Fuisse autem Draconem illum s●pticipitem (Imperium utique Romanum ab antiquo Serpente in●es●um, id est, Ethnicum) sexti capitis BESTIAM, tum ex eo liquere potest quòd instà cap. 17. de capitibus istis dicitur, Quinque jam ●oannis aevo cecidisse, unum (quod sextum ●st) tunc temporis rem Romanam gessisse; tum maximè, quòd BESTIA haec vicis novissimae eidem proximè in eodem throno successerit. Draco, inquam thronum suum hîc cessisse dicitur BESTIAE vicis novissimae seu capitis septimi; Ergò proximus e●us Decessor fuit, seu penultimi capitis BESTIA. Nec id quemquam moveat, quod adhuc sub sexti capitis vice septiceps tam●n illic in Visione apparuit. Quamvis enim non simul, sed ordine & deinceps, Capita vices suas egerint; tamen BESTIA cum toto capitum & cornuum suorum apparatu, sub quovis statu exhibetur, ut unum idémque Regnum Romanum, aliis licèt atque aliis Dynastiarum vicibus, ubique designetur.  
Sed ad textum redeamus; ubi Editio Complutensis, suffragantibus Irenaeo, Areta, Syro Paraphraste nuper edito, 
[In Bibl. Polyglott. MS. Alexandr. non agnoscit illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vidi●.]  & inter Latinos Primasio, illud [Vidi] non agnoscit, sed verba 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conjungit cum verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi in hanc sententiam; Tradidit ●i Draco vires suas & thronum suum & potestatem magnam, & unum ex capitibus suis lethali plagâ sauciatum, ut curaretur. Suspicor & vulgatam Latinam olim sic legisse, propter illud [de capitibus suis;] nam alioquin [de capitibus ejus] dicturus videretur. Lectio verò haec an alteri praeferenda sit, haud temerè affirmârim; illud tantùm, admodum eam antiquam videri, ut mirer non esse à R. Stephano annotatam. Sed quicquid sit, Lectio recepta, si rectè & prout res ipsa omnino pos●it interpretemur, eundem planè sensum reddet: Vidi, inquit, unum excapitibus ejus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i, quasi caesum fuisset ad mortem; nempe, non tunc vidente Apostolo, sed priusquam hâc specie ex mari emergeret, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sen sensu plusquam perfecti: Quemadmodum suprà. c. 5. v. 6. se vidisse dixerat in medio Presbyterorum & Animalium Agnum stantem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. tanquam qui mactatus fuisset, non ipso tunc vidente mactatum,  
Quod autem de plagae curatione additur, id aut, dum adhuc è mari emergit BESTIA, factum vidit, aut simulac indè emersit. Neque enim (quod à plerisque tamen hucusque creditum est) sanatio isthaec fatum aliquod posterius fuit, sed ipsa nativitas BESTIAE novissimae. A reliquorum capitum singulis ad capitis succedentis vicem absque plaga transitum fuit; atqui in transitu à sexto ad novissimum BESTIA lethali vulnere decubuit: à cujus aio sanatione, nec prius aut citiùs, BESTIAM Decemcornupetam, seu novissimae vicis, exordium sumpsisse, nequ●altiùs originem suam ducere. Id quod ità esse tota sequentis narrationis series evincit. Quodcunque enim mali BESTIA patrâsse memoratur, quicquid cultûs & adorationis ei ab incolis terrae tributum, id omne post plagae istius curationem factum dicitur. Vidi, inquit, unum ex capitibus ejus quasi caesum fuisset ad mortem, & plaga mortis ejus, seu lethalis, sanata fuit; & admirans universa terra secuta est Bestiam, nempe jam sanatam, & adorârunt Draconem, etc. Tunc quoque datum est ei os loquens grandia & blasphemias, etc. Et aperuit os suum adversus Deum, etc. Omnia ista post sanationem facta sunt: ante verò istam nulla BESTIAE praedicantur facinora, nullius ei à Gentibus delatae subjectionis aut honoris mentio. Quicquid antea commemoratur, partim ad BESTIAE formam, partim ad ortûs occasionem modúmque pertinet. Et quorsum, obsecro, Bestiam Antichristianam nobis fingeremus, cujus per aliquod tempus nulla narrentur facta, nulla memoretur persecutio? Imò, si Irenaei & Complutensem lectioonem sequamur, expuncto Vidi, nullus erit ampliùs ejuscemodi interpretationi locus.  
Et admirata est universa terra post Bestiam.  
Id est, summâ approbatione & consensu iverunt in partes Bestiae.  
Et adorârunt Draconem qui dedit potestatem Bestiae, 
Vers. 4.  & adorârunt Bestiam, dicentes, Quis similis Bestiae? quis poterit pugnare cum ●a?  
Hoc est, non BESTIAM simpliciter adorârunt, quà Bestia, sed etiam quà Draconis vicaria; eóque non solam BESTIAM, sed sub Bestiae larva Draconem q●oque ipsum venerati sunt. Nam BESTIAM, nisi quà Draconis vicem agebat Idololatria, adorare, quo sensu hîc dicitur, non magìs impium fuisset quam cuivis potestati mundanae morem gerere. Scilicet Bestia regnum denotat. Bestiam autem adorare, ex Hebraismi & Orientis usu, nihil aliud est quam eidem subjici: quod non obscurè ostendit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa Adorandi verbo subjuncta, Adorârunt, inquit, Bestiam, dicentes, Quis similis Bestiae? quis potis est pugnare cum ea? Quasi dixerit, in BESTIAE sese obsequium sponte dederunt, tanquam quae potestate superârit adeò, ut nemo ci resistendo esset aut belligerando. Quo eodem sensu v. 12. Terra ipsa, non modò incolae ejus, BESTIAM adorâsse dicitur, id est, in ditionem ejus concessisse. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Ità in benedictione jacobi, Gen. 27. 29. Serviant tibi populi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, adorent te nationes: esto Dominus fratribus tuis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & adorent te Filii matris tuae. De hac porrò notione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vide Gen. 37. 7. & 49. 8. in benedictione judae, item Isai. 45. 14. At verò BESTIAE juxta constitutionem suam religiosam subjici, quà Draconem septicipitem referat, id verò in Deum blasphemum est & impium. Unde qui sic Bestiam adorant, Bestiam adorando Draconem adorare dicuntur.  
Datúmque est ei os loquens grandia & blasphemias, 
Vers. 5.  & data est ei potestas faciendi menses quadraginta duos.  
Hactenus de constitutione & statu BESTIAE: deinceps exponitur, quibus demum rebus commissam sibi à Dracone potestatem exseruit; scilicet duabus, blasphemiâ in Deum, & persecutione Sanctorum. Tota autem descriptio petita est ex prophetia Danielis cap. 7. ubi de eadem agitur, quâ hîc, Bestiâ Romanâ statûs novissimi. Sed quae ibi Danieli ab Angelo succinctiùs narrantur, ea hîc joanni, interjectâ quasi explicatione, fusiùs diducuntur.  
Datum est ei, inquit, os loquens grandia. Os loquens grandia, Danielis est; sed hic verba illa grandia explicantur per blasphemias: quo nomine cultum idololatricum designari, rem utpote summae in Deum contumeliae, mox dicetur. Porrò ait, Bestiam sic blasphematuram menses XLII, annales scilicet; eodem prorsus temporis spatio quo Atrium Templi exterius sive Civitatem sanctam conculcarent Gentes. Nec immeritò, cum illa Gentium prophanatio in eandem omnino impietatem collineet cum isthac BESTIAE blasphemia; utraque potestatis tenebrarum & noctis rem designet, ideóque non annis aut diebus, ad motum Solis, sed mensibus, ad motum Lunae quae praeest nocti, mensuratam. Et sanè, nisi Spiritus S. temporis designationem ad blasphemiam referri voluisset, quorsum eam hoc loco, statim post mentionem blasphemiae, inseruit? Non igitur ab initio truculentiae aut belli contra Sanctos, sed blasphemiae, numerandi sunt BESTIAE Menses. Ut si verbum Faciendi certum aliquem potestatis Bestiae actum statúmve significaret, (cujusmodi quid Agendi seu Faciendi potestatem hîc vocari nonnulli autument) id omnino ad blasphemandi actum referendum esset. Sed videtur potius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 durandi seu permanendi significatione adhiberi, ut aliàs solet cum vocabulis temporis. Sic enim Act. 15. 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, facto aliquanto tempore; & 18. 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cum egisset aliquod tempus, seu aliquandiu; & 20. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cum fecisset menses tres; 2 Cor. 11. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, noctem ac diem in profundo egi. Adde jacob. 4. ●3. Hodie vel cras ibimus in illam civitatem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & faciemus ibi an●umunum. Ubi Drusius annotat, sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usurpari Eccles. 6. 12. & facere in Latio. Seneca Epist. 67. Quamvis paucissimos unà fecerimus dies. In tabella marmorea, Cum qu● fecit annos ix. Apud Alfenum 1. c. Is servus fugerat, & annum in fuga fecerat, id est, egerat, manserat, finierat, transegerat. His ità se habentibus, quidni BESTIA fecit menses quadraginta duos, sit, vixit totidem, mansit, blasphemando peregit? Cujus locutionis vim qui non intellexerunt illud [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] quod in quibusdam exemplaribus exstat, textui inseruisse videntur.  
jam quòd dixi, hìc nomine Blasphemiae, quasi per excellentiam, idololatriam seu scortationem spiritualem designari, id duplici aut etiam triplici argumento evinci potest. 〈◊〉, quòd BABYLON, BESTIAE hujus Metropolis, Mater scortorum audiat, cum 〈◊〉 scortari dicantur reges & incolae terrae. Atqui BESTIA, qua de agimus, nihil 〈◊〉 est quam Regum istorum & incolarum universitas. Secundò, ejusmodi blasphemiani esse oportet quae in proximè antecedentis, imò omnium reliquorum capi●um vice● competat; omnibus enim indita fuerunt nomina blasphemiae, ver. 1. Adde quod BESTIA isthaec vicis novissimae ex impietatis Decessoris sui vicis sextae redintegratione nata & conflata est. Quae autem istis omnibus communis dari potest blasphemia praeter unam idololatriam? Omnino nulla.  
Accedit usus Scripturae, Idololatriam veteris populi hoc nomine exprimentis. Quod ut intelligatur, sciendum tria in Hebraeo esse verba ab interpretibus Graecis & vulga●â Latinâ Blasphemiae notione reddita, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quorum nullo non Idololatriam signatam leges.  
Verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezech. 20. 27. Adhuc & in hoc 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  blasphemaverunt me Patres vestri, cum induxissem eos in terram, super quam levavi manum meam ut darem ●is: ● iderunt omnem collem excelsum & omne lignum nemorosum, & immolaverunt ibi victimas suas, etc.  
Verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Isaiae 65. 7. Qui sacrificaverunt super montes, & super colles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 probro affecerunt me. Nostrates, Blasphemed me. Et certè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad unguem respondet Graeco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut Theodotion transtulit Prov. 14. 31. nam utrumque significat contumeliâ seu probro afficere. Unde 2 Reg. 19 22. cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jungitur tanquam synonymum, ut & Psal. 44. 16. Septuag. utrumque reddere solent per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 utrumque etiam Chaldaeus per suum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Porrò (ut hoc quoque addam) non Isaiae solùm, sed & citerioris aevi Iudaeis usitatum fuisse, probri seu blasphemiae nomenclaturâ idolorum cultum intelligere, vel ex Hagiographorum Paraphraste colligi potest; ubi Psal. 69. 10. pro verbis illis, Opprobrium exprobrantium tibi cecidit super me, Chaldaeus habet, Vituperia impiorum qui vituperant te, dum participia faciunt idola sua gloriae tuae, ceciderunt super me.  
Superest de verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod è duobus alterum est cui apud LXX respondet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Forstero est, Contumeliis, convitiis, verbis maledicis incessere. Hieronymus in Psalmis juxta veritatem Hebraicam, quoties occurrit, (occurrit autem quinquies) semper transfert blasphemare: aliis est contemnere, aut contemptim irritare; adeò ut verissima significatio ejus esse videatur, probris & contumeliis provocare ad iram. Hoc, inquam, verbo perinde Idololatriam designari ac prioribus, liquere potest ex Deut. 31. 20. cum comederint, inquit, & saturati fuerint, avertentur ad Deos alienos, & servient eye, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 detrahéntque mihi. Sic quidem hoc loco Vulgata, sensu blasphemandi, licèt non voce. Nam quid aliud est Deo detrahere, quam eundem blasphemare? Sed alibi vocem quoque exprimit, ut jer. 23. 15, 17. A Prophetis jerusalem egressa est pollutio super omnem terram Dicunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his qui blasphemant me, (de Idololatris autem sermo est) Locutus est Dominus, Pax erit vobis & omni qui ambulat in pravitate cordis sui.  
Istis, 
I● I●iae 66●3. pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  si placet, addi possunt, numpe illustrandi causâ, quòd Antiochi profanationes quibus Templum Dei & sacra ejus polluerat, appellentur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Mac. 2. 6. & ● Mac. 8. 4. Item quòd Kimchius haud dissimili notione illud Gen. 4. 26. Tunc pro●●natum fuit invocando Nomen Domini, interpretetur, Tunc errarunt homines post idola, & invocatio Nominis Divini fuit polluta & profanata. quam verò rectè nou inquiro; sic tamen vertit & accepit.  
Hinc apud Doctores Scholasticos tres sunt blasphemiae species: unà, cum attribuitur Deo quod ei non convenit; altera, cum ab eo removetur quod ei convenit; tertia, cum attribuitur creaturae quod Deo appropriatur, ut in idololatria. Nam sicut uxor adultera probro afficit maritum, ità Ecclesia idolis se prostituens, Deum; cum sit idololatria spirituale adulterium.  
Et aperuit os suum ad blasphemiam adversus Deum, 
Vers. 6.  ut blasphemaret Nomen ejus, & tabernaculum ejus, & eos qui in coelo habitant.  
Quod antea in genere de blasphemia dixerat, hîc speciatim exsequitur, triplicémque BESTIAE idololatriam distinguit. Primò enim Nomen Dei blasphemat; scilicet in cultu imaginum, Incommunicabile Nomen lignis & lapidibus imponendo, Sap. 14. 21. vel Nomen dei, i. est personam (fas sit sic loqui;) quod tunc sit, cum quicquam praeter ipsum Deum Divino honore colitur. Secundò, Tabernaculum ejus, i. humanam Christi naturam in qua Deitas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habitat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, joan. 1. 14. Et apud eundem, 2. 19 Solvite templum hoc, & in tribus diebus excitabo illud. Locutus est autem, inquit Evangelista, de Templo corporis sui. Annon etiam huc spectat illud, [manufacto perfectius multò Tabernaculum?] Heb. 9 11. Hoc, inquam Tabernaculum blasphemat BESTIA, dum Christi corpus ex pane à Transubstantiatore sacrificulo quotidie factum credit, eóque Panem pro Christo Tabernaculo Dei adorat; imò in sacrificium propitiatorium pro vivis & mortuis oblatum suspicit, quasi de integro Christum crucifigens. Etiam Coelites blasphemat, id est, Angelos & sanctos Coelicolas, dum eorum nominibus vocat quos colit Daemones & Idola. Quantum hoc in beatos Spiritus convitium est? imò in Christum etiam Dominum ipsorum contumelia? in cujus praerogativae & gloriae diminutionem, vel inviti, mediatores & interprete apud Deum, patroni & praesides mortalium Ethnico ritu constituantur. Vide quae ex Gentilium Theologia de Daemonibus eòrumque officiis scripsimus ad finem Tubae sextae. Neque hoc sola contenta BESTIA, insuper contumeliosis & ímprobis fabulis & miraculis beatos Spiritus dehonestat; ut dubites, cultùne, quem se iisdem exhibere videri vult, an fabularum contumeliis, peccet magìs.  
Hactenus de Blasphemia; sequitur de altera parte impietatis BESTIAE, quâ se Draconis illius rufi vicariam ostenderet, Persecutione Sanctorum.  
Nam insuper datum est ei, 
Vers. 7.  inquit, bellum facere cum Sanctis, & eos vincere.  
Daniel sic; Faciebat bellum cum Sanctis, & praevalebat eis. Cum Sanctis autem? i. e. cum Semine quod Mulieri in Eremo obvenerat. jam licèt tota BESTIAE dominatio quoddam sit contra Sanctos bellum, (juxta quod initio dicebatur, abiisse Draconem iratum, ut sub Bestiae hujusce larva bellum faceret cum reliquis de semine Mulieris custodientibus mandata Dei, & habentibus testimonium jesu) tamen aliusmodi bellum hîc intelligitur; ut apparet v. 10. ubi de talione aliquando BESTIAE reddenda dicitur, Si quis in captivitatem agit, etc. si quis gladio occiderit, oportet eum gladio occîdi. Bellum idcirco est quod caede & sanguine geritur. Adde quòd in BESTIAE, non Ecclesiasticae, sed Secularis descriptione adhuc versamur, in quam alterius generis bellum per se vix competat.  
Bellum autem isthoc non statim ab initio suo gessit BESTIA, sed postquam jam ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suam pervenerat, currente seculo à Christo nato duodecimo. Prima ejus expeditio incubuit in Albigenses & Waldenses, & si quo alio nomine tunc appellati sint veri Christi cultores: quorum tanta strages edita fuit, ut per Galliam solam, si P. Perionius in ejus belli historia rectè calculum inierit, occisa sint ad DECIES CENTENA HOMINUM MILLIA. Non enim vivicomburiis tantummodo, bonorum jacturis, exiliis, ali●sque id genus suppliciis grassatum fuit; sed, ne quid tam immani persecutioni ad justum Belli nomen deesset, integri exercitus adversus eos conscripti, & Cauciatis illis expeditionibus, contra Saracenos primitus institutis, jam in castae puraeque religionis Christianos qui BESTIAM adorare abnuerant conversis, ad annos circiter septuaginta furore & immanitate incredibile saevitum. Hujus lanienae historiae praestò sunt, ad quas Lectorem remitto. Lubet tamen Thuani, clarissimi, sed aliarum partium, historici verba ascribere: Contra Valdenses (inquit, Praesat. hist. sui temp.) cum exquisita supplicia parùm proficerent, & remedio quod intempestiuè adhibitum fuer at, malum exacerbaretur, numerúsque eorum indies cresceret; justi tandem exercitus conscripti sunt, nec minoris molis bellum, quam quod antè nostri adversus Saracenos gesserant, contra eos decretum est; cujas is exitus fuit, ut potius caesi, fugati, bonis & dignitatibus ubique spoliati, atque huc illuc dissipati sint, quam erroris convicti resipuerint. Itaque qui armis se initio lutati fuerant, postremò armis victi in Provinciam apud nos & Gallicae ditionis Alpes vicinas confugerunt, latebr●sque vitae & doctrinae suae iis in locis repererunt: pars in Calabriam concessit, atque in ea di●, atque adeò usque ad PII IV. Pontificatum, se continuit: pars in Germaniam transtit, atque apud Boemos, in Polonia, & Livonia larem fixit: alii ad Occidentem versi in Britannia perfugium habuerunt.  
In hoc verò bello illud quoque memoratu dignum accidit, quòd ipsi Albigenses à Simone Monfortio Crucesignatorum duce magnâ clade aliquando ad Morellum victi, hanc de Sanctis à Bestia vincendis prophetiam in argumentum solatii & constantiae arripuisse visi sint. Nam cum 
* Ex Epist. Praelaterum Galliae qui Crucesignatorum castra tum secuti sunt, ad calcem Continuationis Belli sacri, Edit. Basil. ann. 1560. pag. 240.  Episcopus Tolosanus stragi intercedens, eos qui adhuc residui in tentoriis fortè manserant, misso quodam Religioso, admoneret, ut tanto quasi Dei irati & contra eos pronunciantis flagello convicti, jam tandem, feritate depositâ, ad fidem quam vocant Catholicam converterentur: illi verò, SE POPULUM CHRISTI VICTUM retorquentes, hoc quasi clypeo, tentationis impetum frustrati sunt, atque ad unum omnes à recurrentium militum manu interfecti fortiter occuberunt.  
Post hoc in Waldenses & Albigenses bellum, adversus tum alias atque alias ipsorum, aliisque in locis, reliquias, tum caeteros ubicunque terrarum ejusdem castae Religionis socios, variis modis saevitum suit: donec tandem nihilominus post annum 1500. integra Regna, Principatus, Respublicae, Reformatis Ecclesiis, à BESTIAE ditione in partes Sanctorum secesserint. Contra quos deinceps bellum geritur, hodiéque durat, nec finietur donec BESTIA in exitium ierit.  
jam si quis totam lanienae hujus seriem, annis paulò ampliùs quadragintis & quinquaginta comprehensam, animo diligenter metiatur, numerúmque occisorum ad calculos revocet; aut fallor, aut BESTIAE persecutionem decem illas Ethnicas (cum Draco proprio adhuc nomine rerum potiretur) non modò aequâsse, sed & superâsse, mirabitur. Albigentium & Waldensium caesorum numerum DECIES CENTENIS hominum MILLIBUS aestimatum jam antea monuimus. Exinde ad Ecclesiae Reformationem, partim flammis, partim gladio, partim aliis cruciatibus absumptorum nemo calculum inivit, cum tamen numerum haud exiguum fuisse notum sit. Ab origine jesuitarum ad annum 1480, hoc est, paulò pluribus quam 30 annis, orthodoxorum NONGENTA ferè MILLIA fuisse trucidata, 
Cap. 6. n. 41.  notat Balduinus de Antichristo. In Belgio solo, ídque manu solùm carnificis, saevus ille Pugil Romanae Sedis Dux Albanus, ad 36 animarum millia, seu authore, intra paucos annos sublata gloriatus 
* ●ran. jun. & T 〈…〉 ad Bellar. lib. 3. de 〈◊〉. Rom. cap. 7.  est. Testatur 
a D●una 〈…〉 A 〈…〉 ch. pag. 450.  Vergerius, qui optimè novit, Inquisitionem, ut vocant, haereticae pravitatis, vix triginta annorum spatio, CENTUM QUINQUAGINTA Christianorum MILL. diversis afflictionum generibus consumpsisse. Fatetur 
b De 〈◊〉 Monarch. lib. ●. dem. ●4.  Sanderus, infinitos Lolhardos & Sacramentarios in tota Europa ignibus traditos fuisse; quos tamen ait ille non à Papa & Episcopis, sed à politicis Magistratibus neci datos fuisse. Nimirum sic juxta prophetiam rem geri oportuit: nam de Seculari BESTIA dicitur, quòd Sanctis bellum faceret, eósque vinceret, & de decem Regibus, cap. 17. eos AGNO & electis & fidelibus ejus bellum illaturos; de BESTIA verò Ecclesiastica, non quidem ipsam gladio occidere, sed facere ut quicunque Imaginem Bestiae non adoraverint, ab ipsa Imagine gladio occidantur, ut paulò póst videbimus. Sequitur,  
Et data est ei potestas in omnem tribum, & linguam, & gentem.  
Quae autem haec potestas? num debellandi Sanctos? quasi ea sese extenderet quam latè pateat Ditio Romana: nam fortè non de dominii, sed persecutionis amplitudine sermo est. Sin quis alterum malit, sensus erit, Tantam fore BESTIAE authoritatem ut nulla tribus, lingua, aut gens impietati ejus refrageretur. Non autem de singularibus hic intelligi vult, (quippe quorum multi omni seculo reperti sunt qui Agno fidem seruârint) sed de integris tribubus, linguis & gentibus, id est, politiis hominum; quarum verissimum est nullam repertam esse, quam non BESTIA in impietatis suae obsequium flexum per multa secula detinuerat: adeò ut qui hîc illic per BESTIAE provincias dispersi degerent veri nominis Christiani, soli per id temporis Ecclesiam illibatam atque Virgineam constituerent; ut quae nullam professionis suae civitatem, rempublicam, nedum principatum aut regnum (proh dolor!) habuerit. Hîc autem animo tenendum, BESTIAE formam esse impietatem illam Draconi succenturiatam; cujus utique communione plura illa, ut diximus, ditionis Romanae Regna in unam Bestiam coalescunt. Hanc igitur qui susceperint, in potestatem BESTIAE concedere dicuntur: quod fecerunt omnes tribus, linguae & gentes.  
Et adorabunt eam omnes incolae terrae, quorum non sunt scripta nomina in libro vitae Agni illius mactati ab origine mundi. 9 
Vers. ●.  Siquis habet aurem, audiat.  
Nè quis autem tam universali & catholico in BESTIAE leges consensu facinatus id piè rectéque fieri, sibique absque periculo, tot gentium, nationum populorúmque exemplum sequendum esse praesumat; aut etiam persecutionis atrocitate fractus & debilitatus fidem Agno datam violet, ínque BESTIAE cultum concedat; Spiritus Sanct. quo loco & numero apud Deum sint qui huic monstro impietatis morigeros sese exhibuerint, elogio planè metuendo denunciat: Eos nempe in AGNI illius occisi matricula non haberi, sed regni Dei exortes aeternùm perituros.  
Admonitioni isti formidolosae subjungitur Apostrophe attentioni movendae; Si quis, inquit, habet aurem, audiat: quasi dicat, Eho, pii Christicolae, advertite aures, imisque animis recondite quod de infelici adeò Bestiisequarum sorte modò profatum est; neque enim parvi momenti res est, quinimo talis in qua cardo salutis vestrae vertitur. Ità nempe verba ista ad superiora referri debent, non ad sequentia; pari modo quo eadem in Epistolis ad Ecclesias haud semel referri perspicuum est. Vide cap. 2. ver. ult. cap. 3. vers. 6, 13, 22.  
Si quis in captivitatem agit, 
Vers. 10.  in captivitatem abit: Si quis gladio occiderit, oportet eum gladio occîdi.  
Epiphonema consolatorium piorum, in quos BESTIA, parere sibi recusantes, bello, carceribus, & suppliciis immanissimis grassaretur: Futurum nempe aliquando ut Deus, justus suorum vindex, tot lanienarum, tantarum crudelitatum poenas reposcat, atque Belluae rabiosae talionem retribuat.  
Atque hîc est, inquit, tolerantia & fides Sanctorum.  
Id est, Sancti, hâc superni Numinis aequitate, rebúsque humanis ordinandis justitiâ freti, ad ea quae passuri sint minimè conturbentur aut animis concidant, sed animosè BESTIAE contranitentes vindictam à Deo certò & cumulatè eventuram firmiter & patienter exspectent.  
Atque hactenus de BESTIA Seculari actum: jam ad alterius BESTIAE à se visae descriptionem progreditur Apostolus, BESTIAE nimirum Ecclesiasticae, seu mavis Pseudopropheticae, quae prioris BESTIAE ejúsque blasphemiarum praefecturam gerit.   

DE BESTIA ALTERA BICORNI, sive Pseudopropheta.  
BESTIA Bicornis, sive Pseudopropheta, PONTIFEX est Romanus cum suo Clero; cornua quidem habens instar AGNI, cujus se potestatis ligandi & solvendi in terris Vicarium jactat, sed loquens idololatrias & Sanctorum lanienas ut Draco. Haec enim BESTIA BESTIAE illius Decemcornupetae, Draconi à tyrannide & blasphemiis sub Christianae professionis larva succenturiatae, author suit & conditor. Cujus proinde, ut potestate, Hierarchae munere, fungitur, ità quoque Pontifex ipse ejusdem. non minùs quam Cleri sui, quocum seorsim BESTIAM Pseudopropheticam constituit) sese Caput & Monarcham gerit, septimum illud novissimúmque Rei Romanae caput in VRBE septicolli exhibens. Qui nempe signis & Miraculis quae ei cum Clero suo facere ut fingere datum est, Excommunicationis praesertim tanquam coelestis vindictae fulmine, eò sensim Reges ex dissipato Caesarum Imperio nuper in Orbe Romano natos induxit, ut sibi, cassaeque jam alioquin imperio Romae, colla unanimiter submittentes, pristini jámque demoliti Imperii Ethnici IMAGINEM induerent. Id quod ei tam commodè processit, ut non tantùm BESTIA illa Romana capite Caesareo sauciata in IMAGINE ista planè revixerit, sed & IMAGO ipsa ad PSEUDOPROPHETAE nutum in quoscunque formae suae reclamantes incidisset, gladio seculari animadverteret, perinde ut PSEUDOPROPHETA spirituali.  
Et vidi, inquit, aliam Bestiam ascendentem de terra, 
Vers. 〈◊〉.  & habebat duo cornua similia Agni, sed loquebatur ut Draco.  
Vidit aliam Bestiam, Pseudopropheticam nempe, seu Pseudoecclesiasticam, quam constituit, ut diximus, PONTIFEX Romanus cum suo Clero. PONTIFEX enim per se & solus, ut Pseudopropheta dici possit, Bestiam tamen non efficit, nisi adscito suo Clero; cum Bestia coetum hominum quodam membrorum ordine instar animalis gaudentem denotet, non singularem hominem. Vidit autem ascendentem de terra: id est, non, ut prior illa, ex mari seu Orbis ditionibus, nobiliori scilicet origine, prognatam; sed ex ima rerum conditione editam: vel potius, non exercituum populorúmve bello decertantium confluge, ut SECULARIS illa, genitam; sed tacitè & sine strepitu, instar herbarum & stirpium de terra nascentium, succrescentem. Mare enim, ut quamvis populorum in unam ditionem conslugem, ità in bello exerci●um significat. Et habebat duo cornua similia AGNI:] id est, potestatem illam bipartitam ligandi & solvendi, Petro caeterisque Apostolis à Christo delegatam, atque eatenus quidem ipsius AGNI similem, quatenus dixit, Sicut me misit Pater, 〈◊〉 & ego mitto vos. Hanc quidem potestatem BESTIA prae se fert, séque in ea Christi vicariam agere: sed loquitur ut Draco, Draco verò rufus, quem Michael paulò antè deturbaverat atque Imperio Romano exuerat; dum quidem, ut ille, Deastro●●m & idolorum cultui authoritate & decretis suis patrocinatur, paríque modo veros & castos AGNI illius mactati cultores persecutionibus & lanienis exterminari facit.  
Nam potestatem prioris Bestiae omnem exsequitur in conspectu ejus. 
Vers. 12.   
Potestatem Draconis fiduciariam illam priori BESTIAE concreditam, ínque idololatrico cultu sitam, exsequitur BESTIA Bicornis, tanquam Hierarcha, cujus est obeundis sacris praeesse. In conspectu autem Bestiae idem est ac apud ipsum sive in gratiam ejus; quasi dicat, BESTIA ha●c Bicornis BESTIAE Decemcornupetae à sacris est, ut mirum videri non debeat si loquatur ut Draco. Ità enim Hebraeorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 respondet, nonnunquam aequipollet dativo personae cui aliquid acquiritur vel in cujus gratiam sit; ut pro eo quod 1 Sam. 2. 18. dicitur, Erat Samuel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, est cap. 3. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Speciatim verò PONTIFEX Romanus hujus BESTIAE caput, illius quoque BESTIAE supremum regimen exercet.  
Adhaec facit ut terra & haebitantes in ea adorent Bestiam primam, cujus plaga mortisera curata est.  
Id est, quicquid omnino est BESTIA illa prior, quicquid obsequii à gentibus impietati ejus delatum est, id omne Hierarchae huic tanquam parenti acceptum refert: cujus nimirum operâ effectum sit ut terra & incolae ejus adorarent BESTIAM illam primam, quae plagâ mortiferâ sanatâ è Mari emerserat. Id qua ratione, quibus mediis machinísve effectum dedit, id particulatim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exponit.  
Etenim, 
Vers. 13.  inquit, facit signa magna, adeò ut etiam ignem faciat è coelo descendere in terram in conspectu hominum.  
Et seducit incolas terrae propter signa quae datum ei facere in conspectu Bestiae, 
Vers. 14.  dicens incolis terrae ut faciant Imaginem Bestiae quae gladio vulnerata fuit: Et revixit.  
Etenim facit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Van ●nim Hebraeorum & indè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scriptura Conjunctio est non tantùm copulativa, sed & disjunctiva, rationalis, causalis, ordinativa, explanativa, prout sensùs ratio exigit: id quod semel monuisse sufficiat. jam ad rem. BESTIA Pseudoprophetica seu Pontisicia author gentibus BESTIAE illius Decemcornupetae quâ Draconis potestas revixit constituendae. Signis enim & miraculis iisdem persuasit, ut secum in Imaginem Bestiae sexto capite mactatae fabricandam consentirent. Quâ demum ad nutum ejus efformatâ, Plaga illa statu Draconis accepta, nouâ idololatriâ & tyrannide ad priorum similitudinem introductis, curari, Bestiáque Draconicola renovari visa est: nam BESTIA Romana capitis novissimi est IMAGO Bestiae sexto capite mactatae. Dixit, inquit, incolis terrae, ut facerent Imaginem Bestiae quae habebat plagam gladii; id est, imaginem ejus eâ quâ fuit conditione cum accipiebat plagam. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, atque ità demum BESTIA revixit seu redintegrata fuit. Verba enim ista non pertinent ad descriptionem Bestiae cujus erat imago exprimenda, quasi verba loquentis Pseudoprophetae; sed sunt Angeli eventum consilii istius referentis sive subjicientis, nempe sie Bestiam illam caesam revixisse. Estque acsi plenè diecretur hoc modo; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dicens incolis terrae ut faciant Imaginem Bestiae quae habebat plagam gladii; [illi verò fecerunt ità] & revixit. Ut 2 Reg. 20. 7. Dixit Isaias, Tollite massam ficuum. Et tulerunt, & posucrunt super ulcus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Et convaluit, scilicet Ezechias vel ulcus.  
Nimirum hoc illud est quod in BESTIAE illius Secularis descriptione dicebatur, tradidisse ei Draconem copias suas & potestatem magnam, eóque plagam illius lethalem convaluisse; id est, impressisse Draconem cultûs & potestatis suae formam Bestiae religionis alienae, dum Angelos suos seu Daemones non quidem, ut olim, iis titulis quibus se Christi Domini nostri hostes profitebantur, sed sub tegmine religionis Christianae, Sanctorum & Angelorum bonorum, imò & Christi ipsius (vah blasphemiam!) nominibus supposuit colendos. Nam Idola qui colit, quocunque nomine vocet, colit Daemonia.  
Imò, nè quid ad plenam Bestiae caesae, id est, Draconis, imaginem deesset; quod Imperatores Draconicolae quidam secerant, ipse quoque PONTIFEX sibi deferri curavit, honores scilicet divinos & authoritatem Deo peculiarem: adeò ut in Templo Dei tanquam Deus sedeat, prae se ferens se esse Deum, ut Paulus inquit. Quod etsi joannes, seu Angelusipsi BESTIAE historiam pandens, hîc speciatim nonattingit; tamen generali Imaginis nomine, tanquam similitudinis istius partem quâ Bestia caesa refertut, comprehensam voluit.  
Atque hactenus de Imagine fabricanda; jam de Signis ad suasionem ejus adhibitis. Facit, inquit, Signa magna, adeò ut etiam ignem faciat è coelo descendere in terram. Haud invitus hìc irem in sententiam Graseri, si modò illa ex Hebraeorum scriptis confirmari posset, hoc de Ignis deductione de coelo hyperbole proverbiali dictum esse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ejus quod praecessit: acsi dictum esset, Facit signa magna, imò talia ac tanta, u● vel ab ipsius Eliae miraculis quibus veri Dei cultum asseruit haud longè abesse videantur. judaei enim vulgò, inquit Graserus, isti Eliae miraculo tantum tribuunt, ut proverbialiter illud de omnibus siupendis factis, in quibus nempe Dei dignitas elucet, usurpent.  
Sed cui hoc non placuerit, is lectionem Complutensem, aliis quoque exemplaribus testatam, sequatur, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facit signa magna & ut ignis è coelo descendat in terram] atque adeò, tanquam eorum quae deinceps fusiùs exponuntur summa hisce verbis proponeretur, de duplici mediorum genere interpretatum eat quibus PSEUDOPROPHETA usurus esset ut Orbis Christiani incolas induceret ad Imaginem BESTIAE sexto suo capite caesae refingendam; Miraculerum scilicet apparatu, & Excommunicationis fulmine: quorum altero gentium animos in errorem pelliceret; altero, immorigerorum contumaciam & superbiam frangeret. Etenim de horum utrisque quorsúmque spectarent, in sequentibus ordine agi●ur. De Signis quidem verbis istis, Et seducit incolas terrae persigna quae datum est eifacere, dicens incolis terrae ut faciant IMAGINEM Bestiae quae gladio vulnerata fuit, & quae sequuntur ad v. 16. De Excommunicatione verò istis, Facit ut emnes accipiant characterem in manu dextra aut in frontibus suis, & ut nè quis possit emere aut vendere, nisi qui habucrit characterem aut nomen BESTIAE, aut numerum nominis ejus. Locutio Syn edocaica, quâ, ex interdicto aliorum commercio, Anathematis Ecclesiastici centura innuitur. Nec ea sanè inconcinnè igni coelesti seu fulmini assimilatur. Quid enim est, obseceo, in Dei nomine aeterno illi igni quempiam addicere, quam ignem coelo devocare? p●●sertim cum impiorum illa à Deo profectura poena lacu ignis & sulphuris, seu Aspha●●ite, ubi Sodoma & Gomorrha igne coelitus depluto conflagârunt, semel iterúmque in hoc libro figuretur. Imò conflagrationem istam docet Apostolus Petrus, 2 Ep. 2. 6. constituisse Deum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, per ellipsim prioris substantivi in Hebraismo usi●atam, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, exemplar poenae eorum qui impiè victuri sunt: Et Iudas hìc Petri mentem clariùs efferens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, ignis aeterni similitudinem seu typum sustinere, seu ignis aeterni poenam exhibere. 
jud. ●.  I●à enim, vel in sensum aliquem similem, judae verba interpretanda esse, utriusque Apostoli verborum invicem collatio & rei ipsius ingenium attento Lectori persuadebunt.  
Quâ occasione & illud quoque addere mihi liceat, Propterea memorabile admodum fuisse, & triste Iudaeis jam à Deo rejectis omen, quod in ipso initio fatalis istius Belli iis accidisse narret josephus, 
De bello jud. lib. 5. cap. 3. secundum Rusini distinctionem.  clade ad trajectum jordanis è regione jerichuntis acceptâ: Nempe cum alii ab hoste in flumen projicerentur, alii vim eorum non sustinentes sponte eò desilirent, Lacum ASPHALTITEM pronoflumine devolutis cadaveribus oppletum fuisse: quo casu, inquit, plaga, licèt per se gravissima, Iudaeis tamen seipsâ major visa fuit.  
Sed eventum Vaticinii quod attinet; De Signis quidem res notissima est, universam quae in Bestiae regno jamà duodecim plùs minùs seculis obtinuit idololatriam, tum primogenitam illam in Sanctorum demortuorum, reliquiarum & Angelorum cultu sitam, tum proximum natu cultum imaginum, denique novissimam illam Dei panacei blasphemiam, denso Signorum agmine, curationibus putà & visionibus miraculosis, coercitionibus specie tenus daemonum, aliísque non unius generis mirandis effectibus, infelicibus Christianis primò quasi commendatam, deinde persuasam & confirmatam esse. Quae quidem omnia BESTIA Bicornis, seu PONTIFEX Romanus cum satellitio seu Pseudoprophetico, fecisse dicitur; quatenus vel ipsi confinxerunt, vel ab aliis conficta authoritate suà approbârunt, vel quae malorum daemonum reverâ operationes & praestigiae fuerint, 
2 Th●s. 2● 10.  pro veris & Divinis miraculis Orbi Christiano seducendo obtruserunt. Scilicet hoc illud ipsum est quod Apostolus Paulus ad Thessalonicenses praedixit, Adventum hominis peccatifore secundùm efficaciam Satanae, cum omni potentia & signis ac prodigiis mendacibus, & cum omni seductione injustitiae.  
Fulminis verò seu Anathematis Pontificii exempla, quo ille suam in decernendo jubendóque authoritatem vindicavit, ea quidem adeò cuivis sunt obvia, ut meo ex Annalibus Ecclesiae huc convehendi labori omnino parci possit. Unum commemorare lubitum est admodum insigne, & quod Imaginem, de qua fabricanda agitur, tam propè attingat, ut vel solum ad Prophetiae hujus veritatem astruendam possit sufficere.  
Nempe in controversia illa Iconomachica apud Graecos anno circiter 720 exorta, atque per annos 120 ingenti fervore & idololatrarum persecutione agitata, dici vix potest in quantum discrimen Imago illa Draconis caesi, tune adhuc rudis & imperfecta, nec ultimam artificis manum consecuta, adducta fuerit. Nec enim in illa controversia, ut vulgò creditur, Imaginum solarum cultus, 
Ejus enim à libro 17 est historia M●scella dicta, quae ab Anastasio Biblioth, ● Grae●o, versa, fa●● Pauli Diaconi nomine circumfertur, H●●ruit sub Nic●p. & Leone Armeno. Vide Baron. Ann. 719. 20. & ● 813. 8. 9 10.  sed & Sanctorum demortuorum & Reliquiarum strennè oppugnabatur. Leo Isauricus (inquit Theophanes hist. Miscel. lib. 21. cap. 23.) non solùm circa venerabilium affectivam imaginum adorationem errabat impiis [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] sed & circa intercessiones castissimae Dei genitricis omniúmque Sanctorum, quorum & reliquias scelestissimus, ut magistri ejus Arabes, (id est, Muhammedani) abominabatur. Idem de Constantino, quem per contumeliam Idolorum patroni Copronymum vocârunt, ibid. cap. ult. Hic, inquit, perniciosissimus & agrestis, ferus, etc. primò quidem à Deo & intemerata Matre ipsius ac omnibus Sanctis abscedit. Ità pium Imperatorem blasphemat Graeculus Idololatra. Iterum lib. 22. c. 42. Vbique intercessiones sanctae Virginis & Dei genitricis ac omnium Sanctorum, in scriptis, ut inutiles, ac sine scriptorepellebat, per quas nobis emanat omne suffragium, sanctas eorum reliquias ejiciens & invisas reddens: sicubíque insignis cujusquam audiebatur ad animarum sanitatem & corporum rejacere, vel, sicut moris est, à piè agentibus honorari, mox ergò mortem adversus hujusmodi tanquam impiè agentes minabatur; sin autem, proscriptiones, exilia, tormenta: Deo autem gratissimum lipsanum, utpote quidam the saurus possessoribus habitus, auferebatur, invisum de caetero efficiendum. Videat quoque Lector cap 54. Idem cap. 48. Sicubi quisquam corruens vel dolens solitam Christianorum vocem emitteret, dicens, DEI GENITRIX IWA, aut vigilias agens deprehenderetur, etc.— ut inimicus Imperatoris damnabatur, & IMMEMORABILIS nominabatur. Imò adhuc sub Theophilo, quinque Imperatorum Iconomachorum ultimo, Sanctorum cultum oppugnatum apparet ex Hymno illo Theodori, quo Ecclesia Constantinopolitana victricis tandem Idololatriae memoriam quotannis (proh scelus & dolor!) recolere solebat. 
Apud Baron. anno 842. 28.  Ihi namque Ode 8. habetur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. id est, Sacras Sanctorum reliquias, & ipsorum imagines, Lezius ille ferus unà cum joanne (hic fuit Patriarcha Constantinopolitanus sub Theophilo) nullo pacto venerandas impiè asserebant, pietatis desertores.  
Quid igitur hîc PONTIFEX Romanus? Succurrit IMAGINI Bestianae. immane quantum de fractione periclitanti: & cum literis & minis nihil proficeret, ad fulmineas artes se convertit. Leonem Isaurum Iconomachorum antesignanum anathemate percutit, subditos in Italia ab obedientiae juramento absolvit, Exarchatu Ravennate & reliquâ eò loci ditione, quantum quidem in ipso erat, privavit. Quo facto, ut Idololatricae in Oriente factioni animos addidit, ità Reges Occidentis tempestiuè absterruit nè quid simile conarentur. Eodem fulmine Albigenses, eorúmque defensores, receptores afflandos sanxit & verò afflavit Synodus Lateranensis 280 Episcoporum sub Alexandro III. Idem quoque fulmen Concilium Laterauense magnum sub Innocentio devocandum cernit in Dominos temporales, qui requisiti & moniti ab Ecclesia terras suas ab iisdem purgare neglexerint; 
Tom. 4. Concil. Edit. Rom. an. 1612. pag. 44. 45.  nempe, ut per Metropolitanos & caeteros comprovinciales Episcopos Excommunicationis vinculo innodentur; &, si satisfacere contempserint, per Pontificem Rome vasalli eorum à fidelitate sua denuncientur absoluti, & terrae eoram exponantur Catholicis occupandae.  
Datúmque est ei dare spiritum Imagini Bestiae, 
Vers. 1●.  ut & loquatur Imago Bestiae & faciat ut quicunque non adoraverint Imaginem Bestiae occidantur.  
Nivitali facultate praedita fuisset IMAGO, non ejus effictione Bestia caesa revixisset. Neque enim Bestia draconicola, quam referre debuit, Bestia iners fuit; sed quae strenuè admodum sese movere, & in quosvis genio suo contrarios impetum facere solebat. Ejusmodi igitur imaginem eam esse oportuit in qua denuo revivisceret Proinde PSEUDOPROPHETAE datum dicitur, non solùm ut populum Christianum ad Imaginem ipsius in Bestia vicis novissimae fabricandam pelliceret; sed ut ipse vitam eidem largiretur, quâ & edictis pari modi juberet quae ad dignitatem suam tuendam opus essent, tum in inobsequentes & constitutioni ipsius religiosae subesse detrectantes, gladio, seu nece seculari, animadverteret. Et sanè totam illam potestatem quam habet IMAGO, seu Bestia Secularis idololatrica, in Sanctos saeviendi, eam non nisià BESTIA Pseudoprophetica sibi traditam exercet. Ità enim res geritur, ut quos BESTIA Pseudoprophetica haereseos (ut vocant) seu Imaginis violatae condemnaverit, eos demum BESTIAE Seculari potestatem facit occidendi: cujusmodi scilicet à sese nullam habet, nisi ab Ecclesiastico judicio pendentem. Atque haec est illa quam vocant Traditionem potestati seculari in historiis carnificinae Bestianae nullibi non obviam. BESTIA scilicet Pseudoprophetica, ut quidem videri vult, nonoccîdit ipsa, sed tamen sententiâ suâ damnatos Seculari tanquam Carnifici tradit occidendos.  
Et facit ut omnes, parvi & magni, 
Vers. 16.  divites & pauperes, liberi & servi (id est, cujuscunque sint ordinis, statûs & conditionis) accipiant characterem in manu sua dextra aut in frontibus suis: Etnè quis possit emere aut vendere, 
Vers. 17.  nisi qui habeat characterem aut nomen Bestiae, aut numerum nominis ejus.  
Quid sibi velit emendi & vendendi interdictum (ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incip●am) jam antè ostendi; nempe Papalem Excommunicationem notari, in quam qui incidunt, 
Tom. 4. Concil. Ed●. Rom. pag. 37.  reliquorum civium consuetudine & commercio arcentur. Ità Canon iste Concilii Lateranensis sub Alexandro, cujus paulò antè mentio facta, contra Waldenses & Albigenses editus, sub anathemate prohibet signanter, Nè quis eos in domo vel in terra suatenere vel fovere, vel NEGOTIATIONEM cum iis exercere praesumat. Et Synodus Turonensis in Gallia sub eodem simili interminatione prohibet, Nè ubi cogniti fuerint illius (ut vocant) haere seos sectatores, receptaculum quisquam eye in terra sua praebere aut praesidium impertiri praesumat; sed nec in VENDITIONE & EMPTIONE aliqua cum iis communio habeatur. 
Apud Rev. Armachau. de succesione Ecclesiae, pag. 23●.  Et quid? nonne hîc quoque loquitur PSEUDOPROPHETA ut Draco? Draco enim Diocletianus simile edictum edidit, Nè quis quidquam Christianis venderet aut subministraret, nisi prius thura Diis adolevissent: de quo in Hymno Iustini martyris ità canit Beda; 
Non illis emendi quidquam  
Aut vendendi copia:  
Nec ipsam haurire aquam  
Dabatur licentia,  
Antequam thurificarent  
Detestandis idolis.   
Hanc autem locutionem Synecdochicam propterea fortasse Spiritus S. adhibuit, ut innueret, anathema illud Papale, licèt sese abscissione ab interna & invisibili Christi communione venditet, reverâ tamen ultrà vim non habere quam ut ab externo & visibili aliorum civium commercio excludat.  
jam quod de Charactere dicitur; Character Bestiae non est propriè nisi Nominis; ideo dicitur Character seu Nomen Bestiae, & capite sequente Character Nominis ejus. Nempe allusum est ad morem veterem, quo Servi Dominorum, milites Imperatoris sui nominibus (atque illi quidem praecipuè in fronte, isti in manibus) inscribi solebant. Itaque pari ratione AGNI quoque Satellitium capite sequenti, quod satellitio BESTIAE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Agni & Patris nominibus in fronte scribuntur; eodem utrobique typi sensu, ad indicandum cujus Domini sit, cuíque militet uterque Coetus; illos Bestiae & Imaginis ejus, hosce Christi & Patris ejus sese servos profiteri.  
Numerum quod attinet, is Nominis seu Characteris Bestiae appendix potius censendus est quam Character; & quidem reverâ non tam Nominis Bestiae, quam Bestiae ipsius Numerus est; quomodo etiam statim vocatur. Numerus autem Nominis ideo tantùm dicitur, quòd Nominis Bestiae literis in numeros relatis, Deo ità disponente, contineatur. Neque tamen sequitur, quia cum Nomine Numerus tan intimè cohaereat, ideo Numerum Bestiae cum Nomine confundendum esse: Exigit enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratio, ut, quemadmodum in Agni Coetu Character Nominis à Coetûs Numero distinguitur, ità quoque in Coetu Bestiano fiat. Adde quòd diversae omnino rei sunt, significationis, inquam, Character Nominis atque Numerus, si ad aliorum locorum analogiam interpretationem dirigamus. Alter enim, Character Nominis, cui Domino sese addixerint qui gestant; alter, putà Numerus, quâ prosapiâ undéque genus suum deducant qui eodem insigniuntur, ostendit: ut numerus duodenarius, exque duodenario multiplicando sactus, tam in Coetu Virgineo quam in structura & dimensionibus Novae Jerusalem emicans, Apostolici generis atque indolis symbolum est.  
Sed nè diutiùs in generalibus istis immoremur: videamus tandem quodnam sit illud Bestiae NOMEN, quo Numerus quoque ejusdem à Spiritu S. notatus contincatur. Est verò, quod jam tum cum Apocalypsis adhuc recèns scripta esset nonnulli suspicati sunt, decantatum illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hoc enim nomine, post imperii divisionem & decem Reges in provinciis ejus exortos, neque prius, Pseudopropheta Romanus, cum reliquis Occidentis incolis, discriminis ergô appellatus est; ídque ab illis ipsis, quibus Apocalypsis scripta est, septem Asiae Ecclesiis. Namque Graeci & reliqui Orientales, penes quos in dilaceratione illa Imperii nomen mansera●, seipsos solos Romanos dici voluere; nos, cum Pontifice nostro & sub eo Episcopis, Regibus, Dynastis, fatali quodam instinctu LATINOS dixere. Atque hoc ipsum Nomen, literis suis Graecorum & Hebraeorum more subductis, numerum conficit à Spiritu S. notatum, numerum autem mysticum; quo indicatur cujus prosapiae sit BESTIA, quámque falsò sese chori Apostolici successorem venditet, cum fit reverâ Draconis.  
Numerus enim NOMINIS Bestiae est 666. Quem si ex duodenario, Apostolici generis Symbolo, deducere ●atagas, frustrà laborabis; nunquam enim indè, quomodocunque multiplicaveris, 666 efficies: At verò è Senario, qui DRACONIS illius rufi, putà BESTIAE sexti capitis, numerus est, facillimè; cum ex Senariis totus, quantus quantus est, conflatus ●it, monadum, decadum, hecatontadum; quasi Draconis illius sperma totum BESTIAE hujus novissimae corpus omnésque artus ejus pervafisset.  
Hîc est sapientia (inquit Spiritus.) Qui intelligentiam habet, 
Vers. 1●  computet Numerum Bestiae: numerus enim hominis est; & Numerus ejus 666.  
Quem quidem omnino ad eum quem dixi modum computari debere, videor mihi colligere ex Coetûs Virginei analogia, cujus Numerus 144, contrà quam Bestiae, totus Apostolicus est, ex duodenario in seipsum multiplicato genitus. Contrariorum autem contraria est ratio. Atque ibi quidem utrumque, tam Nomen inscriptum quam inscripti Coetûs numerum, Spiritus Sanctus expressit; hîc verò Nomen ex Numero conjiciendum reliquit.  
Est igitur, ut rem in pauca conferam, Nominis BESTIAE characterem accipere, ejus potestati se addicere, & Dominium confiteri; Numerum verò, impietatem ejus, Draconis traducem, idololatriam nempe LATINAM, amplecti. Unde illud fortè consideratione non indignum erit; Licèt nemo potest Nominis Bestiani characterem accipere, seu ejus potestati subditus esse, quin simul quoque Numerum ejus accipere, hoc est, impietati communicare, necesse habuerit: posse tamen fieri ut quis Numerum seu impietatem Bestiae admittat, Characterem verò seu Nomen respuat. Id quod in Graecos jamdiu competit, qui utut eandem impietatis formam Draconis traducem seu idololatriam Latinam amplectantur, eámque primitus PONTIFICIS Latini, IMAGINEM Draconis caesi illic quoque erigi adlaborantis, auspiciis in Concilio isto altero Niceno apud se confirmatam; Pontifici tamen Latino subesse, seu Nomen ejus ut olim (antequam schismate facto secesserint) gestare, jam à septingentis annis recusant.   

DE COETU VIRGINEO CXLIIII M Signatorum Agni.  
COETUS V●●gineus AGNI Sionei satellitium, 
Ad Cap. 14.  idémque selectum illud Israelis ex Gentibus surrogati Agmen, de quo ad initium SIGILLI septimi, (geminâ namque Visione, 
Comment. in cap. 7.  ut ibi monuimus, Prophetiae SIGILLORUM cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 connectendae causâ, describitur) significat Ecclesiam, in medio illo Christiani nominis Orbe Bestiam a●●ectantium, AGNO fidelem, súbque BABYLONE Virginem: germanam illam nec degenerem duodecim Apostolorum Apostolicè multiplicatam progeniem; solam utique, ad exemplum Chori coelestis, AGNUM PATREM que cantu Evangelico castè ritéque celebrare edoctam; quod nemo Bestianorum malo suo fato addiscere potuit: Adhuc populum non uni alicui, ut Bestiani, sedi addictum, sed AGNUM comitantem quócunque gentium ierit: Bestiae cultores denique, de cultûs Evangelici praescripto, Deique in Idololatras patefacta severitate saepius & acriter commonefacientem; tandémque omnibus, ni in aeternum perire velint, ut ab ejus commercio● quantocyùs se subducerent, denunciantem. Haec Visionis summa est. jam textum ad ejus normam elucidemus.  

* Vers. 1.  Et vidi, & ecce AGNVS stabat supra montem Zion, & cum eo centum quadraginta quatner millia.  
Ex numero 144 seu duodecies duodecim millium apparet, eundem hîc Coetum describi qui ad septimi Sigilli ingressum signabatur; nimirum legitimam illam nec degenerem Apostolorum sobolem, 
Comment in cap. 7.  numerum hunc duodenarium tanquam generis sui insigne gerentem. Recolat Lector quae illic notavimus.  
Mons Zion autem solium fuit Regni Davidici, idémque Civitas Davidis dicta, quòd eum ille Iebusaeis ereptum extus moenibus novis, intus arce regiâ, vicis, plateisque construxerat. Ergò hîc parabolicè adhibitus, illum terrarum locum designabit quem Christus, debellato DRACONE, Regni seu Ecclesiae suae domicilium fecerat, id est, Christiani nominis Orbem. In hoc Orbe Ecclesia Virginea mansionem habet, inibíque AGNO fidem & pudicitiam illibatam etiamnum servat, quum omnia stupris ac caedibus Bestia contaminâsse, pessundedisse, nibilque integrum aut intactum reliquisse videretur.  
Habentes nomen Agni, & nomen Patris ejus scriptum in frontibus suis.  
Malè è quibusdam exemplaribus excidit illud nomen Agni, 
Legit & Cy●●anus lib. 2. Te●. ●●e●s. Iudae●●a. 22. 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. ●  quod agnoscunt Vulgata, Primasius, Andreas, Aretas, Editio Compl●tensis, Syrus Interpres; ut cam veram lectionem esse non sit dubitandum: quin ut ●ità legatur rem ipsam postulare, in progressu interpretationis clarè patebit. Alluditur enim (ut in Bestiae quoque historia notavimus) ad ritum priscum, quo tam Servi Dominorum, quam Milites Imperatoris sui nomine aut stigmate olim inscripti cernebantur; atque servi quidem praecipuè in frontibus (teste Rhodigino lib. 5. 33.) milites verò in manibus. Vegetius lib. 2. 5. Victuris in cute punctis milites scripti, & matriculis inserti jurare solent. AEtius autem l. 8. 12. Stigmata vocant quae in facie aut alia parte corporis in s●ribuntur, qualia sunt MILITUM in manibus. De militum verò inscripti one pleniùs nos instruet Lipsius, lib. 1. de Milit. Rom. dialog. 9 Sub principibus, inquit, tirones jam captos compungebant, & in cute signabant [Romani.] Vera haec stigmata erant & manibus militum impressa. Erant inscripti nomine Imperatoris: hinc Augustinus regium characterem vocat, & Chrysostomus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Petitum hoc vel ab eo, quòd olim nomen Imperatoris in se●tis, hastis, vexillis inscribi solitum, atque eo exemplo in cute: vel à sacris; quos enim Deo consecrabant velinitiabant, hos stigmatibus inur●bant. Ad rem igitur. Illi nomen Agni & Patris ejus in frontibus suis gerunt, qui fidem quâ se Agno, seu Imperatori & Domino, & Patri ejus in Baptismo mancipârunt, non frangunt, neque ad Satanae ejusque Angelorum cultum pompásque, quae semel ejurârunt, relabuntur. Ità enim antiquitus (ut illud ad pleniorem dicendorum lucem hoc loco inseram) Abrenunciationis in Baptismo formula in plerisque Ecclesiis 
* 〈…〉 Ch y●●●●. Hom. 21. ad popu●. Antioch.  concipiebatur: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Renunci●● Satanae, & omnibus operibus ejus, & pompis ejus, & omni cul●●i ejus. In multis, i●sque antiquissimis, Liturgiis additum, 
a Consta. Apostolabidem.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Angelis ejus. In aliis, 
b Tertul. de Specta●. cap. 4. Ambr. He●●●. lib. 1. cap. 4.  Et omnibus inventis ejus, & omnibus qui sub ipso sunt. In aliis eodem, sensu, 
c A●ahor Co●stit. Apost. ibid. Ambr●●● iis qui myster. i●●tian. cap. 2. H●●●●●● ad cap. 5. Mat.  Et mundo ejus. Quae omnia stylo Apocalyptico expeditè effere licet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Renuncio Draconi, & omnibus copiis ejus, id est, ut Cyrillus 
d Lib. 7. 〈◊〉. jud.  Alexandrinus Baptismi formulam explicat, Daemoniorum turbis valedico, omnem pompam eorum & cultum respuo. Romana Ecclesia hîc aliis paulò contractior fuit: Sola enim apud ●am Satanae, pomparum & operum ejus mentio: ubi sub Satanae, tanquam Principis, nomine, Angelos quoque ejus; pomparum & operum, cultum idololatricum omnémque apparatum ejus intelligit.  
Esse jam Baptismi Sacramentum, utpote quo fidem Agno & Patri solenniter profitemur, quóque nomen eorum suscipimus & Christiani dicimur, Dominicum Signaculum, passim Patres, ídque à prima Ecclesiae antiquitate, praedicant. Hincillud 
* Hom. 8. in divers●●●●●ang●hi l●o●.  Origenis, Immortale LAVACKUM portemus in frontibus nostris; ●ùm Daemones viderint, contremiscent. 
‖ In joan. tract. 6. Secundi contra P●ulianum ultimo. Primi cont●a Cresconium 30. & alibi. Vide quoque cum 6. de Baptis. cap. 1. Epi●●, 23. 60, 200.  Augustinus etiam regium characterem vocat, characterem Imperatoris, characterem Redemptoris. jidem porrò Signaculum hoc idololatriâ & superstitione induci & quasi obliterari docent. Tertullianus de Spectac. cap. 4. de Baptismo sub Signaculi nomine agens; cum, inquit, aquam ingressi Christianam fidem in legis suae verba profitemur, renunciâssenos● DIABOLO, & POMPAE & ANGELIS EIUS, ore nostro contestamur. Quid erit summum ac praecipuum in quo Diabolus & Pompae & Angeli ejus censeantur, quam Idololatria? & cap. 24. Nonne ejeramus & rescindimus SIGNACULUM rescindendo testationem ejus? Ejusdem generis est & illud lib. de Idololat. cap. 19 Non convenit signo Christi & signo Diaboli. Similiter August. Tract. 7. in joan. Perdidit signum Christi, accipit signum Diaboli. Non vult Christus communionem, Solus vult possidere quod emit. Cum istis facit Isidor. Origin. lib. 18. cap. 59 de Spectaculorum exsecratione; Deum negat qui talia praesumit, & fidei Christianae praevaricator effectus est qui id denuo appetit●ui in lavacro jampridem renunciavit, id est, Diabolo, pompis & operibus ejus.  
Omnes igitur qui BESTIAE characterem acceperint, Christi & Patris abnegârunt, ejerârunt, irritum fecerunt, ac pro eo habentur acsi nunquam accepissent. Soli centum isti & quadraginta quatuor mille qui ad BESTIAE castra non transfugerant, sed Agno firmiter adhaerebant, Characterem Dominicum etiamnum in frontibus suis oftendunt.  
Unum adhuc monedum restat; nempe illud, Quòd licèt Signati utrobique, tam hîc quam cap. 7. iidem sint, tamen signaculi rationem non utrobique eandem esse; ídque ex diverso signandi fine: Illic enim tutelae res agebatur, hîc servitii & fidelitatis. Sed nec opus est ut propterea aliud ibi signaculum quaeramus à Baptismi Sacramento plané diversum: nam utrumque praestat Baptismus. Siquidem, praeter illud quod est professionis nostrae, Deus aliud, gratiae nimirum suae, signaculum superaddit, quo pro ●uis agnoscit qui tinguntur, ínque tutelam suam suscipit. De hoc igitur in priori Signatorum Visione; de illo in praesenti, ni fallor, agitur. Atque huic sententiae favet, quòd Clemens Alexandrinus apud Eusebium lib. 3. cap. 17. Baptisma nuncupet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, perfectam custodiam: Item quòd Nazianzenus, Orat. in sanctum Baptisma, idem Sigillum dici, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quia conservatio est: Denique illud Basilii Exhortat. ad Baptismum, Nisi signatus sit super te vultus Domini, nisi characterem in te agnoscat Angelus, quomodo pro te pugnabit, aut ab inimicis vindicabit? ubi Nicetas Scholiastes, Quia per cum consignati, cujusnam Domini simus agnoscimur, atque ab insidiis tuti conserv●tmur. jam pergamus ad reliqua.  
Et audivi vocem de coelo, 
Vers. ●  tanquam vocem aquarum multarum, & tanquam vocem tonitrui magni: & vox quam audivi erat sicut citharoedorum citharizantium citharis suis.  
3. Et cantabant quasi canticum novum ante thronum, & ante quatuor Animalia & Presbyteros, etc.  
Vocem verò indicat & canticum Angelorum coelestium, Patrem & Agnum glorificantium; quomodo fecisse leguntur cum primùm Agnus Librum fatorum resignandum suscepisset. 
Cap. 5. 11.  Ad hos Angelos utique respiciens, mox versu 6 dicit, Et vidi alium Angelum volantem in medio coeli, id est, alium à praecentoribus istis. Nullius enim ante hunc Angeli meminisset, nisi dicamus symphoniacos istos Angelorum chorum fuisse  
Vox autem aquarum multarum & tonitrui instar, non significat aliud quam vocem numerosae & confertae multitudinis; cujusmodi in Templo, dum adhuc florebat, audiri soleret, cantorum Levitarum, voce & instrumentis musicis Deì laudes resonantium: quorum prae multitudine, simul & acclamantis populi, sonitus reddebatur, quasi marinorum fluctuum & fragoris tonitrualis. Non conjectura est, sed res manifesta; quippe quod in epinicio cap. 19, ubi eadem est parabola, disertè exprimitur. Audivi, inquit, quasi vocem turbae multae (audi, turbae multae) & sicut vocem aquarum multarum, 
Vid. R. D. Ki●●ch.  & sicut vocem tonitruorum magnorum, dicentium, Hallelujah. Hinc apud Ezechiel. cap. 43. 2. ubi in Hebraeo simpliciter est, Vox ejus (i. gloriae Dei Israelis) quasi vox aquarum multarum, Septuag. paraphrasticè reddunt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vox castrorum ejus, quasi vox geminantium multorum. Chaldaeus similiter, Vox benedicentium nomen ejus, sicut vox aquarum multarum. Adde illud ex eodem Propheta de Cherubinis cap. 1. 24. Audivi, inquit, vocem alarum eorum, tanquam vocem aquarum multarum, tanquam vocem Omnipotentis, vocem loquelae tanquam vocem castrorum. Denique ab hac notione est, quòd in descriptione personae Fil●i Dei exordio Apocalypseos ex Daniele expressâ; 
* Dan. 10. 6.  pro quo apud Danielem est, Vox multitudinis, à Ioanne substituitur, Vox aquarum multarum. Quod enim Daniel habet, Pedes ejus quasi species aeris candentis, 
Apocal. 1. 15.  & vox verborum ejus sicut vox multitudinis; id Ioannes enuntiat, Pedes ejus similes aurichalco, sicut in camino ardenti; & vox ejus tanquam vox aquarum multarum.  
Canticum porrò novum est, cujusmodi post Christum mundo exhibitum Deo canitur: quo nempe Sessori Throni & Agno, unà solisque, redemptio, potentia, divitiae, sapientia, fortitudo, honor, gloria & benedictio religosè & evangelicè deferuntur. Hujus cantici formula exstat cap. 5 
* Vers. 12. 13. , ídque titulo cantici novi: ut eò hîc respici vix dubitandum sit, cum nusquam in hoc libro alibi cantici novi mentio audiatur. Dignus est, inquiunt, AGNUS qui occisus fuit (id est, prout antè à Presbyteris & Animal●bus paulò explicatiùs dicitur, propterea quod decisus fuit) a●cipere potentiam, & divitias, & sapientiam, & for●itudinem, & honorem, & gloriam, & benedictionem. Sedenti igitur super thronum & AGNO sit benedictio, & honor, & gloria, & robur in secula seculorum, Amen. Haec no●● cantici formula est, quam si Déus aliquando penitius intelligere dederit, latiùs fortasse explicando diducam: altiùs enim in animo meo insedit, universum cultûs Evangelici mysterium eo contineri.  
Quod appositi rationem attinor, Novum dicividetur, vel quasi alterum & diversum ab eo quod Christo nondum misso canebatur (sub hoc enim, secundùm effatum illud Apostoli, 
2 Cor. 6. 1●.  Vetera transierunt, & ecce facta sunt omnià nova;) vel ob novum in adventu ejus beneficium, priorum mundi aetarum nulli, sed temporibus tantùm novissimis, concessum: de quo verò beneficio Deus exinde, tam ab Angelis, quam hominibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 E● huic quidem nominis rationi fit mandae erit tum illud Isaiae cap. 42: 9, 10. Nova ego annuntio, Cantate Domino canticum novum: tum quae in Psalmis occurrit aliquoties cantici novi appellatio, haud● aliter, ut videtur, intelligenda, quam aut de eo quo Divinum numen ob novum aliquod, liberationis praesertim, beneficium celebratur (juxta illud Psal. 40. Eduxit me de luto coenoso, 
Vers. 2. ●.  etc. & indidit ori meo canticu●● novum;) aut saltem quod, ad istiusmodi canticorum morem, cum laetitia & jucunditate haud vulgari canitur: quorum utrumque cantico Evangel●co convenire haud est cur multis ostendere conarer, res in aperto est.  
Et nemo poterat discere Canticum illud, nisi illa centum quadraginta qùatuor millia, qui empti sunt de terra.  
In toto Orbe Christiano nemo, quamdiu Bestia rèrum potiretur, canticum Angelorum cantare sciret, praeter eos qui de numero centum istorum quadraginta quatuor millium Agni asseclarum fuerint: Siquidem hi soli, citra omnem idololatriae labem● Patrem & Agnum glorificant in terris, ficuti beati Angeli in coelis; idipsum nimirum, quod in Orat●one Dominica Ecclesia ab omnibus ut fiat, Patrem indesinenter rogat, Fiat voluntas tua, sicut in coelo, sic etiam in terra. Adeò Divinum Numen legitimè ritéque colendi idea exemplúmve absolutum aliunde quam à coelitibus peti nequeat.  
Hi sunt qui cum mulieribus non sunt inquinati; 
Vers. 4.  Virgines enim sunt.  
Id est, cum mulieribus impudicis seu meretricibus non consueverunt. At quaenam istae mulieres sunt? Sanè, non quae vulgariter sic dicuntur, sed, Prophetarum more, Civitates; atque eae Christiani quidem nominis, sed idolis deditae, quarum regina est BABYLON illa magna, mater scortorum dicta, quacum fornicantur Reges & incolae terrae. Cum talibus, qui ex Agni Coetu sunt non consueverunt, hoc est, incestu idololatrico sese non contamimârunt. Virgines enim sunt, id est, ab omni idololatriae labe immunes. Omnino enim postulat analogiae ratio, ut eodem sensu isti Virgines dicantur quo caeteri, Reges & populi, cum Babylone scortari perhibentur. Praeterea, cum Babylon ista scortorum mater audiat, consequens est ut siliae ipsius, reliquae civi●ates, scortilla quoque sint, quibuscum incolae cuique subditi spirituali scortatione polluantur.  
Hi sunt qui sequuntur Agnum quócunque ierit.  
Hoc est, fidelissimè ●i adhaerent, neque ullâ occasione deserunt; ductâ Metaphorâ ab iis qui à latere cujuspiam nunquam recedunt, sed comitantur omni loco. Vel sic; In quacunque civitate, regione, territorio Agnus tentorium suum fixerit, eò eundem sectantur: contrà quam reliqui hominum, qui licèt Christiani audiant, Agnum tamen, nisi Romae apud Petri sedem habitârit, alibi quaerere & sectari nollent.  
Hi empti sunt ex hominibus, primitiae (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Deo & Agno.  
Id est, ex reliqua turba prophana redempti, ut essent Deo & Agno peculium sacrum, instar primitiarum. Neque enim, ut vulgò creditur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Primitiae primitivos tantùm fructus denotant, sed etiam in genere quicquid prophanis usibus exemptum Deo consecratur; idipsum nempe quod Hebraeis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quo nomine cum ipsas decimas, tum quicquid oblationum fuit, praeter ignitas, Scriptura comprehendit. Unde Chrysostomus, 
* In Epist. ad Heb. Hom. 12. Vide quoque eundem Hom. ●5. in Gen.  quas Abrahamus Melchisedeco solvit decimas, 
* Sic & Philo quas promisit jacob. Q●i & de solvendis decimis ●aepiusculè utitur voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P●●●lo De congressu quaerendae eruditionis gratiá, & De Charitate. Idem De muratione Nominum, Decumas deci●arum appellat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibidem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Similiter, Diony●. Halicarnasseus apud Euseb. Prapar. Evang l. 4. c. 16. fructuum, pecorum, sed & hominem, de●mas quas Pelasgos in Qtalia Apollini● jouíque ex vero debuisse refert, semel ●terumque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat. Itémque Irenaeus, quas sibi in Ecclesia asserit Deum etiamnum exigere creaturae suae primitias, contendit non debere esse minores decimâ: cum Christus, inquit ille, naturalia Legis non dissolverit, sed extenderit; & verò Christiani non minorem, sed majorem, quam Iudaei spem habeant. Vide eum advers. Haeres. lib. 4. cap. 27, & 34. juxta editionem Fevardent. Quid, quòd Callimachus etiam, Hymno in Delum, decimas Apollini mitti solitas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, primitias decimiferas, nuncupet? Ex quibus omnibus appareat vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non primitivorum duntaxat oblationem, quae Hebraeis est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed & quamvis aliam denotare; nominísque rationem indè esse, quia Deo portio sua prius reddenda sit quam aliquid in nostros usus insumatur. Porro, quoniam vox Primitiarum quotae partis definitionem non includit, hinc sactum ut veteres Christiani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suas, seu fructuum oblationes, licèt minores esse non debere putârint quam partem decimam, tamen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu primitias appellare maluerint quam decimas; tanquam scilicet nomine libertatis, non servitutis. Haec, licèt ad institutum meum plerâque ex parte non facientia, annotare tamen volui, ut iis qui apud nos Decimarum in Ecclesia Christiana solvendarum antiquitati & juri ex Patribus & Conciliis eruendis quandoque navant operam, gratum, si possim, facerem. Interim (ut eò redeam unde paulisper digressus sum) fatendum est, strictiorem quoque primitiarum significationem huic loco non malè convenire; nempe, ut COETUS Virgineus dicantur primitiae respectu Turbae palmifer●rum eum aliquando auctiori numero excepturae. Liberum itaque Lectori judicium suum esto.  
Et in ore eorum non est inventum mendacium [Ità Vulgata, 
Vers. 5. [In Bibl. Polyglott. MS. Alexandr. habet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mendacium.]  Syrus, Complutensis, Aretas, & in exemplari Palatino Andreas; aliis dolus] sine macula enim sunt.  
Non est inventum mendacium. Cujusmodi nimirum invenitur in ore Bestianorum seu Christiani nominis idololatrarum omnium; qui se quidem Agnum & Patrem colere prae se ferunt, reapse tamen honorem Divino Numini proprium creaturis tribuunt. Sanè omnis idololatra mendax est, cum pro Deo colat quod non est Deus. Quò spectat illud Apostoli ad Rom. 1. 25. Commutârunt veritatem Dei in mendacium, dum coluerunt & servierunt creaturae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prout Creatori. Unde idola dicuntur mendacia: ut Amos. 2. 4. Errare fecerunt, sive seduxerunt, eos mendacia ipsorum (Vulgat. idola) post quae abierunt patres eorum. Similiter Isai. 28. 15. posuimus mendacium spem nostram. R. Sal. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Item jerem. 16. 19, 20. Veniunt gentes à finibus terrae, & dicent, Verè mendacium possederunt (Chaldaeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 coluerunt) Patres nostri, vanitatem in qua non est utilitas, Numquid faciet sibi homo De●s, & ipsi non sunt Dii? Hinc autem Apoc. 21. 8. Idololatrae & mendaces, itémque vers. 27. facientes abominationem & mendacium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu tanquam synonyma poni videntur. Porrò, quum quorumvis hominum idololatria mendacium sit, tum verò eorum, qui se interim veri Numinis cultores simulant, propriissimè dolus est, seu mendacium fraudulentum: ut si Bestianorum, quorum oppositione Coetus iste signatorum Agni describitur, attendamus hypocrisin; lectio quae dolum, alteri quae mendacium habet, praeferenda videbitur; quamuìs ad rem ipsam haud ità multum intersit. Interim, ad pleniorem hujus loci intellectum, conferat Lector illum Zephan. 3. 13. sanè huic quam simillimum: Reliquiae Israel non facient iniquitatem, nec loquentur mendacium, & non invenietur in ore eorum lingua dolosa.  
Et vidi alium Angelum volantem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Vers. 6.  in fastigio coeli, habentem Evangelium aeternum, ut evangelizaret habitantibus super terram, & omni genti, & tribui, & linguae, & populo.  
Finitâ Coetûs descriptione, sequitur rerum, eo Ecclesiae statu, quà à Coetu, Agni Ducis sui auspiciis, quà ab Agno ipso, in transfugas & perduelles gerendarum historia. Harum ordo duplex: primò Admonitionis trigeminae ad Bestianos, totidem Angelorum celeusmatis repraesentatae; secundò Vindiciarum, parabolâ Messis & Vindemiae. Monitorum Angelorum primus est iste quem hîc alium dicit: alium verò, ut dixi, ob Angelos symphoniacos paulò antè memoratos, quorum è numero Evangelistes iste non fuerit. Atque hîc in memoriam revocandum est, (quod jam in superioribus monui) Angelos in hujusmodi Visionibus eorum vicem repraesentare quorum gubernationi praesint; quódque communibus utrorumque operis geritur, id Angelis authoribus, tanquam rei gestae auspicibus & ducibus, factum dici. Hinc verò protinus suspicari datur, Angelum tam sublimè volantem (si modò & illud in censu parabolae deputari debeat) non cujusvis sortis hominum, sed celsioris conditionis praesidem esse, talibúsque in Evangelio suo annunciando usurum. Porrò Evangelium illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu aeternum dicitur; ídque, ut opinor, non tam futuri, quam praeteriti respectu; quasi quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, à seculo, seu ab origine mundi, promissum fuerit; scilicet, Semen mulieris aliquando contriturum caput Serpentis, 
Genes. 3.  i. Christi adventu destruendum regnum Diaboli, & constituendum regnum Dei. Quo sensu & Apostolus dicit, illud à Deo promissum fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ad Tit. 1. 2. Sic igitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem hîc erit quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod Hebraeis esset 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, evangelium antiquum: quemadmodum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Isai. 58. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, jer. 6. 16. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Deut. 33. 15. sunt colles, semitae, desolationes antiquae.  
Dicentem voce magnâ, Timete Deum, & date ei gloriam, 
Vers. 7.  quia venit tempus judicii ejus: & adorate illum qui fecit coelum, & terram, & mare, & fontes aquarura.  
PRimus Angelus, jam tempus regni Dei adesse commemotans quo judicium ejus in idola & idololatras exercendum sit; adeóque, jam prostratis & solio Romano exutis Daemonibus, exerceri coeperit; eapropter hortatur gentes, tribus, linguas & populos, qui exinde in nomen Christi concesserant, ut hujus rei memores, unicum illum verum Deum Creatorem, prout in Evangelio annunciatur, colant, caveántque ab idolis: Deum, inquit, timete, id est, reveremini, & date ei gloriam, gloriam verò adorationis & cultûs religiosi; ut sequentibus verbis exponitur. Quia venit tempus judicii ejus] hoc est, quo Christus per crucem suam exspoliavit imperia & principatus, Gentibúsque, quas per tot secula siverat in viis suis ambulare, annunciavit per Apostolos & Evangelistas ut ab idolis converterentur: sin minùs, morte aeternâ, ipso de coelis redeunte, plectendos fore. Quorsum igitur Christiani, qui in hunc judicem & Daemonum triumphatorem jesum Christum fidem profiteantur, ad idola & daemones co●eados postliminiò reverterentur?  
Potuit fortasse tempus judicii hîc strictiùs accipi, de judicio nimirum Dei pridem in DRACONEM ejúsque asseclas exerto, quo Ethnicismus corruit: sed mallem illud latiùs extendere, & universè accipere, de Regno Christi temporibus novissimis inito & promulgato, in quo idola ampliùs non sint ferenda; juxta nimirum illud Salvatoris apud joannem in Evangelio cap. 12. 31. Nunc judicium est mundi hujus, nunc princeps mundi hujus ejicietur foras. Vide & cap. 16. 11. A quo enimvero judicio Paulus quoque Apostolus (quomodo hîc Angelus) argumentum duxit Paganos Athenienses ab idolorum cultu dehortandi, Act. 17. 30, 31. Deus, inquit, temporibus ignorantiae hucusque neglectis, nunc demum mandat omnibus ubique hominibus ut resipiscant; Eò quòd statuit diem quo justè judicaturus est Orbem terrarum per eum virum quem definivit; fide ejus rei palàm factâ omnibus, illo ex mortuis suscitato. Cuigemina est ejusdem commonefactio ad Lycaonios, cap. 14. 15, 16. Annunciamus, inquit, vobis, ut à vanis istis rebus convertamini ad Deum vivum, qui fecit coelum & terram, & mare, & omnia quae in iis sunt; Qu●que praeteritis aetatibus sivit omnes gentes (nempe, judicio suo nondum iis manifestato) suis ipsarum viis incedere. Supplendum est, jam verò judicium suum omnibus promulgat: id quod Angelus hîc expressit, dicendo, Venit tempus judicii ejus.  
Sed quando, inquies, & ubi gentium, quibúsque tandem administris, Angelus iste praedicatione suâ functus est? Praeludia quaedam ejus edita sunt cum primùm superstitio ad memorias & circa reliquias Martyrum in Ecclesia gliscere coeperit; ut patet ex historia Vigilantii, quocum istiusmodi superstitioni intercedente plures alios, etiam ex Episcopis ejus temporis, sensisse, testis est adversarius Hieronymus, qui eum immeritò hoc nomine exagitat.  
Sed omnium manifestissimè praeconium hoc impletum liquet ab anno Domini 720 in Ecclesiis Graecis & Orientis, ubi omnino Angelus Evangelistes volavit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in coelifastigio, id est, loco celso & sublimi; quippe qui Evangelii sui administris usus est, non imae & vulgaris sortis hominibus, sed summis in Orbe Christiano potestatibus; Imperatoribus putà Constantinopolitanis, Leone Isauro, Constantino Iconomacho, Leone Armenio, Michaele Balbo, & Theophilo; qui omnes, potissimùm autem primi, pro cultu Religionis uni Deo Creatori exhibendo, contra cultum creaturae, non solùm qui in veneratione Imaginum, sed etiam qui circa Divos eorúmque reliquias exercebatur, edictis & decretis ●uis acerrimè protestati sunt. Repetat Lector testimonia quae hac de re ex Theophane laudavi, cum de Bestia Bicorni agerem. Porrò autem secundi auspiciis Coucilium Constantinopoli convocatum est Episcoporum 338, concordibúsque suffragiis Imaginum adoratio impietatis accersita & damnata. Dices, Lector, silegere non pigebit, Definitionem Synodi ipsissimam Angeli hujus concionem esse, eodémque quo illius, juxta interpretationem nostram, fundamento subnixam. Quum verò nonnullorum fraude ibi contigerit, qui in Imaginum quidem damnationem cum reliquis consenferant, Divorum verò invocationi adhuc faverent, (neque enim paribus suffragiis in hanc atque in illam superstitionem itum est,) ut duo Canones, unus de Beata Maria Deipara, alter de reliquis Sanctis coelitibus religiosâ invocatione colendis, Concilii decretis initio immixti fuerint; eos Constantinus Imperator cum sanioris sententiae Patribus cum advertissent, illico erroris arguerunt, inque judicii sui testimonium induci, atque de codice deleri curaverunt. Cujus ●acti testem habeo, si quis dubitet, primò Authorem refutationis Definitionis istius Constantinopolitanae, Actis Concilii Niceni secundi insertae; qui cum primam ejus editionem sibi refutandam sumpsisset, ad istos Canones sic infit: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Post hanc editionem suam, inquit, etiam intercessionum Deo acceptabilem oblationem abjecerunt, delentes hano ex hoc scripto suo. Deinde Acta Stephani Monachi pseudomartyris; 
Apud Surium, T●m. 6. Nou. 28.  apud quem cum Episcopi, qui ad eum convincendum ab Imperatore missi fuerant, Concilii decretum recitare inciperent; ille verò statim excipere adversus Concilii titulum, Sancti; illud sanctum dici non debere, propterea quòd sancta proscripsisset. Annon, inquit, sacram supellectilem imaginibus exornatam concerpsistis? Annon adjectivum hoc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab omnibus justis, ab omnibus Apostolis, à Prophetis, à Martyribus piísque viris abjecistis? Sancitum enim à vobis est, ô generosi viri, ut cum quisquam ad horum aliquem adiret, ex eóque quaereretur quò abiret, responderet, Ad Apostolos, Ad quadraginta Martyres; sive unde veniret, itidem responderet, Ex Templo Martyris Theodori, ex Templo Martyris Georgii. Annon hae vestrae doctrinae sunt? Quonam ergò pacto qui sancta proscripsistis, Sanctum Concilium coegistis? Haec Stephanus ipsemet. Audiamus porrò Actorum ejus descriptorem (qui eodémque tempore vixit) in eosdem ob Deiparae cultum imminutum tragicè exclamantem: Quonam pacto, Christ, lenitatem illam tuam, quae nullis verbis explicari potest, non admirer? Quonam pacto benignitatis tuae, quae vim sermonis omnem supera●, abyssum exponere queam? Adhuc porrò audacissimae illae linguae eò proruperunt, ut ingens quoque illud & improbum eloqui non dubitârint; nimirum illam ipsam Dei genitricem Virginem, inutilem quandam post mortem & commodi omnis expertem rem esse, nec cuiquam omnino adjumento ac praesidio esse posse. Adhuc istis testem adduco Cedrenum. Refert ille Constantinum Legem universalem edidisse (proculdubio ex Concilii sententia, cujus Acta hodie praeter solam Definitionem desiderantur) nè quisquam prorsus servorum Domini 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diceretur; sed, ut eorum reliquiae repertae contemnerentur. (nè superstitiosè venerarentur, Cedrene, etiamsi verae fuerint; sin falsae, ut è Templis abjicerentur) néve ipsorum intercessio posceretur; nihil enim valere. Adjecit etiam scelestus, inquit, Nè Mariae quidem intercessionem quisquam imploret. jam liceat mihi Lectorem convenire, annon ex hisce testimoniis clarum esse putet, aliquid in Concilio isto actum adversus Sanctorum cultum & reliquiarum. In hoc autem probando aliquanto diutiùs immoratus sum, quoniam non est, ut illud de Imaginibus, perinde omnibus notum.  
Sed nondum hîc desuncti sumus: prius illa de epitheto Sancti justis, quasi per diminutionem & contumeliam, abjudicato, calumnia detergenda est. Palàm enim est ex ipsa Definitione Synodi (quae hodiéque in Actis Niceni secundi exstat) Apostolos & justos à Patribus istis passim Sanctitatis titulo honorari; non igitur simpliciter prohibuisse credendi sunt quod ipsimet factitarent. Sed, ut conjicere datur, illius seculi opinione nomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (nam de hoc solo sermo est) videbatur intercessionis honorem inferre: unde, ut superstitioni quovis pacto iretur obviàm, illius usu in communi sermone de Templis, praesertim cum eò precatum ibant, interdictum fuit. Nempe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deflexum videtur: quâ voce significatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Veneratio, aut res veneratione & adoratione digna. Unde Hesychio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 utrumque ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, veneror, colo. Imò, quod ad cultum mortuorum manifestò ducat, communis est originis cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sacra mortuis facere, parentare, & cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, parentatio, inferiae. Praeterea (ut illud quoque bona Lectoris cum venia, & citra futilitatis notam, adjiciam) fieri potuit ut nomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Graecorum vulgo (quippe similium vulgi hallucinationum exempla apud nos quandoque observare est) sonare videretur, licèt falsò, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eum per quem preces nostrae Deo offeruntur, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, admissionalem & interpretem apud Deum: quomodo Gregorius Nazian. Christum Dominum nuncupat; juxta Apostoli illud ad Ephes. 2. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Quicquid sit, illud ex allatis modò testimoniis apparet, tum temporis existimatum fuisse, hujusce vocis usu superstitionem illam erga sanctos vitâ defunctos ali atque foveri. Cui ut omni ratione & machinâ occurreretur, ejus usu interdictum fuit: non quidem simpliciter & universè, quod adversarii calumniantur; sed in Templis appellandis solummodo, quae Apostolorum & Martyrum memoriis nuncupabantur. Errori, ut videtur, minuendo, quo, vel ea loca esse, creditum est, Deum per Martyrum intercessiones adeundi, vel eorum, quorum nominibus ferebantur, venerationi sacra. Ideo in vicem cognominis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, illud Apostolorum & Martyrum, non minùs certé honorificum, substituere visum fuit. Satisne verò consideraté & consultò, illius est judicare qui temporis illius circumstantias factíque rationes omnes probè plenéque perspectas habuerit. Interim Ecclesiae virginitati aut puritati nihil quicquam detrahit, si fortè aliquando in talibus quae ad rationem & modum rei gerendae spectent minùs sapienter judicaverit. Non enim necesse est ut perpetuò aut prudenter agat aut loquatur, quae casta sit. Simili ferè de causa Sacerdotis vocabulum de Presbyteris Evangelicis, Sacrificii de Sacramento Eucharistiae, (nè hujusmodi alia nominem) apud plerasque Ecclesias reformatas in desuetudinem abire jussa sunt. Nec id quidem omnino temerè, nisi quòd (ut quibusdam videtur) in prioris locum non commodum satìs vocabulum substitutum, Ministrorum: quo licèt omnes qui sacro fungantur munere, ritè & ex Scripturae usu appellentur; non tamen eo Presbyteri à Diaconis distinguuntur. Annon igitur Presbyteros potius dixissemus nomine Apostolico, si noluissemus Sacerdotes? Sed haec alterius loci sunt.  
Porrò, non in Oriente solùm, verùm etiam in Occidente, frement licèt Pontifice Romano, Angeli hujus praeconium insonuit; non quidem plenis, ut illic, buccis, voce tamen pablicâ & solenni. Primùm, anno 790, in Synodo Francofurdiana sub Carolo M. 300 ferè Episcoporum, praeter Abbates & alios: ubi cultus & adoratio Imaginum, unà cum Concilio Niceno secundo quod eam stabiliverat, quódque Hadrianus Papa per Legatos suos rexerat & approbaverat, damnata sunt. 
* Habetur in Catal. Test. ve●. edit. 1608. pag. 1123.  Iterúmque in Synodo Parisiensi, anno 825, jussu Ludovici congregatâ: in qua tum ex authoritate Divina tum Patrum sententiis prolixé ostenditur, adorationem Imaginum rem nesariam ac impiam esse, Synodúmque Nicenam ejusmodi superstitionis ream reprobandam esse. Adde Commentarium à Carolo Magno ad Hadrianum Pontificem, idolorum propugnatorem, post Concilium illud Francofurtense, missum; ut hîc quoque Angelum in Coeli fastigio volâsse agnoscas. Atque hactenus primi Angeli hortamentum percepimus: jam secundi praeconium auscultemus.  
SEcundus Angelus ROMAM, ob spurcitiem & multitudinem idololatriarum quibus, primi Angeli hortatione spretâ, tum ipsa sese contaminaverat, tum ut idem secum facerent cunctis in Orbe suo gentibus author & princeps extiterat, è civitate Dei in BABYLONEM versam denuntiat; ea-propter, sententiae Divinae in omnes Idololatras latae jam penitus per impoenitentiam suam obnoxiam factam, diutiùs non ferendam, sed irrevocabili decreto perdendam atque exscindendam esse; e●que excidio usque ab hoc praeconio apparatum continenter & assiduè institutum iri.  
Atque hujus quidem praeconii administri exstitere, verbo partim, partim facto, Waldensium & Albigensium Coetus, ut qui omnium mortalium primi Ecclesiam Romanam ab idololatria seu scortatione mystica renuntiârunt BABYLONEM esse Apocalypticam; iidémque primum quoque ei ad ruinam fecere gradum; quandoquidem sic detectam extemplò magna hominum multitudo eam abominari, privatímque per omnes ditionis ejus provincias defectionem facere; adhaec authoritatem ejus exinde indies magìs magísque labefactari, ruinámque tunc fieri coepisse, quae non stitura sit donec tandem ad Urbis ipsius cremationem sit deventum. Verbo dicam; ab hujúsque Angeli praeconio quasi delectus sanctorum militum Babyloni diruendae continenter fieri coepit.  
Cecidit, 
* Vers. ●.  cecidit Babylon.  
Quasi dicat, jam nunc Ruinae Babylonis jaciuntur fundamenta: ab hoc enim tempore Belli contra ipsam gerendi apparatus suscipietur. Imitatur autem Isaiam cap. 21. qui iisdem planè verbis, nec dissimili rerum occasione, veteris illius Babylonis interitum non jam factum retulit, sed, ut hîc, jactis rerum fundamentis, certo certiùs futurum praenunciavit. Quippe, ut docet Chronologia, eodem tempore Isaias hoc vaticinium suum edidit quo Medi, Babylonem aliquando vastaturi, excusso Assyriorum jugo, sese in libertatem asseruerint, conditâque sub novo Rege Dejoce Ecbatanâ, Regni tum Nino tum Babyloni fatalis fundamina posuere.  
— Quia ex vino veneficii scortationis suae potavit omnes gentes.  
Vino venèficii s●ortationis suae] id est, philtris, vino potionato dementavit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim hîc, non iram aut excandescentiam valet, sed ex usu Hellenistico venenum; nempe voci Hebraeae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 parem esse voluere, quae iram modò, modò venenum significat. Hinc Deut. 32. 33. Septuag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Fel Draconum vinum eorum, & venenum aspidum insanabile. Item job 20. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Venenum draconum sugat, occîdat eum lingua serpentis. Adde Psal. 58. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Venenum illis secundùm similitudinem serpentis. Vide etiam, si lubet, Deut. 32. 24. job. 6. 4. Imò ubicunque in V. T. veneni significatio occurrit, eam aliter quam aut hâc aut voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non nisi semel tantùm expressam videbis.  
Duplicis autem in Apocalypsi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu vini ejusmodi potionati, mentio habetur: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quo, ut dixi, amatorium virus seu philtrum designatur (juxta quod idem cap. 18. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu veneficium, consueto ad eam rem vocabulo, nuncupatur;) & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quae supplicio afficiendorum potio est: siquidem illo spiritualis scortationis illecebram, ex consuetudine Meretricum philtris amorem conciliantium, Spiritus Sanctus expressit; hoc ad morem Iudaeorum allusit, qui morte afficiendis, ut torporem iis inducerent, calicem vini, cui myrrha, aut aliud id genus aroma amarum immixtum fuerit, praebere consueverant. Cujusmodi proinde potionem Servatori cruci jamjam affigendo iidem exhibuisse perhibentur; sed ille bibere recusavit: Matt. 27. 34. Dederunt ei, inquit, vinum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cum felle mixtum, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem valent. Voce autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Evangelista speciem amaram in genere designavit, pro Hellenistarum usu (quibus & Absinthium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur.) Hanc Marcus myrrham fuisse determinat; Et dederunt ei, inquit, 
Mart. 15. 23.  bibendum vinum myrrhatum. Myrrah verò, Hebraicè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Syriacè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ab amaritudine summa nomen traxit. Atque hinc factum videtur ut Prophetae in cladibus depingendis toties 
* Targ. in Thren. 4. 21. de Constantinopoli: Desolabunt te Pa●chevaei (i Asricani) & transibit super te Calix maledictionis: inebriab●ris & eva●uaberi●.  Calicis parabolâ uterentur; utpote qui ex more gentis perituris porrigi soleret. Sic fuit Angeli secundi praeconium, quem mox excepit tertius. Is quid novi adhuc moniti superaddat, pronis auribus excipiamus.  
TErtius Angelus, priores duos supergressus, Bestiae cultores admonet quam horrendum eisdem impendeat periculum, siquidem ejus sequaces adhuc esse perrexerint; ideóque suadet ut, omni cunctatione abjectâ, protinus sese à consortio ejus subducant, hócque pacto saluti suae consultum eant; neque enim qui posthac ei adhaeserint, salvos esse posse. Quod quidem praeconium maximè omnium insigne, Lutheri sociorúmque ejus & successorum operâ, superiori seculo felicissimè adimpletum est: quod nimirum eximia illa quam cernimus Ecclesiarum Reformatio est consecuta; hominibus non jam singulatim, ut ad praecedentis Angeli vocem factum erat, sed provinciatim & tributim, asserendae & repurgandae Religioni, passim Bestiae jugum excutientibus.  
El tertius Angelus, 
Vers. 9, etc.  inquit, secutus est illos, (i. priores duos) dicens voce magnâ, Si quis adoraverit Bestiam & imaginem èjus, & acceperit characterem in fronte sua aut in manu sua; Hic bibet de vino irae Dei, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] quod mixtum est mero in calice irae ipsius, & cruciabitur igne & sulphure in conspectu Angelorum sanctorum, & ante conspectum Agni; Et fumus tormenti eorum ascendet in secula seculorum: nec habent requiem die aut nocte qui adorant Bestiam & imaginem ejus, & si quis acceperi● characterem Nominis ejus.  
Poenae atrocis atrox descriptio, cui vix quicquam simile habet totius Canonis ambitus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supplicii potio est perituris dari solita, ut ad vers. 8. monuimus. Vinum merum, id est, aquâ non dilutum, fortiùs inebriat, adhúcque magis si diversa vinorum genera misceantur: cujusmodi igitur nonnulli hîc intelligi volunt verbis istis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, meri mixti; cum alioquin pugnantia diceret. Sed magìs sese mihi probat, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem sit quod merum myrrhâ, felle, thure, similive saporis amari pharmaco mixtum, quod in poculo Iudaeis maledictionis dicto, ex more gentis, usitatum; allusúmque ad illud Psalmi 75. 9 juxta Septuagint. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ubi Chaldaeus habet, Calix maledictionis in manu Domini, & vinum forte, plenum mixtione amaritudinis, ad tollendum per illud scientiam improborum. Diximus enim, potionem illam exhibitam ut morituro rationis usus tolleretur. Pro eo autem quod Septuaginta habent, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Hebraeo est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vinum rubens, nempe quod aquae admixtione colorem non perdiderat. Erant enim vina in Terra sancta rubra. Reliqua descriptionis per se patent.  
juvabit autem hîc triplicis istius praeconii gradus paulisper observare, útque posterior priorem gravitate superet. Primus enim Angelus sollus officii admonuit, Deum ritè ex Evangelii praescripto colendi; culpam hâc parte commissam non exprobravit. Secundus ulteriùs progressus, Moechationis spiritualis crimen intentat, atque id interitu & exitio inevitabiliter luendum; sed quod soli adhuc Babyloni, criminis principi & Architectae, nondum participibus ejus, comminetur. Tertius verò, omnibus gravitatis numeris expletis, universae Bestiae cohorti cunctisque in obsequio ejus permansuris horrendos atque infandos cruciatus, eosque nec finem nec remissionem ullam habituros, denuntiat. Sequitur  
Hîc patientia Sanctorum est: 
Vers. 12.  Hîc qui custodiunt mandata Dei & fidem jesu.  
Quasi diceret, Hoc praecovium Lydius lapis erit probandae tum patientiae tum obedientiae Sanctorum. Patientiae quidem; si tam atrocis poenae, talísque quae omnem moram compensabit, exspectationi acquiescentes, nihil tam diuturnis Bestiae successibus perturbentur, néve ad eam, quâ in refractarios & imperio suo immorigeros grassabibitur persecutionum rabie, quicquam animis concidant: Obedientiae verò erga Dei mandata & fidem jesu; si hâc comminatione auditâ, nihil cunctati protinus sese à Bestiae communione subducant, imagini & characteri ipsius renuncient. Hi sunt qui custodiunt mandata Dei & fidem jesu, id est, qui ritè ac Evangelicè Deum colunt in fide jesu Christi: proptereáque Evangelicorum nomine haud immeritò dicendi.  
SIc Ecclesiâ Virgineâ triplici monitione suâ defunctâ, succedit Assertio ejus contra hostes, typo Messis & Vindemiae; quibus semel peractis, non differtur ampliùs beata justorum remuneratio, ut testatum facit denunciatio ista de coelo utriusque descriptioni praemissa;  
Audivi, 
Vers. 13.  inquit, vocem de coelo dicentem mihi, Scribe, Beati mortui qui in Domino moriuntur, ab hoc tempore: Etiam, dicit Spiritus, ut requiescant à laboribus suis; opera verò eorum sequuntur eos.  
Scio plerosque pronunciatum hoc coeleste ad superiora referre, tanquam consolandis Sanctis jam gravissima quaeque à Bestia, praecedenti celeusmate irritatâ, passuris. In qua sententia & ipse pridem fui: Nunc verò, re accuratiùs perpensâ, eò inclino, ut ad sequentia potius referendum putem, tanquam commonefactionem jam instantis Resurrectionis & judicii sub Tuba septima; cujus utpote apparatus in sequenti Visione agi inciperet. Ità ut illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ab hoc tempore, dicatur, non respectu rei praecedenti Visione exhibitae, sed proximè sequenti exhibendae; quam nimirum protinus exciperet Resurrectio mortuorum & judicium. Quasi dixisset, Nunc ad illud deventum est quod unicum restat implendum, ad tempus illud quo Mortui in Domino ad beatam vitam suscitabuntur, Sic enim in Evangelio Matth. 23. vers. ult. Dominus ad judaeos, Non me videbitis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, donec dicatis, Benedictus qui veni● in nomine Domini; id est, non à temporis momento quo haec locutus erat, sed à tempore Paschatis, quod tunc celebratum ibat: post quod vulgo Iudaeorum non ampliùs se conspiciendum praebuit. Ratio autem mihi sic, ut dico, sentiendi triplex est. Primùm, quòd non meminerim uspiam in sacra Scriptura diem mortis 
* Vid 〈…〉 LXXV. LXXVI.  Diem mercedis indig●●ari, sed Diem solum Resurrectionis & judicii. Secundò, Denuncia●io de coelo, ●um mandato scribendi, non nisi ad insigne aliquod rerum momentum indicandum videtur adhibitum. Certè ejusmodi mandatum alibi nusquam, praeterquam initio totius Prophetiae, reperire est. Denique pronunciato huic, si bene attendatur, sensu omnino convenit cum illo ad clangorem Tubae septimae, 
* Vers. 18.  cap. 11. quando tempus affore dicitur quo mortuorum (nempe, propter Christum) causa judicabitur, Deúsque redditurus sit mercedem servis suis Prophetis, & Sanctis, & timentibus nomen ejus parvis & magnis, & perditurus eos qui perdunt terram. Ità hîc, Beati, inquit, ab hoc tempore mortui qui in Domino mortem occubuere, ut requiescant à laboribus suis, id est, vitam deinceps pristinorum malorum & calamitatum securam degant (quo sanè hostium & tyrannorum exterminium innuitur:) & opera eorum sequuntur eos, id est, perpessionum suarum & rectè factorum omnium mercedem consequentur beatissimam.  
Interim, hâc interpretatione admissâ, de sensu verborum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; nihil muto; adhuc ea cum prioris sententiae sequacibus, non de quibusvis in Christi ●ide obdormientibus, sed speciatim de Martyribus, intelligendo, qui vitam pro Christo profuderunt (talibus enim constat 
* Cap. 20. 4. 5.  Resurrectio prima:) ut cum Beza reddendum putem, qui propter Dominum seu Domini causâ, moriuntur. Quemadmodum ad Ephes. 4. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vinctus in Domino, est Vinctus propter Dominum; idem scilicet quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cap. 3. 1. Quo eodem sensu veteres (ut ex Tertulliano conjicere datur) acceperunt illud 1 Thes. 4, 16. Mortui in Christo resurgent primi, id est, Martyres, qui propter Christi confessionem neci dati fuerint. Videsis eum de Anima c. 55. Quippe notum est, Latinis ablativum, & Graecis perinde dativum, qui aliàs instrumentum & modum agendi significat, etiam causam ob quam sive propter quam denotare; ut, Verberat odio, invidiâ pulsus est, & similia. Hunc autem ablativum sive dativum cum Hebraei per praepositionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enuncient, & eorum imitatione Scriptura Graeca per' EN; indè factum ut EN quoque ibidem causam propter quam designet. Rarior quidem est haec significatio cum hac particula; sed non dubito quin plura suppeditârit 
* Vid. jud. de Dieu in Act. 24. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propter hoc. Matth. 6. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ephes. 3. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, propter afflictiones m●a●. Col. 2. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, propter ●ibum. Hebraismus est, ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in saepe valet propter. Vid. Gen. 18. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propter quinque.  exempla observatio diligens, quam mihi nunc in promptu sint.  
TAntum de pronunciato coelesti. jam bigae Visionum, cui praemitti diximus, sensum, quantum in re futura licèt, quâque decet sobrietate & modestiâ, indagemus: & primò MESSIS, quâ primus ad consummationem gradus sternitur.  
Et vidi, inquit, & ecce nubem candidam; & super nubem sedentem similem Filio hominis, habentem in capite suo coronam auream, & in manu sua falcem acutam. 
Vers. 14.  15. Et alius Angelus exivit de Templo, clamans voce magnâ ad sedentem super nubem, Mitte falcem tuam & mete; quia venit hora inetendi, quoniam aruit Messis terrae. 16. Et misit qui sedebat super nubem falcem suam in terram; & demessa est terra.  
Messis nomen tria complectitur; segetis desectionem, collectionem, & trituram. Unde factum ut duplicem in sacris, contrariíque sensûs parabolam constituat: modò stragis & excidii, quasi desectionis & triturae; modò restitutionis & salutis, pro collectionis ingenio. Illius exemplum obvium apud jeremiam, cap. 51. 33. ubi sic de called Babylonis, Filia Babylonis quasi Area, tempus triturae ejus: adhuc modicum & veniet tempus messionis ejus. Item Isaiae cap. 17. 3, etc. de excidio Damasci, & clade Israelis per Thiglath-pelesarem, Cessabit adjutorium ab Ephraim, & regnum à Damascus, etc. Eterit perinde ac si colligeret messor segetem, & brachium ejus spicas demeteret. Hujus verò exemplum vix alibi quam in N. T. reperire est. Messis, ait Salvator, magna est, operarii verò pauci. 
Matt. 9 37.  Non desunt tamen qui ab hac notione interpretentur querelam istam Israelis apud jerem. 8. 20. Praeteriit Messis, consumpta est aestas, & nos non sumus salvati; i Transiit tempus quo putavimus nos salvos fore, & non salvati sumus. Utrius autem figuram MESSIS hoc loco sustineat, eruamus, si possimus, ex rerum gerendarum ordine quas alibi Spiritus Sanct. de iisdem Ecclesiae temporibus repraesentaverit.  
Calcationem torcularis, quâ Vindemia MESSEM istam subsequens desungitur, eandem esse cum strage illa cruenta ab Equi albi Sessore patranda cap. 19 palàm est ex eo quod ejusdem Sessoris descriptioni inseritur; Is est qui calca● torculare furoris irae Dei omnipotentis. jam verò hoc dato & posito, necesse est parabolas propheticas, quae utramque pariter immediatè, & nullo ampliùs Viso interveniente, praevertant, aut rem eandem denotare, aut si diversas, tamen aliquo pacto inter se conjunctas & devinctas. cum idcirco hîc Vindemiam proximè antecedat MESSIS ista; illic verò Stragem eam atrocem Apparatus nuptiarum Agni, unà cum Excidio Babylonis: sequitur omnino, aut apparatum istum, aut Excidium, esse MESSEM quam quaerimus, aut eódem cum MESSE, aut cum iis MESSEM, pertinere.  
Si dixerimus Vastationem Babylonis MESSEM esse, id tum Typi ingenio, qui desectionem & trituram subindicat, satìs consentaneum foret; tum praesertim subblandiretur Ieremiae exemplo veteris quoque Babylonis casum eâdem figurâ praedicentis. Locus est quem paulò antè laudavi: Filia Babylonis quasi area, tempus triturae ejus: adhuc modicum & veniet tempus messionis ejus. Huic quoque accedit quòd cum utraque, tam Messis quam Vindemia, quòd Annum absolvant, rerum finem & consummationem denotet; Messis verò Vindemiam tempore praecedat: ideo, si consummationi tyrannidis Romanae significandae utramque deservire compertum esset; sanè appositè admodum MESSIS Urbis ipsius cladem, tanquam excidii plenarii Praemetium; VINDEMIA Messi succedens universi Regni Bestiani interitum, haud longo eam intervallo subsecuturum, designatum iret.  
Nec sanè quicquam est quod huic accommodationi obstet praeterquam illud unum, quòd Stragem illam internecinam cap. 19 Vindemiae quoque imagine expressam, non Babylonis vastatio, ut hactenus, praesupposuimus, sed alius rerum eventus, (Babylonis vastationem (ut videtur) subsequens) Apparatus nempe Nuptiarum Agni, seu Sponsae ejus exornatio, proximè anteire deprehenditur. Annon igitur MESSIS apparationi isti significandae erit, aut (si hoc incongruum) rei alicui cum ea gerendae?  
At quaenam, inquies, Apparatio illa Sponsae est? quídve illud quod cum ea simul gerendum sit? Sanè Apparatio illa Sponsae, nondum video quid aliud esse possit quam illa tot seculis exspectata conversio & collectio Israelis; illius quae olim (juxta Salvatoris parabolam) ad nuptias Filii Regis invitata, venire recusavit, nunc verò tandem prompta & parata accurret. 
Matth. 22.  Non enim Gentes Sponsa illa dici posse videntur, cum illae jam olim & à multis seculis Christo desponsatae fuerint. judaei idcirco sunt, qui adhuc Agni Sponsa futuri exspectantur.  
Cum hac autem Conversione & Reductione Israelis (quâ illa in ●oetum Agni Virgineum cooptabitur, ejúsque pars fiet) conjuncta erit Turcici Imperii demessio seu excidium; juxta quod ad Phialam sextam legitur, sed aliâ figurâ, Aquas magni illius sluminis Euphratis exsiccandas esse, ut paretur via Regum ab ortu Solis. Tempus enim hujus Phialae planissimè ad tempus Apparationis istius Sponsae convenit; cum sicut ista excidio Babylonis & stragi hostium novissimae interjecta sit, ità haec Phiala Phialae quae in Thronum Bestiae effunditur, & Phialae novissimae media intervenit. Nempe Ecclesia Christi, ut conversione Israelis quasi gemina evasura sit; ità utraque pars proprium & peculiarem id temporis hostem videtur habitura: illa BESTIAM Romanam origine incircumcisâ; haec Imperium MUHAMMEDICUM circumcisae Gentis, atque ortu Ismaelitico Isaacidis ominoso. Quorum utriusque exterminio sub adventum Christi peragendo, quidni hujus MESSIS, illius autem VINDEMIA repraesentando deserviat?  
Porrò hui● MESSIS interpretationi si minùs firmitudinem, speciem saltem aliquam, conciliet Vaticinium illud 
* Cap. ●.  joelis, unde utraque Imago tam Messis quam Vindemiae desumpta est. Illic enim de tempore convertendi Israelis agi, vel ex primis O●●culi verbis manifestum est. In diebus illis, inquit, & tempore illo quo reducam captivitatem judae & jerusalem; Congregabo omnes gentes in vallem josaephati, & discrpta●●o ●um iis ibi superpopulo meo & haereditate mea Israel, quos disperserunt in nationibus, terrámque meam diviserunt. Deinde in apparatûs bellici hypotyposi sequitur, Immittite falces, quoniam maturavit Messis: Venite & descendite, quia plenum est torcular, exuberant torcularia, quia magna est malitia eorum. Utcunque igitur in hac Figurae MESSIS accommodatione id observare liceat, rem gerendam ità comparatam esse ●t ei utraque Messis notio, tam desectionis & triturae quam collectionis, aptari possit; haec ex parte Israelis in Ecclesiae horreum colligendae, illa stragis hostium cum ea conjunctim futurae: tamen cum de Ecclesiae contra hostes assertione novissima hîc agatur, ideo omnino desectionis & triturae notionem praeferendam censeo.  
Sed quicquid MESSIS futura sit, certè Dominum ejus & messionis Auspicem, ipsum Christum Regem fore arguit descriptio. Ecquid enim ulli praeter ipsum Regi Titulus iste 
* Vers. 14.  FILII HOMINIS cum NUBIS carpento in universa Scriptura tribuitur? Ut minimè tutum sit, meâ quidem sententiâ, id aliò torquere. potius colligendum videtur, Divini Numinis potentiam in MESSE isthac defungenda, sicut & in proximè futura VINDEMIA, magìs conspicuam & illustrem futuram quam in ullis hactenus operibus factum est eorum quae Angelorum tantùm nominibus gerebantur.  
HACTENUS de MESSE conjectavimus; pergamus nunc ad VINDEMIAM. Quam utì in Anni tempestatibus fieri consuevit, ità hîc ordine rei gerendae MESSEM sequi, rationi consentaneum est.  
Et alius Angelus exivit de Templo quod est in coelo, habens & ipse falcem acutam. 18. 
Vers. 1●.  Et alius Angelus exivit de altari, qui habebat potestatem in ignem: & clamavit voce magnâ ad eum qui habebat falcem acutam, dicens, Mitte salcem tuam acutam, & vindemia botros vineae terrae; quoniam maturae sunt uvae ejus. 19 Et misit Angelus falcem suam acutam in terram, & vindemiavit vin●am terrae, & misit in lacum irae Dei magnum. 20. Et calcatus est lacus extra Vrbem, & exivit sanguis de lacu usque ad fraenos equorum per stadia mille sexcenta.  
Haec VINDEMIAE descriptio est. Ad cujus interpretationem eò certiùs collineabimus, quò hîc parabolae significatio minùs in ambiguo posita, & expressior habetur botrorum calcandorum designatio. Siquidem Calcatio vindemialis in Scriptura parabolica cladem atrocem, cruentam & internecinam constanter denotat. Hoc primum. Deinde cladem, qua de hic agitur, eandem esse cum Clade illa magna cap. 19 ostendunt (ut paulò antè admonui) verba illa de calcando torculari irae Dei descriptioni ejus inserta. Ergo eadem quoque erit cum Bello magni illius diei Dei omnipotentis ad Phialam novissimam: quocum Cladem illam internecinam cap. 19 eandem esse, illud dubitare non sinit, quòd utraque ejusdem omnino hostis clades novissima sit; utraque enim in Bestiam, Pseudoprophetam, eorúmque Confoederatos ultimò incubitura est. At eorundem clades ultima non potest esse nisi una. jam si Vindemia nostra eandem cum istis cladem designet, in eosdem quoque hostes incubituram necesse est; ergò in Bestiam & Pseudoprophetam. Vitis igitur, seu Vinea terrae, cujus hic mentio, Bestiae ditio est. Wae ad vindemiandum maturae, Bestiani sanguinis reatu turgentes, maturi judicio. Lacus denique seu Torcular, Locus caedis; idem nimirum qui ad Phialam septimam Hebraicè interpretatus ARMAGEDDON dicitur, forsan quod ibi ad internecionem Bestiae turmae seu copiae delebuntur. ARMA enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excidium sonat; 
Vide D●us. P●●e●●● l. 10. p. 434.  GEDON seu GEDDON 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turmam, exercitum, seu exercitum eorum. 
* Rev. 16. 16.  Congregavit, inquit, eos in locum qui vocatur Hebraicè ARMAGEDDON. (libri à Plantino excusi simplici 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ARMAGEDON) Et septimus Angelus essudit ●hialam suam in Aerem: & exivit Vox magna è Templo Coeli è Throno, dicens, Factum est.  
Ubi autem hic Lacus seu locus futurus sit calcandarum Uvarum, adhuc in Dei arcanis est; nec igitur nobis curiosè nimis satagendum, nedum definiendum, donec aut eventus ipse patefecerit, aut eidem proximior rerum status aliquod ejus fortasse indicium praebuerit. Illud tamen monere fas erit citra temeritatis notam, Ex tam diligenti intervalli per quod Caedes extenderetur dimensione, videri posse Spiritum Sanct. ad regionem ejusmodi aliquam digitum intendere, quae stadia mille sexcenta in longitudinem pateat: per tot enim stadia stragem faciendam esse docet extra URBEM, hoc est, ni fallor, in regione seu ditione URBIS. Hinc factum ut quidam circuitione istâ Terram Sanctam, designari putarent, ut quae tot ad amussim stadia longitudine suâ colligat, i.e. Italica milliaria ducenta, Graeca verò non ampliùs centum sexaginta; quantam esse Terrae Sanctae longitudinem perhibet Hieronymus Epistolâ ad Dardanum. Graeci enim, inquiunt illi, milliare suum metiebantur stadiis decem, quorum singula erant passuum centum; passus autem (quam orgyam appellant) pedum Romanorum sex● ità in universum continebat milliare Graecum 6000 pedes Romanos. E diverso Romani passum quinque pedibus definiunt, stadium passibus 125, milliare octo stadiis, id est, pedibus tantùm 5000. Unde factum ut milliare Graecum, tametsi mille passuum numero cum Romano conveniret, Romano tamen quintâ parte majus esset. Quâ ratione milliaria Romana 200 efficiunt non ampliùs 160 Graeca. Haec ratiocinii summa est. Praeterea, nec illud conjecturae omnino nihil momenti addit, quòd loci nomen ARMAGEDDON Hebraicè nuncupetur, quasi futuri in Terra Hebraeorum. Sed quâ tandem ratione hoc fieri poterit? Sanè illis qui Antichristum ex Oriente proditurum opinantur, haec sententia facilis admodum & expedita est; nobis non item: nisi quis sortè illud verisimile existimet, Pseudopropheta● post eversam Romam in Orientem migraturum, ibíque sedem collocaturum: quod quidem ex ipsis Bestiae asseclis non desunt qui affirment; nempe, ante supremum judicii diem Pontificem Romanum Hierosolymis sedem habiturum. Nam illud certè, Bestiam, rebus suis domi in Occidente in tali qualis supponitur statu & discrimine constitutis, iterum (utì olim in expeditione Hierosolymitana) exercitum in Palaestinam ducturam, tot hostibus à tergo relictis, atque ibi demum funditus deletum iri, nullâ verisimili●udine affirmari posset. Quinimo, nè nos qui Occidentalem Antichristum asserimus, illis qui Orientalem ab hac parte inferiores simus, in vicino item locus est cui dictus stadiorum numerus perinde convenit; putà STATO DELLA CHIESA, seu Ecclesiae Romanae Latifundium, quod ab Urbe Roma usque ad ultimum Padi ostium & paludes Veronentes porrigitur spatio milliarium Italicorum ducentorum, id est, stadiorum 1600.  
Sed quò abeo? ●ibulam tandem curiositati imponamus, cui forsan hactenus nimis indulsimus. Ad alia deveniamus, in quibus majus sit operae pretium. Atque adeò illud imprimis attendat Lector, Non eundem este hîc botrorum putatorem atque calcatorem torcularis; sed prout diversa sunt munia Vindemiatoris & Torculatoris, ità quoque diversos authores habere; Vindemiationem seu putationem, Angelum falce vinitoriâ instructum; Calcationem, Christum ipsum Regem equitatu coelesti comitatum: id quod ex Visione capitis 19, (nam aliquoties laudavi) liquidò constare potest. Illic enim vidit joannes 
* Vers. 12. etc.  Coelum apertum, & ecce Equus albus; & qui sedebat super eum vocatur fidelis & verax, & cum justitia judicat & pugnat— Et vestitus erat veste aspersâ sanguine, (sanguine autem uvarum) & vocatur nomen ejus VERBUM DEI. Et exercitus qui sunt in coelo sequebantur eum in equis albis, vestiti byssino albo & mundo. Et de ore ejus podrit gladius acutus, ut in ipso percuterct gentes: Ipse enim regit cas virgâ ferreâ; & is est QVI CALCAT TORCVLAR VINI FURORIS DEI OMNIPOTENTIS,— etc. Ecquid clariùs dici potuit? Proindèque in contextu, cui lucem pro virisi facimus, neutiquam dicitur, Angelum qui vindemiavit ●ive putavit botros eundem quoque Lacum calcâsse; sed solummodo botros putatos in lacum misisse; quo facto, calcatum esse Lacum extra Vrbem, A quo autem nisi à Christo Rege, è coelo cum coelesti Equitatu prodeunte? Id nimirum est quod Spiritus Sanctus significare voluit, statim additâ Equorum mentione: Et exivit, inquit, sanguis è Lacu usque ad●●aenos Equorum. Quorsum enim illud de Equis insertum, nisi●ut hoc indicio submoneret, ab eo Lacum calcatum esse ad quem comitatus iste equestris pertinebat?  
Ut igitur rem in pauca conferam; haec Visionis istius Vindemialis summa est: Angelus Vindemiator, adhibitis Sanctis, quorum ad hoc negotium ei praefectura demandata est, borros Bestianos putabit abscindétque; eâque putatione suâ faciet in ARMAGEDDUNTEM congregari; congregatos demum calcabit Dominus Iesus in adventu suo: juxta quod Paulus ait de Homine peccati, (qui ipsissima haec Bestia est) eum à Domino destruendum fore, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
2 Thes. 2. 8.   
Utraque autem tam MESSIS quam VINDEMIA precibus impetratur: illa quidem (ut-videtur) Ecclesiae in universum; unde qui supplicum personam ibi sustinet Angelus, è Templo generatim prodire dicitur: haec verò magis Martyrum & Confessorum, in quos lanienis atque tormentis saevierint impii, ac Christo victimam fecerint; propterea qui ad hanc inclamat Angelus, è Thysiasterio seu Altaris septo egreditur, atque in ignem potestatem habere dicitur, ignem autem martyrii. Notum verò illud in vulgus est, sanguinem Martyrum ad Deum pro vindicta clamare. Sanè enim passim testatur Scriptura, Divinum numen Ecclesiae, neque res secundas, neque in hostes vindictam, citrapreces suorum largiri velle. 
Dan. 9 Luc. 18.  Ità ad preces Danielis solvitur Captivitas Babylonica: & in parabola de Vidua iniquum judicem clamoribus suis fatigante, apodosis est, Deum similiter precibus electorum suorum adactum tandem aliquando ad vindictam surrecturum esse. Adde quòd, cum Tubae clancturae essent demoliendae rei Romanae, prius Martyrum preces, facto suffitu, Deo in memoriam revocantur.  
Audi igitur, ô Christ Rex, & in memoriam apud Patrem tuum revoca tot supplices tuorum pro regno tuo preces, tot afflictorum & interfectorum pro nomine tuo gemitus, & cum tempus quod tibi opportunum videbitur advenerit, Surge, mete & vindemia. 
Cap. 8.   
¶ Hucusque, Lector, fusiore hoc interpretandi genere progredi potui, nec ultrá. In reliqua quae supersunt Vaticinia SPECIMINA tantùm do; eorum nimirum partem quae ante triennium aut quadriennium in plerasque Visiones Apocalypticas cum amicis privatim communicaveram. Ea, qualiacunque sint, candori tuo, Lector, commendo, ●tque benignè interpreteris obsecro; donec D.O.M. vires & otium mihi largiatur & ista (nisi doctorum & piorum virorum judicia absterruerint) simili quo priora filo pertexendi. Porrò scias in hisce capitum ordinèm adeò ad amussim servare non libuisse, quin BABYLONIS mysterium PHIALARVM Visioni anteponerem; quod tamen Ioannes postposuit: an quia ex Phialarum Angelis unus illud monstraverat? an quia praecedentibus Visionibus omnibus tanquam CLAVEM reserandis subjicere voluit? Vtrumque in causa fuisse videtur: Sed non idem interpretanti atque narranti ordo ubique commodus est.   

DE METROPOLI 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CHRISTIANITATIS, BABYLONE MYSTICA.  
MEtropolis ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 BABYLON 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu mystica, 
Ad Cap. 17.  Urbs ROMA est, seu, ut nunc loquimur, SEDES ROMANA, ex Sponsa olim Christi facta non solùm Meretrix, sed & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, METROPOLIS MERETRICULARUM, id est, caput Christiani nominis Urbium cum ipsa spiritualiter fornicantium. Ubi illud, Lector, vel imprimis observes velim, (quoniam in ipsa jam Arce versamur Apocalypseos) non aliis haeresibus aut erroribus ullis, quam illâ tantopere veteri quoque Israeli exprobratâ MOECHATIONE spirituali, magnam illam & catholicam visibilis Ecclesiae Christianae ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à Spiritu Sancto definitam & consignatam esse. Hanc igitur unicam, tanquam Cynosuram, ab eo spectari oportere, quisquis Apostasiae Christianitatis initium, progressum, statum & decrementum, ex rerum Ecclesiasticarum tabulis pervestigare voluerit. In hunc scopum si intendat, vel palpari potest quod quaeritur; sin aliter, aut frustrà, aut incertus erit. Sit enim licèt aliorum errorum, imo haereseôn, BABYLON ista rea (neque enim novum est● Meret●ices atque Moechas aliis quoque vitiis & sceleribus infames csse;) cum tamen istarum nullâ magnam illam visibilis Ecclesiae' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notave●it Spiritus Sanctus, proinde habendae s●nt istae aut pro solis Apostasiae illius symptomatis, aut pro ehroribus adventitiis, aliorúmque aequè temporum & Sectarum communibus; aut si magni sortè momenti haeres●s fuerit, ejusmodi ●amen (ut est illa de Iustificatione & salute ex meritis Operum spéranda) quae serò demum, & aetate jam provectâ admodum MERETRIOE, 
Rom. 1. 27.  in Ecclesiam, tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, justo Dei judicio sit admissa: nè nimirum qui Dei longanimitatem. TESTIUM que pradicationem tamdiu támque pertibaciter contempserant, postmodum (utì contra protoplastas cautum fuisse legimus) manum extendentes acciperent de fructu Arboris vitae, comederé utque victuri in seculum. 
Gen. 3. 22.   
Porrò illud, Lector, hoc loco singulare est, nec levi animadversione praetereundum (de quo proinde in CLAVE Apocalyptica te monebam ●) nimirum, hanc de MERETRICE magna BESTIA que ipsam bajulante Visionem, ab Angelo, praeter morem suum, Ioa●ni nobisque interpretatione longè pulcherrima reseratam esse: eo proculdubio fine, ut ejus interpretationis beneficio, utpote praecipuae omnium Visionis, caetera quoque mysteria Apocalyptica, hactenus quidem clausa, sed ex illa mirabili artificio pendentia, panderenturi Hîc igitur adesto animis; & nè frustrà, quod te attinet, Angelus operam istam sumpserit, illud probe probéque memento, Allegoriae seu Parabolae interpretationem (●cujusmodi haec Angeli est) novam allegoriam aut Parabolam non esse. Nam quae haec insolentia eslet, aut veriùs insania, interpretis? quisve fructus Allegoriam Allegor●●, aut Parabolam aliâ Parabolâ interpretandi? Nè igitur tu hic nescio quas mundi aetates, aut similia attendas figmenta; quinimo Angeli ●atidici, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, verùm interpretantis, mentem prout litera sonat accipito; non Allegoriae, ut al●bi usuvenit, sententi●m recludendi, sed interpretationem ejus jam datam rebus ipsis applicandi partes tibi restare sciens.  
Quam ad Applicationem, quatenus Deu● mihi revelaverit, sic tibi praeibo.  

1.  
MULIER quam vidit Ioannes BESTIAE insidentem, Vrbs illa magna est quae tum regnum habebat super ●eges terrae, ver. 18.  
Applicatio. Quae isthaec nisi ROMA est?   

2.  
BESTIA cam Meretricem factam bajulans, illa Bestia est quae etiam ante Visionem istam joanni exhibitam aliâ quadam sui specie fuerat, sed ●â tamen, quâ Meretricem bajularet, nondum ●um fu●slet; tali verò postmodum ex Abysso surrectura erat, in eâque sund●tus ●andem interi●●ra: id est, species illa quâ Meretricem bajularet, Bestiae novissima soret, ultra quam vitam suam non produceret, v. 8. Sequitur eodem versu (ut isthoc quoque charactere agnoseas ipsissimam hanc Bestiam esse c. 13. ostensam) ●t mirabuntur incolae terrae, quorum nomina non sunt scripta in libro vitae à jacto mundi fundamento, cernentes Bestiam quae erat, & non est, & tamen adfutura est, Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
* [I●a & legit in Bibl. Polyglot. MS. Alexandr.  Sic enim lego cum editione Complutensi, Primasio & Syro Interprete, ut cum praecedenti descriptione sensu congruat, Bestia quae suit, & non est, sed aliquando ascensura est ex Abysso. Quâ verò specie jam antè suerat BESTIA, quâ adhuc futurum erat ut ex Abysso a●cende●et, illud ex iis●quae mox subjungit Angelus singillatim cognoscemus.  
Applic. Interim, si MULIER ipsa ROMA est, quid tandem esse possit Bestia isthaec multiformis cui inequitat (id est, imperat) praeter Regnum seu Imperium Romanum?   

3.  
Septem BESTIAE capita duplex typus● primô, septem montes seu colles sunt, super quos Urbs Bestiae metropolis sita est; deinde, septem quoque ídque in iisdem (quod unitas Typi denotat) collibus (Hoc teneas vultus mutantem Protea nodo) Regum seu Dynastarum successivorum ordines. Quorum quidem quinque, Regum, Consulum, Tribunorum, Decemvirorum, Dictatorum, joannis aevo jam praeterierant: unus [Caesarum] adhuc superfuerat; sed is quoque sub Caesaribus Christianis ità mutaturus, ut quasi alius, sed brevis admodum aevi, Dynastes videretur, reverâ tamen non alius: novissimus verò, & mutati, ut●jam dixi, Caesareatûs respectu octavus, sed reverâ non nisi septimus, (nam septem tantùm sunt Bestiae capita) is ipsus est sub quo Bestia demum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esset, id est, mysticae Meretricis bajula, atque eo statu speciéque quâ à Ioanne in praesenti Visione conspecta est; cujus nimirum aetate dici potuit, Et jam olim eam fuisse, necdum tamen natam esse. Olim enim fuerat BESTIA sub priorum quinque, partim etiam sexti, capitum vicibus; nondum tamen fuit novissimi illius (putà Pontificii) Capitis vice, quâ demum bajularet MERETRICEM.  
Applic. Nunc igitur, Lector, ausculta. Si sextum BESTIAE Romanae caput, quod Ioannis aetate in Vrbe septicolli regnabat, jam à duodecim ferè seculis ibidem regnare desiit; necesse est eum qui nunc ibi rerum potitur (quum nequaquam illud quasiseptimum, breuísque aevi Caput dici possit) esse novissimum illum, longaevum & verè septimum Septem collium Dynasten; proindéque Statum illum, seu Rem-gentiumpublicam, cui ROMA nunc incubat diúque incubavit, Dynastiam illam esse quam Ioannes praeviderat MERETRICEM bajulaturam.   

4.  
Decem Bestiae cornua, novissimi Capitis insignia, decem sunt Regna, joannis quidem aevo nondum nata, sed in quae tandem BESTIAE Romanae corpus vice suâ novissimâ ex Capitis Caesarei vulnere dilaceraretur; quaeque omnem potestatem suam unanimiter conferrent BESTIAE, sub Capitis istius novissimi imperio, integrandae restituendaeque.  
Applic. Atqui nisi jam indè ex quo Caesares ROMAE regnare desierint, Romanum Imperium in decem pluráve Regna (etiam Gentium Ioannis aevo ab Imperio alienarum barbararúmque) divisum & dilaceratum sit, quando, quaeso, unquam, quâve tandem ratione illud dividendum exspectabimus?   

5.  
Decem autem illa quae ità coaluerint Regna, Pseudoprophetae Capitis sui auspiciis, cum AGNO pugnabunt, victoriâ tamen tandem penes AGNUM Dominum nostrum futurâ.  
Applic. Illud dudum factum est, hodiéque etiamnum fit: Hoc etiam aliquatenus factum, sed multò gloriosiori victoriâ quandoque impletum iri speramus.  
Siquidem ex iisdem decem cornibus seu Regibus erunt qui MERETRICEM, cui tamdiu bajulandae inservierint, odio tandem prosequentur, (quod partim impletum cernimus) desertam illam reddent & nudam, carnes ejus comedent, ipsdmque exurent igne. Deus enim, cujus providentiâ factum est ut tam mirabili consensu in hanc novissimi capitis Bestiam, usque ad tempus ei praestitutum, coalescerent; idem aliquando cordibus eorum indet, ut voluntatem quoque ipsius in Metropolin suam MERETRICEM exsequantur. Haec Angelus.  
Quod verò praeterea in Parabolae descriptione habetur, MERETRICEM istam poculum aureum in manu sua tenere, plenum abominationibus & immunditiâ scortationis suae; item, nomen suum in fronte scriptum praeserre, id Angeli interpretatione non egebat: siquidem utroque allusum est ad Meretricum & Lupanarium olim consuetudinem; quotum illae in calice aureo philtra amasiis suis propinare solebant; in istis cellae meretricum nomine inscribebantur, utì docet Tertulliani illud Lib. de Pudicitia— sub ipsis libidinum januis, sub ipsis libidinum titulis; sed clariùs Seneca Controvers. 2. lib. 1. Meretrix (ait) vocata es, in communi loco stetisti, superpositus est cellae tuae titulus. Vide & Martialem lib. 11. Epigr. 46. Quinetiam, si famosa esset meretrix, videtur non tantùm in cella, sed in fronte, nomen & elogium scriptum praetulisse. Innuit id Seneca loco citato: Nomen, inquit, tuum pependit in fronte, pretia stupri accepisti, & manus, quae Diis datura erat sacra, capturas tulit. Quò & juvenalis forsan respexit, Sat. 6. de Messalinae Augustae impotenti libidine, 
— nuda papillis  
Constilit auratis titulum mentita Lyciscae.  Quòd si illud Senecae de cellae fronte accipiendum sit, potest & hoc de Babylone sic accipi; neque id durum erit, propter figurae ingenium, quae utrumque, tam Meretricem quam locum seu sornicem in quo prostat, comprehendit.     

OCCASUS ANTICHRISTI, SEU MENS SEPTEM PHIALARUM Quantum adhuc intelligere datum est. Primoque De PHIALIS generatim.  
PHIALARUM Angelorúmque Effusorum historiam bifaríàm proponit Spiritus Sanctus. 
Ad Cap. 15.  Primò generatim, ab initio Cap. 15. usque ad versûs 5 finem: ubi septem Angelorum septem Phialas habentium Viso summ● tenus commemorato, priusquam ad particularem sive Angelorum sive Phialarum descriptionem ventum, alterius unà cum illis Visionis exhibitae narratio instituitur; quâ Ecclesiae, servente Effusione, status figuratur, ab inquinamentis & sordibus idololatricis, in sacro illo ex materia non aenea, ut Solomonis, sed crystallino Templi labro, seu Mari, ablutae, totóque effusionis tempore 
* Canticum Mosit & Agni dictum; nempe Dominum solum colendum esse & glorificandum ut Deum. Quae Cantici hujus sententia a Mose pariter & Agno hominibus promulgata est.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de BESTIA superata cantillantis; ídque dum adhuc Labri ipsius crepidini insistebat, quasi vixdum balneo, quo sese abluerat, egressa.  
Deinde ad Angelorum amictum apparatúmque, Phialásque speciatim describendas, acceditur, ab illis versûs 6 verbis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Et exierunt septem isti Angeli habentes septem plagas, è Templo, induti lino mundo & splendido, & praecincti circa pectora zonis aureis, id est, habitu & cinctu 
* Ezech 44. 17 18. Maiemon. de Va●●s Sanctuar● c. 10. Sect. 1.  Sacerdotali ornati. Cave enim nè verba, quae posuimus, cum illis versûs praecedentis conjungas: siquidem quod ibi dicitur de Templo Tabernaculi testimonii in coelo aperto, id non ad initium, sed eventum Phialarum pertinet; scilicet Templum quod, interim dum Phialae effundebantur, impletum crat fumo à Majestate Dei & à virtute ejus, adeò ut nemo ingredi posset, ver. 8. (allusum est tum ad Tabernaculi, Exod. 40. 34. tum ad Templi dedicationem septiduanam, 1. Reg. 8. 10. 2. Paralip. 5. 13.) peractis demum Phialis ità serenabit, ut ipsa Arca testimonii [Christus] conspicua futura sit: utì habetur ad septimae Tubae clangorem [cap. 11. ver. ult.] quacum novissimam Phialarum contemporare ostensum est Synch. III. Part. ●.  

De PHIALIS singillatim Hypotheses.  

EFsusio Phialarum significat Ruinam BESTIAE Antichristianae. 
Ad Cap. 16. 1.  Apparet ex textu; de quo vide Synch. VII. Part. I. Quemadmodum enim prior illa & antiquior Regni Romani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Tubarum; ità novissima haec, Phialarum plagis subruenda est. Haec tantae inter utrasque similitudinis causa est, cum & prioris Politiae Romanae postrema haec imaginem gerat.  
2. Septem Phialae totidem sunt istius Ruinae gradus. Sicut enim BESTIA gradatim succrevit, ità gradatim quoque abolenda est.  
3. Quicquid tandem sit in quod Phialarum quaeque effunditur, id damnum & jacturam patitur à Phiala; cum Phialarum effusio sit Effusio irae Dei [cap. 15. v. 1.] Nulla igitur interpretatio hîc stare potest, quâ Phialae effusio in bonum ejus cedat in quod effunditur.  
4. Terra, Mare, Fluvii, Sol, aliquid sunt de BESTIA Antichristiana, instar Terrae, instar Maris, instar Fluviorum, instar Solis. Nam Phialae omnes in BESTIAM effunduntur: ergò & singulae in aliquid BESTIAE, aut saltem quod BESTIAE saluti innexum, ejúsque interest.  
5. Totum BESTIAE corpus, seu Universitas Antichristiana, à Spiritu Sancto, similiter ut in Tubis factum, tacitè comparatur Systemati mundano cujus partes sunt Terra, Mare, Flumina, Coelum, Luminaria: ità ut Terra in Universitate Pontificia dicatur id quod sit instar Telluris in Mundo physico; Mare, quod sit Maris instar; Fluvii, quod Fluviorum; Sol, quod Solis.  
6. Denique (ut jam semel iterúmque monuimus) quoniam Deus Angelos adhibet providentiae suae, 
Ita & Plagae AEgyptiacae Angelorum oper● exercebantur; ut innuitur Psal. 78. 49.  in rerum humanarum motubus & conversionibus ciendis gubernandísque, administros; idcirco quae multorum manibus peraguntur, Angelo tamen, tanquam rei gerendae Praesidi & Duci, pro communi loquendi more, tribuuntur.    

Expositio Phialarum ad amussim Hypotheseon. PHIALA I. IN TERRAM  
Universitatis Bestianae.  
TErra in Universitate Antichristiana designat populum, sive vulgus Christianum, scabellum (proh pudor!) Antichristi; cui tanquam Basi superstructa moles illa Hierarchico-papana, instar Turris Babylonicae— vertice ad auras AEtherias tendit.  
In hanc Terram Bestianam effusâ Phialâ; eam ab effusione affectionem contraxit; ut Bestiae sectatores furiis & intemperiis tanquam ulceribus impleret, iisdémque tetris ●deò & malignis, ut sanari non potuerint, sed nec cicatrice ullâ obduci, quâ non diruptâ illico renovarentur.  
Hoc impletum cum vulgus Christianum, Waldensium, Albigensium, Wiclifistarum, Hussitarum, alissque nominibus appellatum, authoritati Bestiae passim renunciare coepit, Romam BABYLONEM Apocalypticam clamitans, Papam Antichristum. Quo Terrae suae jam zelo Dei torridae afflatu pulsati Bestiani, doloris & indignationis ulceribus toti excanduerunt; quibus in rabiem acti ferro & flammâ per annos complures mirabiliter saevierint: sed frustrà; quippe ulcere malo & insanabili percussi, quod, quò magis sese commovebant, eò indies ingravescebat magís. Sic olim Terra AEgypti pulvere cinereo divinitus conspersa, 
Exod. 9 8● 9  Pharaonitas omnes cum jumentis suis ulceribus oppletos reddidit. Orbis autem Bestianus jam capite 11. AEgyptus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhibetur; proindéque hîc plaga ulceris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, mysticè & ex analogia, interpretanda: id quod in duarum quoque sequentium Plagarum figuris, ex eadem historia petitis, diligenter observandum est.   

PHIALA II. IN MARE  
Mundi Bestiani.  
MAre in Mundo Antichristiano est communionis Pontificiae comprehensio, quâ non singuli tantùm Christiani, sed integrae gentes, populi, regna, provinciae, dioeceses, alioquin inter se disjuncta divulsáque, in unum congregantur: vel sic, Mare Antichristianum est jurisdictionis seu Ditionis Pontificalis ambitus, homines & gentes Christicolas circumplectens & involvens, sicut Mare Terram.  
In hoc Mare Phialâ secundâ effusâ, factum est illico ut cruor cadaveris, seu sanguis gelidus & concretus, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cadaver passim apud C●esiam de Astyage, Dat● & Artaxerz●.  qualis mortuorum & occisorum, seu membri abscissi, esse soleat, cum soluto cum vitali fonte commercio, spiritûs calorísque influxu destituitur. Sensus est, Mare Pontificale quasi morte, truncatione, lanienâ mactatum esse.  
Hoc autem impletum cum Lutheri caeterorúmque illustrium illius aevi Ecclesiae Reformatorum operâ, Deo coeptis mirabiliter aspirante, non jam è Christianitatis vulgo solummodo singulae aliquot personae, quinimo integrae Provinciae, Dioeceses, Regna, Nationes, Urbes communioni Bestianae renunciârunt, magnâque amplissimae olim Ditionis mutilatione factâ, à corpore Bestiano avulsae recesserunt. Quo casu Mare ditionis Pontificiae evasit magnâ suâ parte mortuum, instárque cruoris cadaveris, in quo Animalia Pontificia spirare ampliùs & vivere non potuerint.   

PHIALA III. IN FLUMINA ET FONTES Mundi Bestiani.  
FLumina & Fontes aquarum Orbis Bestiani sunt jurisdictionis Antichristianae Ministri & Propugnatores; sive Ecclesiastici, ut Iesuitae aliíque Sacerdotes emissa●●; sive etiam Seculares & Laici, ut Pugiles Hispanici: quorum utrisque ut à Iurisdictione ista causam, quam Catholicam vocant, procurandi promovendique mandatur munus, perinde ut Flumina originem suam ducunt ex Mari; ità quoque eidem amplificandae & conservandae operam & opes suas conferunt, sicut & Flumina ad Mare revertuntur.  
Haec autem Flumina dum alveos suos, quò jam illis ultrà integrum non erat, temerè prosequuntur, justo Dei judicio à tertiae Phialae effusione cruentanda veniunt, quomodo & ipsi Sanctos Dei & Prophetas ejus jam olim cruentâssent. Nempe ab hac Phiala res Bestiana in eum statum deventura esset, ut Ministri & Propugnatores ejus, jam mutatis vicibus, easdem caedes perferre cogerentur quibus Sanctos & Prophetas Dei, florente ipsorum dominatione, mactare consuevissent: ut disertè habetur ver. 5, 6. tanquam Clavis parabolae reserandae.  
Quod de Emissariis Ecclesiasticis cum asseclis suis tune impletum opinor, cum in Anglia nostra, gloriosae memoriae Elisabethâ regnante, atque etiam postea, sanguinarii isti authoritatis Bestinae procuratores, etiam latis eo nomine legibus, procurationem suam sanguine (quod iis antea nunquam sic acciderat) luerunt. Nec is●● solùm, sed qui istis multò formidabilores fuerint, causae Bestianae Pugiles Hispani, suam Ecclesiae Romanae ditionem armis recuperaturi, sanguinem sitientes, sanguinem, clade praesertim illâ memorabili anni 88 & sequentium aliquot annorum, plenis haustibus biberunt; Anglis & Belgis, terrâ maríque, calicem potenti Dei manu affatim insundentibus. Adeò ut justis & veris Dei in utrosque judiciis, non ab Insulanis tantummodo ipsis, sanguinem suorum olim effusum jam ulciscentibus; sed etiam à vicinis Gallis sub cruce adhuc & Altari, imò recenti tum lanienâ anni 1572, gementibus, mirificè acclamatum fuerit. Atquc hucusque Phialae progressae videntur: reliquae adhuc effundendae supersunt.   

PHIALA IU. IN SOLEM  
Coeli Bestiani.  
SOL quid sit in Mundo Bestiano ut indagemus, prius quid Coelum ibi sit pervidendum est, nè alioquin analogiae filo destituti, nimium quantum à scopo aberremus. SOL enim non nisi in Coelo sibi congruo ponendus aut concipiendus est. Coelum igitur Mundi Antichristiani vel est ipsa Suprema & Universalis potestas Pontificia, vel omnino quicquid uspiam est sublimioris regiaeque potestatis in Mundo isto Bestiano, id est, in tota Universitate Provinciarum Pontificem Romanum pro Capite agnoscentium. Ità enim in Mundo physico totum id quod sursum est, supráque terram & aquas, notione Hebraeorum & Spiritus Sancti Coelum appellatur. jam in isthoc Coelo Antichristiano (ad naturalis Coeli typum) plurimae sunt Stellae diversaeque magnitudinis, Principes, Duces, Praesules, Reguli, Reges; sunt & magna Luminaria instar Solis & Lunae: quae omnia Coeli istius motu circumaguntur, ex ejúsque lege vicissitudines suas obeunt. Ex istis verò splendidissimum, & longè omnium, quae in Papali firmamento radiant, maximum Luminare est Imperium Germanicum, Domûs Austriacae jam à ducentis plùs minùs annis peculium. Annon igitur hic SOL est illius Coeli?  
In hune verò SOLEM Phiala quarta jam jámque est effundenda; ut is Coelo Bestiano revulsus, alióque radians, aestu & ardore ad blasphemiam usque torreat torqueá que Orbis Antichristiani indigenas, quos antea calore & jubare suo multùm recreare solebat.  
Atque ecce, dum haec quae pridem commentatus eram in ●ucem edo, fama totum Christianum Orbem, piis gratulantibus, implevit, advenisse jam tandem Vindicem Dei ab Aquilone, ut afflictae & laboranti Germaniae succurreret; Regem Pium, Felicem, & quaquà venit Victorem, cujus successus Aquilae volatum superent. Annon hic est quem Dominus exercituum ad hujusce Phialae opus exsequendum destinavit? Ità spero, & precor animitus. Accingere igitur gladio tuo, REX MAGNE, prosperè procede & regna, propter veritatem, mansuetudinem & justitiam; nam deducet te mirabiliter dextra tua.   

PHIALA V. IN THRONUM BESTIAE.  
PHiala quinta in Thronum seu Sedem Bestiae effundenda est; hoc est, in ROMAM ipsam: 
In Geogr. Arab. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Curisi (●Throni seu Sedes) quatuor; Roma, Antiochia, Alexandria, & Domus Sanctuarii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sedes maxima Roma. Vid. Schindl. p. 879.  ubi nullo ampliùs Spiritus Sanctus rem abscondit figurarum aut allegoriarum velo; fortè propter ingens tunc oriturum Vaticiniis istis lumen, hoc quasi Mercuriali signo conspecto, quo non ultrà erit ambiguum quantum itineris Phialae jam confecerint, quantúmve adhuc iis conficiendum rester.  
Hâc verò VRBIS Romanae clade (quam illam ipsam esse puto quae Testium resurrectionem ascensionémque exceptura dicitur, cap. 11. V. 13.) Nomen Pontificium non quidem penitus interibit, sed gloriâ & splendore suo deinceps spoliabitur, adeò ut linguas mordeant prae dolore: interim tamen, in impoenitentia sua adhuc obfirmatis animis perseverantes, doloribus suis ad ulteriorem blasphemiam abutentur.   

PHIALA VI IN EUPHRATEM.  
PHiala sexta essundetur in Flumen illud magnum EUPHRATEM, ut, eo exsiccato, transitus paretur novis Bestiae hostibus ab Oriente venturis, hoc est, Israelitis ad puram Christi sidem cultúmque mirabiliter convertendis, jámque Regni tot seculis promissi candidatis. Quos Bestiani forsan, sic ulciscente Deo erroris pervicaciam, pro fictitii Antichristi sui ex Iudaeis oriundi exercitu sint habituri; cujus & nos prodromos esse hodiéque asserere non dubitant.  
Hosce autem Reges ab ortu Solis, ut dicitur, venturos, ut de Iudaeis accipiam, duo faciunt. Primò, quod penultima haec Phiala est; ad quam proinde nisi Iudaei converterentur, necessa●iò futurum esset ut cum reliquis Christi hostibus, in quorum numero & ipsi adhuc essent, in magno illo universalis ultionis & judicii Die, quam proxima & novissima Phiala superinducet, perderentur. Deinde me huc adducit eódem specta●s lsaiae locus, unde hunc Apocalypseos mutuatum esse perquam verisimile est: Et desolabit (inquit cap. 11. v. 15, 16.) Dominus (malim, Quemadmodum desolavit Dominus) Linguam Maris AEgypti, & (malim, ità) levabit manum suam super FLUMEN (Targ. Flumen Euphratem) in fortitudine Spiritûs sui, & percutiet eum in septem rivos, ità ut transeant per eum calceati. 16. Et erit via residuo populo meo, qui relinquetur ab Assyriis, (ergò Euphrates intelligitur) sicut fuit in die illa quâ ascendit de Terra AEgypti. Videat Lector Zach. 10. ver. 10, 11. ibíque Chaldaeum Paraphrastem.  
Sed quid tandem Euphratem hunc esse, cujus aquae siccabuntur, dicemus? Annon enim juxta literam id accipiendum sit, praesertim in Isaiae loco, aliquatenus dubito. Interim huic Apocalypseos malim parabolae & allegoriae nonnihil, nec tamen adeò multum, aspergi; ut reliquarum Phialarum analogia de effusionis objecto hîc quoque sarta tecta máneat. Habitura enim videtur, non secùs ac vetus illa, suum quoque Babylon mystica Euphratem; Imperium, opinor, Ottomanicum, unicum futurum novis istis ab Oriente hostibus obstaculum, Bestiaeque ab ea parte munimentum. Neque hujusmodi Euphratis intellectus absque Isaiae ipsius exemplo erit, qui cap. 8. ver. 7. simili Euphratis parabolâ Assyrium exercitum ejusdem Fluminis accolam expressit. Dominus, inquit, faciet ut ascendant contra istos (Syros & Israelitas) aquae illius FLUMINIS (sic Euphrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dici solet) fortissimae & amplissimae, REX ASSYRIAE & omnis gloria ejus. (Targum, exercitus ejus,) etc. 
Vide jer. 47. 2, etc.  Quidni jam pari ratione Euphrates iste Phialarum de Turcis acciperetur? non minùs utique quam Assyrii, Euphratis, ante exundationem suam, accolis, imò ejusdem tractûs incolis. Huc non parum facit, quòd Solutionem ingentis illius & diu vincti ad Magnum Plumen Euphratem exercitûs equestris, ad sextae Tubae clangorem, cap. 9 ver. 15. de TURCIS inde in Orbem Romanum exunda●uris, Tubarum seriem reíque concinnam veritatem secuti, interpretati sumus.  
Per sextam igitur Phialam exsiccabitur Diluvium isthoc Euphrataeum. Planè juxta quod c. 11. dicitur, proximè post illam URBIS cladem in magno terrae motu futuram (quam superiori Phialae ibi aptavimus) VAE secundum, id est, sextae Tubae plagam, abiturum. Id verò quâ ratione, quibúsque tandem authoribus sit futurum, (utrúmne ab ipsis Iudaeis (quod forsan Ezechiel innuit cap. 38. & 39) Terram sanctam postliminiò occupaturis; an ex dissidio aliquo intestino horum reditum commodè praecessuro; an utroque forsan, sed ordine & deinceps; an aliâ causâ) frustrà conjectando, utpote re adhuc totâ futurâ, laborabimus. Quicquid sit, hoc obice remoto, viam aliquò eundi paerari dicitur novis istis ab Oriente Christianis; ídque expeditionem, ut videtur, contra Bestiam facturis, cujus exitio Phialae omnes inserviunt. Unde enim alioquin & quamobrem tanta ab hac siccatione trepidatio & pavor Bestianos, imò Daemones, ut videtur, ipsos è vestigio incesseret, ut tam horribili & inaudito ad bellum apparatui, qualis hîc describitur, causam daret; nisi ipsi jam cum tota cohorte Diabolica extrema quaeque à novorum istorum Orientis Regum accessione metuerent?   

PHIALA VII. IN AEREM.  
SEptima & novissima Phiala in Aerem effunditur, id est, in POTESTATEM Aeream, seu Satanae; non Bestiae tantummodo, sed omnium ubicunque terrarum Christi Domini nostri hostium Ditiones sinu suo complectentem atque animantem. Ex hac autem ut spiritum & vitam jam ab initio duxit Bestia, ità ejus praecipuè virtute & auspiciis nitentur novissimae Bestianorum fortunae: id quod tum ex tot foederum auxiliorúmque in Phialae hujus novissimae bellum apparatu, artibus, ut perhibetur, Diabolicis conciliando, constare potest; tum ex eo quòd Draco Satanas jam, non solùm per Vicarios suos, Bestiam & Pseudoprophetam, res suas in Exercitu isto Oecumenico conflando satagat, sed ipse per se, tanquam in ultimo Regni sui discrimine, partes quoque proprias & peculiares videatur habiturus [v. 13.] illis praesertim in belli hujus societatem evocandis, apud quos alioquin Bestia & Pseudopropheta, ut nequaquam authoritate, ità nec gratiâ, aut communis forsan periculi repraesentatione, valuissent.  
In tot igitur hostes, Aereae Potestatis auspiciis, in unum congregatos, atque Armageddunte quasi in cavea conclusos, Phiala septima, non humanâ jam ampliùs manu, sed coelesti & sulmineâ vindictà (magni enim illius Diei, & Dei omnipotentis praelium est) detonabit. Hâc Bestiae excidium penitus consummabitur; neque cellae tantùm, seu Urbis Babylonis, ut prius sub Tuba quinta, sed Civitatis ipsius, id est, Senatûs populíque Babylonici, ubi ubi post Urbis cladem supersuerit; adhaec Regum Civitatûmque omnium eousque cum idolis & Deastris fornicantium, reliquorúmque Sanctam Christi Ecclesiam unà oppugnantium tyrannorum, exterminium in solidum peragetur.   

DE MILLE ANNIS TUBAE SEPTIMAE, CAETERISQUE EIDEM  
contempor antibus rerum mirabilium Vaticiniis.  
HIC breviter, Lector, quod sentio absolvam; neque in re ob inveterata jamdiu praejudicia incredibili, 
Ad Cap. 20, etc.  omniúmque totius Scripturae propheticae abstrusissimâ maximéque admirandâ, orationem nimis diducam. In tanto mysterio sat erit rem generatim tenere, neque singulorum rationes curiosiùs inquirere: nè liberiùs fortè quam par est exspatianti illud Solomonis occinatur, In multitudine verborum non deerit praevaricatio. 
Prov. 10. 19   
Rem verò ipsam quod attinet, ea irrefragabili ordinis Apocalyptici sequelâ, quam antea demonstravi, nititur; eandémque reliquarum Scripturarum, praesertim Propheticarum, consensus mirificè confirmat. Id adeò proximi post Apostolos seculi Christianis fuit perspectum, ut justinus Martyr non seipsum solum, sed, si qui essent tunc temporis orthodoxae per omnia sententiae Christiani, summâ idipsum consensione credidisse attestetur.  
Quam tamen primorum Christianorum sententiam, 
Dial. cum Tryphone.  five assumentis quibusdam postmodum deformatam, five iniquè & perperàm (ut quidem arbitror) intellectam, rejecerunt eorundem post unum & alterum seculum posteri: eousque tamen, priusquam res confici potuit, progresso (quod meritò mireris & doleas) contentionis ardore; ut qui aliter sese ab adversariae sententiae vi, Apocalypseos fundamento subnixâ, expedire nequîssent, divinissimam, omnibúsque Apostolorum discipulis proximísque eorum successoribus testatam & consignatam Prophetiam, in dubium potius vocare, imò confictis in eam rem praesumptionibus authoritatem ejus apertè & audacter elevare, quam succumbere & victas manus dare, maluerint: donec tandem commodam MILLENNII istius interpretationem (ut ipsi quidem tum rebantur) nacti, incolumi relictâ Apocalypseos authoritate, ab incepto, impietatis crimini haud facilè eximendo, posterísque tremendo, quieverunt.  
Ego verò, Lector, (nè te diutiùs in vestibulo distineam) ità rem totam expediam, ut à sententia recepta de Die adventûs Christi, excidium Antichristi evestigiò secuturo, quam minimùm fieri possit abiisse videar. Tu rem, omni semoto praejudicio, in Dei timore expendas, mihíque, sicubi erravero, ex charitatis judicio ignoscas. Sic igitur habeto.  
TUBAM SEPTIMAM cum tota 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, caeterísque eódem spectantibus oraculis, designare MAGNUM illum, priscae Ecclesiae judaicae, Christóque & Apostolis ejus celebratum JUDICII DIEM 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non breve aliquot (ut vulgò creditur) horarum spatiolum, sed (pro more Hebraeorum, Diem pro 
* Apud Prophètas passim (ut cum dicunt, Indieicto) & alibi in V. T. In Novo autem Matth. 6. 11. cum Luc. 11. 3. joan. 16. 26. 2. Cor. 6. 2. Heb. 3. 8, 9, 13, etc. item cap. 4. denique 2 Pet. 3. v. ult. ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  tempore usurpantium) continuatum multorum annorum intervallum, duabúsque Resurrectionibus, tanquam terminis, circumscriptum: DIEM, inquam, à particulari primùm & quasi matutino Antichristi caeterorúmque vivorum Ecclesiae hostium judicio, per gloriosam Domini nostri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inchoandum; tandémque post MILLE ANNORUM regnum Novae jerusalem, Sponsae suae sanctissimae, in his terris indultum, novorúmque adhuc suboriturorum, DIE magno advesperascente, Satanâque iterum soluto, hostium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Universali demum omnium mortuorum tum Resurrectione tum judicio absolvendum. Quibus peractis, Impii in Gehennam aeternùm cruciandi, Sancti verò in Coelum cum Christo aeternùm victuritransferentur.  
Hoc nimirum est Tempus illud Dei in gentes irae, mortuorúmque propter Christum causae judicandae, de quo ad septimae Tubae clangorem, cap. 
* Vers. 18.  11. Presbyteri ovantes gratulantur, Quòd eo utique Deus daturus est mercedem servis suis Prophetis & Sanctis, & timentibus nomen ejus, parvis & magnis, eósque perditurus qui perdunt terram.  
Hic est DIES ille judicii & perditionis impiorum hominum, de quo Petrus 2 Epist. c. 3. v. 7. locutus, statim subjicit, Vnum verò hoc non lateat vos, charissimi, (nempe quòd Diem modò dixi) unum Diem apud Dominum esse sicut Mille anni, & Mille annos sicut unus Dies. Quo eodem enimvero Die Apostolus cum fratribus & contribulibus suis Iudaeis (ad quos scribit) Novam illam rerum faciem futuram exspectat, de qua 
* Vers. 13.  mox inquit, NOVOS VERO COELOS ET NOVAM TERRAM, secundùm promissum ejus, exspectamus, in quibus justitia habitat. Nota, secundùm promissum ejus. Ubi autem extabat haec de Coelis novis & Terra nova Promissio (cum nondum Ioannes Apocalypsin vidisset) nisi Isaiae cap. 65. 17. & 66. 22? Quam certè Promissionem qui legerit, mirarer si eam alibi quam in his terris existimaret impletum iri.  
Hoc quoque est Regnum illud cum Christi Mundum judicaturi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conjunctum, de quo Paulus ad Timotheum, 2 Epist. cap. 4. v. 1. Obtestor te coram Domino nostro jesu Christo, qui judicaturus est vivos & mortuos in APPARITIONE sua & REGNO suo. Nam post ultimam ac universalem Resurrectionem, eodem teste, 1 Cor. 15. Christus Morte, hostium ultimo, sublatâ, Regnum tradet Patri, ut ipse subjiciatur ei qui ei subjecit omnia; nedum ut tunc novum aliquod regnum inire dicatur. Quod igitur Regnum neque ante Domini nostri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, neque post ultimam Resurrectionem est futurum, id necessariò inter utrumque est concludendum.  
Hoc est Regnum illud quod Daniel vidit, Filii hominis, expletis CORNU Antichristiani temporibus, seu finitis temporibus Gentium (Luc. 21. 24.) apparituri in nubibus coeli, quando ei dabitur potestas, gloria & regnum; ut omnes populi, nationes & linguae ei serviant: seu quando (ut Angelus mox exponit) Regnum, potestas, & amplitudo regnorum subter omne coelum [N. B.] dabitur populo Sanctorum Altissimi. Dan. 7. 13, 14. item 18, 22, 26, 27. Neque enim (ut modò dixi) Regnum hoc post ultimam Resurrectionem est futurum; quandoquidem tunc FILIO hominis non regnum ineundum est, sed, Paulo teste, deponendum & Patri tradendum. De eodem autem Regno utrobique, tum apud joannem tum apud Danielem, agi, duobus hisce argumentis evincipotest. Primùm, quòd utrumque ab eodem termino, nempe Bestiae quartae seu Romanae exterminio, ineat: illud Danielis, quando Bestia sub novissimo illo Cornu oculati regimine agens neci data fuit, & corpus ejus traditum combustioni ignis, Dan. 7. 11, 22, 27. illud Apocalypseos, cum Bestia & Pseudopropheta (improbum illud Cornu apud Danielem os & oculos capitis instar habens) apprehensi sunt, & ambo vivi missi in Stagnum ignis ardens sulphure. Secundò, ab eodem JUDICII conseffu utrique praemisso: Alterum enim ab altero mutuatum esse, atque in eandem omnino rem intendere, collatis utriusque descriptionis verbis apparebit.  
DAN. cap. VII. APOC. XX. 4 
* Cyprianus locum hunc Apocal. nobiscum exponit de mercede martyribus promissa in Die judicii. Vide eum de Exhortatione Martyrii. . V. 9 Videbam donec throni positi sunt. Ita enim cum Vulg. LXX. & Theod. reddenduin; sicque v●x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de solio usurpatur in Targum ad vers. 15 cap. 1. jeremiaes. Et vidi thronos. 10. Et judicium sedit. Id est, judices, ut in magno Iudaeorum Synedrio, ad cujus normam tota descriptio conformatur. Et sederunt super eos. 22. Et judicium datum est Sanctis excelsis. Id est, potestas judicandi. Hinc illud Pauli, Sancti judicabunt mundum. Et judicium datum est illis. Et regnum obtinuerunt Sancti. Scilicet cum Filio. hominis, qui veniebat in nubibus coeli. Et Sancti vixerunt & regnârunt cum Christo Mille annis.  
Porrò illud Lectorem monitum velim; Quicquid ferè à Iudaeis sani, quicquid à Domino in Evaugelio, vel uspiam in N. T. ab Apostolis de Die judicii magni proditum est, id ex hac Danielis Visione haustum esse: nempe judicium illud igne perageudum, venturum Christum in nubibus coeli, venturum in gloria Patris cum multitudine Angelorum, Sanctos cum eo Mundum judicaturos, Antichristum abolendum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Ut omnino fidei Evangelicae de glorioso Christi adventu columnam subductum eant qui, veturtâ Ecclesiae traditione neglectâ, Prophetiam istam aliò transferre conantur.  
Denique, ut finem faciam, Hoc est Regnum illud amplissimum, quod, Daniele interprete, in Statua illa quatuor Regnorum fatidica, Nebuchadnesari praemonstratum fuit: Non illud LAPIDIS, superstite adhuc Monarchiarum serie ex monte abscissi, (nam hic praesens Regni Christi status est;) sed LAPIDIS, iisdem funditus comminutis & deletis, in MONTEM evasuri atque universum impleturi terrarum Orbem.  
Haec ità, Lector, disserui, non temerè asserui. Rem verò totam Ecclesiae ex verbo Dei arbitrandam defero: cujus judicio, ut par est, meam de hoc mysterio sententiam lubens submitto.    

JUSTINI MARTYRIS DIALOGO CUM TRYPHONE JUDAEO Locus insignis de Millennio Regni Christi emendatus & notis illustratus.  TRYPHO. 
DIC autem mihi verum; Vósne locum hunc jerusalem denuo instaurandum fatemini, & populum vestrum congregatum, atque laetitiâ evectum iri cum Christo simul & Patriarchis & Prophetis & his 
a Qui generi● nostri sunt] vel erum; ut ad Iudaeorum vocationem referatur.  qui generis nostri sunt, aut etiam eorum qui 
b Ante Christi vestri adventum proselytae] Ità distinguendum & vertendum. Nam interpres Langus non videtur hîc justini mentem assecutus. Ità enim vertit ac si Tr●pho quar●ret, an haec omnia ante Christi nostri adventum (nempe secundum) futura essent. Omnino praeter authoris mentem.  ante Christi vestri adventum Proselytae fuere, exspectatis? an, ut videare nos superare in quaestionibus, eò decurris, ut ista fateare?  JUSTINUS. 
Non sum eò miseriae redactus, ô TRYPHO, ut alia quam sentio loquar. Confessus sum tibi & 
c Antea] Scilicet in hoc ipso cum Try● hone Dialogo; quod tamen jam musquam comparet, sive consi●io, sive fraude corum quibus Iustinus in hac sententia non placuit.  antea, me quidem & alios complures mecum sentire id, sicut planè scitis, futurum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. E contrà verò, eorum 
d Qui purae piaeque Christianorum sententiae non sunt,] Negatio in nostris libris intercidit. Sed omnino cum negatione legi oportore manifestum est, tum ex verbis proxim● per epexegesin subjunctis (subdit enim, si ●e●s int●llexisse qui nomine quidem Christiani dicuntur, sunt ver● a●hei & impi● hare●ici;) tum ex sequenti orationis scrie, ubi eadem quae hîc de cou●rasentientibus dixerat, denuo & quidem satis fuiè-inculcat, esse nimirum tantùm nomine tenus Christianos, & eodem censu habendo●quo Sadducai & suniles haeretici sunt apud Iudaes. Haec tamen, utu● manifesta, cum Interpres non viderit, nequ● aliàs ex epexegesi quam dixi ullum sensum congruum elicere pot●●rit, transferendo immutavit. Sed non aegrè feramus unius particulae jacturam, quâ forsan essectum est nè totus hic locus (utpo●e sic s●tis multatus) penitus expungeretur. Non enim ●ostro primùm aevo vata ●st ars expurgandi: antiqua res est, quae ●lim in hujus dogmatismem●ria ex ant●cess●rum Patrum scriptis eliminanda tyrocinium fecit, pos● quam ●imirum per complures anno● non enigno partium fervore ●gitatum, ●andem Dam●si Pontificis authoritate succubuerat; id quod ex hodiernis Irenaei, Victorini Pictavionensis, & Sulpiti Severi exemplaribus, cuivis manifestum est.  qui purae piaeque Christianorum sententiae [non] sunt, multos hoc non agnoscere tibi significavi: eos enim tibi designabam qui nomine quidem Christiani dicuntur, sunt verò athei & impii haeretici, quòd omnino blasphema & impia & stulta doceant. Ut autem non tantummodo apud vos me hoc dicere sciatis, disputationum harum nostrarum omnium, quoad potero, opus componam: ubi hoc ipsum me profiteri, quod coram vobis fateor, conscribam. Non enim homines aut humanas doctrinas, sed Deum & disciplinam ab eo traditam consectandam mihi esse statuo.  
Nam tametsi cum quibusdam verba communicâstis qui Christiani dicuntur, atque hoc ipsum non confitentur, sed maledicere audent Deo Abraae, & Deo Isaaci, & Deo jacobi; quíque dicunt 
e Non esse mortu●●um rensurrectionem] Basil●diani, Valentiniani, Sa●urniniani, Ophitae, Carpocrati●i, Colabarsiani, Cerdoniani, Marcionitae, Apellitae negârunt resurrectionem carnis; iidèmque omnes cum Menandrianis & Cerimbianis blasphemârum Deum Legis & Prophetarum, supremum cum Deum fuisse negantes, sed ant Angelum, eúmquo malum & turbulmium, aut Virtutem nescio quam inferiorem dicentus; Christúmque hominus ab ejus potestate lib●ratum venisse. Atque hinc videre est cur Tertullianus isthoc de Millenario dogma asserat contra Marcionitas; itémque Ironaeus Tract. contra omnesbaereses. Quamvis enim id negare hareris non suerit, (cum de modo & qualitate secundi adventûs Christi quaestio sit, non de r● ipsa;) ilis tamen temporibus ●●detur ab haereticis quos dixi praecipuè, si non solis, negatum fuisse, idque privatam ob causam; nè scilicet hoc admisso, consiterntur & carnis resurrectionem, & Deum Legis & Prophetarum esse Patrem Domini nostri jesu Christi.  non esse mortuorum resurrectionem, verùm simulatque moriantur 
f Animas ipsorum in coelum recipi] Plerique enim In eodem Dial. Iust. M. Dico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Patrum sic censuere, Animas justorum in Paradiso quodam, seu loco selicitatis & refrigerii, requieseere, non tamen in coelo consummari ante resurrectionem. Nobis tamen hîc licebis alit●r opinari.  animas ipsorum in coelum recipi: nè tamen existimetis eos esse Christianos; perinde ut neque judaeos, si quis rectè sentiat, dicat esse Sadducaeos, aut persimiles haereses Genistarum, & Meristarum, & Galilaeorum, & Hellenianorum, & Pharisaeorum baptistarum, (nè cum molestia me omnia quae sentio dicentem audiatis) sed judaeos quidem appellari & filios Abraae, & confitentes labiis Deum, cor autem illorum (ut ipse Deus clamat) longè abesse ab eo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 EGO AUTEM, ET SI QVI SUNT PER OMNIA 
a Orthodoxae sententiae Christiani] S● priman●os E●des Articulos excipia●, nescio an simile Testimonium osser●i possit de ullo dogmate Christiano. Magnum hoc praejudicium est, seculo ab Apostolis proximo omues Orthodoxos ità sensisse. Factus enim est Iust●uus ex Philosopho Christianus annis circiter ●riginta à morte Ioannis Apostoli; quo tempore plus quam ●●risimile est, plures adhuc superst●●es fuisse qui ipsos Apostolos docentes audive ant●  ORTHODOXAE SENTENTIAE CHRISTIANI, & carnis resurrectionem futuram novimus, & MILLE ANNOS in jerusalem instauratâ & exornatâ & dilatâ; sicut prophetae Ezechiel & Esaias & alii promulgant.  
Sic namque Esaias de Mille istorum annorum tempore [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] locutus est. 
* Isa. 65. 17.  Erit enim Coelum novum & Terranova, & non recordabuntur priorum, neque eorum illa venient in corda: sed laetitiam & exsultationem invenient in his quae ego creo. Quia ecce facio jerusalem exsultationem & populum meum laetitiam, etc. ad finem capitis. De illo verò [Nam secundùm dies 
b Ligni vitae] In Hebraei est simplicter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ac Septug. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibus etiam suffragatur Chaldaeus paraphrastes, ut hinc a●pareat; Traditionem de Arbore vitae hoc loco intelligenda satis antiquam esse. Sitne verò solida an secus, alius judicet. Interim videtur justinus existimâse, Vitam ligni vitae, seu hominis statu Paradisi, futuram fuisse Mille annorum; id est, tamdiu hominem, si non peccâsset, victurum fuisse in hoc mundo, postea in beatiorem locum & conditionem transferendum. jam autem, quòd peccâsset Adam de fructu vetito comedendo, neque ipsum, neque ex posteris ejus aliquem, qui maximè longaevus fuerit, istum annorum numerum attigisse, sed in●ra magnum illum diem mortuum esse.  ligni vitae, dies populi mei] subjungit. In his verbis Mille annos arcanè designari intelligimus. Ut enim Adae dictum est, quo die de ligno comedisset, eo die moriturum etiam esse; scimus eum mille annos non implevisse. Novimus quoque [pergit] dictum illud, quòd 
* 2 Pet. 3. 8.  dies Domini sit sicut mille anni, huc pertinere. Et Vir apud nos quidam, cin nomen joannes, 
c Eduodecim Apostolis Christi u●us] Hoc imprimis observandum contra Dionysium Alexandrinum & psseclas ejus Chiliomastigas, qui, con●●over siâ ilâ circa finem siculi ●●tii ●●vente, ut Apocahpseos quâ pre●●bantur outhoritatem aliqua ex parte imminuerent, eam non joanni Apostolo, sed alii vescio cui joanni a●tributam voleban; justini, Irenzi & ommium Patrum antecessorum suorum traditiour re●lama●te.  è duodecim Apostolis Christi unus, in ea quae illi exhibita est Revelatione, Christi fideles nostros Annos mille Hierosolymis peracturos esse prophetavit; ac postea universalem & (ut semel dicam) sempiternam omnium unanimiter simul Refurrectionem, & judicium futurum: id quod & Dominus noster dixit, quòd nuptum neque daturi, neque accepturi, sed Angelis aequales futuri sint; utpote filii Dei resurrectionis. Apud nos enim huc usque etiam prophetica exstant dona, etc. 
* Adde quae in eodem Dialogo habentur de loco Esaiae c. 66. à v. 5. In quibus verbis (inquit) est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   Locus alius ibidem eodem spectans. 
[Post sermonem de Magno die judicii (quem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat) quando Iudaei plangerent Christum quem pupugerunt, ipséque Christus, inauguratus secundùm ordinem Melchizedec, judex futurus esset vivorum & mortuorum, statim subjicit,]  
In cujus secundo adventu, nè existimetis Esaiam aut alios Prophetas admonere ut 
* Sacrificia sanguinis, etc.] Eidem tuam. Hieronyme! qui cum Dionysio tuo Alexandrino Millenariorum dogmati promiscuè assingitis Circumcisionis injuriam, Victimarum sanguinem, cae●●rásqu● Legis ceremonias posslimini● instauranda●. Scilicet quae judaei, aut for●è ex judaismo haeretici (s● madò vera sint quae ex Gaio nescio quo de Cerintho asser●u) de suo Millenario somniârunt, vos Christianis ●diosè impingi●is. Hoccine v●ro cand●rem vestrum d●cuit? Imò 〈◊〉. Hieronyme, vel leipso judice. prodis criminationem istam salsam esse. Sic evim scribis in jeremiam, cap. 19 v. 10. Post captivitatem quae sub Vespasiano & Tilo, & postae accidit sub Hadriano, usque ad consummationem seculi ruinae Hierusalem permansurae sunt: quanquam sibi Iudaei auream atque gemmatam Hierusalem restituendam putent; rurstisque victimas & sacrifici●, & conjugia sanctorum, & regnun in terris Domini Salvatoris: quae licèt non sequamur, damnare ●amen non possumus; quia multi, vir●rum Ecclesias●icorum & Martyrum ista dixerunt. Unusquisque in suo sensu abunde●, & Domini cuncta judicio reserventur. Haec verba tua sunt Hieronyme. Sed dic sodes, An viri isti Ecclesiastici & Martyres sanctissimi dixerunt, circumcisionem & victimas in regne illo Christi restituendas? cave dixeris. Aut si ità credidisse scires, annon sine cunctatione damnares? Quod autem Cerinthum attinet, si quid hujusmodi erraverit, ex judaismo attulit (judani enim fuit;) Christianis non imputandum. Mirum tamen est de hac Cerimhi haere si apud Irenaeum & Tertullianum nè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem reperiri, qui tamen exprosess● de erroribus ejus scripserunt. Totum hoc ●●●ur fide cujusdam Gaii hominis obscuri, quem ●escio an ex Alogorum baereticorum numero fuerit, quos testatur Epiphanius ●am Ioannis Evangelium quam Apocalypsin Cerimho adscripsisse. Certè eodem tempore vixit: & Apocalypsin quod arti●et, ab corum sententia non abhorruisse, quicunque verba ejus apud Eusebium haud oscitanter ligeri●, fatebitur.  sacrificia sanguinis aut libationum super altari offerantur, sed verae atque spirituales laudes & gratiarum actiones.  

Placita Doctorum Hebraeorum DE MAGNO DIE JUDICII, ET REGNO MESSIAE TUNC FUTURO.  
SEptimum Millenarium ab universa Cabbalistarum Schola vocari MAGNUM DIEM JUDICII, asserit Carpentarius Com. in Alcinoum Platonis pag. 322. quòd tunc arbitrentur (inquit ille) Deum cunctorum animas judicaturum. Cabbalistarum nomine innuit (ni fallor) Doctores Talmudicos; apud quos, non uno authore, traditionem istam celebrari compertum est. Ità enim legitur in Gemara Sanhedrin, Perek CHELEK. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dixit R. Ketina, Sex annorum millibus stat mundus, & uno vastabitur; de quo dicitur, ET EXALTABITUR DOMINUS SOLUS DIE ILLO. Vastationem verò intelligit quae futura est per ignem, 
Isai. cap. 2.  quo mundus ut aurum excoctus repurgabitur, 
Vers. 11, 17.  atque à servitute maledictionis, sub qua nunc propter hominis peccatum ingemiscit, asseretur in libertatem gloriae filiorum Dei, Rom. 8. Sequitur paulò pòst, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Id est, Traditio adstipulatur R. Ketinae: Sicut è septenis annis septimus quisque Annus remissionis est; ità è septem millibus annorum mundi, septimus millenarius millenarius remissionis erit, quemadmodum dicitur, ET EXALTABITUR DOMINUS SOLUS DIE ILLO. Dicitur item (Psal. 92.) PSALMUS CANTICUM DE DIE SABBATI; id est, de die qui totus quies est. Dicitur etiam (Psal. 90.) NAM MILLE ANNI IN OCULIS TUIS VELUT DIES HESTERNUS.  
Hîc duo notet lector. Primum, veteres judaeos prophetiam illam Isaiae cap. 2. ubi verba illa [Et exaltabitur Dominus solus Die illo] bis habentur, de Die judicii magni & Christi regno accepisse: à quorum vestigiis nec posteriores Rabbini abeunt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquit R. Schelomo, IN DIE ILLO, id est, in Die judicii. Item, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum surrexerit ad conterendum terram, id est, inquit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Die judicii, quo conteret Dominus impio● terrae. Rabbi David Kimchi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, IN DIE ILLO, id est, in diebus Messiae, quando exsequitur Deus judicium in improbos. Idem, ET EXALTABITUR DOMINUS SOLUS IN DIE ILLO; perinde est ac si dixerat, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Et erit Dominus Rex super omnem terram. Alterum notandum est, Titulum Psalmi 92, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, à Magistris istis ad Psalmi argumentum spectare putatum, atque de Mille annorum Sabbatismo intelligi debere.  
jam verò ex istis palàm esse arbitror, priscos judaeos DIEM, quem judicii nominârunt, millennio definiisse: id quod ampliùs confirmatur ex Midrasch tehillim, super illud Psal. 90. 15. LAETIFICA NOS PRO DIEBUS (vel secundùm dies) QVIBUS AFFLIXISTI NOS: videlicet (inquit) per Babyloniam, per Graeciam, & per Romanos, ídque in diebus Messiae. Et quot sunt dies Messiae? R. jehosuas dixit, quòd sunt DVO MILLIA annorum; sicut dictum est, SECUNDUM DIES [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] QVIBUS NOS HUMILIASTI, id est, secundùm duos Dies. DIES ENIM una DEI SANCTI ET BENEDICTI SUNT MILLE ANNI; juxta illud, QVONIAM MILLE ANNI IN OCULIS TVIS TANQVAM DIES HESTERNA. Dixerunt etiam Magistri, quòd seculum futurum (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Heb. 2. 5.) DIES MESSIAE erit una. Deus enim sanctus & benedictus in futuro [in seculo futuro] faciet ei Diem unam, de qua dictum est (Zach. cap. 14.) ET ERIT DIES una, ET IPSA EST NOTA DEO, NON DIES NEQVE NOX; ET ERIT, AD TEMPUS VESPERI ERIT LUX. Haec dies est SECULUM FUTURUM & vivificatio mortuorum.  
Quoto verò millenario Dies ista futura esset, de eo inter ipsos non convenit; neque enim omnibus illa de septimo millenario sententia arrisit. Fuerunt, nec minoris authoritatis, qui de sexto censuerunt, ut Domus Eliae, cujus traditio de millennio judicii magni exstat in haec verba; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Traditio Domûs Eliae. justi quos resuscitabit Deus (nempe resurrectione 
* Quam magistri agnoscunt passim, necnon author lib. Sapientiae cap. 3. vers. 7, 8.  primâ) non redigentur iterum in pulverem. Si quaeras autem, MILLE ANNIS istis, quibus Deus Sanctus benedictus renovaturus est mundum suum, de quo dicitur, ET DOMINVS SOLUS EXALTABITUR DIE ILLO, quid justis futurum sit; sciendum, quòd Deus sanctus benedictus dabit illis alas quasi aquilarum, ut volent super facie aquarum: unde dicitur [Psal. 46. 3.] Propterea non percellemur cum mutabitur terra. At fortè, inquies, Erit ipsis afflictioni: Sed occurrit illud [Isai. 40. 31.] Exspectantibus Dominum innovabuntur vires, efferentur alâ instar aquilarum.  
Idem tamen Mundum non nisi sex annorum millibus duraturum statuit. Ità enim habet traditio ejus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: id est, Sex mille annos durat mundus: Bis mille annis inanitas; bis mille annis Lex; denique his mille annis Dies Christi. Quorum idcirco millenariorum alter, ex ejus sententia, Dies ille magnus futurus erat de quo dicitur, Et exaltabitur Dominus solus die illo.  
Eadem fuit sententia R. Asche F. R. Abbae, ut ibidem expressè dicitur; nempe, ex sententia R. Chanan fil. Thahaliphae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non renovaturum Deum sanctum benedictum Mundum suum, nisi ad septimum millenarium: R. Asche verò dixisse, id futurum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 post quintum millenarium.  
Quid porrò amplius de Messiae regno in magno illo Die futuro olim censuerint Iudaeorum Magistri, ex iis quae nunc subjiciam aliquatenus cognoscere licet.  
In capitulis magni Rabbi Eliezar (qui vixit paulò post Templum secundum) cap. 34 ità dicitur; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hoc est, Vivo ego, dicit Dominus, quòd suscitabo vos in tempore futuro, in Resurrectione mortuorum, & congregabo vos cum universo Israel in terram Israel. Petrus Galat. lib. 12. cap. 1.  
Sic quoque Paraphrastes jonathan (qui ante Christum vixit) ad 14. cap. Hoseae vers. 8. Congregabuntur de medio captivitatis suae, habitabunt in umbra CHRISTI sui, & vivent mortui, accrescétque bonum in terra, necnon erit memoriale bonitatis eorum fructificans & indeficiens, juxtà ac memoria clangoris Tubarum super vino veteri quod libari solet in Sanctuario.  
Targum Psalm. 50. 3. Dicent justi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Die judicii magni, Veniet Deus noster, & non silebit, ut faciat ultionem populi sui.  
R. Saadias (ex iis Doctoribus quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est eximios, vocant) ad illud Danielis cap. 7. V. 10. Et judicium sedit & libri aperti sunt, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Iste est DIES JUDICII, sicut scriptum est, 
* Mal. 4. 1.  ECCE DIES VENIT ARDENS TANQVAM CLIBANUS; item, 
* Isai. 5. 16.  ET EXALTABITUR DOMINVS EXERCITWM IN JUDICIO; item, 
‖ Zeph. 3. 8.  QVAPROPTER EXSPECTATE ME, DIXIT DOMINUS. Ille est Dies magnus, quo tempore exsurget Deus ad judicium. Et paulò pòst; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Et scito quòd [JUDICIUM SEDIT ET LIBRI APERTI SUNT,] quod exposui suprà de DIE JUDICII & Die 
* Sapient, cap. 3. 7, & 13. Confer 1 Pet. 2. 12. & cap. 5. 6. juxta Vulg. & quaedam ex 〈…〉 Graeca.  visitationis, sit Dies futurus, quo inquiretur in omne opus filiorum hominis, tam vivorum quam mortuorum. Idem ad v. 18. Suscipient regnum Sancti Dei altissimi. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: i Propterea quòd rebellàrunt Israelitae contra Dominum, auferetur ab illis regnum ipsorum, & dabitur hisce quatuor Monarchiis, quae possidebunt regnum in hoc seculo, & captivum ducent & subjugabunt sibi Israelem usque ad SECULUM FUTURUM, donec regnaverit MESSIAH.  
Confer Luc. 21. 24, etc. scilicet, judaei captivi ducentur in omnes gentes, & jerusalem calcabitur à Gentibus, usque dum impleantur tempora gentium. Tunc videbunt Filium hominis venientem in nube, etc. Et illud Tertulliani advers. Marcionem lib. 5. cap. 10. Christus praeputiati Sacerdotii Pontifex, cognituram se quandoque Circumcisionem & Abrahae gentem, cum ultimò advenerit, acceptatione & benedictione dignabitur.  
Huic consentaneum est quod in libro Berachoth cap. 
Lib. 11. c. 1,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (side Petri Galatini) ità legitur; Dixit Ben Zuma, Futurum est ut Israel non faciat memoriam exitûs ex AEgypto in FUTURO SECULO & in diebus Messiae. Et quid est hujus reiprobatio? Quod scriptum est [jerem. 23.] ECCE DIES VENIUNT, ET NON DICENT ULTRA, VIVIT DOMINUS QVI ASCENDERE FECIT FILIOS ISRAEL DE TERRA AEGYPTI, etc. Dixerunt Sapientes, Non quòd evellendum esset nomen AEgypti de loco suo, sed quòd mirabilia quae fient in diebus Regnorum (i. quando Messias regna mundi destruet) erunt principale 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & AEgyptus erit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. accessorium.  
Ex his & similibus discat Lector cur Hieronymus Millenariis toties judaismum exprobret; quod quidem adeò studiosè facit, ut hoc ei palmarium argumentum fuisse videatur quo dogma illud erroris convincat. Sed utut de dogmate sit, perperámne senserint Patres isti, an secus; sanè cum Iudaeis sentire non semper in vitio ponendum est. Sin aliter, quin igitur Seculum futurum, Gehennam, Paradisum quoque explodimus? annon enim haec cum Iudaeis communia tenemus Christiani? Numquid non nomina ipsa (sicut & Regni coelorum, & Diei judicii) à Iudaeorum Magistris tradita accepimus? Ubi enim illa in Veteris Testamenti Canone comparent, quae tamen apud Doctores Iudaeorum frequentissima sunt?  
Praeterea, quis jam, veterum Hebraeorum dogmate de Millennio Diei judicii audito, non statim se ad credendum solicitari sentiat, Apostolum Petrum apud eosdem (nam utraque Epistola ad judaeos data est) de Die judicii differentem, & continuò ad ejus mentionem subjicientem, Hoc vos non lateat, Vnum Diem apud Dominum esse sicut mille anni, Magistrotum ea de re traditionem confirmare voluisse? praesertim cum verba illa non ex Psalmo, (ut vulgò perfuasum est) sed ex formulâ judaeorum de Die illo loquentium tritâ mutuata esse videantur. Imò ampliùs cogitabit, Nisi Christus Dominus & Apostoli ejus nomen DIEI JUDICII à Iudaeorum Magistris profectum, eâdem cum ipsis ment frequentâssent, quorsum id nè verbulo quidem uspiam indicârint? Annon enim periculi plena res est, imò proclivis ad fallendum via, errantium verba & phrases inter docendum adhibere, adsque omni cautione aut dissimilis sensûs indicio?  
His ità se habentibus, viris doctis & de hujusmodi in Theologia mysteriis judicare valentibus expendendum relinquo, annon haec optima & facillima cum Iudaeis agendi ratio esset; non ut clarissimae illae de rebus in secundo & glorioso Christi adventu Prophetiae ad primum torqueantur; verùm ut illis persuadeatur, nullum alium Messiam ipsis exspectandum esse qui ista omnia, mutatis nempe mutandis, (neque enim hîc Christiano cum Iudaeis penitus, sed ad fidei Christianae libellam sentiendum) impleret, quam jesum illum Nazarenum, quem Majores ipsorum crucifixerunt: id quod Apocalypsis passim támque studiosè inculcat. Ecce, (inquit statim ab initio) [JESUS CHRISTUS, primogenitus ille ex mortuis, qui dilexit no● & lavit nos à peccatis nostris per sanguinem suum] venit cum nubibus, & videbit eum omnis oculus, etiam qui eum transfixerunt, & plangent coram eo omnes tribus terrae. Ego sum A & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, principium & finis, dicit Dominus, qui est & qui erat & qui venturus est, etc. Item, dum passim Regnum illud augustum AGNO, id est occiso illi jesu, tribuit: ut c. 7. de Turba palmifera, AGNUS pasceteos, etc. cap. 17. 14. AGNUS vincet illos, quia Dominus dominantium & Rexregum est; cap. 19 7. Venerunt nuptiae AGNI, etc. cap. 21. 9 de Nova jerusalem, Ostendam tibi Sponsam AGNI, etc. & ver. 23. Lucerna ejus est AGNUS, etc. Dum enim nos clarissimas illas de rebus in secundo Christi adventu Prophetias ad primum torquemus, judaei nos derisui habent, & in infidelitate sua magìs obfirmantur.  
Hanc judaeos convertendi rationem, nisi nimiùm fallor, secutus est Apostolus Petrus, Act. 3. v. 19, etc. Resipiscite, inquit, & convertimini, ad delenda peccata vestra; ut 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vid. Iren. l. 3. c. 12. Tertull. lib. de Resu●r. carnis, & Syrum interpretem.  veniant tempora Refrigerii à facie Domini; Et mittat prius praedicatum vobis JESUM CHRISTUM; Quem oportet quidem coelos capere ad tempora Restitutionis omnium, de quibus locutus est Deus à seculo per os omnium sanctorum suorum Prophetarum.  I Thess. 5. 21. 
OMNIA PROBATE; QUOD BONUM EST TENETE,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.    

APPENDIX AD CLAVEM & COMMENTATIONES APOCALYPTICAS.   

Danielis Laweni STRICTURAE In partem Primam CLAVIS APOCALYPTICAE.  
DVobus Praecognitis (quorum unum est Nominis, alterum Rei) valere jussis, video quatuor in primis in toto hoc discursu Chronologico praesupponi quae censuram merentur.  
Primum, Quòd Liber ille clausus & obsignatus sit hic ipse Liber Apocalypsews. Hanc ego opinionem ut erroneam validissimis argumentis confodi in Notationibus meis prooemialibus ad Visionem secundam. Demonstravi in super per eundem illum librum nullum alium intelligi posse, quam librum veterum Prophetarum clausum & obsignatum caecis ac obstinatis Iudaeis, durante hâc eorum reprobatione; juxta id quod praedictum erat ab Esaia cap. 29. v. 11. Et erit vobis visio omnium sicut verba libri signati.  
Secundum, Quòd nullae fiant futurorum praedictiones ante reserationem Sigilli primi. At contrarium liquet ex ipso capite quarto, & quinto, quae Sigillum primum antecedunt, & visiones continent non praeparationis, sed praedictionis: multa enim in illis futura praedici constat ex Graecis codicibus; Requiem non habebunt; cum dederint; procident, & adorabunt; projicient coronas, etc. in quibus omnino servanda est temporis proprietas: In primis verò manifesta in futurum prophetia est in illis verbis Seniorum, Apoc. 5. 10. Regnabimus superterram.  
Tertium, Quòd Tubae necessariam habeant connexionem cum Sigillo septimo. Sed hoc partim est impossibile, partim absurdum. Impossibile, Quia Sigillum sextum tempus est secundi adventus; uti apparet ex illis verbis, quoniam veniet dies magnus irae ejus, Apoc. 6. 17. Graecè est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ille dies, ille magnus, id est, notus ac celebris; hanc enim Emphasin habet articulus duplicatus: item ex prognosticis illius adventûs, Matt. 24. 29. quae hoc Sigillo repetuntur: At Tubae saltem sex priores secundum Domini adventum praecedunt. Absurdum, Quia Turba palmifera gaudentium in fine capitis septimi incidit, ipso Synchronistâ confitente, in Tubam novissimam. Quomodo ergò cum ea connectuntur sex Tubae priores? quae tamen necesse est fieri, si necessariam habeant connexionem cum Sigillo septimo.  
Quartum, Quòd quadraginta duo illi menses sint tota duratio sex Tubarum. Atqui menses illi rejiciuntur in finem sextae, Apoc. 11. 2. Quomodo ergò se extendunt usque adinitium Tubae primae? Quemadmodum Sigillorum non est turbanda series; sic nec Tubarum: Turbatur autem cum eventus posteriorum in priores transfunduntur. Et certum est menses illos propriè & secundùm literam accipiendos esse de mensibus dierum, non annorum; ut qui propterea in dies resolvantur, Apoc. 11. 3. nemo autem facilè dicet tempus sex priorum tubarum exhauriri spatio quadraginta duorum mensium propriè dictorum.  
His praemissis, venio adipsos Synchronismos: quorum primus est Mulieris in Eremo agentis, Bestiae septicipitis instauratae, Atrii cum civitate sancta calcati, Testiuminterea prophetantium in sacco.  
In quo primùm noto, Bestiam diu fuisse Septicipitem antequam fuit instaurata; ac proinde non bene haec conjungi tanquam synchrona. Antecedens ex eo liquet, quòd Ioannes viderit hanc Bestiamè mariascendentem sub capite suo septimo, Apoc. 13. 1. Nam sextum caput ipsius tempore exstabat, Apoc. 17. 10. Et grassata est Bestia aliquandiu sub septimo illo capite antequam plagam gladii accepit; ac aliquandiu sub accepta illa plaga gemuit antequam ex carevixit, quae hîc dicitur illius instauratio. Vide Apoc. 13. 3. Septiceps ergòfuit ante instaurationem.  
Secundò, Instauratio Bestiae initium quidem sumit cum initio pereg●inationis Mulieris in deserto; ipsa tamen longiùs perduravit: nam post exspiratum tempus peregrinationis eremiticae, Bestia instaurata non nisi certis gradibus & tractu temporis declinavit ad interitum, donec tandem totaliter ac finaliter exstirpata fuit ad effusionem Phialae septimae: Ortu itaque contemporant, non interitu.  
Tertiò, Quadraginta duo menses non sunt tota duratio regni Bestiae instauratae, nedune Septicipitis; sed tantùm regni saevissimi, & novissimae persecutionis. Potestas enim faciendi menses quadraginta duos, Apoc. 13. 5. non est potestas regnandi simpliciter, sed potestas grassandi pro libitu, & persequendi sanctos: ut constat ex quibusdam Graecis exemplaribus, quae legunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. faciendi bellum.  
Quartò, Atrium à Gentibus calcatum esse nescio unde hauserit Synchronista, cum nulla ejus mentio fiat Apoc. 11. 2. Dicitur quidem Atrium exterius Gentibus esse datum, sed datum esse ad conculcandum non dicitur. Alibi per Atrium illud exterius intelligit Atrium Israelis; quod atrium erat exterius respectu atrii sacerdotum, quod erat interius. Sed atrium Israelis comprehenditur sub illis verbis, Et adorantes in eo. Praeter illud atrium Israelis, erat adhuc aliud atrium Gentium, in quod ingrediebantur immundi judaei & Gentes alienigenae: & hoc est Atrium exterius, quod nolit mensurari angelus, quia nimirum est Atrium Gentium, & non Israelis.  
Quintò, Prophetia Testium, licèt initium sumat cum instauratione Bestiae, non tamen cum eadem terminatur: nam Bestia duos illos Testes vincet & occîdet, ac cadaveribus eorum aliquandin insultabit, Apoc. 11. 7, 9 Imò nè quidem cum exitu Tubae sextae praecisè terminantur tempora Bestiae; sed potius cum initio & progressu septimae, in quam incidit essusio Phialarum, ut suo loco demonstrabitur. Aliud enim est Vrbem decimâ sui parte concuti, Apoc. 11. 13. aliud verò Bestiam finaliter interire: quamvis certus sim illum qualemcunque Vrbis casum certissimum fore praenuncium ruinae statim certis gradibus secuturae sub Tuba septima; sub qua mysterium Dei de restitutione regni Israelis, & everstonis omnium regnorum adversantim, consummabitur, Apoc. 10. 7.  
Secundus Synchronismus est Bestiae Bicornis (quae & Pseudopropheta) cum Bestia Septicipite (quae & Imago Bestiae dicitur.)  
At Bestia Bicornis ortu posterior est Bestiâ Septicipite: unde haec prior appellatur, Apoc. 13. 12. Et nata demum videtur circa instaurationem illius Bestiae prioris; utpote quae fecerit adorare bestiam primam, cujus curata est plaga, Apoc. 13. 12.  
Deinde Bestiam Bicornem conditorem seu instauratorem esse Bestiae Septicipitis, nescio unde colligat author. Illius c●●tè nec conditor nec instaurator est. Non conditor, quia illae tempore prior est, haec posterior. Non instaurator, quia opus illud disertè attribuitur Draconi, qui hoc nomine simul cum ipsa adoratur, Apocal. 13. 4. Bestia quidem Bicornis Bestiae Septicipiti imaginem posuit, sed Bestiae instauratae, cujus curata erat plaga, Apoc. 13. 14.  
Praeterea, Bestiam Septicipitem nomine Imaginis bestiae aliàs signari solitam, merum est Synchronistae somnium: aliud enim Bestia est, aliud Imago bestiae; & haec passim ab illa distinguitur, Bestia & Imago ejus. At inquit, Nomine bestiae, ubi cum bestia imago bestiae componitur, intelligitur Bestia Bicornis. Fallitur, ut liquidò constat ex eoipso loco quem citavit. Apoc. 14. 9 Si quis adoraverit bestiam & imaginem ejus; Bestiam intellige Septicipitem, quam bestia Bicornis fecit adorari, faciendo ei imaginem, quam adorari voluit, Apoc. 13. 15. sic ut adoratio cultus sit & honor conferendus bestiae Septicipiti, non Bicorni. Opinionem tamen suamprobare nititur tribus argumentis.  
Primò, Quia, juxta Graecorum codicum lectionem, Imago bestiae, quam animavit Pseudopropheta, facit ut quicunque non adorârint imaginem bestiae occidantur.  
Secundò, Quia ubi Bestia simul adest cum Pseudopropheta, Imago bestiae non comparet.  
Tertìo, Quia ejusdem dicitur Imago bestiae cujus est nomen numerúsque: At nomen numerúsque non alterius sunt quam bestiae Bicornis.  
Verùm haec omnia inepta sunt & frivola. Imagini bestiae adscribitur quod Pseudopropheta fecit, illius imaginis author, Metonymiâ effecti pro efficiente: quod apparet ex Regio exemplari Montani, in quo legitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & facit (nempe Bestia Bicornis.) Quam lectionem sequuntur Andreas, Aretas, & alii.  
Interdum & Imago bestiae comparet ubi Bestia adest cum Pseudopropheta: ut videre est Apoc. 19 20. ubi haec tria memorantur, Bestia, Pseudopropheta, Imago bestiae.  
Nomen numerúsque non Bestiae est Bicornis, sed Bestiae Septicipitis; quae passim simpliciter & absolutè Bestia nominatur: à qua ut Bicornis distingueretur, passim in sequentibus non Bestia sed Pseudopropheta nuncupatur; in quo conspirant omnes interprete.  
Denique, falsum est Bestiam Septicipitem restitutam totam se arbitrio Pseudoprophetae tanquam supremi sui domini regendam permittere. Universa terra admirata est post bestiam septicipitem, Apoc. 13. 3. & omnes reprobi eam adorârunt, Apoc. 13. 8. At Pseudopropheta non seipsum, sed Bestiam Septicipitem adorari voluit in imagine tanquam supremum dominum, & in omnibus illius causam promovit ut ipsius procurator & minister, Apoc. 13. 12. ut bene observavit Irenaeus, quem statim laudavit Synchronista; hinc ●am vocat Antichristi armigerum.  
Tertius Synchronismus, Meretricis magnae seu Babylonis mysticae cum Bestia eadem illa Septicipite Decemcornupeta, necessariâ indiget castigatione. Mulier enim meretrix est urbs Roma ab ipsis temporibus joannis; ut apparet ex illis verbis, Mulier quam vidisti est civitas magna, quae habet regnum super reges terrae, Apoc. 17, 18. At Bestia Septiceps nondum exstabat temporibus Ioannis in septimo suo capite; ut liquidò constat ex istis, Quinque ceciderunt, unus est, & alius (septimus) nondum venit: Mulier ergò ista cum Bestia Septicipite quà tali non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
In primis suspecta mihi est lacinia ista, Decemcornupeta; quasi Bestia demum facta esset Decemcornupeta sub septimo, id est, novissimo suo capite. Verba Apocalypsews clarè & diserte docent decem illa cornua ipsis temporibus Ioannis exstitisse; Decem cornuasunt decem reges, qui (in praesenti) regnum nondum acceperunt, quia nimirum Romano imperio nunc erant subjecti, sed potestatem tanquam reges accipient in futuro, Apoc. 17. 12. Certum est ex historiis, Imperium Romanum, dum haec scriberet joannes, ●x decem regnis, sive regalibus provinciis, tanquam totidem partibus principalibus, constitisse, quas hoc modo enumerat ipse Strabo; Italia, Hispania, Gallia, Germania, Hungariae & Bulgaria, Graecia, Anatolia sive Asia minor, Syria & Assyria, AEgyptus, Africa: de quibus consulendus Molinaeus in Complemento prophetiarum. Quomodo autem singula quae in Apocalypsi de decem cornibus dicuntur, decem illis regnis seu regionibus conveniant, explicatum dedi in annotationibus meis prooemialibus ad Visionem sextam.  
Quartus Synchronismus, Centum & quadraginta quatuor mille Virginum, capite 14. cum Meretrice Babylonica & Bestia, eodem vitio laborat quo duo antecedentes. Non enim in solidum contemporant haec, sed tantummodo ex parte. Meretrix exstitit ipso tempore joannis; quemadmodum & Bestia sub sexto suo capite. Sed centum & quadraginta quatuor mille Virgines sunt recentioris originis. Incidunt quidem in tempora meretricis Babylonicae, utpote quae laudantur quia se illius complexibus non coinquinârunt; sed in tempora illius postrema, nempe quia Primitiae sunt in restitutione, post finitam novissimam Bestiae Septicipitis instauratae persecutionem, Apoc. 14. 4. quando ipsa declinavit ad interitum, Apoc. 14. 8. Et quemadmodum recentioris sunt originis, sic longioris erunt durationis, ut quae Meretricis & Bestiae futurae sunt victrices, ac proinde illis sunt supervicturae.  
Quintus Synchronismus, de generali omnium hactenus dictorum Synchronismo, praeterquàm quòd superiorum errores recapitulet, prorsus est supervacaneus, cum non contineat nisi nudam repetitionem memoratorum: ideóque omitti potuisset, nisi numerum septenarium attingere voluisset author. Si duos sequentes Synchronismos similiter repetat, habebimus numerum octonarium.  
Sextus Synchronismus, Atrii interioris calamo Dei mensurabilis & Praelii Draconis cum Michaele, peccat, primò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verborum; nam Apocalypsis expressè non meminit Atrii mensurabilis; 
Quinimo illud praelium commissum & absolu●um fuit in ictu oculi, ut postea demonstrabitur: At temph commensuratio non est facta in ictu ocuit.  ideo malim retineri nomen expressum Templi mensurabilis: nec si expressè illius meminisset, ullum hîc aliud intelligendum foret atrium, quam atrium Israelis, quod authori est atrium exterius, Suprà enim monui atrium Israelis Spiritui Apocalyptico esse interius; ut qui nomine exterioris atrii intelligat atrium Gentium. Deinde peccat confusione temporum: nam licèt praelium Michaelis incidat in tempus Templi mensurabilis; Templum tamen non prius & citius mensurandum fuisse quam commissum fuit praelium Draconis, nescio quo argumento confirmari possit. Non enim quia proximè antecedentia sunt contemporaneorum, idcirco est necesse utriusque originem aequè altùm deducendam esse. Equidem fateor Apocalypsin nihil habere antiquius, quódve altius originem ducat Muliere puerperâ, cujus partui insidiatus est Draco; attamen ipse partus quem excipit praelium Draconis multò est recentior; cum partus sit novissimi temporis, in finali judaeorum conversione, ut postea demonstrabitur: quemadmodum etiam est recentior Templi commensuratio, quae incidit in novissima tempora Tubae sextae. A quae exordium velle ducere Prophetiae repetitae, quae nempe tempora Apocalyptica ab origine & quasi ab ovo relegat, est cum ratione velle insanire, ut mox pluribus ostendetur.  
Septimus Synchronismus, qui & ultimus partis primae, Septem phialarum & Bestiae Babylonísque ad occasum vergentium, est verissimus & certissimus: ac proinde progredior ad Synchronismos partis Secundae, initio sumpto ab examine Praeloquii quod illi praemittitur.  

Stricturae in partem Secundam.  
IN Praeloquio partis Secundae inepta est illa totius Apocalypsews in du ●s partes principales partitio: quarum prior sit Sigillorum, in iísque Tubabarum; posterior 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Libri aperti, à versu octavo capitis decimi usque ad finem libri: quae omnium errorum mihi videtur esse praecipuum fundamentum. Ineptam eam voco, & reprobandam puto ob sequentes rationes.  
Primò, quia confundit finem unius prophetiae cum principio alterius. Finis prophetiae Sigillorum est in Turba illa palmifera gaudentium; utpote quae ipso Synchronistâ teste incidat in Tubam novissimam. Nè verò vel tantillum dubitaremus in Turba illa gaudentium esse sinem Sigillorum, statim post eam fit mentio silentii in coelo facti quasi mediâ horâ: quâ projectò nihil aliud significatur, quam joannem à visionibus praecedentis prophetiae ad medium horae quievisse; ac proinde eam absolutam esse. Ergò hic finis unius prophetiae principium alterius est in Tuba prima, quae clangere coepit statim post ignem è coelo in terram missum, Apoc. 8. 5. qui certè nullus est alius quam de quo ipse Christus dixerat Luc. 12. 49. Ignem veni mittere in terram, & quid volo nisi ut ardeat? Nè verò hîc etiam haesitaremus in Tuba prima initium esse novae prophetiae, praemittitur ei visio praeparatoria post factum in coelo silentium: hîc itaque principium alterius prophetiae, quae tamen cum fine praecedentis hâc partitione confunditur.  
Secundò, quia discerpit membra unius ejusdémque prophetiae arctissimè cohaerentia: nemo enim dubitat in Tubis recto ordine continuari unam eandémque prophetiam; sic ut ibi desinat quinta ubi incipit sexta● & sexta ibi desinat ubi incipit septima. At haec partitio finem sextae Tubae divellit ab ipsius principio, & sic divellit, ut ex fine Tubae sextae constituat novam prophetiam, quae altius assurgat quam Tuba prima, imò originem suam trahat à Sigillo primo; principium enim sextae Tubae suit in fine capitis noni, & illius finis incidit in principium capitis undecimi: quod tamen (ut dixi) fingitur esse initium novae prophetiae, quae inchoatur à prima temporis Apocalyptici periodo.  
Tertiò, quia commiscet duas ad minimum integras prophetias toto coelo à se invicem distinctas: Nam certum est prophetiam Libri aperti terminari cum fine Tubae septimae, quae est novissima: Nec minus certum est prophetiam de Muliere parturiente esse novam prophetiam, ut quâ muliere nihil prius & antiquius habeat Apocalypsis, quemadmodum fatetur ipse Synchronista: Quomodo ergò haec eadem est cum prophetia Libri aperti? Fuerunt qui sibi persuaderent Tubas prodire ex sinu Sigilli septimi; sed quando perveniunt ad caput duodecimum, coguntur agnoscere initium novae prophetiae. Invenias ergò aliquos qui totam Apocalypsin dividunt in duas partes principales: sed, qui posteriorem partem inchoat à principio capitis undecimi, invenias neminem.  
Profecto Mulier parturiens cap. 12. est Synagoga judaica, quae patrem habet jacobum, qui assimilatur Soli; matrem Rachaelem, quae comparatur Lunae; & descendit à duodecim Patriarchis, qui similes esse dicuntur duodecim stellis: gravida illa fuit ab ipsis diebus joannis, & clamavit parturiens, & cruciabatur ut pareret, postquam templum eorum & urbs funditus à Romanis fuere eversa; quemadmodum id ipsa Synagoga confitetur sub hac eadem Allegoria, Esa. 26. 17. Sicut quae concepit, cum appropinquaverit ad partum, dolens clamat in doloribus suis; sic facti sumus à facie tua, Domine. Nondum tamen ipsa peperit, sed inopinatus aderit illius partus in finali judaeorum conversione; cujus mentio fit apud eundem prophetam, Es. 66. 7, 8. Antequam parturiret, peperit; antequam veniret partus ejus, peperit masculinum.— quia parturivit & peperit Sion filios suos. Esse enim hunc partum ultimi temporis apparet ex Ioanne, qui hunc partum immediatè docet praecedere fugam Mulieris in desertum, quae incidit in novissima tempora Tubae sextae, Apoc. 12. 6. cum Apoc. 11. 3. collatis. Hinc Micheas de eodem partu verba faciens, eundem expresse refert ad tempora novissima, cap. 5. 3. Propter hoc dabit eos, viz. judaeos in manibus hostium suorum, usque ad tempus in quo parturiens pariet; & reliquiae fratrum ejus revertentur ad filios Israel. Sic enim judico superiores prophetas interpretandos esse, ex collatione eorundem cum Apocalypsi, quae Clavis est omnis Scripturae propheticae. Atque hinc apparet dictam prophetiam de Muliere parturiente provehi ad caput & originem periodi Apocalypticae; ac proinde in ea inchoari novam prophetiam.  
Redeo ad rem ipsam. Praemissâ hâc partitione, affirmat Synchronista posteriorem Apocalypsews partem, quae est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Libri aperti, ab eodem temporis Apocalyptici principio exordiri unde prior illa quae est Sigillorum, & illius tempora relegere à versu octavo capitis decimi usque ad finem. Verum & ista omnia pro libitu conficta & prorsus absurda sunt. Septem Sigilla fuerunt aperta; clanxerunt quinque Tubae, sexta clangorem inchoavit; descenditur ad illius finem, quem proximè excipit septima; & in fine Tubae sextae inchoabitur nova prophetia, quae originem ducat ab ipso Sigillo primo. Quis credet istis, nisi cui libitum est posteriora prioribus & summa imis miscere? Et quomodo superiora tempora releguntur à versu octavo capitis decimi, cum ab illo versu usque ad finem illius capitis nulla omnino tempora legantur? Quae verò tempora sequuntur in principio capitis undecimi, aut tempora sunt finis Tubae sextae, aut tempora illius nulla sunt. Attamen recaepitulationem illam temporum putat Synchronista indicari transicione istâ, v. 11. cap. 10. Oportet te iterum (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) prophetare. Sed longè aliud est iterum prophetare; aliud iterum prophetare eadem, aut ab eodem exorsa temporis principio. Haec duo multùm differunt. Ego hoc dictum fuisse existimo joanni in typum rei hoc tempore eventurae; quòd nempe Ecclesia nunc ante exitum Tubae sextae sit reformanda, & de novo prophetatura, tum contra, tum apud populos multos: qua in re mihi assentientem habeo doctissimum Paraeum. joannes, inquit, non tam in sua, quam in omnium praeconum veritatis qui sub finem Tubae sextae futuri erant persona, Librum devorare, iterúmque propherare, jubetur. Et est sensus, oportere ut ubi Antichristus satìs saevierit, prophetia adversus eum restituatur.  
Tandem relabitur Synchronista ad bimembrem suam partitionem, ed●que confirmari opinatur ex eo, quòd hîc idem sit prophetiae initium quod fuit prophetiae de septem Ecclesiis, item de septem Sigillis: quas nemo dubitat esse novas prophetias. Sunt autem haec initia visionis quidem de Septem Ecclesiis cap. 1. 10. Audivi vocem magnam à tergo tanquam tubae dicentis. Prophetia autem Sigillorum cap. 4. 1. Et vox prima quam audivi, tanquam tubae loquentis mecum. Denique Prophetiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 10. 8. Et vox quam audieram è coelo (scilicet tanquam tubae loquentis) rurium loquebatur mecum. Verùm haec posterior vox non eadem est cum prima illa, cum hoc nomine non indigitetur: nec dicitur audita fuisse instar tubae loquentis; sed vox fuit proximè è coelo audita, vers. 4. ejusdem capitis, Audivi vocem de coelo dicentem mihi, Signa quae locuta sunt septem ronitrua, & nè scribas ea. Eadem ergò vox quae v. 4. vetuerat scribere, nunc v. 8. jubet devorare libellum & prophetare, ut bene monet Paraeus. Nolo tamen hac de re acriùs cum quoquam contendere. Dato itaque eandem esse vocem cum illa priore, non tamen indè sequetur, Quia aliàs alibi inchoavit novam prophetiam, ideo id quoque hoc loco fecisse. Certiora sunt indicia novae prophetiae, ut, quòd singulae aut inchoentur nouâ visione, aut terminentur mentione secundi adventûs: quae indicia sunt rerum, non aucupia verborum.  
Visio Ecclesiarum terminatur mentione novissimae c●●nae, Apoc. 3. 20. quae coena est secundi adventûs, Apoc. 19 9 Visio Sigillorum terminatur mentione Turbae palmiferae gaudentium, quae incidit in novissimam Tubam visionis Tubarum, quam Paulus esse docet tubam secundi adventûs, 1 Cor. 15. 52. Visio Mulieris terminatur mentione Messis, Apoc. 14. 15. quam ipse Christus interpretatur consummationem seculi, Matt. 13. 39 Visio Phialarum terminatur interitu Babylonis, Apoc. 16. 19 quae incidit in secundum adventum, Apoc. 16. 14, 15. Eodem termino clauditur visio Meretricis, Apoc. 19 2, 3, 4. Visio denique Christi vincentis clauditur mentione universalis Resurrectionis, & duplicis novae Hierosolymae. Septem itaque erant Visiones, tanquam totidem totius Apocalypsews partes principales. Sed haec sufficiant ad Praeloquium: veni● ad ipsos Synchronismos partis secundae.  
Synchronismum primum appellat cardinem Synchronismorum; ego verò eundem voco cardinem vanitatum: adeò nihil est in eo veri, nihil certi. Synchronismum esse vult Sigilli septimi quoad sex priores Tubas, cum Bestia Septicipite, Bicorni, caeterisque contemporantibus. Sed jam antea demonstravi sex Tubas non pertinere ad Sigillum septimum; demonstravi insuper Bestiam Bicornem Bestiae septicipili & caeteris non in omnibus nec ad amussim contemporare. Nunc demonstrabo initium Bestiae Septicipitis non contemporare cum initio Sigilli septimi, quod praecipuum est hujus Synchronismi fundamentum eversum ire. Bestia Septiceps est ipsissimum regnum Antichristi, sub novissimo, i e. septimo, suo capite. Atqui Antichristus demum in lucem producitur sub Tuba sexta, Apoc. 11. 7. vel (quod ego malim) sub Tuba quinta, Apoc. 9 11. ubi Angelum Abyssi eundem esse puto cum Bestia ascensura ex abysso, Apoc. 11. 7. Et proculdubio est Antichristus, cum vocetur nomine Antichristi in Graeca Ecclesiae recepto, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Thessal. 2. 3. Hebraicè autem nomen habet ABADU, Servus ille 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sic dictus, i.e. Servus servorum. Sic enim Hebraeus & Syrus legunt. Quòd si quis malit legere cum correctioribus exemplaribus Graecis Abbadon, hoc idem significat quod Papa-Dominus: quam lectionem etiam retinuit vulgatus Latinus. Rectius itaque Bestia septiceps contemporabit cum Tuba quinta. Sigillune quintum tempus est persecutionis Sanctorum, ut certum est ex illis verbis, Donec compleantur conservi eorum— qui intersiciendi sunt sicut & illi, Apoc. 6. 11. Atqui hoc proprium munus est Bestiae: ipsa itáque rectiùs dicetur contemporare cum Sigillo quinto.  
Initium septimi Sigilli est in obsignatione Coetûs illius virginalis cap. 7. ipso Synchronistâ confitente: atqui obsignatio illa sequitur illustrem Domini adventum, qui describitur Sigillo sexto, & in quem incidit Bestiae interitus, ut apparet ex collatione Apoc. 6. 15, 16, 17. cum Apoc. 16. 14, 15, 16. Impossibile itaque est Bestiam Septicipitem contemporare cum initio Sigilli septimi.  
At (inquit ille) Coetùs illius obsignationem suprà ostendi contemporare ad amussim cum Bestia Septicipite, parte primâ, Synchronismo quarto. Respondeo; Contrarium liquet ex nostra ad eundem censura. Quod porrò existimet obsignationem illam factam esse, nè grassantibus in orbe Tubarum calamitatibus electi Dei servi extinguerentur; gratis fingitur sine ullo fundamento: obsignationem illam dico sactam esse ad novas nuptias. Agni in illustri Domini adventu celebrandos, ut manifestum ex hujusce loci collatione cum 4. Esdrae 2. 38. Videte numerum signatorum in convivio Domini; ad quem hîc certus est respectus. Scio Librum istum esse Apocryhum; sed potest liber Apocryphus interdum continere quasdam antiquas & veras narrationes.  
Denique falsum est, obsignatione illâ turbari non interrumpendam Sigillorum seriem: ipse enim Synchronista fatetur illam pertinere ad finem Sigilli sexti, sive ad initium septimi; & meritò, quia expressè dicitur Apoc. 7. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, post haec nempe, quae acciderunt Sigillo sexto. Ego judico obsignationem virginum & Turbam palmiferam gaudentium esse totum mysterium Sigilli septimi, quod demum narratur apertum fuisse initio cap. 8. cum capite septimo praemissum sit illius mysterium; quemadmodum primum Vae demum narratur praeteriisse post praemissam illius calamitatem, Apoc. 9 12.  
Sic ergò corruit omnium sequentium Synchronismorum fundamentum, eorum nempe qui ex primo isto deducuntur: quos tamen etiam examinabo, nè quis queratur aliquid à me praeteritum esse aut neglectum.  
Synchronismum secundum ait esse contemporantium Atrii interioris & Praelii Draconis & Michaelis de puerperio cum sex primis Sigillis. Atqui dimensuratio Templi (sic enim loqui malim, quia Textus expressè illius meminit) tempore prior est praelio Draconis, ut visum suprà Synchronismo sexto, parte primâ; & neulrum contemporat cum sex primis Sigillis. Non dimensuratio Templi; quia jubetur Ioannes Templum metiri sub finem Tubae sextae, Apoc. 11. 1. jam verò finem Tubae sextae contemporare cum Sigillo primo quis dixerit? Non Praelium Draconis; quia illud commissum & absolutum fuit brevissimo temporis spatio, puta in momento, ictu oculi. Nam statim fuit commissum post raptum partum, & absolutum fuit ante fugam Mulieris in desertum; Apoc. 12. 13, 14. At Mulier statim & immediatè post raptum partum fugere debuit in desertum, Apoc. 12. 5, 6. Itaque tantummodo momento perduravit. Quomodo ergò potuit contemporare cum sex primis Sigillis?  
Accedo ad Synchronismum tertium, Phialarum cum Tuba sexta. Dicendum erat, ni fallor, cum initio Tubae septimae: nam Tuba septima est Tuba novissima; septem autem Phialae continent novissimas calamitates, Apoc. 15. 1. pertinent ergò ad Tubam novissimam: Tuba etiam septima est Tuba consummationis, quia sub ea consummabitur mysterium Dei, Apoc. 10. 7. septem autem Phialae sunt plagae consummationis, utpote in quibus consummetur ira Dei, Apoc. 15. 1. pertinent ergò ad Tubam septimam. Sed haec parùm ad rem.  
Regnum verò Bestiae sub sexta Tuba labefactari coepisse, nescio unde eruat Synchronista. Finita quidem tunc fuit potestas illa quadraginta duorum mensium; sed illa non fuit simplex potestas dominandi, sed dominandi pro libitu: nec simplex fuit potestas vincendi Sanctos, sed persecutionis novissimae; ut suprà à nobis fuit ostensum.  
Synchronismum quartum, Mille annorum ligati Draconis, seu Satanae, cum Tuba septima, seu excidio Bestiae, non possum non laudare, cum sit verissimus & certissimus. Argumenta tamen validiora & magis cogentia ad illius confirmationem proferri desiderarem. Certè Draco etiam fuit ligatus toto tempore parturitionis Mulieris, cum toto illo tempore steterit ante Mulierem, ut, cum peperisset, filium ejus devoraret, Apoc. 12. 4. neque ligatus fuit post partum ejus; cum ab illo tempore è coelo fuerit projectus, & grassatus fuerit in terra & mati, Apoc. 12. 12. sic ut Mulierem sit persecutus, & semen ejus, Muliere latitante in deserto, Apoc. 12. 16, 17. ac conspiraverit ad Sanctorum internecionem cum bestia maris, dando ei omnem suam potestatem; unde simul cum ipso spatio quadraginta duorum mensium & ultrà adoratur, Apoc. 12. 18. & 13. 3, 4. Non ità diu post finitos illos menses Draco cum Bestia & Pseudopropheta ac Regibus totius terrae congregatur in praelium, Apoc. 16. 14. tandem in illo praelio Bestia & Pseudopropheta victi mittuntur in stagnum ignis, Apoc. 19 20. & Draco ligatup in Abysso mille annis, Apoc. 20. 2, 3. Mille itaque anni ligationis Satanae inchoandi sunt ab excidio Bestiae.  
Ligatur Satanas, nè seduceret ampliùs gentes, Apoc. 20. 3. Nempe eâ seductione cujus statim facta erat mentio, quam proximè secutum est Bestiae excidium, Apoc. 19 20. Ergò Ligatio inchoanda est à Bestiae excidio. Ligatur Satanas, ut per mille annos regvent illi qui Bestiam adorare noluerint, Apoc. 20. 4. Inchoanda itaque Ligatio ab excidio Bestiae: nam usque ad excidium ipsius semper fuerunt aliqui qui Bestiam noluerint adorare & ideo fuerunt occist. Ligatur denique Satanoes, ut post mille annos illos solvatur, & conjiciatur in stagnum ignis, in quem jam antea conjecti erant Bestia & Pseudopropheta, Apoc. 20. 10. Sic enim legendum esse patet, non tantùm ex Graecis exemplaribus, sed etiam ex interpretibus Hebraeo & Syro. Ergò ligatus fuit post illorum excidium, quod incidit in Tubam novissimam.  
Sequitur Synchronismus quintus, Mille annorum regni Christi augusti & septimae Tubae seu intervalli ab excidio Bestiae: quem non solùm laudo, sed simul etiam approbo ferè omnia & singula quae ad illius confirmationem dicuntur: nullus enim dubito quin ad singulare illud & augustum Christi regnum pertinent quae dicuntur Apoc. 11. 15, 16, 17. & Apoc. 19 6, 16. & in illo regno proculdubio est consummatio mysterii Dei per prophetas evangelizati, quam sub Septimae tubae clangorem Angelus Apoc. 10. futuram praedixerat; quando nec Bestiae menses, nec Testium lugentium dies, neque omnino aliquid de periodo temporis, temporum & dimidii temporis supererit amplius, planè juxta quod Danieli praedictum fuit c. 7. v. 25, 26, 27. etc. 12. v. 7.  
Sextus Synchronismus est Novae Jerusalem Agni sponsae cum septima Tuba seu intervallo ab excidio Bestiae: cui non possum non suffragari: hâc tamen lege, ut nova illa Hierosolyma sponsa Agni, de qua Apoc. 21. vers. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. distinguatur à nova illa Hierosolyma Agni uxore, cujus descriptio sequitur eodem capite, Apoc. 21. vers. 9, 10, etc. usque ad finem libri. Rationes hujus distinctionis dedi in notationibus meis prooemialibus ad Visionem ultimam. Prior illa nova Hierosolyma est uxor sponsi, quae se praeparavit Apoc. 19 6, 7. item civitas illa dilecta, Apoc. 20. 9 non autem posterior.  
Tandem dilabor ad Synchronismum ultimum, qui est Turbae palmiferae innumerabilium ovantium (Apoc. 7.) cum Tuba septima seu intervallo ab excidio Bestiae: in cujus confirmationem illud in primis probo, quòd Turbae illa palmifera statuantur esse cives novae jerusalem. De ambobus enim dicitur, quòd non esurient neque sitient ampliùs, etc. quia Agnus pascit eos, & ducit ad vivos fontes aquarum; quòdque abstersurus sit Deus omnem lacrymam ab oculis eorum.  
Itaque de quatuor postremis Synchronismis Deo meo gratias ago, quòd virum hunc doctissimum mihi habeo in illis assentientem; qui oculos mentis utriusque nostrûm magis & magis velit r●egere, ut propiùs intueamur mirabilia ejus.   

EPOCHA APOCALYPSE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S.  
QVam nobis exhibet Synchronista Epocham Apocalypsews, prorsus incerta est & vana; ut quae vanis & incertis Synchronismorum fundamentis innititur, quae ferè omniae suo loco sunt protrita. Vult duas esse totius Apocalypsews partes principales: quarum prior sit Sigillorum, in iisque Tubarum; altera posterior 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, à versu octavo capitis decimi usque ad finem libri; quam partitionem in primis perstrinximus ad partis secundae praeloquium. Vult Tubas prodire ex sinu septimi Sigilli: quod falsum esse docuimus in Stricturis ad Praecognita partis primae. Vult Turbam palmiferam ovantium capitis septimi, quae narratur ante olangorem. Tubae primae, incidere in Tubam novissimam, quae demum sequitur cap. 11. Quae Synchronistae non potest non esse horrenda praedictionum confusio. Vult prophetiam Libri aperti, quae pertinet ad clangorem Tubae sextae, & cujus initium est à commensuratione Templi, Apoc. 10. & 11. esse novum exordium totius Apocalypsews: quod nemini unquam venit in mentem; quódque suprà à nobis abunde resutatum. Vult novum etiam exordium esse totius Apocalypsews in Praelio Draconis cap. 12. Quin ergò nobis faciat partes tres totius Apocalypsews principales, & non du●s tantúm. Vult Praelium illud Draconis contemporare sex prioribus Sigillis: quod demonstravimus in unico temporis momento, in ictu oculi, absolutum fuisse. Vult quadraginta duos illos menses esse totum tempus sex Tubarum: cum temporae sint finis Tubae sextae, aut nulla sunt illius tempora. Ità nihil est certi in hac Epocha Apo●alypsews, nisi quòd ferè in finem Apocalypsews rejiciat Turbam palmiferam ovantium capitis septimi, Mysterium consummandum Tubae novissimae, Mille annos ligationis Satanae & regni Sanctorum, Novam Hierosolymam Agni sponsam: quae ego non dubito ad amussim contemporare. Hîc itaque pedem figam, & finem faciam Stricturarum mearum.    

Quaestio nobilissima, & ad intelligentiam superiorum Prophetarum atque ipsius Apocalypseôs apprimè necessaria, De Temporibus ac momentis Secundi Adventûs.  
IN secundo Christi Adventu videtur considerandus esse longissimus quidem temporis tractus, quemadmodum in Adventu ejus primo: ut probari posse videtur ex sequentibus Sacrae Scripturae testimoniis.  
Primò, ex Esaiae 34. 8. & 63. 4. ●bi tempus secundi adventûs appellatur dies ultionis Domini, annus retributionum judicii Zion. Et certum est in eo respectum haberi ad veteris Testamenti jubilaeum. Tempus itaque erit ad minimum unius anni: alioqui Synecdoche partis esset de nihilo. Idem Propheta, Esa. 65. 17. meminit novi coeli & novae terrae, quae in secundum Domini adventum rejiciuntur, 2 Pet. 3. 13. & in illis necessariò considerandus est longissimus quidem temporis tractus, propter illud quod apud Prophetam sequitur. Non erit ibi puer infans aut senex qui non impleat dies suos: nam puer infans centum annorum morietur, & peccator centum annorum maledictus erit.  
Secundò, ex Luc. 17. 22. Venient dies quando desideretis videre unum dierum, sive unum ex diebus, Filii homini, & non videbitis. Quod intelligendum esse de ditbus secundi adventùs rectè statuit glossa ordinaria ex Beda. Id enim apparet ex duobus. Primò, quia dies illi intelliguntur quos conabuntur ostendere Pseudoprophetae dicendo, Ecce hîc, Ecce illie. vers. 23. Secundò, quia dies illi intelliguntur quì gloriosi futuri sunt & illustres, sicut fulgur coruscans de sub coelo, v. 24. qui dies sunt; non praeteriti adventûs primi, sedfuturi adventûs secundi. Profectò frustrà discipuli dèsiderarent dies praeteritos, qui certi erant de futuris, quos prae foribus semper adesse putabant, & cervicibus suis imminere.  
Tertiò, ex Act. 3. 20, 21. ●bi tempus secundi, adventûs appellatur in plurali tempora refrigerii, & tempora restitutionis omnium, de quibus locuti sunt omnes prophetae. Velle autem id accipere de temporibus aeternis, est cum ratione velle insanire; cum de talibus temporibus Prophetae non sint locuti, ut constat liquidè ex vers. 22, 23. Ipsum audietis juxta omnia quae cunque locutus fuerit vobis: Et omnis anima quae non audiverit illum, exterminabitur de plebe: quae prophetia est de finali judaeorum conversione.  
Quartò, ex Act. 15. 16, 17. ubi docetur, Tabernaculum David, sive regnum Israelis, restituendum esse in Domini reditu, & omnes Gentes esse ad illud aggregandas; quod certè brevi temporis spatio non perficietur: esse enim ibi sermonem de secundo Domini reditu apparet potissimum ex duobus argumentis. Primò, quia raditus ille futurus dicitur post primam vocationem Gentium: Visitavit primùm sumere populum ex Gentibus;— sicut scriptum est, Postea revertar. Item, Ut requirant eum caeterae Gentes, super quas invocatum est nomen meum; nempe jam antea in prima Gentium vocatione, quam secutura est vocatio universalis, Secundò, quia ipse Dominus promissam regni Israelis restitutionem passim rejicit in tempora secundi adventûs, ut videre est, Matt. 10. 23. & 23, 37, 38. Lucae 21. 28, 31. Act. 1. 6, 7.  
Quintò, ex Rom. 11. 26, 27. Omnis Israel salvus siet, sicut scriptum est, Veniet Redemptor ex Zion: quibus verbis docetur novissimam Iudaeorum salutem, sive redemptionem, incidere in secundum Domini adventum. Atqui eadem illa Scriptura in eodem illo Domini adventu; versu statim sequenti, mentionem facit pangendi novi foederis cum illis quod ad minimum duraturum est per tres generationes. Esa. 59 21. Hoc soedus meum cum eis; Verbum & Spiritus non recedent de ore tuo, & de ore seminis tui, & de ore seminis seminis tui, à modò usque in sempiternum.  
Sextò, ex Matt. 12. 32. ubi docetur Messiae seculum esse duplex, unum praesens, alterum futurum; & in utrumque incidere remissionem peccatorum propriè dictam. Non remittetur ei neque in hoc seculo, neque in futuro. Neque enim, ut rectè Augustinus, lib. 21. De civ. Dei, cap. 24. de quibusdam veraciter diceretur, quòd non iis remittatur neque in hoc seculo, neque in futuro, nisi essent quibus, etsi non in isto, tamen remittetur in futuro: ubi vim faciunt verba ista, etsi non in isto, nè quis id de sola remissionis patefactione interpretetur.  
Septimò, ex 2 Pet. 3. 8. ubi de die judicii loquens & perditione impiorum hominum, ait, quòd unus Dies apud Dominum sicut mille anni: nè quis putaret tempus secundi adventûs nimis breve esse ad judicandum & perdendum impios, eò quòd in Scripturis vocetur unus dies. Et sic verba interpretatus est Augustinus, vel quisquis ille author est Sermonum de Sanctis, qui Augustino attribuuntur. Nec immeritò. Stultum enim est cogitare velle unum diem naturalem, vel artificialem, esse apud Deum sicut mille annos. Ad tempus verò quod antecessurum est judicium pertinent verba sequentia, Et mille anni sicut dies unus: nè quis putaret tempus judicii nimis diu tardari, si per mille annos & plures differatur: Deus enim tempus mille annorum unum diem vocat in Scripturis. His postremis verbis Propheta quoque usus est, Psal. 90. 4. de toto vitae nostrae tempore: quae licèt per mille annos duraret, attamen apud Deum esset brevissima, qui tempus mille annorum vocat unum diem.  
Octauò, ex Heb. 3. 7, 8, 9 ubi docet, Diem terminatum esse apud Davidem in voce Hodie, qui futurus sit populo Dei novus Sabbatismus; non quidem aeternus, sed temporalis; utpote in quem solùm quadret illa commonefactio Davidis, Hodie si vocem ejus audieritis, nolite obdurare corda vestra.  
Nonò, ex fine Apoc. 19 collato cum principio Apoc. 20. Nam in fine Apoc. 19 describitur secundus Domini adventus, ut manifestum est ex tribus. Primò, ex illis, Reget eas in virga ferrea: quod Ioannes futurum praedixit in secundo adventu, Apoc. 2. 27. Secundò, ex istis, Reges terrae & exercitus eorum congregatos ad faciendum praelium: quod praelium est faciendum in secundo Domini adventu; utpote futurum in die illo magno omnipotentis Dei, ad quem venturus est Dominus sicut fur, Apoc. 16. 14, 15. Denique ex ultimis illis verbis, Vivi missi sunt hi duo in stagnum ignis: quibus indicatur Bestiae Romanae, id est, ipsius Antichristi, interitus; quem ipse Paulus rejicit in secundum Domini adventum, 2 Thess. 2. 8. ubi illud quoque notandum, Et spiritu oris sui interficiet impium: quod prorsus idem est cum isto, & caeteri occisi sunt in gladio oris sui, Apoc. 19 21. Atqui certissimum est in illo adventu numerandos esse mille istos annos pacis & regni sanctorum qui sequuntur, Apoc. 20. 4.  
Denique, ex Apoc. 20. 8, 9 collato cum Ezech. 39 9, 13. ubi rejicit Ioannes in secundum Domini adventum Gogi & Magogi interitum; post quem tamen Ezechiel docet numerandos esse ad minimum septem annos, & totidem menses certissimè finiendos. Ergò secundus Domini adventus complectitur longissimum aliquem temporis tractum. Tale quid 
* No●at. in Luc. 17.  Beza suspicatus est de secundo Domini adventu, qui eundem put at inchoatum fuisse à promulgato inter Gentes Evangelio: at nos eum rectiùs putamus inchoandum ab interitu Antichristi, sive excidio Bestiae.  

JOSEPHI MEDI Responsio ad DANIELIS LAWENI STRICTURAS IN CLAVEM APOCALYPTICAM.  
NON videtur, Clarissime Domine, A. Lawenus vester aut meum in Clave Apocalyptica propositum, aut quibus eam subnixam esse volui fundamentis, satìs attendisse: alioquin non putâsset argumentis ex interpretationum pharetra depromptis me cessurum. Quorsum enim, obsecro, me istiusmodi telis oppugnare satageret, qui ipse interpretationem nullam praesuppono? imò nec istiusmodi sive praejudiciis sive hypothesibus ullis in hoc negotio locum esse debere contendo. Sed hâc ejus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nimiâ in praesenti omissâ, (qua de aliàs passim erit monendi occasio) accedo ad Censuram ipsam, & primò, Generalem.  

Ad Censuram Generalem.  
QUatuor enim ait in toto meo Discursu praesupponi quae censuram merentur.  
Primò, quòd Liber ille clausus & obsignatus sit ipse Liber Apocalypsews. Miror unde hoc colligat. Num ex istis precatiunculae meae verbis, Qui solus dignus eras Librum hunc accipere & aperire? At allusio esse potuit, non sententiae argumentum: Certè hypothesis non fuit. Rem ipsam quod attinet, ego Librum illum obsignatum, Sigillorum librum esse puto, Apocalypsews non puto. Sed esto me putâsse; non tamen huic fundamento quidquam Synchronismorum meorum superstruxi. Nec certè si Apocalypsis nihil aliud sit quam compendium quoddam & comportatio veterum prophetiarum quae adhuc implendae post Christi adventum supererant, (quae ipsius Laweni sententia est) adeò multùm intererit an quis Librum obsignatum, cum eo, Librum veterum Prophetarum esse dicat, an, cum aliis, Librum Apocalypsews. Sed hanc opinionem in notationibus suis prooemialibus in Apocalypsin ut erroneam validissimis argumentis se confodisse refert: mihi verò, qui legerim, nè verisimilibus quidem id secisse videtur. judicet alius.  
Secundò, ait à me praesupponi, nullas fieri futurorum praedictiones ante reserationem Sigilli primi. Ego verò hoc nusquam praesuppono, imò contrarium potius prae se ferunt verba mea in 
* [Hujus editionis pag. 424.  praeloquio Partis secundae, lin. 8. Quid, quòd ibidem nè septem quidem Ecclesiarum Visionem negavi futurorum prophetiam esse, sed in medio reliqui, nec quid de eo me interponere velle dixi?  
Sed (ut sententiam meam aperiam) ità quidem sentio; Saltem nihil esse prophetiae, in capitibus istis quarto & quinto Sigillorum reseratione antiquius, quodve altiùs ratione rei gerendae ascendat: & hoc quidem ad institutum meum satìs erat; nec id puto Dominum Lawenum negaturum. Addo ampliùs, Nec esse Visionem ibidem exhibitam rei futurae prophetiam, sed prophetiae exhibendae apparatum. Urut enim in Cantico Presbyterorum & Animalium inseratur aliquid de re futura; Visionem tamen ipsam Prophetiam es●e de futuris, id verò non magìs indè sequi, quam eandem esse historiam de praeteritis, ex eo quòd in eodem Cantico verba illa, Occisus es & redemisti nos Deo per sanguinem tuum, de praeterito loquantur: non enim si quid in visione aliqua incidenter dicatur aut cantetur, statim illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 visionis est. Sed in quarto capite (inquit) futura praedicuntur, quia verba illa, Dederint, procident, & adorabunt, etc. sint futuri temporis, Graecè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Respondeo, Futurum in Hebraismo (ejus autem notione passim utitur Apostolus) significare actum solitum vel debitum; ità ut hoc loco Ioannes referat non quidem quid tum factum sit, (ut à nonnullis exponitur) sed quid Animalibus & Presbyteris istis ex officio pro re nata faciendum esset, quódque ipse postmodum in sequela Visionum semel atque iterum ab iisdem factum vidit.  
Tertiò, ait me praesupponere Septem Tubas esse Visum Sigilli septimi: hoc enim vult, cum ait me praesupponere Tubas necessariam habere connexionem cum Sigillo septimo. Et hoc quidem verissimè dixit, me praesupponere. Praesuppono autem, & quidni praesupponerem? Annon Grammaticum contextûs sensum, quo vix alius est in Apocalypsi de rerum narratarum ferie clarior & luculentior, necesse fuit praesupponi? Ad praecedentium Sigillorum omnium apertionem Visum aliquod subjicitur rem sigillo significatam exhibens. Ad apertionem primi, Aspexi, inquit, & ecce equus albus, etc. Ad apertionem secundi, Prodiit Equus rufus, etc. Ad apertionem tertii, Aspexi, inquit, & ecce Equus niger, etc. & sic in quarto, quinto, & sexto. Quis igitur pari ratione non credat, quod Septimi sigilli resignationi subjicitur, esse ejus Sigilli Visum? Quomodo absurdum non est affirmare, solius Sigilli septimi aut Visum nullum esse, aut ejus descriptionem Sigilli apertioni praemitti, praeter omnium Sigillorum, imò Tubarum & Phialarum, morem? cum aperuisset, inquit, Sigillum septimum, factum est silentium in coelo quasi per semihoram: & vidi septem Angelos stantes in conspectu Dei, & datae sunt illis septem Tubae. Aut hîc clarum est Rem Sigilli septimi describi; aut omnino fatendum nihil esse in hoc Libro de ordine certi, sed quidvis cuivis pro libitu praeponendum & postponendum, nullâ sensûs Grammatici ratione habitâ. Hoc viderunt ex veteribus Andreas & Aretas; ex Pontificiis Lyranus, Aureolus, Ribera, Alcazar, Viega, Cornelius à Lapide; ex nostris junius, Graserus, Brightmannus, Napierus, Reverendissimus Episcopus Aberdonensis, Clarissimus Alstedius: Qui omnes pro concesso habent, Rem seu Visum Sigilli septimi esse mysterium Tubarum. Nec crediderim quemquam interpretum id unquam negaturum fuisse, nisi in Visionum dispositione magis ad apparentem nescio quam interpretationis concinnitatem, quam ad naturalem & simplicem Textûs sacri mentem, respexissent.  
At haec dispositio, inquit, absurda est, ex ipsius Synchronistae hypothesi; utpote cui Turba Palmifera (cap. 7.) incidat in Tubam novissimam; quomodo ergò cum ea connectuntur sex Tubae priores? quod tamen necesse est fieri, si, etc. At verò Synchronista nusquam connectit Turbam palmiseram cum prioribus sex Tubis. Fallitur Lawenus si me Coetum centum & quadraginta quatuor mille obsignatorum, & Turbam palmiferam innumerabilium gaudentium, pro iisdem habere putat. Diversa sunt & diversorum temporum. Quae quidem junctim totum Sigilli septimi, id est Tubarum, intervallum pervadunt: feorsim verò Coetus obsignatorum cum sex primis Tubis, Turba palmifera cum Tuba septima 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Inspice sodes Schematismum meum.  
At impossibilis est. Quid ità veró? Quia Sigillum sextum Tempus est secundi adventûs. At Tubae saltem sex priores praecedunt adventum Christi. Hoc scilicet est (quod dixi) Visionum ordinationem ex privata interpretatione suspendere: Ego verò pernego Sigillum sextum esse Tempus secundi adventûs. Neque hujusmodi interpretamentum ex verbis illis 
* Apocal. 6. 17.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aut ex prognosticis illis Matth. 24. 29. exsculpi potest: non ex appellatione Diei magnae; eam enim integram habes Zeph. 1. 14. de clade judaeae usurpatam, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & vers. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Drusi●● ad cap. 1. joelis. Dies Domini: genusloquendi for●nse; ut si dicat, judicium Domini: quomodo Apost. Diem humanum dixit pro judicium humanum. 1 Cor. 4. 3.  Alibi quoque similis est apud Prophetas de judiciis particularibus diei Domini usurpatio: ut Isa. 13. 13. Dies irae furoris Domini, de onere Babylonis; jer. 46. 10. de called AEgyptiorum, Dies ille Domini Dei exercituum, dies ultionis. Quod verò hic urget de geminato articulo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nullius est ponderis; fit enim ex consuetudine linguae cum adjectivum postponitur: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, tantundem valent. Accedit quòd apud Zephaniam quoque in Hebraeo geminetur articulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod Graeci respuunt. Nec in caeterâ hujus Sigilli descriptione omnino quicquam est quod non aliis, citra magnum illum Universalis judicii diem, rerum conversionibus & ruinis describendis à Prophetis jamdudum adhibitum fuerit. Communes sunt hae magnarum calamitatum & horridiorum cladium imagines Orienti usitatae, ut nostris quoque Poetis sua sunt schemata, suae picturae. Videamus de singulis.  
Ecce, (inquit c. 6. v. 12.) Terrae motus magnus factus est, Graecè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Coeli terraeque motus. Terrae motus autem hujusmodi (teste Apostolo Heb. 12. de loco Haggaei, c. 2. v. 6, 7. Adhuc semel, & ego commovebo coelum & terram) denotat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mutationem eorum quae commoventur. Idem nos de hoc Coeli terraeque motu in Apocalypsi putemus. Sequitur, Et Sol factus est niger ut saccus cilicinus, & Luna facta est ut sanguis, id est, per ellipsin adjectivi, rubicunda ut sanguis. Periphrasis autem est deliquii Luminarium, ubi Sol ater apparere soleat, Luna verò rubicunda: cui planè geminum est illud Isa. c. 13. v. 10. de vindicta Babylonis, Obscurabitur Sol in exortu suo, & Luna non splendere faciet Lumen suum; LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut Matth. 24. 29. Adde Ezech. 32. 7. de clade Pharaonis, Et operiam coelos, & nigrescere faciam stellas ejus; Solem nube tegam, & Luna non dabit lumen suum, etc. Item joel. 2. 10. de horrenda judaeae vastatione ab exercitu locustarum Aquilonarium, Afacie ejus, inquit, contremuitterra, moti sunt coeli: Sol & Luna obtenebrati sunt, & stellae retraxerunt splendorem suum. Sed ohe! jam satìs est. Vide tamen jer. 4. 23, 24, etc. de excidio judaeae; ubi omnia in antiquum Chaos rediisse putares.  
Vers. 13, 14. Et stellae coeli ceciderunt in terram, sicut ficus abjicit grossos suos cum vento magno concutitur. Et coelum abscessit sicut liber convolutus; vel Coelum evanuit, etc. id est, Stellae coeli disparuêre, quemadmodum literae evanescunt libro (veterum more) convoluto. Ellipsis enim est utrobique prioris substantivi Hebraismo familiaris, ut Deut. 20. 19 2 Reg. 18. 31. & alibi passim: ità ut hoc de coeli disparitione, & illud de stellarum casu. mutuò sese explicent. Integer autem locus desumptus est ex Is. 34. 4. ubi eâdem planè imagine, sed inverso ordine, depingit Spiritus sanctus cladem Idumaeae: Convolventur, inquit, sicut liber, coeli, & totus exercitus eorum (id est, stellae) decidet u● folium è vite, & ut deciduus grossulus è ficu. Cujus sententiam aliquantò clariorem reddere voluit Spiritus Apocalypticus duplici verborum additamento; illi●c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Porrò de eadem clade Edomitica haud mitioribus quam Isaias circumstantiis agunt Obadias; jer. c. 49. à vers. 7. ad 22; Ezech. c. 35. per tot. & 25. vers. 12. Quod idcirco moneo, nè quis hunc quoque locum, cum mysticorum sensuum admiratoribus, ad magnum illum Universalis judicii diem detorqueat.  
Omnes montes & insulae è suis locis emotae sunt; scilicet, ut in terrae motibus fieri nonnunquam contigit. De montibus autem similem imaginem vide jer. 4. 24. Ezek. 38. 20.  
Restant vers. 15, & 16. Reges terrae & magnates, etc. absconderunt se in speluncis & petris montium; dixerúntque montibus & petris, Gadite super nos, & abscondite nos à facie sedentis super thronum, & ab ira Agni. Foeda imago est quâ fugientium & latitantium, quà prae rerum suarum desperatione vitae taedentium: cui similem habes de clade Hierosolym●rum Luc. 23. 30. item Host 10. 8. de clade. Samariae ejúsque idolorum; sed integram Isa. 2. 18, 19 Haec autem paulò fusiùs o●tendere visum fuit, nè Dominus Lawenus me absque ratione negâsse putaret Sigillum sextum esse Tempus secundi adventûs: cujus verò temporis, & cujusmodi rerum conversionibus & ruinis applicandum sit, non est hìc dicendi locus. Pergo ad caetera.  
Quartò, Hypothesibus meis annumerat, quòd Quadraginta duo illi menses sint tota duratio sex Tubarum. At haec Hypothesis non est, sed conclusio ex praemissis Synchronismis necessariò sequens. At (inquit) menses isti rejiciuntur in finem sextae Tubae, Apoc. 11. 2. Nego: non est caput undecimum pars visionis Tubae sextae, sed nova prophetia, ut postea videbitur. Sed certum est (inquit) Menses illos propriè & secundùm literam accipiendos esse de mensibus dierum, non annorum; proindéque istis temporum angustiis sex Tubarum intervallum includi non posse. Magnum verò postulatum: miror illud doctissimo viro certum esse, quod à plerisque nostrorum non modò negari, sed & magno studio impugnari noverit. Hoccine autem pro concesso sumendum fuit? Mihi contrà inter alia illud argumento est, Menses istos secundùm literam accipi non posse, quòd Bestia, cujus duratio sint, Coetui centum quadraginta quatuor mille obsignatorum, Coetus autem obsignatorum sex primis Tubis contemporet; Tubarum verò res tantillo tempore decurri non posse. Adhaec, si tres isti dies & dimidium mortis Testium, quae pars sunt dicrum 1260, seu mensium 42, literaliter accipi nequeant; tum neque dies 1260, seu menses 42, sic accipi debent. At tres istos dies & dimidium diei literaliter accipi non posse, patet ex iis quae tunc gerenda praedicuntur. Quis enim credat tridui & dimidii diei spatiolum, aut famae necis Testium per orbem disseminandae, aut legatis cum muneribus ultro citróque inter gentes mittendis, sufficere? imò nè parandis quidem muneribus sufficeret. Adde quòd dimidium diei, seu horae duodecim, si literaliter accipias, actionibus hujusmodi determinandis prorsus ineptum sit: non enim ad horas istiusmodi res observari solent, quinimo ad menses, saltem ad dies integros.    

Responsio ad Censuram specialem, & primò, Ad Censuram Synchronismi I.  
AD primum Synchronismum, Mulieris in Eremo agentis, Bestiae Septicipitis instauratae, Atrii calcati, & Testium Prophetantium in sacco, primùm illud notat, Bestiam diu fuisse Septicipitem antequam fuit instaurata, ac proinde non bene hîc conjungi tanquam Synchrona. Putat scilicet me nomine Bestiae Septicipitis Bestiam sub novissimo tantùm seu septimo capite agentem intellexisse. In quo fallitur. Ego enim Bestiam Septicipitem vocavi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bestiam illam primò descriptam, quocunque statu; quia cum tot capitibus eam Spiritus ubique, etiam sub sexto capite, videndam exhibuerit. Quamuìs enim non simul, sed ordine & deinceps, Capita vices suas egissent, tamen Bestia ipsa una eadémque censetur omni statu. Addidi autem [instauratam,] ut novissimum ejus statum designem; nè quis me cum Bestia simpliciter, & omni statu, Synchronismum hîc astruere velle existimet, sed tantùm novissimo. Sed nè sic quidem in tuto res est. Nam inquit Bestiam etiam aliquandiu sub septimo illo & novissimo capite grassatam esse antequam plagam gladii accepit, ex eâque denuo revixit, Ad haec, Menses quadraginta duos nec esse totam durationem regni Bestiae instauratae, sed saevissimae & novissimae persecutionis. Et hîc quidem sibi nudè affirmanti credi postulat; argumentum enim nullum assert.  
Ego verò contrà assero nullum alium Bestiae Septicipitis statum cap. 13. describi quam instaurationis; esséque eum statum integrum Bestiae capitis novissimi. Quicquid enim mali Bestia fecisse dicitur, quicquid cultûs & adorationis eidem ab incolis terrae delatum est, id omne post instaurationem ipsius seu plagae curationem factum legitur: Et vidi, inquit, unum ex capilibus ejus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi lethaliter occisum fuisset; (nempe non nunc vidente Ioanne, sed ante hunc exortum suum) sed plaga ejus sanata fuit: (nimirum statim ab exortu suo, aut in ipso) & admirans universa terra secuta est Bestiam, (nempe jam sanatam) & adorârunt Draconem, etc. Túncque datum est ei os loquens grandia, & blasphemias, etc. & aperuit os suum adversus Deum, etc. Omnia haec post sanationem facta sunt; sed ante sanationem nihil est quod fecisse legitur, nec ei quicquam honoris à Gentibus delatum. Fuit igitur instauratio ista Bestiae novissimi capitis (quo eam statu joannes è mari emergentem vidit) non fatum aliquod posterius, sed ipsa nativitas. A reliquorum enim capitum singulis ad caput sequens sine plaga transitum est. Atqui in transitu à sexto ad novissimum, lethali vulnere decubuit Bestia; quo eam vulnere sauciam (id est, sexto capite vulneratam) joannes è mari emergentem vidit: non vidit eam cum vulneraretur; siquidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sensu plusquam perfecti accipiendum est, quemadmodum suprà c. 5. v. 6. Vidit in medio Presbyterorum & Animalium Agnum stantem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi mactatus fuisset, non eo tunc vidente mactatum. Hic sensus simplicissimus est, quem litera & ordo contextûs ultro suppeditat; à quo temerè recedendum non est, ubi nec ratio nec necessitas ulla ad id compellit. Frustrà igitur est Dominus Lawenus, dum Bestiae instaurationem unáque menses illos quadraginta duos ad supremam & novissimam Bestiae persecutionem rejiciat; nisi eódem quoque rejicere velit Bestiae adorationem, grandiloquentiam, blasphemiam, & (ut verbo dicam) omnia in universum Bestiae facinora; sícque Bestiam nobis cudet Antichristianam, cujus per tot secula nulla praedicantur facta, nulla persecutio. Sed nihil agens nè cogitari quidem potest quòd fit. Sed, quod ferè praetermiseram, De Mensibus Bestiae in novissimam ejus persecutionem rejiciendis, lectionem Complutensem sibi savere putat; quia scilicet, pro potestatem faciendi menses quadraginta duos, legit potestatem bellum faciendi. Hoc verò ut neutiquam ei patrocinatur, (cum totum Bestiae dominium non aliud sit quam quoddam contra Sanctos bellum;) ità cum neque interpres Latinus neque Syrus eam vocem agnoscant; ad haec, cum ex quindecim Stephani exemplaribus duo tantùm eam habuerint, omnino in eam sententiam devenio, à Sciolo aliquo additam esse, qui vim verbi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vivendi & durandi significatione cum nominibus temporis ignoraverit. De qua vide Act. 15. 33. 2 Cor. 11. 25. jac. 4. 13.  

De Bestia & Muliere.  
HUic Synchronismo speciatim opponit, Instaurationem Bestiae initium quidem sumere cum initio peregrinationis Mulieris in deserto, ipsam tamen longiùs perdurare. Sed si eadem sint & aequalia tempora Mulieris & tempora Bestiae, ut ipse quidem fatetur; quî fieri possit ut quae eodem tempore incipiant, non etiam simul desinant, fateor me non capere. Sanè apud Mathematicos magnitudines aequales sunt etiam congruae, id est, prima primis, media mediis, extrema extremis respondent.   

De Atrio Exteriori à Gentibus calcato.  
ATrium à Gentibus calcatum esse se nescire, ait, unde hauserit Synchronista, cum Apoc. 11. tantùm dicatur illud Gentibus datum esse. Dicam unde hauserim. Putabam Atrium exterius & Civitatem sanctam sese mutuò in hac Visione explicare: quia nimirum Atrium exterius locus fuit ubi Civitas ●ancta conveniret, proindéque dictum Atrium Israelis. Imò in deserto, unicum tantùm Atrium habente Tabernaculo, (quò non nisi Sacerdotibus & Levitis ordinariè ingredi fas erat) Atrium exterius nullum erat praeter castra Israelis ceu Civitatem sanctam. Accepi igitur acsi scriptum fuisset, Atrium quod extra Templum est nè metiaris; nam datum est Gentibus, & calcabunt illud mensibus quadraginta duobus. Nam Enallage Substantivi pro Relativo non infrequens est, tum in hoc libro, tum alibi; nempe aut Substantivum quod praecessit repetendo, aut ejus Synonymum loco Relativi substituendo: cujus exemplum vide Act. 25. 21. Et sanè quid aliud esle dicemus Gentibus dari, hoc est, occupandi potestatem fieri, quam calcari? & quid tandem calcarent Gentes nisi id quod datum fuerat? Adeò ut hae quoque voces non minùs quam Atrii & Civitatis sanctae mutuò sese explicare videantur.  
Sed ut adhuc magìs vapulem, addit praeterea, Atrium hoc exterius apud joannem non esse, quod ego sentio, Atrium Israelis, sed Atrium Gentium; Atrium verò Israelis sub illis verbis intelligi, ET ADORANTES IN EO. Sed hîc mirum est quam fallitur. Nusquam enim in tota Scriptura Atrium illud Gentium (quod prophanum erat, non sacrum) Atrii exterioris nomine intelligitur; sed Atrium Israelis, id est, populi Israelitici. Neque populus in eo Atrio adoratum veniebat ubi altare situm erat, sed Sacerdotes & Levitae: quod eum Drusius docere potuit ad hunc locum. Res sic se habet.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (quo nomine universum Templi aedificlum complector) gemino discriminabatur Atrio. etc.  
[Vide reliqua in Comment. Apocal. ad cap. 11. 1, 2. pag. 479, 480.   

De Bestia & duobus Testibus.  
PRophetia Testium, inquit, licèt initium sumat cum instauratione Bestiae, non tamen cum eadem terminatur. Hoc ego tantundem intelligo, quantum illud de Bestia & Muliere. Nam si dies 1260 initium sumant cum mensibus 42, quî fieri potest ut non simul terminentur? si simul, ergò cum exitu Tubae sextae aut ineunte septima; nec enim ulteriùs prorogari potest Testium prophetia.   

Ad Censuram Synchronismi II.  
BEstia Bicornis, inquit, ortu posterior est Bestiâ Septicipite. Fateor, quà Septiceps est; non quà Decemcornupeta. Neque ego hîc Bestiam Bicornem cum Septicipite compono alio quam instaurationis seu capitis novissimi statu. In transitu à sexto capite ad novissimum lethali vulnere decubuit Bestia, ut jam antea dixi; quo vulnere omnino periisset, nisi medicam ei manum commodè adhibuisset Pseudopropheta.  
Hoc autem statu (Instaurationis nimirum) fatetur Lawenus Bestiam Bicornem Septicipiti coaevam esse. Ait enim, Nata demum videtur circa instaurationem Bestiae prioris, utpote quae fecerit adorari Bestiam primam, cujus curata est plaga. Hoc cum ipse dixerit, non video cur me reprehendat quòd Bestiam Bicornem Septicipitis (instauratae nimirum) conditorem seu instauratorem vocaverim. Annon qui de novo adorari fecit, post potestatem ex lethali plaga intercísam aut collapsam, instaurare censendus est? At, inquit, Bestia illa prior dicitur. Scilicet, non temporis, sed narrationis ordine. Nullum enim hîc Bestiae Septicipitis statum agnosco à Ioanne visum, praeterquam instaurationis. At opus illud instaurationis, inquit, Draconi tribuitur, non Pseudoprophetae. Respondeo; Cessit quidem Draco potestatem suam Bestiae; sed eandem Bestiae conciliavit Pseudopropheta, tum cum orbis incolis persuaserit ut facerent Imaginem Bestiae vulneratae, Imaginem (ut videtur) ejus statûs quo plagam acceperat; quâ imagine factâ, Bestia illa pridem sauciata revixit. Sic enim referri & exponi possunt verba [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] v. 14. quamuìs etiam non incommodè referri possunt ad descriptionem Bestiae prius factam, eo sensu acsi diceretur Ioannis personâ, ut facerent imaginem Bestiae, Bestiae nimirum illi quam ego sau●iatam denuóque sanatam me vidisse dixi.  
Ità enim sentio, joannem utramque Bestiam simul emergentem vidisse; hanc ex mari, illam ex terra: prius autem ejus quae ex mari capite sauciato ascenderat historiam describere, deinde ejus quae ex terra. Nam quae simul gesta sunt, simul tamen narrari non potuerint, sed seorsim & deinceps. Primò igitur Septicipitis sanatae tyrannidem & blasphemias recensere; postea ut ei vulneratae Bicornis medicam manum adhibuerit● populos in obsequium ejus flexit, eíque potestatem conciliavit cujus ipsa praefecturam gereret, caeteráque quae fecit in conspectu ejus.   

Ad Censuram Appendicis de alternatione nominum Bestiae, Imaginis Bestiae, & Pseudoprophetae.  
JAM Appendix illa de alternatione nominum non somnium fuit, sed conjectura probabilibus argumentis subnixa. Ejus duae quasi partes. Una, Imaginem quae dicitur Bestia, esse ipsam Bestiam septicipitem sub instaurationis statu. Altera, Vbicunque Bestia cum Imagine Bestiae conjunctim legitur, ibi Bestiae nomine non Decemcornupetam, sed Bicornem intelligi. De primo, Quòd dixi, Imaginem Bestiae esse ipsam Bestiam septicipitem sub instaurationis statu; eo sensu dixi quo di●i solet Anima cujusque est quisque. Ità enim etiamnum vigilans sentio, Imaginem illam esse (non, quod Lawenus vult, Idolum magicum, sed) Bestiae instauratae formam, juxta quam instaurari dicitur. 
Bestia septiml capi●●● est imago Bestiae sexto ca●ite mactat v●l imaginem gerit, etc.  Bestia scilicet novissimi capitis, Pseudoprophetâ auspice, facta est Imago Bestiae sexto capite mactatae, id est, Draconis septicipitis, qui idcirco quasi revixisse dicitur. Esse enim Draconem septicipitem (septicipitem dico, non simplicem) sexti capitis Bestiam, ex eo liquere potest, quòd eidem novissimi seu septimi capitis Bestia in eodem throno proximè successerit. Sic enim colligo; Draco thronum suum cessit Bestiae capitis novissimi; ergò decessor ejus fuit, seu penultimi capitis Bestia. Hujus imaginem (Draconismum, si libet, voca; aut quid si Daemonolatriam?) novissimi quoque capitis Bestiae, Bicornis iste Draconiloquus adeò insculpi curavit, ut qui eam adoraverit, Draconem pridem debellatum quasi de novo adorâsse dicatur.  
Sanè citra Imaginem istam (juxta quam Bestiam adorabant two quorum nomina non sunt scripta in libro vitae Agni) Bestiam adorare (quo sensu hì● dicitur) non magìs impium fuisset, quam cuivis alii potestati mundanae morem gerere. Hoc autem ostendo; quia Bestiam adorare ex Hebraismi & Orientis usu nihil aliud est quam eidem subjici: id quod ex eo apparet, quòd verbo Adorandi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subjungitur vers. 4. Et adorârunt Bestiam, dicentes, Quis similis Bestiae? & quis potis est belligerare cum ea? Bestiam igitur adorare est Bestiae se dedere tanquam potentiori, & cui nemo sit resistendo & belligerando. Quo eodem sensu terra ipsa, non modò incolae ejus, Bestiam adorare dicitur vers. 12. id est, ei subjici: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. De hac notione verbi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vide Gen. 27. 29. & cap. 37. 7. & cap. 49. 8. item Isa. 45. 14. At Bestiae juxta imaginem suam subjici, quà Draconem septicipitem referat, id verò in Deum blasphemum est & impium. Unde qui sic Bestiam adorant, in Bestiam adorando Draconem adorare dicuntur, vers. 3, 4.  
Ad alteram Appendicis partem venio. Dixi, Vbicunque Bestia & Imago ejus tanquam jugales audiuntur, ibi Bestiae nomine Bicomem intelligi. De hoc fatebor ingenuè meipsum jamdudum dubitare coepisse, ex quo observaverim copulationem istam, Bestiam & Imaginem ejus, per figuram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exponi posse, quasi Bestiam in imagine, vel juxta imaginem ejus, vel quid simile: quod tamen alium forsan non movisset.  
Utut sit, in neutro videtur Lawenus argumentis meis satisfecisse. Ad id quod de Imagine Bestiae adduxi, Dici eam facere ut quicunque non adorârint Imaginem Bestiae (id est, seipsam,) occidantur, id verò alterutrius Bestiae opus videri; respondit, Imagini Bestiae adscribi quod Pseudopropheta fecit Imaginis illius author, Metonymiâ effectûs. Mira verò Metonymia! quâ actio agentis circa objectum tribuatur objecto in seipsum; cujusmodi credo Metonymiae exemplum nullum dari posse. Scio quidem effecto nonnunquam tribui actionem causae principalis in objectum ab utroque diversum; sed non cum effectum ipsum actionis objectum fuerit. Porrò huic responso prae●idium quaerit in Editione Complutensi, quae unà cum Andrea (diceret Areta) legit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & facit, nempe Bestia Bicornis. Sed dixer●m lectionem hanc corruptam videri, & fortasse Aretae aevo natales suos debere. R. Stephanus non annotavit, quia, ut conjicere est, in nullo suorum codicum reperit, aut conjunctionem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ante verbum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro depravatae lectionis argumento habuit, ut quae in sequenti membro postulare videatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Quod dixi, Vbi Bestia, cum Pseudopropheta simul adsit, ibi Imaginem Bestiae, non comparere; opponit Apoc. 19 20. ubi simul comparent Bestia Imago Bestiae, atque Pseudopropheta; ut ibi Bestiae nomine Pseudopropheta intelligi nequeat. Respondeo, In eodem quidem versu comparere, sed combinatione & sententiis diversis. Prima combinatio est Bestiae & Pseudoprophetae illis verbis, Et comprehensa est Bestia & cum ea Pseudopropheta. Secunda est Bestiae & Imaginis ejus, ubi dicitur, Seduxit eos qui acceperant characterem Bestiae, & adoraverant Imaginem ejus. Possum igitur affirmare primâ combinatione Bestiam dici Septicipitem Bestiam, secundâ verò Bicornem. Quòd verò paulò pòst obtendat, Adorationem soli Bestiae Septicipiti, non Bicorni competere, utpote de qua illud solummodo dicatur, quòd fecit adorari Bestiam Septicipitem; respondeo, De Bicorni Bestia & illud quoque dici, quòd exerceat omnem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bestiae Septicipitis in conspectu ejus; hujus autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 partem, vel praecipuam, esse adorationem accipere, ut apparet v. 7, 8. Praeterea, cum Bestiam adorare nihil aliud sit quam homines sese imperio ejus subjicere; constat Bestiam absque adoratione Bestiam esse non posse.  
Quod porrò ait ad tertium meum argumentum, Nomen numerúmque Bestiae, Bestiae Septicipitis esse, non Bicornis; novit doctissimus Vir, illis contrarium videri qui solam Bestiam Bicornem pro Antichristo habent, Bestiam autem primam pro Imperio Romano Ethnico: quibuscum tamen ego de interpretatione non sentio.  
Denique falsum esse ait (quod mihi etiam in hac dissertatione excidit) Bestiam Septicipitem restitutam totam se arbitrio Pseudoprophetae tanquam supremi Domini regendam permittere. Ego verò id ipsum verbis illis innui puto quibus dicitur, eam omnem potestatem Bestiae prioris exercere in conspectu ejus. Sed haec omnia interpretatione multò magìs clarescerent, nisi quòd ab ea, juxta instituti mei legem, hîc prorsus abstinendum sit.   

Ad Censuram Synchronismi III.  
TErtius Synchronismus, inquit, MERETRICIS ET BESTIAE SEPTICIPITIS DECEMCORNUPETAE, castigatione indiget; quia Mulier meretrix, id est, Vrbs Roma, jam tempore Ioannis extabat, quando Bestia Septiceps capitis novissimi adhuc futura erat.  
Respondeo; Mulier quidem Ioannis aevo fuit, & ante Ioannis aevum, eadémque toto illo tempore Bestiae regina; sed Meretrix non fuit Mulier nisi Bestiâ demum novissimi capitis agente vicem. Siquidem Meretricis nomine Scriptura Moecham intelligit; jam Moecha non est nisi quae fidem conjugalem violaverit. At Civitas illa magna nondum Ioannis aevo Christo in manum convenerat, ut Moecha dici potucrit. Dixi ergò Meretricem, non Mulierem, Bestiae non Septicipiti simpliciter, sed ei jam Decemcornupetae contemporare.  
Sed suspecta est mihi, inquit, laci●ia ista, DECEMCORNUPETA; quasi Bestia demum facta esset Decemcornupeta sub septimo, id est, novissimo, ejus capite. Ità est omnino, Pictores quidem hîc pro libitu decem cornua in septem capita distribuunt, aliis singula, aliis pro liberalitate sua bina largientes. At hoc non tantùm inconcin●um est, sed etiam falsum. joanni enim solum caput septimum, in illa capitum sese invicem scandentium scala situ summum, vice novissimum, cornuum gestamine superbit: id quod sic probatum dabo. Florente capite florescunt cornua; quo occidente, etiam cornua indè enascentia occidere necesse est. In primis igitur quinque capitibus haec cornua inesse non poterant; quia quinque illa capita jam abierant, & unà cum capitum vicibus cornuum quoque vices abiissent; neque in sexto; quoniam eo Ioannis aevo regnante, cornuum tamen tempus nondum advenerat. Relinquuntur igitur capiti novissimo.  
At, inquit Lawenus, Verba Apocalypseôs clarè & disertè docent, decem illa cornua ipsis temporibus Ioannis extitisse. Imò contrarium docent clarissimè & disertissimé. Decem cornua, inquit Angelus, sunt decem reges qui regnum nondum acceperunt. [SUNT] autem in hujusmodi sententiis copulatiuè sumitur, non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod Logici nôrunt. Alioquin concludendum quoque esset, Omnes septem reges Ioannis temporibus extitisse, quia de septem quoque capitibus dicitur, Septem capita sunt septem reges, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Sed & ab eventu sententiae adversanti praesidium quaerit: Certum enim est, inquit, ex historiis imperium Romanum, dum haec scriberet joannes, ex decem regnis sive regalibus provinciis tanquam partibus constitisse. Imò certum est, si Straboni fides, (qui solus hîc laudari solet, quémque Lawenus hujus rei authorem laudat) Imperium Romanum eo seculo non in decem tantùm, sed in viginti provincias divisum fuisse; quarum nempe decem Imperator sumebat sibi, alteras decem populo Rom● tribuebat. Inspiciat Strabonem ipsum, & de numero provinciarum, & quae fuerint; ut videat quam non nimis tutum sit alienis oculis fidere.   

Ad Censuram Synchronismi IU.  
SYnchronismum CENTUM QVADRAGINTA QVATVOR MILLE VIRGINUM CUM MERETRICE BABYLONICA ET BESTIA ●odem vitio laborare ait: Quia Coetus C XL IV M virginum in solidum non contemporat Meretrici & Bestiae, sed temporibus carum postremis. Respondeo; Coetus Virgineus in solidum contemporat Meretrici, non Mulieri. Neque, quod vult Lawenus, exsuperat Bestiae regnum, sed ut cum eo coepit, ità quoque (quod statum illum obsignationis attinet) cum eodem desinit, migrátque postmodum in statum novum Turbae Palmiferae. Quae nimirum est massa illa numerosa Agni post devictam Bestiam sequacium; cujus respectu Coetus ille C XL IV M Virginum sub Bestiae adhuc blasphemantis tyrannide Agno adhaerentium, 
* Apoc. 14. 4.  Primitiae tantùm dicebantur. Sed video Dominum Lawenum duas istas Visiones hîc & ubique confundere; quas tamen diversas esse constat & diversorum temporum. Coetus enim Virginum numeratus est; Turba Palmifera innumerabilis: Ille sub Bestia rerum potiunte gemit; haec post Bestiam occisam ovat; 
* Cap. 7. 14.  Hi sunt, inquit, qui venerunt de tribulatione magna, id est, de tyrannide Bestiae Sanctos tribulantis. Unde illis sigillo prospectum fuit nè laederentur; istis obsignatione istiusmodi nihil opus erat. Nec si fortè personae ipsae in utroque statu aliquatenus eaedem sint, proinde diversi rerum status confundendi sunt. Ecclesia semper una est, sed fortunâ & conditione pro temporum statu dissimilis. Quae diversae Ecclesiae, ut ità dicam, facies diversis visionibus exhibentur.   

Ad Censuram Synchronismi V.  
QVintus Synchronismus, inquit, DE GENERALI ANTEDICTORVM SYNCHRONIS MORE, potuisset omitti. Fateor. Sed potest etiam retineri, & suum usum mihi habere visum, ut tot Synchronizantium vaticiniorum systema uno intuitu exhibeatur. Praeterea non est, quod ait, nuda praecedentium Synchronismorum repetitio. Nihil enim adhuc de Meretricis cum Muliere Eremitica & Testibus, aut de Coetu Virgineo cum iisdem, Synchronismo dictum fuit. Nec pari ratione duo sequentes Synchronismi repeti potuissent, cum illi nequaquam contemporent; ut proinde quod scitè à se dictum putat de octavo Synchronismo, ut non urba●è admodum, ità nec verè dixerit.   

Ad Censuram Synchronismi VI.  
PEccat, inquit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verborum, quia Apocalypsis expressè non meminer●● Atrii mensurabilis. Quid si expressè non meminerit? num ideo est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? sed maluit retineri nomen expressum TEMPLI MENSURABILIS. At hoc non suffecisset; namque etiam metiri jubetur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Haec ego omnia uno illo Atrii interioris nomine complecti volui, cum illud istâ verborum periphrasi designari non dubitârim. At atrium interius, inquit, est Atrium Israelis. Fallitur, ut jam antè ostendi.  
Porrò, ait peccare hunc Synchronismum confusione temporum. Licèt enim ex eo quòd ambo sint antecedanea contemporaneorum, illud sequatur, Praelium Draconis incidere in tempus Templi mensurabilis; Templum tamen non prius & citiùs mensuratum fuisse quam Praelium illud commissum fuerit, eo argumento probari nequit. Fateor. Neque id in Clave mea celavi. Inspice sodes p. 
* [Hujus edit. p. 423.]  10. l. 20. At ex eo quòd sint proxima antecedentia contemporaneorum, sequitur ea communem exitûs sui terminum sortiri. Quòd verò ut in fine, sic etiam initio concurrant, alio argumento, eóque mihi sat verisimili, astruere conatus sum. Cujus quidem fundamentum de initio Prophetiae repetitae hîc insaniae deputat Censor, & paulò pòst se refutaturum pollicetur. lbi igitur responsum habebit.  
Quinimo, inquit, Praelium illud Draconis commissum & absolutum fuit in ictu oculi; ideóque cum Templi dimensuratione, utpote continui temporis prophetiâ, contemporare nequit. Respondeo; Etsi in toto hoc negotio ab interpretatione Vaticiniorum abstinuerim; tamen necesse fuit sensum aliquem Grammaticum praesupponi, & pro fundamento rebus demonstrandis substerni. Ex hac autem Objectione demum perspicio me non satìs cautè locutum esse. Draconis insidias & dimicationem pro iisdem habui; Dominus Lawenus distinguit. Utut sit, ad rem ipsam parùm interest. Intelligo enim Draconis molitionem (ità posthac vocabo) durante Puerperio, quicquid tandem fuerit, sive Praelium, sive aliud. Hanc, puto, non est dicturus in ictu oculi peractam: Non enim potest, nisi etiam Puerperium momentaneum dicat. Denique, si saltem Puerperii cum Atrio mensurabili Synchronismum mihi concesserit, de Dracone non pugnabo. Neque certè eum hîc alio argumento impugnat (dum dimensurationis initium puerperii multò recentiùs asserit) quam ex privatae interpretationis hypothesi; cui ut respondeam non est opus.  
De Septimo Synchronismo mihi assentitur. Pergo igitur ad Stricturas ejus in Partem Secundam.   

Responsio ad Stricturas in Partem Secundam.  
HIC à Praeloquio meo incipit; quod miror admodum cur tantopere exagitet, innocuum certè & nihil mali meritum. Neque enim mihi animus fuit in eo demonstrare quicquam, imò nec fundamentum substernere Synchronismis mox demonstrandis: sed tantummodo Lectorem praemonere quid, singulis Visionibus juxta mox futuras Synchronismorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ritè dispositis, tum ipse observaverim, tum ille observare poterit; nimirum Intervallum seu periodum Apocalypticam bis tantùm integrè percurri; primùm Prophetiâ Sigillorum, secundò eâ quae à Libro aperto incipit; atque eâ ratione Apocalypsin indè à capite quarto ad finem in duas Prophetias principales dispertiri. Dixi Prophetias, non Visiones. Sciebam Visiones esse plures, sed ex iis non nisi duo Prophetiarum syntagmata confieri, quibus periodus Apocalyptica integrè percurratur. Id verò est quod affirmavi, atque etiamnum affirmo. Quid peccavi? numquid affirmabit Lawenus, pluries, id est, septies, periodum Apocalypticam percurri? Haud facilè credo. An negabit Partitionem istiusmodi ex Synchronismis meis secuturam? Non potest. At ego hoc solùm in Praeloquio meo volui. Ergò cum larvis hîc pugnat, & potuit omni labori isti pepercisse. Nam si Synchronismos meos refutâsset, Partitio haec bimembris Visionum Apocalypticarum per se concidisset; utpote quae ex Synchronismis istis exstructa est, non verò iis pro fundamento substrata. Sed voluit fortè hanc Praeloquii mei flagellationem vice praeloquii esse ad Stricturas sequentes.  
Videamus igitur quomo do Partitionem meam destruat. Primò, (inquit) confundit finem u●ius Prophetiae cum principio alterius. Intelligit, ni fallor, finem Prophetiae consummantis. Alioquin enim vitiosum non est, fini unius Prophetiae continuari principium alterius. Ità Visioni Draconis rufi-Septicipitis finienti continuatur Visio Bestiae marinae redintegratae: Visionem Phialarum vult Lawenus concatenari fini Tubae sextae. Sed visioni consumma●i (ità voco quae finem periodi Apocalypticae attingit) fateor non posse aliam Visionem continuari. Sed inquit, Partitione meâ continuari initium prophetiae Tubarum cum fine prophetiae Sigillorum, prophetiae consummantis, nempe cum fine Sigilli septimi. Ego verò illud nego, & aio prophetiam Tubarum esse ipsummet Sigillum septimum, ideóque à me nec confundi nec continuari cum fine Sigilli septimi, sed, ut aequum erat, conjungi cum fine sexti. At, inquit, Finis prophetiae Sigillorum est in Turba Palmifera, idque fatente meipso. Respondeo; Aliud est, esse finem prophetiae Sigillorum contemporando, aliud, (ut ità loquar) exhibendo. Fateor prophetiâ Obsignatorum & succedaneâ prophetiâ Palmiferorum (quas Lawenus m●è confundit) totum Sigilli septimi interva llum percurri contemporando: sed in illis exhiberi visionem Sigilli septimi, id verò pernego. Visio Sigilli septimi ea demum est quam exhibet apertio Sigilli septimi; Visio, inquam, Tubarum, ut suprà ostendi. Visio autem gemina illa Obsignatorum & Palmiferorum est Visio interposita in u●um characteris; quò scilicet sciremus secuturas post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comestionem Vifiones reliquas cum Sigillorum prophetia aptè connectere; ut monui Synchron. I. Part. II.  
Quod porrò ait de 
* Cap. 3●. 〈◊〉  Silentio illo semihorae ad initium prophetiae Tubarum, seu apertionem Sigilli septimi, esse illud novae prophetiae indicium; gratis dicit, nec ad rem quicquam facit. Neque enim ego negârim visionem Tubarum esse novam Prophetiam, & à praecedentibus Sigillis diversam; sed esse Prophetiam de novo repetitam, illud verò est quod inficias eo: ideóque novitate suâ non obstante, aio praecedentibus Sigillis ratione rei gerendae continuandam esse. Id quod Alstedius miu●●mè 〈◊〉 qui tamen de numero Visionum Apocalypticarum juxtà cum Laweno sen●it. Sed unum est quod non capio. Silentio semihorae ait nihil aliud significari quam joannem à visionibus praecedentis prophetiae ad medium horae quievisse. Quid hoc est? an ●gitur Ioannes videndo aut audiendo sonitum fecit? Hoc aio me non capere.  
Sed quoniam tantum causae suae praesidium in hoc Silentio Lawenus ponit; videamus annon ea sit Silentii hujus mens, quae commentum illud de Tubarum prophetia à S●●●llis abjungenda nedum juvet, sed penitus destruet, cui Ille astruendo servire putet. Notum est in sacris ubivis ferè Gentium, Silentium de religione fuisse, Faver● lingitis dicebant. Idà populo Dei observatum tum cum Incensum fieret. Dum enim sacrificia offerrentur, Templum canticis, tubis al●● que instrumentis musicis person●bat, 2 Chron. 29. 25, etc. At tempore Incensi omnia silebant, & populus tacitè ●ecum precabatur, Luc. 1. 10. Huc igitur allusum esse videtur, dum, Angelo ad Altare aureum sacra facturo, factum esse dicitur in coelo Silentium ad semiboram, id est, toto tempore Incensi. Ità quoque apud veteres mos erat, teste Servio, ut lumine incenso silentium praeberetur.  
Quod denique addit Lawenus de Igne è coelo in terram misso, eundem esse de quo Salvator dixerat Luc. 12. 49. interpretamentum est, ideóque ab hac dissertatione alienum. Atque ità ab hoc ariete Partitio mea firma manet & inconcussa. Videamus an non eâdem quoque facilitate eorum qui supersunt impetum sustinere possit.  
Secundò, inquit, Partitio haec discerpit membra unius ejusdémque Prophetiae arctissimè inter se cohaerentia; nempe finem Tubae sextae divellit ab ipsius principio. Respondeo, Peti principium. Tantùm enim abest ut aut Libri comestio aut Templi mensuratio sit pars Tubae sextae, ut ad eam nullo prorsus modo pertineant. Quid enim? an quicquid narrandi ordine sequitur, statim pars est ejus quod praecessit? Cur non igitur septem tonitruum voces etiam pars essent Tubae sextae? quod tamen negat. Quod propiùs illius Tubae clangorem excepit, eò non pertinebit; & pertinebit, imò pars erit, quod remotius est? Quis hìc discerpit membra unius ejusdémque Prophetiae? Egóne, an Lawenus?  
Tertio, inquit, Commiscet haec Partitio duas ad minimum integras prophetias toto coelo à se invicem distinctas: Nempe prophetiam Libri aperti, & de Muliere parturiente; quoniam hanc illius partem facit. Haec enim, ni fallor, est quam intelligit commistio prophetiarum; cum me prophetiam de Muliere parturiente eandem facere dicit cum prophetia Libri aperti. Ego verò, ut jam antè monui, prophetiam Libri aperti voco, non unicam aliquam Visionem, sed totum illud Visionum Syntagma quas Ioannes vidit, postquam ei, libro devorato, dictum fuerit, Oportet te iterum prophetare, etc. Annon autem hujus Syntagmatis seu Prophetiae iteratae pars est Visio Mulieris parturientis? Ipsum Lawenum appello in notationibus suis prooemialibus in Visionem quartam Apocalypt. Certum est, inquit, hanc Visionem (de Muliere parturiente, Bestia marina, & CXLIV Mille obsignatorum) partem quoque esse illius prophetiae de qua joanni dictum fuit, Oportet te iterum prophetare gentibus, populis, ac linguis, & Regibus multis. Haec sunt ipsissima Laweni verba; si modò is sit (quod audio) qui se Theocritum justum appellat. Quomodo tunc certum erat, quod nunc pro errore manifestario traducit? Adeóne cum duo affirment idem, non est idem? Aut valde fallor, aut hic vir doctus prae nimio stringendi calore sui oblitus est. At, inquit, certum est, prophetiam Libri aperti terminari cum fine Tubae septimae; prophetiam verò de Muliere parturiente, quae hanc sequitur, prophetiam planè novam esse, quâ nihil antiquius habet Apocalypsis. Quomodo igitur haec pars erit Libri aperti? Hoc scil. argumento suam meámque sententiam labefactatum it. Sed respondeo pro meipso & pro Theocrito justo; omnino facillimé. Prophetia enim Libri aperti non est una aliqua prophetia continua, sed multarum, ut dixi, Visionum, partim continuantium, partim contemporantium, Systema; quarum una sola, id est, pri●●a, totum intervallum Apocalypticum pervadit, reliquae huic tanquam partes contemporantes annectuntur. Ità Visio de Muliere parturiente pars est prophetiae Libri aperti, non continua, sed primae Visioni (quae in communem illam Tubae novissimae catastrophen desinit) contemporanea & parallela.  
Quae porrò subjungit de interpretatione Visionis de Puerperio, Mulierem parturientem esse Synagogam judaicam, quae patrem habuit jacobum, qui assimilatur Soli; matrem Rachaelem, quae comparatur Lunae, etc. ut nimirum demonstret Visionem istam provehi ad caput & originem periodi Apocalypticae, ac proinde in ea novam prophetiam inchoari: haec (inquam) & similia sicco pede pertranseo; cum, ut saepe jam monui, nullus sit in hoc examine id genus interpretamentis locus concedendus.  
Absolutâ interpretatione Puerperii, redit ad rem ipsam; & solito commotior, quasi stimulum alicunde sensisset, acerrimè invehitur in id quod bimembri meae Partitioni subjunxerim, nempe posteriorem Apocalypsews partem, quae est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ab eodem temporis seu periodi Apocalypticae principio exordiri unde prior illa quae est Sigillorum. Hic qui Visionem Tubarum, ad septimi Sigilli apertionem exhibitam, ad primi Sigilli initium retraxit, & Sigillorum tramitem relegere fecit, mihi tamen pro immani crimine impingit, quòd post finitam sextae Tubae descriptionem, (nam uniuscujusque Tubae, ut dixi, visum tantùm unicum est) póstque septimae Tubae praeconium disertè exhibitum de consummatione mysterii Dei tum futura, postquam etiam septem tonitrua voces suas edidissent, quas ipse ad septimam Tubam pertinere affirmat; voluerim tamen ex sequentibus Novae prophetiae initium facere; cum illud non modò ex Synchronismorum meorum syntaxi necessariò secuturum advertissem, verùm eódem etiam praeter opinionem facere viderem verba illa longè disertissima, Oportet te iterum prophetare populis & gentibus & linguis & regibus multis. Ille sibi Silentium semihorae sine ratione aut exemplo interpretanti credi postulat, quòd sit novae & repetitae prophetiae indicium; mihi Spiritui Sancto id disertis & perspicuis verbis affirmanti credere non licet. Sed plus ego, Lawene, hujusmodi verborum aucupiis (sic enim vocas) fido, quam cujusvis hominum interpretamentis, nisi ea quoque verba perspicuè consentientia habuerint: Ut omnino frustrà sis, qui mihi hîc pro verbis clarissimis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, interpretationem maximè dubiam & incertam (alius violentam dixerit) obtruseris.  
Ad objectum de currente adhuc, nec dum absolutâ, sextae Tubae descriptione, respondeo, Finem Tubae sextae esse ad finem capitis noni, nec ultrà protendi visionem ejus: nam unicum esse cuique Tubae visum, sicut & Sigillis & Phialis; non duo vel plura. Deinde primam partem capitis decimi ad septimam Tubam pertinere; quod ipse, quod ad septem tonitrua, non diffitetur, & Angeli verba manifesta sunt. Quod reliquum est hujus capitis cum capite sequente ad novam prophetiam pertinere, monente id ipsum Spiritu Sancto. Ità prophetiam Sigillorum & Tubarum propriè & reâpse claudi magno illo Angeli tonitruum, de tempore ad clangorem Tubae septimae finiendo, & mysterio Dei consummando, praeconio. Sed quoniam Mysterium illud communis foret tum hujus tum alterius Prophetiae catastrophe, tum maximè ut sciretur quâ demum ratione sequens Prophetia cum hac Tubarum connectenda esset; ideo clangoris ipsiusmet de praesenti exhibitionem & evolutionem pleniorem ab Angelo eousque suspensam, donec & altera Prophetia, primâ suâ visione ad idem temporis Apocalyptici momentum provectâ, tanquam limes Synchronisticus & communis utriusque prophetiae exitus inter●ereretur. Dicam (si possim) planiùs, quoniam video me à Domino Laweno non intelligi. Utraque Prophetia tam Sigillorum quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uno eodémque rerum exitu clauditur, quem exhibet Tuba novissima. Cui indicando, Spiritus Sanctus, Tubae septimae mysterio suo loco in Tubarum serie, quantum tunc satìs erat, designato, clangorem ipsum distulit, donec ad novam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prophetiam transitione factâ, primam ipsius Visionem (stadio Apocalyptico similiter emenso) ad eundem rerum exitum provexisset. Tuncque Mysterium illud Tubae septimae, utriusque Prophetiae clausula communis, in priori Prophetia de genere tantùm promulgatum, hîc, clangore edito, pleniùs evolvitur: ídque commodissimè; cum alioquin, absque utriusque Prophetiae praecognitione; quod ab utraque pendebat intelligi non potuisset.  
Et profectò ni haec Spiritûs Sancti mens fuisset, nec juramentum de septimae Tubae clangore & mysterio eò loci inseruisset, nec verba statim joanni de prophetia repetenda fecisset. Quorsum enim haec, nisi ut duplici isto indicio certos nos faceret de fine prophetiae Tubarum illic indubiè statuendo; non obstante quod postmodum de clangore Tubae septimae novae isti prophetiae interserendum esset? Ego tamen (ut quod initio dixi iterum repetam) nihilominus hujusmodi discursibus bimembrem meam Partitionem non superstruxi, neque in Praeloquio meo tanquam fundamentum proposui; sed solummodo monui eam consectarium fore Synchronismorum mox demonstrandorum, eíque apprimè convenire Angeli verba, & Visionem cap. 10. exhibitam. Nisi igitur quos demonstravi Synchronismos istiusmodi Partitionem conficiant, causam non dico quin prorsus eliminetur.  
Postremùm addidi & illud Lectoris animadversione non indignum fore; Ad utriusque istarum, perinde atque primae omnium Visionis de septem Ecclesiis, quasi trium integrarum Prophetiarum, initia singula voce tanquam Tubae de coelo loquentis proclamari, etc. Hîc mihi opponit Lawenus multò certiora novae prophetiae indicia, ut quòd singulae aut inchoentur nouâ visione, aut terminentur mentione secundi adventûs. Sed annon quae ego attuli sunt novarum Visionum initia? aut dicat quo tandem signo internoscatur novae Visionis exordium; praesertim si illud [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] pro hujusmodi signo non habendum sit. Sed vult, ni fallor, eam Visionem pro nova habendam esse quam proximè praecessit mentio secundi adventûs. Neque hujus notae tribunal Partitio mea recusabit. Quid enim? annon Angeli septem tonitruum praeconium de consummatione Mysterii Dei (quod Libri comestionem praecessit) ad secundum adventum pertingit? Sed quorsum haec omnia? non enim hîc de novae Visionis aut prophetiae cujuslibet initio quaeritur; sed de initio prophetiae repetitae. Num ubicunque mentio secundi adventûs praecessit, ibi initium est prophetiae repetitae, id est, quae eundem tramitem propheticum à capite remeat? Non credo. At de ejusmodi initio inter nos agitur. Interim ut non diffiteor secundum adventum, si dextrè accipiatur, esse certissimum indicium prophetiae consummantis; eóque visionem quae sequitur ejusmodi esse, quae priori continuari non possit? ità nego hunc adventum pro unico visionis novae secuturae indicio habendum esse. Nego item cujusvis interpretamentum pro secundi adventûs argumento admittendum. Mihi quidem persuasissimum est Sigillum sextum non esse de secundo adventu; & novit Dominus Lawenus me non paucos su●sragatores habere, & in eorum numero esse Andream Caesariensem: nihil tamen ei superstruo, quia interpretamentum est; ideáque negari possit nisi aliunde firmetur. Et Messem, illam c. 14. v. 15. esse secundum Christi adventum, quo argumento negantem convinceret? Nam alia quoque est Salvatoris Messis praeter consummationem seculi: Messis, inquit, multa, operarii verò pa●ci. Imò si Messis c. 14. sit consummatio seculi; quid tandem erit Vindemia, quae Messem sequitur? Eadem quoque de Coena dici possunt c. 3. 20. nec ignorat Dominus Lawenus haec ab aliis aliter interpretata esse. Unicum illud de Vniversali Resurrectione & judicio c. 20. clarum & disertum est, ideóque indubium. Videt igitur Dominus Lawenus quam hujusmodi argumenta imbellia sint. Interim ego non nego Septem esse in Apocalypsi Visiones insigniores, fortè etiam plures: neque hoc bimembrem meam divisionem quatit, ut quae aliò spectavit; neque Visiones distinxit, sed syntagmata Visionum.   

Ad Censuram Synchronismi I  
Sigilli septimi, quod ad priores sex Tubas, cum Bestia Septicipite, Bicorni, caeterisque contemporantibus.  
IN hujus demonstratione Lawenus totus interpretationum praejudiciis occaecatus nihil omnino veri cernere potuit. Adjuvabo igitur, si possum, admoto lumine. Summa demonstrationis haec fuit, quà de initio, quà de fine.  
De initio sic. cum Coetus obsignatorum, tanquam Bestiae regnantis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bestiae contemporet; idémque Coetus obsignatorum, contemporet initio Sigilli septimi seu Tubarum; sequitur Bestiam quoque contemporare initio Sigilli septimi seu Tubarum.  
De fine autem sic. cum Testium in sacco lugentium dies 1260 finiantur ad exitum Tubae 6, seu ineunte septimâ; ibidem quoque Bestiae menses 42 finiri necesse est; & per consequens illam Bestiae tyrannidem intra sex primarum Tubarum ambitum contineri.  
Fatetur Lawenus Coetum obsignatorum contemporare Sigillo septimo; vult enim obsignationem illam esse totum Sigilli istius mysterium: quod quidem nimium est, sed indè sumo quantum mihi satìs est, nempe Coetum illum Sigillum sextum proximè sequi, atque ità inire cum septimo. Hoc autem posito, nulla ei ampliùs elabendi copia superest, nisi aut negando septem Tubas Rem esse Sigilli Septimi, aut Coetum Virgineum cum Bestia (semper Bestiam novissimi capitis intelligo) in solidum contemporare. Illud jam ostensum est in Textu disertissimè haberi, neque in re tam manifesta ut cedam, ullis unquam fidiculis extorquebit. Alterum de Coetûs Virginei & Bestiae in solidum contemporatione, quoniam eam in Clave mea non satìs ab omni parte munitam dedi, jam potrò; firmiùs demonstrabo, quà de initio, quà de fine. Nam de contemporatione simpliciter dubium non est.  
Initialem igitur contemporationem sic ostendo. Coetus iste Virgineus (prout nuda ejus descriptio cap. 14. attento Lectori fidem faciat) copiae sunt sanctorum militum in Agni fide (tum cum caeteri orbis incolae desertores & transfugae Bestiae characterem accepissent) firmiter permanentium: unde ut olim prisco ritu milites stigmate aliquo nota●i, & Imperatoris sui nomine inscribi; ità isti Agni & Patris nominibus in fronte scribuntur; imò cap. 13. v. 8. in Agni quoque codice ceu matriculâ exstare dicuntur. Hi nimirum sunt Sancti isti quibuscum belligerat Bestia, quíque soli ex omnibus orbis incolis ipsam adorare abnuerint. Necesse est igitur eosdem Bestianis coaevos esse; quandoquidem incesta Besticolarum coitio, eodem tempore illibatum Agnisequorum coetum necessario discrimine progenuerit.  
Secundò, Si Coetus Virgineus cum Bestia initio non contemporet; aut Bestia antiquior est, aut recentior. Utramcunque dixeris, illud absurdi sequitur, ut aut Coetus aut Bestia nimiùm dissimilibus rerum statibus contemporet. Si enim Coetum dixeris Bestiâ antiquiorem, illud sequitur, ut Coetus partim Bestiae decemcornupetae, partim verò Puerperio & Draconi ruso contemporet. Nam quod ultra Bestiae exortum ascendit, illud necessariò in Draconis & Puerperii tempora impingit; ut quae nempé Bestiae exortus continuò secutus est. At quî tam uniformis prophetia tam dissimilibus rerum statibus aptabitur? quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratio tam dissimili parallelismo constabit?  
Sin Coetum Bestiâ recentiorem dixeris, sequetur ut Bestia partim sex primis Sigillis, (eorum nempe ultimis) partim verò septem Tubarum, Sigillo dissimilis proculdubio rei, contemporet; ubi eadem planè absurditatis ratio rem omnem circumspicienti apparebit.  
Initialem contemporationem firmavi: restat de finali; quae non modò ut prior, ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ratione, sed porrò ex eo ostenditur, quòd utriusque, tam Bestiae tyrannidis quam Coetûs virginei, limes sit Turba Palmifera. Bestiae, quia de Palmiseris dicitur, Hi sunt qui venerunt ex tribulatione magna: quâ verò tribulatione, nisi Bestiae Sanctos tribulantis? ergò Bestiae tyrannidem à tergo relinquunt. Coetus virginei, quia eum Turba Palmifera continuò sequitur; sicut ipse Coetus secutus est Tubam se●tam: id quod ex eadem utrobique transitione 
* Cap. 7. 9  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manifestum est, vel ipso Laweno judice.  
Potest & haec finalis contemporatio sic demonstrari: Quia utriusque limes est exitus Tubae sextae; Bestiae, ut ex cap. undecimo ostensum est Synchron. I. ● 2. part. I. Coetûs, quia eum excipit Turba Palmifera, quae contemporat Tubae septimae.  
Atque hinc, credo, apparet Synchronismum Sigelli septimi, quod ad priores sex Tubas, cum Bestia septicipite novissimi capitis caeterísque contemporantibus non esse (quod acerbiusculè dixit) cardinem vanitatum, sed istiusmodi censuram fuisse omnino vanam.  
Ad objecta non opus est ut respondeam, cum nihil novi praeter interpretamenta asserat; ut de Antichristo sub Tuba quinta primùm in lucem prodeunte, utpote Angelo illo Abyssi, Apollyone & Abaddonte; proindéque minimè, quod ego vellem, cum, ipso Tubarum clangore nato. Item de Coetu obsignatorum demum post illustrem Domini adventum (Sigillum sextum esse vult) exhibendo. Haec igitur omnia (utut argutum illud sit de Abbadonte quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pater Dominus) uno spiritu difflabo, scilicet negando. Quorsum enim aliter refutarem quae & aliena sunt & solido sundamento carent?  
Illud tamen unum praeterire non debeo, quòd Obsignationem eam CXLIV mille (cap. 7.) factam esse dicat ad novas nuptias Agni in illustri Domini adventu celebrandas; idque manifestum esse ex collatione cum. 4. Esd. 2. 38. me verò perstringat, eò quòd existimârim illam factam esse, nè grassantibus in orbe Tubarum calamitatibus electi Dei servi extinguerentur. Sed inspice (sodes) textum, Lawene. Annon Angelus illic ab ortu Solis clamavit ad Angelos quibus datum est laedere terram & mare, dicendo, Nè laedite terram, neque mare, neque arbores, quoad●sque obsignaverimus servos Dei nostri in frontibus suis? Síntne calamitates illae Tubarum nécne, haud multùm laboro. At de calamitatibus, quaecunque tandem sint, orbi superventuris, electis Dei fervis (quibus omnia in bonum cedere debeant) omnino hîc caveri dico. De nuptiis verò planè nihil audio. Imò qui Tubarum Synchronismum, & quod porrò in eandem omnino rem ad Tubam quintam habetur c. 9 v. 4. consideraverit, calamitates quae à Tubis sunt in hunc censum venire haud gravatè mihi concessurus est.   

Ad Censuram Synchronismi TWO  
Contemporantium Visionum Atrii interioris & Praelii Draconis & Michaelis de Puerperio cum sex primis Sigillis.  
NEutrum horum, inquit, neque Templi sive Atrii interioris mensuratio, neque Praelium Draconis cum Michaele, cum sex primis Sigillis contemporat. Non dimensuratio Templi, (quomodo loqui malit) quia jubetur Ioannes Templum & Altare metiri sub finem Tubae sextae. Non Praelium Draconis, quia illud in ictu oculi commissum & absolutum fuit.  
Ad primum respondeo; Licèt post Tubae sextae historiam Ioannes jubeatur metiri Templum; hanc tamen dimensurationem ad Tubam sextam non magìs pertinere quam ad septimam; quia illius quoque praeconium & septem tonitruum, quae eódem pertinent, voces eandem dimensurationem aequè praecesserint. Ratio est, quia (ut in superioribus dixi) abruptâ post vers. 7. Sigillorum & Tubarum, id est, totius Libri sigillati, tractatione, deinceps ad novam prophetiam, Libri nimirum aperti, transitus fiat.  
Ad secundum dico, Praelii Draconis appellatione intellexisse me totam Draconis molitionem durante Puerperio, quam non credo eum dicturum in ictu oculi peractam fuisse. Putabam enim illâ Draconis & Michaelis dimicatione describi insidiarum istarum statum, quomodóque factum sit ut machinatio illa Draconis adversus Mulierem parturientem incassum cederet; quia nempe Michaelem adversarium toto tempore expertus est. Sanè eódem cum Visione Puerperii pertinere ex eo censebam, quòd utriusque rem gestam continuò secuta est Mulieris fuga in eremum. Ità tunc sensi. jam objectione istâ cautior factus locutionem corrigo, & Draconis non Praelium, sed Molimen, vocabo; sed tamen mentem cur mutem nondum video. Si posthac videro, gratias de hoc monitu Laweno debebo. Utut res se habet, sime Praelium illud Draconis ejusdem adversus Mulierem parturìentem Molitio nécne, à qua eam Michael liberavit, certè cum ea molitione contemporabit. Valde enim infirmum est, quia Praelii istius descriptio narrandi ordine sequatur Mulieris partum, fugam verò ejusdem idem tempore antecedat, ex eo cum Laweno concludere velle, illud momento tantùm durâsse, quasi utrique interjectum. Cur enim non potius cum Puerperio contemporaret, quocum exitum communem sortitur? Pugnatur in coelo dejicitur Draco, cantatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Draco dejectus irascitur, persequitur Mulierem, illa in eremum fugit. Omnia haec in momento fugae facta sunt? Annon dum adhuc parturiret? nam statim à partu fugit in eremum.   

Ad Censuram Synchronismi III  
Phialarum cum Tuba sexta.  
SYnchronismum Phialarum cum Tuba sexta non quidem in solidum, sed ex parte tantùm, astruxi; ídque quia viderim Bestiae dominatum ante septimae clangorem haud parùm labefactari coepisse. At quo loco Tubarum, initium Phialarum praecisè statuendum sit, id nullo charactere eruere potui. De fine hoc certum mihi visum, Phialam saltem novissimam ad novissimam Tubam pertinere.  
Quid ad haec Dominus Lawenus? Finitio, inquit, mensium XLII ad sextae Tubae exitum non arguit tum labefactatam fuisse dominationem Bestiae. Quid itá? quia (inquit) potestas XLII mensium non est simplex potestas dominandi, (rectiùs sortè dixisset exsistendi) sed dominandi pro libitu, & novr●simae persecutionis. Esto. Annon igitur si Bestia ab hac potestate ceciderit, imperium ejus meritò labefactari censebitur? Quod verò ait, menses XLII non esse tetius dominationis Bestiae sub statu novissimo, sed solummodo novissimae persecutionis, id à me suprà refutatum est. Neque hîc multùm interest sive ità sit, sive aliter. Namque etiam novissimae, ut dixi, dominationis seu persecutionis finitio non potest non esse magna potestatis Bestianae labefactatio. Interim omnimodam Bestiae abolitionem egomet ad ineuntem Tubae septimae clangorem tum hîc tum in confirmatione Synchronismi primi hujus Partis expressè retuli.   

Ad Censuram quatuor postremorum Synchronismorum.  

1.  
Mille annorum ligati Draconis, seu Satanae, cum Tuba septima, seu intervallo ab excidio Bestiae.   

2.  
Mille Annorum Regni Christi Augusti & septima Tubae, seu intervalli ab excidio Bestiae.   

3.  
Nov● Jerusalem Agni sponsae cum septima Tuba, seu intervallo ab excidio Bestia.   

4.  
Turbae Palmiferae innumerabilium gaudentium cum Tuba septima, seu intervallo ab excidio Bestiae.  
DE quatuor postremis istis Synchronismis ait se prorsus mecum sentire; de quo certè est quod mihi gratuler, cum sint omnium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In reliquorum plerisque, quòd à communi interpretum tramite haud ità longè recedant, complures suffragatores habeo; in istis paucissimos: ut omnino jam aequiori animo seram doctissimum virum à me in reliquis dissentientem, quòd istis saltem album calculum adjecerit. Deum verò Optimum Maximum veneror, ut utrique nostrûm ad veritatem ejus cernendam oculos, magìs magísque detersis praejudiciis, aperiat.    

Ad Censuram de Epocha Apocalypseôs.  
IN hac Censura pleraque, ut mihi videntur, sunt planè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut sanè nesciam an mentem meam de Epocha intellexerit. Utut sit, errorum meorum, quos putat, catalogum texit; quos ego, ni fallor, suis locis ostendi errores non esse, sed veritatem verissimam. Nimirum 1. Septem Tubas esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sigilli septimi. 2. Menses XLII esse totam durationem Bestiae sub capite novissimo, seu statu instaurationis; ideóque literaliter accipi non posse. 3. Decem Bestiae cornua esse septimi seu novissimi capitis propria, juxta illud cap. 17. 12. Decem cornua sunt decem Reges, qui sub sexto capite regnum nondum acceperant. 4. Coetum Virgineum succedere Sigillo sexto, eundémque contemporare Bestiae statui novissimo. Haec si obtinuero, reliqua haud aegrè sequentur. Illud tamen mirari subit, cur Synchronismum Turbae Palmiferae cum Tuba septima hîc erroribus meis annumeret, quem in proximè praecedente censura mihi assensus erat. Dicámne esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Sed jam supersedeo, & Domino Laweno de Stricturis suis gratias ago. Quibus etsi non eò adductus sim ut sententiam mutem; fateor tamen me hâc velitatione, dum mentis aciem, ut solet, ad singula paulò acriùs intendo, non parùm profecisse.  
Utque ei de nobilissima illa Quaestione per appendicem tractata, De Magno illo Secundi Adventûs die, non unius aut paucorum dierum naturalium angustiis arctando, sed de longiori multò quam putatur temporis tractu accipiendo, gratiam referam, ipse quoque Specimen aliquod meum non absimile, jampridem cum amicis quibusdam communicatum, de Interpretatione Tubae Septimae, caeterisque contemporantibus rerum mirabilium Visionibus, adjicere non gravabor.  
[Hanc Interpretationem Tubae Septimae vide suprà in Comment. Apocalypt, pag. 531. TUBAM SEPTIMAM cum tota 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.]     

LUDOVICI DE DIEU Epistola Ad D. GUIL. BOSWELL, Complectens Animadversiones nonnullas in Clavem & Comment. Apocalypt.  
Amplissime atque Ornatissime Vir,  
TAndem ad te redit tuus Medus, ob cujus concessum hactenus usum ingentes beneficae tuae humanitati gratias ago: quòd tamdiu apud me haeserit, meae fuit negligentiae; quam ut benignè condones etiam atque etiam rogo. Prodit scriptum Authorem non tantùm diligentissimum sed & doctissimum, rerum divinarum cognitione largiter perfusum, & omnis politioris literaturae ornamentis instructissimum. Reperio autem in Schedis meis paucula jamdudum cum primùm legendum dedisses à me observata, de quibus, humanitate tuâ provocatus, agere te●um audebo; eâ tamen lege, ut si majoribus distractum gravent, negligere per me liceat.  
Dicit in Clavi pag. 
* Hujes edit. pag. 421.  6. sub finem, Ubi cum Bestia imaginem Bestiae componi videas, (ut cap. 14. v. 9, 11. cap. 15. 2. cap. 16. 2. cap. 19 20. & 20. 4.) isthîc per Bestiam Pseudoprophetam intelligendum esse, per Imaginem verò ejus Bestiam Decemcornupetam seu Septemcipitem restituram. At repugnare videtur versus 14. cap. 13. ubi Bestia bicornis sive Pseudopropheta dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Si enim imago esset Bestiae bicornis Imago, dicendum fuerat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut facerent imaginem sibi. At jam jubet Bestia bicornis fieri imaginem Bestiae, alieri nimirum à se. Cui veró? Sequitur, quae habet plagam gladii, & revixit, id est Bestiae Decemcornupetae restitutae. Agnosco quidem eum pag. 
* [Hujus edit. pag. 506.]  205. illud [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] aliter construere, quasi non sint verba Pseudoprophetae, sed Angeli, referentis Bestiam istam caesam per novam hanc imaginis structuram revixisse. Sed repono; Antequam ulla imaginis fieret mentio, jam antè dictam fuisse sanatam è plaga, v. 3. & 12. Nec dubium videri quin Bestia haec Decemcornupeta, quae ab initio capitis hucusque fuit descripta, fuerit Imperium Romanum restitutum. cum ergò huic Bestiae imaginem fieri jubet, restitutae jubet fieri: & si haec imago Bestiae est ipsa Decemcornupeta, non satis commodè videtur jam injungi incolis terrae ut eam faciant, quandoquidem jam antè eam è mari ascendisse viderat. Satis haec sunt intricata, explicatiora tamen fortassis futura, si mentem doctissimi viri pleniùs perspectam haberemus.  
Parte 1. De Sigillis 
* [Hujus edit. pag. 439. lin. 1. 2.]  pag. 6. suspicari se ait, Apoc. 4. ubi de Mari vitreo agitur, alludi ad labrum non Solomonis, quod aeneum, sed Mosaicum, quod ex speculari quadam materia, videlicet ex speculis mulierum, constatum fuisse perhibetur, Exod. 38. 8. Fateor ex materia speculari, at nullo modo vitreâ; sed aeneâ. Moses enim allato loco expressè dicit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Et fecit labrum aeneum. At, quid ergò est quod additur de speculis mulierum? Respondeo, fuisse specula merè aenea, sed ex aere adeò polito, ut species incidentes aptè recipere & reddere posset: planè ut Ezech. 1. 7. facies animalium dicuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, micantes aut scintillantes instar superficiei aeris politi.  
Ibid. pag. 
* [Hujus edit. pag. 439.]  8. ait Apocal. 4. 6. verbailla [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] exponenda per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi nimirum dictum fuisset, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (idest, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quae sanè dura videtur expositio; mollior futura, si legeretur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. At cum expressè & distinctè bis exprimatur vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consultò innui videtur, medium ejus distinguendum ab ejus ambitu. Deinde, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 distributiuè sumere, quasi sensus esset, In medio uniuscujusque quadranguli quod est intra ambitum throni, adeóque quatuor media pro numero quadrangulorum statuere, id magis etiam durum. Velim itaque verba joannis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accipere, nempe vidisse eum quatuor animalia duobus in locis, primùm in medio throni, deinde in ambitu ejusdem. Quod ad ea quae viderit in ambitu throni, rectè docet Vir doctissimus, alludi ad quatuor Animalia vexillis Israeliticis olim impressa, secundùm quae castrametabantur circumcirca Levitas, & mediantibus Levitis circumcirca Tabernaculum. Sed quò referemus eadem 4 Animalia in medio throni seu Tabernaculi? ad locum Ezech. 1. 10. ubi Prophetam 4 ista Animalia vidisse intra, non extra, Templum, patet ex Ezech. 10. v. 3, 4, 5. collatis cum v. 14, ubi 4 rotae depinguntur 4 vultibus 4 ista Animalia repraesentantibus: nisi quòd pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vultu Bovis, qui memoratur Ezech. 1. 10. hîc sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vultus Cherub. Quae collatio (ut obiter hoc injiciamus) suspicionem injicit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cherub significare Bovem, à Chaldaico Syriacóque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cherab, aravit; Boves enim arationi adhibebantur. Nisi fortè Hebraei firma sententiae suae fulcra habeant, cum Cherubim imagines fuisse stat●unt formâ humanâ, & quidem puerorum. Quod enim compositum esse volunt ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 similitudinis, & Chaldaico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 puer, puerile est & frivolum. Imò si forma Cherub fuit humana, duae rotae habuerint formam eandem Ezech. 10. 14. cum tamen quaternae dicuntur habuisse quaternos vultus, & vultus Cherub expressè distinguatur à vultu hominis. Quicquid sit, pulchrum mihi & magni solatii esse videtur, quatuor Animalia, quae universum Ecclesiae corpus designant, non circa thronum tantùm, sed & in ipso ejus medio conspecta fuisse. Etsi enim ratione externi ministerii à 24 senioribus erga corpus fidelium administrati sint tantùm in ambitu throni, imò in ambitu ipsorum seniorum; ratione tamen communionis cum Christo, qui throno ipse insidet, recte & ipst intra thronum consti●uuntur, & per 4 Cherubinorum facies intra tabernaculum coram Deo consistentium repraesentantur.  
Pag. 
* [Hujus edit. p. 455.]  56. Pro eo quod nunc Amos. 9 12. in Textu Hebraeo habetur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 olim scriptum lectum videri ait aliter, additque ex Hebraica lectione quae nunc obtinet. Alitérne igitur Scriptura Hebraica nunc habet quam olim? Absit. Si enim ubieunque LXX interprete à verbis Textûs Hebraici abeunt, aliter olim scriptum lectum fuisse dicendum est, hui quam incertum & infinitis in locis immutatum habemus Verbum Dei! Nec legerunt LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Nomen enim Dei non exprimunt, quod Iacobus ad supplendum sensum addidit. Quomodo autem locus Prophetae cum verbis jacobi conciliari possit, in Notis nostris in Acta Apostolorum, quae lucem nondum viderunt, sententiam nostram sic dicimus; Verba Prophetae verti solere, Ut possideant reliquias Edom, & omnes Gentes, etc. Hanc versionem difficillimam mihi videri quae cum loco Actorum concilietur; facilem autem, si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non accusandi, sed, ut alibi saepe faciendum, nominandi casu accipiatur, ac vertamus, Ut possideant (nempe restauratum tabernaculum Davidis, de quo versupraecedenti) reliquiae Edom, & omnes Gentes super quas invocatum fuerit nomen meum. Nec dubium mihi est quin sic acceperint LXX Interpretes: transferunt enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Ut requirent caeteri hominum, & omnes Gentes, etc. quae verba nullum habent sensum, nisi subintelligas quidnam sint requisituri, nempe id quod jamjam dix●rat, dirutum instauratúmque tabernaculum Davidis; pro quo Iacobus non malè substituit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: sive enim eos instauratum tabernaculum, sive istius tabernaculi instauratorem Dominum requirere dicas, idem dicis. Adde, quòd tabernaculum istud non propter ipsum, sed propter Dominum, essent requisiturae Gentes. Indagandum hìc quoque cur pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possideant, dixerint LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, requirant. An quòd sive ex incuria, sive ob exemplar minùs accuratè exaeratum, legerint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sic existimatur vulgò, nec repugnamus; licet tamen aliud conjectare. Tenendum, apud omnes ferme Orientales verba quae significant esse, saepe etiam significare fieri, id est, moveri ad esse: ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aperire & solvere, quia Solutio motus est ad Apertionem; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possidere & emere, quia Emptio est motus ad Possessionem; aliáque sexcenta: sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non tantùm est possidere, sed etiam movere se ad possidendum. Exemplum sit illud Deut. 2. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Incipe, posside, (id est, possessionem adi) & conflige cum eo bello: non poterant incipere actu possidere, antequam conflixissent & superâssent hostem. Sensus ergò est, Incipe adire possessionem. Et clariùs etiam v, 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quae si vertas cum Pagnino, Incipe possidere, ut possideas terram ejus, Tautologiamera est: nequaquam verò si vertas, Incipe adire possessionem. Ità & hoc loco, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ut possideant, non tam ipsam possessionem, quam possidendi studium, denotare existimârunt LXX, quòd requirendi verbo satis feliciter expresserunt. Neque mirum, quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verterint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fortassis enim legerunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; aut potius, ut alibi saepe, hîc quoque Edom latiùs quam de propriè sic dicto populo accipiendum sunt arbitrati. Sicut enim duorum Rebeccae filiorum minimus Iaacob Ecclesiam, maximus natu Esau sive Edom omnes reliquos homines ab Ecclesia alienos adumbrabat: quamobrem in scriptis Rabbinorum Imperium Romanum, praesertim cum longè latéque per universum ferè Orbem pateret, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, regnum Edom fuit nuncupatum, atque etiamnum per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, filios Edom, Christiani omnes ipsis intelliguntur. cum ergò hîc à Propheta Tabernaculo Davidis, id est, Reipublicae Israelis, opponantur reliquiae Edom; satis commodè per eos reliquos homines intellexerunt. Quod autem diximus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interdum nominativo inservire, si quis fortassis id post verba Passiva fateatur, alibi verò neget, videat loca 2 Reg. 9 25. Nehem. 9 32. Sam. 17. 34. 2 Reg. 6. 5. Ezech. 43. 7. jer. 33. 5. ubi cum verbis Neutris construitur: est & ubi cum Transitivis, ut Nehem. 9 34. jer. 38. 16. Ezech. 39 14. Ità tam Hebraea quam Graeca satis apertè indicant anticipatam Gentium conversionem, quae Iudaeorum restaurationem antecedere debeat; quod voluit Vir doctissimus.  
Pag. 
* [Hujus edit. pag. 482.]  132. Certum ait esse, Candelabra non Prophetas, sed Ecclesias denotare: Secùs mihi isthoc loco videtur. Eâdem enim Metonymiâ quâ duo Prophetae duae Ol●ae vocantur, quia oleum salutis subministrant; duo quoque Candelabra recte vocantur, quia lucem Evangelii gestantes eam ad alios diffundunt. Nec obstat quòd Apoc. 1. 20. Septem Candelabra exponantur per 7 Ecclesi●s; diversâ enim ratione & Ecclesiae & Ministris eadem vox tribui potest: ut & aliâ notione Apoc. 2. 5. Movebo candelabrum tuum, dicitur de ademptione purae praedicationis Evangelii.  
Pag. 
* [Hujus edit. pag. 500]  187. versus 2 & 3 cap. 13 ex ment Syri sic conjungit, Tradidit ei Draco vires suas, & thronum suum, & potestatem magnam, & unum ex capitibus suis lethali plagâ sauciatum, etc. Vbi unum ex capitibus sauciatum in Accusat. casu accipitur: quod Syra constructio, nisi fallor, non patitur. Sic enim formâ Emphaticâ dicendum fuerat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at forma simplex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 postulat subintelligi verbum substantivum, & unum ex capitibus ejus (erat) quasi mactatum ad mortem.  
Pag. 
* [Hujus edit. pag. 522.]  252. Armageddon cum Drusio vult esse quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 excidium exercitûs eorum. Drusins scripsit, non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (id enim nihil significat) sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est Affixum Chaldaicum. Verùm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro turma sive exercitu Chaldaeis non usurpatur, sed pro fortuna. Itaque verisimile non est vocem hanc compositam esse ex Chaldaico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hebraeo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & rursus Chaldaico affixo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nos resolvimus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Montem gloriae vel gloriosum judica: aut in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hostem gloriosum judica, Arabibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in genere gloriam significat; ut & verbum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, gloriosus ●uit, unde apud Hebraeos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 res quaevis praestantissima & laudatissima, non tantùm in genere fructuum, sed & auri, argenti, vestium, caeterarúmque rerum quae laudari solent. Ità sensus erit, cladem inimicorum Ecclesiae futuram in tali loco, cui nomen pii precibus suis facien●, dicentes, Montem (vel Hostem) gloriosum judica, Domine, Vel si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro infinitivo accipiamus, & hoc pronomine, ad verbum erit, Mons gloriae judicii, id est, mons gloriosi judicii, Sic intelligitur Mons Zion, & Synecdochicè Terra sancta; quod laudo.  
Plura non addo, Vir amplissime, nè prolixior quam par est, humanitate tuâ, quâ literarum mearum alloquinm benignè admittis, abuti videar, & in salutare illud monitum quod vulgatissimo & eleganti proverbio apud Arabes circumfertur peccare, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e cum fuerit amicus tuus Mel, nè comedito eum torum. Non possum tamen quin quid de hoc scripto sentiam paucis exponam. Synchronismos Visionum acutissimè inventos miror, eósque sic enucleatos & elucidatos video, ut an quid hactenus in eo genere luculentius prodierit meritò dubitem. Neque me in Visionibus Apocalypticis usque adeò hactenus versatum agnosco, ut plerisque doctissimi Viri assertionibus refragari aut velim aut possim; attamen neque assensum facilè praebeo, cum non satis plenè omnia perviderim, & in abstrusis istis rebus multa conjecturis potius quam solidâ & perspectâ veritate niti videantur.  
Ad sententiam certè Chiliastarum ut accedam induci nondum possum. judaeos ad fidem Christi aliquando convertendos, atque id tempus mundo felicissimum, imò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vitam ex mortuis, futurum, firmâ side amplector: Sed judaeos & Israelitas in terram Canaan esse revocandos, Indè Diem judicii esse inchoandum, Particularem tum fore quorundam resurrectionem, Illustrem tum fore Domini 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ibi novum Christi regnum oriturum & per mille annos duraturum, cujus sedes in Terra Canaan sit futura, ac cum altâ pace & tranquillitate Ecclesians per totidem annos fruituram, aliáque ejus sententiae similia, nondum mihi persuaderi possunt. Nec tamen damno qui ista disputant modestè & disquirunt; quippe qui beatum me censebo, si in felicia ista tempora incidere detur: beatiorem tamen, si afflictionibus Christi in his terris conformi, gloriae quoque ipsius in coelis conformem fieri detur. Multa habeo quae adversus sententiam istam opponam: sed jamdudum te immanis haec Epistolae prolixitas lassat, & à melioribus negotiis importunè avocat.  
Restat, Vir amplissime, ut ad Serenissimum Regem tuum profecturo ducem Deum ac reducem precer, qui te & Regiae Majestati gratum sistat, & familiae deinde tuae ac nobis sospitem restituat. Ego interim cum candidissimo atque integerrimo tuo meóque Gosso me oblectabo, cui novum erga literas Hebraeas animum sumenti meam rursus operam addixi. Dignus est piorum doctorúmque omnium, atque adeò tuo praesertim, qui utrâque parte excellis, amore, futurus aliquando vestra in patria & veritatis columen & eruditionis exemplar. Plura dicere vetat noster candor. Ego mihi amicitiam ejus magnopere gratulor vil eo potissimùm nomine, quòd per eum tuae Amplitudini non innotescere modò, sed & charus reddi potuerim. Nihil unquam magis in votis habni quam piis ac doctis probari; qui si iidem & Magnates sint, quum tria illa rarò in una morentur sede, in te autem disjungi noluerint, ingratus forem nisi id mihi auspicatum dicerem. Vale, Vir Amplissime, Reipublicae vestrae & nostrae, tuis & nobis diu multúmque incolumis, méque semper amore tuo dignare. Datum Lugduno-Batavorum, 25. Febr. Anno 1634.  
Amplitudini tuae devotissimus, Ludovicus de Dieu.   

IOS. MEDI Responsio ad Animadversiones. LUDOVICI De DIEU.  
Reverende & Clarissime Vir;  
QUas mecum communicavit Nobilissimus & amplissimus Eques, mihique amicissimus, D s. G. B. Animadversiones tuas in Clavem meam Commentationésque Apocalypticas, adeò mihi gratae acceptaeque fuerunt, ut diutiùs ferendum non putaverim nullum te earum exemplar mancupio possidere. Mitto igitur hoc quod vides honoris & amicitiae pignus: quod tametsi tardiusculum sit, (tantam enim fore apud vos exemplarium penuriam nunquam suspicatus sum) spero tamen te nihilominus pro humanitate tua non de dignaturum.  
Ego sanè ex eruditissimis Animadversionibus tuis profecisse me non diffitebor; imprimis ex eo quod mones de verbis istis, cap. 4. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] non per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut ego volebam, verùm rectiùs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intelligendis. Lectis enim quae ex Ezechiele ibi doctè annotâsti, inopinato lumine mentem meam perfundi sensi, statímque in eam sententiam concessisse, Sellam cui Deus insidebat absque dubio quatuor Animalibus gestatam fuisse, quorum singula, posterioribus intrò latentibus, in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sibi in circuitu Throni Animalia ora sua obverterent; quemadmodum apud Ezechielem, divinum Numen legimus Cherubinis quadruplici eorundem Animalium vultu conspicuis subvectum fuisse. Atque hoc illud esse quod Ioannes de Theatro Apocalyptico refert, non solùm in Throni circuitu, sed etiam in medio Throni, quatuor ista Animalia conspecta sibi fuisse. Gavisus igitur sum admodum, à duriori ista expositione mea me tam insperatò liberatum, de quo (ut verum fatear) scrupulus aliquis mihi semper inhaeserat: Eo enim ingenio sum, (delicatulo, an moroso?) ut nisi ubi interpretatio commodè & absque salebris eat, nunquam mihi satisfacere soleam. Porrò quod hîc addis de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezech. 10. 14. significante Bovem à Chaldaico Syriacóque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aravit; de hoc quoque monito gratias tibi debeo maximas, & magnopere confirmatum vellem.  
At verò quod Clau. p. 
* [Hujus edit, pag. 421.]  6. de Bestia & Imagine ejus affirmo; ubicunque eae jugales eant sive invicem componantur, ibi Bestiae nomine Pseudoprophetam indigitari, Imaginis autem Bestiam Decemcornupetam; id tibi ex cap. 13. dubium videri ais, & omnino intricatum; explicatius tamen fortassis ●uturum si mentem meam pleniùs perspectam haberes. Ego igitur sic ampliùs declaro mentem meam; Me dictum illud meum non ultrà extendi voluisse quam ad loca ubi copulatio ista occurrat, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibi enim Genitivum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 activè, non passiuè capiendum; ut sit sensus, Imago quam fieri curavit Bestia, quaeque in dominio ejus sit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non autem quae repraesentet Bestiam. Quemadmodum nimirum si Michae Idolum diceretur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut sanè dicitur, judic. 18. 31. aut Nebuchadnezzaris Colossus (qud forsan hîc allusum est) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ûtque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Spir. Sanctus exponit (Amos. 5. 26. Act. 7. 43.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quod nisi admittatur, extra caput 13, ubi primò in scenam prodit, nunquam iterum Pseudopropheta in tota Apocalypsi Bestia vocabitur: quod mihi non sit verisimile, Sp. Sanctum nomen quo primò eum produceret atque describeret nunquam postea adhibiturum.  
Attamen alibi, ubi Copulatio ista, quam dixi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 minimè reperitur, ut cap. 13, libens agnosco (nequè unquam aliter vel per somnium mihi sentire contigit) eandem Imaginem Bestiae quoque primae seu Decemcornupetae Imaginem dici; atque hîc quidem sensu passivo, & similitudinis intuitu; id est, Imaginem quâ Bestia repraesentetur, imò quâ ipsa seipsam, sed alio atque alio statu, repraesentet. Quod ut rectè intelligatur, duplex Bestiae Decemcornupetae status discernendus est: unus in quo plagam accepit, (hic Imperii Romani Ethnici, seu à Dracone insessi, status fuit:) alter post plagae curationem, quo Pseudoprophetae imperio, religioso nomine, subdita est. Posterior hic status est qui prioris Imago audit; cujus nempe effigiem adeò ad vivum exprimat, ut in eo prior iste status, vel Bestia priore isto statu, omnimodo revixisse videatur.  
Atque hinc statim colligere licet, Imaginem istam non Decemcornupetae restitutae Imaginem dicendam esse, sed Decemcornupetae caesae; restitutae verò formam quatenus restituta est. Quod verò opponis De Bestiae curatione ab initio capitis memorata, antequam ulla Imaginis mentio facta sit; non video cur me à sententia mea depellere debeat, cum illud non in eadem ejusdem Bestiae historia fiat, sed in diversis visionibus Bestiarum diversarum: quarum quidem una, septem capitibus & decem cornibus insignis, plagae quam acceperat curationem adepta est; altera verò emplastrum edocuit quo curatio illa facta est. Quae duo, utut simul eodémque tempore gesta sint, simul tamen narrari non potuerint, eò quòd diversarum Bestiarum essent, quarum suum cuique seorsim attribui oportebat. Quare & illud hìc notandum venit, Apostolum, cum in secundae Bestiae descriptione mentionem inferat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non ad tempus rei gestae, sed ad narrationis ordinem respexisse.  
Atque haec de Bestiis. Sed de Mari quoque Vitreo (
* [Hujus edit. p. 439.]  p. 6. Com. de Sigill) dicendum est aliquid, quòd aliorsumibi sententiam meam accipis. Neque enim ego isthîc dico, eo non ad Labrum Solomonis, quod aeneum, sed ad Mosaicum, quod ex speculari quadam materia conflatum fuit, alludi, quasi Mosaicum non fuerit aeneum, cum id Textus apertè dicat: imò expressè scripsi, Mare istud vitreum Labrum illud immane in Templo Solomonìs, Mare nuncupatum, repraesentâsse, quamuìs illud aeneum fuit, nostrum verò ex vitrea pellucidâque materia: unde sortasse (nempe ob formam istam pellucidam) alludi simul ad vetustius illud Mòsaici Tabernaculi labrum suspicari quis possit, quòd illud similiter ex speculari quadam materia conflatum fuisse perhibetur.  
Ad reliquas Animadversiones tuas, quae ferè ad linguarum Orientalium (quarum tu verè Oraculum es) judicium spectent, nimis inscitiam meam & temeritatem proderem siquid tibi reponerem, Súsque, quod aiunt, cum Minerva in arenam descenderem. Ut enim in Hebraicis modicum fortè possim, reliquarum peritiam non habeo: praeterea is sum qui multò magìs aliorum judicia audire malim quam mea praefractè defendere. Interim facere non possum quin unum hoc porrò adjiciam; Me nullam adhuc causam videre potuisse, cur magìs in Veteri Testamento 
* Conferatur Hymnus Davidis novissimus 2 Sam. 22. cum eodem Ps. 18. 〈◊〉 excidii Hierosolylmita●i 2 Reg à v. 1● cap. 24. ad finim ●. 25. cum eadem historia. jer. 52. Legatio Merodach Balada● 2 Reg. ●. 20. com. 12, 13, etc. cum eadem Esai. 39 2 Sam. 21. 19 cum 1 Par. 20. 5.  variantem lectionem admittere reformidem quam in Novo; aut cur ubi Apostoli & Evangelistae lectionem quam secuti sunt LXX (nam aliter eos alicubi legisse quam nos hodie non est dubitandum) calculo suo comprobâsse videantur, illos Duces sequi perinde tutum non esset ac Masorethas.  
Ut siquis, exempli gratia, pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esai. 29. 13. legendum censeat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ex Matth. 15. aut pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jer. 31. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) juxta allegationem Apostoli ad Hebraeos, cap. 8. 9 aut pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Host 14. 3. sublata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ex cap. 13. vers. 15. ejusdem Epistolae, Non video, inquam, cur in S. Scripturam sacrilegus audire mereretur, qui sie ex ipsa Scriptura S. de meliore ejus lectione pronunciaverit: cum praesertim Spiritum Sanctum alicubi observare sit crisin manifestiùs exercentem, aliámque à recepta lectionem praeferentem, etiam ubi LXX versioni cum hodiernis exemplaribus Hebraicis ad amussim convenit. Locus est Matth. 27. commate 9, & 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aut enìm nimiùm fallor, aut Evangelista hoc loco apud Prophetam in Hebraeo legendum innuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro eo quod in nostris eodicibus est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quorsum enim alioquin Textum ità clauderet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & interim nullam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentionem saceret? Imô verò suspicari quis possit, etiam Spiritum S. tria ista Prophetae capita, 9, 10, 11. genuino suo Authori vindicare voluisse: Pluscula enim in iis sunt quae, si quis attentè consideret, nontam Zachariae aetati convenire videantur quam jeremiae: sed quoniam forsan à Zacharia post captivitatem reperta, ejúsque testimonio & fide primùm Ecclesiae commendata, indè factum ut Prophetiis ejus adjungerentur.  
Ego verò is non sum qui harum quidquam temerè & solus affirmare velim: quinimo conjecturas hasce meas virorum doctorum, & tuo inprimis, Vir eximie, judicio subjectas volo.  
Plura non addo, nisi hoc solum; Unà cum libello meo ad te venire exemplar Epistolae ad Amicum, quâ sententiam meam de Millenario paulò pleniùs aperio: in quam me nullâ animi levitate aut studio praepostero delapsum credas velim; sed postquam alia omnia frustrà tentâssem, tandem rei ipsius claritudine perstrictum paradoxo succubuisse. Deus te, Vir clarissime, diu incolumem servet Ecclesiae & Reipublicae literariae bono. Ità vovet, etc.  
jun. 4. 1634. I. M.   

JOSEPHI MEDI Epistola ad Amicum De Resurrectione Prima & Millenio Apocalyptico.  
C. Consocie,  
QUaeso te ut Amico tuo hisce verbis rescribas: Me, quamuìs, Epistolâ ejus perlectâ, sententiam meam deponere non possim, multas tamen & graves causas habere cum nolim de ea cum quoquam scripto agere; in privato colloquio non recusaturum, sit modo Vir eruditus & candidi moderatíque ingenii quocum mihi congrediendum sit. In rebus enim dubiae & ambiguae interpretationis me in universum à collationibus quae scripto fiant abhorrere, propter multa eáque gravia incommoda; quantò magìs in re nova & paradoxa, ubi necesse suerit plurima, ad sententiae meae quà explicationem, quà defensionem, proferri quae chartae committere nollem?  
In Commentationibus meis Apocalypticis nihil de statu Regni Millenarii particulatim, vel (ut ità loquar) modatim, sive quod Mundum ipsum, sive Sanctos tum resurrecturos attinet, disseruisse; haec omnia in medio reliquisse, generali explicatione contentum fuisse, ídque consultò & de industria. prius enim me virorum doctorum judicia auditurum, firmitérne demonstratum putent Regnum illud (qualecunque tandem sit) adhuc exspectandum esse, & quidem in secundo Christi adventu, & post excidium Antichristi, quam de modo & qualitate Regni & resurgentium conditione conjecturas meas expromam. Frustrà enim de modo rei inquirere, aut edoceri eum, cui nondum rem ipsam, cui cuimodo sit, unquam fore persuasum est. Hanc habeat detrectatae Collationis causam, quippe neque fructuosae, neque periculo suo cariturae.  
Nè tamen postulatis ejus me difficilem nimis & inexorabilem praebere videar, st eum nullo prorsus responso, pro meliori sententiae meae intellectione, impertirem; haec eum scire velle.  

1. Nunquam mihi in mentem venisse, ut sententiam meam de Resurrectione prima, aut loco isti Cap. 11. v. 18. aut Cap. 14. v. 13. superstruerem, aut indè probari posse existimarem. Fundamentum sententiae meae de duabus Resurrectionibus in unico &c solo capite 20. repositum habere: cui duo illa loca cap. 11. & 14. interpretando conformia reddidisse, aut quomodo saltem conformari possint, uno & altero verbo indicâsse; neque quid amplius ibi propositum mihi habuisse.  
2. Insuper in eodem illo capite 20. fundamentum opinionis meae, de Regno apparitionis Christi Millenario, quod quidem Millennii durationem attinet, solo & unico collocare: quod verò rem ipsam attinet, [Regnum nempe Sanctorum in terris post excidium Antichristi & Christi adventum in nubibus futurum] id ex reliquis Scripturis istis, quas cum Millennii vaticinio comparaverim, satìs evidenter & firmiter demonstratum esse existimare: Neque justè eum exigere, ut ex omnibus istis locis ipsius Millennii durationem evincerem: hoc enim perinde esse ac si ab eo qui Hominem peccati apud Paulum eundem cum Bestia Apocalyptica affirmaret, exigeret aliquis ut ex loco Pauli ostenderet eum mensibus 42. dominaturum; alioquin fidem non facturum.  
3. Porrò aliorsum & praeter mentem meam acceptum esse, quod p. 
* [Hujus edit. pag. 519.]  245. de interpretatione verborum Pauli [Mortui in Christo resurgent primi] ex Tertulliano notaverim; quasi nempe illud pro mea ipsius sententia laudâssem, quod duntaxat similis similium verborum interpretationis meae illustrandae causâ fecerim: interim causas habuisse cur ibi judicium meum interponere noluerim.  

4. Quod autem ad rem ipsam attinet, me in eam sententiam maximè propendere (idque praecipuè Pauli authoritate, 1 Thess. cap. 4. motum) 
* Sic Ire●d. ●5 c. 32. l. 5.  omnes justos intra Millennium Regni resurrecturos; sed ordine quodam, &, ut Apostolus loquitur, 1 Cor. 15. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primos quidem, ídque in ipso Millennii initio, Martyres, deinde & reliquos justos qui Bestiae morem non gesserint, alios citiùs, alios tardiùs, prout Deo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 visum: háncque dici Resurrectionem primam, & Luc. 14. 14. Resurrectionem justorum. Postea verò, decurso Millennio, etiam impios resurrecturos, unáque extremum & universale judicium peractum iri; impiis in lacum ignis & sulphuris unà cum Diabolo detrudendis, Sanctis verò in coelestes mansiones subvectis, cum Christo aeternùm victuris. Utut sit, ex veteribus fuisse qui haud dissimiliter de ordine Resurrectionis fentirent, ex locis aliquot Tertulliani colligo; ut ex  
Lib. 3. adversus Marcionem, cap. 24. Post cujus (scil. Regni) Mille annos, intra quam aetatem concluditur Sanctorum Resurrectio, pro meritis maturiùs vel tardiùs resurgentium, etc.  
Item de Anima, cap. 35.— Et judex te tradat Angelo executionis, & ille te in carcerem mandet Infernum, unde non dimittaris, nisi modico quoque delicto morâ 
* H●c respicere videtur & il. lud Cypriani Epist. 52. Aliud est pendere in die judicii ad sententiam Domini, aliud statim à Domino coronari. Agit verò, nisi adm●dum ●allor, d● p●aerogativa Martyrum, etc. Et illud Irenaei, lib. 1. c. 2. Christum in suo de coelis adventu, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim hic pro poena posita videtur, non virtu●e: Qunni poenam in Mora Resurrectionis constituit Te●u●.  Resurrectionis expenso.  
Et cap. 58. In summa, cum carcerem illum, quem Evangelium demonstrat, Inferos intelligimus, & novissimum quadrantem modicum quodque delictum morâ Resurrectionis illic luendum interpretemur; nemo dubitabit animam aliquid pensare penès inferos, saluâ Resurrectionis plenitudine per carnem quoque.  
Frustrà igitur sunt Pontificii, qui hîc se Purgatorium suum reperisse gloriantur.   
5. Nusquam dicere Apostolum, Resurrectionem Mortuorum, (ut vir doctus objicit) sed Mutationem Vivorum in ictu oculi, & momento peragendam esse.  
6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illam Mortis secundae & Resurrectionis primae (quam tantopere urget) fallacem esse, neque ullo firmo fundamento subnixam; praesertim cum nomenclatura illa Mortis secundae non à Spiritu S. aut Ioanne primùm usurpata, sed ex Magistrorum judaicorum usu desumpta sit, (ut in 
* Deut. 33. 6. Psal. 49. 11. Esai. 65. 6, & 15.  Targum videre est;) sic nimirum ab illis nuncupatae, quòd eâ Impii qui à mortuis resurrexerint, quasi secundò morituri sint. Accedit & illud, quòd Mors secunda corporum non minùs quam animarum sit: ideóque, etiam hypothesi illâ concessâ, non satis tamen commodè probari indè posse Resurrectionem primam non esse corporalem. Sed quorsum de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eâque dubiâ & incertâ, satagitur, cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eáque manifesta, ad manum sit? Annon enim Resurrectio prima & Resurrectio secunda 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt? Cur igitur hinc non majori verisimilitudine argumentari mihi liceret, cum Resurrectio secunda corporalis sit, ideo similiter primam quoque corporalem esse? Adde vim locutionis adversativae: Animae, inquit, eorum qui securi percussi sunt propter testimonium jesus & verbum Dei, etc. revixerunt, & regnârunt cum Christo mille istis annis: reliqui VERO mortuorum non revixerunt donec consummarentur mille anni. Quis hinc non statim colligit, revictionem seu Resurrectionem utramque uníusmodi esse? Annon it postulate videtur locutionis istiusmodi adversativae usus.  
7. Quod porrò de Animarum vocabulo ingerit, tanquam magìs (si litera urgeatur) pro sententia Graecorum, de Animarum Martyrum praerogativa ante diem judicii, quam pro mea opinatione faceret; id infirmum mihi videri; cum notiùs sit quam ut probatione egeat, Animas in Sacris literis non tantùm Personas denotare, sed & 
* Vt Ps. 16. 10 Act. 2. 31. Ezek. 14. 25. apud Lxx. Levit. 19 28. & alibi. Adde Apoc. 6. 9 Addit quidam Eccles. 16. ul●.  Cadavera: quod quam aptè huic Apocalypseos loco conveniat, ipsum latere non posse.  
8. Ad haec sciat, (ut de justis resurrecturis deinceps securo sit animo) eos qui Millennii dogma ritè & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nec perperàm, tuentur, sic statuere; Sanctos, qui primâ Resurrectione resurrexerint, vitam beatam, coelestem, Angelicam, & omnino qualis silies Resurrectionis deceat, per mille annos in terris acturos; neque ab hostibus illis quos iterum solvendus Diabolus concitabit quicquam detrimenti passuros, quippe qui in ipso conatu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & obsidendi Civitatem dilectam de coelo statim perdendi sint. Reliquorum verò orbis incolarum, qui in lumine Sanctae Civitatis ambulabunt, diversam fore conditionem.  
9 Praeterea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 istam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Act. 3. 21. seu Restitutionem 
‖ Auth. Qu. & Resp. ad Orth. qu. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indignat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Mundi à servitute corruptionis in libertatem gloriae filiorum Dei, Rom. 8. 21. inituram cum Resurrectione prima. Sed quò abeo? Consilii mei momor, Scripturariâ isthac cymbulâ altiùs non penetrabo in hoc mare.  
10. Unum tamen & alterum adhuc restat, de quo monendus est vir doctus: Me non duos, (ut putat) sed unicum tantùm Christi adventum exspectandum credere; eum nimirum quo vivos & mortuos judicaturus sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed tum adventum istum, tum judicium, in mille annos extractum iri.  
11. Porrò, aliud esse Regnum quo Christus in Sanctis suis regnat, aliud quo Sancti regnabunt cum Christo. Verum quidem esse, Christum Dominum nostrum jam indè à primo suo adventu Regnum inchoâsse, illúdque regnum Ecclesiam esse. 
* Huc pertine● illud Auth. Qu. & Resp. ad Or●h. qu. 120. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Interim & illud haud minùs certum esse, Regnum aliquod in Scripturis promitti adventûs secundi proprium, quod & Regnum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur, adhúcque implendum superest. Ut Dan. 7. 14. Luc. 19 11, 15. & cap. 21. 31. 2 Thess. 1. 5. 2 Tim. 4. 1. ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est, ut vult vir doctus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neque unquam asiter ea vox in tota Scriptura quam ad Christi adventum significandum adhibetur. jam & illud ab Apostolo, 1 Cor. 15. testatum habemus, post judicium & Resurrectionem plenè peractam, Christum regnum suum traditurum Patri, ut ipse sit omnia in omnibus. Ex his duobus quid sequatur, viris piis & veritatis divinae studio seriò flagrantibus perpendendum relinquo.  
12. Denique pro colophone & illud sciat, Me verba illa 
* 2 Pet. 3. 8.  Petri [Vnus dies apud Dominum sicut mille anni] pro tarditatis à Deo amovendae argumento nullatenus habere; sed pro declaratione nomenclaturae Diei judicii, quae proximè praecessit: Nè centum quidem annorum millia apud Deum plus esse quam unus Dies. Atqui de mora aestimatione nostri causantur Irrisores, non Dei. Quae igitur haec calumniae depulsio esset? De tarditate verò primùm sequenti versu agere incipit Apostolus, ejúsque culpam sic à Deo depellere; Moram scilicet adventûs Domini non esse tarditati ejus in implendis promissis, sed longanimitati, deputandam.   
Ex his vir doctus haud difficulter colligat solutiones meas ad plerasque objectiones suas.  
I. M.   

DE GOGO & MAGOGO in Apocalypsi Conjectura.  
APocalypsis Codex est Fatorum Ecclesiae Gentium, non judaeorum. Habent enim Iudaei de suo Prophetiarum satìs in Veteri Testamento, neque nostrâ ullatenus opus habent; suis ad omnem Gentis suae sortem, bonam malámve, depingendam abundè suffecturis.  
Rem verò de Apocalypsi ità se habere, testatur Primò, Theatri Apocalyptici hypotyposis, quae quatuor Animalibus, versùs totidem coeli plagas, circa thronum Dei dispositis, exhibet Ecclesiam Christi, ambitu suo Gentes in quatuor mundi cardinibus complectentem; tanquam scilicet Visionum omnium ibidem spectandarum subjectum.  
Secundò, Eódem (ni fallor) faciunt Angeli verba ad joannem, cap. 10. 11: Oportet te iterum prophetare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Tertiò, Sed omnium maximè il●ud confirmat Parabolarum Symbolorúmque Propheticorum in hoc Libro indoles atque ingenium; in quibus nempe passim observare licet, judaeos sive Synagogam Israeliticam personam verae Christi Ecclesiae ex Gentibus surrogatae sustinere, Gentes contrà typum Idololatrarum, ejusdémque Ecclesiae hostium; totâ nimirum parabolâ ex statu rerum sub Veteri Testamento mutuatâ, in quo veri Dei cultus apud unum Israelem viguit, Gentes verò reliquae Idolis & Deastris in universum inservierint. Atqui in ea Prophetia ubi Gens Israelitica alienam personam sustinet, ibi suam ipsius gestare nullo modo verisimile est; quandoquidem illud fieri nequit, quin totius Parabolae ratio conturbaretur. Hinc adeò fit ut tantillum in hac Prophetia reperire sit quod rem judaicam privatim spectet; nempe illa solummodo quae cum fatis Ecclesiae Gentium colligata atque implicita eatenus praeteriri non potuerint. Id quod tum praecipuè usu venit, cum, Sacri hujus Dramatis Catastrophe appetente, eò rem fatorum series deduxerit, ut uterque populus in unum ovile coalescat. Neque tamen ubi vel sic de Iudaeis aliquid intervenire contigerit, eos aut habitu aut nomine suo Gentilitio produci cernes, verùm aliunde adscito charactere (Regum utpote Orientis, aut Sponsae Agni) designari; quoniam nempe Gentis Iudaicae persona in alterius (ut dictum est) populi parabolam concesserat.  
Verùm si populus populi, hostes quoque hostium imaginem portare consentaneum est, ut ità parabola undiquaque sibi constet. Hinc igitur AEgyptus & Babylon Apocalypticae non sunt Israelitarum Babylon & AEgyptus, sed hostes Ecclesiae Gentium (quae figuratur Israele) instar illius Babylonis & AEgypti.  
Pari ratione Gog & Magog Apocalypseos non sunt Ezechielis Gog de terra Magog, caput Meshec & Tubal, privatus Israelitarum hostis, (Hic enim ex partibus Septentrionis prodit, noster ex quatuor angulis terrae; Hic sub inìtium instaurationis Israeliticae, noster post mille annos Regni Sanctorum instaurationem Hierusalem subsecuturi;) sed Gogus alius, hostis Ecclesiae Gentium in unum jamdiu cum Iudaeis ovile coactae, quique Secundam Resurrectionem proximè antecessurus sit, ut ille Ezechielis Primam: quippe utrâque Resurrectione (undetypi & antitypi convenientia) Gogum suum & Magogum prodromum habiturâ; illâ Scythicum illum & Aquilonarem, hâc verò mysticum seu (utì Spiritus Sanctus loquitur, cum similiter Urbi magnae 
* Cap. 11. 8.  Sodomae & AEgypti cognomentum detulit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Huic interpretationi firmandae est quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in verbis Apostoli, non subjecti, sed appositi locum faciunt, per quod Gentes istae quatuor cardinum per modum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declarentur; tum quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hìc terram seu locum denotare, sicuti apud Ezekielem, non sinat articulus; Exibit, inquit, (cum consummati suerint mille anni) Satanas ut seducat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per modum appositi & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; adhibentur, quasi dicere voluisset 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prout interpretati sumus.  
Ex quo autem hominum genere Hostis hic novissimus proditurus sit; utrùm ex Gentilium reliquiis quos Diluvium ignis sub Resurrectionem primam non inundaverit; an verò ex Gentibus professione Christianis, quae iniquè ferentes se Sanctâ Civitate exclusas, neque pari cum beatis illius Civibus sorte frui, (invidentiae fomitem exstimulante Satanâ) vi eam occupare conabuntur; non perinde facile suerit statuere. Posterius si sequamur, haud parvis urgebimur incommodis. Prius igitur probo; nempe Exercitum hunc venturum ex Gentibus in opposito nobis Hemisphaerio degentibus, quas Deus Opt. Max. occulto suo judicio, maximam partem nunquam sit Evangelii sui lumine perfusurus. 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist. de Mundo cap. 3.  Nostri verò Hemisphaerii orbem, quem Oceanus ambitu suo circumscribit, quíque solus Antiquis creditus est humani generis domicilium, in quo primus homo conditus, & initio plantatus Paradisus, in quo quatuor illa summa Imperia (Prophetiarum basis) constituta, in cujus umbilico Christus incarnatus, passus & à mortuis excitatus, in quo solo Apostoli & eorum discipuli praedicârunt, in quo Ecclesia tanto temporis spatio hospitata est, cujus finibus Iudaeorum illa per omnes Gentes dispersio concluditur, caeteráque Prophetarum oracula adimpleta; hoc inquam terrae Hemisphaerium universum & solum promissae instaurationis particeps, Sanctorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & beati illius Regni sedem futurum: quicquid verò extra hoc Gentium est (locis nimirum ubi Inferorum sedem col●ocavit 
* Consule R. Epis● corum A●mach. Respons. ad Iesei●am, p. 337, 338, 339, etc.  Antiquitas) ad postremum Christi triumphum, igne coelitùs perdendas, justo, licèt ignoto nobis, judicio reservatum iri.  
Dum enim contextûs verba scrupulosiùs examino, quatuor in illis animadverto distinctè mentionem fieri. 1. Civitatis dilectae, 2. Sanctorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 4. Gentium quae, ex quatuor mundi angulis venientes, in circuitu ejus ascensionem facerent Sanctorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 circumdaturae.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Cap. 20. Ver. 8, 9  etc.  
Civitas dilecta est nova jerusalem, beati illius Regni Metropolis sutura: Sanctorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Gentes Salvatorum in luce ejus ambulaturae. Digito enim haec vox ad castrametationem Israeliticam in eremo intendit. Nempe ut illic, Tabernaculo Dei cum Sacerdotibus & Levitis in medio posito, circùm castrametabantur Tribus Israelis; ità hic novae jerusalem, Templo Dei oecumenico, cum Regiis suis Sacerdotibus, in orbis nostri meditullio sitae, undique circumfusae habitabunt Gentes quas in populum sibi Deus adoptatum ibit.  
Tertium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, est terrarum illa amplitudo quam nobis Oceanus (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) ambitu suo circumscribit; verbo, Hemisphaerii nostratis orbis: ad cujus minimùm fines Regnum Christi protensum iri, testantur Prophetarum oracula. 
Psalm. 72. ●.  Dominabitur à mari usque ad mare, & à slumine ad terminos Orbis. 
Isai. 49. 6.  Item, Dedi te in lucem Gentium, ut sis salus mea usque ad extremum terrae, & alia his similia. Adeò ut non possit de beau hujus Regni amplitudine quid tam minutum cogitari, quod non orbis nostri fines ambitu suo complexum eat.  
In hoc terrae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, finito Millenario, ascensurae dicuntur Gentes quae sunt in quatuor angulis terrae, eaedemque coronâ cincturae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inibi constitutam. Ex ascensione disco forìs aliunde venisse, adeóque non intra, sed extra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sedes habuisse: Ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verò, seu circumcessione, sedes illas ità comparatas, ut non ab hac aut illa solummodo plaga, verùm ab omni, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invadere possint. Quorum utrumque in Orbis Americani, Arctici & Antarctici incolas competere, nemini rei Geographicae perito ignotum est. Nam cum oppositi nobis Hemisphaerii habitatores sint, situm ità comparatum habent, ut commodè orbem nostrum, trajecto è regione cujusque Oceano, coronâ cingere possint.  
Conspirationem, inquies, audio planè stupendam, tot Gentium, tot populorum tanto à se invicem locorum intervallo dissitorum, quibúsque tam vasto mari ad nostrum Orbem transituris emenso opus erit. Expeditionem similem nullam ab omni aevo viderit mundus; non igitur absque ingentis alicujus, & quod naturam humanam potenter commovere natum est, boni proposita spe unquam proculdubio suscipiendam-Atqui illud quid tandem futurum esse dicemus tantarum illecebrarum bonum? Quid verò aliud quam ut tam beati soli coelíque, támque invidendae felicitatis orbem, suae (si Diis placet, & Satanam ipsis pollicitaturum credibíle est) potestatis facerent, in eodem beatè victuri, & (quod uni illi Orbi datum fortasse rebuntur) à morte revicturi, Sanè antiquum obtinebit Satanas; simili enim artificio primos humani generis parentes olim in exitium praecipitavit, ab eodem in hoc novissimo solertiae & nequitiae suae specimine nequaquam recessurus.  
Atque haec sententiae meae summa est; cujus penès viros doctos & hujusmodi mysteriorum callentes judicium esto.  
Unum adhuc adjiciam. Si verum sit quod Fullerus noster argumentis nonnullis probare contendit, Nationes Americanas Magogiticae gentis colonias esse, ob brevem Oceani in Scythicis istis oris trajectum, (alibi vastum nimis & immensum) non esse quòd quis de Gogi & Magogi nominibus ampliùs litem moveat, aut hac de causa cum Ezechielis Gogo Apocalypticum confundat. Vid. eum Miscell. Sacr. lib. 2. cap. 4. in fine.  
Soli Deo Gloria.   

De Regno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christi accipiendum illud Apostoli ad Hebraeos cap. 2. vers. 5.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim Terra est, non Coelum. At ubi (inquies) de hac 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? in praecedentibus locutus est Apostolus, ut dicat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Aic ab iftis verbis versûs 6. cap. I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. id est, cum verò ITERUM introduxerit primogenitum [suum] in Orbem terrae, dicit, etc. Quae enim exinde ex Libro Psalmorum ad finem usque capitis citantur, [de Adoratione Angelorum, de Sceptro rectitudinis Dei, de Innovatione mundi, de hostium 
* Non enim tam ●ess●o ad dc●tram Dei, quam plena & omnimodasub. jugatio & c●ncuicatio hostium ivea a●●●gatione attenditu●; quae demum in Secu●● do adventu ad●mp●nd ● est.  sub pedibus conculcatione] omnia, si Apostolo credimus, ad Secundum Christi Adventum referenda sunt. Admonitio autem, quae quatuor primis versiculis Capitis secundi haec excipit, per parenthesin est legenda. Versu demum quinto ad propositum redit Apostolus, & prolixiùs exsequitur quae de Humanae Naturae supra Angelos praerogativa disseruerat.  
Non Angelis (inquit) subjecit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, de qua loquimur; sed [ei de quo] alicubi testatus est Psalmographus dicens, Domine, quid est homo, quòd memor es ejus; aut filius hominis, quòd visitas eum? Modico minorem Angelis fecisti eum, gloriâ & honore coronâsti eum, etc. Et paulò pòst, Qui verò modico minor Angelis factus est jesus, (id est, factus homo, qui naturâ Angelicâ modico inferior est) videmus, propter mortis perpessionem, gloriâ & honore coronatum. Confer Phil. 2. v. 7, 8, 9 Atque haec, ni fallor, mens Apostoli.  
Mirabiliter autem nostri versum illum sextum capitis primi transferunt, ut Primo Christi adventui accommodent: trajiciendo nimirum particulam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, acsi scriptum esset, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cum scriptum sit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Cujusmodi trajectionis exemplum nusquam uspiam ostendi potest: Et praeterea verbum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (praeterquam quòd cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conjungatur) Futuri significationem habeat, cum sit Aoristus secundus Subjunctivi.  
Porrò notandum Psal. 97. (unde testimonium illud de Angelis Christum in Secundo adventu adoraturis desumptum est) tam apud LXX quam Vulgatum Interpretem hujusmodi Epigraphe praenotatum esse; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Psalmus David, quando terra ei restituta est. Quid hoc rei esse dicemus? An Psalmus quo David Messiam in Resurrectione celebrabit? An quem cecinit postquam ab Absolomo filio pulsus, Regno restitutus est? In Hebraeo hodierno Psalmus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est. Sed LXX aut in suis exemplaribus reperîsse, aut ex Traditione mutuatos addidisse, vix dubitandum est; ut & alios alicubi Psalmorum titulos, qui nunc in Hebraeo non exstant.  
In versione igitur Anglica vers. 6. pro [And AGAIN, when he bringeth in the first-begotten into the world] corrige [And when he bringeth AGAIN the first-begotten into the world, or, shall bring,] etc.  
Sic v. 8. pro [unto the Son] malim [of the Son] ut antè vers. 7. [of the Angels] name 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  eadem sunt verba.  
Pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vers. 12, ut & apud LXX, sunt qui legendum existiment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, facili mutatione. Et ità habet Textus Hebraicus in Psalmo 102. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & Latina Vulgata Versio utrobique mutabis eos. Ità quoque in Psalmo legit Irenaeus lib. 4. cap. 6. Neque ab interprete esse, Latinam Vulgatam imitante, conferenti apparebit. Eandem lectionem sequitur Tertullianus adversus Hermogenem c. 34. sed ex Vulgata.  
justinus Martyr Dialogo cum Tryphone pag. 340. Edit. Paris. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. Hic etenim est (jesum intelligit) à quo & coelum & terram factam scimus, & per quem & coelum & terram Pater innovabit. Hic est qui in jerusalem, ut lux resplendeat sempiterna, faciet. Respicit Esai. 60. 19 cap. 65. 17. Apoc. 21. v. 1, 23. Ex hoc dicto lucem facias Apostolo capite hoc primo ad Hebraeos vers. 2, & 12.  
Origines contra Celsum lib. 3. p. 179. Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Interpres hic non bonâ fide egit.  
R. David Kimchi in 56. cap. Esaiae, vers. 6. Observatio Sabbati 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magnum est fundamentum in side Dei; quoniam Sabbatum non observabit, nisi qui consiteatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mundum renovatum iri, quódque eum renovaturus sit qui creaverit ipsum ex nihilo & non est alius praeter eum: Quasi diceret, eum qui Sabbatum dierum obseruârit, co ipso testari se credere Sabbatum Magnum, quo Deus Mundum renovaturus sit.  
Locum Esaiae 66. à versit quinto ad Regnum Christi in Secundo Adventu pertinere, testatur  
justinus Martyr Dial. cum Tryph. p. 312. In quibus verbis (dictum Esaiae locum laudat) est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (id est, resurrectionis nostrae) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est, & omnino omnium qui Christum in jerusalem appariturum exspectent, & operibus bonis ei placere studeant.  
Ejusdem Vaticinium cap. 45. à versu 14 & deinceps, in eodem Adventu implendum testatur Apostolus,  
Ad Romanos cap. 14. v. TWO, 12. Omnes enim (inquit) stabimus ante Tribunal Christi. Scriptum est enim (nempe in hoc Esaiae vaticinio) Vivo ego, dicit Dominus, quoniam mihi flectetur amne genu, & omnis lingua confitebitur Deo. Ità enim unusquisque nostrùm pro se rationem reddet Deo. Sic ille. Quòd si haec Prophetiae pars in Secundo Christi adventu, in die nimirum judicii, adimplenda restet, etiam reliqua eódem pe●tinere necesse est. Est autem Prophetiae initium hujusmodi, Sic dicit Dominus, Labor AEgypti, & negotiatio Chus & Sabaeorum, VIRORUM MENSURAE, (i. MERCATORUM, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sic Targum, quòd mensuris utantur; non, MEN OF STATVRE) ad Te (O tu Captiva, vel O Civitas mea) transibunt, & Tui erunt, post Te ambulabunt, in compedibus transibunt, ad Te incurvabunt se, Te deprecabuntur dicentes, Tantùm in te Deus est, & non est alius praeter ipsum Deus.  
In Hebraeo enim omnia haec pronomina sunt generis soeminini; quare ad Cyrum referri nequeunt, sed ad jerusalem Captivam, de qua in versu praecedenti mentionem habuit; quémque ad majorem rei evidentiam sic verterem; Ego suscitavi cum (Cyrum) in justitia, & omnes vias ejus dirigam. Ipse aedificabit Civitatem meam, & Captivam meam [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] dimittet, ídque sine pretio & munere, dicit Dominus exercituum. Tunc sequuntur verba quae paulò antè recitavi, Sic dicit Dominus, Labor AEgypti, etc. quasi diceret, Parùm quòd reaedificaberis & remitteris; imò verò Magna te, ó Captiva mea, ô Civilas mea, manet olim felicitas, etc. Observandum est enim Dominum indè à fine versûs undecimi respondere quasi interrogationi de Fatis filiorum suorum; juxta quod praemisit, Ventura interrogate me de filiis meis, & de operibus manuum mearum praecipite mihi, nempe ut narrem vobis quae futura sint.  
Ejusdem Vaticinium de Resurrectione prima, cap. 26. vers. 19  
Vivent mortui tui, cadavera mea [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] resurgent, (distributiuè enim sumendum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arguit adjunctum verbum pluralis numeri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Cadavera autem mea, i. quae pro nomine meo occubuerunt.  
R. Solomon, Vivent illi qui propter te mortui sunt, (vult enim Prophetam hîc alloqui Dominum) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exivit decretum Regium à facie tua, dicendo, GADAVERA MEA RESVRGENT, cadavera populi mei, quorum ceciderunt ossa pro me, illis erit resurrectio. Hoc per antithesin respondet ei quod suprà scriptum est, 
* Vers. 14.  REPHAIM NON RESVRGENT, hi verò resurgent. Sic ille. Rephaim autem de improbis interpretatur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui remittant manus suas de Lege: eos in Seculo futuro resurrecturos negat.  
LXX locum sic reddiderunt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Surgent mortui, & excitabuntur qui in monumentis. Hieron. Vivent mortui tui, interfecti mei resurgent.  
Veteres judaeos oraculum hoc de Resurrectione mortuorum interpretatos esse, liquet ex eo quod refertur in Gemara Sanhedrin cap. 11. Interrogârunt Sadducaei R. Gamalielem, undenam probaret Deum morluos vivificaturum. Dixit illis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ex Lege, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ex Prophetis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ex Hagiographis. Ex Lege, Deuter. 31. 16. Ex Prophetis, Esai. 26. 19 Ex Hagiographis, Cant. 7. 9  
De Resurrectione quoque mortuorum exponunt Irenaeus lib. 5. cap. 15, & cap. 34. (& hic quidem disertè de Resurrectione justorum) Tertullianus lib. de Resurrectione cap. 31. Hieronymus & Cyrillus, Augustinus lib. 20. de Civitate Dei; imò, qui cum Apostolis vixit, Clemens Romanus, in Epistola genuina ad Corinthios diu desiderata, & superiore anno in lucem edita, pag. 65.  
Descriptio Novae jerusalem Apoc. 21, à vers. 23. ad finem, tota desumpta est ex cap. 60. Esaiae, versibus 19 3. 11. 11. 5. 6. 9 21. collat. cum vers. 1. cap. 52.   

Prophetia TOBIAE Moribundi, DE Duplici Iudaeorum Captivitate, ET Statu Novissimo:  
Prout habetur in Exemplari Hebraico, non illo Munsteri, ex versionibus Graeca & Latina (ut nimis planum est) attemperato & conficto; sed Constantinopolitano illo vetusto & purissimè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, à Paulo Eagio in lucem edito, eóque (ut constat) ex Originali Chaldaeo (unde & nostrae editiones binae prodiere) omnium fideli●●imè, nempe Iudaei alicujus, istius Dialecti peritissimi, manu, jam olim expresso.  
ET factum est, cum senuisset Tobias, 
Respon●● cap, 14. in ne●●, inde●● versu 3. ad s●●●ersûs 7. in Gr●●o 9  ut vocaret filium suum Tobiam, unà cum sex filiis qui nati sunt ei, ac diceret ei,  
Fili mi, nôsti quòd senio confectus sum: Gave itaque post obitum meumnè diutiùs mancas Ninive: certum enim & clarum est tibi, fore ut confirmetur Prophetia jonae Prophetae.  
Quare accipe filios tuos & quaecunque habes, & vade in terram Medorum; ibi enim erit Pax ad tempus constitutum.  

* Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Caeterùm reliqui fratres nostri Israelitae, qui sunt in jerusalem, omnes migrabunt in exsilium; & (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) jerusalem in acervos erit, & Mons Domûs in excelsa sylvae, manebitque desolata ad modicum tempus.  
Tunc autem ascendent filii Israel, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  & reaedificabunt eam, simul & Templum; attamen non juxta priorem structuram: manebunt que ibi diebus multis, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) donec impleatur series quaedam secularis.  
(〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Tum iterum exibunt in captivitalem longè maximam: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  verùm Deus Sanctus Benedictus recordabitur eorum, & congregabit eos à quatuor plagis mundi.  
Tum restaurabitur jerusalem Civitas sancta, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  structurâ pulchrâ & praeclarâ; nec non & Templum ip sum extruetur structurâ celebri, structurâ quae non destructur, nec diruetur in seculum, & in secula seculorum, quemadmodum dixerunt Prophetae.  
Tunc converteniur Gentes istae ad colendum Dominum, projiciéntque sculptilia Deorum suorum, dabúntque laudem & confessionem Nomini ejus magno.  
Exaltabitur quoque cornu populi sui coram omnibus gentibus; & celebrabunt ac glorificabunt Nomen ejus magnum omne semen Israel. Tunc gaudebunt omnes servi ejus, qui serviunt ei in veritate; laetabuntur & exsultabunt omnes qui faciunt justitiam & pietatem.  

Annotationes in Prophetiam Tobiae.  
(〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) ITA enim eisdémque verbis jam prophetaverat Michah, sub initium Ezechiae, quo tempore Tobias in captivitatem abducebatur. Vid. jerem. 26. 18. Mich. 3. 12.  
(〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) In Graeco, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. donec impleantur tempestates seculi. Quae verba Nostrates mirificè verterunt. Vide obsecro.  
(〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Verba ista [Et iterum exibunt in captivitatem longè maximam] in Graeco interprete, sive casu, sive consilio praetermissa sunt; sed hiatu nimis manifesto. Quo nimirum effectum est, ut cum proximè praecedentibus sequentia omnino non cohaereant, in quibus scilicet narretur reditus & restauratio à captivitate aliqua à priori diversa, eujus tamen nulla mentio praemissa est. Lege amabò & fatebere.  
Suspicor autem consultò hanc clausulam expunctam, quia cum sententia Chiliastarum facere videbatur, statuendo illa quae à Prophetis dicuntur de gloriosa instauratione jerusalem & Gentium conversione tunc futura, non ante novissimum Iudaeorum reditum impletum iri. Unde Hieronymus eadem de causa non solùm hanc clausulam, sed duos integros paragraphos hoc loco omisit, ut ità quod sequitur, de Gentibus ad Dominum convertendis, praesenti earum vocationi in solidum vendicaret. quam perfunctoriè autem Hieronymus in ista versione sua egit, quantumque fidei ei tribuendum sit, ex Prologo quem ipse versioni suae praefixit Lector facilè aestimare potest. Quia vicina est (inquit) Chaldaeorum lingua sermoni Hebraico, utriusque linguae peritissimum loquacem reperiens, unius dici laborem arripui; & quicquid ille mihi Hebraicis verbis expressit, hoc ego accito notario sermonibus Latinis exposui.    

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 REMAINS On some Passages in the APOCALYPSE.  

CHAP. I.  
General Considerations concerning the Order and Connexion of the Apocalyptical Visions. 
In a Letter to Mr. Wood of Lenton in Lincolnshire, by way of Answer to his.   

I.  
THE Apocalypse considered only according to the naked Letter, as if it were a History and no Prophecy, hath marks and signs sufficient inserted by the Holy Spirit, whereby the Order, Synchronism and Sequel of all the Visions therein contained may be found out and demonstrated, without supposal of any Interpretation whatsoever.   

II.  
This Order and Synchronism thus found and demonstrated (as it were) by argumenta intrinseca, is the first thing to be done, and forelaid as a Foundation, Ground, and only safe Rule of Interpretation; and not Interpretation to be made the Ground and Rule of it.   

III.  
If the Order, Method and Connexion of the Visions be framed and grounded upon supposed Interpretation; then must all Proofs out of that Book needs be founded upon begged principles and humane conjectures: But on the contrary, if the Order be first fixed and settled out of the indubitate Characters of the letter of the Text, and afterward the Interpretation guided, framed and directed by that Order; then will the variety of Expositions be drawn into a very narrow compass, and Proofs taken from this Book be evident and infallible, and able to convince the Gain-sayers.   

IV.  
This is that Method which I endeavoured to represent in my Scheme, and demonstrate in the Tractate annexed. In which therefore you shall find all Interpretation set apart and (as it were) disclaimed, and all the Reasons founded upon the bare letter of the Text, taking no notice at all of any Event or Interpretation whatsoever, but leaving all at full liberty: only reserved, that the Order and Synchronism which I represent out of the Text be no way violated thereby; and so let the Interpretation be what it may be.   

V.  
I dare not be confident that this Order and Series, which I have deduced and represented, is in no part thereof faulty and swerving: howsoever for the main I am well persuaded, and think that if not this, yet something like it, aught to be thought on. But he that shall espy the errors of mine, I desire him to show me them by such Arguments only as myself make my grounds, namely, from the Characters which the letter of the Text affordeth, and not from Interpretation; because Interpretation (as I said) is to be fitted unto the Order, and not the Order to follow it.   

VI  
But for example sake, yield me awhile that this which I have exhibited is indeed the true Representation of the Order and Connexion of the Apocalyptical Visions: See then how admirable the use thereof will be for Interpretation. For if we can once be assured of the meaning of some one principal Vision, how evident then and ruled will the way be from it to find and discover the rest? Will it not be like a Mariner's Card to guide our way in this mystical Sea? For example, Are we assured what the Prophecy of the Whore of Babylon means? (For here, here, I say, we must first pitch; 
Apoc. 17. 18.  and therefore (mark it) the Angel himself of purpose expounds this Vision only of all the Visions this Book or Scheme representeth:) Do we know then what this meaneth? If we do, then behold the Scheme, and see there what will follow; viz.  

1. That all the Visions contemporating with Babylon's times must be expounded of such things only as belong to the times of Babylon's whoring.  
2. All Visions preceding must be interpreted of things foregoing it.  
3. All Visions following, of things to be after it, etc. Verbum intelligenti sat est. What a number of ambiguities, uncertainties, and varieties of interpretation will this cut off and strike dead at a blow? It would be as fetters and cords to hold in, yea, as a ginn to entangle, our desultorious and shifting Interpreters, especially our Adversaries, who do súsque déque miscere omnia.   
The Consideration of these things will make the Apocalypse to appear for the frame and quality thereof the admirablest Prophecy in Scripture: And as much as the divine Revelation of Spiritual Truths in the New Testament surpasses the Old for evidence and clearness; so the Prophetical part of the New for the fabric and sureness of the grounds for Interpretation exceeds all the Prophecies of the Old.    

CHAP. II.  
Particular Considerations for the understanding of the 
* See the Scheme at pag. 431.  Scheme, etc.  

I.  
OMitting the Vision of The seven Churches, which is not generally granted to be a Prophecy: The whole Prophetical part of the Apocalypse following consists of Two main Prophecies; both of them beginning their race at the same Epocha or Terminus à quo of time, and concluding together likewise at the same Goal or Terminus ad quem; that is, they begin ab iisdem carceribus, (as we speak) and run ad candem metam. The first of these is Prophetia Sigillorum, The Prophecy of the Seals, reaching from the 4. Chap. until almost the end of the 10. which is represented in the upper-half of the Scheme. The second is Prophetia Libri, The Book-Prophecy, beginning at the 8. verse of the 10. Chap. and reaching to the end of the Book; which is represented in the lower or under-half of the Scheme. So that the Book of The Revelation might fitly have been divided into two Tomes, and the second Tome to have begun at the 8. verse of the 10. Chap. at these words, And the voice which I heard from Heaven (namely chap. 4. 1.) spoke unto me again, (i. e. begun anew) and said, Take the Book— And I took the Book— And he said unto me, Thou must prophesy again (that is, begin a new Prophecy ab ovo.) Consider it.  
Certainly such a division would be most easy for interpretation, if also every several Vision in each Tome was cast into a several Chapter or Section. And it cannot be denied but the division of Chapters, especially in the New Testament, being but of humane institution, is sometimes so ill ordered, that it doth much prejudice the Reader in understanding the meaning of the Holy Ghost.   

II.  
That the Times of the Inner Court begin with the Beginning of the Seals.  
Now if this Second or Book-Prophecy do begin ab ovo, from the same Beginning of time whence the Seals began, (and without doubt the Seals begin at the Beginning of the Apocalyptical time) and runs over anew those times which the Seals before traced, till it concludes with them; will not then this reasoning be very reasonable? viz. If the whole Prophecy of the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Book comprehends the whole time of the Prophecy of the Seals, than the Beginning of the Prophecy of the Book begins at the Beginning of the Times of the Seals. But the Beginning of the Book-Prophecy, in the Text, is The surveying of the two Courts of the Temple; the first Court measured, the second uncapable of measure: One of these two then must begin at the Beginning where the Seals began. But the Second Court cannot; for it synchroniseth with the Times of the Beast; Ergo the Former must: that is, The Inward Court, (within which the Temple itself stood) being capable of the Divine measure, must note some condition of things and times which forwent and preceded the Rising of the Beast and the Treading down of the Second and Outward Court by the Gentiles. And is there not as much need and use of a measure to distinguish of the different States of the Visible Church in the divers Times and Ages thereof, as of the differing Members of one and the same time? Consider it. And this granted will open a door for discovery of far more admirable matter than doth the confounding of both Courts into one Time. I confess I was once wonderfully pleased with that Opinion, and Forbes his pretty exposition thereof gave me much contentment: But now at length the Law of Synchronistical necessity hath beat me fromit, and showed me (as I think) a far more evident, unforced and useful Exposition. As for the state of the true Church in the times of Apostasy, we have three Prophecies: 

1. The Woman in the wilderness.  
2. The two Witnesses in mourning.  
3. The Virgin-company of the Sealed ones.   And therefore that of the measured Court may be spared for another use.  Aliter. 
If any part of the Book-prophecy begin at the Beginning of Apocalyptical time, where the Seals began: then certainly the First entrance thereinto (viz. the measuring of the Inward or Temple-Court) should have a share in this privilege of Firstship. But that some of the sequent Visions of this Second Prophecy do begin at the Beginning of Apocalyptical Time, it is evident; namely (of the Second Vision hereof, Chap. 12.) The Twelve-starry crowned Woman crying in travail, and but then a bringing forth; and the red Seven-headed Dragon watching to devour her Child as soon as it was born. Was not this at the Beginning thereof? Ergò, ut suprá.   

III.  
The Connexion of the Beginning of the Times of the Beast with the Beginning of the Seventh or Trumpet-Seal, from the then Sealing of the 144000, chap 7. and the Connexion of the End of the Times of the Beast with the End of the Sixth Trumpet, from the then Finishing of the 1260 days of the Contemporary Prophecy of the Witnesses, chap. 11. These, I say, concern me near, and are the two Hinges whereby the Book-prophecy is hung (as it were a door) upon the Prophecy of the Seals, without which there would be no ground in the Text to connect them. If these therefore be wrung from me, the whole Scheme is dissolved and broken, and (that which is worse) cannot again be restored.  
The latter Connexion or Hinge I think you grant me, unless your Tenet of the Vials do any way impeach it. Howsoever you deny not the Finishing of the 42 months potestas agendi at the expiring of the Sixth Trumpet, and by consequent you yield according to express Text that the Beast must be well forward in his Downfall and Ruin by that time. The ground of the difference between us is, That I would have the Vials to comprehend all the degrees of the Beast's Ruin, and therefore inevitably begin them before the Seventh Trumpet; You would have the Vials to be but some of the degrees of the Beast's downfall, and therefore have liberty to begin them after the Seventh Trumpet hath founded.  
But for the First Hinge of Connexion by the Sealing of the 144000, chap. 7. you seem to make most scruple; where nevertheless I observe that you grant the thing I seek for [viz. That the Times of the Beast begin with the Beginning of the Trumpet-Seal.] But you question my Ground and Character. But unless this be the Character and so intended, there will be none found at all: Which I desire you to consider together with my Grounds, as followeth in brief.  
The Synchronisme of the Beginning of the Times of the Beast with the Beginning of the Seventh Seal or Seal of Trumpets.  
The Sealing of the 144000 follows immediately upon the Sixth Seal, and therefore begins with and is coincident with the Seventh; because the Seals follow one another without interruption of time. But the 144000 Sealed ones are one of the Beast's contemporaries, chap. 14. Therefore the Beast also and all under his times must contemporate with the Seventh Seal.  
That the Sealing of the 144000 succeeds upon the expiring of the Sixth Seal; 1. The Transition shows, 
* Chap. 7. 1.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, After these things I saw: which I never find used but when that which follows in the Narration, follows also in order of time. 2. No other reason can be given why otherwise the Course of the Seals should be so interrupted and disturbed by an interlaced Vision, and in that place rather than any other. For if this Vision concern all the Seven Seals, why was it not deferred till they were finished, as is the usual method elsewhere? If it concerned only Six Seals, it were something; but the Turba palmifera (the Palm-bearing multitude, chap. 7. 9) shows it is extended to the End of the Trumpets, etc. Lastly, What need had there been for this Vision to have been at all mentioned among the Seals, were it not intended for a Character of Connexion of the two Prophecies, not else possible to be connected, but left in a wand'ring uncertainty?   

IV.  
Whether the Dragon with Seven heads and the Dragon simply mentioned in Chap. 12. be the same.  
The Seven-headed Dragon in the 3. ver. and the Dragon simply mentioned in the 4. v. are both one: for the words run thus, v. 3. And there appeared a great red Dragon having seven heads and ten horns.— v. 4. And his tail drew the third part of the stars— And the Dragon stood before the Woman which was ready to be delivered, etc.  
The same event succeeds upon the Battle of Michael with the Dragon simply so called, which follows upon the attempt of the Seven-headed Dragon to devour the Woman's Child; to wit, The flight of the Woman into the Wilderness, v. 6, & 14.  
What if the one (the Seven-headed,) be Satan in concreto, as he possessed the Seven-headed Empire, as it were the Soul of that bloody Body; and the other which fights with Michael, the same Satan still, but in abstracto? The first, Satan visible, persecuting the Church; the second, Satan invisible, fight with the invisible Michael; and yet the time of both the same, and so the same event consequent to both?  
Another Problem concerning Michael.  
If this Michael in the Revelation be the same with that in Daniel, who should it then be? If Christ be this Michael, why then saith Christ, Dan. 10. 13. Michael one of the chief Princes came to help me? and v. 21. None holdeth with me in these things but Michael your Prince? For that it is Christ which here speaks, will appear by comparing his description in the 5, and 6. verses of the Chap. with Revel. 1. 13. Compare also Dan. 12. 6, & 7. with Rev. 10. ab initio ad v. 7.  
Napier would have Michael to be the Holy Ghost; which if it be admitted, than those chief Princes, whereof Michael is said to be one, will be the Persons of the Trinity. May this stand? or will it help the conceit of the ancient Chiliasts for Regnum Spiritûs? But Napier thought not of any such matter.   

V.  
Of the Sealing of the 144000 mentioned in Ch. 7.  
The Sealing of 144000, 
In answer to a letter from the same Friend.  Chap. 7. after the sixth Seal was opened, seems not to be Narratio de praeterito, but Cautio de futuro; not a Narration of what had passed under the 6 Seals, but a Caution against a danger to come under the Seventh. For the Seventh Seal coming then to be opened, and being a Seal of destructions; lest the Servants of God might utterly be extinguished in those calamitous ruins and horrible mutations by the Seven Trumpets, they are in this manner secured by the Seal of providence and protection. 'Tis true, the Servants of God were in being before this Time; but not sealed with this Seal of protection until those calamities fell upon the world from which they were to be protected. So Ezek. 9 The faithful Israelites there and then sealed and marked in their foreheads, were in jerusalem before that time of their marking; but not sealed and marked, but when destruction and (as it is there called) the slaughter-weapon came upon the Land, from which the sealing was to secure them. Read the Chapter, where in ver. 6. the words, are, Slay utterly old and young,— but come not near any upon whom is the mark. Just so here, Chap. 7. v. 3. Hurt not the earth, neither the sea, nor the trees, till we have sealed the Servants of God in their foreheads.  
The words which begin the 7. Chap. confirm this order, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, After these things I saw: which manner of Transition I observe never to be used but when that which follows it is in time after that which went before. After the Vision of the present state of the Seven Churches, the Seals are for the future, Chap. 4. v. 1. After the six Seals, the 144000, Chap. 7. v. 1. After the 144000, the Turba Palmifera, v. 9 After Babylon's riding the Beast, Babylon's ruin, Chap. 18. v. 1. After Babylon's ruin, the Lamb's wedding, Chap. 19 v. 1. By this observation may be understood that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Chap. 15. v. 5. For there ends the General description of the Seven Vials: after whose performance the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony was opened. That which follows in the remainder of that Chapter and the next, is not a continuance, but a return to a Particular description of every Angel's performance, which before was named but in general.   

VI  
That the pouring out of the Seven Vials begins before the seventh Trumpet.  
The Seven Vials appear by the 
* Chap. 15. & Chap. 16.  Text to be the seven degrees of the ruin of the Beast's therefore they must begin when the Beast begins to fall. Now the Beast is to be very far spent, yea even desperately gone to ruin, before the seventh Angel soundeth: see Chap. 11. 7. usque ad 15. For the Witnesses by that time shall finish their Sack-cloth-Testimony, and consequently the Beast's potestas agendi expire; because his time and that of the Witnesses is the same.  
More particularly: Before the Seventh Angel soundeth, the slain Witnesses revive and stand upon their feet; the party of the Beast is terrified with it: presently the Witnesses are exalted on high. A great Earthquake shakes the Beast's dominion, so that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the City (perhaps the deanery or Decarchie of Rome) falleth thereby. A slaughter is made, and the whole remnant affrighted. By this time, and not till now, the sixth Trumpet expireth, and the Seventh Angel soundeth, v. 14, and 15. This made me place all the Vials save the last within the time of the sixth Trumpet: But the seventh and last Vial I make coincident with the seventh Trumpet, as you may see in the Scheme. For the finishing Vial must needs belong to the finishing Trumpet. As for the rest, five of them at least must be poured out before the Beast can be in that desperate case before described: For his Kingdom was not 
* Chap. 16. 10.  full of darkness, until the fifth Vial was poured out.  
For the placing of the Vials all within the seventh Trumpet, there can be no Argument drawn from the letter of the Text. The only reason which might seem to persuade it is a supposed conveniency of proportion, That as the seventh Seal contains seven Trumpets, so should the seventh Trumpet contain seven Vials. But it should be considered that the Vision of the Vials is a part of the Book-prophecy, and not of the Prophecy of the Seals: Which two Prophecies are always distinctly carried; so that in the Book-prophecy there is no relation expressed to the Seals, save only for connexion-sake in the first Vision, Chap. 11. which the Holy Ghost for that purpose throws like a Weaver's shuttle quite through the warp of the Seals: and therefore in the Scheme I express it throughout in red ink, that it might be distinctly discerned. But after this knitting and jointing them once by the sixth Trumpet's finishing, and the seventh's sounding, there is no relation expressed afterward. So likewise in the Prophecy of the Seals, that of the Book is but once referred to, viz. by the 144000 sealed ones and their consequent in the 7. Chap. and that also of purpose to show the connexion of that Vision of the Book with the joint which begins the seven Trumpets.  
If the seventh Trumpet must needs contain Sevens, it should be rather the seven Thunders which we read to have roared after the sixth Trumpet was expired, Chap. 10. But these were not to be written, nor like to be known till they be heard.  I. M.   

CHAP. III.  
Mr. Mede's Defence of his own, and Answer to certain Objections of a Friend. 
In answer to Mr. Wood's letter of April 29. 1624.   

I.  
An observable Agreement between the Vials and Trumpets.  
FOR the extending the 
* What's meant by Sun, Moon and Stars, Heaven and Earth and Sea, etc. see in the Author's Comment upon Apocal. 16. where is mention of the Vials, and Chap. 8. where is mention of the Trumpets. See also Chap. 6, V. 12, 13, etc.  Physical Analogy observed in the Vials to a suitable exposition in the Trumpets, it follows necessarily. And for mine own part, I had first observed it in the Trumpets; and observing the Event in Story to be answerable there, I transferred the like unto the Vials afterward. For I supposed the Trumpets to import the sevensold Ruin of the Roman State, as the Vials did the Ruin of the Antichristian Beast which arose out of the Imperial dissolution. That as the Antichristian Beast is an Image of the Caesarean Empire, in the fashion of its power and Regiment: so should also the Ruin thereof in the Vials carry a semblance of the Ruin of that other in the Trumpets; that it might be a true Image not only of the Empire standing when it stands, but of it falling when it was dissolving. And this I took to be the true cause of such agreement between the Vials and Trumpets.   

II.  
Of the Inner Court which john was bid to measure, and its Order and Connexion with the other Prophecies: and That the Times of the Inner and Outer Courts are not coincident.  
For the fetching of the Prophecy of the Inner Court as high as the Beginning of the Seals, my Argument was not, Some part of the Book-prophecy beginneth there, Ergo, this or that doth. In this largeness I confess it were Sophistical indeed. But I reasoned thus; Some part of the Book-prophecy beginneth there, Ergo, the First doth: yet I grant it follows not by Apodictical necessity, but it may persuade morally as a probability. For why should not the Holy Ghost, beginning a new Prophecy, be deemed to begin first with that Vision thereof which fetcheth his beginning highest? Which will be the more persuasible if you consider, that this is one of the most methodical Books in Scripture. But if the Beginning of the Inner Court be coincident, and no higher than that of the Outward Court, it must then follow even by that little you yield me, That the Vision of the twelfth Chapter fetches his Beginning higher than it. For the Woman's Childbearing, her Travail, her Delivery, with the Seven-headed Dragon's Attempt and the Battle of Michael, you grant, and the Text evinceth, to be elder and before the Woman's abode in the Wilderness: But the Woman's abode in the Wilderness, the XLII months of the Beast, and the XLII months of the Outer Court begin altogether and at the same time: Therefore that which is elder to any one of them, is elder to every one of them. Why therefore should not the Book-prophecy have begun rather with this of the eldest beginning, unless that that wherewith it begun did fetch its Beginning as high as it?  
All this notwithstanding I confess ingenuously, that your exceptions do so far weaken my Argument, that it appears not to be of so sufficient strength as may force assent. But that which is enough to stagger a man in his own Tenet, is not alone sufficient to cause him to embrace the contrary; unless the Arguments shown for that part do appear of more force and probability than himself grounded upon. Otherwise a man may reply as he is Terence did to the Lawyers, Probè fecistis, multò sum incertior quam dudum. Besides, a Probability stands in place of a Demonstration, till a greater Probability can be brought to shoulder it out. Let me therefore acquaint you a little what scruples arise in me when I consider your Argument for the contrary.  
You say, S. john surveyed both the Courts together. For the measuring of the one, and leaving the other unmeasured, were at one time: Ergo, the things signified by them both fall also under one time.  
Resp. 1. Here I consider first, when a Representation is made not by Motion or Action, but by a standing Type or Picture, (such as is the Fabric of the Temple) though the parts may be viewed all at one time, yet may the thing signified by them be of differing times: for in this case Order of place useth to signify succession of time. For example, The Scheme I sent you may be comprehended at one view; and yet the parts according to their order of place do represent priority and posteriority of times. The Monarchical Image in Daniel was not by piece-meal, but all at once, presented to Nebuchadnezzar's view; and yet the four metalled parts thereof were Types of four (not coincident, but) successive Kingdoms. 
Chap. 17.  So the seven Heads of the Whore-ridden Beast in this Prophecy, though seen at once, signified nevertheless Things not at once, but some past, 
Verse 10.  some present, some to come; five Kings fallen, the sixth present, and seventh to come.  
In the Temple itself, the First Tabernacle, or Holy Place, was a Type of the Oeconomy of Redemption in the Church Militant; and the Second Tabernacle, or the Holy of Holies, of the Church Triumphant in the Heavens. So S. Paul to the Hebrews makes the first Tabernacle the Type of the Body of Christ, wherein being incarnate he suffered here below, and through which as through a First Tabernacle he entered within the Veil, the Holiest Heavens, there to make intercession for us. Was there not here a priority and posteriority of times? Why may not then the two Courts of the Temple be Types also of successive times, though S. john viewed them at one time?  
Indeed where the Representation consists in Motion and Action, I grant the case is otherwise: for here things done together in Vision are to be expounded of things to be performed together in signification. But the example we have in hand is not of that sort: For the essence of the Type here consists not in what S. john himself did, but in that which was presented to S. john in Vision; namely, the Frame of the Temple with his two Courts: the First, such as might be measured with divine measure; the Second, such as could not be measured therewith, being possessed and trodden down by the Gentiles. As for S. John's acts hereabouts, they are no other than such as whereby he was to inform himself concerning that which was showed unto him● Neither is this the only place where S. john is bidden do something for his information and survey of the Vision showed him: Vide cap. 7. v. 13, 14. cap. 10. v. 4. cap. 14. v. 13. cap. 19 v. 9  
Resp. 2. Secondly, Neither were the Acts whereby the Apostle surveyed the two Courts, either one Act or two Acts at one and the same time, but several Acts several and successive times. For first, the Text expresseth no more but what the Angel bade S. john do, and not what S. john did. Now it will not follow that that which was comprehended in one bidding was therefore done at one time: For that may be bidden with one Act of bidding which will require a two or three acts in performing, and those too such as cannot be done at one time. But perhaps you suppose there was but one only Act commanded, to wit, to measure the Inner and not the Outer. Indeed if it were so, than it must needs be of one time: For if there be nothing here but the Doing of a thing in one place, and not doing it in another, it cannot possibly be of divers times, because every positive implies his negative, and goes together with it. But if the words of the Text be considered, there will be sound more in them than so, howsoever our Translation obscures it.  
For first, I conceive not S. John's survey of the two Courts to be an Act of mere Separation, but rather of Examination, as the nature of measuring importeth. Again, there is more to be done to the Second Court than only Not measuring it; that were but doing nothing to it: For the words of the Text are not, Leave out, (if thereby you understand a pretermission only) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Cast it out: the Vulgar hath Ejice foràs; and Beza, though himself translates Exclude, yet confesseth it is ad verbum, Ejice forás. So that here we see a positive act commanded, and not a pretermission only; and our Translators when they turned it [Leave out,] expressed rather what themselves conceived, than what the words signified.  
This considered, I understand it thus; That in this survey S. john was first to examine the Inner Court, which by its conformity to the Divine measure which he was to apply thereto he should find to be Sacred. That done, he was then in the next place to survey the Outer Court; which because he should find possessed by the Gentiles, and therefore not capable of the Divine measure, he was to cast out, that is, excommunicate, and pronounce unsacred and polluted. See Ezek. 44. 6, 7, 8. The sum of all this discourse is in a word, That howsoever I conceive the Object of this Vision to consist indeed in the Representation of the Temple with his Courts, and not in the Acts of S. john informing himself about them; yet will neither of them both infer a Coincidence of time, but rather a Succession of the things signified by them.   

III.  
The mystery of both Courts explained.  
Now what material and profitable consequent for the Interpretation would ensue upon this Order, which you say you see not, if you will promise not to object it to me as a breach of mine own Tenet, (as you threaten at the very mention) I will, if I can, tell you: Not to make it the ground of my Order, for which you see I bring other Arguments, but to counterpoise your affection (if it be any) to that other exposition, which may otherwise, though unperceived, secretly make the balance of assent to propend one way more than another. If therefore the foresaid Order may be granted, the Interpretation will be as followeth.  

1. The Inner Court measured by the Divine Reed is the Visible Church in its primitive purity, whenas yet Christian worship was unprofaned and answerable to the Divine rule revealed from above: which state contains the whole time of Persecution under the Ethnic Emperors; the Altar in this Court most fitly insinuating the continual Sacrifice of Martyrdom during the most part thereof.  
2. The Second or Outer Court represents the state of Apostasy under the Man of sin, when the Visible Church being possessed by Idolaters, became in the public worship so inconformable and unapt for Divine measure, that it was to be cast out, and accounted not as Christian and Sacred, but profane and polluted.  
3. By the Time expressed for the profanation of the Outer Court, we may gather the Time implied for the lasting of the purity of the Inner Court; and that in this manner.  
4. It is demonstrated by Villalpandus out of Ezekiel's measures, That the largeness of the Outer Court was such, that it contained the Inner Court three times and a half in quantity: Ergò, the Time of XLII months, which the Holy Ghost allots to the Outer Court, should likewise contain the Times of the Inner Court thrice and a half: But if this be so, than the Time allotted to the Inner Court is XII months, because the XLII months of the Outer contains it thrice and a half. Or thus, The Time allotted to the profanation of the Outer Court is three years and a half; Ergò, the Time implied for the measured Purity of the Inner or First Court must be One year, if the Times hold the same proportion each to other which the largeness of the Courts did.  
5. Now a year or twelve months is 360 days, according to the Chaldean count of 
* 30 Days to every Month.  months; and if you add the 5 dies Embolismales, which they added always to the end of their year, (though they were reckoned in no month) it will be 365 days: which days Prophetically taken will inform us, That the Visible Church continued in the Primitive Purity of Christian Worship, answerable to the Divine measure, the space of 360 or 365 years. And is it not a matter of consequent to know as well how long the Church continued pure and regular in Christian Worship, as how long it was to be profaned afterward by Gentilizing Idolatry? Nay shall I tell you a stranger conceit? Was it not this which the Devil harped upon, when (as S. Austin reports) 
* Lib. 18. the 〈◊〉 D●i, c. 53, 54. i e. penultimo & ultim●.  he made his Oracles to give out, That the Christian Religion should last but 365 years, (for so long, forsooth, Peter had enchanted the world to adore jesus of Nazareth) but after this time once finished, it should be extirpated by the Gentiles? How think you? doth not some body else study Prophecies as well as we? But I hope we shall understand them better: For the Devil was deceived in expecting a Total ruin of Christian Religion, and his malice made him forget what Christ said to Peter, That the Gates of Hell should not prevail against his Church. And yet S. 
* Ibidem c. 54. sub finem.  Austin tells us that he gained so much by this device, that many of the Gentiles would not be gotten to turn Christians till this time were expired, and that they saw their hopes frustrate.    

IV.  
From what Epocha are the 360 or 365 years of the Church's Primitive purity to be reckoned?  
But from what Epocha of time should this 360 or 365 years be reckoned? 
An. Christi   
Resp. There can be but four Epocha's; viz.  

1. Christ's Birth. 
1.   
2. Christ's Passion, Anno 33. 
33.   
3. The Destruction of jerusalem, An. 70. 
70.   
4. The Time of the Revelation of this Prophecy to S. john, Anno 94. 
94.    
Let us try from them all, and see how it will succeed. By the First we have the time when the Christian worship began first to swerve from his wont correspondency to the Divine measure, viz. An. Christi 360 
* If you will count the Embolism of 5 days, then add 5 years more to each of them. For Gensericus took Rome the year after; nor was there any afterward that may be truly accounted Emperor, though some Tyrants scuffled for that name some few years after. . All our Divines confess that about this time, and not till this, began the Idolatry of Relics and Saint-worship first to enter. By the two next Periods, An. 393 
* If you will count the Embolism of 5 days, then add 5 years more to each of them. For Gensericus took Rome the year after; nor was there any afterward that may be truly accounted Emperor, though some Tyrants scuffled for that name some few years after.  and 430 
* If you will count the Embolism of 5 days, then add 5 years more to each of them. For Gensericus took Rome the year after; nor was there any afterward that may be truly accounted Emperor, though some Tyrants scuffled for that name some few years after. , you have the degrees how Apostasy palpably increased. By the last Period (from the time this Prophecy was given) Anno 454 
* If you will count the Embolism of 5 days, then add 5 years more to each of them. For Gensericus took Rome the year after; nor was there any afterward that may be truly accounted Emperor, though some Tyrants scuffled for that name some few years after. , you shall see the Time when the measured Church together with the Western Empire quite expired, and from that time forward was to be reckoned as profane and polluted.  
Observe one thing more. That according to this reckoning the Ecumenical Council of Nice will fall within the compass of the first Period, before the Church yet swerved, the Council of Constantinople within the second, the Council of Ephesus in the end of the third, the Council of Chalcedon in the end of the fourth and last Period. Thus far we profess our subscription to the decisions of Ecumenical Councils; but after this time, Ejice foràs, Cast it out; it is no longer measured, therefore take heed of measuring by it. And all this is as evident in Story as any exposition of this Book whatsoever. I do but briefly point out what I have thought much more of, and could perhaps set forth more accurately, but that I account all this and the rest as vain, if the Order I ground upon appear not well founded upon the Text itself.  
Thus have I dilated somewhat largely upon this point, because I desired fully at once to represent my conceit unto you, and will not hereafter say any more of it pro or contra, but leave that which hath been communicated by us both to be at leisure considered by both, till God shall to either of us reveal what we may resolve to be his Truth.  
[In the Author's Manuscript here follows the Ichnography of the Temple and its Courts; the same with that in his Comment. Apocal. cap. 11. verse 2, 3. which the Reader may there view.]  
You see the Ichnography and Platform of the Temple's Fabric. The whole building, Courts and all is called in Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Temple itself (which was not open as the Courts, but covered) is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hence you never read that Christ or his Disciples came into or taught in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, namely in the Outer Court where the multitude assembled to pray. This Outer Court was a most stately Building with Columns and Cloisters round about, and also within divided as it were into Partitions with stately Rows of Pillars.  
S. john seems by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to mean the whole Sacrificing-place, and not only the Altar specially so called (viz. whereon the Sacrifice was laid,) as may appear by the words which follow [And those that worship therein.] The Outer Court he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Court without the Temple; because the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Temple stood not in this, but in the other Court, which was also the Place or Court of Sacrifice.  
I. M.    

CHAP. IU.  
Mr. Mede's further clearing and vindication of some passages in the foregoing Paper; with some Observations concerning the 7. Thunder's contemporary with the 7. Trumpet, as also concerning that in Dan. 12. 7, 11, 12.— and that in Apocal. 11. 19 & chap. 15. 5, 8.  
Retegat Deus oculos utriusque nostrûm, ut intue amur mirabilia ejus.  
Mr. Wood,  
I Received your last; doubt not but with like acceptance I did the former, which I not only keep, but use to read over 5 or 6 times at the least: and though I always assent not, yet I am always bettered by them, either to strengthen what I found weaker than I took it to be, or to learn to express myself with more caution and perspicuity than (as I perceived by their Objections) I had done; or oftentimes they minister the occasion of some new Notion which before I thought not on.  
But for answer to your last, I know not well how to deal; for that (unless I misconceive you) all is grounded upon a mistake almost total of my meaning. It may be I have committed some fault in my expression, and I must therefore desire you to amend my defect therein with a second reading of that Letter, if it be worthy for you to take so much pains. In the mean time I suppose you mistake me in these particulars following.  

1. First, You suppose that I oppose the Temple (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to the Courts: whereas I oppose the Courts one to the other, viz. the Inner Court (wherein the Temple and the Altar stood, and where the Priests and Levites only worshipped) to the Outer Court, whither every body came.  
2. You suppose that in my Interpretation I oppose the Invisible or latent Church to the Visible and apparent: whereas I oppose the Primitive Visible Church, which was pure, to the After-Visible Church, which was corrupt. For both the Courts, both Inner and Outer, were sub dio, open and uncovered, and therefore both signify A Patent and Open Church, that is a Visible one.  
3. You suppose (if I understand you) that when I say Measured Church, I mean Actively, as though the Angel continually were measuring the Church during the Six Seals: whereas I mean Passively, that the Church during that time was measured, that is pure, conformable and keeping measure, even in the Outward Visible Form, which afterward it did not.  
4. You suppose I make the Temple with its Courts a Type of the whole body of the Church partly Visible, partly Invisible at the same time: whereas I mean of the Visible Church only, and that considered as Successive according to the divers times thereof.   
Concerning the rest of your Letter, I have no time to answer as I would; only in brief I say thus much.  

1. That concerning the Thunders of the seventh Seal, seventh Trumpet and seventh Vial, I cannot yet conceive your meaning. For I acknowledge no other Seventh Seal but the Seven Trumpets; and cannot understand how any thing of the Seventh Vial should concern the present times, since you make all the Vials yet to come: nor how any thing of the opening of the Seventh Seal should concern the times which are now, seeing the greater part of the Seventh Seal (viz. six Trumpets thereof) is already past. Indeed the seven Thunders after the sixth Trumpet may be, if not present, yet very near, if we could understand them.  
2. Concerning the Time, Times and half a Time, and the 1290 and 1335 days, in the twelfth of Daniel, I labour not to reconcile them; because I suppose they are divers Times, and of divers Subjects, and of a divers beginning and ending. Namely the Time, Times and half a Time are of the Tyranny of the little Horn with eyes and a mouth speaking great things, etc. Dan. 7. 20, 25. at the expiring of whose blasphemous Tyranny, the scattering of the Holy people, and the great Mystery shall be finished (Dan. 12. 17.) But the 1290 and 1335 days are the times of sealing and closing up of the knowledge of these Wonders, to be at length disclosed and revealed at the expiration of 
* Of the beginning and ending of these days, see the Author's elaborate Discourse toward the end of this Third Book, De Numeris Danielis, etc.  these times.  
3. I cannot yet conceive how the Opening of the Temple in the Seventh Trumpet (Apocal. 11. 19) makes any thing for proof of the Contemporation of the Two Courts, or for the understanding what is meant by measuring or unmeasuring them. For our Question (N. B.) is about Courts, and not the Temple, howsoever the Angel describes the Inner Court by the Temple, Altar and Priests-worshippers therein, which are the Contents thereof. But this Opening of the Temple at the Seventh Trumpet, that the Ark of the Testimony might be seen, should I think rather be compared (as a Synchronistical Character) with the 5. verse of the 15. Chap. where in the end of the General description of the Vials, as a consequent of their pouring out, it is said that the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony was opened. And verse 8. in the entrance of the Particular description of the Vials (N. B.) begun in the former verse, it is answerably said, that the Temple was filled with smoke from the glory of God, and from his power, and no man was able to enter into the Temple till the seven Plagues of the seven Angels were fulfilled: as if then this smoke or cloud should be removed, and the Temple thereby become open to be seen and entered into. Which should come to pass at the blast of the Seventh Trumpet.   
In all which there seems to be an Allusion to Solomon's feast of Seven days dedication of the Temple (2 Chron. 7. 8.) during which the Cloud of the glory of the Lord filled the Temple, (not the 
* For Solomon prayed before the Altar at that time, and blessed the Congregation which stood in the outward Court 2 Chron. c. 6. v. 12, & 3. and they sacrificed that day and all the time of the Feast, viz. in the Courts, though the Priests could not enter the Covered Temple for the glory of the Lord which filled it.  Courts) so that the Priests could not stand to minister by reason of the Cloud, 2 Chron. 5. 13. nor enter thereinto, chap. 7. 1, 2. So that the pouring out of the seven Vials may seem as it were a Dedication of the Church of Christ, after it had been so long profaned by Antichrist; till the finishing of which Dedication the Nation of Priests or Priestly nation of Israel cannot enter, nor the Ark of the Testimony be revealed unto them. Consider Exod. 40. vers. 36 & 37. Consider also what happened there at the Dedication of the Tabernacle, vers. 34, 35.  
Thus with my prayers, and best remembrance to yourself— I rest and am  
Your assured friend, joseph Mede. Christ's-Coll. july 12. 1624.   

CHAP. V.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Wood's special accommodation of the four first Trumpets, in Chap. 8. of the Apocalypse.  
Mr. Wood,  
IF I mistake not your meaning, your accommodation of the Trumpets appears to me very much entangled in the point of Time: for it makes the three first Trumpets to begin at the same instant, and all to be concluded within the sixth Seal: nay, if the sixth Seal be the wounding of the Roman Sovereignty by the Barbarians, 
* Viz. the Trumpets.  they will begin before it. For the Council of Nice wherein Arrius (whom you make the 
* Chap. 8. 10.  falling Star) was condemned, and where Contention among Churchmen (your first Trumpet) burst forth, and Ambition (your second Trumpet) was broached; this Council was held An. 325. within two years after Constantine was sole Emperor. But the wounding of the Empire by the Barbarous Nations (your six Seal) began not till after julian 365. and you make not the main stroke thereof till the year 410. by which time the Arrian Heresy was well cooled. For it cannot be said that the Barbarous Nations defaced the Roman Majesty in the days of Constantine, who was a glorious and (when he once reigned alone) a most peaceful Emperor. And for Diocletian that bloody Persecutor before him, he was a most powerful and victorious Emperor, in whose time the Roman Empire was more dreadful to the Neighbours than it had been many years, yea almost Ages before.  
I observe also a further confusion of the three Trumpets among themselves: For Arrius, whom you make the falling Star in chief, and so the Head of your third Trumpet, will in time rather challenge to be the first of the three: for the Arrian heresy began before, and occasioned the calling of, the Council of Nice, where you first begin that Contention and Ambition which you make the first and second Trumpet.  
I had rather therefore yet continue my opinion, That the great Earthquake of the Sixth Seal should be that intestine change of the Roman State begun with Constantine, and fully settled with the death of julian: For an Earthquake implies not a Destruction, but an extraordinary Alteration and change of the face of things; as an Earthquake changeth the positure of the Earth by depressing Hills and exalting Valleys, turning the channels and the course of Rivers, and such like. And was not here the whole Politic Government as well as the Religion altered, the Imperial Seat removed, the Distribution of Provinces and Offices new moulded? etc. And though Christian Religion be of itself a perfection, yet the introducing thereof turned the former state of the Empire topsy turvy; when the low and trampled Valleys arose into Mountains, and the haughty Mountains were laid as low as the Valleys. How many Hills and Islands were by this means displaced? And if the Roman Gods be any of the Stars or Hills here mentioned, we need not go farther for an Exposition of this Earthquake and the shock it caused in the world.  
Now if this be granted to be the right accommodation of the Sixth Seal, then will the Trumpets of the Seventh follow in their due Order, according to that Exposition of the four first Trumpets which you related even now as your Friend's, who yet is far from deserving and acknowledging that Description you there give him.  
I. M.   

CHAP. VI  
Mr. Mede's Answers to those 3 Arguments of Mr. Wood endeavouring to prove That the Vials are immediate Consequents of the Seventh Trumpet. 
See before in Chap. 2. Sect. 6   
Mr. Wood,  
1. UNto the Seventh Trumpet is attributed the last of the three great Woes Chap. 8. 13. & chap. 11 14. But in the Seventh Trumpet's effect there is no other Woe described but what follows in the pouring out of the Vials. Ergo, the Vials must needs be that Woe, and immediately poured out upon the blast, which the Transition (Ch. 11. 14.) calls for— The third Woe cometh quickly, viz. with the blast in the next words.  
Mr. MEDE. This Reason methinks were satisfied if only the last Vial fell within the seventh Trumpet: For the third Woe I take to be that Battle of the Great Day of God Almighty under the seventh Vial; which therefore I grant to be concurrent with the Beginning of the blast of the seventh Trumpet not yet blown. But the other Vials I see no reason why they may not be referred to those Beginnings of the Ruin of the Beast and exaltation of the Undefiled Church described chap. 11. v. 11, 12, 13. which is before the second Woe or sixth Trumpet be expired.  
Mr. WOOD 2. The Temple is not open in Heaven until the seventh Trumpet blow, Chap. 11. 19 Now the Angels which pour out the Vials, come out of the Temple which was opened in Heaven. Ergo, the pouring out of the Vials must needs follow the blast of the Seventh Trumpet Chap. 15. 5, 6. Which place shows that the 7 Angels come forth of the opened Temple.  
Mr. MEDE. It is true that the Temple is not opened in heaven till the seventh Trumpet soundeth. But I think also that it shall not be opened till the seven Plagues of the seven Angels be fulfilled: For is it not expressly said so, chap. 15. 8? And the Temple was filled with smoke from the glory of God and from his power, and no man was able to enter into the Temple till the seven Plagues of the seven Angels were fulfilled. So I understand it as having reference by way of Antithesis to that in the 5. verse.— The Temple of the Tabernacle of Testimony in heaven was opened, viz. when the Angels had done their Execution, and the Harpers ended their Song of Deliverance. Wherefore I grant not that the seven Angels came forth of the open Temple; but suppose those five first verses of that Chapter to be a general Description of the Vials, with the state of the Church under them newly washed in the glassy Laver of the Temple, and yet standing upon the brink or brims thereof, chanting a Song of another Exodus like that of Israel; with the conclusion whereof the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony in heaven is opened, that those might enter which before could not. In the following Verses, beginning, And the seven Angels came out, etc. the Apostle resumes the Vision ab ovo, and makes a more particular Description of the seven Angels Executions which before he but generally touched; but now tells their attire, whence they had their Vials, and what was every one's Plague in particular, to the end of the next Chapter; which is therefore ill severed from the three last Verses of this 15. Chapter. And note that the Complutensis Editio reads not the sixth verse of this Chap. And the seven Angels came out of the Temple; but, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, out of Heaven.  
Mr. WOOD 3. These seven Angels (chap. 15. 1.) are said to bring the seven last plagues, wherein the whole wrath of God is accomplished; which is nothing but the branching out of the the third Woe, and therefore after, though under, the last Vial.  
Mr. MEDE. The Vials, as I take it, are called the seven last Plagues in reference only to the 
* See before in Chap. 3. Sect. 1.  seven Trumpets, which are the seven first Plagues; the first ruining the old Beast, the last destroying the new which is risen out of his Ruins.   

CHAP. VII.  
The Virgin-Company of the 144 thousand Sealed ones, described in Chap. 14. of the Apocalypse, briefly interpreted.  
THis Vision of the Sealed Ones I begin and end with the Times of the Beast, taking them for the same with those whose Sealing began with the beginning of the 
* Chap. 7.  Seventh or Trumpet-Seal; with which Seal I also begin the Times of the Beast, supposing that Sealing there was purposely interlaced to be compared with the Vision here, that thereby we might know in what part of the Seals to fix the Beginning of the Beast: to which no Character of the whole Book will direct us, but only the Parallel of the Sealed Number beginning and contemporary with the seventh Seal (chap. 7.) and here again reiterated, as beginning and comporary also with the Beast.  
For the Accommodation, I understand it to be A Description of the Faithful and Undefiled Company of Christ under the polluted times of the Anti-christian Beast next before mentioned. And they are described, 1. By their Head, the true 
* Chap. 14. 1.  Lamb Christ jesus, and not he that had 
* Chap. 13. 11.  Horns like a Lamb, but spoke like the Dragon. 2. By their Place, which was even Mount Zion, that elevated and conspicuous part of the World, where men visibly professed the Name of Christ, and where his Apostles had once founded him that Temple which now Antichrist usurped. Nor were these Faithful Ones tied to any one part of this Mountain above other, (as the false Prophet's Followers are to their Cathedra Petri) but they 
* Chap. 14. 4.  follow the Lamb whither soever he goeth. 3. By their Worship in praying and praising God, wherein they were undefiled Virgins, not polluting themselves with the Mother (or Metropolis) of Fornications, though their Religious Song seemed a new one, and was such as none could sing but themselves.  
This is the General description of their state during the whole time. After which followeth that which passed between them and the Followers of the Beast in their later time; which is twofold: 1. Preaching and Admonition under three Angels; 2. The Acts of Execution, which are two: The one of an 
* Vers. 15.  Harvest, wherein Christ their Master and Lord of the Harvest sends forth Labourers into his overgrown Field and reaps it: which I understand of the present Reformation, wherein our Lord hath gathered his Wheat out of that Field of Weeds, and bound it together in new-erected Churches. Next after this Harvest comes the 
* Vers. 18.  Vintage, an Execution of Vengeance, as soon as the Grapes are once bloud-ripe. This Execution is yet to come, though it seems not far off: For the Reapers bring little Wheat home of late; whereby it should seem that Harvest is in a manner done, and the time of Vintage acoming. This is the sum of what I have as yet conceived of this Vision.  
Moreover, supposing this Vintage to be yet to come, I am much inclined to think that 
* Vers. 20.  this 1600 furlongs without the City should be a Designation of Peter's Patrimony or the Demeasns of the Church, which in the longest extent thereof from the Walls of Rome to the River Po is exactly 1600 furlongs, or 200 Italian miles: whereby it is probable that the Pope's own Territories, Stato della Chiesa, may prove the Cockpit of this Execution, whether Christ as into a Wine-press will from all parts gather the bloody Grapes when he means to tread them.  I. M.  

CHAP. VIII.  
Mr. Mede's Answers to several Inquiries about some difficult passages in the Apocalypse.  
Sr. I Will make no full Reply to your sorrowful beginning, lest I should revive your grief, and make your wound to bleed afresh: Only I will desire the Almighty to continue that patient submission unto his Will which I doubt not but he hath given you, and make this your loss in the flesh your advancement in the Spirit.  
Your Letters and Book found me in 
* Decemb. 27.  Suffolk at Sr. Martin Stutvill's. I thank you for communicating your elaborate Meditations, to which and your Letter I would have made a large Reply had I been at home, and not a nonresident from my Study, and hourly molested with such occasions of interturbation as the place and solemnity brings.  

Enquiry I.  
Concerning the four Wights, Revel. 4. 6, etc.  
This attendance upon the Throne of God by the 24 Elders and the 4 Animalia or living creatures is a Representation of his pitching in the Wilderness, in the midst of the Levites, and the 4 Standards of the Congregation having for their Ensigns (as the jews say by ancient Tradition) a Lion, a Bullock, a Man, an Eagle. For the manner of their encamping was this. 1. In the midst was the Tabernacle or Throne of God. 2. Round about the Tabernacle and next unto it pitched the Priests and Levites. Then 3 lie. the Body of the Congregation divided into 4 Standards and placed about the Tabernacle, East, West, North and South. Three Tribes went to a Standard, which were called by the name of the chiefest Tribe. The first on the East-side of the Tabernacle was the Standard of judah, which contained Issachar and Zebulon, and had for the Ensign a Lion. The second on the West was the Standard of Ephraim, containing Manasse and Benjamin, and had for the Ensign an Ox or Bullock. On the South was the Standard of Reuben, comprehending Gad and Simeon, and had for their Ensign a Man. On the North-side pitched the Standard of Dan, with whom encamped Asher and Naphthali, and had for their Ensign an Eagle. All this you shall find Numb. ch. 1. ch. 2. ch. 3. saving the specification of the Ensigns, which is from the jews Tradition; the Text only saying they had 
* Num. 2. 2.  Ensigns, but expresses not what they were. And marvel not that S. john should here allude unto a Tradition of the jews; for elsewhere in this Book he alludes to their Customs and borrows their Phrases; as in that of 
a Ch. 3. 4. & ch. 6. 11. & ch. 7. 13.  walking in white garments, and in the phrase 
b Ch. 2. 11. & ch. 20. 6. 14. & ch. 21. 8.  of the Second death, a speech no where else in Scripture, but frequent in the Targum and in the jewish Doctors.  
And that this Tradition hath some warrant, some which I have met withal in my search would prove out of the 68, or, according to the Vulgar, 67 Psalms, vers. 11. Thus the 8. verse begins, O God, when thou goest forth before thy people, when thou didst march through the wilderness; The earth shook, the heavens also dropped at the presence of God: even Sinai itself was moved at the presence of God, the God of Israel. Thou, O God, didst send a plentiful rain, whereby thou didst confirm thine inheritance when it was weary. Vers. 11. 
* The Lxx. have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Animalia tua habitabant in ea, Thy living Creatures dwelled therein, namely in thine inheritance. And this is express according to the Hebrew, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly, Animal, and sometimes Armentum, whence we borrow that Metaphorical translation, to turn it, Thy Congregation, and by inheritance to understand Canaan; whereas the people of God were usually 
* Israil is often in the Psal. and elsewhere in Scripture called God's inheritance.  so called, and that part of the Psalm seems to speak of what God did in the Wilderness, and not in Canaan: Which being not understood, made the Vulgar to be corrupted by turning the Praeter-imperfect-tense into the Future, as vers. 10. Segregabis for Segregabas, and vers. 11. Habitabunt for Habitabant, contrary to the Hebrew, which reads in the Preterperfect tense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have dwelled.  
But above all, those four Faces of the four Cherubins which drew the Chariot of God in Ezekiel seem to have reference to some such matter. I say four Faces, not four Heads, as some take it; for the Cherubins had but one Head each of them, on the four sides of which Head were the likeness of four Faces, to signify that he that road in the Chariot was the Lord of the four Standards of the Tribes of Israel. Even as King's horses carry upon them the Arms of their Master, as ours of England, Scotland, France and Ireland. And if you consider to what part of the Heaven Ezekiel looked when he saw this Vision, you will find these Faces turned to such quarters of the Heaven as were assigned to the Ensigns they resemble, as the Lion's face Eastward, the Bullock's Westward, etc.  
If all this be true, you see what reason I have to make S. John's 4 Animalia to be the Body of the Congregation, as answering to the 4 Standards of the Congregation of Israel; and the 24 Elders to be the Pastors, as answering to the Levites and Priests divided into 24 Courses; their 
* Vers. 4.  Crowns and 
* Vers. 4.  Seats being distinctive, to express their preeminence above the Congregation: For though the Body of the People be a Society of Kings and Priests, yet this is no note distinctive nor comparative, but common both to Pastors and People.   

Enquiry II.  
Concerning the Beginning of the times of Antichrist in the Scheme, and the meaning of the 7 Trumpets.  
The beginning of the Apostatical times was knit to the Beginning of the Seventh or Trumpet-Seal by the Characters of the Text. If therefore the interpretation of the fifth Trumpet of the Rise of the Pope cannot stand with this connexion, it must be rejected as untrue, as I verily believe it is. For (as I have heretofore intimated) I could never believe, no not before I thought of any Synchronism, that the Trumpets concerned any rising of the Beast, but that they were Warlike alarms sounding to the Ruin of the Roman state. The first brings forth that terrible bloody and furious storm of the Northern Nations pouring in upon the Empire, and harrying, burning and spoiling it, especially in the West, almost 45 years together without intermission. The Second the bloody rending in pieces of the Roman jurisdiction in the West, and sharing it among the barbarous Nations, who divided the Lion's skin amongst them, erecting that 
* 〈…〉  plurality of Kingdom's fore-prophesied of by Daniel and S. john. The Third Trumpet brings Lapsus Hesperi, the Fall of the Occidental Star, or utter extinction of the Western Caesar. The Fourth the abolishing of the whole Roman Majesty in the West in their Senate, Consuls and Precedents; the Sun and Moon in those parts having no light remaining.  
These Four Trumpets (as you well observe) made way for the Rising of Antichrist, but it was by taking that out of the way which hindered (2 Thess. 2.) and by wounding the Beast, that he by the cure thereof might make a new one (Apocal. 13.) But withal he slowed no time: For as soon as the Empire began to crack he began to advance; and for every degree of the Empire's failing mounted a degree of rising. And his age and time is to be reckoned not from his maturity, but from his birth; as we reckon a man's age not from the time he came to man's estate, but from the time he was first editus in lucem.  
The first four Trumpets were smaller ones, and more particularly concerned the West: but the Three remaining are more general and terrible, and therefore called WOES. The Fifth is that darkening cloud of the Saracen Locusts, who out of Arabia not only overwhelmed with their innumerable troops the greatest part of the Empire, even Italy itself, but eclipsed the Light of Christianity with an abominable seduction. The Sixth Trumpet is the inundation of the Turks from Euphrates, who were first mercenaries to the Saracen Empire; which when they had ruined, they overwhelmed and destroyed utterly the Greek Empire and part of the Western Kingdoms, for Idolatry. The Seventh Trumpet is yet to come at the Battle of Armageddon, which shall give an end to the Antichristian Sovereignty, and finish the Roman times.  
These Expositions, you see, are homogeneal and fitting the name of Trumpets: But to make some of them Warlike invasions and others to be Heresies, is to bring things of too-differing a nature under one name.   

Enquiry III.  
Concerning the Slaughter of the Witnesses.  
I willingly grant that the Slaughter of the Witnesses is not yet accomplished for the main, though perhaps there have been some Praeludiums of it in particular Churches. So you see I did your Opinion no wrong Concerning the not fulfilling of the Vials, though I began them before the Seventh Trumpet soundeth. For if the Witnesses be not yet slain, the Sixth Trumpet is not yet past, and the Vials may yet begin under the times thereof, and be in a great part poured out before it end. I am glad to hear you read the words of the Text (Apocal. 11. 7.) When they were about to finish their testimony; for so should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be turned, whereas our Translation puts it in the Preterperfect tense, which cannot stand. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the first Aorist Subjunctive, and every Grammarian knows that the Aorists Subjunctive supply the place of the Future which the Subjunctive wanteth; and our Translation turned the same tense futurely and the same word, Apocal. 10, vers. 7.   

Enquiry IU.  
Of the Demi-Caesar, and the Seventh and Eighth Head of the Beast.  
I never thought the Demi-Caesar to be an Horn, but an Head: and Mr. Brightman's exposition of the Ten Horns for so many successive Christian Emperors I could never sufficiently wonder at, it being not only in itself harsh, but offering extreme violence both to the Text and Story, and contrarying without cause a fundamental Exposition received from utmost Antiquity, viz. That those Ten Horns should be a plurality of Kingdoms whereinto the ruined Empire should be divided, and all of them submit themselves under the Authority of Antichrist. I could show that in the beginning these Kingdoms were just Ten, neither more nor less, and I could name the Kings which reigned in them when they first filled that number of Ten. 
Vide Comm●ns. Apocal ad cap. 8. vers. 8.  According to the inconstancy of humane things they have since changed in their number, sometimes more and sometimes less, by unions and disunions, and yet often jumped in their alterations upon that number.  
When I speak of the Demi-Caesar of Rome, you must not understand me of the Germane Emperor, which I grant to be no other but one of the Ten Horns, which the Pope hath dignified with the Caesarean name, 350 years after the Western Caesar was extinguished: and the Kingdom of the Franks had been a Kingdom 380 years before the Pope honoured Charlemagne the King thereof with the Imperial title, for his good service against the Lombard's in his quarrel. The Demi-Caesar therefore which we have to deal with is the Latin or Western Emperor which reigned after the Division of the Empire into East and West, under which the old Rome was Lady but of one half of the Provinces which she once had, the rest being taken from her, and given to Byzantium together with the title of Nova Roma. This Half-Caesar of Rome after the last Division under Honorius and Arcadius continued about 60 years, or not much more; which is the cause why S. john says, it should continue but a short space, Ch. 17. 10.  
Now to understand the Question about the Seventh and Eighth Head of the Beast, etc. these grounds must be laid and granted.  

1. The Heads of the Beast are to be conceived as climbing one above another, and the Ten Horns to grow upon the last or uppermost Head.  
2. The Heads of the Beast are indeed but Seven and no more, as appears in the Visions both of the 13. and 17. Chapters; and though S. john speak of an Eighth King in the interpretation, yet he had but Seven Heads in all in the Vision. And therefore that which he calls an Eighth can be indeed but the Seventh, and termed an Eighth for some accidental respect only.  
3. The Whore rides the Beast under his last Head only, which is the Head which wears the Ten Horns: For whilst the other Heads were in their course, she was Ethnica, not yet adultera.    

Enquiry V.  
How is the Last Head, though indeed but the Seventh, yet in some sort an Eighth?  

1. In respect of the Sixth Head, the Caesars, which though indeed but One, yet for some accidental respect may be accounted Two, Caesar's and Demi-caesars'; for essence the same, but for extent and some manner of government 
* The Caesars were Pontifices maximi as well as Augusti, and received the Pontifical Stole at their inauguration: yea Constantine and his sons received the Stole and bore the Title, though they executed not the Office: Gratian was the first that refused both.  differing. Now if the Sixth Head be reckoned for Two, the Seventh will be an Eighth, and yet but one of the Seven.  
2. The Last Head is for the beginning but a Seventh, because it immediately succeeded the Sixth, viz. of the Caesars: but for its continuance and ending it is an Eighth, because it outlived a Seventh, namely that of the 
* The Demi-caesars' kept their Court at Ravenna, never at Rome.  Demi-caesars'. For the Papal Sovereignty began with and as soon as the Demi-caesars', and so it was a Seventh as well as they: But they continued but a short time, and the Papal outlived and succeeded them, and so was an Eighth à parte pòst, though but a Seventh à parte ante.   
These I take to be the true Reasons why the latmost Head is counted both a Seventh and an Eighth, though in truth it be but the Seventh according to the Vision, and accidentally termed an Eighth in the interpretation. You know Mr. Brightman makes Two States of the Antichristian Beast, the First wherein he was born and presently wounded to death, the Second wherein he revived: in respect of the First he is the Seventh, in respect of the last the Eighth. But this will not agree with Story, the Popedom receiving no such wound as he speaks of: The wound was the Empire's and not the Popedom's, and made for him, not against him. It would have been better to have made the Two States, the one of his Spiritual Sovereignty, and the other of his Temporal joined unto it in ordine ad Spiritualia.  
Forbes makes that Kingdom of the Ostrogoths in Italy to be the Seventh, (but the Demi-caesars' had been better) and the Popedom in respect of it to be the Eighth in order, but in the nature of the government to be one of the Seven, that is like unto the Caesarean or Sixth. But I see not how the Kings of the Goths can be taken for Roman Caesars or Kings; and besides by this means the Beast would have Eight Heads really differing, whereas the Vision shows us but Seven.   

Enquiry VI.  
Concerning the Numbers of Years, Months and Days in the Apocalypse.  
That these Numbers should be taken definitely, there can be no better Arguments brought than those you have in your Tractate. If you desire to hear them in my form, I would order the matter thus.  

1. That the Numbers are to be taken definitely.  
2. That those of Months and Days are to be expounded not Literally, but Prophetically.   
That these Numbers should be certain and definite, is proved, 

1. Because all Numbers of Times in Prophecy throughout the rest of the Scripture are such. 120 years warning of the Flood, Gen. 6. 430 years of the Peregrination, Exod. 12. The 40 years' travail in the Wilderness according to the 40 days spent in spying the Land, Numb. 14. The 65 years by the end of which Ephraim should cease to be a Kingdom, Isai. 7. 8. Ezekiel's 390 days from the Apostasy of jeroboam to the Destruction of jerusalem by Nebuchadnezar, ch. 4. Nebuchadnezar's 7 times, that is 7 years, bestial melancholy, Dan. 4. The 70 years' captivity. Daniel's 70 weeks which the jewish state should continue after its Restauration, ch. 9 
The Numbers of Times in Dan. 12. have also been taken definitely by those who yet differ about their Epocha:  The 2300 evenings and mornings allotted to the Calamity under Antiochus, from the beginning of the Transgression of desolation unto the time the Temple was cleansed, ch. 8. Why should the Prophetical numbers of Times in the Revelation be only indefinite? Should not the Prophecies under the Gospel be as perspicuous and determinate as those under the Law?  
2. The Scriptures use no Numbers indefinitely but such as the Use of speech in the language of the people had made such. For the Scripture speaks according to the language of men, and useth such Figures as they used. Now in the Hebrew tongue Seven and Ten were by use of speech made of indefinite signification, as Seven times and Ten times for Oftentimes; as also Thousand thousands and Myriad of myriads when they would express an innumerable company. The Latin and Greek have likewise their peculiar Numbers which Use of speech hath made liable to indefiniteness: as the first, Sexcenti; the latter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mille millies, when they express a great number indefinitely. And to use any other Number indefinitely but such as the Use of speech had enured to that sense, would seem a great absurdity.  
3. Compound Numbers are never taken indefinitely either in Latin, Greek or Hebrew. Compound Numbers I mean those which are compounded of Units, Ten and Hundreds, etc. Those which are of heterogeneal parts; such as 42, the number of Months in the Apocalypse; 1260, the number of Days; Three times and a half, which is a number of Fraction; Let it be shown that such Numbers as these were of indefinite use. For as the Scriptures use words in that signification wherein men used them: so spoke they in those figures of speech which men used, and that in those words which they had enured thereto.    
The Second thing is, That these Numbers of Times, half-times, of Months, and of Days in the Revelation, are not to be interpreted Literally, but Prophetically; not for single years, single months and single days, but for Anni annorum, Menses & Dies annals; Days for Years, and Months for Months of Years. 
* This is more fully demonstrated in the next Chapter.  Which appears 1. Because the things reported to fall out in them require a longer time than 3 single years and an half; viz. Ten Kingdoms to be founded at the same time with the Beast, who should first submit themselves unto him, and after revolt from him; to have power over all Nations, tongues and people; to make war with the Saints and overcome them; and such like. 2. Because the King, Seignory or Sovereignty next before this, under which the 
* Roma meretrix rides the Beast under his last Head.  Whore rides the Beast, is said in respect thereof to continue but a short space; which implies that that which follows should continue a long time.  
Thus I have confusedly and in haste answered all you propounded in your Letter. If you reply, I will deal but with one point at once in my after-answers. So I shall, by contriving my meditations into a more exact and perspicuous expression, both save a labour which obscurity often occasioneth, and answer with ease, whatsoever business attends me.  I. M.   

CHAP. IX.  
Five Reasons clearly demonstrating That the Antichristian or Apostatical times are more than Three single years and an half.  

1. BEcause impossible so many things, and of such quality as are to be performed in this time, should be done in Three single years and an half. As 1. Ten Kingdoms founded at the same hour with the Beast, (ch. 17.) 2. Peoples and multitudes of Nations and tongues to serve and obey him, (ch. 13.) 3. To make war with the Saints and overcome them, ibid. 4. To cause all that dwell upon the earth to worship him, ibid. 5. Babylon to ride the Beast so long, that all Nations shall drink the wine of her fornication, all Kings of the Earth commit fornication with her, (ch. 17, & 18.) 6. The Merchants, and all those that had ships in the Sea, to grow rich by trading with her, (ch. 18.) These things should ask more than three years' work or four either.  
2. Because that King, State of Government, Sovereignty, Seignory (or what you will) of the Beast, under which the Whore should ride him, followeth immediately upon a former which in comparison is said to continue but a short space, Rev. 17. 10. But if the Antichristian state shall continue but three years and an half literally taken; how short must the time of that foregoing King or Sovereignty be, which should occasion the Holy Ghost to insert so singular a note of the difference thereof from that which followed, That is should continue but a short space? Doth not this imply that the next State (wherein the Whore should ride the Beast) was to continue a long space?  
3. Because if the 1260. days of the Witnesses (which begin and end with the Time of Antichrist) be literally to be taken, then must their three days and an half, wherein they lie slain by the Beast (Chap. 11. 9) be so taken also: But how is it possible the nations and people of the earth should make feasts, send gifts and presents one unto another in three days and an half? how should the Half day be a competent time to distinguish or limit any of the Actions there mentioned? If the Holy Ghost had meant nothing but days, would he have been so precise for half a day?  
4. Because Six of the Trumpets and the things which they bring to pass, by necessity of contemporation are included in the compass of the Antichristian time; Two whereof by the express times mentioned in them (in the Fifth, of 
* Chap. 9 v. 5.  five months; in the Sixth, of 
* Vers. 15.  13.) take up a year and a half, that is near half the time: Which though far too little (if literally taken) for the great things prophesied in them, yet what time will they leave for the Four other Trumpets, and for the Seven Viols, which all are poured out upon the Beast, and afore his times are finished? What time alone will the Sixth Vial require for 
* Chap. 16. 12, etc.  preparing the way of the Kings of the East, for the frogs to go forth unto the Kings of the earth, and of the whole world, to gather them to the battle of that great day of God Almighty, & c?  
5. Lastly, from the Event. If Antichrist's times last no longer than is supposed, than either are they passed long ago, or that Sixth Roman Head, which in S. John's time was, is yet still in being. But that cannot be, when neither Greek nor Latin Caesar are now remaining. If any say, the Latin Caesar yet remains in the German Empire, as that which succeeded unto it; I demand, What succession can that be where was near 350 years' interruption, a longer time than some famous Monarchies have had for their whole continuance? If the Caesarean State may revive and continue the same after so many years interregnum, how shall we ever know when it is dead for ado, and the time come that Antichrist should be looked for? Besides, if the Times of Antichrist be so short, and therefore yet to come, (as they must be, unless they be longer,) then are we yet under the Times of the Red Dragon, and all the Trumpets yet to come. Let it be shown how this can be. If it appear we are not under those times of the Dragon, than none of the Revelation is yet fulfilled.   
Object. But what example elsewhere in Scripture of Days signifying Years?  
Answ. Daniel's seventy weeks. But you will say, the Etymology of the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as appliable to Sevens of Years as Sevens of Days; and therefore this instance proves not. I answer, The question lies not in the Etymology, but the use, wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 always signifies Seven of Days, and never Seven of Years; wheresoever it is absolutely put, it means of Days, is no where used of Years:  
Object. But in the tenth of Daniel we find, as it were for distinction sake, Weeks of Days; which intimates there are Weeks of Years, which the use of the word might indifferently signify.  
Answ. It is ill translated; 
Dan. 10. 2●  the Vulgar is better, which hath Days of Weeks, Lugebam trium hebdomadarum diebus; meaning, that Daniel fasted and did eat no meat in the daytime for three weeks together, or some such like sense. Gen. 29. 27. The Week which Laban would have jacob fulfil before he gave him Rachel, was not the Seven years' service, but the Seven days of Leah's wedding-feast, as the 
* Targum Hierosolym, & Targum Ion●thanis.  Targum translates, and the Vulgar, Imple hebdomadam dierum hujus copulae; nor can it be otherwise by the age of Rachel's children.  
Secondly, Let it be shown in all the Prophecy of Daniel, (or, for aught I know, in any other of the Prophets) where times of things prophesied expressed by days are not to be understood of years: For when the Angel means days in Daniel, he expresseth it therefore not by days (for so it were doubtful) but by 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  evenings and mornings, chap. 8. 14. where he speaks of the time of the persecution of Antiochus.  
A brief Demonstration and (as 
* This is the Author's own Argument to what follows.  I conceive) unanswerable of the Contemporation of the four Timed Prophecies in the Apocalypse: viz. Of the Gentiles treading down the Court and Holy City 42 months; Of the Witnesses preaching in Sackcloth 1260 days; Of the Beast's power of doing 42 months; Of the Apostolical Woman's continuance in the Wilderness a Time, Times and half a Time, expressed also by 1260 days.  

1. The Times of the Beast and of the Witnesses come out together, viz. at the end of the Sixth Trumpet (Chap. 11.) Ergò, being equal times they must needs begin together, and so contemporate throughout.  
2. The Times of the Beast and of the Woman's being in the Wilderness have the same Epocha and beginning, namely the dethroning and vanquishing of the Red Dragon (Ch. 12.) Ergò, being equal times they must also have the same ending.  
3. The Times of the treading down the Court and Holy City by the Gentiles and of the Sackcloth-prophecy of the Witnesses are concurrent by the plain construction of the Text, which gives them to prophecy all that heavy time. Besides, when the Witnesses have finished, we find the Gentiles angry, as being driven from their possession in the Temple, Ch. 11. vers. 18.   I. M.  

CHAP. X.  
A Discourse of the Beginning and Ending of the 42 months, or 1260 days, (Rev. 11. 2, 3.) wherein Alstedius his Four Epocha's are examined.  
SIR,  
I Waved not the Question of the Ending of the XLII months more than that of their Beginning; for as I designed their Beginning in a latitude, so by consequent I do their Ending. If they begin between the years 365 and 455, they must end between the years 1625 and 1715. Only I refused precisely to determine the year of their ending, which for some reasons I supposed should not certainly be known till the Event should make it manifest; according as was not the precise Beginning of the LXX years of the Babylonish captivity, till the Event discovered it by their Ending. For when the articuli are more than one to begin at, who can determine at which God will reckon the beginning, and consequently at what precise year shall be the ending? Yet as God accounted the LXX years of the Babylonish captivity from a remarkable moment of that latitude of time the jews were entering into: so I believe the same Alwise God will do the period of the XLII months, from some remarkable moment in the latitude of their beginning. Howsoever, because such remarkable moments or terms are more than one, all that we can say is, That it shall be from some one of them, and it may be from some one we observe not, God in his wisdom (till he sees fit) veiling it from our eyes.  
For Alstedius, I will ingenuously confess, I had never observed those passages of his Chronology you acquaint me with, as having never been nor yet am owner of that Book, though I think I want few of his other Writings, in which I have met with many passages tending to the same purpose with these of his Chronology, here and there scattered, but no where so fully and ex proposito. I sought up and down for the Book, and some two days since I got a sight of it so long as to read the pages you quote, and no longer: yet because you desire my judgement of the Years he setteth down, I will answer something for your satisfaction; and first lay the ground to examine them by. (viz.)  
The Holy Ghost reckoneth the Epocha or Beginning of Antichrist and his Apostatical times from the taking of that which hindered out of the way, that is, the then-reigning Imperial Sovereignty of Rome, 2 Thess. 2. 6, 7, 8. or as S. john expresseth it, from the deadly wounding of the Head or Sovereignty of the Roman Beast, which in his time ruled; or the shivering of the Empire into a plurality of Kingdoms upon that deadly wounding, Apoc. 13. 3. with chap. 17. 12. When that great City should cease to be the lap of that Sovereignty which the Caesars once held over the Nations, and many new upstart Kings should appear in the place and territory of that once One Empire; then should the Times of Apostasy with that wicked One make their entrance. Therefore as the Epocha or beginning of the Apostatical times in a latitude is to be fetched from that deadly blow or downfall of the Caesarean head in a latitude: so he that would conjecturally point out any precise year where to begin those times, must do it from some remarkable step or degree of the Caesarean blow or downfall in the same latitude. Where note further, that the Caesarean blow or downfall may be accounted double. First, Religious and Sacred, as he was Draconicola, by a dismounting and dethroning of the Dragon which actuated and enlived him: Secondly, Political, by the ruin of his State and Majesty. Some of the places I now quoted may seem more to respect the one, some more the other. Antichrist, we see, hath cured them both; the First by a new Idolatry, the Second by his usurped Tyranny.  
Let us examine Alstedius his Four Epocha's according to this ground.  
The first is Anno Christi 362. which was ill pitched, it being the very time of the Dragon's recovery of the Imperial Throne under julian, not any moment or step of his dismounting; and the Empire flourishing under one Monarch, not falling or disshivering. Nor is his Reason good, Because than began the persecution of julian; for that argues that the Dragon was not yet down: Nor the other, Because of the Schismatical contention of the Roman Popes; for what reason can there be why the Schism of the Popes should be the Epocha of their dominion, and of the times of Apostasy under them? Besides, the Event shows this was no Epocha of the 42 months; for then the expiration of them should have appeared anno 1622. by some mortal blow to the Antichristian state; but it proved contrary. Alstedius addeth the three years and an half of the Slaughter of the Witnesses to the end thereof, hoping they should have revived Anno 1625. but, alas! they did not. He that would choose an Epocha about Iulian's time, might with much more probability have pitched upon 365; because then upon Iulian's death the Dragon was dethroned again from the Imperial rule, never to recover it any more: howsoever the Draconical or Ethnic worship, which julian had restored, was publicly exercised by allowance of the succeeding Emperors, (though Christians,) and not put down for many years after. Wherefore the Event hath made manifest that God would none of this Epocha, else should we have seen some tokens of it ere this time.  
The next is Anno 376. from whence the 42 months would expire 1636. This hath more probability than any other he hath named; because the year 376 was the beginning of the Reign of the Emperor Gratian, who first of all the Christian Emperors renounced the great Pontificality long annexed to the Imperial dignity, and refused the Pontifical Stole, when it was tendered him according to the custom by the Collegium Pontificum, saying it was unlawful for a Christian; whereas all the former Christian Emperors (mirabile dictu) had admitted it, being installed and instyled still Pontifices Maximi, and according to that office ordered all business concerning the Ethnic ceremonies by their deputies. So long therefore as the Emperors were still the Dragon's Pontifices, he had yet some title, at least some titular dignity, in the Roman Sovereignty; and the losing thereof may be reckoned a remarkable step of his dismounting and downfall: and so no marvel if he might then be brought to go seek out some other Pontifex to undertake his service. But the doubt will be here, whether it were this year wherein Gratian rejected the Pontificality, or some other; for the year is not yet set down in Story: only it may most probably be thought to be the first year of his Reign à morte Patris, for he was created Augustus in his Father's life-time. Secondly, In the same year 376 the Goths entered the Empire; and so the foundation was laid also of the Political downfall of the same. But what Alstedius his Reasons be to pitch upon that Epocha I know not; he seems for this and the rest of his Chronology to rely upon Astrological grounds from the great Conjunction. But though I believe these rarer Conjunctions may fit and dispose the Bodies of men for some such work as God will do by them; yet I think them not sufficient to determine times; especially seeing they have no influence upon Polities and States directly, and quà talia, but only make some extraordinary impressions upon the Bodies of particular men born under them, which being many, when they come to years, may cause a predominancy of some singular disposition in their lives, fit for such alterations and changes as God shall direct and lead them to.  
His third Epocha is 382. which would bring out the 42 months Anno 1642. Of this I see no reason he gives but Astrological, the insufficiency whereof for that purpose I have already showed. He might with greater probability have pitched upon 394. when was that famous battle and victory of Theodosius against Eugenius and Arbogastes coming with a mighty Army to restore Ehtnicism, which Theodosius had utterly abolished, and after which Ehtnicism never made head any more in the Empire: This therefore might be reckoned for another remarkable moment of the Dragon's downfall. Or he might have pitched upon the year 410. the time when Alaricus took and sacked Rome the Lady of the world; a most remarkable moment of the Political ruin of the Caesarean Sovereignty. The former of these Epocha's would bring out the 42 months Anno 1654. the latter, 1670. But all these things depend upon the Divine will, In cujus manu sunt tempora & opportunitates.  
His last Epocha is 433. from which the 42 months would expire Anno 1693. For this Epocha of his I find no reason but à posteriori, drawn from the expiring of Daniel's numbers, Dan. 12. 11, 12. which he addeth one upon the head of another, and so makes 2625 to the End of the World, which reckoned from the destruction of jerusalem will come out Anno Christi 2694. from which he takes away for the Regnum Sanctorum 1000 years; so there remain but 1694: at which time the 42 months of Antichrist must be finished, because then the 1000 years of Christ's Reign begin. 
See the meaning of those days in the Author's learned Discourse De Nu●heris Danielis, etc. which is the last Discourse in this Third Book.  Now if the 42 months' end then, they began about 433.  
This is the sum of that Computation.  
But for my par●, I think the meaning of those days in Daniel to be to another purpose then to design the End of the World.  
Secondly, That they are not to be reckoned one upon the head of another, but both from one and the same beginning.  
Thirdly, That their Epocha is not the Destruction of jerusalem by Titus, but that Profanation of the Temple by Antiochus Epiphanes, which the Angel but newly mentioned in the same Vision; whereas that of the Destruction of jerusalem by Titus was in a Vision some years before, and not like to be referred hereunto, and that which was so newly 
* Compare Dan. 11. 31. & Chap. 12. 11.  mentioned, iisdem verbis, in the same Vision overslipped. Yet I am not of junius his mind neither, who would have them taken for bare days, and determinated in the persecution of Antiochus: I suppose them Prophetical days, that is, so many years, and their times already expired. But I have no time to enter into this dispute.  
The 42 months extend to the burning and sacking of Babylon; not to the extinguishing of Antichrist, which shall be some while after, as appears Revel. 19 The reason of the limitation concealed. If I seem to incline to some moments rather than other, yet would I still be construed according to my first protestation against precise determination of Years in this business.  
I. M.   

CHAP. XI.  
A brief Discourse of the Thousand years mentioned in Revelation 20. With some reflections upon Eusebius and S. Hierom.  
TOuching the Question of the Thousand years, you may see I have demonstrated them to follow the Times of the Beast and of the false-Prophet, and consequently the Times of Antichrist. And if the Apocalypse be Canonical Scripture, it must needs be granted there is such a time to come; or we must deny either Rome, which now is, to be Babylon● or the Beast to be Antichrist or Antichristendom: which those who opposed the ancient Chiliasts found so necessary, 
See page 531.  as forced them (having no other way to avoid their Adversaries) directly to deny the Apocalypse to be Scripture; nor was it readmitted till they thought they had found some commodious interpretation of the 1000 years. And yet the Apocalypse hath more Humane (not to speak of Divine) authority than any other Book of the New Testament besides, even from the time it was first delivered. But we see what the zeal of opposition can do.  
This Dogma of the 1000 years Regnum was the General opinion of all Orthodox Christians in the Age immediately following the Apostles, if 
* See pag. 534.  justin Martyr say true; and none known to deny it then but Heretics, which denied the Resurrection, and held that the God of Abraham, Isaac and jacob, was not the Father of our Lord jesus Christ. This was the reason why Irenaeus maintained it in his book Contra omnes Haereses, and Tertullian against the Marcionites.  
Eusebius, who found out one 
* See in Book V. the words of Gaius out of Eusebius, with the Author's Animadversions.  Gaius to father it upon Cerinthus, deserves no credit; he was a party, and one of those which did his best to undermine the authority of the Apocalypse. Nor did any know of any such Gaius but from his relation: And if there were any such, he should seem to be one of the Heretics called Alogi, who denied both S. John's Gospel and Apocalypse, as is testified in Epiphanius; and their time jumps with the Age which Eusebius assigns to Gaius. Yet I deny not but some might maintain very carnal and intolerable conceits about this Regnum of a thousand years, as the mahometans do about their Paradise: But these are not to be imputed unto those Primitive Fathers and Orthodox Christians.  
S. Hierom was a chief Champion to cry down this Opinion, and (according to his wont) a most unequal relator of the Opinion of his Adversaries. What credit he deserves in this may appear by some Fragments of those Authors still remaining, whom he charged with an Opinion directly contrary to that which they expressly affirmed: And yet when he had stated it so as it must needs be Heresy and Blasphemy whosoever should hold it, he is found to say he durst not damn it, because multi virorum Ecclesiasticorum & Martyrum ista dixerunt, (Comment. in jerem. 19 10.) many Eccle●astical persons and Martyrs affirmed the same.  
In a word, I cannot choose but agree so far with them, That these 1000 years are yet to come: This I hold with Alstedius. But what shall be the modus and condition of that Kingdom, that is, what it means, it may be I have some singular conceit differing from them both; I am sure from Alstedius, Piscator, and others of that opinion. But I were better speak nothing thereof than too little; and to speak fully would require in a manner the Interpretation of the whole Apocalypse. In a word, I will reveal thus much, viz. That the Seventh Trumpet and the Thousand years contained therein is that Magnus dies Domini, and Magnus dies judicii, or Dies magni judicii, The Great Day of the Lord, The Great Day of judgement, The Day of the Great judgement, so much celebrated amongst the jews in all their Writings, and from them taken up by our Saviour and his Apostles. Not a Day of a few hours, as we commonly suppose, but continuatum multorum annorum intervallum, a continued space of many Years, wherein Christ shall destroy all his Enemies, and at length Death itself; beginning with Antichrist, by his revelation from heaven in flaming fire, and ending with the Universal Resurrection: during which space of time shall be the Kingdom of the Saints in the New jerusalem. This I can affirm with the most, That Antichrist shall not be finally destroyed till the Day of Christ's appearing unto judgement; and yet not fall into that which some charge the Chiliasts with, That this Reign should be after the Day of judgement. For I give a third time, in or durante magno Die judicii, in or during the Great Day of judgement.  I. M.  

CHAP. XII.  
A Censure by way of Correction returned to a Friend concerning an Exposition of his, of the 20. Chapter of the Apocalypse, somewhat exorbitant.  

1. THat the Reign of Christ here described is after the Times of Antichrist (if either the Beast or the False-prophet be he) is apparent without interpretation; 
Th●s was wroté before his Comment on the Apocal. and so were the other Tracts in these Remains, except that in Chap. 9 be of a later date.  both because all those Times the old Dragon Satan was not tied up, but at liberty to seduce the Nations; and because (verse 4.) one sort of those who should reign with Christ a thousand years are said to be such as had not worshipped the Beast, neither his Image, nor had received his mark upon their foreheads or in their hands: which necessarily presupposeth The Beast, His Image and Marking to have already been.  
2. What the Quality of this Reign should be, which is so singularly differenced from the Reign of Christ hitherto, is neither easy nor safe to determine, farther then, That it should be the Reign of our Saviour's Victory over his Enemies, wherein Satan being bound up from deceiving the Nations any more, till the time of his Reign be fulfilled, the Church should consequently enjoy a most blissful peace and happy security from the heretical Apostasies and calamitous sufferings of former times. But here (if any where) the known shipwrecks of those who have been too venturous should make us most wary and careful, that we admit nothing into our imaginations which may cross or impeach any Catholic Tenet of the Christian Faith: as also to beware of gross and carnal conceits of an Epicurean happiness misbeseeming the Spiritual purity of Saints. If we conceit any Deliciae, let them be Spirituales, which S. Austin confesseth to be Opinio tolerabilis, & se hoc opinatum fuisse aliquando, (Lib. 20. De Civit. Dei, cap. 7.) a tolerable Opinion, and that he also was sometime of the same judgement.  
3. The Presence of Christ in this Kingdom shall no doubt be glorious and evident: yet I dare not so much as imagine (which some Ancients seem to have thought) that it should be a Visible Converse upon earth. For the Kingdom of Christ ever hath been and shall be Regnum Coelorum, A Kingdom whose Throne and Kingly Residence is in Heaven. There he was installed when he sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on high, Heb. 1. and there, as in his proper Temple, is continually to appear in the presence of his Father, to make intercession for us, Rom. 8. 34. with Heb. 9 24. Yet may we grant he shall appear and be visibly revealed from Heaven, especially for the Calling and gathering of his ancient People, for whom in the days of old he did so many wonders. This S. john in this Book, as our Saviour in the Gospel, ● seems to intimate by joining those two Prophetical passages of Daniel and Zachary in one expression, Behold he cometh in the clouds, and every eye shall see him, and they also which pierced him. The first part (which our Saviour expresses more fully by the Sign of the Son of Man coming in the clouds of Heaven, etc.) is Daniel's in a Vision of this Kingdom we speak of. 
Dan. 7. 13.  Behold (saith he) one like the Son of Man came with the clouds of Heaven— And there was given him Dominion, and Glory, and a Kingdom, that all People, Nations and Languages should serve him. 
Zach. 12. 10.  The other part is out of Zachary prophesying of the Recalling of the jews; And I will pour upon the house of David and upon the inhabitants of jerusalem the spirit of grace and supplication, and they shall look upon me whom they have pierced: Though these words of Zachary are not in our Saviour's expression, but in stead thereof that which immediately follows after them, That all the tribes of the Earth (or Land) should mourn. Now I cannot understand how these two Prophetical passages should not have the same meaning when our Saviour and his Apostle allege them joined, which they have in their own Authors expressed apart? or being expressed together as one, should not be fulfilled at once? By such a miraculous apparition of Christ from Heaven was S. Paul converted: And I hope it is no Heresy to think, That the whole Nation of the jews, those Zelots against Christ, may be converted by as strange a means as was that one Zealot of their Nation. 
See in Book V. the Author's short Tract styled The Mystery of S. Paul's Conversion, or, The Type of the Calling of the jews.   
4. Those who shall be Partakers of this Kingdom are described to be of two sorts: 1. The deceased Martyrs, who (as far as I can yet understand it) shall resume their Bodies and reign in Heaven; 2. Such of the Living as have not worshipped the Beast, nor his Image, neither have received his mark, etc. these shall reign on Earth. For so I construe the words; 
Revel. 20. 4.  I saw the Souls of them that were beheaded for the witness of jesus and for the Word of God, and (subaudi, I saw) those which had not worshipped the Beast, nor his Image, nor had received his mark upon their foreheads or in their hands; and they lived (that is, the Martyrs,) and reigned (that is, both of them) with Christ a thousand years.  
5. Under the Second sort of those Reigners, together with the Virgin-Christians of the Gentiles, (who are the Surrogate Israel) I would in a particular respect understand the Nation of the jews then converted to the Faith of Christ; who coming in toward the end of the day, may above all others be said to be Those who had not worshipped the Beast, neither his Image, nor had received his mark upon their foreheads or in their hands; which most of the Christian Gentiles had done; and therefore at the time of their cleansing (Chap. 15. ver. 2.) are rather described, Those that had gotten the victory over the Beast, and over his Image, and over his mark, and over the number of his Name.  
6. The Rising of the Martyrs is that which is called the First Resurrection, being, as it seems, a prerogative to their sufferings above the rest of the Dead; who as they suffered with Christ in the time of his patience, so should they be glorified with him in the Reign of his Victory before the Universal Resurrection of all. 
Chap. 20. 6.  Blessed and Holy are they who have part in the First Resurrection, for, on them the Second death hath no power; namely, because they are not in Via, but in Patria; being a prerogative, as I understand it, of this First sort of Reigners only, and not of the Second. Thus I yet admit the First Resurrection to be 
* See in Book IU. the Author's 2d. Letter to D. Meddus, where this is largely treated of. See also above in this Book in the Appendix to the Apocal. his Epist. ad Amicum, De Resurrection● Prima, etc.  Corporal as well as the Second, though I confess I have much striven against it; and if the Text would admit another sense less free of Paradox, I had yet rather listen unto it: but I find it not. Howsoever, to grant a Particular Resurrection before the General, is against no Article of Faith: For the Gospel tells us, Matth. 27. v. 52, 53. that at our Saviour's Resurrection, The graves were opened, and many bodies of the Saints which slept arose, and went into the holy City and appeared unto many. Neither was the number of them a small number, if we may credit the Fathers or the most ancient Records of Christian Tradition: For of this was that famous saying, 
‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That Christ descended alone, but ascended with a multitude; which is found in the heads of the Sermon of Thaddeus, as they are reported by Eusebius out of the Syriack Records of the City of Edessa, (Lib. 1. cap. ult.) in Ignatius' Epistle to the Trallians, and in the Disputation of 
* Vid. Act. Concil. Niceni apud Gelas. Cyzicen. l. 1. c. 23. ●l. 24.  Macarius, Bishop of jerusalem, in the first General Council of Nice, also in 
‖ In Catech. 14.  cyril's Catechism. Nay this cyril of jerusalem, chrysostom, and others, suppose this Resurrection to have been common to all the Saints that died before our Saviour. (See the Bishop of Meath, De Limbo Patrum.) Howsoever it be, it holds no unfit proportion with this supposed of the Martyrs. And how it doth more impeach any Article of our Faith to think that may be of the Martyrs which we believe of the Patriarches, I yet see not.  
7. The Second Resurrection to be after the End of the 1000 years, justin Martyr, by way of distinction, calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Eternal and Universal Resurrection of all together; namely, in respect of the former which was Particular, and but of some. And that it is common both to the Godly and to the Wicked, and not of the Wicked only, may appear, in that there are two Books opened for the Dead, (ver. 12.) whereof one is the Book of Life; which argues two sorts of Dead to be judged. Nor can I imagine how it can be otherwise, unless all the Just which live during the 1000 years be supposed to be immortal; which is a Paradox I dare not admit, understanding, not that all the Individuals, but that the Body of the Church here on Earth should successively Reign with Christ her Lord 1000 years. Besides, the attempt of the Nations after the Devil's losing argues a State subject to mutability. As for those words of v. 14. which seem to intimate no other Dead then judged but the Wicked, because it's said, That Death and Hades were cast into the lake of fire, which is the Second Death; I suppose nothing else is meant thereby, but that Death was now quite vanquished, and that there should be no more Death of Body or Separation of Soul, but only the Second Death: As if it had been said, Death and Hades are now confined only to the Lake of Fire, which is the Second Death; but the former Death of Bodies in the Grave, and the State of separate Souls in 
* Hades is properly the place of Separate Souls, whether good or bad, after death.  Hades was no more.  
8. For Gog and Magog, who after Satan's losing and before the last Resurrection shall gather together against the Camp of the Saints and the Beloved City, it cannot be literally understood of the Nations so called in the Old Testament. For there Gog the Prince, with the People of Magog come out of the 
* Ezek. 38. 15. & chap. 39 2.  North-parts where the posterity of Magog was seated. But Gog and Magog here are said to be Nations which are in the four quarters of the Earth. As therefore the Apocalyptical Babylon is not Babylon in Chaldaea, but a Counter-type thereof, most like for Universal Ambition and Metropolitanship of Spiritual Fornication: so this Apocalyptical Gog and Magog is not the Gog and Magog of the North, but a Counter-type of them, which should after the same manner attempt against the Beloved City then, which the Scythian Gog and Magog (I mean the Turk) doth against the Church of the Gentiles now, and should before his last Ruin attempt against Israel at their return. And if there ever be an Antichrist, such as the Fathers describe, now will be the most likely time for him, when the Devil is lose but for a little season.   I. M.   

A PARAPHRASE AND EXPOSITION Of the PROPHECY OF St. PETER, CONCERNING The Day of Christ's Second Coming; DESCRIBED In the Third CHAPTER of his Second EPISTLE.  
AS ALSO How the CONFLAGRATION, or Destruction of the WORLD by FIRE, (whereof S. Peter speaks,) and especially of the Heavens, is to be understood.  
BY JOSEPH MEDE, B. D.  
The Fifth Edition, corrected in sundry places, and enlarged with some Additional Observations out of the Author's own Manuscripts.   

A PARAPHRASE and EXPOSITION OF THE PROPHECY of S. PETER, CONCERNING The Day of Christ's Second Coming;  
DESCRIBED In the Third CHAPTER of the Second EPISTLE.  
Verses 1, 2.  
SAint Peter exhorts the believing jews, unto whom he writes, to be mindful of the words of the holy Prophets, 
a If that which S. Peter here describeth were foretold by the old Prophets, then must S. Peter be so expounded, as it may be shown in them and agree with them.  Esay, Daniel and Malachi, concerning the coming of Christ to judgement, and the Restauration then promised; it being also confirmed by the Apostles of our Lord and Saviour.  
Verses 3, 4. For howsoever it were then believed both by jews and Christianed Gentiles; yet in 
a This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or last days, should seem to be the time of the Church's Apostasy under Antichrist, according to that of S. Paul, 1 Tim. 4. 1. In the latter times some shall depart from the Faith, giving heed to spirits of error and doctrines of Daemons. For as the times of the fourth and last of Daniel's Kingdoms were the last times in general, during which Christ was to come and found his Church and Kingdom: so the latter times of the Fourth Kingdom, being that period of a Time, times and half a time wherein the wicked Horn should domineer, are the latmost times of the last times, or last times in special.  the last days should come those who, walking after their own desires, (or humours) should deny and deride the expectation of any such 
b 
I take Promise here for Res promissa the thing promised; the Antithesis implying that to be the meaning, viz. The scoffers say, Where is the Promise of his coming? Nevertheless we look for a New heaven and New earth, according to his Promise.  
But here is somewhat (Reader) in the application wherein thou mayest err; but be not thou uncharitable in thy censure, nor think I am. For although the crying down and condemning of the opinion of the Chiliasts will be found to be near upon the beginning of the times of the Antichristian Apostasy, (which I suppose to be called the last times;) and that the utter burying of that Opinion falls within these times: yet thou must know, 1. That there is not the like reason of the first Authors of crying down a Truth, and of those who led by their authority take it afterward, without further examination, for an Error. 2. To scoff is one thing, and barely not to believe is another. 3. 'Tis one thing to deny a promise simply, and another to deny or question the manner thereof; as also to reject a Truth sincerely propounded, and when it is entangled with errors, as that of the later Chiliasts may seem to have been.   promise of the Day of Christ, saying, Where is the 
c 
I take Promise here for Res promissa the thing promised; the Antithesis implying that to be the meaning, viz. The scoffers say, Where is the Promise of his coming? Nevertheless we look for a New heaven and New earth, according to his Promise.  
But here is somewhat (Reader) in the application wherein thou mayest err; but be not thou uncharitable in thy censure, nor think I am. For although the crying down and condemning of the opinion of the Chiliasts will be found to be near upon the beginning of the times of the Antichristian Apostasy, (which I suppose to be called the last times;) and that the utter burying of that Opinion falls within these times: yet thou must know, 1. That there is not the like reason of the first Authors of crying down a Truth, and of those who led by their authority take it afterward, without further examination, for an Error. 2. To scoff is one thing, and barely not to believe is another. 3. 'Tis one thing to deny a promise simply, and another to deny or question the manner thereof; as also to reject a Truth sincerely propounded, and when it is entangled with errors, as that of the later Chiliasts may seem to have been.   promise of his coming? Where is the New heaven and New earth you talk of?  
Verse 4. pars altera. The reason of this their unbelief being, because they imagine there hath never yet since the creation of the World been any example of such a destruction and change ensuing it as this at the coming of Christ should be. For since the Fathers fell asleep, (say they) even since Adam died, all things have continued as they were from the beginning of the creation. Therefore the expectation of any such change of the World and the state of things therein (as is supposed) is vain and frivolous, and never to be fulfilled. 

As touching the jews, and the impeachment of this Opinion amongst them in the latter times, I find amongst the Doctors of the Gemara or Gloss of their Talmud (which was finished about 500 years after Christ) a Tenet of one R. samuel's often mentioned, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That there was to be no difference between the present state of the world and the days of Messiah, but in respect of the bondage under the Kingdoms of the Gentiles only; thereby opposing the more ancient opinion and tradition of the Renovation of the World. After this time there appears to have been amongst the jews a Sect of the followers of the opinion of this R. Samuel, which at length was greatly advanced by the authority of that learned Maimonides, who having drunk too deep of the Philosophy of Aristotle, (wherein he was admirably skilful) became a champion against the opinion of the world's renovation to be in the days of Messiah; and that upon this ground, Quòd mundus retinet & sequitur consuetudinem suam: which saying he ascribeth to some other Rabbins of the same opinion before him, which for the sense and meaning is the selfsame with that here of the scoffers, All things (say they) continue as they were from the beginning of the creation.  
Nevertheless Aben Ezra, who lived not long after Maimonides, maintained still (as also others did) the contrary; and there are extant certain Discourses and Tractates amongst them purposely written of this Argument, and confuting the opinion of R. Moses ben Maiemon and his followers; as one called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coeli novi, proving the necessity of the Renovation of the World, and directed against cap. 29. lib. 2. of Maimonides his More Nebochim. Another by R. Isaac Abarbinel, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Opera Dei, (out of Psal. 66. 5.) wherein all the arguments brought against the Renovation are confuted. And no doubt there are more of the like nature, which we know not of.    
Verses 5, 6. But those who suppose this, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that there hath never yet any such destruction and change befallen the Creation, and thence conclude there is no such nor shall ever be; they weigh and consider not the universal Deluge in the time of Noah (when the curse laid upon the creature for man's sin first solemnly took place) brought, as a like destruction, so a like change, upon the world for the degeneration of the creature, as this at the second coming of Christ shall be for the restauration and renovation of the same in the day of the glorious liberty of the children of God. For the Heavens were of old, and the globe of the Earth, consisting partly [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] of water, (viz. that of the Great deep) and partly 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signifies inter, amongst, or in the midst of, as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Herodotus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inter insulas. Howsoever we render the Preposition, I suppose S. Peter by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 means the superior water, which together with that of the Sea or Great deep concurred to the drowning of the World, as appears by the place of Genesis alleged.  [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] amongst water, to wit, the clouds and floodgates of heaven hanging about it; all framed by the word of God: By which waters [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] the world which then was, being overwhelmed with water, perished; as it is written, Gen. 7. 11, etc. In the 600. year of Noah's life, in the second month, the 17. day of the month, were all the Fountains of the Great deep broken up, and the Floodgates (or Cataracts) of heaven were opened: and verse 18. And the waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth— And all flesh died that moved upon the earth, both of fowl, and of cattle, and of beast, and of every creeping thing, and every man— verse 21.  
Verse 7. But the Heavens and the Earth (that is, the World) which is now, by the same word are kept in store, reserved unto 
a From this proportion which the judgement to come by Fire hath unto that which was by Water in the Deluge, Irenaeus calls it Diluvium ignis, Lib. 5. cap. 29. juxta Edit. Fevardentii.  fire at the Day of judgement and perdition of ungodly men; according to the prophecy of Daniel (c. 7. v. 10, 11.) who saw a fiery stream issuing and coming forth before the judge of the world, and the body of the fourth Beast burned therewith: And of Esay (chap. 66. 15, 16.) who saith of that day, That the Lord shall come with fire, and with his chariots like a whirlwind, to render his anger with fury, and his rebukes with flames of fire: And that by fire and by his sword, (i. e. by his sword of fire, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Lord would plead with all flesh, and the slain of the Lord shall be many 
b It may be it is of this day the same Prophet Esay also speaks chap. 9 5. where he saith, The battle of the Messiah should not be as the battle of the warrior, with confused noise, and garments rolled in blood; but with burning and fuel of fire. For the old Prophets (for the most part) speak of the coming of Christ indefinitely and in general, without that distinction of First and Second coming, which the Gospel out of Daniel hath more clearly taught us. And so consequently they spoke of the things to be at Christ's coming indefinitely and altogether, which we, who are now more fully informed by the revelation of the Gospel of a twofold coming, must apply each of them to its proper time: those things which befit the state of his First coming, unto it; and such things as befit the state of his Second coming, unto his Second; and what befits Both alike, may be applied unto Both. . So also Mal. 4. 1. That the great and terrible day shall burn as an oven, and all the proud and all that do wickedly shall be stubble, which at the coming of that day shall be burnt up.  
Verse 8. But whereas I mentioned (saith S. Peter) the Day of judgement, lest ye might mistake it for a short day, or a day of a few hours, I would not, beloved, have you ignorant, that One day with the Lord is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day 
a 
Thus I expound these words by way of a preoccupation or premonition; because they are the formal words of the jewish Doctors when they speak of the Day of judgement or Day of Christ, as S. Peter here doth, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, una dies Dei Sancti Benedicti sunt mille anni. And though they use to quote that of the ninetieth Psalm, (Mille anni in oculis tuis sicut dies hesternus) for confirmation thereof; yet are not those words formally in the Psalm. So that S. Peter in this passage seems rather to have had respect to that common saying of the jews in this argument, than to the words of the Psalm; where the words [One day with the Lord is as a thousand years] are not, though the latter part of the sentence [A thousand years as one day] may allude thither; as the 
* Trad. R. Ketinae in Gemara San●edrin. Midrasch, i●hillim super Ps. 90.  jews also were wont to bring it for a confirmation of the former.  
2. These words are commonly taken as an argument why God should not be thought slack in his promise (which follows in the next verse:) But the first Fathers took it otherwise; and besides, it proves it not: For the question is not, whether the time be long or short in respect of God, but whether it be long or short in respect of us; otherwise not only a thousand, but an 100 thousand years are in the eyes of God no more than one day is to us, and so it would not seem long to God, if the Day of judgement should be deferred till then.  
3. Let the judicious consider it, whether this passage so prone to be taken in the exposition I have given, yea and alleged to that purpose, were not some part of a motive to the zelotical Antichiliasts (whereof Eusebius, whom we trust, was none of the least) to be so willing and ready to question the authority of this Epistle, as they did also at the same time of the Apocalypse. The pretence against this Epistle was, because it wanted the testimony of allegation by the first Fathers. But [Dies Domini sicut mille anni] quoted both by justin Martyr and Irenaeus, is not out of the ninetieth Psalm, as they took for granted, (for there are no such words) but out of this Epistle of Peter, who applies it to the Day of judgement, which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Day of the Lord. Consider it.    
Verse 9 And though this Day be long deferred, yet is not the Lord slack concerning his promise (as some men account slackness, as if he had altered his purpose, or meant never to perform it;) but the cause of this delay is his long-suffering towards us 
a S. Peter speaks and writes in this Epistle to his brethren the jews, as appears by the first verse of this chapter.  of the seed of Israel, not willing that any should perish at that day, but that our whole Nation should come unto repentance, 
b 
Therefore the same S. Peter in his first public Sermon to his Nation in the Temple, after the sending of the Holy Ghost, (Acts 3. 19, etc.) exhorts them to repent and be converted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the washing away of their sins, That so (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) those times of refreshing and restitution of all things, which God had spoken by the mouth of all his holy Prophets, might come; which till then were to be suspended.  
Object. But God could have hastened the jews conversion, if it had pleased him.  
Resp. But it stood not with the oeconomy of his justice, when the jews had rejected Christ, their expiation, to grant them this grace, until they should have fulfilled a time of penance for all the sins of their Nation, even from the first time they were a people until the last destruction of jerusalem. For since they would none of their pardon and atonement by Christ, (with respect unto whose coming God had so long spared them; for all their expiation by Sacrifice looked unto him) God would not bate them an ace of the judgement they had merited, but would visit all the former sins of their Nation upon them, from the golden Calf, until their crucifying and final rejecting of their Messiah   which, if that Day should surprise them in their unbelief, must inevitably perish with the rest of the enemies of Christ.  
Verse 10. But as for the manner of the coming of this great Day of the Lord, it shall be suddenly and unawares, as a thief in the night, in which the 
a What these Heavens are, and why I render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the host of them, and how this Conflagration is to be understood, I will show when I have done my Paraphrase.  Heavens with a crackling noise of fire shall pass away, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
a What these Heavens are, and why I render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the host of them, and how this Conflagration is to be understood, I will show when I have done my Paraphrase.  or host of them shall melt with fervent heat; the Earth also and the works therein shall be burned.  
Verse 11, 12. Seeing then that all these things shall be dissolved, what manner of persons ought we to be in all holy conversation and godliness, to make ourselves fire-proof, and such as may abide the day of refining? As namely becometh those who by faith look for and hasten the coming of the Day of the Lord, wherein the Heavens being on fire shall be dissolved, and the host of them melt with fervent heat. For our life and conversation ought to be suitable to our faith, and we are so to walk as if that were always present which by faith we look for.  
Verse 13. But this Conflagration ended, (whatsoever those Scoffers say who question the promise of Christ's second coming) we look, according to his promise (Isa. 65. 17 & 66. 22,) for a New heaven and a New earth, (that is, a new and refined state of the World) wherein righteousness shall dwell, according as the same Prophet saith, chap. 60. 20, 21. The Lord shall be thine everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be ended; Thy people also shall be all righteous, they shall inherit the land (or earth) for ever.  
Verse 14, 15, 16. Wherefore, beloved, (seeing that ye look for such things at his coming) be diligent that ye may be found of him in peace, without spot and blameless; and account the long-suffering of God in the delay thereof to be for salvation. Even as our beloved Paul also, (one of the Apostles of our Lord, who confirmeth these words of the holy Prophets) according to the wisdom given unto him, hath written unto you; enforcing the like exhortation unto holiness of life, from this our faith and expectation of the Lord jesus his appearing to judgement, which we now make unto you; namely Heb. 12. 14, 28, 29. As also in all his Epistles, speaking in them of these things, viz. Rom. 2. 4, 5, 6, 7. | 1 Cor. 1. 7, 8. &. 3. 13. | 2 Cor. 5. 9, 10, 11. initio, & 7. 1. | Phil. 1. 10. & 2. 15, 16. also 3. 20, etc. | Coloss. 3. 4, 5. | 1 Thess. 2. 12. & 3. 13. denique 5. 23. | 2 Thess. 1. 8, etc. 1 Tim. 6. 14, 15. | Tit. 2. 12, 13.  
Verse 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Amongst which things concerning the Second coming of Christ are somethings hard to be conceived, which those which are unlearned and not well settled in the Faith, like unto these Scoffers, stumble at, as they do at other Scriptures, taking occasion thereby to stagger and doubt of the truth of God; so perverting the Scriptures from their right end, by making them the means of their own destruction, which were given by God as a means whereby they might believe and be saved.  

How this Conflagration of the World whereof S. PETER speaks, and especially of the Heavens, is to be understood.  
FOR resolution of this Question, I must premise some things, to make the way thereto the more easy.  

1. That in the old Hebrew language, wherein the Scripture speaks, there is no one word to express that Compages of the superior and inferior bodies, which we call Mundus, but those two words, Heaven and Earth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joined and put together, only: So that when S. Peter saith, The World which then was, perished by water; but the Heavens and the Earth which are now, are reserved to fire, he might as well have said, according to his meaning, The Heavens and the Earth which then were, perished by water; as the World that now is shall by fire. For the words [Heaven and Earth] joined imply no more in the one (according to the Scripture's notion) than the single word Mundus or World doth in the other, being applied to the history of the great Deluge: As also a New heaven and a New earth is the same notion with that in our expression, when we say, a New World, that is to say, Nova rerum facies, nova rerum conditio; which we otherwise apply to very small and even particular and domestical changes, when we say, Here is a new World; which the Hebrew would or might express, Here is a new Heaven and a new Earth.  
2. That it is not like that any other World, or Heaven and Earth, shall perish by Fire, than such a one as heretofore perished by Water: For so the Antithesis imports, viz. The World, or Heaven and Earth, which then was, perished by water; the Heaven and Earth which now is, is reserved for a destruction by fire. Now the World which perished by water was no other than the sublunary World; the Heaven whereof is that which we call Air, but the Scriptures Heaven: which sublunary Heaven, together with the Earth, was marred by that general Deluge; and the creatures belonging to them both either wholly destroyed, or marvellously corrupted from that they were before. Such a World therefore, and no other Heaven and Earth, shall undergo this second deluge of Fire for restauration, which before suffered the deluge of Water for corruption.  
3. Observe also, for the better understanding of S. Peter's meaning, That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we in this place are wont to turn Elements, is not like to be understood in the notion of the Greek Philosophy, whose terms and notions the Scripture useth not; but otherwise divideth the World. Nay further, in this place it cannot be so understood; for that the Hebrew division of the World into Heaven and Earth is here expressed, and these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 distinguished from them both. But when the whole World is divided into Heaven and Earth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Earth is meant the Earthen Globe, which S. Peter saith is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so the Water and Earth are both included in the sole name of Earth: in Heaven the Air is included. Thus three of the Philosophical Elements are bestowed. The fourth is the Fire: but this is that which is to burn the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so none of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be burnt. And if any of these Elements could be exempted from this division into Heaven and Earth, besides the Fire, as namely the Air; yet could not that, nor any one of them alone, be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Peter; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes more than one.   
It must needs therefore be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here meaneth something else. Let us see if we can find out what it is. Mark then S. Peter's order, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By which correspondence it should seem that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be some furniture belonging to Coelum, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the buildings and whole furniture of Creatures belonging to Terra; which furniture of both, but especially that of the Heaven, the Scripture calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the host of them, Gen. 2. 1. The heavens and the earth were finished, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and all the host of them; LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vulg. Ornatus eorum. Nay, seeing the whole World is nothing else but the Heaven and the Earth, and what is contained in them, (i. e.) exercitus eorum; and seeing Heaven and Earth are both here distinctly named, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put for the host of the Earth; it must needs be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, named as a distinct thing from all three, should note the host of heaven: and so the meaning of S. Peter should be, when he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if he had said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Heavens and the host thereof; or, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as he says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Earth and the works therein.  
But how, will some man say, should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 come to have this notion? I answer thus, The Hebrew verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth, in ordine militari sto, incedo, and so answers to the Greek verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. in ordine militari incedo: Vide Scap. ex Etymolog. Accordingly the LXX render the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. in procinctu sto, instructâ acie sto. Now if the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify the same with the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, why may not the Hebrew Noun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which we turn exercitus) be rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Hellenists, or Greekish jews, as in other words, so here, following the Etymology from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and having an eye more to their own native language than to the use of Greece? It would be long to show in how many words they, and the Greek Scriptures written according to their Dialect, use notions which the Greeks used not; namely, respecting some conformity or other in their own tongue. The works of the learned in sacred Criticism are of late full of such observations, whereby many difficulties and obscurities in Scripture become clear and easy. Nevertheless the Gentile Greeks themselves use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which come of the same verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in the same sense we plead for, viz. for ordo militaris, Military array: Why may not then the Hellenists (so the 
See the Syriack, Acts 9 29. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are ●u●ned judaei qui loqueban●ur Gracé.  Greek jews are called) do the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being for the Etymology every way as fit? seeing also they are otherwise wont to permute significations from vicinity of sound?  
For a further confirmation of this notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I contend for, I will add what I have met with to that purpose. Schickardus, a learned professor of the Oriental tongues at Tubing, in his Bechinath happeruschim, pag. 44. hath discovered out of Ramban's, or R. Moses ben Nachman's Preface in Perusche hattorah, two passages taken out of the Chaldee copy of the Wisdom of Solomon, which that Rabbi had seen; whereby the said Schickardus proveth against S. Jerome, that the Greek is not the Original, but was translated out of Chaldee. The passages which this Ramban quoteth thence are chap. 7. v. 5, 6, 7, and part of the 8. and again, v. 17, 18, 19, 20, 21. In the last of which quotations, because there is in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I greedily looked what word in the Chaldee answered here to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which I found to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which those who have skill know to signify the Planets, 12 Signs or Constellations of Heaven, as being the same with the Hebrew 
* I have since looked in the Preface of Ramban, where I found those Chaldee passages mentioned, which the Rabbi translates into Hebrew: and for the Chaldee which answereth to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● he renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore here are Stars and Planets; which I shall not need prove to be the host of the Ethereal heaven: yea and perhaps too 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are derived of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ire, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Now we know the Scriptures make three heavens: 1. The Air, or Sublunary heaven; 2. The Ethereal, or Starry heaven; 3. The heaven of Glory, or Empyreal heaven. Every of these heavens have their host or army. The host of the heaven of Glory or the third heaven are the Angels and blessed Spirits: The host of the Ethereal heaven are the Stars and Planets: The host of the Aereal or Sublunary heaven are either visible, as the Clouds of Heaven (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and other Meteors, as also the rest of the creatures mansioning therein, as the Fowls of heaven (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) or invisible, viz. the wicked Spirits and Devils, whose Prince, Satan, is called the Prince of the power of the Air, Eph. 2. 2. and his host 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rulers of the world, that is, of the Sublunary world; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wicked spirits in heavenly places, namely in the lowest or sublunary heavens, Eph. 6. 12. And whether S. Paul. Gal. 4. 8, 9 and Gol. 2. 8, etc. includes not some of those under his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I cannot affirm: let the Learned further consider it, when namely he speaks to and of Gentiles, and not jews.  
HAVING hitherto prepared the way, let us now come closer home to S. Peter, whose words evidently import that some of these Heavens, or all of them, shall suffer a Conflagration at the Day of Christ. Not all of them; for who ever put the Empyreal heaven in that reckoning? And for the Ethereal heaven, he that considereth both the supereminent nature and immensity thereof, and of those innumerable bodies therein, in regard of which the whole Sublunary world is but a point or centre; and that it no way can be proved that ever those bodies received any curse for man's sin, or contagion by the world's deluge, or that any enemies of God dwell in them to pollute them; he that considereth this, will not easily be induced to believe that the Fire of the day of judgement should burn them. It remaineth therefore that the Sublunary heavens only with their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be the subject of this Conflagration.  
These Heavens, saith S. Peter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. solventur, shall be dissolved, and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall melt with fervent heat. 'Tis a Metaphor taken from the refining of metals, quae igne solvuntur ut purificentur, which are melted in order to their purifying and refining. So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as much as Coeli igne adhibito constabuntur. This to be the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appears, because S. Peter himself interprets solvi to be liquefieri. For having in the tenth verse said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. shall be dissolved, he in the twelfth verse repeating it says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i.e. shall melt: Now melting is for refining and purifying. Nor is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 averse from this notion, the LXX using 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in the Psalms more than once: The words of the Lord are as refined or tried silver, LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Psal. 12. and so elsewhere. But when the Sublunary heaven shall be thus refined, even the Ethereal lights of the Stars, of the Sun and Moon, etc. will appear to those on earth much more glorious than now they do, as sending their rays through a purer Medium; so that all the world to us-ward shall be as it were renewed.  
As for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or passing away) verse 10. it is an Hebraism, signifying any change or going of a thing from the state wherein it was, and answers to the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth both transire and mutari, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also in Chaldaism doth. And Schindler notes, that Psal. 102. the Arabic for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mutabuntur, hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, transibunt. In the twelfth verse it is expounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I have already showed, is commuted with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They therefore all three of them signify one and the same thing: and I see no reason why we should imagine a greater emphasis in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for an utter abolition in the destruction by fire, than was before implied in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when he spoke of the destruction by water: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vers. 6.  
But what shall become of the invisible host, which I named as part of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of this Sublunary heaven, viz. those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the army of wicked and unclean spirits? shall the Fire of the last judgement touch these? I answer; Though the operation of the Fire shall not be upon them to burn them, yet shall they also suffer by this fiery judgement, being thereby to be exiled and dejected from those high mansions, and bestowed in some lower place. For so that of jude seems to imply; The Angels (saith he) which kept not their first estate, but left their own (or proper) habitation, he hath reserved to [be bound with] everlasting chains of darkness, at the judgement of the great Day. Vide Piscat. in hunc locum.  
And this seems to me to be the most literal and unforced exposition of this description of S. Peter, of the Heaven and Earth's conflagration at the Day of Christ, and so to be preferred before any other.  
BUT if a Prophetical strain or Scheme may be here admitted, there is another way of explication, which yet in the conclusion will come to the same purpose the former did, although the way thereto be not the same. And certainly our Saviour in the Gospel describing the coming of this Day, useth a Prophetical expression: The Sun (saith he) shall be darkened, and the Moon shall not give her light, and the Stars shall fall from heaven, and the powers of heaven shall be shaken. For if this be taken literally, whither shall the Stars fall from heaven, which are either as big, or many times bigger than the globe of the earth? where shall there be room for them? If such a Scheme then be supposed in S. Peter's description, the explication may be after this manner.  
Mundus or the World (to omit other particular acceptions) is, according to the Scripture's use, either Mundus continens, or Mundus contentus; (give me leave to use these terms for distinction sake.) By Mundus continens I mean the Compages and frame of the Physical heaven and earth, wherein the rest of the creatures are contained: by Mundus contentus, the state or body of the inhabitants and Kingdoms of the earth. Now to whatsoever the notion of Mundus is appliable, there is also supposed to be an Heaven and Earth, as being the names and parts whereby the Scriptures express the World. The Heaven then of this Political world is the Sovereignty or Sovereign part thereof; whose Host and Stars are the powers ruling that world: In the highest place Gods and Idols; next, Kings, Princes, Peers, Counselors, Magistrates, and other such Lights shining in that Firmament. And at such a meaning and no other (it being an Oriental notion) may aim (for aught I can see) that supposed fastuous style of Sapores King of Persia to Constantius the Emperor, Rex Regum Sapores, frater Solis & Lunae, partiçeps. (i.e. socius) Siderum, Constantio fratri salutem. But to go on: The Earth is the Peasantry or vulgus hominum, together with the terrestrial creatures serving the use of man.  
Of such a Heaven and Earth as this is, the Lord speaks in the Prophecy of Haggai, Ch. 2. v. 6, 7. Yet once, it is a little while, and I will shake the heavens and the earth, both the sea and the dry land; And I will shake all Nations, and the desire of all Nations shall come. And again v. 21, 22. I will shake the heavens and the earth; And I will overthrow the Throne of Kingdoms, and I will destroy the strength of the Kingdoms of the Heathen, etc. Of such a Heaven and Earth speaks jeremy, Chap. 4. 23. I beheld the earth, and it was without form and void (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) and the heavens, and they had no light: viz. as if the World were turned into the old Chaos again, Gen. I. See the rest which follows. Of such Heavens and an Earth speaks the Lord in Isaiah ch. 51. 15, 16. namely of the Heavens and Earth of the World or State of Israel: I am (saith he) the Lord thy God, who divided the sea, (to wit, the Red sea) when the waters thereof roared; the Lord of Hosts is his name: And put my Words (i.e. my Law) in thy mouth, and covered thee in the shadow of my hand, (i.e. protected thee in thy march to Canaan, etc.) that I might plant the Heavens, and lay the foundations of the Earth, (i.e. make thee a State, and build thee into a Political World) and say unto Zion, Thou art my people. Of such a kind of Heaven speaks the same Prophet, ch. 34. 2, 4, 5. The indignation of the Lord is upon all Nations, and his fury upon all their Armies, etc. And all the host of Heaven shall be dissolved, and the Heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll; and all their host shall fall down, as the leaf falleth off from the Vine, and as a falling fig from 〈◊〉 sig-tree. For my sword shall be bathed in Heaven: behold it shall come down upon ●●maea, etc. See the rest, and know that this destruction of Edom is prophesied of in no less Hyperbolical a strain by Obadiah, and jeremy c. 49. from v. 7, to 22. Ezek. 35. tot & 25. 12. which I note, lest any man wondering at the Hyperbole of this of Esay, should think it appliable only to the Day of judgement. And that such Schemes as these were usual to the Nations of the Orient, may appear not only by the Chemical Philosophy derived thence, (which makes Heaven and Earth and Stars in every thing) but from the testimony of Moses Maimonides, who (More Nebechim par. 2. c. 29.) affirms that the Arabians in his time in their vulgar speech, when they would express that a man was fallen into some great calamity or adversity, 
Compare Lam. 2. 1.  used to say, Coelum ejus super terram ejus cecidit. No question these Schemes were as familiar to them as our Poet's strains and expressions are to us, though of another genius: ours are borrowed from fables, stories, persons, places; theirs were from the frame of the World, the Sun, Moon, Stars and Elements, etc.  
If such a notion of Coelum and Terra may have place in this place of Peter, (and why may he not, uttering a Prophecy, borrow a Prophetical strain?) it may easily appear what Heaven and Earth the Fire at Christ's second coming shall burn up and consume, viz. the Heaven and Earth of the contained world, such as those which the former judgement by water overwhelmed and destroyed; the world of wicked States and men, high ones and low ones, Princes and Peasants, man and beast; according to that twice-repeated passage, Isa. 2. 11, 17. (which the ancient jews interpreted of the Day of judgement,) The loftiness of man shall be bowed down, and the haughtiness of men shall be made low, and the Lord alone shall be exalted in that day: And the Idols (these are part of the host of the Heaven we speak of) he shall utterly abolish. And of such Heavens and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as these, it mattereth not though we understand an absolute destruction, (namely, of so much as shall be burned) as was in the Deluge of Noah: and so likewise of the Earth and works thereof. But whereas by the universal Deluge, though only the Mundus contentus perished, yet nevertheless the Mundus continens was therewith corrupted and depraved; in the destruction by Fire it shall be otherwise; for the world of wicked ones being destroyed, the Heaven and Earth which contained them shall be purged and refined for the righteous todwell therein.  
This Exposition I put but in the second place, because where the proper sense of the letter may be kept, I prefer it before any other.  
To conclude, If any there yet be whom neither of the former Expositions can satisfy, but will needs have the fire and burning here spoken of to be that whereby the World is to be utterly annihilated; I could answer, That the Day of judgement is a thousand years, and this Fire, though it be to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in that day, yet shall it not be in the beginning, but end thereof: The beginning being but a destruction of the enemies of Christ and the Kingdom of Satan, and then a restauration; the end, a destruction of the whole creature itself by utter annihilation: and then S. Peter's words, ver. 13. to be construed after this manner, That howsoever the Heavens and the Earth shall at length be dissolved by fire; nevertheless before that shall be, we look for a New heaven and a New earth (i.e. a new world or restauration) to precede this abolition; according to his promise, Isa. 65. 17. & 66. 22.  
But such an exposition, methinks, would not suit so well with that which I take to be S. Peter's chiefest scope in this passage, nor with the words of the holy Prophets he pointeth at, which seem to speak only of a Fire which should precede a restauration, and not of that which should cause an utter abolition of the world.  
And as concerning such an utter abolition of the whole frame of Heaven and Earth after the Oeconomy of the redemption and victory of Christ shall be finished, it seemeth to me a mystery which hath no bottom. Howsoever I am not persuaded this place of S. Peter should mean any such thing. Those passages, job 14. 12. and Apoc. 20. 11. may seem to be of more moment. And if any such annihilation shall be, it stands more with reason it should be by the immediate power of God, without the instrument of any creature, than by Fire; and that he who at first brought it out of nothing without any creatures' help, should reduce it again to nothing without the help of any creature.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  

A Collection of some passages in the ancient Fathers, showing that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are meant the Host and Furniture of Heaven, etc.  
JUSTINUS M. Apol. 1. pro Christianis, statim ab initio. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [Sic leg. non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Interpres non intellexit.  
Ità accipit THEODORETUS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Galat. cap. 4.  
Apud THEOPHILUM Antiochenum Luminaria & Astra veniunt nomine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. 1.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Et Paulò pòst— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Ideo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid.— Nec solùm idolorum cultum 
* Respicit Deut. 4. 19 & 17. 3.  Lex Divina inhibet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vide & quae sequuntur.  
In Epistola POLYCRATIS (Episcopi Ephesini) apud Eusebium lib. 3. cap. 25. de obitu Philippi & joannis.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Verte jam Magna Luminaria.  
AUTHOR Quaestionum ad Antiochum inter opera Athanasii, Quaest 37. (vel 16.) solemn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nuncupat.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (solemn intelligit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
De voce Elementi, vide CYPRIANUM in Exhort. ad Martyr. cap. 1.  I. M.  

Of the FIRE at Christ's Second Coming. An Extract of Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. N. E. relating to some Passages in this Treatise upon 2 Pet. 3.  
CHrist our Lord shall come, when the Beatum Milleunium is to begin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
2 The●● 1. 8.  in flaming fire; by the Divine and miraculous efficacy whereof the World that now is shall be refined, and delivered from the bondage of corruption which came upon it for the sin of Man.  
This Fire of Christ's coming, and no other, was that Ignis Purgatorius which some of those first Fathers harped on: namely, they supposed this Divine Fire should stretch even to the Souls of the dead; and that such as had departed out of this life not fully purged of sin by Repentance here, should not be found Fire-proof at that day, but be refined cum mora & dolore before their resurrection. See that of Cyprian Epist. 52. Aliud est ad veniam stare, aliud ad gloriam pervenire; aliud mi●●um in carcerem non exire inde donec solvat novissimum quadrantem, aliud scatim fi●● & virtutis accipere mercedem; aliud pro peccatis longo dolore cruciatum emundari & purgari diu igne, aliud pendere in Die judicii ad sententiam Domini, aliud statim à Domino coronari. Compare that of Irenaeus lib 1. c. 2.— Christum in suo de coelis adventu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hic pro poena posita videtur, non virtute● quam poenam in mo●a resurrectionis constituit Tertul.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— This conceit sure had its ground from that of Paul, 1 Cor. 3. 13. The day (viz. of judgement) shall declare, [what is combustible in our works] because it shall be revealed by fire; and the fire shall try every man's work, of what sort it is: and upon that exhortation of Peter, 2 Pet. 3. 14. Yet did they, at least some of them, expect another fire at the end of the thousand years for the destruction of Gog and Magog, etc.—  I. M.  

Some Excerpta out of the Father's concerning the Renovation of the World. Tertullianus lib. 3. adversus Marcionem, cap. 24.  
NAm & confitemur in terra nobis Regnum repromissum; sed ante coelum sed alio statu: utpote post Resurrectionem in Mille annos, in civitate divini operis Hierusalem coelo delatâ, quam & Apostolus Matrem nostram sursum designat, & politeuma nostrum, id est, municipatum, in coelis esse pronuncians, alicui utique coelesti civitati eam deputat. Hanc & Ezechiel novit, & Apostolus Ioannes vidit. Hanc dicimus excipiendis resurrectione sanctis, & refovendis omnium bonorum utique Spiritualium copiâ in compensationem corum quae in seculo vel despeximus vel amisimus, à Deo prospectam. Siquidem & justum & Deo dignum illic quoque exsultare famulos ejus, ubi sunt & afflicti in nomine ipsius. Haec ratio Regni coelestis. [N. B. Sic vocat quod in terris futurum asserit, utpote de coelo sive coelitus; vel in quo coelestis & Angelica vivetur vita.]  
Post cujus Mille annos, intra quam aetatem concluditur sanctorum Resurrectio, pro meritis maturiùs vel tardiùs resurgentium, tunc & mundi destructione & judicii conflagratione commissâ, demutati in atomo in Angelicam substantiam, (scilieet per illud incorruptelae superindumentum) transferemur in coeleste Regnum.—  
In the Former of these testimonies we have Tertullian's authority for the applying of Ezekiel's Temple to the New jerusalem: In the latter, for the time of the world's conflagration and its destruction, Tertullian differs from the rest, I am sure from Irenaeus. Unless by judicii conflagratio (Vide enim de Spectaculis c. 30.) he meaneth that of Gog and Magog, Apocal. 20. 9 But I think he doth not.  
Idem, de Resurrectione Carnis, cap. 25.  
Eliam in 
a Apocal. 6.  Apocalypsi Ioannis ordo temporum sternitur, quem Martyrum quoque animae sub altari ultionem & judicium flagitantes sustinere didicerunt; ut prius & orbis de 
b Ap. 15. & 16.  pateris Angelorum plagas suas ebibat, & prostituta illa 
c Ap. 17.  Civitas à decem Regibus dignos exitus referat, & 
d Ap. 19  Bestia Antichristus cum suo Pseudopropheta certamen Ecclesiae Dei inferat, atque ita Diabolo in 
e Ap. 20.  abyssum interim relegato, Primae Resurrectionis praerogativa de soliis ordinetur; dehinc & igni dato, universalis Resurrectionis censura de libris judicetur.  
Idem, adversus Hermogenem, cap. 11.  
— Imò & judicium frustrà constituit Deus, in justitia utique puniturus, quibus contra malum finis, cum praeses ejus Diabolus abierit in 
a Ap. 20.  ignem quem praeparavit illi Deus & Angelis ejus, prius inputeum abyssi relegatus; cùm● 
b Rom. 8.  Revelatio filiorum Dei redemerit conditionem (id est, creaturam) à malo, utique vanitati subjectam; cum restitutâ innocentiâ & integritate conditionis 
c Isa. 11.  pecora condixerint bestiis, & parvuli de serpentibus luserint; cum 
d 1 Cor. 19  Pater filio posuerit inimicos sub pedes, utique operarios mali.  Origenes contra Celsum, lib. 3. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Interpres hîc non bonâ fide egit.  
Idem in jerem. Hom. 13. Siquis servaverit lavacrum Spiritûs Sancti, (i.e. ut paulò antè innuerat, qui sanctus est, neque post fidem & magisterium Dei rursum ad scelera conversus est, qui mortale peccaetum non commiserit) iste in Resurrectionis Primae parte communicat. Siquis verò in secunda Resurrectione servatur, iste peccator est, qui ignis indiget baptismo, etc. [alludit ad illud Mat. 3. 11.] Quamobrem cum talia post mortem nobis residere videamus, Scripturas diligenter simul recitantes reponamus eas in cordibus nostris, & juxta earum vivere praecepta nitamur; ut ante excessionis diem (si sieri potest) peccatorum sordibus [sic vocat leviora peccata, seu passiones animae, ut paulò antè] emundati, cum sanctis valeamus assumi in Christo jesu, [annon respicit, 1 Thes. 4. 16, 17?] cui est gloria & imperium in secula seculorum. Amen.  
Quamvis non dubito quin Hieronymus (qui in Prol. ad Orig. homil. in Ezech. fatetur se vertisse 14 Origenis homilias in jerem.) hîc Origenis sententiam nonnihil immutando emolliverit; tamen satìs adhuc remanet quo Origenes cum Millenariis sensisse arguatur.  

* Martyrio c●ronatus est ad extremum novissimae persecutionis; vel, ut alii, sub Decio & Valeriano. Petar.  Methodius Olympi Lyciae, deinde Tyri, Episcopus in Libro de Resurrectione contra Originem apud Epiphanium (Haeres. 74.) interloquente Procl.  
Et verò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  I. M.   

THE APOSTASY OF THE LATTER TIMES; OR THE GENTILES THEOLOGY OF DAEMONS  
Revived in the LATTER TIMES amongst Christians, in Worshipping of Angels, Deifying and Invocating of Saints, Adoring of Relics, Bowing down to Images and Crosses, etc.  
All Which, Together with the Original and Progress of this Grand Apostasy, Are Represented In several Elaborate DISCOURSES upon 1 Tim. 4. 1, 2, etc.  
Howbeit the Spirit speaketh expressly, That in the Latter times some shall revolt from the Faith, attending to erroneous Spirits and Doctrines of Daemons, Through the hypocrisy of Liars, having seared consciences, Forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats.  
By The Pious and Profoundly-Learned JOSEPH MEDE, B. D. sometime Fellow of Christ's College in Cambridge.  
The Fifth Edition, enlarged and corrected in sundry places according to the Authors own Manuscript.   

THE APOSTASY OF THE LATTER TIMES.   

A Treatise on 1 Timothy Chap. 4. Verse 1, 2, etc.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  
Which I conceive may be thus Translated,  
Howbeit the Spirit speaketh expressly, That in the latter times some shall revolt from the  
Faith, attending to erroneous Spirits and 
* Doctrines Deastrorum.  Doctrines of Daemons,  
Through the hypocrisy of Liars, having seared consciences.  
Forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, etc.  

CHAP. I.  
The dependence of the Text upon the last verse in the foregoing Chapter. Why in the Description of the Mystery of Godliness those words [Assumed into Glory] are set last. A view of the several parts of the Text, containing the Method and Order of the ensuing Discourse. The Author's 3 Reasons for his rendering the Text differently from the Common Translation.  
THE WORDS I have read are a Prophecy of a Revolt of Christians from the Great Mystery of Christian Worship, described in the last verse of the former Chapter, which according to the division of the Ancients should be the first of this: For that last Verse, together with the first six Verses of this and half the seventh verse, make the seventh Title or main Section of this Epistle, expressed in the Edition of Robert Stephen; and so are supposed, from the grounds of that division, to belong all to one argument. The Words therefore of my Text depend upon the last of the former Chapter, as the second part of a Discrete proposition: That howsoever the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mystery of Christian Religion, which is, God manifested in the Flesh, justified in the Spirit, seen of Angels, and assumed into Glory; though this Mystery was a great one, and at that time preached and believed in the world: Nevertheless the Spirit [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.] speaketh expressly, That in the latter times there shall be a revolt or departing from this Faith; though not in all parts of it, yet from a main and fundamental part thereof, namely, The assumption of this God and Man to the Throne of Glory and incommunicable Majesty in Heaven, whereby he hath a Name given him above every Name, and whereof no creature in Heaven or in Earth can be capable. Which connexion is the reason why the Apostle putteth this Assumption into Glory in the last place of his description, which should else in the true order have followed the words [justified in the Spirit,] and been before [preached unto the Gentiles and believed on in the world.] But it is the 
* See this proved in Chap. VII. of this Treatise.  method of the Scripture sometimes to translate the proper order, and to mention that in the last place whereunto it is to join, and from whence it is to infer the next words that follow after. And unless this reason be allowed here, there will hardly be found any other reason of this misplacing. But more of this shall be both spoken and made better to appear hereafter.  
I come now more near to my Text; the words whereof I divide into two parts: First, A Description of this solemn Apostasy, 
The Apostasy of the latter Time's PART I  in the first verse; Secondly, The Manner or Means whereby it was to come to pass, in the following verses, viz. Through the hypocrisy of Liars, who had seared consciences, forbade to marry, and (bade) to abstain from meats.  
For the Description of the Apostasy itself, we shall find it first Generally and Indefinitely expressed both in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they shall Apostatise or revolt, and in the next 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall attend to erroneous Doctrines, or Doctrines of error. Then Particularly, 1. What these erroneous Doctrines should be for the kind or quality; namely, new Doctrines of Daemons, or a new Idolatry. 2. The Persons who should thus apostatise; not all, but TINE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SOME. 3. The Time when it should be; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the latter times. 4. The Proof or warrant of this Prophecy; it is that which the Spirit hath elsewhere long ago foretold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the written word, verbatim, totidem verbis, or in express words.  
For the second part, viz. The Means; Consider 1. The Manner or Method used, viz. By lying hypocrisy or hypocritical lying. 2. The quality and description of the Authors and furtherers thereof, they should be such as had their consciences seared, who forbade marriage and meats.  
Where, before I go any further, I must give an account of thus translating these latter words which I make the second part, because they are commonly translated otherwise, viz. intransitively, as referring the words of the two latter verses to the persons mentioned in the first, viz. those Some who should Apostatise and give heed to erroneous spirits and Doctrines of Devils, as they usually translate it: So that the words of the second and third verses should be the expression by particulars of that which was before generally comprised under erroneous spirits and doctrines of Devils, which should consist partly in forbidding lawful marriage, and partly in commanding abstinence from meats.  
But this interpretation seems very unlikely. For first, since S. Paul intendeth here to describe that great Apostasy of the visible Christian Church, as is evident by the pointing out of the time, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the latter times; who can believe that he who aimeth at this, would instance only in the smaller and almost circumstantial Errors, omitting the main and fundamental, which the Scripture elsewhere telleth us should be Idolatry or Spiritual fornication? Secondly, As for Errors about Marriage and Meats, they were not proper to the last times, but found more or less in the Apostles own times; as may be gathered by some passages of their Epistles: Why should then our Apostle, here speaking of the Apostasy of the latter times, instance only in those things which the first times in some measure were never free from? Lastly, (which I take alone to be sufficient) The Syntax of the words will not bear it to have them so translated: For the persons in the first verse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are expressed in casu recto, whereas the persons in the verses following, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are in the genitive: now by what Syntax can these be construed intransitively? how will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. agree with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. without breach of Grammar unsampled in our Apostle's Epistles? If any say, they may be referred then and agree with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that indeed would be a strange sense, and nothing to their purpose, to say that Devils lie, have seared consciences, and forbid marriage and meats. But to construe it transitively, and to make all these genitive cases to be governed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and take the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to signify 
* Hyperius so expounds it in his Comm. on this Epistle.  Causam or Modum actionis, as is most usual in Scripture; this, as it keepeth the Syntax true, so I hope to make it appear hereafter to be the very meaning, and the Event most answerable thereunto, when you shall hear proved out of story, That the Apostasy of the visible Church came in by lying wonders and all deceiveableness of unrighteousness, managed by those who either professed or doted upon Monastical hypocrisy; the affectation and errors whereof at length surprising the body of the Church, is that which S. Paul, 2 Thess. 2. 10. calls not the Apostasy itself, but A●not-love of the Truth, for which God gave them over to strong delusions, that they might believe a lie. But this is out of 
* See this further treated of in Part 2. Chap. 1.  its place; only I have anticipated thus much, lest you should be too long in suspense of the grounds of this novelty in translating. And yet this difficulty concerning the Syntax hath stumbled many of our latter Interpreters, as amongst others Beza, who solves it only by saying, That the Apostle more regarded the matter than the construction; which for my part I cannot believe.   

CHAP. II. 
The Apostasy of the jatter Time's PART I   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Scripture imports Revolt or Rebellion. That Idolatry is such, proved from several passages in Scriplute. By Spirits in the Text are meant Doctrines. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to be taken Passively, viz. for Doctrines concerning Daemons. Several instances of the like form of speech in Scripture.  
I Return now unto the First part of my Text, The Description of that solemn Apostasy; where I will consider the five parts or points thereof as I have propounded them, though it be not according to the order of the words. And first in the more general expression, as I called it, in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as much as to say, They shall make an Apostasy: Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Scripture's use, when it looks towards a person, signifies a Revolt, or Rebellion; when towards God, a spiritual Revolt from God or Rebellion against Divine Majesty, whether Total, or by Idolatry and serving other Gods. For the Seventy, whence the New Testament borrows the use of speech, usually translates by this word the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to rebel, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rebellion; both which when they have reference to a spiritual Sovereignty, mean nought else but Idolatry and serving of other Gods: as may appear, josuah 22. 19 where the Israelites supposing their brethren the Reubenites and Gadites, in building another Altar upon the banks of jordan, had meant to have forsaken the Lord and served other Gods, they said unto them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you have rebelled against the Lord, and presently, Rebel not against the Lord, nor rebel against us; where the Seventy hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in vers. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rebellion is translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the words, the Lord God of gods he knoweth if it be in rebellion or in transgression against the Lord. Also Numb. 14. vers. 9 when the people would have renounced the Lord upon the report of the Spies, josuah and Caleb spoke unto them, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rebel ye not; where the Seventy hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Be not Apostates from the Lord. So Nehem. 9 26. in that repentant confession which the Levites make of the Idolatry of their Nation, they were disobedient, say they, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and rebelled against thee: where the Seventy hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Daniel in the like confession, Chap. 9 vers. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Seventy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have rebelled against him. So the Idolatry of Ahaz, 2 Chron. 28. and Chap. 29. is by the same Interpreters called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 revolted greatly from the Lord.  
I will not trouble you with the places where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used for Treason and Rebellion against earthly Princes, which are many. It is sufficient to gather from what we have quoted, That Apostasy having reference to a Sovereignty and Lordship, betokens a withdrawing of service and subjection therefrom; which, if the Sovereignty and Majesty be Divine, is done by 
* Hence the phrase in Scripture Fornicarid Des, To apostatise from God by spiritual fornication: vide Psal. 73. Host 9 & ch. 4. Ezek. 23. See Concord, Kir●●:  Idolatry and service of other Gods, as well as if the Majesty of the true God were renounced altogether. The use of the New Testament is answerable. Hebr. 3. 12. Take heed lest there be in any of you an evil heart of unbelief, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in departing from the living God. And, which is more near to our purpose, S. Paul in his 2 Thess. 2. 3. means no other thing in his Prophecy of the man of sin by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than Christian Idolatry; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Syr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Unless that Apostasy come first, that is, Unless there be a breach of Allegiance and Faith given unto Christ, by Idolatry under Antichrist. The like therefore I conclude to be intended in my Text by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, namely, That in the latter times men should break their Oath of fidelity to Christ that in and through him alone they should approach and worship the Divine Majesty. And so hath the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taught us something, or at least it hath wrought an indefinite suspicion of what should befall Christians in the latter times. Howsoever we are yet in suspense whether this departing from Christ and the Mystery of Godliness should be Total, in not acknowledging him at all, or whether Heretical, in serving others besides him. For the jews we know, when they forsook the Lord most, yet did not forsake him altogether; but their Apostasy was in not serving him only and alone, but others besides him, as Calves, the Host of Heaven, and Baalim.  
LET us therefore see if the next general words will afford us yet further information, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chaldees & Targumustis est Idolum: & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est Idola colere & l●ortari.  attending to erroneous spirits, or, as some read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spirits of error. It would be unprofitable and tedious to tell here of the divers use of this word Spirit in Scripture. Some take in this place for Doctors of spiritual things, and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as some read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, should be Doctors of Errors.  
But I had rather take Spirits in this place for Doctrines themselves; For so Divines observe it to be used, I john 4. 1. 
Rom. 1. 27.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Believe not every spirit, i.e. every doctrine, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but try the spirits, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
2. Thess. 2. 11.  if they be of God; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because many false Prophets are gone out into the world: 
2 Pet. 2. 1●.  and so onward in that Chapter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the spirit of Antichrist signifies the false doctrine of Antichrist. So if this sense be admitted, we are something less in suspense than we were, and may guests that this Revolt should not be Total, but Heretical: For we shall not easily find the word Spirit to be otherwise used but either for the Doctrines or Doctors of Christianity, or for Heresies under the same. It seems therefore to be some revolt from Christ by Idolatry, even in those who would seem to worship him.  
But suppose it be so, yet still are we in suspense what these Erroneous and Idolatrous Doctrines might be: For Idolatry, as we may see in the jewish Apostasies, was of divers kinds, as worshipping the Host of Heaven, baalim's, and the Gentiles other things besides them. But we shall not be long in doubt, the next words will clear the case, and tell us they shall be 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 10. 8.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doctrines of Daemons not: which Daemons or Devils are authors of (though that be true) as if the Genitive case were active; but Doctrines concerning Daemons, the Gen●tive case 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being here to be taken passively for the object of these doctrines; as in Hebr. 6. 2. we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doctrines of Baptisms, and doctrines of laying on of hands, of the Resurrection of the dead, and of eternal judgement, that is, doctrines about and concerning all these. And the same use may elsewhere be found even with the word Doctrine: as Acts 13. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the doctrine of the Lord, that is, concerning him. So Titus 2. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the doctrine of God our Saviour. And Gal. 2. 20. we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 3. 16. Phil. 3. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 The●●, 2. 13. Consider them.  faith of the Son of God, that is, concerning him. Semblably in my Text, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Doctrines of Daemons or Doctrinae Deastrorum; that is, The Gent●es idolatrous Theology of Daemons should be revived among Christians. For I take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (for all is one) not in that worst sense (which no Author but the Scripture useth) but in the better or more indifferent sense, as it was supposed and taken among the Theologists and Philosophers of the Gentiles, and as it is also sometimes taken in Scripture, as I shall show in due time.   

CHAP. III.  
Daemons (according to the Theology of the Gentiles) were 1. for their Nature and Degree a middle sort of Divine Powers between the Sovereign Gods and mortal Men. 2. For their Office they were supposed to be Mediators and Agents between the Celestial Gods and Men. This proved from Plato, Plutarch, Apuleius, Celsus in Origen, and S. Austin. The Doctrine of the Mediation of Daemons glanced at and reproved by the Apostle, Coloss. 2. 8. The distinction of Sovereign Gods and Daemons proved out of the Old Testament, and elegantly alluded to in the New, 1. Cor. 8. 5, 6.  
Meanwhile let us first see what the Gentiles and their Theologists understood by Daemons: which when you have heard, I doubt not but you will confess the Deifying and worshipping of Saints and Angels, with other parts of their Idolatry which do this, to be as lively an image of the Doctrine of Daemons as could possibly be expressed; and such an one as whereby the Apostasy of the latter times is as by a character distinguished from the Heresies, false doctrines and corruptions of all other times whatsoever.  
Daemons in the Gentiles Theology were Deastri or an inferior sort of deified Powers, as a middle between the Sovereign Gods and mortal men. So says Plato in Symposio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So say all the Platonists, and well-nigh all other Sects of Philosophers; I am sure the most do; for it is a very ancient doctrine, insomuch that Plutarch (De defectu Oraculorum) fetcheth this distinction between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. Sovereign Gods, and Daemons, as far as the antiquity of Zoroafter: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. They seem to me (saith he) to have solved great and difficult doubts, who have placed the Daemons between the Gods and Men, and found out what in some sort uniteth and joineth us with them: whether this be the doctrine of the Magis and Zoroafter, or the Thracian doctrine derived from Orpheus, or the Egyptian, or Phrygian, etc. The Sovereign or Highest Gods, which amongst them were properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were those whom they supposed to be in the Heavens, yea in the Sun, Moon and Stars; whence they called them Dii Superi, Dii Coelestes, whom they affirmed to have neither beginning nor ending: as Apuleius speaks de Daemonio Socratis, Immortales, sine ullo vel fine vel exordio, sed prorsus à retro aeviterni. And because they dwelled in the heavenly Lights, as it were Souls in Bodies, Plato thinks the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first came quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the everlasting running and uncessant motion of the heavenly bodies: Plat. in Cratylo.  
Now these Sovereign and Celestial Gods they supposed so sublime and pure, as might not be profaned with approach of earthly things, or with the care and managing of mortal men's businesses; and therefore they bring in that Middle sort of Divine Powers which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Daemons, to be as Mediators and Agents between the Sovereign Gods and mortal men. Thus saith Plato in his Symposium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. God is not approached by men, but all the commerce and intercourse between Gods and men is performed by the Mediations of Daemons. Will you see the particulars? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Daemons are reporters and carriers from men to the Gods, and again from the Gods to men; of the supplications and prayers of the one, and of the injunctions and rewards of devotion from the other. And Apuleius in the place forequoted describes them, Mediae potestates, per quas & desideria nostra & merita ad Deos commeant; inter terricolas coelicolásque vectores, hinc precum, indè donorum; qui ultro citróque portant, hinc petitiones, indè suppetias, seu quidem utrinque interprete & salutigeri; Daemons are middle Powers, by whom both our desires and merits pass unto the Gods; they are carriers between men on earth and the Gods in heaven, hence of prayers, thence of gifts; they bring to and fro, hence petitions, thence supplies: or they are certain interpreters on both sides and conveyors of recommendations. For, saith he, Neque enim pro majestate Deûm Coelestium fuerit haec curare, It beseems not the majesty of the Sovereign Gods to manage these things of themselves. Whence it is that Celsus in Origen terms his Daemons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. l. 8. contra Celsum, pag. 940. The Peers, Precedents, Lieutenants and Officers of the most high God; who being neglected can do as much hurt as the Peers and Officers of the Persian or Roman Kings. Where note by the way, that Celsus, as some others did, acknowledges but one Sovereign God.  
By reason of this Office of mediation, Plutarch (in his De desect. Orac.) calls the Order of Daemons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. agreeable to the doctrine of Plato, the Order of Agents and Ministers, etc. To stay no longer here, take the Sum of all in the words of Apuleius in the Book forenamed: Cuncta Coelestium voluntate, numine & authoritate fiunt, sed Daemonum obsequio, operà & ministerio; All things are done by the will, power and authority of the Celestial Gods; but withal by the service and ministry of the Daemons. And if I should bring all which I might to this purpose, I should be too tedious. Porphyrius in Eusebius, and Plutarch, skilful men in this kind of Philosophy, will satisfy them fully to whom this is not sufficient.  
This was the Ecumenical Philosophy of the Apostles times and of the times long before them. Thales, Pythagoras, all the Academics and Stoics, and not many to be excepted, unless the Epicures, taught this Divinity. He that had rather read a Father of the Church, let him but turn over the eighth and ninth Books of S. Austin de Civ. Dei: the eighteenth Chapter of the former Book having this Title, Qualis sit Religio in qua docetur quòd homines, ut commendentur Diis, bonis Daemonibus uli debeant Advocatis; What a Religion is it that teacheth men to use good Daemons for their Advocates to commend them to the Gods? the one and twentieth Chapter this, An Daemonibus nuntiis & interpretibus Dii utantur; Whether the Gods do use Daemons for their messengers and Interpreters. And of the ninth Chapter of the ninth Book the Title is this, An amicitia Coelestium Deorum per intercessionem Daemonum possit homini provideri; Whether the friendship and favour of the Celestial Gods may be procured men by the intercession of Daemons: and of the seventeenth Chapter this, Ad consequendam vitam beatam non tali mediatore indigere hominem qualis est Daemon, sed tali qualis est unus Christus; To the attaining of blessedness, man hath no need of a Daemon for his mediator, but of Christ alone. The reading of which Titles alone were sufficient to show what was the supposed Office of the Daemons among the Gentiles.  
This Philosophy therefore so general was that, without doubt, whereof S. Paul admonisheth the Colossians to take heed lest they were spoiled with the vain deceit thereof, 
Col. 2. 8.  as being after the traditions of men, and rudiments of the world, and not after Christ. For some Christians even then under a pretence of humility, of not approaching too nearly and too boldly to God, would have brought in the worshipping of Angels in stead of this of Daemons: 
Verse 9  but S. Paul tells them, That as in Christ dwelleth the fullness of the Godhead bodily, so that he needed no colleagues of mediation; so also were they complete in him, and needed therefore no Agents besides him. 
Verse 18.  Let no man therefore (saith he) beguile you of your reward through humility, and worshipping of Angels; intruding into those things which he hath not seen, and not holding the head, etc.  
Neither is the Holy Scripture ignorant of this distinction of Sovereign Gods and Daemons: The first whereof, the Celestial and Sovereign Gods, whether visible or invisible, it calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Host of heaven; the other sort it styleth by the name of Baalim, that is, Domini or Lords. And Manasseh that King of Idolaters was complete for both of them: So we read 2 Chron. 33. 3. that he reared up Altars for Baalim, and made groves, and worshipped all the Host of heaven, and served them. And 2 Kings 23. 5. that good josiah is said to have put down the Idolatrous Priests which burnt incense to Baal, to the Sun, and to the Moon, and to the Planets, and to all the Host of Heaven. And 2 Kings 17. 16. the Israelites are said to have worshipped all the Host of heaven, and to have served Baal. Now that these baalim's were no other than Daemon-gods appears by their 
* 
For cutting and lancing were Funeral ri●●, as appears Levit. 21. 5. and chap. 19 28. and Deut. 14. 1. jer. 48. 37. and chap. 16. 6. and therefore retained in this Funeral-worship (as they call it) of those that were Deified after death. Quare, Did not God forbid his people this Rite, because abused to Daemon-Idolatry? yet did some transgressit, as jer. 41. 5. Moses body therefore hidden. I may add to this observation, That for this cause the Scripture calls those false God's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Such as had been sorrowed for, such as were mourned for, as being dead. (The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used of David's mourning for Absalon.) Quare, whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies so properly the Images, as the supposed Gods themselves. See Psal. 106. 36, 37. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are explained to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Devils. See Esay 48. 5. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is distinguished from graven and molten-Images. Where the word seems otherwise, it may be taken Metonymicé. Hence Hosea 13. 2. may be thus interpreted, They have made molten-Images of their silver, which are according to their understanding, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, informed, as they supposed, with those mourned-for-ones.  
That these Baalim were the Deified souls of the dead, is manifest from divers places of Scripture. Numb. 25. 2, 3. The Midianites called the people to the sacrifices of their Gods, and the people did ●at. And Israel joined himself to Baal-Peor. But Psal. 106. 28. it is said, They joined themselves unto Baal-Peor, and a●e the sacrifices of the dead. Whence Apollinari● expresseth it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the prophetical Song of Israel's Apostasy, Deut. 32. 15. They sacrificed unto Daemons, not to God; to Gods whom they knew not, to new ones that came newly up, whom their Fathers feared not. The Seventy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vide Isai. 65. 4. Idololatra in sepulchris. Item cap. 8. verse 19 Pro vivis ad mortuot. Loc. Isa. 8. 19 Targ. vertit, Nun haec vi● est populorum colentium Idola? Vnusquisque populus ab Idolo suo requirit, vivi à mortuis. LXX. sic; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Loc. Isa. 65. 3, 4. Targ. sic; In hortis sacrificant Idolis, & adolent aromata super lateres. 4. Qui babitant in domibus quae aedificantur de pulvere sepulchrorum, & cum cadaveribus filiorum beminum morantur. LXX, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Videatur etiam Isa. 26. 14. Targum in locum. Multa huc adduc● possunt de Gigantibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quorum Moses meminit. Quin & Hieronymus in hunc locum Isaiae, per Dominos alienos in vers. 13. intelligit Idola & falsos Deo●; per Gigantes & mortuos in vers. 14. Simulachra itsque assiden●es Daemons.   cutting and lancing themselves, who worshipped them, 1 Kings 18. 28. For these Tragic ceremonies are counted by those who treat about these mysteries as certain characters of Daemons. But this you shall have further confirmed in due place, where the arguments may be better understood.  
This distinction also of Sovereign Gods and Daemons I suppose our Apostle alludes to 1 Cor. 8. 5, 6. where he saith, Though there be that are called Gods, whether in heaven or in earth; as there be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gods many, (that is, Dii Coelestes, Sovereign Deities) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Lords many, (that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Daemons Precedents of earthly things:) Yet to us Christians there is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one Sovereign God, the Father, of whom are all things, and we to him, (that is, to whom, as Supreme, we are to direct all our services;) and but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one Lord jesus Christ, (in stead of their many Mediators and Daemons,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by whom are all things which come from the Father to us, and through whom alone we find access unto him. The allusion, methinks, is passing elegant, and such as I think cannot be well understood without this distinction of Superior and Inferior Deities in the Theology of the Gentiles; they having a plurality in both sorts, and we Christians but one in each, as our Apostle affirmeth. There wants but only the name of Daemons, in stead of which the Apostle puts Lords, and that for the honour of Christ, of whom he was to infer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one Lord; the Name of Christ being not to be polluted with the appellation of an Idol: for his Apodosis must have been otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one Daemon. Or it may be he alludes unto the Hebrew name Baalim, which signifies Lords; and those Lords, as I told you, were nothing else but Daemons: For thus would S. Paul speak in the Hebrew tongue, There are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, many Gods and many Lords.   

CHAP. IU.  
The Gentiles Doctrine concerning the Original of Daemons, viz. That they were the Souls of men Deified or Canonised after death. This proved out of Hesiod, Plato, Trismegist, Philo Byblius the translator of Sanchuniathon, Plutarch, Tully. Baal or Bel or Belus the first Deified King: Hence Daemons are called in Scripture Baalim. Daemons and Heroes how they differ. Daemons called by the Romans Penates, Lares, as also Dii Animales Soul-Gods. Another and an higher kind of Daemons, such as never dwelled in Bodies: These answer to Angels, as the other (viz. the Soul-Daemons) answer to Saints.  
AND thus have I showed you (though but briefly, in regard of the abundance the argument would afford) the Nature and Office of these Daemons according to the Doctrine of the Gentiles. I come now unto another part of this Doctrine, which concerns the Original of Daemons, whom you shall find to be the Deified Souls of men after death. For the Canonising of the Souls of deceased Worthies is not now first devised among Christians, but was an Idolatrous 
Idololatria pqtent 〈…〉. species. Tertul. de sp●ctaculis, cap. 12.  trick even from the days of the elder world; so that the Devil, when he brought in this Apostatical doctrine amongst Christians, swerved but little from his ancient method of seducing mankind.  
Let Hesiod speak in the first place, as being of the most known the most ancient. He tells us that when those happy men of the First and Golden age of the world were departed this life, great jupiter promoted them to be Daemons, that is, Keepers and Protectors or Patrons of earthly mortals, and Overseers of their good and evil works, Givers of riches, etc. and this, saith he, is the Kingly Royalty given them. But hear his own words;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And hence it is that Oenomaus, quoted by Eusebius, calleth these Daemon-gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hesiod's gods.  
The next shall be Plato, who in his Cratylus says, That Hesiod and a great number of the rest of the Poets speak excellently, when they affirm that good men when they die attain great honour and dignity, and become 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is (saith he) as much to say as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Wise ones; for Wise ones (saith he) are only Good ones, and all Good ones are of Hesiod's Golden generation.  
The same Plato Lib. 5. de Repub. would have all those who die valiantly in the field to be accounted of the Golden kind, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; effici, to be made Daemons, and the Oracle to be consulted how they should be buried and honoured, and accordingly ever afterwards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. their Sepulchers to be served and adored as the Sepulchers of Daemons. In like manner should be done unto all who in their life-time excelled in virtue, whether they died through age or otherwise. This place Eusebius quotes (Lib. 13. Praep. Evang.) to parallel with it the then harmless practice of Christians, in honouring the memory of Martyrs, by holding their assemblies at their Sepulchers; to the end that he might show the Gentiles, that Christians also honoured their Worthies in the worthiest fashion. But it had been well if in the next Ages after, this custom of Christians (then but resembling) had not proved the very same Doctrine of Daemons which the Gentiles practised.  
But I go on, and my next Author shall be Hermes Trismegistus, whose antiquity is said to be very near the time of Moses. I will translate you his words out of his Asclepius which Apuleius made Latin. There, having named AEsculapius, Osiris, and his Grandfather Hermes, who were (as he saith) worshipped for Daemons in his own time, he adds further, That the Egyptians call them (namely the Daemons) Sancta animalia, and that amongst them (namely the Egyptians) per singulas Civitates coli eorum animas, quorum sunt consecratae virtutes, Through every city their Souls are worshipped, whose Virtues are deified. And here note by the way, that some are of opinion that the Egyptian Serapis, whose Idol had a bushel upon his head, was joseph, whose Soul the Egyptians had canonised for a Daemon after his death.  
Philo Byblius, the translator of Sanchuniathon that ancient Phoenician Historian, who lived before the times of Troy, and wrote the Acts of Moses and the jews (saith Eusebius) very agreeably to the Scripture, and (saith he) learned his Story of jerombaal a Priest of the God JEVO; 
Praepar. Evang. lib. 1. cap 9  Philo Byblius (I say) in a Preface to his Translation of this Author, setteth down what he had observed and learned out of the same Story, and might serve to help their understanding who should read it: namely, That all the Barbarians, chiefly the Phoenicians and Egyptians, of whom the rest had it, accounted of those for Dii Maximi, who had found out any thing profitable for the life of men, or had deserved well of any Nation; and that they worshipped these as Gods, erecting Statues, Images and Temples unto them. And more especially they gave the Names of their Kings (as to the Elements of the world, so also) to these their reputed Gods: for they esteemed the natural Deities of the Sun, Moon and Planets, and those which are in these, to be only and properly Gods: so that they had two sorts of Gods; some were Immortals, and others were (as we may term them) Mortallists.  
Thus saith Philo Byblius out of the Phoenician History. From which Testimony we may borrow some more light concerning those baalim's in Scripture. 
* Hieron. in cap. 23. Ezech. Idolum autem Baal, sive, Bel, Assyriorum religio est, consecrata a Nino Belis filio in honorem patris. Idem in Host cap. 2. Ninus in tantam pervenit gloriam, ut patrem suum Belum referret is Deum, qui Hebraice dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & in mulu Prophetis, maxíméque in Daniele; & juxta Theodorionem sub Idolo Babylonis hoc appellatur nomine: Hunc Sid●nii & Ph●nices appellant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  For Baal or Belus, whose worship jezabel, the daughter of Ithobaal King of Tyre, brought into Israel, was a deified Phoenician King of that name, as Virgil will tell us in that verse concerning the Phoenician Queen Dido,  

Impleuítque mero pateram, quam Belus & omnes  
A Belo soliti—   
Nay Baal, or in the Chaldee Dialect Bel, (for all is one) was the first King of Babel after Nimrod; and the first 
* Eusebii Chron. Chronicon Ale●andrin. seu Fasti Siculi. Hieron. paulò post locum proximè citatum; Didici●aus, inquit, exordium Daemonis, imò Hominis in Daemonem consecrati: Omnia ●nim Idola ex mortuorum ●rro●e ●reverunt. Idem in c. 46. Isa. Quem (i e. Baal) Graeci Belum, Latini Satu●num dicun●; cujustanta fuit apud ve●eret religio, ut ei von solùm bumana● hostia● captivorum ignobil●mque mortalium, sed & suos liberos immolarent. Cyrillus contra julianum Lib. 3. ver●ù● finem, Primus (inquit) regnavit in Assrriorum terra [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] vir superbus & arregans Belus, qui & primus hominum dicitur à subditis no●●n Die●atis accepisse: Hîc interpres vitiose tra●s●ert Arbilus; & ubi mox sequitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Interpres, Arbeli, etc. Lactant. De fals. Relig. c. 23. & ult. originem Idololatriae ad Belum●efert.  (as is written) that ever was deified and reputed a God after death; whence afterward they called all other Daemons Baalim: even as because the first Roman Emperor was called Caesar, thence were all the Emperors after him styled Caesares. And it may be this is part of that which Philo Byblius out of Sanchuniathon would tell us; That the Barbarians, especially the Phoenicians, etc. gave names from their Kings to such as were canonised after death: For so we see here that the Babylonians, and the neighbouring Countries, which spoke the Hebrew tongue or some Dialect thereof, called all Daemons Baalim, of the first Daemon or deified King in the world, Baal or Belus. For at that time when Belus reigned in Babel, was Phoenicia with the neighbour people under the Kingdom of Babel: Whence may seem also to have come their community of language and ceremonies. And here note a wonderful mystery, That old Babel, the first Pattern in the world of ambitious Dominion, was also the Foundress of Idols 
* jer. 50. 38. Isa. 47. 12. , and the Mother of the fornication and abominations of the earth.  
And because we have fallen upon the naming of Daemons, let us observe another mystery of names, out of Plutarch (De defect. Orac.) which may help us out of, or prevent some difficulties, namely, That Daemons are sometimes called by the names of those Celestial Gods whose Ministers and Proctors they are, and from whom they receive their power and Divinity: as Apollo's Daemon, Apollo; Jupiter's Daemon, jupiter; and so the rest: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● Like as here among us men, one is called jovius from jupiter, another Athenaeus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Minerva, another Dionysius from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Bacchus, etc. Thus Plutarch; which Cleombrotus there saith he learned of a wonderful and profound Egyptian Eremite, who lived about the red Sea, etc. To which is agreeable what Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. lib. 3. cap. 3. quotes out of Diodorus, viz. That the Egyptians affirmed such as had been great Benefactors where they lived, to be Deified after their death, and some of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be called by the very names of the Celestial Gods.  
The same Plutarch in the same place doth acquaint us with this pretty conceit, which being to the purpose I will not omit; namely, That the Souls of men took degrees after death: First they commenced Heroes, who were as Probationers to a Daemonship; then after a time sufficient, Daemons; and after that, if they deserved well, to a more sublime degree. Howsoever it be, Daemons and Heroes differed but in more and less antiquity; the more ancient Heroes being called Daemons, and the younger Daemons Heroes.  
But that we may return again more close to the matter in hand, This order of Daemons, or 
* Dii Animales; de quibus Labeo libros scripserat, in quibus aiebat (verba Servii in AEn. l. 3.) esse quaedam sacra quibus Anima vertantur in Deos qui appellantur A●●na●●, quòd de Ani●●bus fiant.  Soul-gods, as I may call them, found place in the Religion of the elder Romans, who called them Penates, 
* Vid. Lex. Martin. verbo La●, & quae habet ex Varrone.  Lares, and Manti Dii; and when once they began to Canonize their deceased Emperors, (which was from the time of Augustus) they called them Divi, which word before that time was more general. Tully in his second Book De Legibus shall be my witness, that his countrymen acknowledged this distinction of Sovereign Gods and Soul-deified powers; for there you shall find this Law, Divos, & eos qui Coelestes semper habiti, colunto: & ollos quos in coelum merita vocaverint; Let them worship the Gods; both those who were ever accounted Celestial, and those whom their own merits have advanced to heaven. And again, Deorum Manium jura sancta sunto. Hos letho datos Divos habento; Let the Rights of separate Souls be kept unviolable, and let them account the deceased Worthies as Gods. Would God the present Christian Romans had not renewed this Law.  
Yea so strongly was this Doctrine embraced amongst the Gentiles, that some of their latter Theologists thought, That even the Souls of wicked men and Tyrants had a power after death, and that of these came mali Daemons, which hurt men; and yet to these they ordained Temples, and Sacrifices to keep them from hurting them, as well as to the good Daemons for helping them. But the Ancients gave this honour to the Souls of virtuous men only.  
Thus have you heard the Original of Daemons according to the ancient and general opinion of the Gentiles. But besides these Daemons, whose Original you have heard, (I mean besides Soul-Daemons and Canonised mortals) their Theologists bring in another kind of Daemons more high and sublime, 
* Plutarch. de defect. Orac. in the person of Ammonius the Philosopher, makes two sorts of Daemons. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Soul● separate from Bodies, or such at never dwelled i● Bodies at all. Though both these sorts have the name of Daemons given them in common, yet are those which were the Souls of men otherwhile for distinction sake called Heroes, (Plutarch. de Plac. Philos. Lib. 1. cap. 8) though some extend not this name is general to all, but only to such as are either of an inferior rank, or but Novices, not yet promoted to the Office of Daemoni, as Puni●● not yet called to the Bar.  which never had been the Souls of men, nor ever were linked to a mortal body, but were from the beginning, or without beginning, always the same. So Apuleius tells us in his De Deo Socratis; Est & superius aliud augustiúsque Daemonum genus, qui semper à corporis compedibus & nexibus liberi, certis potestatibus procurentur. Ex hac sublimiori Daemonum copia autumat Plato singulis hominibus in vita agenda testes & custodes singulos additos. This sort of Daemons doth fitly answer and parallel that sort of spiritual Powers which we call Angels, as the former of Soul-Daemons doth those which with us are called Saints.   

CHAP. V. 
The Apostasy of the latter Time's PART I   
The manner and way of worshipping the Daemons and retaining their presence, viz. by consecrated Images and Pillars. That Images were as Bodies for Daemons to animate and dwell in. The worshipping of Images and Columns a piece of the Doctrine of Daemons. This proved out of Trismegist, Porphyry, Arnobius, Minutius Felix, etc. The worshipping of Daemons in their Relics, Shrines and Sepulchers another piece of Daemon-doctrine. That the Gentiles Temples were nothing but the Sepulchers of dead men. The gross Idolatry of the Egyptians.  
BUT lest I might seem to have no measure in raking up this Ethnical dunghill, I will now leave the Theology of the Original of Daemons, and show you yet another piece of that Doctrine, namely, Concerning the manner how Daemons were to be worshipped, and as it were brought to the lure of men, when they had occasion of devotion with them: And this was done by sacring of 
* Vid. Athanag. Legat. pro Christ. Non de●unt qui dicunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non alio modo humines convenire Deos posse, scil. quam per Simulacra.  Images. This you shall hear from an ancient Author and passing skilful in the mysteries, even Hermes Trismegistus, who in his Asclepius speaketh, in English thus; It is a wonder (saith he) beyond all wonders, (and he saith truly) that man should find out a way to make Gods: Yet because (saith he) our Forefathers erred much through unbelief concerning Deities, and had small regard of Religion and Divine worship; therefore they devised an art to make Gods, (he meaneth Images:) And because they could not make Souls, (he means to these senseless bodies) therefore they called the Souls of Daemons and Angels, and put them into their Images and holy Mysteries; by which means alone these Images have power of helping and hurting; which thus incorporated (he saith) are called by the Egyptians Animalia sancta. And in another place, That kind of Gods (saith he) which men make, is composed of two natures, of a Divine, (which is first and more sacred) and of that which is amongst men, namely, the matter whereof they are made. 
Tertuol. de Idol. c. 7. Artifices Idolorum Daemoniis corpora confer.  The sum of all this Mystery is, That Images were made as Bodies, to be informed with Daemons as with Souls: For an Image was as a Trap to catch Daemons, and a device to tie them to a place, and to keep them from flitting.  
The like hath 
* De Praepar. Evangel, l. 5.  Eusebius out of Porphyry, That the Gods did exceedingly delight in consecrated Images, and were circumscribed and enclosed therein as in a sacred place; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Image being taken away, that is dissolved which detained the Deity upon earth. This is that which Psellus calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Approaching or Presencing of Daemons. And jamblichus termeth these consecrated Idols 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Images filled with divine fellowship or with divine society. And our forementioned Hermes calleth them Statuos animatas, sensu & spiritu plenas, animated Statues, full of sense and spirit.  
Hence came that answer or defence of the Gentiles, as Arnobius (Lib. 6. advers. Gent.) makes them speak, Neque nos aera, neque auri argentique materias, neque alias quibus signa confiunt, eas esseper se Deos & religiosa decernimus numina; sed eos in his colimus, cósque veneramur quos dedicatio infert sacra, & fabrilibus efficit habitare simulachris: We do not think brass and gold and silver and other materials of Images to be of themselves Gods and holy Powers; but in these we worship and reverence the Gods brought into these Images by sacred dedication, and keeping their residence there. And in another place he makes this Objection for their behalf; An numquid dicitis fortè praesentiam vobis quandam sub his numinum exhiberi simulachris; & quia Deos videri non datum est, eos ità coli, & iis munia officiosa praestari? But you say, perhaps, the Deities present themselves unto you in some sort under these Images; and because the Gods cannot be seen, they are thus worshipped, and have religious service done unto them.  
And thus have we seen the ground of the Idolatrous use of Images, and found that the Worship of them also is a Doctrine of Daemons: For as at first they were ordained for Daemons; so whatsoever Deity is worshipped in this manner, though it were the true and Sovereign God, is thereby made a Daemon.  
What I say of Images, must be understood also of Pillars or Columns, whereof we read Levit. 26. 1. Ye shall make no Idols, nor graven Images, nor rear you up a Pillar to bow down unto it. For howsoever Pillars and Images, through some confusion at length surprising the Gentiles superstition, may afterwards seem to be ascribed to other Deities besides Daemons; yet by original institution they were proper unto Daemons, & no other. The Sovereign and Celestial Gods, they were worshipped in the Sun, Moon and Stars, where they were supposed to dwell: But Images and Columns were for Daemons; and if they seemed to be made for any other, Plutarch's Eremite would resolve us, that they were but Daemons called by the name of some Sovereign Gods whose Agents they were. The truth of this the History of the beginning of Idolatry by Images makes evident. For that Images and Pillars were at first devised and erected to the Honour and Memory of dead men 
* Vid. Herod. Clio, c. 35. Persa● stavas non erigere, quód non, ut Graeci sen●●unt Deos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex hominibus esse o●tos ex opinion Heredoti. , this the fourteenth Chapter of the Book of Wisdom will tell us, and that by the vainglory of men they first entered into the world: no less will the long-continuing custom of the world, using thus to honour not only their dead, but since also the living, be sufficient to persuade the truth. Minutius Felix in his Octavius will put us forth of doubt. Majores nostri (saith he) dum Reges suos colunt religiosè, dum defunctos eos desiderant in Imaginibus videre, dum gestiunt eorum memorias in Statuis detinere; sacra facta sunt, quae fuerant assumpta solatia: Our Ancestors while they religiously honour their Kings, while they desire after their departure to behold them in their Images, and delight to preserve their memory in Statues; what was at first taken up for their own solace, was at length made a matter of Religion. When therefore those whom they thus honoured and remembered were canonised for Daemons, than were these Memorials also worshipped for some supposed presence or divine respect of such Daemons in or to them. The worshipping therefore of Images and Columns is by its original and institution a piece of the Doctrine of Daemons 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Constantin. Orat. ad Sancto●um C●●tum, Cap. ●. ; so that whatsoever is thus worshipped, yea the glory of the incorruptible God himself, is thereby changed into a Daemon.  
THUS much of Images and Idol-Pillars, of the reason of their supposed Divinity, and of the original and first occasion of worshipping them. But yet we have not done, there is another piece of Daemon-devotion yet behind, namely, The worshipping of Daemons in their Relics, Shrines and Sepulchers 
In mortuorum Idolis Daemenia consistunt. Tertu 〈…〉 Spectac 〈…〉 13. feré totum ; for this was also a part of the Doctrine and Theology of Daemons. Plato, whom before we quoted for the Canonising for Daemons, of the Ghosts of such as died valiantly in the field, would have their Shrines and Coffins to be worshipped, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the coffins of Daemons. Hear also what Clemens Alexandrinus speaks of this Daemon-doctrine, Sotrm. lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. They (that is, the Greeks) are of opinion that it matters not whether we call those Souls (viz. the Daemons whom they invocate) God or Angels. But the more skilful Theologists place the coffins of the deceased in many of their Temples as so many Statues of the Gods, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. calling their Souls Daemons, and withal teaching that they ought to be worshipped by men, as being for the holiness of their lives entrusted by Divine Providence to be employed about this earth for the service of men: For they well knew that some Souls were naturally tied to the Body. Out of which words observe, That they supposed the like presence and power of Daemons at their Coffins and Sepulchers which before we observed and heard of in their Images; as though there always remained some natural tye between the Souls deceased and their Relics; and therefore they there builded Temples unto them where their bodies and ashes were entombed. And hence it is that the Primitive Fathers which write against the Gentiles do so often upbraid them, That their Temples were nothing else but the Sepulchers of dead men; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (saith Clem. in his Protreptie.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; They were indeed called by the specious and plausible name of Temples, but were in truth nothing but Sepulchers; that is, the very Sepulchers of dead men were called Temples. He goeth on speaking to the Gentiles; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Be ye therefore at length persuaded to forget and relinquish your Daemon-worship, and be ashamed to worship the Sepulchers of dead men. To the like purpose Arnobius l. 6. advers. Gent. Quid quòd multa ex his Templa quae tholis sunt aureis & sublimibus elata fastigiis, autorum conscriptionibus comprobatur contegere cineres at que ossa, & functorum esse corporum sepulturas? Nun patet & promptum est aut pro Diis immortalibus mortuos vos colere, aut inexpiabilem fieri Numinibus contumeliam, quorum Delubra & Templa mortuorum superlata sunt bustis? Where he tells them, that many of their Temples, famous for their high and golden roofs, were nothing but the Sepulchers of the deceased, covering dead bones and ashes; and that it was very evident that for the immortal Gods they worshipped men that were dead, or that they were guilty of doing an horrible dishonour to the Gods, whose Temples were built over the burying-places of dead men.  
I might further add to these Ecumenical doctrines of Daemons that monstrous one of the Egyptians, for which their fellow-Gentiles derided them, who worshipped living brute Beasts, yea Onions and Garlic, and Water itself, with Divine worship, as supposing some Daemon or other to dwell in them. Such were their Cow-god Apis, and their Bull-god Mnevis, and their Water-god Nilus, which it shall be enough to have only named, to make the former complete; and that from it and the rest of that kind of abominations we may gather this Conclusion once for all, That since the Sovereign and Celestial Gods (as you heard before) might not be approached nor polluted by these earthly and material things, but kept always immovably, without change of place or presence, their heavenly stations; therefore the adoring or worshipping of any visible or material thing for any supposed presence or other relation of a divine power therewith, is to be accounted amongst the Doctrines of Daemons.   

CHAP. VI  
A Recapitulation or Summary of the Doctrines of Daemons. How the Severals thereof are revived and resembled in the Apostate Christian Church. That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometime in Scripture taken according to the Theology of the Gentiles, and not always for an Evil Spirit. That it is so to be taken in the Text was the judgement of Epiphanius: an observable passage quoted out of him to this purpose.  
AND thus have you seen the Theology of Daemons; 1. For their Nature and degree, to have been supposed by the Gentiles an inferior and middle sort of Divine Powers between the Sovereign and Heavenly Gods and mortal men: 2. Their Office, to be as Mediators and Agents between these Sovereign Gods and men: 3. Their Original, to be the Deified Souls of worthy men after death; and some of an higher degree, which had no beginning, nor ever were imprisoned in mortal bodies: 4. The way to worship them, to find and receive benefits from them, namely, by consecrated Images and Pillars, wherein to have and retain their presence at devotions to be given them: 5. To adore their Relics, and to Temple them.  
Now therefore judge impartially whether S. Paul's Prophecy be not fulfilled already amongst Christians, who foretold that the time should come that they should Apostatise and revive again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Doctrines of Daemons; whether the deifying and worshipping of Saints and Angles, whether the bowing down to Images, whether of men or other things visible, breaden Idols, and Crosses like new Daemon-Pillars, whether the adoring or templing of Relics, whether these make not as lively an image of the Gentiles Theology of Daemons [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] as possibly could be expressed; and whether these two words comprehend not the whole pith and marrow of Christian Apostasy, which was to consist in Spiritual fornication or Idolatry, as appears by that name and denomination thereof given by S. john in his Revelation, The Whore of Babylon. Is not she rightly termed the Babylonish whore, which hath revived and replanted the Doctrines of Daemons first founded in the ancient Babel? And is not this now fulfilled which S. john foretells us, Apoc. 11. That the second and outmost Court of the Temple (which is the second state of the Christian Church) together with the holy City should be trodden down and overtrampled by the Gentiles (that is, overwhelmed with the Gentiles Idolatry) forty two months?  
But perhaps I am yet too forward in my Application; some things in our way must first be cleared: For howsoever the resemblance indeed be evident, yet First the Text seems not to intend or mean it, because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the Scripture never taken in the better or indifferent sense, howsoever profane Authors do so use it, but always in an evil sense, for the Devil or an Evil Spirit. Now the signification of words in Scripture is to be esteemed and taken only according to the Scripture's use, though other Writers use them otherwise. Secondly, For the charge of Idolatry; though much of that wherein we have instanced may be granted to be justly suspected for such indeed, yet nevertheless that whereupon this Application mainly relieth, namely, The praying to Saints glorified, as Mediators and Agents for us with God, should not seem to deserve so foul a name. For suppose it were a needless, yea and a fruitless Ceremony, yet what reason can be given why this should be more tainted with Idolatry, than is the like honour given to Saints and holy men whilst they live on earth, whom then to desire to mediate and pray to God for us was never accounted so much as an unlawful matter? When these two Scruples are answered, I will return to continue my former Application.  
To the First therefore, for the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture, I say, That because those which the Gentiles took for Daemons and for Deified Souls of their Worthies were indeed no other than Evil Spirits, counterfeiting the Souls of men deceased, and masking themselves under the names of such supposed Daemons, under that colour to seduce mankind; therefore the Scripture useth the name Daemons for that they were indeed, and not for what they seemed to be. For no blessed Soul or good Angel would admit any honour which did derogate from the honour of the only true God who made them: neither do the glorified Saints in heaven, or the blessed Angels, though Apostate Christians now invocate and worship them, accept of this honour, hear their prayers, or condescend to their devotions, by any sign or act whatsoever; but whatsoever is made seem to be done by them, is done by the self-fame wicked Spirits which heretofore were masked under the names of Daemons; and therefore in this regard the one may as well bear the names of Daemons as the other, and be as likely to be intended by the use of that word.  
Secondly, though the Scripture often useth this word in the worst sense, yet follows it not it always should do so. Because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itself, which the Scripture hath appropriated to signify Satan the Prince of hellhounds, following therein the Seventy, (who first gave it this notion nowhere else sampled in any Greek Author) yet is this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the New Testament itself, three several times used in the common sense for a Slanderer or False accuser, and that in three several Epistles, in both to Timothy, and that to Titus: 
1 Tim. 3. 11.  And why should the like seem improbable for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? 
2 Tim. 3. 3.  Nay, most certain it is so, as I now come to make manifest. 
T●. 2. 3.   
And that first, Acts 17. 18. where S. Paul our Apostle, having at Athens preached jesus risen from the dead, the Philosophers thus encountered him, saying, This fellow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we translate, He seemeth to be a setter-forth of strange gods, namely, Daemon-gods: For hearing of one jesus after death to become a Lord and Saviour, and to be adored with divine worship, they took him presently (according to their own principles in that kind) to be some new or foreign Daemon; for so it follows in the Text, that they said thus, Because he preached unto them jesus and the Resurrection. Upon the same ground Celsus in Origen lib. 8. cont. Cels. calls the same Christ our Saviour the Christians Daemon; for whereas the Christians said, that they without hurt and danger blasphemed and reproached the Gentiles Gods, Celsus replies, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;  Nun vides, bone vir, quòd etiam tuo Daemoni opponens se quispiam non solùm convitiatur, sed terrâ marique illum exigit? Do you not see (good Sir) that some opposing your Daemon, do not only reproach him, but proclaim him unworthy to be at all in the world? Where Origen answers Celsus, 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Qui nullos scit malos Daemons, nescio quomodo sui oblitus, jesum vocârit Daemonem; He that acknowledges no evil Daemons, I know not how he came to forget himself, calling jesus a Daemon. But S. Paul thus charged by the Philosophers, coming to make his Apology in the Areopagus, retorts their accusation; Ye men of Athens (saith he) I see you in all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too full of Daemons already. I shall not need bring any more amongst you. (For thus the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Etymology signifies a worshipper of Daemon-gods, and was anciently used in this sense; and so you shall find it often in Clemens Alexandrinus his Protrepticon 
b Et Strom. l. ●. p. 504. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●actant. l. 4. Instit. D●●●●. ait, Superstitiosi vocantus aut●ii qui sup●●stitem memoriam defunctorum colunt: aut qui parentibus suis supers●ises, celebrant Imagines eorum domi, tanquam D●os Penates. Nam qui novos sibirit●● assumebant, ut Deorum vice mortuos homorarent, quorex hominibus in coelum recepros putabant, hos Supershtiosos vocabant: Eos verò que publicos & antiquos Deos colerent, Religiosos n●minaba●t; unde Virgilius, Vana superstitio veterúmque ignara Deorum. Martin. Lex quem ●lteriùs vide. , not to speak of others; though afterwards from signifying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Budaeus speaks, it came to be applied to those who were too precise and anxious in their devotions.) But I (saith our Apostle) preach no new Daemon unto you, but that Sovereign and Celestial God who made the world and all things therein; who being Lord of heaven and earth, dwelleth not (as your Daemon-gods do) in Temples made with hands, neither is worshipped with men's hands, as though he needed any thing, (as you conceive of your Daemons,) seeing he giveth to all life and breath, and all things: This God I preach unto you. And this place I take to be so unanswerable for the indifferent and common acception of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that I care not now though the rest should fail me: but let us see what they are.  
In Revel. 9 13, etc. the sixth Trumpet from Euphrates brings an huge army upon the Christian world, which destroyeth a third part of men; and yet those which remained repent not of those sins (verse 2.) for which these plagues came upon the earth, viz. That they should not worship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Idols of gold, silver, and brass, and stone, and of wood, which can neither see, nor hear, nor walk. Is not this a Comment upon the Apostle's Prophecy in my Text? The time which it concerns must needs fall in the last times; for it is the last Trumpet save one. The place must be the Roman Empire, or Christian world; for that is the Stage of all the Seals and Trumpets: And how could it be otherwise, seeing S. john at Pathmos saw them coming from the great River Euphrates? whatsoever comes from thence, must needs fall upon the Territory of the Roman Empire. To hold you no longer, the best Expounders make it the Ottoman or Turkish, invasion, which hath swallowed so great a part of Christendom. But what people are they who in the Roman Territory do in these latter times worship Idols of gold, silver, brass, and stone, and wood? Are they Ethnics? there is none such. Are they jews? they cannot endure the sight of them. Are they Mahumetans? nay, they abhor it also. Then must they needs be Christians; and then must Christians too worship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for both are spoken of the same men. But what Christians do, or ever did worship Devils formally? But Daemon-gods (alas!) they do and long have done. Here therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is again taken in the common and Philosophical sense, or at least, which is all one, for Evil Spirits worshipped under the names of Daemons and deceased Souls.  
Besides my Text, there is but one place more in all the Epistles of S. Paul where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used, namely 1 Cor. 10. 21. where if there be any allusion to the Gentiles conceit of Daemons, than all the places of S. Paul's Epistles are bending that way. But some there are, saith Stephen in his Thesaurus, who think the Apostle in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Cup of Daemons, alludes unto that poculum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used amongst the Gentiles. And further to strengthen this conceit of the Apostle's Allusion to the Heathenish notion of 
* See Tertul. De Specta●. cap. 13.  Daemons, the words of the former verse make much; For the things which the Gentiles sacrifice, (saith he) to Daemons, and not to God. Now this was the very Tenet of the Gentiles, That the Sovereign and Celestial Gods were to be worshipped only purâ ment, and with hymns and praises, and that Sacrifices were only for Daemons. Vid. Porphy. in Euseb. Praep. Evang. Herm. Trismeg. in Asclepio, Apuleium de Daemonio Socratis. He therefore who had given his faith to that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 One Lord, to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the only Potentate, to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to the one and only Mediator jesus Christ, must have no communion, have no part in the service of those many Mediators, Lords or Daemon-gods of the Nations; for Christ's Monarchical Mediation excludes all other Mediators and Daemons: not that the wooden Idol was aught of itself, but that the Gentiles supposed there dwelled some Daemon therein, who received their sacrifices, and to whom they intended their services. Thus may this place be expounded, and so the use of the word Daemon in the worst sense or directly for a Devil, will be almost confined to the Gospel; where the subject spoken of being men vexed with Evil spirits, could admit no other sense or use: and yet S. Luke, the best-languaged of the Evangelists, knowing the word to be ambiguous, and therefore as it were to distinguish it once for all, doth the first time he useth it, do it with an explication, Chapter 4. verse 33. There was (saith he) a man in the Synagogue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having the spirit of an unclean Daemon.  
Thus much of the word Daemonium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Scripture; whereby I hope it appears, that this place of my Text is not the only place where the word is used according to the notion of the Gentiles and their Theologists.  
But you will say, Did any of the Fathers or Ancients expound it thus in this place? If they had done so, the Mystery of iniquity could never have taken such footing; which because it was to come according to divine disposition, what wonder then if this were hidden from their eyes? Howsoever, it may seem that God left not his spirit without a witness: For, as I take it, Epiphanius, one of the most zealous of the Fathers of his time against Saint-worship then peeping, took 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in my Text for a Doctrine of worshipping dead men. You may read him in the seventy eighth Heresy towards the conclusion, where, upon occasion of some who made a Goddess of the blessed Virgin, and offered a cake unto her as the Queen of Heaven, he quotes this place of my Text concerning them, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in English sounds thus, That also of the Apostle is fulfilled of these; Some shall apostatise from the sound Doctrine, giving heed to Fables and Doctrines of Daemons; for (saith he) they shall be worshippers of Dead men, as they were worshipped in Israel. Are not these last words for an Exposition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? But what (will you say) doth he mean by the Dead worshipped in Israel? I suppose he means their Baalim, who (as is already showed) were nothing else but Daemons or Deified Ghosts, of men deceased: yet he brings in two examples besides; one of the Sichemites in his time, who had a Goddess or Daemoness under the name of Iephtah's daughter; another of the Egyptians, who worshipped Thermutis, that daughter of Pharaoh which brought up Moses. Some, as Beza, would have these words of Epiphanius to be a part of the Text itself in some copy which he used. But how is that likely, when no other Father once mentions any such reading? Nay it appears moreover, that Epiphanius intended to explain the words as he quoteth them, as he doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Faith by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sound Doctrine, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erroneous spirits by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fables, and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 giving heed to Doctrines of Daemons by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worshipping Dead men. Otherwise we must say he used either a very corrupt copy, or quoted very carelessly. But grant that Epiphanius read so: Either this reading was true, and so I have enough; because then the Apostle with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. should expound himself by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to mean the Deifying of the dead: Or it was not the original reading, but added by some or other for explication sake; and so it will follow, that those who did it made no question but that the words there contained some such thing as worshipping of the dead. Therefore take it which way you will, it will follow, that some such matter as we speak of was in times past supposed to be in this Text and Prophecy.   

CHAP. VII.  
Why those words in the description of the Mystery of Godliness [Received into Glory] are set last. That praying to Saints glorified, as Mediators and Agents for us with God, is Idolatry. For the proof of this several Grounds are laid down. To be prayed to in Heaven, and to present our Devotions to God, and to deal as an Agent and Mediator between us and him, is a Prerogative appropriate to Christ, a Flower of his Glory and Exaltation to sit at God's Right hand, a Royalty incommunicable to any other. That none but Christ our High Priest is to be an Agent for us with God in the Heavens, was figured under the Law, in that the High Priest alone had to do in the Most holy place, and there was to be Agent for the people. That though Christ in regard of his Person was capable of this Godlike Glory and Royalty, yet it was the Will of God that he should purchase it by suffering an unimitable Death. This proved from several Testimonies of Scripture. Saint-worship is a denial of Christ's Prerogative. Bread-worship in the Eucharist to what kind of Idolatry it may be reduced. How Saint-worship crept into the Church.  
NOW I come to the Second point, to maintain and prove That praying to Saints glorified, as Mediators and Agents for us with God, is justly charged with Idolatry. For this is the hinge whereupon not the Application only of my Text, but the Interpretation thereof, chiefly turneth. For this is that which I told you in the beginning, that my Text depended upon the last words of the former chapter and verse, Received into glory; which were therefore, out of their due order, put in the last place, because my Text was immediately to be inferred upon them. The like misplacing, and for the like reason, see 
* See also Apocal. chap. 1. ver. 5. where Christ is named after the seven Spiri●s for the like reason.  Heb. 12. 23. where, in a catalogue or recension of the parts of the Church, Christ the Head, and the sprinkling of his blood, is mentioned in the last place, and after the spirits of just men, because the next verses are continued upon this sprinkling of Christ's blood: Ye are come to the general assembly, and Church of the firstborn, which are written in heaven, and to God the judge of all, and to the Spirits of just men made perfect, And to jesus the Mediator of the New Covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling, which speaketh better things than that of Abel: whereas the right order should have been● First, God the judge of all; secondly, Christ the Mediator of the new Covenant; and thirdly, in the last place, the Spirits of just men made perfect. Agreeably therefore to this dependence of my Text I am to show, That the Invocation of Saints glorified implies an Apostasy from Christ, and a denial of his Glory and Majesty whereunto he is installed by his Assumption into heaven, to sit at the right hand of God. Which before I do, I must premise some General grounds, which are as followeth.  
First, That as God is most One, and without all Multiplicity; so must the Honour and Service which is given unto him have no Communicability. Isa. 42. 8. I am the Lord, that is my name, and my glory will I not give unto another, nor my praise to graven Images: For the One-most God must have an One-most service. Therefore in that Action whereof God is the Object, nothing must be an Object but God. Or, in the Scripture phrase, thus, In those actions which look towards the Face of God, nothing may come between, whose Face such Actions may look upon besides him; whether by way of Subordination to him, or Representation of him: For I am the Lord thy God (
* Exod. 20. 3.  saith he) Thou shalt have no other Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before my face.  
Secondly, This Face of God is not only the Object of his Person, but also the Place of his presence, where his Glory is revealed in the Heavens, where we shall see him face to face, 1 Cor. 13. 12. Revel. 22. 4. and where the Angels in heaven behold the Face of the Father which is in Heaven, Matth. 18. 10. No Action therefore directed thitherward, that is, to this Face of his revealed presence and glory, may so much as look asquint upon any other Object, or behold any other Face but the Face of God alone; For we must have no other Gods before his Face.  
I say not, that a man may not turn his Face upon the Face of any other thing when he turns his Face towards the Face of God; for how then should we worship him at all, seeing which way soever we turn us, something will always be before us? But it is not the Face of our Bodies, or their posture, but the Face and posture of the Act we do, which must not have the Face turned upon any thing else, when it is directed at the Face of God: namely, That Action in which God is faced, must face nothing else but God; that is, Where God is the Object; whether in regard of his Person, when we pray unto him; or of his Throne of presence, when we would approach it, or direct our supplications towards it; there nothing is to have any respect of an Object but God alone. So although when we pray unto God, we turn the face of our Bodies towards Heaven, the Sun, the Moon, and Stars; yet do we not therefore worship the host of heaven, because our Action hath no relation to them as to an Object, but to God alone; and howsoever they are between God and us in place, yet as an Object of our devotion neither they, nor any thing in them, come any way between us and him.  
Now for the reason (if you ask it) of this Incommunicableness of all Action and Service directed to God-ward, you shall have it, Exod. 34. 14. Because the Lord whose name is jealous, is a jealous God: jealous, not only lest he should not be honoured and served as God; but jealous lest he should not be honoured as One God: For as by honouring him we acknowledge him God, so by the Incommunicableness of honour we acknowledge him One God.  
For this cause, God being to give us a Mediator, by whom we should have access unto his presence, and whom, without his jealousy, we might interpose in our devotions and supplications unto himself, or offered at the Throne of his Majesty and Glory in the heavens, provided that admirable Mystery of communicating to the nature of a man born of a woman, the Hypostatical union of the second Person of the Deity; and him, after he had vanquished death, to exalt to sit at his right hand of Glory and Power in the Heavens, there in his own Presence and Throne to receive our Requests, and to deal as an Agent between us and him.  
Thus at length I am arrived at that Port which all this while I made for, viz. to show, That this Glory of Christ, which is styled His sitting at the Right hand of God, is that Incommunicable Royalty to which of right belongeth in the Presence of God to receive and present our devotions to the Divine Majesty; as in that which now followeth shall appear.  
Sessio ad Dextram Dei, To sit at the Right hand of God, is to be installed in God's Throne, or to have a Godlike Royalty, which is defined in Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Majesty of Christ in heaven; whence it is said, Heb. 1. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He sat down on the Right hand of Majesty on high; and Heb. 8. 1. it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Right hand of the Throne of the Majesty in the Heavens: It is called also by Christ himself, Mark 14. 62. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Luke 22. 69. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Right hand of Power, and the Right hand of the Power of God: For as to the Right hand belongs both dignity and strength; so doth this Glory of Christ include both a Godlike Sublimity and a Godlike Power; the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The proper place where the Majestical Glory is revealed, is the Heavens, as may appear almost wheresoever this sitting at the right hand of God is mentioned, Eph. 1. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Coloss. 3. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Heb. 1. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Heb. 7. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Pet. 3. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Heaven, Heavenly places, High places, and the like, being always thereto annexed: and every where appeareth to be a consequent of his Ascension into Heaven, as we say in our Creed, He ascended into Heaven, and sitteth at the Right hand of God; and therefore in the words whereon my Text depends, is expressed by Assumed or Taken up into Glory, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For as God himself is styled Pater in Coelis; not because not elsewhere, but because his Glory is there revealed: so Christ sits ad dextram in Coelis, because there the beams of the Majesty given him by his Father are revealed: whence it comes that his Kingdom is called the Kingdom of Heaven, that is, a Kingdom whose King's residence and Kingly Throne are both in Heaven.  
This glorious Throne of Majesty, this Sitting at the Right hand of the Power of the Almighty, is a Name incommunicable, an Exaltation whereof no creature in heaven or earth is capable: which is that the Apostle means to tell us, when he saith, Eph. 1. 21. Far above all principality, and power, and might, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come; and Phil. 2. 9, 10. Wherefore God also hath highly exalted him, and given him a name which is above every name, (that is, created name) That at the name of jesus every knee should bow, both of things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth. Revel. 3. 21. He that overcometh, (saith Christ) I will give him to sit with me in my Throne; even as I have overcome, and sat with my Father in his Throne. Here is mention, we see, of two Thrones, of which, my Throne, that is, Christ's Throne, is the condition of a glorified man; in this Throne his Saints shall sit with him: But my Father's Throne is the Power of Divine Majesty, wherein none may sit but God, and the God-Man jesus Christ.  
These grounds laid, I say, That the Honour of being prayed to in Heaven, and before the Throne of presence, is a Prerogative of Dextra Dei; and to receive our devotions there, a Flower of Christ's sitting at the Right hand of God: as S. Paul, Rom. 8. 34. conjoins them, saying, Who is he that condemneth? It is Christ that died, yea rather that is risen again, who is at the Right hand of God, and who makes intercession for us. For by right of this his Exaltation and Majesty he comes to be a Priest after the order of Melchisedech, as appears Psalm 110. 1. The Lord said unto my Lord, Sat thou on my Right hand, till I make thine enemies thy footstool; then follow the effects thereof, ver. 4. The Lord hath sworn, and will not repent, Thou art a Priest for ever, after the order of Melchisedech. And by the same right also he becomes the Only and Eternal Priest which hath to do in the most Holy place, the Heavens: For as the High Priest only entered the most Holy place beyond the veil in the earthly Tabernacle; so Christ jesus, our only High Priest, through his Body, as the first Tabernacle, by his own blood, entered into the second Tabernacle, or Holy place, not made with hands, as was the figure, but into Heaven itself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, there to appear in the presence of God for us. All this you have in the same words at large, Heb. 9 7, 11, 12, 24.  
Now in the Tabernacle of this world, as was in the first Tabernacle, we may haply find many Priests whom to employ as Agents for us with God: But in the second Tabernacle, which is Heaven, there is but one Agent to be employed, but one who hath Royal commission to deal between God and men, that Angel of the presence, as Isaiah calls him, ch. 63. 9 and one only Mediator, jesus Christ the Lord of glory, who in this prerogative is above Saints and Angels: For to which of the Saints or Angels said God at any time, Sat on my Right hand, till I make thine enemies thy footstool? Heb. 1. 4, 9, 13.  
Neither will this Demonstration admit that vulgar Exception to be of any force, namely, That Expiatory mediation, or Meritorious intercession in heaven, should indeed appertain to Christ alone; but Favourable intercession to pray for us, not so; and therefore for this we may without derogation to Christ solicit either Saints or Angels. I could say, that this rag is too-too narrow and short to cover their nakedness who lay hold of it; in whose Supplications to Saints, and to God too in their names, nothing is more usual than the express mention of their Merits, Blood and Sufferings, as Motives to God to hear them. But we shall not need this Answer: For we have demonstrated, that as in the Law none but the High Priest alone was to do office in the Holiest place; so Christ jesus now is the only Agent for whatsoever is to be done for us in the holiest Tabernacle of Heaven. Besides, we read that none but the High Priest alone was to offer Incense, or to incense, the most Holy place when he entered into it: But Incense is the Prayers of the Saints, sent thither from this outward Temple of the militant Church, 
Rev. 5. 8. & Chap. 8. 3.  as in the Law was fetched from without the veil: This therefore none in Heaven but Christ alone must receive from us, to offer for us. And this is that Angel with the golden Censer, (Rev. 8. 3.) who there offers the Incense of the prayers of the Saints, there given him to offer upon the golden Altar before the Throne; alluding expressly to the golden Altar before the Testimony.  
For the fuller understanding and farther confirmation of what hath been spoken, take this also; That notwithstanding the man Christ jesus in regard of his Person, being God as well as Man● was from his first incarnation capable of this Royalty and Glory; not only for the incomparable sufficiency of his Person, which by reason of his twofold Nature is always and in all places present both with God and men, and so at one instant able and ready at every need to present to the one what he should receive from the other; but chiefly and most of all, for that by being very God himself, his Father's jealousy (which could never have brooked the communication of this Glory to any other which should not have been the selfsame with himself) was by this condition of his Person prevented and secured.  
Nevertheless and notwithstanding all this capability of his Person, it was the will of his Father, in the dispensation of the Mystery of our redemption, not to confer it upon him, but as purchased and attained by suffering and undergoing of that Death which no creature in heaven or in earth was able to undergo but himself; being a suffering of a Death, whereby Death itself was overcome and vanquished; to the end that none by death save jesus Christ alone might be ever thought or deemed capable of the like Glory and Sublimity; but that it might appear for ever to be a peculiar right to him.  
And this, I think, is not only agreeable to the tenor of Scripture, but express Scripture itself. Heb. 2. 9, 10. But we see jesus, who was made a little lower than the Angels, by the suffering of death, crowned with glory and honour. For it became him, for whom are all things, and by whom are all things, in bringing many sons to glory, to make the Captain of their salvation perfect through sufferings. Phil. 2. 8. And being found in fashion as a man, he humbled himself, and became obedient unto death, even the death of the Cross; and v. 9, 10. Wherefore God hath also highly exalted him, and given him a name above every name, That at the name of jesus every knee should bow. Heb. 10. 12. But this man, after he had offered one sacrifice for sins, for ever sat down on the Right hand of God. Rom. 14. 9 For to this end Christ both died, rose and revived, that he might be Lord both of the dead and living. See besides, Acts 5. 30, 31. Rom. 8. 34. Ephes. 1. 20. 1 Pet. 1. 11.  
Lastly, for that particular parcel of this Glory of Christ, viz. To be that only Name in which we are to ask at the hands of God whatsoever we have to ask; is not this also ascribed and annexed to his triumph over death? john 14. 12, 13. I go unto my Father, (viz. through death;) And whatsoever ye ask in my name, that will I do. john 16. 16, and 23. A little while, and ye shall not see me; and again a little while, and ye shall see me; because I go to my Father. And in that day (when I am gone to my Father;) ye shall ask me nothing. Verily, verily I say unto you, whatsoever ye shall ask the Father in my name, he will give it you. Verse 24. Hitherto ye have asked nothing in my name; ask, and ye shall receive. Heb. 7. 25, 26. Wherefore he is able to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by him; seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them. For such an High Priest became us— who is made higher than the heavens.  
How is it then that some extenuate that kind of Saint-worship, wherein Prayers are not made unto them directly, but God is prayed to in their names and for their mediation sake to grant our requests? Is it not a denial of Christ's Prerogative, to ascribe unto any other, for any respect of glory or nearness to God after death or otherwise, that whereof he alone is enfeoffed by his unimitable Death, triumphant Resurrection and glorious Ascension? Certainly that which he holds by incommunicable title, is itself also incommunicable.  
To conclude therefore with the words of S. Paul, 1 Tim. 2. 5. There is but one God, and one Mediator between God and men, the man Christ jesus: As God is one, so is the Mediator one; for it is a Godlike Royalty, and therefore can belong but to one. There is but one God in Heaven, without any other Gods subordinate to him; therefore but one Mediator there, without any other Mediators besides him. As for the Angels and blessed Saints; they have indeed a light of Glory too, but they are but as lesser Lights in that heaven of heavens. And therefore as where the Sun shines, the lesser Stars of heaven, though Stars, give not their light to us: So where this glorious Sun Christ jesus continually shineth by his presence, sitting at the Right hand of God, there the Glory of the Saints and Angels is not sufficient to make them capable of any Flower of that Divine honour which is Godlike, and so appropriate to Christ by right of his heavenly exaltation in the Throne of Majesty. Whatsoever Spirit saith otherwise, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, holds not the head; 
Coloss● 2. 19  but is a Christ-apostate-spirit, which denies the Faith of Christ's Assumption into Glory, and revives the Doctrines of Daemons.  
The way being now cleared, I may (I hope) safely resume my Application which I have already given some taste of, That this Doctrine of Daemons comprehends in most most express manner the whole Idolatry of the Mystery of iniquity, the Deifying and invocating of Saints and Angels, the bowing down to Images, the worshipping of Crosses as new-Idol columns, the adoring and templing of Relics, the worshipping of any other Visible thing upon supposal of any Divinity therein. What copy was ever so like the sample, as all this to the Doctrines of Daemons? And for the Idolatry of the Eucharist or Bread-worship; though it may be reduced to Image-worship, as being the adoration of a Sign or Symbol; yet let it be considered whether for the quality thereof it may not be taken rather for an Idolatry of Relics, the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament being the Mystical Relics which he left us, as Monuments of his death till he come. Whichsoever it be, I must confess it hath a strain above the Abominations of the Gentiles, who though they supposed some presence of their Daemons in their Images and Relics, yet were they never so blockish, as to think their Images and Relics to be transubstantiated into Daemons.  
But to come to the main again: I will confess for myself, that I cannot think of this Daemon-resemblance without admiration; nor do I believe that you will hear without some astonishment that which I am now to add further; That the advancers of Saint-worship in the beginning, did not only see it, but even gloried (sed gloriatione non bonâ) that they had a thing in Christian practice so like the Doctrines of Daemons. We heard before, that Plato in his Respub. would have the Souls of such as died valiantly in battle to be accounted for Daemons after death, and their Sepulchers and Coffins to be served and adored as the Sepulchers of Daemons. Eusebius lib. 13. Praepar. Evangel. cap. 11. quoting this place, adds with it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, These things do befit at (or after) the decease of the Favourites of God, whom if thou shalt affirm to be taken for the Champions of the true Religion, thou shalt not say amiss: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence it is our custom to go unto their Tombs, and to make our prayers at them, and to honour their blessed Souls. The purpose of Eusebius here was to show (as a preparation to draw men to Christianity) how well the present use of Christians in honouring the memories of their Martyrs, by keeping their assemblies at their Sepulchers, did agree with that of the Gentiles (so much commended by Plato) in honouring their champions and worthies for Daemons after death. But, alas! in the next Age after it proved too-too like it indeed: For these earrings which the Christians had borrowed or stolen from the Gentiles at their coming out of Egypt, presently became a golden calf, as soon as the woman (the Church) came into the wilderness; yea and Aaron the Priest had a foul part in it too.  
Read the eighth Book of Theodoret De curandis Graecorum affectionibus, whose Title is De Martyribus; or in the mean time take these few passages thereof. Thus he speaks, having quoted that passage of Hesiod for Daemons, commended by Plato; 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  If then the Poet [Hesiod] calls good men, after their decease, the Guardians and Preservers or Deliverers of mortal men from all evil; and accordingly the best of Philosophers, in confirmation of the Poet's saying, would have their sepulchers to be served and honoured: I beseech you, Sirs, (he speaks to the Greeks) why do you find such fault with what we do? For, such as were eminent for Piety and Religion, and for the sake thereof suffered death, we also call Preservers and Physicians: in no wise do we term them Daemons, (God forbid we should ever fall into such a desperate madness,) but the hearty friends and servants of God—  

a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  That the Souls of holy men, even when they are out of the Body, are in a capacity of taking care of men's affairs, Plato affirms in the eleventh Book of his Laws—  

b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  The Philosopher (you see) bids men believe even the vulgar reports [that is, the relations and stories which are commonly talked of concerning the care which deceased Souls have of men:] But you do not only disbelieve us, and are utterly unwilling to hearken to the loud voice of the Events or Effects themselves—  

c— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— — The Martyr's Temples are frequently to be seen, famous for their beauty and greatness—  

d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— — They that are in health pray for the continuance thereof; and they that have been long sick prey for recovery: the barren also pray for children— And they that are to take a long journey desire them [viz. the Martyrs] to be their Companions, or rather their Guides, in the journey—  

e— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Not going to them as Gods, but making application to them as to Divine men and Agents for them with God.  

f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  Now that they who made faithful prayers, have obtained their petitions, clearly appears by the Presents and Gifts brought by the Votaries as so many grateful acknowledgements of their recovery. Accordingly some do present (to be hung up in the Church) the Effigies of Eyes, others of Hands; and these made of Gold or of Silver—  

g— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— — Nay the Martyrs have utterly abolished and wiped out of the minds of men the memory of those who were called Gods—  

h— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— — Our Lord God hath brought his Dead (viz. the Martyrs) into the room and place (the Temples) of your Gods, whom he hath sent packing, and hath given their honour to his Martyrs. For in stead of the Feasts of jupiter and Bacchus are now celebrated the Festivals of Peter and Paul, and Thomas and Sergius, etc. and other holy Martyrs—  

i— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. — Wherefore since you see there is so much advantage by honouring the Martyrs; be persuaded I beseech you, to flee from the error of Daemons; and making use of the Martyrs as so many Lights and Guides, follow the way which leads directly to God, etc.  
Now judge whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath hitherto been fitly applied or not: I will go on.   

CHAP. VIII.  
That Idolatry is the main Character of the Church's Apostasy, proved by Three Arguments.  
HAVING therefore by so many Arguments made apparent (as I hope) what I endeavoured to prove; I desire we may observe, among so many Corruptions both now and heretofore overwhelming the Church of Christ, what that is wherein the Holy Ghost placeth the Essence, and accounteth as the very Soul of the Great Apostasy under the Man of sin, and would have us to make the Polestar of our discovery thereof. Not every Error, not every Heresy, how foul soever; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Idolatry and Spiritual Fornication. As for other Heresies, though accompanying this, yet are they but accidental, and not of the Essence of the Great Apostasy which was to come. Even as Whores are seldom without other foul faults, which yet are no parts of whoredom: so hath the Spiritual whore many other Heresies, but her Whoredom is only Idolatry and the Doctrine of Daemons.  
Neither is Heresy of itself, no, though damnable Heresy, a character whereby the Great Apostasy can be known from other Sects and Blasphemies. Foul Heresies were in the first Ages of the Church, yet Antichrist and his time were neither of them yet come. When his time approached nearer, the Arrians, Macedonians, Nestorians, Eutychians, were abominable Heretics; and the Arrians possessed for a time the face of the visible Church; yet was not theirs the solemn Apostasy looked for.  
But Idolatry or Spiritual Whoredom, 
1 Thes. 1. 9 Conversion to Christionity is described, ● 〈◊〉 from Idols to serve the true and living God, and to 〈…〉 Son Iesu● Christ; therefore Apostasy therefrom is a return to Idols from the living and true God and his Son jesus Christ.  which in that storm the Devil was a working, this is the only character and note whereby the Apostasy under the Man of sin is discovered and distinguished from all other Blasphemies, Sects and Heresies of what age or time soever.  
Which that I may not seem to ground only upon the exposition of my Text, which whatsoever the probability thereof be, may yet be thought alone too weak to support the weight of so main a Conclusion; I desire you to take these Arguments for a full confirmation thereof: some of them have already been intimated, but now all are mustered up together.  

1. That Babylon is entitled in the Revelation of S. john, not the Liar of Babylon, nor the Tyrant of Babylon, nor the Heretic of Babylon, nor the Murtheress of Babylon, but the Whore of Babylon, yea that Great Whore, and the Mother of the fornications and abominations of the earth. Doth not God (think we) give the name as he accounts the nature? Or is there any one will deny that this Babylon is that Mystery of iniquity which our Apostle so calleth, as being in opposition to the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mystery of true worship and Religion? If any should, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Rev. 17. 5.  Mystery Babylon, in her forehead, would help to reclaim him. And what Whore is that with whom 
* Vers. 2.  the Kings and Nations and Kingdoms of the earth commit fornication? can it be any other but a spiritual Whore? Without question therefore S. john means no other thing here than what he foretold in the eleventh chapter, That the Second and outmost court of the Temple, (which is the Second state of the Christian Church) together with the holy City should be trodden down and overtrampled by the Gentiles forty two months, that is, overwhelmed with the Idolatry of the Gentiles, which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as long as power shall be given to the Beast to make war with the Saints, as long as the Witnesses must wear sackcloth, and the Woman which escaped the fury of the Ethnical Dragon be fed in the wilderness.  

2. S. Paul tells us, 
2 Thes. 2. 9 etc.  that the Great Apostasy should enter by strong delusions, by signs and lying wonders: Consider then what Corruptions of the Christian Faith were thus ushered in. To begin with the beginning and First Corruption of that kind. Invocation of Saints, with the Adoration of their Shrines and Relics, how were these advanced in the Church? was it not by miraculous cures of the sick, healing of the lame, restoring of the blind, yea raising of the dead (as seemed) by the only touch and air sometimes of the Shrines and Relics of Souls deceased? was it not still confirmed by strange Apparitions and other means wonderful to hear, for discovery of Bones and Relics unknown and forgotten, yea of men whose names they had never heard of before? and, which I shall show better hereafter, no such experience for three hundred years together observed in the Church, until the fatal and fixed time began to enter. The worshipping of Images (the Second, for time, of the Church's Fornications) was not this also alured and at length fully ratified by like Signs and Miracles showed upon those who approached them in their devotions? Read the Legend, and see what store there is of strong delusions and lying wonders. That which for time came in last, but deserves a place among the foremost, I mean the Idolatry of Mass and Adoration of the Breaden God, search and see if it also be not thus attended.  
If all this be true, then would I know what Doctrine of theirs besides was installed with these solemnities. There is but one only left for exception, and that is Purgatory: But what if all the delusions of Purgatory, with all the Apparitions of Purgatorian Ghosts, were but an indirect device of Satan, aiming partly to advance the Mass into an Idol by the miraculous efficacy (as the Ghosts forsooth report) of the oblation thereof for them; 
2 Thess. 2.  partly to install the Son of perdition (a Daemon ● yet spoke not of, and yet a Daemon) to sit as God in the Temple and Throne of Christ, with the keys of 
* Apocal. 1. 18.  Hades and death, to deliver them? What stronger presumption can there be of this than the Event, and that the error of Purgatory had so long been working before the Devil seemed to know how to make this use of it, which at length he spied out and plied lustily with Signs and Wonders? If all this be true, than it follows still that it is Spiritual Fornication which the Holy Ghost in Scripture intendeth, and the Event hath marked out for the Soul of Antichristian abomination and impiety. But of the matter of Miracles and lying wonders more in the Second part of my Text, which is the proper place thereof.   
3. And lastly, The Great Apostasy is a thing proper to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Latter times; (which I will show, when I come at it, to be the last times of the Fourth Kingdom of Daniel, Dan. 7. 25. & alibi.) But amongst all other Corruptions, only the Spiritual fornication of the Church and Spouse of Christ will be found proper to these times.    

CHAP. IX.  
Two Exceptions against the foregoing Assertion. Except. I. That Idolatry should rather be laid upon the Pagans. This answered, and proved That Pagan Idolatry is not here meant, nor can the Saracen or Turk be the Antichrist meant in Scripture. Except. II. That Antichristianism cannot be charged upon those that acknowledge the true God and Christ. The Answer to this, wherein is interwoven the Author's serious and pathetical Expostulation with the Church of Rome. That Antichrist is a Counter-Christ, and his Coming a Counter-resemblance of the Coming of Christ; showed in several particulars.  
BUT you will say, if Idolatry and Spiritual fornication be the matter, why should not this rather be laid upon Paynims and Turks and Saracens, who acknowledge not Christ, rather than upon Christians who do?  
I answer, S. Paul and S. john prophesied of a thing to come, not of that which was in being when they prophesied. But Ethnical and Paynim Idolatry at that time overwhelmed the whole earth, yea and persecuted and made war with the Saints, and no time hath yet been when this Idolatry was not to be found. It must needs be then some other Whoredom (for Whoredom it was to be) which was prophesied of to come.  
Again, neither Sara●en nor Turk (the greatest unchristian States since Christ) neither of these, 
In Saracen. Frid. Sylburgii (citanta Martinio p. 1903. Lex.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  I say, can be the Antichrist we speak of; nor their Blasphemy that Mystery of iniquity foretold by the Apostles and Prophets.  
For there are two unquestionable Characters of that Mystery, which will neither of them, without doubt not both of them, agree to Turk or Saracen; namely, First, That it should sit in the Great City, which in S. John's time reigned over the nations of the earth: Secondly, That it should be an Apostasy from the Christian faith once embraced. But the Turk, whatsoever he be, is no Apostate, being of a Nation which never was Christian: Nor was the seat of the Saracen Empire, whilst it stood, either in the Old or New Rome, or near unto either: For I would seem to yield for this time, that New Rome or Constantinople would serve the turn; though I am far enough from believing it. Nor will I allege, that Mahumet 
Mahomet in Alcorano indu●● Deum ad se ità lequentem: Pauper fuist● & ditavi●e; Idolis servisti, & vocavi te, Hent●n. in Praefa●. ad Ar●tham in Apocal.  himself and his Nation were both Paynims when they began their blasphemy; for you would tell me that Sergius the Monk taught him to make the Alcoran. Nor will I question now whether the Christian or the Mahometan 
Mahomet w●● a Paynim, ●●●ther 〈◊〉 ●●das the 〈◊〉 Arabians were, n●t baptised till he begun his false Prophecy; when Abdalia the Jow did th● one unto him, and Sergi●s the Monk conferred the other.  be the greater Idolater; though the doubt might soon be resolved, seeing it is well known that the mahometans worship no Images. But I have alleged nothing but what is without exception, That both these Characters I speak of cannot be applied either to Turk or Saracen, though I believe that neither can be. When I spoke of Paynims and Mahumetans, I would have you remember that there were some blasphemous Sects in the first Ages of the Church, which are no more to be accounted of as Christians than Mahumetans and Paynims are; nay Mahumetanism is nearer Christianity than many of them were: For amongst whom the Christians Deity is not received and worshipped, those, though they spring up in imitation of Christianity, I account but new Paynim-blasphemies, and not Christian Heresies. Such were the 
* Tertul. in his De Resurrectione Carnis calls these Heretics, Alterius divinitatis Haretici.  Cerinthians, Marcionites, Saturnians, Valentinians, and Manichees, etc. Which neither professed the same Deity, nor acknowledged that Divine Word which we Christians do: whereas yet the mahometans worship the same God with jews and Christians, God the Creator of Heaven and Earth, the God of Abraham, Isaac and jacob; howsoever they conceive otherwise of his Nature and Properties than Christians do. But this by the way, lest it might put a rub in our discourse of Spiritual fornication.  
But you will still allege for her behalf who seems all this while to be charged, That Antichrist and the Man of sin is set forth in Scripture as the most hateful and execrable thing that can be in the eyes of God Almighty: But how can such a thing be said, and comparatively to be, where the true God, with Christ his Son, God and man are in any sort acknowledged and worshipped?  
Lord! that the whole strain of Scripture, in the Prophets especially, and the example of the Church of Israel, should not cure this web, and take this film from the eyes of men! Doth not the Lord say of Israel, that he had chosen them to be a special people to himself, above all people that are upon the face of the earth? Deut. 7. 6. You only have I known (saith he) of all the families of the earth, Amos 3. 2. And is not Christ the Lord of Christians? and is not the Church his Spouse? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith S. Paul, Ephes. 5. 32. This is a great Mystery. No marvel then where this Mystery is not considered, if the Mystery of iniquity be not understood.  
Alas poor Church of Israel! thy case it seems should have been a very hard one; For, what Nation in the world ever suffered so much rebuke, so many plagues, so much wrath, as thou hast done? Yet couldst thou say for thyself, thou never forsookest the true God altogether, but wast still called by his Name; only thou wouldst fain worship him in Calves and Images, as other Nations, thy neighbours, did their Gods; thou wouldst needs follow the fashion, and this was thine error. Thou never meantest to cast off thy jehovah altogether, but still wouldst have him to be thy God, and thyself to be his people; yet thou tookest this liberty, to have other Gods besides the Lord thy God, viz. thy baalim's and Daemon-Gods of other Nations about thee; and yet hopedst that jehovah the God of heaven, thy only Sovereign God, would not be offended thereat, since thou retainedst him still in chief place and honour with thee.  
Why was thy God then so unkind and cruel unto thee, to call thee Whore, and Prostitute Whore, so often? all his Prophets continually baiting thee with that so foul and odious a name of abominable Harlot? Why did he scatter thee, and even cart thee naked among the Nations, afore his jealousy would be satisfied? For it seems he is far more indulgent to his Second wife, the Church of the Gentiles: For she worships her God in Images and Crucifixes, yea calls a piece of Bread her Lord and her God; and yet saith, he is no whit jealous of her, but well pleased. She, though espoused to Christ jesus, the Son of the living God, as her sole Mediator and Intercessor in the presence of God his Father, yet thinks she may fall down to Saints and Angels, yea to as many Images of them as ever the jews had of their baalim's, or the Gentiles of their Daemons. And yet, forsooth, because she makes her Lord the chiefest still in the honour of her affection, and uses the rest of her Lovers no farther than she may still yield the first and chief place to him, she verily supposes he is no whit offended wit her: whereas Israel should have been called a Whore a thousand times over for as little as this; yea and like enough to have been carted too, and her nose slit (Ezek. 23. 25.) long before this time.  
Nay, but she wipes her mouth, and asks why her Lord should be angry; for she calls him still her Lord, and acknowledges and professeth him still to be her Husband. If he hath a mind to be angry with any, let him go to the Turks, Tartars and other mahometans, or to the Paynims, who will not acknowledge him at all to be their Lord, though he hath offered himself, and perhaps wooed some of them; but they would none of him, but have married themselves to other husbands: here, if he will be jealous, is matter for his jealousy.  
But thou Christ-apostatical Strumpet, knowest thou not the first Commandment of thy Christian Decalogue to be, 
Hieron. in cap. 43. Ezek. ●go hoc arbitror, quòd non polluat nomen Demini, nisi ille qui visusest nomini ejus creder●: Et qoumodo tollit membra Christi, & facit membra meretricis, qui pri●s Christo credid●; sic ille pollicit nomen D●mini, qui pri●●● nominis ejus fidem susceperit.  Thou shalt have no other Christ's but me? What dost thou then with so many Christ-lings? Knowest thou not that an Husband is more grieved and dishonoured by his Wife's adultery, than if any other women whatsoever, yea suppose his kinswomen and daughters, should play the harlots?  
What are Turks, Tartars, or any other unbelieving Nation under Heaven, unto thy Lord and Saviour? are they not all as Strangers to him, and he to them? But as for thee, he had chosen thee out of many Nations to espouse thee to himself; so that thou mayest say with Israel, Isa. 63. 19 We are thine; but as for them, thou never barest rule over them, they were not called by thy Name. But to thee (to use the words of Ezechiel, ch. 16. v. 8. etc.) He swore an o●th, and entered into a covenant with thee, and thou becamest his, and wert called, and wilt still be called by his name. Thee he washed with water, yea, throughly washed thee from the pollution of thy birth, and anointed thee with oil. Thou wast decked with gold and silver, and thy raiment was of fine linen, and silk, and broidered work; thou didst eat fine flour, and honey, and oil, and waste exceeding beautiful, and didst prosper into a Kingdom. And thy renown went forth among the Heathen for thy beauty; for it was perfect through the comeliness which the Lord thy God had put upon thee. But thou didst trust in thine own beauty, and playedst the Harlot because of thy renown, and pouredst out thy fornications upon every one that passed by. And of thy garments thou didst take, and deckest thy high places with divers colours, and playedst the Harlot thereupon. Thou hast also taken thy fair jewels of thy Lord's gold, and of thy Lord's silver, which he had given thee, and madest to thyself Images of men, and didst commit whoredom with them; And tookest thy broidered garments, and coveredst them: and thou hast set the Lord's oil and his incense before them, etc.  
judge now between the Lord and his people, ye that have Wives, give sentence ye Husbands, whether of the two in question hath most dishonoured our Lord and Saviour; which of the two is most like to fret him, and kindle the coals of fury and jealousy: Those who never were in covenant with him, nor yet are called by his name; or whether his Spouse, his darling and beloved one, to whom he was betrothed and married. judge according to the manner of Wedlock, and the notorious precedent of Israel. He that is a Father (we say) is best able to understand the love of a Father, and therefore God's love to his children: For the like reason, he that is an Husband is sensible of the jealousy of an Husband, and so of the case of Christ with his unfaithful and treacherous Spouse the Christian jezabel.  
The decision and sum of all is this, That the Whoredom of the Church of God is a Spiritual Adultery; and therefore between the Idolatry of Christians and that of Infidels and Paynims is as much difference, in God's esteem, as is between Adultery and simple Fornication. The one, as equal to Murder, was in the Law punished with death; the other with a much lighter punishment. Whence in Ezechiel (in those words I have been so long) Chapter 16. verse 38. God saith to jerusalem for their Idolatry, that he would judge her as women that break wedlock and shed blood are judged: he would give her blood in fury and jealousy. And this was the resolution of God himself against Israel, Amos 3. 1, 2. Hear this word that the LORD hath spoken against you, O children of Israel, saying, You only have I known of all the families of the earth; therefore will I punish you for all your iniquities. And the same will be the judgement of the Christian jezabel (howsoever Paynims and Infidels speed) when Great Babylon shall come in remembrance before God, to give unto her the cup of the wine of the fierceness ●f his wrath.  
This I would have well considered and weighed by those whom the Mahometan blasphemy hath dazzled, that they can hardly believe that so hated and execrable a name as that of Babylon should belong unto any other, unless there be yet to come some otherlike barbarous Tyrant and seducer after them. 
Rev. 16. 19  The cause of which error is, That men have fancied another manner of Antichrist than the Holy Ghost meant of, and placed their eyes far wide of the ground of God's hatred, and of the nature of that Mystery of Abomination. But Israel's Apostasy, God's jealousy, and their unparallelled Punishment therefore, such as no Nation in the World, how Idolatrous soever, endured besides themselves, are in this case the only Polestar to direct us.  
But even this mistake, which is and hath been of the Mystery of iniquity, is itself a kind of Mystery, or not without one: For Antichrist is a Counter-Christ, and therefore his Coming to be a Counter-resemblance of the Coming of Christ.  
Christ was both to come, and accordingly looked for in the Last times, that is, in the time of the Fourth Kingdom of Daniel: So Antichrist and his Mystery of impiety was to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the latter times of those Last times, that is (as I shall better show hereafter) in the Last times or Last Scene (as I may so speak) of the Fourth Kingdom of Daniel.  
When Christ came, the Sceptre was to depart from judah, and that Commonwealth to be dissolved: So when Antichrist was to come, the Roman Empire was to fall, and He that hindered was to be taken out of the way, 2. Thess. 2. 7.  
The jews expected Christ to come when he did come, and yet knew him not when he was come; because they had fancied the manner and quality of his coming like some temporal Monarch, with armed power, to subdue the earth before him: So the Christians, God's second Israel, looked the coming of Antichrist should be at that time when he came indeed, and yet they knew him not when he was come; because they had fancied his coming as of some barbarous Tyrant, who should with armed power not only persecute and destroy the Church of Christ, but almost the World; that is, they looked for such an Antichrist as the jews looked for a Christ. 
Io. 1. 11.   
Wherefore as Christ came unto his own, and his own received him not; so Antichrist came upon those who were not his own, and yet they eschewed him not: But yet as some jews (though few) knew Christ when he came, and received him; so did some Christians (though but few) keep themselves from the pollution of Antichrist.  
Lastly, as the jews ere long shall acknowledge and run unto him, whom they pierced as not knowing him: So hath the Christian Church, for a great part, discovered that Son of perdition, whom a long time they had ignorantly worshipped, because they knew him not. O the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of GOD! how unsearchable are his judgement, and his ways past finding out!  
But for our part, seeing our case is so like unto that of the jews, let their lamentable and woeful error, in mistaking their Messiah by wrongly fancying him, be a warning and caveat unto us, that we likewise upon like conceits and prejudice mistake and misdeem not the Man of sin.  TINE ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, SOME.  

CHAP. X.  
The Second Particular in the Description of the Great Apostasy, viz. The Persons Apostatising, expressed by TINE ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SOME. The Great Apostasy was to be a General one. That the word [TINE ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SOME] doth not always imply a Few or a Small number, proved by several passages in Scripture. The true Church of Christ was never wholly extinguished. Wherein we and the Papists differ about the Church's Visibility. In what respects our Church was Visible, and in what it was Invisible under the Apostasy and Reign of Antichrist. This is further cleared by the parallel state of the Israelitish Church under the Apostasy of Israel.  
NOW I come unto the Second point expressed in this Description of the Great Apostasy, namely, The Persons Revolters; They should not be all, but TINE ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SOME. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Some shall Apostatise. Some, that is, not (as we in our English do often use it) a Few; but Some, that is, not All; yet Some, that is, So many, as that the whole visible Church should be said thereof to be Apostatised; So many as should like a Cloud overspread the face of the Christian Firmament, in such sort as the Stars and Lights therein should not easily be discerned. For the Great Defection so much prophesied of was to be a Solemn and General one; such a one as wherein the chiefest of the Churches, honoured as a Mother in Israel, should become a Babylonish Whore, a Mother of Harlots and of the abominations of the Earth, Revel. 17. such a one as whereby the Outmost Court of the Temple of God should not only be profaned, but trodden down by Gentilism, Revel. 11. such a one as the World is said to wonder after the Beast, and to worship him; and such a one as should not only make war with the Saints, but overcome them, Rev. 13. Otherwise, if our Apostle here, and S. john there, should mean no more but the Errors of some particular ones, and their Revolt from the Faith of the Church, they should make either no Prophecy at all, or at the best but a needless one.  
For who knows not that in S. Paul's, S. John's, and the Apostles own times, were many Heresies and Heretics grown up as weeds in the Wheat-field of Christ? but as yet the wheat overtopped them, and the visible body of the Church disclaimed them. If these had been the worst the Church should look for, the Apostles should seem to prophesy of things present, and not as they do of things to come; yea and more than this, they should foretell of a thing as proper and peculiar to the Last-times, which was no Novelty in their own times.  
We must take notice therefore that the Apostasy and Corruption of Faith so much prophesied of, was another manner of one than that which was so frequent in those first times; such a kind of one as should not be disclaimed by the Visible body of the Church, but should surprise, eclipse and overcloud the beautiful face thereof: which manner of Desection never had been before, nor should the like be after it.  
Now that the word TINE ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or SOME useth in Scripture to imply no small number, but only serves to intimate an exception of some particulars, though there were but two or three to be excepted, I will make manifest by a few examples, lest ou● English use might deceive us.  
First, john 6. 60. Many of the Disciples, (saith the Text) when they heard this, said, This is an hard saying; and v. 66. Many of his Disciples from that time went back, and walked no more with him: Nevertheless concerning these many Christ himself saith, v. 64. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, But there are Some of you which believe not: Here we see that Some is a great many. So Rom. 11. 17. S. Paul there saith of the rejection of the jews, Some of the branches are broken off: Now what a Some this was, appears in the same Chapter, v. 32. when he saith, God hath included them ALL in unbelief, that he might have mercy upon ALL. But to seek no further, the 1 cor. 10. will store us with examples: as v. 7. Neither be ye Idolaters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Some of them were; this was a great Some, for Moses saith of it, Exodus 32. 3. And ALL the people broke off their golden Earrings, and brought them to Aaron. In v. 8. Neither let us commit fornication, as Some of them; which were so many, Numb. 25. 4. that the Lord said unto Moses, Take ALL the heads of the people, and hang them up before the Lord, that the fierce anger of the Lord may be turned away from Israel; and v. 3. it is said in general, and Israel joined himself to Baal-Peor. Again in the same Chap. v. 9 it is said, Neither let us tempt Christ, as Some of them also tempted, and were destroyed of Serpents; and verse 10. Neither murmur, as Some of them also murmured: this Some was a great Some indeed, even all the people, save Moses, joshua and Caleb; whereof is said, Numb. 14. 1. And ALL the Congregation lifted up their voice and wept; and v. 2. And ALL the Children of Israel murmured against Moses and Aaron; and the WHOLE Congregation said unto them, Would God that we had died, etc. wherefore they were as largely punished, all of them dying in the wilderness, joshua and Caleb excepted. These places of many will suffice, to show that the word [SOME] in my Text intends not to extenuate the number of Apostates, as implying they should be but Few; but only shows they should not be All: For where the Apostates are but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Some, there Some also are not Apostates, but excepted from the common Defection, wherewith the rest were miserably overwhelmed.  
The Observation therefore which this [TINE ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SOME] affords us is, That the true Church of Christ was never wholly extinguished, nor the light of his Gospel ever quite put out, no, not in the greatest darkness that ever was to overwhelm it.  
By the true Church of Christ I understand That holy Society and Company of Believers, which as they accord and are joined together in one common Faith of all Divine Truth's needful to Salvation, so are they also free from the fellowship of such enormous abominations and mortal errors as destroy and overturn it. This is that Society whereof, by the grace of Almighty God, we glory to be the members; This that Society which in the Primitive times grew and flourished; This that Society which (when the times foretold of the Church's Eclipse came, and the Great Apostasy had overspread the face thereof) was indeed much impaired, endangered and obscured, but never was totally extinguished, but continued even under the jurisdiction of the Man of sin, yea in Babylon itself where he had this Throne: For doth not Christ at length say, Apocal. 18. 4. Come out of her my people? How could they come out thence, unless they had been there? or how should Antichrist sit in the Temple of God, 2 Thess. 2. 4. unless God's Temple were even there where Antichrist sat? As a few living embers in a heap of dying ashes; As a little Wheat in a field overgrown with weeds; As the Lights of the heaven in a firmament overcast with clouds; As a little pure Gold in a great mass of dross and mixed metal: such was the faithful Company of Christ in the Apostate body of Christendom, the 
* Apocal. 14. 〈◊〉  Virgin-Church in the midst of Babylon.  
But, will our Adversaries say, This is not sufficient to make you the true Church of Christ, because some of you have always been; but you must prove also that you have always visibly been: For the true Catholic Church must not only never have been interrupted or extinguished, but it must have been a Society visibly known unto the world, and not as Embers in the ashes, but as a burning and shining Flame.  
But this Objection deserves no answering; because our Adversaries (howsoever they would dissemble it) do but play upon the present advantage which they think their own Church hath in this point above ours: Otherwise, when they forget the contention they have with us, and are in a calmer mood, they can be pleased to deliver other doctrine; which if they would be so ingenuous as always to remember, we needed not such a stir about the point of the Church's Visibility. For the difference between them and us hereabout is not so great as they would make it seem. They themselves, and the Fathers also, teach, That when Antichrist cometh, the Visibility of the Church shall be eclipsed: nay they affirm more than we usually in that case require; For then, they say, the use of the Sacraments shall cease; no Eucharist, no Mass, no public Assemblies, yea all Ecclesiastical jurisdiction shall be extinguished. But here lies all the difference; they hold the glorious Visibility of the true Church to have continued from the beginning unto this present, and the overshadowing of the Light and Eclipse of the glory thereof under Antichrist to be yet to come: We on the contrary maintain, the clouding of the Church's Visibility under the Man of sin to have been already, and some part of the Visible splendour thereof to be yet to come: Both agreeing in this, that in the fatal Apostasy the Church's Visibility and Glory should cease: but we say, That time hath been already; they say, It is yet to come: we say, That time of darkness was to continue many ages; they say, When it comes, it shall last but three single years and a half. Seeing therefore the whole Controversy lies in the point of Time, Whether the Church's fatal Apostasy be already past or yet to come; it would be much the shorter and quicker course for both them and us to decide this Controversy, To examine the condition and quality of both Religions by the Holy Scripture, where we have also, as S. * Peter speaks, a most sure word of Prophecy, whereunto we shall do well if we take heed, as to a light shining in a dark place.  
Now though this Answer be sufficient enough for the Objection of our Adversaries; yet for the better understanding and clearer insight into the matter questioned, we will further consider, Whether and in what manner or measure our Church may be said to have been Visible during the prevailing Apostasy, and in what respect again it was not Visible; and in both agreeable to the State of the true Church under the frequent Apostasies of Israel.  
First therefore, we must know that by A Visible Christian Society in this Question is meant A Society or Company of Christian Believers joined together in one external Fellowship and Communion of the same public Profession and Rule of Faith, Use of Sacraments, and Ecclesiastical jurisdiction; For these make the outward form and (as it were) shape of the Church, whereby this Society is discernible from other Societies of men: So that a Society by this outside severed and distinguished from other Societies, is a Society visible and conspicuous to other Societies of men.  
The question therefore is, Whether that holy Society of Believers before mentioned, who accorded together in one Common Faith with us of all Divine Truth's needful to Salvation, and kept themselves free from such enormous abominations and mortal errors, which we now disclaim as utterly annihilating that Common Faith; Whether such a Society as this has been in all Ages, joined and distinguished by such a common outside from other Companies, either of men in general, or Christians in special; or in shorter, and perhaps plainer, terms thus, Whether the Society of men of our Christian belief hath in all ages been for the outside a distinct Ecclesiastical Corporation from other Societies of men.  
My Answer is, That for the First Ages it was so; not only thus Visible, but easily discernible from all other Societies of men whatsoever: But afterward, when the Great Apostasy we speak of surprised and deformed the beautiful Spouse of Christ, then was not that Virgin-Company of Saints, our Mother, a distinct external Society from the rest of Christendom; but a Part, yea and the only sound Part, of that External and Visible Body whereof our Adversaries boast their predecessors to have been members. For howsoever this our Virgin-Mother, for the inward and invisible communion of her sincere and unstained Faith, were a distinct and severed Company from the rest with whom she lived; yet, for the Common Principles of the Christian Faith still acknowledged in that corrupt body of Christendom, she retained communion with them, and for the most part of that time of darkness continued an External part of the same Visible Body with the rest in gross called Christians; as being begotten by the same Sacrament of Baptism (as the Israelites in the like case of Circumcision,) taught in some part by the same Word and Pastors still continued amongst them, and submitting to the same jurisdiction and Government, so far as these or any of these had yet some soundness remaining in them. But for the rest which was not compatible with her sincere and unstained Faith, and which annihilated, in those it surprised, even those Common Grounds of Christianity otherwise outwardly professed; she with her children either wisely avoided all communion with it; or if they could not, then patiently suffered for their conscience sake under the hands of Tyrants, called Christians; until that Tyranny growing insupportable, and that mortal contagion unavoidable, it pleased God, lest we might have been as Sodom and Gomorrah, to begin to call us thence at the time appointed unto a greater Liberty, as we see this day.  
As therefore when a little Gold is mixed with a great quantity of base and counterfeit metal, so that of both is made but one mass or lump; each metal, we know, still retains its nature divers from the other, and yet outwardly and visibly is not to be discerned the one from the other; but both are seen together as they are outwardly one, but cannot be distinguished by the eye as they are divers and several; the Gold is Visible as it is one mass, and under the same outside and figure with the rest, yet it is truly Invisible as it is divers from the rest: but when the Refiner comes and severs them, then will each metal appear in his own colours, and put on his own outside, and so become Visible apart from the rest: Such is the case here, and such was the State and Condition of the Church in the prevailing and great Apostasy; The purer metal of the Visible Christian Body was not outwardly discernible from the base and counterfeit, while one outside covered them; and so much the rather, because the Apostate part in a great proportion exceeding the sound, made it imperceptible: but when the time of Refining came, then was our Church not first founded in the true Faith, (God forbid) but a Part of the Christian Body newly refined from such Corruptions as time had gathered; even as Gold refined begins not then first to be Gold, though it begin but then to be refined Gold.  
WHATSOEVER we have hitherto spoken of the State of the true Believers under the Apostasy of Antichrist, is the same which befell the true Israelites in the Apostasy of Israel. And doth not S. Peter intimate that the Apostasy which should be●ide Christians should be like to that which we read to have befallen Israel, 2 Pet. 2. 1? Therewere (saith he) False Prophets also among the people, (i.e. Israelites) even as there shall be False teachers among you, who privily shall bring in damnable Heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them. If the Apostasy of Christians were to be of the same stamp with that of Israel, and the Heresies brought into Christendom by the false Doctors of Babylon, like unto those wherewith the false Prophets of Israel infected and poisoned the ancient people of God; surely we cannot find a better Pattern whereby to know what was the state and condition of the unstained Christian Believers under the Apostasy of the Man of sin, than that which was of the true Israelites under the Apostasy of Israel.  
For the right understanding whereof, we must always remember that the Israelitish Church did at no time altogether renounce the true and living God, not in their worst times; but in their own conceit and profession they acknowledged him still, and were called his people, and he their God, though they worshipped others beside him: So Christians in their Apostasy neither did nor were to make an absolute Apostasy from God the Father and Christ their Redeemer, but in an outward profession still to acknowledge him, and to be called Christians; though by their Idolatry and spiritual whoredoms they indeed denied the Lord that bought them, (i.e.) whom they professed to be their Redeemer; just as Israel for the like is said to have forsaken the Lord their God that brought them out of the Land of Egypt. Here therefore the case of both is alike; let us also see the rest.  
You ask, Where was the true Church we speak of in Antichrist's time? I ask likewise, Where was the Company of true worshippers in Ahab's time? was it not so covered and scattered under the Apostate Israelites, that Elias himself, who was one of it, could scarce find it? I have been very jealous (saith he) for the Lord God of hosts; because the children of Israel have forsaken thy Covenant, thrown down thy Altars, and slain thy Prophets with the sword; and I, even I alone am left, and they seek my life to take it away, 1 Kings 19 14. Yet the Lord tells him, verse 18. I have yet left me seven thousand in Israel, all the knees which have not bowed unto Baal, and every mouth which hath not kissed him. Yet I trow these seven thousand were not outwardly severed from the rest of Israel, but remained still external members of the same Visible body with them.  
But you will except, that the true and unstained Church in judah was still visible and apparent. I ask you then, Where was the Company of the true worshippers of jehovah in Manasses time, the worst time of all other? when the ten Tribes were carried captive, and but judah and Benjamin only left; and they, as far as the eye of man can see, wholly and generally fallen from the Lord their God to all manner of Idols and Idolatries, like unto the abominations of the heathen, whom the Lord had cast out before the children of Israel: 
2 Chron. 33.  when in the Temple itself, the only place where the true God was legally to be worshipped, were Idolatrous Altars erected, even in the House whereof the Lord had said, In this House and in jerusalem will I put my name for ever; even in this House, this holy House, were Idols and graven Images erected, and in both Courts thereof Altars to Baalim, the Sun, the Moon, and the whole host of heaven; the like whereof never had been until that time. Besides, who is able to name the man for almost fifty years together that remained a Faithful servant and True worshipper of the Living God in the midst of this hideous profanation? Nor is it easy to be conceived, how it was possible all that time to offer any Legal sacrifice without Idolatry, when God's own Temple and House was made a den of Idols; nay his Altar, the only Altar of Israel, destroyed, to make room for Altars erected to Idols; as may be gathered 2 Chron. 33. 15, 16. Where was the true Church of Israel now? or had the Lord no Church at all? Yes certainly, he had a Church, and a Company which defiled not their garments; a Company (I say,) but not visibly distinguished from the rest of their Nation, but hidden as it were in the midst of that Apostate body, and yet known together with the rest to be Israelites and people of jehovah; but known to God alone and themselves to be true Israelites and faithful servants to jehovah their God. And that such a Company there was, and a strong party too, though not seen, appeared presently upon the death of Manasses and his wicked son, when josiah began to reign at eight years of age. For they then prevailed even in the Court itself, and so brought up the King, that even while he was yet young, in the eighth year of his reign, he began to seek after the God of David his father, and in the twelfth year to make a public and powerful Reformation, 
2 Chron. 34.  such as the like was never done before him. Could all this have been done so soon, and by a King so young in years, and to carry all before it like a torrent, unless there had been a strong party, which now having a King for them, began quickly to show themselves and to sway the State, though before they were hardly to be seen?  
When therefore our Adversaries ask us where our Church was before Luther, we see by this what we have to answer.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  

CHAP. XI.  
The Third Particular, or The Time of the Apostasy. That the Last Times in Scripture signify either a Continuation of Time, or an End of Time. That the Last Times simply and in general are the Times of Christianity; the Last Times in special and comparatively, or the Latter Times of the Last Times, are the Times of the Apostasy under Antichrist. That the Times are set out to us to be as Marks to inform us when the Things to fall out in them should come to pass; and not the Things intended for signs to know the Times by. This Observation illustrated from Dan. 8.  
OF the two first Particulars of the Four, whereby the Great Apostasy of Christian Believers is here deciphered, I have spoken sufficiently; viz. First, for the Quality and kind thereof, it should be a new Doctrine of Daemons: Secondly, that for the Persons revolting, they should not be All, but Some Now I am to speak of the Third, The Times when, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In the Latter Times.  
For the easier understanding whereof, we must know that speeches of Last Times in Scripture mean sometimes a Continuation or Length of time; sometimes an End of time.  
A Continuation of time I mean, as when we say that Winter is the Last time or season of the year, or old age the Latter time of life; neither of them being the very End, but a space of time next the end; which therefore, in respect of some whole System of time, whereof it is the Last part, is truly termed the Last time thereof. Man's life is a Systeme of divers ages, the Last space whereof is the Last time of life. The Year is a Systeme of four seasons, and therefore the Last season thereof, Winter, may be called the Last time of the year. But by an End of time, I mean the very expiring of time, as the Last day of December is the End or last time of the year; the moment when a man dies is the Last time, that is, the End of his life.  
Now in the New Testament, when by mention of Last time is meant an End or Terminus temporis, I observe it to be expressed in the Singular number; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Last day, being four times mentioned in the sixth of john, and once in the eleventh, is in every one of them meant of the Day of the Resurrection at the End of the world. I will raise him up, saith our Saviour, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the last day, john, 6. 39, 40, 44, 54. And Martha of her brother Lazarus, I know (saith she) he shall rise again in the Resurrection, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at the Last day, john 11. 24. So 1 Pet. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the last time, is used in the selfsame sense, being spoken of the incorruptible inheritance reserved in heaven, and to be revealed (saith the Apostle) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Last time. In all which is meant the End of the world. But in 1 john 2. 18. we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Last hour, Little children, it is the Last hour; where no doubt he meaneth an End of some time, but not the End of the world, which was then far off; but an End of their time to whom he then wrote his Epistle, (that is,) an End of the jewish State and Religion, which was then at the very door: which Exposition I will make more plain hereafter.  
But when a Continuation or Longer space of time is signified, than I find the Plural number to be used; as 1 Pet. 1. 20. of the Incarnation of Christ it is said, that he was fore-ordained before the foundation of the world, but was made manifest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Last times, which times have continued these 1600 years at the least. So Heb. 1. 2. God (saith S. Paul) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in these Last days hath spoken unto us by his Son. And 2 Tim. 3. 1. This know also, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in the Last days perilous times shall come. Again, Acts 2. 17. In the Last days I will pour out of my Spirit upon all flesh. In the 2 Pet. 3. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In the Last days shall come scoffers. And so in my Text, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In the Latter times some shall revolt from the Faith, and give heed to Doctrines of Daemons.  
Whatsoever the validity of this observation be, for the rest I make no question but it will be granted, That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in my Text means some Continued space of time, and not Terminus temporis or the very End of time: which therefore presupposed, I approach one step nearer, laying this for a second ground of our discovery, That these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter times, whereof S. Paul speaks and means, were Times not then present, but afterward to come: For the words of the Text are not a Narration of things present, but a Prediction (as I have already admonished) of what should beside the Christian Faith in aftertimes. Yet notwithstanding were the Times wherein S. Paul lived, and all the Times of Christianity, the Last times, and so styled in Scripture even by our Apostle himself, as by some of the forecited examples evidently appeareth. Wherefore it must needs follow, that the Times here meant and mentioned in my Text are not the Last times in general and simply, but the Last times in special and comparatively; that is, the Latter times of the Last times: That as the Last times in general were the times wherein CHRIST the Sun of Righteousness was to be revealed, and his Kingdom founded in the World; so the Latter times of these Last times should be the times wherein the Apostasy of the Christian Faith should prevail, and that Wicked one usurp the Throne of Christ.  
Before therefore that we can know what are the Last times comparatively (that is, the Latter times, or the Last of the last) we must first understand what are the Last times simply and in general; why so called, whence reckoned, and how limited: For then will these Latter times in my Text, which are the Last part of them, be easily found, and in a manner demonstrated.  
As for the Last times therefore in general, most use to describe them only thus, To be the times of the Kingdom of CHRIST, 
Ta●g. Eccles. 1. 11. expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Innovissimo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In di●bus Rigis Ch●ists.  which began at his Passion, to continue unto the end of the World; which in respect that it succeeds the Legal worship, and no other shall succeed it, is therefore the Last time. In like manner the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 allotted to the Man of sin are (as I take it) usually no otherwise described than to be the Times wherein the Apostasy should appear; which in that it should immediately precede the Second coming of CHRIST, is therefore to be esteemed the Last times of all. But these descriptions are obscurum per magis obscurum, they declare an obscure thing by that which is or was more obscure than it; and therefore come short of making good the intent of the Holy Ghost in his so often mention of the Last times, especially in the New Testament. For the Last times or fullness of time were both a ground of the jews expectation of CHRIST when he came, and are without doubt so often propounded and alleged by the Apostles for a confirmation of the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Tim. 2. 6.  truth of his coming. But if the Last times could not be known but by his coming, how should his coming be known by them? So also the Holy Ghost in my Text mentions these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter times for an argument or sign of the Apostasy to fall out therein, or for a note and mark of time wherein we should look for, and therefore as forewarned beware of being carried away in that Defection. But if these Times cannot be known nor described any other way than by the Defection to fall out in them, we should be never a whit the nearer, and this mark of time which the Holy Ghost gives us would stand us in no stead at all.  
Let us therefore now take this as a Truth to be supposed, That the Times are set out unto us to be as Marks to inform us when that should come to pass which was to fall out in them, and not the Things which were to befall, intended for Signs to know the Times by. And therefore we are not to doubt but that the Holy Ghost hath somewhere else, by some other mark and ground of Computation, made known unto us when to reckon both the Last times, wherein was foretold that Christ should be anointed; and these Latter times of them, when the Christian Apostasy should be revealed: that so we might have a sure belief in the one, and a certain and sufficient mark when to beware of the other.  
The Profanation of the Legal Sanctuary and trampling down the holy people by Antiochus Epiphanes was marked out in Daniel's prophecy by the like circumstance and determination of time, as is this Apostasy here in our Apostle's prediction. Dan. 8. 23. In the latter time, or 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  latter end of the Kingdom of Graecia, a King of a fierce countenance shall stand up, viz. He who should magnify himself against the Prince of the Host of Heaven, and take away the daily Sacrifice, etc. as it is in the Vision which was foreshowed of him Verse 10, 11. Where it would be preposterous to think, that this Latter time or End of the Greek Kingdom could not be defined otherwise than by the Event to fall out therein; and not rather conceive that this determination of time, being such as might otherwise well enough be known, was therefore intended for a Character to observe the Event by. For when was this Latter end of the Greeks Kingdom to be taken notice of, but then when they should see that Kingdom begin to be given unto another people; when the Fourth Kingdom, the Roman State, should once begin to encroach upon the Third? especially when they should see the Head-Province thereof, Greece itself, to come under their obedience; when they should see this, than were they to prepare themselves; for the abomination of desolation was now at the door. And surely the Event was most punctual: For this Roman encroachment, having been some 28 years together manifestly attempting and advancing, was at length accomplished, when AEmilius the Consul having quite vanquished Perseus the King of Maccdon, all Greece came under the Roman obedience, 166 years before the Birth of Christ: which no sooner was come to pass, but the very selfsame year, within less than three months after, Antiochus sets up the abomination of desolation in the Temple of jerusalem. Why should we not then believe that the Holy Ghost intendeth here to give us as sure a Watchword when to beware of the Man of sin, by this circumstance of Latter times in my Text, as we see he gave the jews to look for the Persecution and Profanation by Antiochus?   

CHAP. XII.  
A more particular account of the Last Times in general, and of the Latter Times of the Last Times. That the Four Kingdoms of Daniel are the Great Calendar (as the LXX weeks the lesser Calendar) of Times. That the Times of the Fourth or Last Kingdom (that is, the Roman) are the Last Times meant in Scripture. That the Latter Times of the Last Times are the Latter Times of the Fourth Kingdom, wherein the Great Apostasy should prevail.  
THEREFORE without any more preambles, I come now directly to resolve what was before propounded, viz. First, What is meant by LAST TIMES in general, Whence and How we are to reckon them. And then in the Second place, What are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LATTER TIMES in my Text, which must be, as I said before, a Latter part of that general.  
For the true Account therefore of Times in Scripture, we must have recourse to that SACRED CALENDAR and GREAT ALMANAC of PROPHECY, The Four Kingdoms of Daniel, which are A Prophetical Chronology of Times measured by the succession of Four principal Kingdoms, from the beginning of the Captivity of Israel, until the Mystery of God should be finished. A course of Time during which the Church and Nation of the jews, together with those whom by occasion of their unbelief in Christ God should surrogate in their rooms, was to remain under the bondage of the Gentiles and oppression of Gentilism: But these Times once finished, all the Kingdoms of this World should become the Kingdoms of our Lord and his CHRIST. And to this Great Calendar of Times, together with that other, but lesser, Calendar of LXX weeks, all mention of Times in Scripture seems to have reference.  
Now these Four Kingdoms (according to the truth infallibly to be demonstrated● if need were, and agreeable both to the ancient opinion of the 
* Vide Targ. Haba●. 3. 17.  jewish Church whom they most concerned, and to the most ancient and universal opinion of 
‖ Vide Cy●●l. Hi●ro● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Hierony●● ●●um infra ●●atum.  Christians derived from the times of the Apostles, until now of late time some have questioned it) are, 1. The Babylonian, 2. that of the Medes and Persians, 3. the Greek, 4. the Roman. In which Quaternary of Kingdoms, as the Roman, being the Last of the Four, is the Last Kingdom; so are the Times thereof those Last Times we seek for; during which times (saith Daniel. chap. 2. v. 44.) The God of Heaven shall set up a Kingdom which shall never be destroyed, nor left unto another people, but it shall break in pieces and consume all those Kingdoms, and it shall stand for ever: which is figured by a Stone hewn out of the mountain without hands, before the times of the Image were yet spent; which Stone at length smote the Image upon his Feet of Iron and Clay, and so utterly destroyed it; that done, the Stone that smote the Image upon the feet became a great Mountain, and filled the whole earth. The meaning of all which is, That in the Last times, or under the Times of the Last Kingdom (the Roman) should the Kingdom of CHRIST appear in the World, as we see it hath done.  
And this is that which the Apostle saith, Hebrews 1. 2. God in these Last days, or Last times, hath spoken to us by his Son: and S. Peter 1 Epist. 1. 20. that he was fore-ordained before the foundation of the world, but was manifested in these Last times. This is that Fullness of time whereof the Apostle speaks, Galat. 4. 4. When the Fullness of time was come, God sentsorth his Son made of a woman: and Ephes. chap. 1. v. 9, 10. Having made known to us the mystery of his will— That in the dispensation of the Fullness of times he might gather together in one all things in Christ. Agreeable unto all which is that Hebrews 9 26. Christ hath once appeared, 
Add here that of Christ himself, Mat. 1. 15. The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand. Huc quoque pertiner ill●d, 1 Tim. 2. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the end of times, or ages, to put away sin by the Sacrifice of himself: Where these Last times, Fullness of time, and Conclusion of ages, are nothing else but the Times of the Fourth Kingdom, whose Times are the Last period of Daniel's Four, the Fullness of the Prophetical Chronology, and Conclusion of the Sacred Calendar. During these Times Christ was looked for, and accordingly came, and reigned; whose Kingdom shall at length abolish the brittle remainder of this Romish State, according to the other part of the Prophecy, when the Fullness of the Gentiles shall come in, and our Lord subdue all his enemies under his feet, and at the last even Death itself.  
HAVING thus found What Times are termed the Last times in general, let us now see if we can discover which are the Latter Times of these Last times, or the Latter times in special, which are those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter Times in my Text: which will not be hard to do. For if the Last Times in general are all the Times of the Fourth Kingdom, then must our Latter times, as a part thereof, needs be the Latter times of that Kingdom. Let us therefore again to our Prophetical Calendar, and survey Daniel's description of the Fourth or Roman Kingdom, as it is Chapter 7. from verse 19 where we shall soon find the Latter times thereof to be that Period of a 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Time, Times and half a Time, during which that prodigious Horn with eyes like a man, and a mouth speaking great things, should make war with the Saints, prevail against them, and wear them out, and think to change times and laws, until the judgement should sit, and his dominion be taken away; and in him that long-lived Beast finally be destroyed, and his body given to the burning flame, verse 11. For this Hornish Sovereignty is the Last Scene of that long Tragedy, and the Conclusion of the Fourth Beast; and therefore the times thereof are those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter times, whereof the Spirit spoke expressly, that in them there should be an Apostasy from the Christian Faith.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Two Inquiries concerning the Latter Times. I. What durance they are to be of. Answ. That the Times of the Antichristian State are to last 42 months or 1260 days. That hereby cannot be meant three single years and an half, proved by several particulars. Enquiry II. When they begin. Answ. That they take their beginning from the mortal wound of the Imperial Sovereignty of Rome, or the ruin of the Roman Empire. This proved from the Apocalypse, and 2 Thessal. 2. where by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Fathers generally understand the Roman Empire. The same further proved from Dan. 7. That by the little Horn is meant Antichrist or The man of sin (and not Antiochus Epiphanes) was the judgement of the most ancient Fathers.  
COncerning these Times thus found, we will now further inquire, First, What durance they may be of; Secondly, When they take beginning, and by what mark their beginning may be known.  
For the First, we will make no question but these are the selfsame Times whereof S. john speaks, 
* Rev. 12. 14.  telling us That the Church should be in the wilderness a Time, Times, and half a Time; the same with those XLII month's 
* Chap. 13. 5.  wherein S. John's restored Beast should domineer, and play the selfsame reeks which Daniel's Hornish Tyrant doth; the same time with those XLII months 
* Chap. 11. 2.  during which the Church is trodden down of the Gentiles; lastly, the same time with 
‖ Verse 3.  1260 days, during which the Witnesses of Christ prophecy in sackcloth. For a Time, Times, and half a Time, or a Year, two Years, and a half, are XLII months; and XLII months make 1260 days. If therefore we can find the continuance and beginning of any of these, we have found the continuance and beginning of them all.  
For the Duration and Length of them, they must imply some definite time, because the Scripture follows that use of speech, and useth no number indefinitely, but those which the use of speech had made such, as 7. 10. 1000 But mixed and compound numbers, 
Of this see The Remains, chap. 8. pag. 597.  as these are, viz. 3½. 42. 1260. are neither in the Hebrew, nor I think in any other tongue, used indefinitely.  
Our Adversaries would have them literally understood for Three single years and a half, as though it were an History, and not a Prophecy: But besides the use of Prophecy to reckon Days for Years, I think it would trouble any man to conceive how so many things as should be performed in this time, should be done in Three single years and a half. 
* See this more fully treated of in The Remains ch. 9 pag. 598.  1. Ten Kingdoms founded at the same time with the Beast. 2. Peoples, and multitudes of Nations and Tongues to serve and obey him. 3. To make war with the Saints and overcome them. 4. To cause all that dwell upon the Earth to worship him. 5. Babylon to ride the Beast so long, that all Nations shall drink of the wine of her fornication, all the Kings of the earth commit fornication with her, yea the Merchants and all those that had ships in the Sea to grow rich by trading with her. Methinks all these things should ask much more than Three years' work or Four either. To which I add moreover, that that King, State of Government, Sovereignty, or Seignory, or what you will, of the Beast, under which the Whore should ride him, followeth immediately upon a Former which in comparison is said to continue but a short space, Rev. 17. 10. But if the Antichristian State shall continue but Three years and a half literally taken, how short must the time of that foregoing King or Sovereignty be, which should occasion the Holy Ghost to insert so singular a note of the difference thereof from that which followed, That it should continue but a short space? Doth not this imply, that the next State (wherein the Whore should ride the Beast) was to continue a long space? Therefore Three years and a half Historically taken cannot be the Time of the Church's Apostasy and the Antichristian Sovereignty of Rome: and if it cannot be taken Historically, it must be taken Prophetically, every Day for a Year; and so 1260 days counted so many years shows the extent of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter times to be 1260 years.  
NOW for the Second thing proposed, The Beginning of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter Times; S. john tells us in the Revelation, That his Blasphemous Beast of 42 month's continuance should succeed upon the mortal wound of the Caesarean or Imperial Sovereignty of Rome; and Apocal. 17. 12, 13. the Idolatrous Beast which carries the great Whore upon his back, should have a Plurality of Kings start up at the same time with him, who should agree to submit their power and kingdom unto this Whore-ridden Beast. And would not he also in the same Chapter have us take notice, That the Antichristian State of the Beast which was to come should be the next to that of the Caesars which then reigned? For the Angel there tells him, That that State of the Beast wherein the Whore should ride him, which then was not in being, but should afterward ascend out of the bottomless pit and go into perdition, that this State or Head of the Beast should succeed so immediately upon the Sixth State or Head (viz. the Caesarean then reigning) that howsoever for some respect it might be called an Eighth, yet should it in very deed be but the Seventh. For how could it be otherwise, when the Beast in the Vision hath but Seven heads and no more? Vide ver. 8. 10, 11.  
Agreeable to this is S. Paul's Epocha, 2 Thes. 2. 7. who tells us, that as soon as the Imperial Sovereignty of Rome, which then hindered, should be taken out of the way, than should that Wicked one be revealed. 
* Tertul. de Resurrect. c. 24 Ambros. comment. in hunc locum. Hieron. qu. 11. add Algasiam, & Praefat. in l. 8. comment. in Ezek. Chrysost. comment. in. hunc locum. Aug. lib. 20. cap. 19 de Civ. Dei, sed non tam asseveranter ut caeteri. Cyrilius Hierosolym. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Thus the Fathers generally expound it. Hence was that custom in the Church, in the most ancient times of it, to pray in their Liturgy for the lasting of the Roman Empire; that so Antichrist might be long a coming. Tertul. Apol. cap. 32, & 39 Ad Scap. cap. 2. Upon this ground S. Jerome, when he heard of the taking of Rome by Alaricus the Goth, presently expected the coming of Antichrist, Ad Gerontiam de Monogamia; Qui tenebat, (saith he) de medio fit, & non intelligimus Antichristum appropinquare: He who hindered, is taken out of the way; and we consider not that Antichrist is at hand. Idem Praefat. in Lib. 8. Comment. in Ezek. Pascitur animus, & obliviscitur seculi calamitatum, quod in extremo fine jam positum congemiscit & parturit, donec qui tenet, de medio fiat, & pedes statuae quondam ferreae fragilitate digitorum fictilium conterantur: Cadit mundus, & Cervix erecta non flectitur, etc. My mind is 
* He speaks before of his Studies and Book labours, whereby his mind was relieved and di●erred from the of 〈…〉 tive remembrance of those sad times  refreshed, and for the present forgets the woeful calamities that this last Age Labours with, groaning and travailing in pain, till he who hinders, be taken out of the way, and the feet of the 
‖ by the Feet of the Statue, (in Dan. 2.) part of iron and part of clay is meant the Roman Empire.  iron Statue be broken to pieces by reason of the brittleness of the clayic toes. The world goes to ruin, and yet the haughty neck does not bend, etc. Thus he. Postquam clarissimum terrarum omnium Lumen extinctum est, imò Romani Imperii truncatum caput, & in una urbe t●tus orbis interiit— After that the most glorious light in all the world was put out, and the Head of the Roman Empire was cut off, and so the whole world was destroyed in the destruction of that one City— as he elsewhere deplores that woeful calamity, Praes. in Lib. 1. Comment. in Ezec.  
Answerable to that which S. john told us, Daniel's Calendar also informs us, That the Hornish Tyrant, who was to act the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, should then begin to appear, when Ten Kings should arise in the Fourth Kingdom. For the Ten Horns which at the last he espied upon the Beast's head, and observed a little Horn with eyes and a mouth to spring up amongst them, and displant Three of them, chap. 7. v. 8. the Angel v. 24. expounds to be Ten Kings which should arise out of that Kingdom, and another (to wit Antichrist) should arise 
a C. ●ld. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  behind them (so it 
b Vid. Gen. 22 13. ●x●d. 14. 19 b●. 2 ● hro. 13. 13 Io● 8. 2. 2 Kings 9 18. Ezech. ● 12  should be translated, as the Septuagint doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which should be divers from the first (that is, a King of another nature) and should bring down or 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ralat, 〈◊〉 (●t in ali● exempl●●) dehonorabit. V●tab. oppri●●● Ia●u●, deprimet.  humble three Kings, and play those recks which follow in the Text. Thus the Fathers universally and from the utmost antiquity expound this Scripture. justin Martyr Dialog. cum Tryphone takes it as granted, that this Horn is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that man of Apostasy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that would attempt all the mischief imaginable against us Christians. Irenaeus, scholar to Polycarp, l. 5. c. 21. aliis 25. saith, Daniel novissimi Regni sinem respiciens, id est, novissimos decem Reges, in quos divideretur regnum illorum super quos Filius perditionis veniet, Cornua dicit decem nasci Bestiae, etc. The prophet Daniel eyeing the end of the Fourth or Last Kingdom, that is, those Ten Kings into whom their Kingdom should be divided, and upon whom the Son of Perdition should come, [viz. the Little Horn that should domineer and overtop them] saith (chap. 7.) that the Beast had Ten Horns grow out of his Head, and that there came up among them another little Horn, and that before this Horn Three of the first Horns were plucked up by the roots. Yea a little after he tells us, that S. john in his Ten Kings which should receive their Kingdoms at one hour with the Beast, expounds this of Daniel; Manifestius adhuc de novissimo tempore, & de his qui sunt in eo decem Regibus, in quos dividetur quod nunc regnat Imperium, significavit Ioannes Domini discipulus in Apocalypsi, edisserens quae suerint decem cornua quae à Daniele visa sunt, etc. What was before prophesied concerning the Last Times, and the Ten Kings therein, amongst whom the Empire that now reigns should be divided, john, the disciple of our Lord, hath more clearly expressed in his Apocalypse, where he tells what those Ten Horns were which Daniel saw, viz. Ten Kings, which had received no Kingdom as yet, but were to receive power as Kings one hour with the Beast: Chap. 17. 12. Nay S. Jerome, in his Comment upon this seventh chapter of Daniel, will give us to understand that all the Ecclesiastical Writers delivered this to be the true exposition: For having there confuted Porphyry, who, to derogate from the divinity of this Prophecy, would have it meant of Antiochus Epiphanes, and therefore written when the Event was past, he concludeth thus; Ergo dicamus, quod omnes Scriptores Ecclesiastici tradiderunt, In consummatione inundi, quando regnum destruendum est Romanorum, decem futuros reges, qui ●rbem Romanum inter se dividant, & undecimum surrecturum esse Regem parvulum, qui tres reges de decem regibus superaturus sit, in quo totus Satanas habitaturus sit corporaliter: Let us therefore affirm, agreeably to the concurrent judgement of all Ecclesiastical Writers, That in the consummation of the world, when the Roman Empire is to be destroyed, there shall arise Ten Kings who shall share the Roman world among themselves, and that an Eleventh King (the little Horn in Dan. 7.) shall arise, who shall subdue Three of those Ten Kings; in which little Hornish Tyrant Satan shall dwell entirely and bodily. Who these three Kings were which this Horn displanted to make himself elbow-room, you shall hear more anon. But I will not conceal that I have heard of another Exposition, which fits our turn for the Beginning of the Apostasy no less than that of the Fathers; namely, That by Ten Kingdoms may be meant the full Plurality of the Roman Provinces, so much whereof as Three is of Ten should have the Imperial power rooted out of them, and fall under the Dominion of the Antichristian Horn, who should act the Sovereignty of the Latter times or the last Sovereignty of that Kingdom. Now it is most true, that the Pope's Patriachdom in the West holds just that scantling of the ancient Territory of the Roman Empire; which a man may judge by his eyes or compasses in a Map: and yet I prefer the other Exposition before it.  
To come to an issue: It is apparent by all that hath been said, that these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter times, with that wicked Sovereignty which should domineer in them, were to take beginning from the wound, the fall, the ruin, the rending in pieces or rooting up of the Imperial Sovereignty of the City of Rome. When that City should cease to be the Lap of that Sovereignty which the Caesars once held over the Nations, and many new upstart Kings should appear in the place and Territory of that once-one Empire; then should the Apostasy be seen, and the Latter times with that Wicked one make their entrance. Now in what Age this fell out, I think no man can be ignorant who hath but a little skill in History.   

CHAP. XIV.  
That we are not to reckon the Latter Times, or the Times of the Empire's ruin and the Apostasy attending, from the full height thereof: This illustrated from other Computations in Scripture. The Three main Degrees of the Roman Empire's Ruin. Who are those 3 Kings whom the Little Horn (or Antichrist) is said (in Dan. 7.) to have displanted or depressed, to advance himself. About what time Saint-worship began in the Church. That we are not too curiously to inquire from which of the 3 degrees of the Empire's ruin the Apostatical or Latter Times take their beginning.  
BUT you will say, The Imperial Sovereignty of Old Rome fell not all at once, but had divers steps and degrees of Ruin; so that the doubt will be notwithstanding, from which of these steps of the Fall thereof these Latter times must be reckoned.  
I answer, From any of them. For as the Imperial Sovereignty fell by degrees, so the Apostasy under the lattermost Sovereignty grew up also by degrees; and for every degree which the ruinous Empire decayed, was the rising Son of perdition a degree advanced. Secondly, All the main and evident degrees of the Empire's ruin fell in the compass of an Age; and the knowledge and observation of that Age only, within which the Times of this Fall are comprehended, was sufficient both to warn them who then lived that that which should come was then a coming, and to inform us who now live that it is already come.  
Now which were these main and evident degrees of the Empire's falling, and at what time, I will tell you as soon as I have removed an usual mistake in this business, which is to reckon the times of the Empire's ruin, and so likewise of the Apostasy attending it, only from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or full height thereof. But this is too much against Reason, and not agreeable to the course we otherwise use in the like. For as when we reckon the Age of a man, we reckon not from the time since he came to man's estate, but from the time of his birth: so should we do here for the Times of the Man of sin. I say not, we should begin to count his Age from his conception, for that we use not in other things; but from the time he was first editus in lucem, when he first began to appear in the world: and so likewise the Fall of the Empire and the Apostasy, not from the time they were consummate, but from the time they first evidently appeared. As therefore I hold their opinion the best, and most agreeable to truth, who begin the 70 years of the jewish captivity in Babylon, not from the consummation thereof under Zedekiah, when the City and Temple were utterly razed, for that is impossible, (there being not 
* As infallibly appears in that long-wanting Mathematical Canon of Pro● l●m●●, now of late brought to light out of o● of our own Libraries.  60 years in all between the nineteenth of Nabuchadnezzar and the last of Cyrus) but from the beginning thereof under jehojakint eighteen years before, or at the most but from jehojachin: So are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter times of the Roman State to begin when the Empire first began to fall, and not when it was utterly rooted up. Take for another example the computation of the Time allotted to the Calamity of the jews under Antiochus; which I the rather allege, because he is commonly counted for a Type of Antichrist: The beginning of that 2300 evenings and mornings, or six years and somewhat more than a quarter, which that Calamity was to continue, from the beginning thereof until the Temple should again be cleansed, Dan. 8. 13, 14. was not to be reckoned from the height thereof, when the daily Sacrifice should be taken away, (for thence it is but three years, 1 Mac. 1. 54, etc. with chap. 4. 52.) but from the beginning of the Transgression which occasioned this desolation, and is described 1 Mac. 1. 11, etc. So likewise the End of the Kingdom of the Greeks, wherein this Calamity was to happen, is not to be counted only then when AEmilius the Consul had quite finished the conquest of Macedon, (for this points out only the height of that calamity) but from the beginning of that last fatal 
* Bellam Maced micum sec●●dum.  War which put an end to that Kingdom; which was about some three years and an half before, and jumps with the beginning of the Transgression of desolation, as the finishing of the Conquest doth with the taking away of the daily sacrifice.  
But leaving this, let us return again and see which were those main and evident degrees of the Empire's downfall, and when they befell; which I suppose may not unfitly be sampled by those of the Babylonish captivity.  
As therefore the Babylonish captivity had Three steps or degrees, the first in the days of jehojakim, when Daniel went captive; the second under jehojachin or jechonias, when Ezechiel went captive; the last under Zedekiah, when the Temple and City were wholly razed and consumed: So (omitting the Political change under Constanstine) the chief and principal moments of the Ruin of the Empire by the sword (and by the sword the Beast had his deadly wound, Apocal. 13. 14.) may fitly be reduced unto Three. 

1. The First was presently after the death of julian, the last of Heathen Emperors, about the year 365, ominously marked with that universal, stupendious and never-but-then sampled Earthquake, 
a Ammia●. Marcel lib. 26. c. 31. Horrendt tremores per omnem o● bis ambiti●m grassa●sam subitd, qua●s nec fabul●e nec veridicae nobis antiquitates exponunt, etc. Hieron. in vita Hilationis.  whereby the waters of the Sea were rolled out of their channels, and left ships hanging upon the tops of houses. From this time forwards all the Nations on every side seem as it were with one consent to have conspired the Ruin of the Empire. 
b He● tempore velut per universum Orbem Romanum canentibus buccinis, excitae gentes, savissimae, limits sibi proximos persultabant: Gallias Rhaetidsque simul Alema●ni populabantur; Sarmatae Pannonias & Quadi; Picti, saxons & Scoti, & Attacotti Britannos aerumnis vexav●re continuis; Thracias diripi●bant praedatorii globi Gethorum, etc. Ammian. ibid. cap. 10.  Now that terrible and fatal storm of the Nations of the North, Almaenes, Samaritans, Quades, Picts, Scots and Saxons, especially the Coths, began to break in upon it; almost without intermission harrying, burning, wasting, destroying the most part of the provinces thereof almost for 
c Hie●. Ep. 3. Ante annum 400. vig●n●i & ●o ampliùs anni sunt, cum inter Constantinopolin & Alps julias' quotidie Romanus sanguis essunditur. S●ythiam, Thraciam, Macedoniam, Daciam, Dardaniam, Thessaliam, Achaiam, Epire's, Dahna●iam, cunctdsque Pannonias Gothus, Sarmata, Quadus, Alanus, Hunni, Vandali, Marcomanni vastant, rapiun●: Romanus Orbis ruit. Quid putas nunc animi habere Corinthtes, Athenienses, Lacedaemmios, Arcadas, cunctdnique Graeciam, quibus imperant Barbari?  45. years together. And to mend the matter, the Goths soon after their coming were admitted as Inhabitants, and dispersed as free Denizens into the bowels and heart of the Empire, advanced to be Commanders, and bore the greatest sway in their Armies. 
d Synesius Orat. ad Arcadium August. Quomodo enim ferre possumus partes viriles in nostra Republica alienorum & externorum esse, & fortissimum Imperium concedere aliis bellicae gloriae principatum? Neque enim dubitandum est fore, ut illi aliquando armis instructi hominum urbanorum se D●minos esse velint. Quod priusquam eveniat, revocandi sunt nobis: Romanorum animi, & ita assuefaciendi, ut ipsi suo Mario vincere & possim & velint: nec omnino societatem cum Barbaris ineant, sed eos omnes despiciant, omnique loco funditus pellant. Primùm igitur Magistratu ejiciantur, & procul à Curiae honoribus arceantur, quibus per summum dedecus ea obvenerunt quae diu apud Romanos habita sunt, & reipsa fuerunt apud eos honestissima. Name & Deam Themid●m, quae Senatui, & Bellonam, quae Exercitui praesidet, obvelare se arbi●ror, cum cernant hominem penulá scorteâ indutum ducem esse chlamydatorum, & villosam penulam ex●entem togam sumere, & de summa rerum cum Romano Magistratu consulere, prope ipsum Consulem sedentem, longè post eum sedentibus iis quibus bonos ille jure optimo debebatur. Paulo post, Apud nos Exercitus magni sunt, nostrisque servis Scythis sanguine conjuncti, qui nescio quo infelici fato in Romanum Imperium irrne● unt; I'll su●s deuces habent magnae authoritam v●r●s non sol●●m apud eos ipsos, sed etiam apud nos: quod malum nostra dedit socordia nobis— Paulo post de Theodosio, Ille su●plicantes (scil. Gothos) erexit, & b●lli so●ios ascivit, & civitate donavit, & omnium honorum participes fecit, & partem Romani agri iis attribuit. At illi, quòd pater tuus ●●tem seus praebuit, nos in hunc usque diem derident. Sed id primus fecerat Valens, Anno 374. de quo sic Paulus D●aconus Hist. Mis●●ll. lib. 12. cap. 14. Huns Gothi transito Danubio fugientes, à Valente sine ulla foederis pactione suscepti sunt, qui tribuit eye ●ora● Thrac●arum ad habitandum, arbitratus praeparatum solatium ab eis habere contra omnes Barbaros: hac pr●re M●●es d● caetero negligebat, & eos qui dudum contra hostes elaboraverant, Imperator despiciebat, etc.— Hoc ergo fuit ivitium, ut 〈◊〉 tempore Romana Respublica calamitatibus subderetur. Barbari namque cum Thracias ten●issent, licenter Romanorum vostabant provincial, etc.  By which fatal error the Empire received her bane, and the Romans were no longer masters of their own strength; which they quickly and often repent; but even that cost them dear, when they had indeed eyes to see it, but never ability to mend it. This was the First degree of the Empire's ruin.  
2. The Second was about the year 410, when Alaricus the Goth sacked Rome itself, the proud Lady of the world; when, as S. Jerome saith, Capiebatur urbs quae totum cepit Orbem, imò fame periit antequam gladio, & vix pauci qui caperentur inventi sunt; The City which had conquered the whole world was itself taken, being undone by famine before it was by the sword, insomuch that there were but few left to be taken prisoners. And from this very year the Plurality of Kings foretold of began to come upon the stage; Five or Six new Kingdoms presently appearing within the Territories of the Empire: Of the Goths, of the Burgundians, and, though somewhat later, of the Franks in Gallia; of the Suevians and Alans and of the Vandals in Spain; and, as Sigonius thinks, of the Huns in Pannonia; certainly they could not be much later than this very year. But this number of Kings we will leave till they be better increased, as continually they did. And thus you see the Second degree of the ruin of the Empire.  
3. The Third was about the year 455, presently upon the death of the third Valentinian, the last (as Sleidan well observed) of the Emperors of the West, and consequently of the ancient Rome; then when Gensericus the Vandal took the City now the second time, fired it, and spoilt it of all the goodly and glorious ornaments which Alaricus had spared, amongst which were the golden and silver vessels of the Temple of jerusalem, 
* Paulus Diaconus Hist. Misc. prout ex codice Palatino edidit janus Gruterus, Quatuor decim interim di●s secutâ & liberâ dir●ptione omnibus opibus suis & miracu●is Rom● vacuata est; ● in quibus erant Ecclesiastica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tota ex auro & lapidibus pretiosis ornata, & vasa Hebraica quae Titus Vespasiani filius post captivitatem Hi●rosolymitarum Romam detul●rat: mul●dque milli● captivorum— cum Regina Eudoxia, quae Gensericum ad hoc facinus invitav●rat, duabùsque ejus filiabus, Carthagi●m abducta sunt.  brought thither by Titus: All which, with an innumerable multitude of Roman captives, he carried away with him. Now was the Prediction, which Varro reports that Vectius Valens the Augur made of 12 Praetors to Romulus the Founder, That his City should continue 1200 years, fulfilled, and those years newly expired: And, which is more to be heeded, now was the Plurality of Kings lately risen in the ancient Territory of the Empire, as Daniel and S. john had prophesied, increased unto the full number of Ten; which, together with the Provinces wherein they were seated, and the Names of the Kings which reigned the next year after the City was taken, are these which follow.   
ANNO DOMINI 456.   Kingdoms of the Provinces. Names of the Kings reigning Somewhat of their changes. 1 Britons. In Britain. Vortimer.  2 Saxons.  H●ngist.  3 Franks. In Gallia. Childerick. An. 526. This Kingdom of the Burgundians was subdued by the Franks: 4 Burgundians.  Gunderick.  5 Wisigothes. In the South of Gallia between the Rhine, Loyr and the Sea; and Part of Spain. Theodorick. II. But to fill up the number, that of the Ostrogoths became 2, by the coming of the Longobards into Pannonia the same time. 6 Swevians and Alanes. Spain in Gallicia and Portugal. Ri●iarius.  7 Vandals. In afric, but first in Spain. Gensericus.  8 Almains. Germany in Rhaetia, between the Rhine, etc. Sumanus. This Kingdom became one with a part of the Kingdom of the Heruli, 475. during their short reign in Italy. 9 Ostrogothes, whom the Lougobards succeeded. In Pannonia, where they subdued the Huns, and not long after propagated their Kingdom into Italy. Theodemir. The Longobards succeeded the Ostrogoths first in Pannonia, upon the death of Theodorick of ●erona An. 526. Then in Italy, called in by Narses discontented, soon after he had destroyed the kingdom of the Goths. 10 Greeks. In the residue of the Empire. Marcianus. Ancient Rome's Empire finished, that of the Greeks is but one of the Kingdoms whereinto it was divided.  
Thus was the Empire divided and shared Anno 456. the year after Rome was sacked by Gensericus, and the offspring of these Nations, through many alterations, (partly by the inconstancy of humane things, unions and disunions, partly by the further enlargement of the Christian Faith) are the body of most of the Kingdoms and States of Christendom at this day. Three of these Kings, saith 
* Chap. ●. Verse 8, & 24.  Daniel, should the Antichristian Horn depress and displant, to advance himself; which Three are those whose Dominions extended into Italy, and so stood in his light.  

1. That of the Greeks, whose Emperor, Leo Isaurus, for the quarrel of Images, he excommunicated, and revolted his subjects of Italy from their allegiance.  
2. That of the Longobards, (successors of the Ostrogoths) whose Kingdom he caused (by the aid of the Franks) to be wholly ruined, thereby to get the Exarchate of Ravenna (which since their revolt from the Greeks they were seized on) for a Patrimony to S. Peter.  
3. The last was the Kingdom of the Franks itself, continued in the Empire of Germany, whose Emperors from the day of Henry the Fourth he excommunicated, deposed and trampled under his feet, and never suffered them to live in rest, till he made them not only quit their interest in Election of Popes and Investitures of Bishops, but that remainder of jurisdiction in Italy, wherewith, together with the dignity of the Roman name, he had once inseoffed their Predecessors.   
These are the Kings, by displanting or (as the Vulgar hath) by humbling of whom the Pope got elbow-room by degrees, and advanced himself to the height of Temporal Majesty and absolute Greatness, which made him so terrible in the world.  
This Third blow therefore I suppose is to be counted the Last of the Ruin of the Empire; the Imperial power of the ancient Rome (until the Pope some 345 years after revived the name) henceforth ceasing. For as for those who yet some twenty years after our date scuffled for that Name, one of them deposing another, they were indeed but shadows of Caesar's, and as it were struggle with the pangs of death, until with Augustulus it gave up the ghost. Yea it is to be observed, that two of them, Avitus (the very next) and Glycerius, being deposed from the Empire, were made Bishops, the one of Placentia or Piacenza, the other of 
* Salona jornandes, quem vide cum Paulo Diacono.  Portus; as a sign perhaps that the Emperor of Rome henceforth should be a Bishop, and a Bishop the Emperor.  
To conclude therefore with the application of our Apostle's Prediction: Whether the Christian Apostasy in worshipping new Daemon-Gods began not with the First of these degrees, notably increased with the Second, and was established by the Last, I leave you to judge, when you shall have surveyed the Monuments and Records of those times.  
It is commonly and truly affirmed by our Ecclesiastical 
* Vide Can. 9 Concil. Laodicen. An. 364. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Antiquaries, That before the year 360 there is no word to be found of the Invocation of Saints glorified, or Worshipping their Relics; to which I add, no not of any Miracles done by them: But presently after that year, when our first date of the Empire's ruin began, search and you shall find. I spare to name the Authors, not willing to discover the nakedness of the Fathers: But whoso reads them, will admire to see so truly verified what the Spirit foretold should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the latter times. And to make an end; If any shall think this Speculation of Times to be a needless curiosity, I desire him to remember how our Saviour reproved the jews for neglect hereof, Matth. 16. 3. O ye Hypocrites, ye can discern the face of the sky, but can ye not discern the signs of the times? or as S. Luke 12. 56. How is it that ye do not discern this Time? They through neglecting the Signs of the Times, when Christ came, received him not: How many through ignorance of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter Times, when the Apostasy hath appeared, eschewed it not?  
From which of these Three Beginnings of the Apostatical Times, or whether from some other moment within or between them, the Almighty will reckon that his Computation of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which ended shall finish the days of the Man of sin, I curiously inquire not, but leave unto him who is Lord of times and seasons: Nor do I think that the jews themselves could certainly tell from which of their Three Captivities to begin that reckoning of LXX years, whose end should bring their return from Babylon, until the Event assured them thereof.   

AN APPENDIX. CHAP. XV.  
That Daniel's 70 Weeks are a lesser Calendar of Times. That in reference to these Weeks must those Phrases in the Epistles to the converted jews, [viz. The Last Hour or Time, The End of all things, The Day approaching, etc.] be expounded of the End of the jewish State and Service at the expiring of the 70 Weeks. That the Apostles were not so mistaken as to believe the End of the World should be in their dayer, proved against Baronius and other Romanists.  
I SHOULD now presently come to speak of the Fourth particular which I observed in this Verse: But because in this Discourse of Times, besides the Great Calendar of Times I so much spoke of, there was some mention of a Lesser Calendar, viz. of Daniel's 70 weeks, give me leave to 〈◊〉 some places of Scripture which I suppose to have reference thereto, for the better clearing not only of our former Discourse, but of some scruples that might trouble our minds, when mention is made of an End then supposed near, though the World hath so many hundred years since continued, and no end thereof is yet come.  
Know therefore that these 70 weeks of Daniel are a Little Provincial Calendar, containing the time that the Legal worship and jewish state was to continue from the re-building of the Sanctuary under Darius Nothus until the final destruction thereof, when the Calendar should expire: Within the space whereof their Commonwealth and City should be restored, and 62 weeks after that the Messias be slain for sin, and at the end of the whole 70 their City and Temple again destroyed and their Commonwealth utterly dissolved. To these Weeks therefore, whose computation so especially concerns the jews, is reference made in those Epistles which are written to the Christian Churches of that Nation, whether living in jewry, or abroad dispersed. Such is S. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews; both S. Peter's to those of the Dispersion in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bythinia; the Epistle of S. james to the twelve Tribes; and likewise the first Epistle of S. john, which though the Salutation expresseth not, as in the former, yet may appear both because Peter, james and john were all three Apostles of the Circumcision, and from that passage Chap. 2. verse 2. CHRIST JESUS is the propitiation for our sins; and not for ours only, but for the sins of the whole world: that is, not for the sins of us only who are jews, but for the sins of the Gentiles also. And doth not the name of General or Catholic Epistle given unto this, as well as to those of S. james and Peter, imply thus much? For it cannot be thus called, because written to all Christians indefinitely and generally, since the contrary expressly appears in the former; but because this as well as the rest was written to those of the Circumcision, who were not a people confined to any one certain City or Region, but dispersed through every Nation; as we read in the Acts Chap. 2. verse 5, etc. that at the Feast of Pentecost, when the Holy Ghost came down upon the Apostles, There were sojourning at jerusalem jews, devout men, out of every Nation under Heaven: Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopotamia, judaea and Cappadocia, Pontes and Asia, and strangers of Rome, jews and Proselytes, (that is, jews by race, and jews by Religion,) etc. For we must not mistake those here numbered to be Gentiles, but 
* See this fully proved in Book I Discourse XX.  Israelites, both of the Ten Tribes captivated by Shalmaneser, and the other Two; some of whom never returned from Babylon, but lived still in Mesopotamia: but of those who returned, great multitudes were dispersed afterwards in Egypt, Libya, and many other Provinces, before the time of our Saviour's appearing in the flesh. So that the Apostles of the Circumcision had their Province for largeness not much inferior to those of the Gentiles.  
But I come to note the places I spoke of. And first out of the forenamed Epistle of S. john; where from that prediction of our Saviour's in the Gospel, that the arising of false Prophets should Be one of the near signs of the nigh-approaching End of the jewish State, the Apostle thus refers unto it, Chap. 2. verse 18. Little children, this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Last hour: and as ye have heard that Antichrist shall come, even now there are many Antichrists; whereby we know that it is the Last time. Here by the Last time I suppose no other thing to be meant but the near expiring of Daniel's 70 weeks, and with it the approaching End of the jewish Commonwealth: and why might not this Epistle be written in the Last week, at the beginning whereof jesus Ananiae began that woeful cry, Woe unto jerusalem and the Temple? joseph. l. 7. Belli judaici. By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many Antichrists, are meant no other but false Prophets or Counter-prophets to the Great Prophet, 
Cyril, Hierosol, C●tech. 6 expounds this of john to mean Simon Magus.  pretending an Unction and Commission from Heaven (as he had) to teach the world some new revelation and doctrine. For the name Christ implies the Unction of Prophecy as well as the Unction of a Kingdom, and accordingly the name Antichrist: and therefore the Syriack here turns it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 False Christ's, that is, such as should falsely pretend some extraordinary Unction of Prophecy like unto him. And the coming of such as these our Saviour in S. Matthew's Gospel (a Gospel for the Hebrews) makes one of the Last signs ushering the destruction of jerusalem: And if the harmony of this Prophecy in the three Evangelists be well considered, there was no more to come but the compass jerusalem with armies. Well therefore might S. john, when he saw so many Anti-prophets spring up, say, Hereby we know that it is the last time.  
Again, because the Desolation of the jewish State and Temple would be a great confirmation of the Christian Faith; therefore the believing jews, whom nothing could so much stagger as the standing glory of that Temple and Religion, are encouraged by the nearness of that time of expectation when so great a confirmation of their Faith of the Messias already come should appear. Hebrews 10. 23, 25, Let us hold fast the profession of our Faith without wavering— and so much the more, as ye see the Day approaching; namely, that day when you shall be sufficiently confirmed. So I take the 35 and 37 Verses of the same Chapter, ●asi not away your confidence, which hath great recompense of reward: For ye have need of patience— For yet a little while, and he that shall come will come, and will not tarry. What [He] is this, but even He whom Daniel says, The people of the Prince that shall come, shall destroy the City and the Sanctuary? Dan. 9 26. For even as the destruction of Papal Rome would be a great confirmation of the Reformed Christian who hath forsaken the Communion of that Religion, the continuance and supposed stability of the glory thereof being that wherewith their Proctors endeavour most to shake and stagger us: So was the destruction of the jewish State and Temple to be unto those jews who had withdrawn themselves from that Body and Religion whereof they once had been, to embrace the new Faith of the Messiah preached by the Apostles. For if at the end of the 70 weeks approaching, the Legal Sanctuary were razed, and the jewish State dissolved; then would it be apparent indeed, That Messiah was already come and slain for sin; because this was infallibly to come to pass within the compass and before the expiration of those 70 weeks or 490 years allotted for the last continuance of that City and Sanctuary, when it should be restored after the captivity of Babylon. Not without cause therefore doth S. Peter in his second 
* 〈…〉  Epistle say to the Christian jews, We have a more sure word of Prophecy, whereunto ye do well that ye take heed, as unto a light shining in a dark place, until the day dawn and the daystar arise in your hearts. Yea and besides, Because jesus as well as Daniel had prophesied of the approaching desolation of that City and Temple, mentioning all the Sign, that were to usher it; if the Event, when time came, should fall out accordingly, than must jesus of Nazareth, who foretold the foregoing Signs thereof, be approved as a true Prophet, by whom of a truth the Lord had spoken.  
Now for the last place that I mean to allege; Because the fall and shock of that State might shake the whole Nation wheresoever dispersed, unless God spared the Christians, 
Thus must that of S. james in chap. 5. 3. be expounded, and so Occumenius expounds the words, Weep and ●oul, y●●richmen, for the miserus that shall come upon you:— Ye have heaped up goods for the last days; that is, when the land of your State is a coming, and the Romans shall spoil you of all. This being supposed to be the reason why many of the Christian jews sold their lands, and laid the money at the Apostles ●eet.  and made them alone happy in that woeful day; or rather because Christ had foretold that one of the next forerunners thereof should be a general persecution of Christians, as it happened under Nero; therefore the remembrance of the End of these 70 weeks so near the expiring was a good caution to all the Christian jews to watch and pray. To this sense therefore I take that of Peter, 1 Pet. 4. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The End of all approacheth; be ye therefore sober, and watch unto prayer: that is, The End of all your Commonwealth, Legal worship, Temple and Service, is now within a few years; Be ye therefore sober, and watch unto prayer, that ye may be the more happy in that day of vengeance and wrath upon our Nation. Neither need we wonder that this Desolation should be called the End; for our Saviour himself taught them so to speak in his Prophecy concerning it, as may appear if we consider that Antithesis in S. Luke, chap. 21. 9 Ye shall hear of wars and commotions— but the End is not by and by. Ver. 20. But when ye shall see jerusalem encompassed with armies, then know that the Desolation thereof is nigh.  
AND thus much I thought to add to my former discourse of Latter Times, lest through ignorance thereof we might incline to that little better than blasphemous conceit which 
* An. 57 S. 19 An. 72. S. 26. An. 82. S. 3.  Baronius by name and some other of Rome's followers have taken up; viz. That the Apostles in such like passages as we have noted were mistaken, as believing the End of the World should have been in their own time; God of purpose so ordering it, to cause in them a greater measure of zeal and contempt of worldly things. An opinion, I think, not well beseeming a Christian.  

1. For, first, whatsoever we imagine the Apostles might here conceive in their private opinions as men; yet we must know that the Holy Ghost, by whose instinct they wrote the Scriptures, is the Spirit of truth; and therefore what is there affirmed must be true, yea, though the Penman himself understood it not.  
2. It was not possible the Apostles should expect the End of the World to be in their own time, when they knew so many things were to come to pass before it as could not be fulfilled in a short time. As 1. The desolation 
a Matt. 24. Mark 13. Luke 21. Dan. 9 24.  of jerusalem, and that not till the seventy weeks were expired. 2. The jews to be 
b Luke 21. 24.  carried captives over all Nations, and jerusalem to be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles should be fulfilled. 3. That in the mean time the Roman Empire must be ruined, and 
c 2 Thess. 2. 7.  that which hindered taken out of the way. 4. That after that was done, 
d lbid. v. 8.  the Man of sin should be revealed, and domineer his time in the Temple and Church of God. 5. After all this, viz. when the 
e Rom. 11. 25.  fullness of the Gentiles should come in, that Israel should be received again to mercy. 6. That Christ should 
f 1 Cor. 15. 24, 25. & Hebr. 2. 8.  reign in his Church on earth so long till he had put down all rule, all authority and power, and subjected all his enemies under his feet, before he should subdue the last enemy, which is death, and surrender his kingdom into the hands of his Father. 7. That the time should be so long, that in the last days should come Scoffers, saying, 
g 3 Per. 3. 4.  Where is the promise of his coming? How is it possible they should imagine the Day of Doom to be so near, when all these things must first come to pass, and not one of them was yet fulfilled? And how could the expectation of this Day be made a ground of exhortation, and a motive to watchfulness and prayer, as though it could suddenly and unawares surprise them, which had so many wonderful alterations to forego it, and none of them yet come to pass?   
I have spoken hitherto of what was revealed to all the Apostles in general. But if we take S. john apart from the rest, and consider what was afterward revealed to him in Patmos, we shall find in his Apocalyptical Visions, besides other times more obscurely intimated, an express prophecy of no less than a thousand years; which, whatever it mean, cannot be a small time, and must be fulfilled in this world, and not in the world to come. Notwithstanding all this, I make no question but even in the Apostles times many of the believing Gentiles, mistaking the Apostles admonitions to the jews of the End of their State approaching, thought the End of whole world and the Day of the Lord had been also near; whom therefore S. Paul 2 Thess. 2. beseeches to be better informed, because that Day should not come until the Apostasy came first, and the Man of sin were revealed.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Expressly, or In express words. CHAP. XVI.  
The Fourth Particular, viz. The Warrant or Proof of this Prophecy. When the Spirit speaks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That the Spirit foretold the Great Apostasy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressly in Dan 11. vers. 36, 37, 38, 39 A View of these Verses in the Hebraw Text, with an exact Translation of them both in Latin and English. The chief Difficulties in these Verses explained, and incidentally other places of Scripture. The different opinions of junius and Graserus about Vers. 38. The Author's Translation free from the inconveniences of both. A particular Explication of Mahoz and Mahuzim: That hereby are meant Fortresses, Bulwarks, as also Protectors, Guardians, Defenders, etc. How fitly this Title is appliable to Angels and Saints, accounted to be such by those that worshipped them.  
NOW I come to the Fourth particular of this Prophecy, The Warrant or Proof thereof. The Spirit hath foretold it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or in express words, in some place or other of Divine Writ, The Spirit told Peter, Acts 10. 19 Behold three men seek thee. The Spirit said, Separate Barnabas and Saul, Acts 13. 2. The Spirit forbade S. Paul to preach in Asia. The Spirit said that the jews should bind S. Paul at jerusalem, Acts 21. 11. But in all these the Spirit spoke not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for these things were nowhere written; and therefore what it spoke, it spoke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, only by secret Instinct or Inspiration. But that which the Spirit speaks in the Written word, that it speaks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, verbatim, expressly. If therefore concerning this Apostasy of Christian believers to be in the Latter times the Spirit speaketh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; then is it to be found somewhere in the Old Testament: for there alone the Spirit could be said to speak 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or verbatim, in the Apostles time. Having therefore so good a hint given us, let us see if we can find where the Spirit speaketh of this matter so expressly.  
There are three main things in this our Apostle's Prediction whereof I find the Spirit to have spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or in express words, and that in the Prophecy of Daniel. 1. Of these Last or Letter times. 2. Of the new worship of Daemons in them. 3. Of a Prohibition of marriage to accompany them. As for the first of these, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latter times, Daniel 
* Ch. 7. 25.  (as you have heard before) expressly names them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A time, times, and half a time; being those Last times of the Last Kingdom, 
Ver. 21.  wherein the Hornish Tyrant should make war with the Saints, and prevail against them. For the second, A worship of new-Daemons or Demigods with the profession of the name of Christ; you will perhaps think it strange if I should show it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But if I do; it was the Appendix of hindering or debarring marriage, mentioned in the next verses, which as a thread led me the way to the end of the eleventh chapter of Daniel, where I found it; and in a place too very suspicious, being taken, I think, by almost all the Ancients for a Prophecy of Antichrist; yea and so expounded by the greatest part of our own, though with much variety of reading and application.  
But hear the words themselves in the 36, 37, 38, 39 verses of that eleventh chapter of Daniel, translated, as I think, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, verbatim, without any wresting or straining the Hebrew text: They are a Description of the Last or Roman Kingdom, and the several states thereof, Conquering Nations, Persecuting Christians, Falseworshipping Christ. The words are these.  

Daniel Chap. 11. Vers. 36, 37, 38, 39  36. Then a King shall do according to his will, and shall exalt and magnify himself above every God. 36. Tunc faciet pro libitu suo Rex, & extollet ac magnificabit seipsum supra omnem Deum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Yea against the God of God, shall he speak marvellous things; and shall prosper until the Indignation be accomplished: for the determined time shall be fulfilled. Etiam contra Deum Deorum loquetur stupenda; proficiétque donec consummata fuerit Indignatio: nam statutum perficietur. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 37. Then he shall not regard the Gods of his Ancestors, nor shall he regard the Desire of women, no nor any God: but he shall magnify himself above all. 37. Tunc ad Deos Majorum suorum attendet; nec ad Desiderium mulierum, nec ad ullum Numen attendet: sed supra omne se magnificabit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 38. For to [or together with] God, in his seat, he shall honour Mahuzzims: even together with that God whom his Ancestors knew not, shall he honour [them] with gold, and with silver, and with precious stones, and with pleasant things. 38. Nam ad [vel juxta] Deum, Mahuzzimos' in seed ejus honorabit; scilicet ad Deum quem non agnoverunt Majores ejus, honorabit [eos] auro, & argento, & lapidibuspretiosis, & rebus desideratissimis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39 And he shall make the Holds of the Mahuzzims withal (or jointly) to the Foreign God; whom acknowledging, he shall increase with honour; and shall cause them to rule over many, and shall distribute the earth for a reward. 39 Et faciet munimenta Mahuzzimorum unà Deoperegrino [seu exotico;] quem agnoscendo, multiplicabit honore; & dominari facie● eos in multos, terr●mque partietur in mercedem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  

1. Now for the understanding of this Prophecy, we must take notice, that the Prophet Daniel at the beginning of these verses leaves off the Greek Kingdom with Antiochus, (of whom he was speaking before,) and falls about the Roman: the reason being, because after Antiochus (in whose time Macedonia, whence that Kingdom sprung, with all the rest of Greece came under the Roman obedience,) the Third Kingdom comes no more in the holy reckoning; Daniel himself calling the time of Antiochus his reign, the latter end of the Greek kingdom, ch. 8. 23. and, as I take it, he intimates the same in this chapter in the verse immediately foregoing these we have now to deal withal: From thence forward therefore the Roman succeeds in the account of the Great Calendar of Times  
2. Under the name King we must understand the whole Roman State, under what kind of Government soever. For the Hebrews use King for Kingdom, and Kingdom for any Government, State or Polity in the world. For the Devil in the Gospel is said to have shown Christ all the Kingdoms of the world, Monarchies, Aristocracies, Democracies, or what other kind soever.  

3. Where it is said, that this King should exalt himself above every God; nothing is thereby meant but the greatness and generality of his conquests and prevailings. And the reason of that phrase or manner of speech should seem to be, Because in the times of Paganism every City and Country was supposed to have their proper and peculiar Gods, which were deemed as their Guardians and Protectors: Whence in the Scripture, according to the language of that time, we may observe a threefold use of speech.  
First, the Nations themselves are expressed and implied under the names of their Gods. The Israelites were called The people of jehovah. So are the Moabites the people of Chemosh, Numb. 21. 29. The Lord threatened (Deut. 4. 28. & 28. 36, & 64. jer. 16. 13.) to scatter Israel among the nations, from one end of the earth even to another, and that there they should serve other God's day and night; Gods, the work of men's hands, wood and stone, which neither they nor their Fathers had known: that is they should serve them, not Religiously, but Politically, inasmuch as they were to become Slaves and Vassals to 
* So Targum Onkelos and jonathan both render it expressly, Servics populin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 servientibus Idolis, Deut. 28. 36, 64. also c. 4. 28. necnon Targum jonathan. Ir. 16. 1●. 1 Sam. 26. 19 that is, in all the places forecited.  Idolatrous Nations; even such Idolaters as neither they nor their Fathers had ever heard of. For as for a Religious service of Idols, the jews were never so free as in their captivity, as we see by experience at this day: but with the service of bondage they may be said Politically to have been the Vassals of Idols, as being in bondage to the servants of other Gods. As a Christian taken by the Turk may in the like sense be said to come in bondage and be a slave to Mahomet: For a Slave to the Servants is in a sense Servant to their Master. Let it also be considered whether that of David, 1 Sam. 26. 19 be not to be expounded according to this notion, They have driven me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord, saying, Go serve other Gods; that is, banished me into a Nation of another Religion.  
Secondly, The exploits of the Nations are said to be done by their Gods, even as we by like privilege of speech ascribe unto our Kings what is done by the People under them. Thus 2 Chron. 28. 23. the Gods of Damascus are said to have smote Ahaz: He sacrificed to the Gods of Damascus that smote him: and he said, Because the Gods of Syria help them, therefore will I sacrifice to them, that they may help me. jer. 51. 44. it is said of the Dominion of Babylon, That the Nations flowed together unto Bel, and that he had swallowed up their wealth, which the Lord threatened there to bring forth again out of his mouth.  
Thirdly, and that most frequently of all others, What is attempted against the Nations, is said to be attempted against their Gods: Even as Generals bear the name not only of the exploits, but also of the disadvantages of the Armies led by them; So her the Gods are said to receive the affronts, defeatures and discomfitures given to the People under their patronage. 
* 2 Sam. 7 23. God is said to have redeemed Israel from Egypt, from the Nations and their Gods See Tr 〈…〉 el. who turns it more to our purpose.  Rabshakeh vounts in his Master's name, 2 Kings 18. 33. Hath any of Gods of the Nations delivered at all his land out of the hand of Assyria? where are the Gods of Hamath, and of Arpad? where are the Gods of Sepharvaim? Isay 46. 1, 2. prophesieth thus of the taking of Babylon by Cyrus; Bel boweth down, Nebo stoopeth— they could not deliver the burden, but they themselves are gone into captivity. In the like strain prophesieth jeremy, chap. 50. 2. Babylon is taken, Bel is confounded, Merodach is broken in pieces, her Idols are confounded, etc. And again, jer. 51. 44. I will punish Bel in Babylon, and I will bring out of his mouth that which he hath swallowed up, and the Nations shall not flow together any more unto him: yea the wall of Babylon shall fall. The same Prophet saith of Moah's captivity, chap. 48. 7. Thou shalt be taken, and Chemosh shall go into captivity with his Priests and his Princes together. Moab likewise in his affronts and derision of Israel is 
* Vers. 26. & 42.  said to have magnified himself against the Lord. According to which manner of speech the success and prevailing of the Roman in the advancing his Dominion and subduing every Nation under him, is here expressed by his exalting and magnifying himself above every God. This I suppose to be the ground of that manner of speech; though if any had rather, as others do, take Gods here for the Kings and Potentates of the earth, it will I confess come all to one purpose.   
4. By the Gods of their Ancestors, whom the Roman State should at length cashier and cast off, are meant all the Pagan Deities and Heathen Gods which were worshipped in that Empire.  
5. By the Desire of Women, which the Roman also at that time should not regard as he was wont, is meant Desire of Wiving, or Desire of having Women for the society of life, conjugal affection, which is expressed Gen. 2. 24 to be such a desire for which a man shall leave father and mother, and cleave to his wife, and they shall be both one flesh. And it might have been translated in this place, Desire of Wives, as well as Desire of Women; for there is no other word used in the Original for Wives above once or twice in the whole Scripture, but this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is here turned women. With the like use of the word Desire, the Spouse in the Canticles, chap. 7. 10. expresseth her well-beloved to be her Husband: I am my wel-beloved's (saith she) and his Desire is towards me; that is, He is my Husband: for so twice before the expressed herself, chap. 2. 16. My beloved is mine, and I am his; and chap. 6. 3. I am my beloved's and my beloved is mine. So Ezek. 24. 16. the Lord threatening to take away Ezekiel's wife, saith, Behold I take away from thee the Desire of thine eyes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and afterward ver. 18. it followeth, And at even my wife died. Yea, the Roman language itself is not unacquainted with this speech: Cicero ad uxorem, Eu mealex, meum desiderium. This Desire of women and married life the Roman should discountenance, when he shook off the Gods of his Ancestors.  
6. By the Strange and Foreign God whom the Roman should at length acknowledge, is meant 
a See the oration of Licinius to his Soldiers Euseb. de vita Constantin. lib. 2. c. 5.  Christ. For though to the jew every Strange and Foreign God were a False God; yet to the Gentiles, who worshipped none but the Idols, the Foreign God was the True: Therefore the Philosophers at Athens, when S. Paul preached Christ unto them, said, He preached 
b Syr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Altar he there speaks of in his defence was inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which God (saith he) I preach unto you.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Foreign God. The want of which consideration hath much obscured this Prophecy; this ForeinGod being still supposed to be a False God; when to those who worshipped all kinds of False Gods, as the 
c Roma cum penè omnibus dominatetur Gentibus, omnium Gentium serviebar erroribus; & magnam sibi videbatur assumpsisse Religionem quia nullam ●espuebat falsitatem. Leo Mag. in Ser. 1. in nat. Apost. Petri & Pauli. Hic confutandi Daemonum cultus, hìc omnium sacrificiorum imp●ie ●as destruenda, ubi diligentiss●ma Supersti●ione habeatur collectum, quicquid usquam fuerat vanis erroribus institut●m. l. ib.  Roman did, a Foreign God, whom their Fathers knew not, must needs be the True.  
7. Where it is said, With this Foreign God he shall honour Mahuzzims, these Mahuzzims or Maùzzims are these Daemons we seek for, whom the Roman should worship with Christ whom he should embrace. For Mahuzzim are Protectores Dii, (such as Saints and Angels are supposed to be) as I shall show by and by; where though I may be new for the particular, yet for the general I shall agree well enough with the Fathers, who constantly thought that under these Mahuzzim was some Idolmeant which Antichrist should worship, and many of our time have taken it for the Mass.   
But I must first say something of the translation of this 38. verse, and then will come to the signification of this word Mahuzzim.  
For the first; Whereas the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is usually neglected, and the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God and Mahuzzim construed together as one thing, viz. God Mahuzzim, or, as some, The God of Forces; I express the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and construe God and Mahuzzim apart as Two; viz. To, or, Together with, God he shall honour Mahuzzims, etc. Ad (vel juxta) Deum Mahuzzimos' honour abit, etc. For the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and signifies the same with it, namely an Addition or Adjoining of things, Ad, juxta, Apud, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super, propter, etc. To, Besides, and Together with 
* See this use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezra. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vulg. & Angl. with Leu. 16. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vulg. atque, LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Num. 33. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chap. 32. 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vulg. cum Angl. with. ; as Leu. 18. 18. Thou shalt not take a wise to her sister, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, together with her sister.  
By this means the controversy betwixt junius and Graserus is taken away: For junius, as should seem, seeing no reason why the Preposition? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be neglected, and that by so doing the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was made irregularly and against use to govern a Dative case, he expresses the Preposition by Quod ad or Quod attinet ad, (that is) As concerning. But the words God and Mahuzzim he sundreth not, but turneth them as in statu constructo, viz. The God of Might's or Forces; understanding thereby the True and Almighty God himself. Against which Graserus excepts, 1. That to render the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ad [As concerning] savours of a Latinism rather than of an Hebraism. 2. That he doth as good as strike out the distinctive Accent 
a Under the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vers. 38.  Athnach [●] which is a Colon; in as much as he makes the sentence being a full member to be imperfect and defective; and yet would seem to stand in awe of that smaller distinction Zakeph-katon [:] over the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mahuzzim, which yet stands there, as 
b viz. ver. 42. of this ch. over 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and vers. 3. of the next ch. over 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where it is impossible it should distinguish, and so elsewhere.  elsewhere, but for a Nota bene. 3. That to expound God Mahuzzim to be the True God, against the consent not only of jews, who ever take it for some Idol or other, but of the ancient Christian writers, who understand by it some Idol of Antichrist, yea some the Devil himself; and of many of our own, who take it for the Idol of the Mass, and some otherwise, yet for an Idol-deity; To expound this of the True and Almighty God without example in Scripture, Graserus thinks not tolerable. Wherefore himself had rather yield the construction of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be irregular, (junius himself having admitted it in the next member of the verse) and to suppose it to be a mystical Solecism, the Spirit intending by the Anomaly and incongruity of the Syntax to signify an Anomaly and incongruity of Religion. But these inconveniences on both sides, as far as I can see, are wholly avoided by that Translation we have given: whereof let the Reader judge.  
I come now to unfold the signification of the word Mahuzzim; (a word which the most Translations retain, the Septuagint calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Jerome or the Vulgar Latin Maozim, the Geneva and others Maüzim.) This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mahuzzim, I say, is in the Plural number; the singular is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mahoz, which in the abstract signifies sometimes Strength, sometimes a Fortress or Bulwark, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Robustus fuit: But the Hebrews use Abstracts for Concretes. Examples are many in the Old Testament, as justitia pro justis, Captivity for Captives, etc. In the New Testament, 
* Coloss. ●. 16.  Principalities, Powers and Dominions, for Princes, Potentates and Dominators. So Mahoz, Strength or a Fortress, for him that strengthens or fortifies, that is a Protector, Defender, Guardian, Helper. Wherefore the Septuagint five times in the Psalms render the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mahoz 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Vulgar Latin as often Protector: the places are these. Psal. 27. 1. The Lord is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Protector of my life, of whom should I be afraid? Psal. 28. 8. The Lord is their strength, and he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MahoZ jeshuoth, the Mahoz of Salvations 
* Some render it not of, but, is his Anointed or Messiah, that is, Messiah is, Mahoz Iesh●●●.  of his anointed: where the Septuagint hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Vulgar, Protector salvationum. Psal. 31. 3. Bow down thine ear to me, deliver me speedily, be thou unto me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a Rock Mahoz; Septuagint, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vulg. in Deum Protectorem. Again vers. 5. Pull me out of the net that they have laid privily for me, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ki atta Mahuzzi, for thou art my Protector; the Septuagint, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Vulgar, Protector. Psal. 37. 39 The salvation of the righteous is from the Lord, he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mahuzam, their Mahoz in the time of trouble, and the Lord shall help them and deliver them from the wicked, etc. where the Septuagint and the Vulgar render as before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Protector. How think you now? Are not Saints and Angels worshipped as Mahuzzims? True Christians have with David, in the Psalms before quoted, one Mahoz, jehovah Mahoz, that is, Christ; but Apostate Christians have their many Mahuzzims. O would they worshipped only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Mahoz of salvations, as you heard David even now call him, Psal. 28. You may if you please compare with these places of the Psalms that in the first verse of this eleventh of Daniel, where the Angel saith he stood in the first year of Darius the Mede to confirm and be a Mahoz to him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we translate, to strengthen him: By which we may see how fitly this name may be applied to Angels, and so to Saints supposed in helping, protecting and assisting to be like them.  
Thus you see the concrete sense of Mahoz for an Helper, Protector and Defender, is not new. But what if we take the word passively, Force and Strength, for Forts and Strong ones? Will not then the valiant Martyrs and Champions of the Faith well bear the name of Mahuzzims? And these are they whom, at the first, Christians worshipped only in this sort, as an honour peculiarly due uto their sufferings.  
Moreover, that you may not think this word and the notion thereof improper to be given unto a Deity, observe that the true God is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Rock seven times Deut. 32. which the Vulgar turns as often Deus; yea in the same place False gods are called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Rocks: ver. 31. Their Rock (that is, the Gentiles Rock) is not as our Rock, even our enemies themselves being judges; and ver. 37. Where are their Gods, (that is, Baalim) their Rock in whom they trusted, which did eat the fat of their sacrifices? etc. The like you shall find in 
* 1 Sam. 2. 2.  Hannah's Song, and other places of Scripture. See now the parity. The True God is called a Rock; Baalim and False Gods are also Rocks: The True God, or Christ himself, is often by David called Mahoz; why may not then False Gods, or Plurality of Christ's, be called Mahuzzim? Rock and Fortress are not words of so great difference.  
Thus having cleared the chiefest difficulties in the Text, and made the way smooth, let us read over the words again, and apply the Interpretation unto them.   

CHAP. XVII.  
A particular explication (by way of Paraphrase) of the forementioned Prophecy in Dan. 11. This further illustrated by several Observations, wherein the Events are represented as exactly suitable and appliable to Daniel's Prophecy. That at the beginning of Saint-worship in the Church, Saints and their Relics were called Bulwarks, Fortresses, Walls, Towers, Guardians, Protectors, etc. according to the native signification of the word used by Daniel, Mahuzzim. A brief explication of the following verses in Dan. 11. viz. vers. 40, 41, 42, 43.  
Dan. 11. Vers. 36. THen a King shall do according to his will, and shall exalt or magnify himself above every God; 36. THat is, Toward the end of the Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes 
* See the notice hereof at that time taken by the jews, 1 Macc. 8, ● princip. ad v. 13. inclusive. , the Roman shall prevail, and set up the Fourth Kingdom, making himself Master of the Kingdom of Macedon, and advancing himself from this time forward by continual conquests, shall Lord it over every King and Nation; Yea against the God of Gods shall he speak marvellous things; and shall prosper, until the Indignation be accomplished: For the determined time shall be fulfilled. Yea Christ, the God of Gods and King of the Kings of the earth, (who in those times should appear in the world) the Roman shall mock, blaspheme and crucify, and by most bloody Edicts shall persecute and massacre his servants the Christians; and yet shall prosper in his Empire, until these outrageous times be ended, that is, until the days of Constantine: For the time God hath appointed must be fulfilled. Verse 37. Then he shall not regard the Gods of his Ancestors, nor shall he regard the Desire of Women, no nor any God: but he shall magnify himself above all. 37. When that appointed time for the date of his prosperity comes to its period, and the time of the ruin and change of his Dominion draws near; than this Roman State shall cashier and forsake the Idols and False Gods whom their Fathers worshipped, and shall acknowledge Christ, a God whom their Fathers knew not. At that time the Desire of Women and married life shall be discountenanced, and shall not be of that account and regard it had been; but, contrary to the long-continued custom of the Romans, single life shall be honoured and privileged above it: yea and soon after the Roman shall bear himself so as if he regarded not any God, and with Antichristian pride shall magnify himself over all. Verse 38. For to (or together with) God in his seat he shall honour Mahuzzims; even together with that God whom his Ancestors knew not, shall he honour [them] with gold, and with silver, and with precious stones, and with pleasant things. 38. That is, Together with the Christian God, who is a jealous God and to be worshipped alone, he shall worship Mahuzzims even in his seat and Temple; even with the foreign God, whom his Ancestors acknowledged not, shall he honour Mahuzzims with gold and silver, and with precious stones, and with pleasant things. Verse 39 And he shall make the Holds of the Mahuzzims withal (or jointly) to the Foreign God; whom acknowledging, he shall increase with honour: and he shall cause them to rule over many, and shall distribute the earth for a reward. 39 And though the Christian God, whom he shall profess to acknowledge and worship, can endure no Compeers; yet shall he consecrate his Temples and Monasteries (Ecclesiastical Holds) jointly to the Christian God and to his Mahuzzims, Deo & Sanctis: yea he shall distribute the earth among his Mahuzzims; so that beside several patrimonies which in every Country he shall allot them, he shall share whole Kingdoms and Provinces among them: Saint George shall have England, Saint Andrew Scotland, Saint Denis France, Saint james Spain, Saint Mark Venice, etc. and bear rule as Precedents and Patrons of their several Countries.  
Thus we see how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, how expressly the Spirit foretold that the Roman Empire, having rejected the multitude of Gods and Daemons worshipped by their Ancestors, and betaken themselves to that One and Only God which their Fathers knew not, should nevertheless depart from this their Faith, and revive again the old Theology of Daemons by a new Superinduction of Mahuzzims.  
Now although this Prophecy thus applied be so evident, that the only pointing at the Event were able almost to convince the Reader; yet that we may yet the more admire the Truth of God in the contemplation of an Event so suitable, I will add these following Observations concerning it.  

1.  
First, That agreeably with the date of the Holy Ghost, the Roman Historians themselves have observed and marked out that time of their prevailing against Macedonia (which I said was accomplished toward the end of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes) for the beginning of their Dominion over the world. Lucius Florus lib. 2. cap. 7. Cedente Hannibale, praemium victoriae Africa fuit, & secutus Africam terrarum rrbis. 
The Apostasy of the latter Time's PART II.  Post Carthaginem vinci neminem puduit; secutae sunt statim Africam Gentes, Macedonia, Graecia, Syria, caeteráque omnia, quodam quasi aestu & torrente fortunae: Sed primi omnium Macedones, affectator quondam imperii populus. Hannibal being worsted, Africa became the reward of the victory, and after Africa the whole world also. None thought it a shame to be overcome, after Carthage was. Macedonia, Greece, Syria and all other Nations, as if carried with a certain current and torrent of Fortune, did soon follow Africa: But the first who followed were the Macedonians, a people that sometime affected the Empire of the World. In Velleius Paterculus lib. 1. c. 6. is an Annotation out of one AEmilius Sura, in these words; AEmilius Sura de annis populi Romani. Assyrii principes omnium Gentium, rerum potiti sunt, deinde Medi, postea Persae, deinde Macedones; exinde duobus regibus, Philippo & Antiocho, qui à Macedonibus oriundi erant, haud multò post Carthaginem subactam, devictis, summa Imperii ad Populum Romanum pervenit. Inter hoc tempus & initium Nini Regis Assyriorum, qui Princeps rerum potitus, intersunt anni MDCCCCXCV. The Assyrians had the Sovereign dominion the first of all Nations, than the Medes and Persians; after them the Macedonians: afterwards those two Kings, Philip and Antiochus, being overcome, and that a little after that Carthage was subdued, the Imperial Power came to the Romans. Between which time and the beginning of the Reign of Ninus the first Assyrian King there are one thousand nine hundred ninety five years. Here the time of the Romans prevailing against the Macedonian Kings is made the beginning of their Empire; even as Daniel also beginneth the Roman account from thence; but with this difference, that whereas AEmilius Sura seems to reckon from the beginning of those prevailings in the victories against Philip, Daniel counts from the victory against Perseus his son, when that Conquest was now perfected, and Macedonia brought into a Province; which happened (as I have already said) the same year that Antiochus Epiphanes profaned the Temple of jerusalem. 
Vid evam 1 Macc. cap. 8.    

2.  
That no Kingdom in the world, 
Tertull, Apologer. l. 1. c. 24. Tot igi●u● sacrilegia Romanorum, quot trophaea; tot de Diis, quot de Gentibus triumphi; to● manubiae, quo● manent adhuc Simulachra captivo●um Deo●um.  that we know of, could more literally be said in their conquests to exalt and magnify themselves above every God, than the Roman; in respect of a solemn custom they used in their wars, by a certain charm to call out the gods from any City when they besieged it. The form whereof Macrobius gives us l. 3. Saturn c. 8. as he found it in Sammonicus Serenus his fifth Book of hidden secrets; namely this.— If it be a God, if it be a Goddess that hath the People and City of Carthage in protection; And thou especially, whosoever thou art, the Patron of this City and people, I pray and beseech, and with your leave require you to abandon the People and City of Carthage, to forsake the places, Temples, Ceremonies, and Enclosures of their City, to go away from them, and to strike fear, terror and astonishment into that People and City: and having left it, to come to Rome to me and mine; and that our Cities, Places, Temples, Ceremonies, be more acceptable and better liked of you; that you would take the charge of me, of the People of Rome and of my soldiers, so as we may know and understand it. If you do so, I vow to build you Temples, and to appoint solemn sports for you.   

3.  
That Constantine, the first Emperor under whom that State forsook the Gods of their Forefathers and became Christian, together with this alteration abrogated those ancient Roman Laws, julia and Pap●a, wherein the Desire of women and married life was so much privileged and encouraged, and single and unmarried life disadvantaged. Hear it in the words of Sozomen, lib. 1. c. 9 Hist. Eccl. There was (saith he) an ancient Law among the Romans, forbidding those who after five and twenty years old were unmarried, to enjoy the like privileges with married ones; and besides many other things, that they should have no benefit by Testaments and Legacies, unless they were next of kindred: and those who had no children, to have half their goods confiscated. Wherefore the Emperor seeing those who for God's sake were addicted to chastity and virginity, to be for this cause in a worst condition; he accounted it a folly for men to go about to increase their kind with such carefulness and diligence, whenas Nature, according to Divine moderation, continually receives as well diminution as increase. Therefore he published a Law to the people, That both those who lived a single life, and those who had no children, should enjoy the like privileges with others: yea he enacted, that those who lived in chastity and virginity should be privileged above them; enabling both sexes, though under years, to make Testaments, contrary to the accustomed politic of the Romans. This alteration of the Roman Law by Constantine, Eusebius also witnesseth lib. 4. cap. 26. de vita Constantini: and again cap. 28. where he saith, That above all he honoured most those that had consecrated their lives to divine Philosophy; 
The Apostasy of the latter Time's PART I  he means a monastical life; and therefore he almost adored the most holy company of perpetual Virgins. That which the Father had thus enacted, the Sons also seconded, and some of the following Emperors, by new Edicts, till there was no relic left of those ancient privileges wherewith married men had been respected; which Procopius saith (how rightly I examine not) was the cause of the ruin of that Empire, which was so much enfeebled and weakened through the new procreation of children, that it wat not able to match the numerous armies of the barbarous nations. This was the first step of the disregard of marriage and the Desire of wiving; which was not an absolute prohibition, but a discouragement. But no sooner had the Roman Bishop and his Clergy got the power into their hands, but it grew to an absolute prohibition, not for Monks only, but for the whole Clergy: which was the highest disrespect that could be to that which God had made honourable among all men.   

4.  
Lastly, It is a thing not to be passed by without admiration, That the Fathers and others, even at the beginning of Saint-worship, by I know not what fatal instinct, used to call Saints and their Relics, Towers, Walls, Bulwarks, Fortresses, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mahuzzim, in the prime and native signification.  
Basil in his Oration upon the Forty Martyrs, whose Relics were dispersed over all the Countries thereabouts, speaks in this manner; These are are those who having taken possession of our Country, as certain conjoined TOWERS, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, secure it from the incursions of Enemies. The same Basil concludes his Oration upon Mamas the Martyr in this manner; That God who hath gathered us together in this place, and disposes of what is to come, keep us safe from hurt, and secure us from the ravenous Wolf, and preserve steadfast this Church of Caesarea, being guarded with the mighty TOWERS of Martyrs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
chrysostom in his 32. Homily upon the Epistle to the Romans, speaking of the Relics of Peter and Paul, This Corpse (saith he, meaning of Paul) fortifies this City of Rome more strongly than any TOWER, or than ten thousand RAMPIRES, as also doth the Corpse of Peter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Are not these strong Mahuzzims?  
The like whereunto is that of Venantius Fortunatus a Christian Poet not much above an age younger than chrysostom.  
A fancy hostili duo PROPUGNACULA praesunt,  
Quos Fidei TURRES Urbs caput Orbis habet.  
The Faith's two TOWRS in Lady Rome do lie,  
Two BULWARKS strong against the Enemy.  
At the same thing aims Gregory, lib. 7. Ep. 23. ad Rusticianam Patriciam, entreating her to come to Rome: Sigladios Italiae & bella formidetis, etc. If you fear the swords. (saith he) and wars of Italy, you ought attentively to consider how great the PROTECTION of Blessed Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, is in this City; wherein without any great number of people, without the aid of soldiers, we have been so many years in the midst of swords by God's providence safely preserved from all hurt.  
But to return again to S. Chryscstome, who in his Homily upon the Egyptian Martyrs, Hom. 70. ad populum Antiochenum, speaks after this manner: Those Saints bodies (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 FORTIFT our City more strongly than an IMPREGNABLE WALL OF ADAMANT; and, as certain high ROCKS hanging on every side, repel not only the assaults of those Enemies which are sensible and seen with the eye, but also overthrow and defeat the ambuscadoes of Invisible Fiends, and all the Stratagems of the Devil. Here you see are Mahuzzims ●oo.  
So long before, in the days of Constantine, james Bishop of Nisibus, renowned for Holiness, was, according to order given by Constantine in his life-time, (saith Gennadius) buried within the walls of that City, being a Frontier of the Empire, ob custodiam viz, Civitatis. Gennad. de Vir. illustr. cap. 6.  
Evagrius lib. 1. c. 13. tells us, That the Antiochians offered up a supplication to the Emperor Leo the first, about the year 460, for the keeping of the Corpse of holy Simeon, surnamed Stylita or the Pillarist, in this form; Because our City hath no wall, (for it had been demolished in a fury,) therefore we brought hither this most holy Body, that it might be to us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A WALL and A FORTRESS, which would be in Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Leshur ulemahoz.  
S. Hilary also will tell us, That neither the GUARDS of Saints nor [Angelorum munitiones] the BULWARKS of Angels are wanting to those who are willing to stand. Here Angels are Mahuzzim, as Saints were in the former.  
The Greeks at this day, in their Preces Horariae, thus in vocate the Blessed Virgin; O thou Virgin mother of God, thou impregnable WALL, thou FORTRESS of Salvation [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 28.] we call upon thee, that thou wouldst frustrate the purposes of our Enemies, and be a FENCE to this City: thus they go on, calling her The Hope, Safeguard, and Sanctuary of Christians. Here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mahoz Mahuzzim, a strong Mahoz indeed.  
To conclude, The Titles of Protectors, Guardians and Defenders, which is the signification of Mahuzzim when a Person is meant, as they are more frequent, so are they no less ancient. Greg. Nyssen in his third Oration upon the forty Martyrs, calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Guarders and Protectors. Eucherius his S. Gervase the perpetual [Propugnator] Protector of the faithful. Theodoret. lib. 8. de curandis Craecorum affectionibus, calls the holy Martyr's Guardians of Cities, Lieutenants of places, Captains of men, Princes, Champions and Guardians, by whom disasters are turned from us, and those which come from Devils debarred and driven away.  
I might here add something also concerning Images, whose worship is another part of the Doctrine of Daemons, 
But Constantinus Manasses the Greek Historian, inverghing against Leo Isa●●us for demolishing Images, calls them Turres atque Munitiones religiosi cul●●s.  and show how well the name Mahuzzim would befit them, which the Iconomachical Council of Constantinople calls so unluckily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Fortresses or Mahuzzim of the Devil. And perhaps the nine and thirtieth verse in the fore-alledged Prophecy might be yet more literally translated, if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facere were taken in a religious sense; And he shall [do unto, or] offer unto the holds of Mahuzzim, together with the foreign God, etc. that is, he shall do religious service to the Images of Saints together with Christ. I might also put you in mind of the term of Munimentum given to the Cross, and that so usual Latin phrase of Munire signo Crucis, to fortify (that is, to sign) with the sign of the Cross: But I will not engage myself too far in these Grammatical Speculations.  
As for the following verses of this Prophecy, if any desire to know it, they may, as I think, be interpreted and applied thus.  
Ver. 40. And at the time of the End [that is, in the Romans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Latter times] shall the King of the South (that is, the Saracen) push at him, and the King of the North (the Turk) shall come against him (to wit, the Saracen) like a whirlwind, with chariots and with horsemen, and with many ships, and he shall enter into the Countries, and shall overflow and pass over.  
Ver. 41. He shall enter also into the glorious Land (Palestine,) and many shall be overthrown; but these shall escape out of his hand, Edom and Moab, and the chief of the children of Ammon; that is, the Inhabitants of Arabia Petraea, which were never yet Provincials of the Turkish Empire; yea with some of them he is fain to be at a Pension for the safer passage of his Caravans.  
Ver. 42. He (the Turk) shall stretch forth his hand also upon the Countries [of those parts,] and the Land of Egypt (though it should hold out long under the Mamalukes, even till the year 1517) shall not escape.  
Ver. 43. But he shall have power over the treasures of gold and silver and all the precious things of Egypt; and the Libyans and the Cushites (that is, the neighbouring Nations, whether of afric or Lybia, as those of Algiers, etc. or of the Arabians in Scripture called Cushim) shall be at his steps, that is, at his devotion.  
That which 
* See in Book IU. an explication of the remaining Verses, as also a larger explication of the foregoing.  remains, as I suppose, is not yet fulfilled, and therefore I leave it: Time will make it manifest.     

PART II. 
The Apostasy of the latter Time's PART II.   
Verse 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Through the hypocrisy [or feigning] of Liars, of those who have their conscience seared,  
Verse 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Of those who forbid to marry, and command to abstain from meats which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving of them which believe and know the truth.  

CHAP. I.  
The Author's three Reasons for his Translating the Text differently from the Common Versions. That the Preposition [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] in the Text signifies Through or By. Other places of Scripture where it signifies likewise Causam or Modum actionis.  
OF the First Part of this Prophecy, being a Description of the Condition of that Solemn Defection which was to come, I have spoken hitherto. I come now to the Second Part of my Division, The quality of the Persons, and the Means whereby it was to enter and be advanced, which is set forth in the Verses now read; which though you may find by others otherwise translated, yet I hope the Translation which I have propounded, if the judicious Reader please to examine it, will approve itself not only to be an enforced one, but such as salves that incongruity of Construction which the other could not avoid. For it is usually translated intransitively, with reference to the Persons expressed in the former verse, viz. That they should speak lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience seared with an hot iron, and forbidding marriage, and commanding to abstain from meats: So as that which in the former verse is named Doctrines of Devils, should only mean that in general terms, which in these Verses is particularly instanced to be Doctrines of prohibiting marriage, and abstaining from meats, as two branches of that Devilish doctrine; for so Calvin, Melanchthon and some others seem to expound it.  
But why this Interpretation should not be the most likely, my first Reason is, 

1. Because it makes S. Paul, who speaks of that Great Apostasy of Christians which was to be in the Latter Times, to instance only in the smaller and (if I may so say) almost circumstantial errors; and to omit the main and principal, which the Scripture elsewhere tells us should be Idolatry or Spiritual fornication. Who can believe that he would so balk the substance, and name only that which in comparison is but an Appendix thereto?  
2. He prophesies here in express words of such things as were to come 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Latter times: But Errors about Marriage and Meats were no novelty in the Apostles own times, as the diligent Reader may easily collect out of their Epistles; which makes it improbable he would specify the Apostasy of the latter times in these alone.  
3. But my last Reason, whereunto I think I may trust, is, That the Syntax of the words in the Greek is uncapable of such an intransitive construction, and consequently of the sense depending thereon. For the Persons intimated in the former verse are expressed in casu recto, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● but the Persons intended here we find in the Genitive, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which I cannot see how they can agree with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after the manner of intransitive construction, without breach of Grammatical congruity not elsewhere sampled in our Apostle's Epistles. Indeed they would agree with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but that would be a harsh sense every way: for either we must say (as some do) that by Devils are meant Devilish men or men led by the Devil, which is an hard signification; or else it would be a stranger sense, and I think not over-pliable to the usual exposition, to say That Devils should lie, have seared consciences, and forbid marriage or meats: So that Beza, with others, had rather confess a breach of Syntax, than incur the inconvenience of such a forced sense: Major est habita (saith he) sententiae quam constructionis ratio; The Apostle heeded more the matter than he did the Grammar.    
But what needs this, so long as there is a better way to salve it? namely, to construe the words transitively, making all these Genitive cases to be governed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by or through the feigning of liars; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. through the feigning of those who had their consciences seared; and so forward. Which construction is observed and followed by Andrea's Hyperius, one of our reformed Writers, who translates, Per simulationem falsiloquorum, etc. and expounds it, de modo quofallent Spiritus Impostores; fallunt per simulationem seu hypocrysin falsiloquorum, &c 
* As also Cast●ili seems to understand it, translating Per simulationem hominum falsiloquorum. . and I believe that many others have taken it so; for our late Latin translations are indifferent to be taken either way. Howsoever it be, I see no way but this to keep the Syntax true and even, and wholly to avoid the forementioned inconveniences: which as it is easy and obvious, and not strained, so I hope to let you see the Event to have been most answerable thereunto; That this was the Manner, and this the Means, this the Quality of the Persons whereby the Doctrine of Damon's was first brought in, advanced and maintained in the Church, viz. Through the hypocerisie, feigning, craft, or counterfeiting of those who told lies, of those who had their consciences seared, etc.  
As for the use of the Preposition [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] to signify causam, instrumentum, or modum actionis, he that is not a stranger in the Scripture, knows it to be most frequent, the Greek Text borrowing it from the use of the Hebrew Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Hebrews call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as when it signifies In, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) Subjecti. But two or three examples will not do amiss. Matth. 5. 13. If the salt hath lost its savour, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; wherewith shall it be salted? Acts 17. 31. Because God hath appointed a day in which he will judge the world in righteousness, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the man whom he hath ordained. 2 Pet. 3. 1. 
Vide etiam Eph. 4. 14.  I stir up your pure minds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of remembrance. Tit. 1. 9 That he may be able 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by sound doctrine to exhort and convince the gainsayers. And most naturally to the business we have in hand, 2 Thess. 2. 9, 1●. of the Man of sin, Whose coming (saith the Apostle) is after the working of Satan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with all power, and signs, and lying wonders, (or through them) and through all deceivableness of unrighteousness, etc. So in my Text, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. through the hypocrisy of Liars, etc.   

CHAP. II.  
The words of the Text explained. That for the Character or Quality of the Persons that made way for, or brought in the Great Apostasy, some were Liars, some had seared Consciences, some forbade Marriage and Meats; others were guilty of all these imputations. What is meant by The Hypocrisy of Liars: That this appeared in 3 things; 1. Lies of Miracles, 2. Fabulous Legends, 3. Counterfeit Writings under the name of Antiquity. That Lies of Miracles appeared in 1. Their Forgery, 2. Illusion, 3. Misapplication. What is meant by Having seared Consciences. That the strange and indecent Tales wherewith the Legends and the like Writings are stuffed, argue those that did either vent or believe them, to be men of seared (that is, hard and unfeeling) consciences. Some Instances of the indecency of those Stories.  
NOW for the unsolding of the words, this must first be observed in general, That they are not to be so understood, as if those who are the bringers in and advancers of the Doctrine of Daemons should every one of them be guilty of all the several imputations in this Description: but they are to be construed rather as an Asyndeton, by understanding the 
* In omni distributione omitti copulativa videlu● vix apponi. Linact. Nonn● sic etiam in Grae●is?  Conjunction, as if it had been uttered thus; Through the hypocrisy of Liars, and, Through the hypocrisy of men of seared consciences, and lastly, By the hypocrisy of those who forbid marriage and meats; or thus; Through the hypocrisy, partly of Liars, partly of men of seared consciences, partly of those who forbid marriage and command to abstain from meats: that so though many were guilty of all, yet some may be exempt from some; as namely some might be guilty of the last note, of forbidding marriage and abstaining from meats, and yet free of the former, of being counterfeit Liars and men of seared Consciences: which I speak for reverence of some of the Ancients, who though otherwise holy men, yet cannot be acquitted from some of the imputations here mentioned, nor altogether excused from having an hand accidentally through the Fate of the times wherein they lived, in laying the groundwork whereon by others the Great Apostasy was builded.  
This therefore being remembered, I come now to the unfolding of them in several: and first of the first, The hypocrisy of Liars, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies dissimulation, a feigning, counterfeiting, a semblance and show of that which is not so indeed as it seemeth. And this word we must repeat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as belonging in common to the rest which follows: For all should be counterfeit; Lying should carry the counterfeit of Truth, the seared Conscience a semblance of Devotion, the Restraint of Marriage should be but a show of Chastity, and Abstaining from meats a false appearance of Abstinence. For the Persons of whom they are spoken, should either make a show of what themselves known was not; or that which they thought they had, should be no better than a false show and counterfeit of that they took it for. The Vulgar Latin in Mark 12. 15. and the Syriack in the same place, turn the word Hypocrisy, versutia, dolus, craft and subtlety; which sense, if need were, would not be denied admittance here.  
But I return to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Hypocrisy of Liars; which I conceive to be the same and no other than that which our Apostle speaks in the same case, 2 Thess. 2. where he tells us, That the coming of the Man of sin and the Apostasy attending him should be after the working of Satan, with all power, and signs, and lying wonders, and with all deceivableness of unright ousness, or unrighteous and ungodly deceiving; and that God should send them strong delusions, that they might believe a lie, etc. Yea some of this, and of that which follows in that place, may extend also to the rest which follows in my Text; howsoever the most thereof, as you hear, doth most evidently expound this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this Hypocrisy of Liars.  
Now according to the Event, this Hypocrisy of Liars doth appear in three things:  
1. Lies of Miracles; 2. Fabulous Legends of the Acts of Saints and Sufferings of Martyrs; 3. Counterfeit Writings under the name of the best and first Antiquity.  
Lies of Miracles will display their Hypocrisy in three particulars: 1. Forgery, 2. Illusion, 3. Misapplication.  

1. Forgery of Miracles never done; as were the reports of wondrous Dreams and Visions, which had no other credit but the Author's honesty: or miraculous Cures, by the power and Relics of Saints deceased; as when those who never were blind, made others believe they had newly received sight.  
2. Illusion; when though something were done, 
Author Oper. imperf in Matt. Hom. 49. Donec fuit vocatio ad fidem ex infidelitate, fecerunt signa & servi Christi, quia signa divinae vocationis testimonia sunt, etc. Cessante autem vocatione incipiet seductio revocans homines à fide ad infidelitatem. Incipiente ergò seductione tradenda sunt seductionis adjutoria Diabolo, i.e. potestas faciendorum signorum, etc.  yet it was but a seeming and a counterfeit only of a miraculous work; indeed some juggling trick of the Devil or his instruments.  
3. Lastly, Misapplication: either when that was attributed to a Divine power, which was nothing but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the work and operation of the Devil; or when it was interpreted or abused to invite and confirm men in some Idolatrous error, as it happened in the Miracles at the Shrines and Sepulchers of the holy Martyrs, which were interpreted to be for confirmation of the opinion of their Power, Presence, and notice of humane affairs after death, and to warrant and encourage men to have recourse unto them by prayer and invocation, as unto Mediators, and to give that honour unto their Relics which was due unto God alone. The like is to be said of the Miracles of Images and of the Host; which though they smelled strong of Forgery or Illusion, were supposed by a divine disposition to be wrought for the like end and purpose. All which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the power of seduction or strong delusion, to make the world believe a Lie, as S. Paul speaks 2 Thess. 2. 11.   
Concerning the Hypocrisy of fabulous Legend-writers of the Acts of Saints and Martyrs, you know what it means; as also the last which was named, Sergeant Authors under the name of Antiquity, as approving those Errors which Latter times devised: I shall not need here to use any further explication. And thus you see what is comprehended under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the hypocrisy, counterfeiting or feigning of Liars.  
I should now come to display the truth of this particular of this Prophecy in the Event: But I will first unfold the next imputation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the hypocrisy of those who have their conscience seared; which though it might be exemplified in other things, yet I mean to instance only in that aforementioned, and so must give you the story of both together.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Through the hypocrisy of those who have seared consciences: For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as I said before, is to be repeated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies both the place seared, and the mark printed by the searing with an hot iron. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to cauterize, to sear with an hot iron, or cut off with searing, as Surgeons do rotten members: now that which is seared becomes more hard and brawny, and so more dull, and not so sensible in feeling as otherwise. In this sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies those who have a hard and a brawny Conscience, which hath no feeling in it: In the other sense, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to cut off by searring, it must signify those who have no conscience left. There is not much difference; but I follow the first, a hard and unfeeling Conscience. And whether those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof we spoke before (to use no other instances) were not of such metal for their conscience, I think no man can deny.  
Who could have coined, or who could have believed such monstrous stuff as the Legends are stored with, but such as were cauterised? If they had had any feeling or tenderness, not only of Conscience but even of Sense, they could never have believed or vented such stuff as there is. 
Vincent. Histor. lib. 7. c. 84.  As that the Virgin Mary should draw out her breasts, and milk in I know not what Clerk's mouth. That she played the Midwife to an Abbess got with child by her Cater, and sent the Bastard by two Angels to a certain Eremite to be brought up. Idem ibid. c. 86. That she came and lay the first night in the midst between a certain Bridegroom and his Bride. Idem lib. 7. cap. 87.  
Caesarius in his seventh book, chap. 34. reports, That the Virgin Mary for twelve whole years together did supply the place of a certain Nun called Beatrice, while the Nun lay in the Stews, till at length returning, she freed the Virgin from standing Sentinel any longer. And lib. 7. cap. 33. That she said to a certain Soldier, I will be thy wife, come and kiss me; and made him do so. That she took a Monk about the neck and kissed him.  
In an Italian book, called The Miracles of the Blessed Virgin, printed at Milane 1547. A certain Abbess being great with child, the holy Virgin willing to cover her crime, did in her stead present herself before the Bishop in form of an Abbess, and showed by ocular demonstration that she was not with child.  
But that which joannes de Nicol. in his Reformed Spaniard tells, that he read taken out of Trithemius, is the more worthy to be remembered, as being a principal Motive in his Conversion, who was till then extremely addicted to the Idol-worship of the Blessed Virgin; which was much cooled, when he read That she came into the chamber of Friar Allen, (a Dominican that made her Rosary,) made a ring of her own hair, wherewith she espoused herself unto him, kissed him, let him handle her breasts, and conversed as familiarly with him as a Bride is wont with her Bridegroom. Whether think you not that these fellows were seared in their conscience? what block could have been more senseless? Melchior Canus, speaking of the Golden Legend, as they call it, a Book fraught with such stuff as you have heard, methinks almost expresses the meaning of a cauterised conscience: Hanc homo scripsit (saith he) ferrei oris & plumbei cordis, a fellow of an iron mouth and leaden heart; as if he had said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a brawny and unfeeling conscience.   

CHAP. III.  
That the Worship of Saints and their Relics was brought in and promoted by the Hypocrisy of Liars, or by Lying Miracles. No mention of Miracles done by the Bodies or Relics of Martyrs in the first 300 years after Christ: Nor was the Mediation of Martyrs believed in the first Ages of the Church. That the Gentiles Idolatry of Daemons was advanced by Lying Miracles, proved out of Eusebius, Tertullian and Chrysostom.  
BUT now I come to show how this Prediction of our Apostle hath been accomplished; How 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The cozenage and feigning of Liars was the Means whereby the Doctrine of Daemons was advanced in the Church; I mean the Deifying and worshipping of Saints and Angels, the adoring and templing of Relics, the bowing down to Images, the worshipping of Crosses as new Idol-columns, the worshipping of the breaden God or any other visible thing whatsoever upon supposal of any Divinity therein: all which I have proved to be nothing else but the Gentiles Idolatrous Theology of Daemons revived among Christians.  
The first of these, The Deifying and invocating of Saints and adoring Relics, is the most ancient for time of all the rest, and began to appear in the Church presently after the death of julian the Apostate, who was the last Ethnical Emperor. The grounds and occasions whereof were most strange reports of Wonders showed upon those who approached the Shrines of Martyrs, and prayed at their Memories and Sepulchers; Devils charmed, Diseases cured, the Blind saw, the Lame walked, yea the Dead revived, and other the like: which the Doctors of those times for the most part avouched to be done by the power and prayers of the glorified Martyrs, and by the notice they took of men's devotions at their Sepulchers; though at the beginning those devotions were directed to God alone, and such places only chosen for the stirring up of zeal and fervour by the memory of those blessed and glorious Champions of Christ. But whiles the world stood in admiration, and the most esteemed of these Wonders as of the glorious beams of the triumph of Christ; they were soon persuaded to call upon them as Patrons and Mediators, whose power with God, and notice of things done upon earth, they thought that these Signs and Miracles approved.  
Thus the Relics of Martyr's beginning to be esteemed above the richest jewels, for the supposed virtue even of the very air of them, were wonderfully sought after as some divine Elixir sovereign both to 
* Hilary l. ad Constantium intimates miraculous cures by the Relics of Martyr's to have been as ancient as his time, yea as the time of the Church's peace. Plus crudelitati vestrae, Nero, Deci, Maximiniane, debemus: Diabolum enim per vos vicimus. Sanctus ubique beatorum Martyrum sanguis exceptus est; dum in his Daemons mugiunt, dum agritudines depelluntur, etc. At tu (id est, Constanti) omnium crudelitatum crudelissimo damno majore in nos, & veniâ minore, desaevis, etc.  Body and Soul. Whereupon another Scene of Wonders entered, namely, of Visions and Revelations, wonderful and admirable, for the discovery of the Sepulchers and ashes of Martyrs which were quite forgotten, yea of some whose names and memories till then no man had ever heard of; as S. Ambrose's Gervasius and Protasius. Thus in every corner of the Christian world were new Martyrs bones ever and anon discovered, whose verity again miraculous effects and cures seemed to approve; and therefore were diversely dispersed, and gloriously templed and enshrined.  
All these things happened in that one Age, and were come to this height in less than a 100 years. But here is the wonder most of all to be wondered at, That none of these miraculous Signs were ever heard of in the Church for the first 300 years after Christ, until about the year 360, after that the Empire under Constantine and his sons having publicly embraced the Christian Faith, the Church had peace, and the Bodies of the despised Martyrs, such as could be found, were now bestowed in most magnificent Temples, and there gloriously enshrined. And yet had the Christians long before used 
* See Clem. Con●fe. 106.  to keep their Assemblies at the Coemeteries and Monuments of their Martyrs: How came it to pass that no such virtue of their bones and ashes, no such testimonies of their power after death, were discovered until now?  
Babylas his bones were the first, that all my search can find, which charmed the Devil of Daphne, Apollo Daphnaeus, when julian the Apostate offered so many sacrifices to make him speak; and being asked why he was so mute, forsooth the corpse of Babylas the Martyr, buried near the Temple in 
* A delicate Suburbs of Antioch.  Daphne, stopped his windpipe. I fear, I fear here was some Hypocrisy in this business, and the Devil had some feat to play: the very name of Babylas is enough to breed jealousy, it is an ominous name, the name Babylas: yea and this happened too at Antioch, where Babylas was Bishop and Martyr in the persecution of Decius. Would it not do the Devil good, there to begin his Mystery, where the 
‖ Acts 11. 26.  Christian name was first given to the followers of Christ? Howsoever this was then far otherwise construed, and a conceit quickly taken, that other Martyr's bones might upon trial be found as terrible to the Devil as those of Babylas; which was no sooner tried, but experience presently verified it with improvement, as you heard before: So that all the world rung so with Wonders done by Martyrs, that even holy men, who at the first suspected, were at length surprised and carried away with the power of delusion.  
Besides the silence of all undoubted 
* Add, That no such thing could be, so long as they used to pray for Martyrs as well as others of the dead. See Clem. and others.  Antiquity of any such Sepulchral wonders to have happened in the former Ages, the very manner of speech which the Father's living in this miraculous age used when they spoke of these things, will argue they were then accounted novelties, and not as continued from the Apostles times. chrysostom, in his Oration contra Gentiles, of the business of Babylas speaks thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If any man believes not those things which are said to be done by the Apostles, let him now beholding the present desist from his impudence. Ambros. Epist. ad sororem Marcellinam, relating of a piece of the Speech he made upon the translation of the Bodies of Gervasius and Protasius, and the miracles then showed, Reparata (saith he) vetusti temporis miracula cernitis, You see the miracles of ancient times (he means the times of Christ and his Apostles) renewed. S. August. Lib. de civ. Dei 22. cap. 8. in a discourse of the Miracles of that time, saith, We made an order to have Bills given out of such Miracles as were done, when we saw the wonders of ancient times renewed in ours: Id namque fieri voluimus, cum videremus antiquis similia divinarum signa virtutum etiam nostris temporibus frequentari, & ea non debere multorum notitiae deperire.  
But, alas I now began the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Latter times; this was the fatal time, and thus the Christian Apostasy was to be ushered. If they had known this, it would have turned their joyous shoutings and triumphs at these things into mourning. The End which these Signs and Wonders aimed at, and at length brought to pass, should have made them remember that warning which was given the ancient people of God, Deut. 13. If there arise among you a Prophet, or a Dreamer of dreams, and giveth thee a sign or a wonder; And the sign or wonder come to pass, whereof he spoke unto thee, saying, Let us go after other Gods and serve them: Thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that Prophet, or that dreamer of dreams: For the Lord your God proveth you, to know whether you love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul.  
But why should I go any further before I tell you, that even in this also the Idolatry of Saint-worship was a true counterfeit of the Gentiles Idolatry of Daemons? Did not Daemon-worship enter after the same manner? was it not first insinuated, and at length established, by signs and wonders of the very selfsame kind and fashion? Listen what Eusebius will tell us in his fifth book de Praeparat. Evangel. chap. 2. (according to the Greek edition of Rob. Stephen) When (saith he) those wicked spirits (as he proved them to be which were worshipped under the names of Daemons) saw mankind brought off to a Deifying of the Dead, 
In which respect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though the Genitive case were taken actively, would signify the Idolatry of Saint-worship, viz. the worship of the dead, which the Devils are wont thus to counterfeit.  (he means by erecting Statues, and ordaining Ceremonies and Sacrifices for their memorial) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they insinuated themselves, and helped forward their error— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by certain motions of the Statues which anciently were consecrated to the honour of the deceased; as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by ostentation of Oracles and cures of diseases, whereby they drove the superstitious headlong, sometimes to take them to be some heavenly Powers and Gods indeed, and sometimes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Souls of their deified worthies— And so (saith he) the earth-neighbouring Daemons, which are those Princes of the Air, those Spiritualities of wickedness, and Ringleaders of all evil, were on all hands accounted for great Gods; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the memory of the Ancients deceased was thought worthy to be celebrated with a greater service: the features of whose Bodies the Images dedicated in every City seemed to represent; but the Souls of them and those Divine and Incorporeal powers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the wicked Daemons counterfeited by working many Miracles.  
Hear Tertullian also speak in his Apology to the Gentiles, cap. 21. in fine. Quaerite ergò, si vera est ista Divinitas Christi: si est ea quâ cognitâ ad bonum quis reformetur, sequitur ut falsa renuntietur; compertâ imprimis illâ omni ratione, quae delitescens sub nominibus & Imaginibus Mortuorum, quibusdam Signis & Miraculis & Oraculis fidem Divinitatis operatur: Search therefore whether this Deity of Christ be true (or not.) If it be that by the knowledge whereof a man shall be reform to good, it follows then that the false be renounced; especially that whole mystery (he means of the Gentiles Idolatry and Daemon- worship) being discovered, which under the names and Images of the Dead, through Signs, Miracles and Oracles, obtaineth an opinion of Divinity.  
chrysostom shall conclude, who in his Oration in judaizantes saith, That the Daemons of the Gentiles wrought Miracles for the confirmation of Paganism, 
(Savil T●m 6. p. 375.) aliis hom. prim. advers. Iud●o●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For (saith he) they oftentimes by their skill cured diseases, and restored to health those that were sick: what, should we therefore partake with them in their impiety because of this? God forbid. Then he adds out of Moses, Deut. 13. that which we even now quoted; which had it been as well applied to the Miracles amongst Christians present as it was to those of the Gentiles past, perhaps he that spoke it would have questioned something which he inclined to believe.   

CHAP. IU.  
That Saint-worship was advanced by Fabulous Legends. This proved from the acknowledged design of the Latin Legends, as also of that Greek Legender Simeon Metaphrastes; particularly his fabulous Narrations concerning Anastasia, S. Barbara, S. Blasius, S. Catharine, S. Margaret, etc.  
THE Second Particular I named of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Hypocrisy or Feigning of Liars, was Fabulous Legends of the Acts of Saints and Martyrs. This was also another means to advance the Doctrines of Daemons. For the true Acts and Stories of the Martyrs being extinguished for the most part by the bloody Edict of Diocletian, they now began to supply again that loss, by collecting such Tales as were then current of them, and adding thereto such Miracles as were fabled of them after death; fashioned all to the best advantage of what they meant to promote in the Church, and was already on foot in the same. Such was that wherewith the good Father Greg. Nazianzen was abused in his Funeral Oration upon Cyprian, and many others of the Greek Church; 
A Fable concerning the means of Cyprian's conversion.  That Cyprian, even that great Cyprian, who was both Citizen and Bishop of Carthage in the reign of Decius, (for of him Gregory speaketh expressly) being formerly a Conjurer, and falling in love with a Christian Virgin justina, some say of Antioch, whenas by wooing and ordinary means he could not win her unto his will, he went about to prevail with Magical spells and Conjurations: which the Damosel perceiving, she having recourse to God, fell to work against him with Prayer and Fasting, and in her devotions also besought the Virgin Mary to succour her a Virgin in that jeopardy: By which means Cyprian's Magical enchantments were frustrated, and he convinced thereby, became a Christian. All which 
* An. 250. Sect. 5.  Baronius himself confesses to be a Fable; as well he might, it being unknown both to Pontius his Deacon, who lived with him and wrote his life, and to the Western and African Churches where he lived and died, who knew (and who could know better?) that he was in his Paganism not a Magician, but a Professor of Oratory at Carthage, (far enough from Antioch) and converted by one Caecilius. Nevertheless we have cause to think that this Tale, together with other the like, served not a little for the advancement of the Mystery of Daemons in the Eastern Churches; when we see our Adversaries so willing to have that passage (as seems by their often alleging it) of calling upon the blessed Virgin to be authentical, notwithstanding they know (which the Greeks so well could not, he being a Latin Bishop) that the whole Story must needs be a Fable.  
Of this stamp are the well-known Legends of our Latin Churches, which almost all of them drive principally at this mark; it being also the ordinary conclusion of their Tales, (sure of our English,) That since God hath done thus and thus by this holy Martyr, or sith God hath by such Miracles honoured this Martyr, let us pray unto him, that by his Merits and Intercession we may obtain salvation. Nor is it a late device: Greg. Turonensis above a thousand years ago, in his two Books De Miraculis Martyrum, as his fabulous Narrations (which yet many of them he refers to others before him) are excellently well framed for the promotion of Saint-worship; so in the conclusions of them he plainly confesses that that was his aim, shutting up his first Book thus; Vnde oportet & nos eorum Patrocinia expetere, ut eorum mereamur Suffragiis, vel quod nostris digni non sumus meritis obtinere; 
This Gregory of Tours died Anno 596.  eorum possumus Intercessionibus adipisci, etc. It behoves us therefore to desire the Patronage of the Martyrs, that so we may merit through their Suffrages, and by their Intercessions obtain that which we are not worthy of upon the account of our own Merits. His second thus; Ergò his miraculis Lector intendens intelligat, non aliter nisi Martyrum reliquorúmque amicorum Dei adjutoriis se posse salvari, etc. And therefore let the Reader, well considering these Miracles, understand that there is no possibility for him to be saved but by the help of Martyrs and other friends of God.  
But among the Greeks Simeon Metaphrastes hath a strain beyond us all, 
But I find now the same in the A●re● L●geu●la of all the following Martyrs, save the first, which is not there, & S. Barbara is but the Appendix.  who feigns prayers for many of his Martyrs, wherein they desire of God, that whosoever should pray unto him in their names, or have recourse to their Sepulchers when they were glorified, might obtain whatsoever they asked, yea remission of sins itself. Which because it is so singular a Counterfeit of a lying Greek, I shall not do amiss to insert the particulars, together with something about the occasion and time of this device.  
In the Martyrdom of Anastasia, a Roman Virgin, under Diocletian, he tells us, if we be so wise as to believe it,  
That at the time of her suffering, when she had, as was fit, given thanks unto God, and prayed for the happy accomplishment of her Martyrdom, and afterward made suit for those who being sick should have recourse unto her, (to wit after death,) she heard a voice from heaven certifying, that what she had asked was granted her.  
Saint Barbara, a Virgin of Heliopolis, martyred under Maximianus, he makes, under the Executioner's hand, to pray in this manner:  
And thou, O King, (God,) now hear my prayer, That whosoever shall remember thy name, and (this) my conflict, no pestilent disease may enter upon his house, nor any other of those evils which may bring damage or troubles to the bodies of men.— She had no sooner spoken, saith he, but a voice was miraculously heard from heaven, call her and her fellow-Martyr julian to the heavenly places, and promising also that those things which she had asked should be accomplished.  
In Saint Blasius (who suffered, saith Baronius, under Licinius) our Simeon tells us,  
That when a woman came unto him to cure her son, who had a fish-bone sticking in his throat, he prayed in this manner: Thou, O Saviour, who hast been ready to help those who called upon thee in truth, hear my prayer, and by thy invisible power take out the bone which sticks in this child, and cure him: And whensoever hereafter the like shall befall men, children, or beasts; if any one than shall remember my name, saying, O Lord, hasten thy help through the intercession of thy servant Blasius, do thou cure him speedily, to the honour and glory of thy holy Name.  
Again he tells us, That while they were carrying him before the Precedent, he restored to a poor widow a Hog, her only Hog, which a Wolf had taken away from her. And when as afterward, in sign of thankfulness, she brought the Hog's head and feet boiled to the Martyr in prison, he blessing her, spoke in this manner; Woman, in this Habit celebrate my Memorial, and no good thing shall ever be wanting in thine house from my God: yea and if any other, imitating thee, shall in like manner celebrate my Memorial, he shall receive an everlasting gift from my God, and a blessing all the days of his life.  
When he comes to suffer, he makes him pray to God thus: Hear me thy Servant; and whosoever shall have recourse to this thine Altar, (he means himself) and whosoever shall have swallowed a bone or prickle, or be vexed with any disease, or be in affliction or necessity of persecution, Grant, Lord, to every one his heart's desire, as thou art gracious and merciful; for thou art to be glorified now and evermore.  
When he had thus prayed (saith he) Christ descended from heaven as a cloud, and overshadowed him: and our Saviour said unto him, O my beloved Champion, I will not only do this, but that also which thou didst request for the widow; and I will bless also every house which shall celebrate thy Memory, and I will fill their storehouses with all good things, for this thy glorious Confession and thy faith which thou hast in me.  
Saint Catharine, whom he calls AEcatharina, a Martyr of Alexandria under Maximianus, he makes to pray thus at her Martyrdom:  
Grant unto those, O Lord, who through me shall call upon thy holy Name, such their requests as are profitable for them; that in all things thy wondrous works may be praised now and evermore.  
But above all the rest, Marina's prayer, whom we Latins call Saint Margaret, is complete and for the purpose: she suffered under Diocletian, and thus she prayed, if you dare believe Simeon.  
And now, O Lord my God, whosoever for thy sake shall worship this Tabernacle of my Body, which hath fought for thee, and whosoever shall build an Oratory in the name of thy handmaid, and shall therein offer unto thee spiritual sacrifices, oblations and prayers, and all those who shall faithfully 
* O happy Sime●n.  describe this my conflict of Martyrdom, and shall read and remember the name of thy handmaid; Give unto them, most holy Lord, who art a lover of the good and a friend of Souls, remission of sins; and grant them propitiation and mercy, according to the measure of their faith; and let not the revenging hand come near them, nor the evil of Famine, nor the curse of Pestilence, nor any grievous scourge; nor let any other incurable destruction either of Body or Soul betid them. And to all those who shall in faith and truth adhere to my house (her Oratory or Chapel) or unto my name, and shall unto thee, O Lord, offer glory and praise and a sacrifice in remembrance of thine Handmaid, and shall ask salvation and mercy through me; Grant them, O Lord, abundant store of all good things: for thou alone art good and gracious, and the giver of all good things for ever and ever. Amen.  
While she was thus 
* If ●he pray●● this prayer with herself, by what revelation was it made known to others?  praying with herself (saith Simeon) behold there was a great earthquake, etc. yea and the Lord himself, with an host and multitude of holy Angels standing by her, in such sort as was perceptible to the understanding, said, Be of good cheer, Marina, and fear not, for I have heard thy prayers, and have fulfilled, and will in due time fulfil whatsoever thou hast asked, even as thou hast asked it.  
Thus saith Simeon; who nevertheless in the very entrance to this his tale of Marina or Margaret, complains much, forsooth, that not a few of these Narrations of the Acts of Martyrs were at the beginning forged, yea profaned (as he faith more truly than he was aware of) evidentissimis Daemoniorum doctrinis. Besides, he calls I know not what Narration of this Virgin's Martyrdom, in that sort corrupted, Dictio Daemoniaca: but for his own part, he would reject all counterfeit fables, and tell us nothing but the very truth. Which how honestly he hath performed, and what touchstone he used, let the Reader judge. 
* In notis ad Martyrologium Roman ●ul. 13.  Baronius I am sure is quite ashamed of him, who though he can be sometimes content to trade with not much better ware, yet this of Simeon's he supposes will need very much washing and cleansing before it be merchantable.   

CHAP. V.  
An useful Digression concerning the time when Simeon Metaphrastes lived, and the occasion of his writing. That his living within the time of the great Opposition against Saint-worship moved him to devise such Stories as made for the credit and advantage of that Cause then in danger. A brief historical account (even out of the Records left by the Adversaries) of the great Opposition in the Greek and Eastern Churches against worshipping of Images and of Saints: When it began, how long it lasted, and under what Emperors. Of the Great Council held at Constantinople under Constantinus Copronymus against Idolatry. An attempt to foist in two Canons in favour of Saint-worship frustrated. Several Slanders and Calumnies fastened upon the Council and the Emperor by the idolatrous faction. The Original of these Slanders: That they were notorious Lies, proved from the Decrees of the Council.  
BUT for the better understanding of this Mystery of iniquity, and what necessity there was of such desperate shifts when time was; ye shall know that this superstitious Simeon lived towards the end of that time of great and long Opposition against Idolatry in the Greek and Eastern Churches, by divers Emperors with the greatest part of their Bishops, Peers, and People, lasting from about the year of our Lord 720 till after 840, that is a 120 years: which was not against Images only, though they bore the name; but the Worship of Saints and their Relics: The state whereof it shall not be amiss to represent out of such Records of Antiquity as our Adversaries themselves have been pleased to leave us; if it be but for their sake who so often ask us whether there were ever any of our Religion before Luther. Let us therefore hear what Writers of their own Sect, such as then lived and were eye-witnesses, will tell us.  
Leo Isaurus (saith Theophames, Miscell. lib. 21. cap. 23.) erred not only about the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  respective adoration of venerable Images, but about the Intercession of the most chaste Mother of God, and all the Saints, whose Relics also the most wicked man abominated, like unto his masters the mahometans.  
This was the first of those Emperors: the next was Constantinus, whom they surnamed Copronymus, of whom the same Author (ibid. c. ult.) speaks as followeth: This pernicious, (saith he) inhuman and barbarous Emperor, abusing his authority tyrannically, and not using it lawfully, at the very beginning made an Apostasy from God and his undefiled Mother and all his Saints.  
Again, lib. 22. cap. 42. upon the twenty sixth year of his reign:  
— He showed himself wicked, beyond the frenzy of the mahometans, to all that were Orthodox (so he calls Idolaters,) under his Empire, Bishops, Monks, Laymen and other his subjects; every where, as well by writing as by speech, banishing, as unprofitable, the Intercessions of the holy Virgin and Mother of God and of all the Saints, (through which all succour is conveyed unto us) and causing their holy Relics to be rejected and despised: And if the Relics of any notable Saint, sovereign both to body and Soul, were known to lie any where, and were, as the manner is, honoured by those which were religious; presently he threatened such as these with death, as wicked doers, or else with proscriptions, banishment, and torture. As for the Relics acceptable to God, and esteemed by the possessors as a treasure, they were taken from them, from thence forward to be made hateful things.  
Again, cap. 48. of the next year:  
— If any one getting a fall, or being in pain, chanced to utter the usual language of Christians, saying, O Mother of God, help me; or were found keeping Vigils, etc. he was adjudged as the Emperor's enemy, and styled Immemorabilis, Unworthy of memory: This man a title of insamy.  
Again, cap. 54. Anno regni 31.  
— If one were found to have a Relic but to keep, (that is, though he worshipped it not,) yet nevertheless did Lichanodraco (the Emperor's Precedent) burn it, and punish him that had it as a wicked doer. Thus far Theophanes.  
Hear now what the Author of the Acts of Monk Stephen, 
Hab●tur in ●pe●bus Damas●●ni, 〈◊〉 interpret Ia●oh● 〈◊〉, ex Reginae matris bibliotheca: & apud Surtum, Tam. 6. Nou. ●8.  whom the same Emperor made one of their Martyrs for patronising Idols, can tell us: Hear what he saith of the great Council of Constantinople, held in this Emperor's reign against Images.  
O Christ, how should I not admire thy lenity!— To that height did those most impudent tongues yet further break out, that they were not afraid to utter that monstrous and impious speech, viz. That the very Virgin-Mother of God herself was now after her death unavailable, and no use to be made of her, nor could she help or protect any one.  
The same Author thus deplores the state of those times, abusing the words of Psalm 79.  
O God, the heathen are come into thine Inheritance; thy holy Temple have they defiled, and made Jerusalem an heap of stones: The dead Bodies of thy servants have they given to be meat to the fowls of the air, and the flesh of thy Saints unto the beasts of the earth; that is, (saith he) the venerable and sacred Relics of the Martyrs, quas partim igni, partim mari, partim denique (o facinus orbi universo damnum serens!) praecipitiis tradiderunt; which they cast partly into the fire, partly into the water, and (O villainous act whereby the whole world is damnified!) partly threw down into precipices.  
There is nothing yet in these relations will do any man hurt by engendering a misconceit, especially if he remember the tale is told by malicious Adversaries, that counterfeit Relics were plentiful in those days as well as now, and that Hezckiah broke in pieces the brazen Serpent made by God's own commandment, a holy monument and a type of Christ, when it was once abused to Idolatry.  
After the death of this Emperor Constantine, and his son who reigned not long after him, the Idolatrous faction, under Constantine his nephew and the Queen-mother Irene, again for some years prevailed; and that so far, as to pack a Council, called the Second of Nice, the Bishop of Rome having a main stroke therein; whereby the former Council of Constantinople was condemned, and the worship of Images again established. But Leo Armenius coming to the Empire, the Orthodox part again prevailed, as before they had done, during the reign of three Emperors more.  
The last Emperor of the Opposers of Idols was Theophilus; the last Patriarch john. And that to the very end the Idolatry of Saint-worship was opposed more or less, as well as that of Images, may be gathered out of that 
* Hab●tur apud Baron an● 842. Sect. 28.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Song of Triumph, which the Greeks used to sing every first Sunday in Lent, for a memorial of their last and final conquest of the Opposers of Images, ever since that time; where in the Hymn of Theodorus Ode 8. I find this verse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (that is,) The sacred Relics of the Saints, and their Images, were not at all to be worshipped, said most wickedly the renouncers of piety, the barbarous Lezich and john. This john is that Patriarch of Constantinople which I said was the last of the Opposers of Idols, and is often mentioned in this Song, as is also Lezich, but what he was is uncertain.  
But this whole story being delivered unto us only by professed enemies, if they should fasten no worse calumnies upon the opposite side than yet you have heard, you would think perhaps that the Patrons of Idols than were far more ingenuous to their Adversaries than we find their Successors now. Hear therefore something of this kind also, that you may see, as they agreed with us in the same profession against Idols, so did they also in suffering the like slanderous lies from their Adversaries. In discoursing whereof I shall be nearer to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than I was before.  
In that great Council of 338 Bishops, held at Constantinople against Idols under Constantinus Copronymus, were, by some that wished well to Saint-worship, (though they consented against Images,) these two Canons inserted into the first draught of the Definition of the Synod; 1. If any one should not confess the holy and ever-Virgin Mary, truly and properly Deipara (the Mother of God) to be higher than any visible or invisible creature, and with a sincere faith implores not her intercession, Let him be Anathema. 2. If any one shall not confess all the Saints, which have been from the beginning of the world until now— to be honourable before God both in Soul and body, or shall not entreat their prayers— Let him be Anathema: which, when the Definition came to be read in the Council, the prevailing part of the Fathers caused to be blotted out 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 the Confuter. Conc. Nic.. 2. Act. 6. Tom. 6. : whereupon that slander, fastened on them by their enemies, may seem to have taken the first hint; as if forsooth by their rejecting these two foisted Canons, they had therefore denied whatsoever was contained in them; as That the Virgin Mary was Deipara the Mother of God, or That the Saints were to be honoured so much as with that honourable title of Saints.  
For Cedrenus would make us believe, That this Emperor Constantine published a general law, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that none of the Servants of God should in any wise be called Saints: yea, that such of their Relics as were found, should be despised, and their Intercession not to be prayed for; because, said he, they can avail nothing. The profane wretch added (saith the same Author) Let no man pray for the Intercession, no not of Mary, for she can do him no good; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 moreover that she should not be called Deipara, that is, the Mother of God. Then he tells us, that he compared the Blessed Virgin, after she was delivered of Christ, to a purse emptied of the gold that was once in it. The same with Cedrenus, almost word for word, hath Suidas; so that the one may seem to have been transcribed out of the other.  
But Theosterictus, 
Apud S●●●●m Apr. 3. Tom. 2.  one who lived at the same time, (whereas Cedrenus was more than 240 years after) seems much more ingenuous: For in his funeral Oration upon Nicetus, a Confessor of 
* Under Leo Armeniu●.  those times, whose Disciple he was, relating otherwise the same things which Cedrenus and Suidas do, yet when he comes to the story of the purse, he brings in the Emperor expressly calling the Virgin Mary Deipara; but finds fault that he would not vouchsafe her the name Saint. Ita Deiparens Maria (
* Viz. The Emperor,  saith he) (neque enim Sanctam dignabatur nominare illam (saith Theosterictus) indignus ille) quo tempore Christum in se habebat, valde honoranda illa erat; ex quo autem tempore illum peperit, nihil differebat à reliquis.  
Indeed it seems that at the wiping out of those forementioned Canons, there passed something in the Council (as is wont in such disputes) concerning an indifference or lawfulness in ordinary speech to mention such places as were dedicated to the memory of Saints, without the addition of the name Saint. For I find that Stephen the Monk, (afterward forsooth a Martyr) at what time the Emperor sent some of the Bishops and others unto him, to require his subscription to the Decree of the Council, thus expostulates with them; Did ye not (saith he) discard this adjective Saint from all the Just, from all the Apostles, from the Prophets, Martyrs and other godly men? For it was bravely decreed by you, That when any one were going to any of these, and were asked whither he went, he should answer, To the Apostles, To the forty Martyrs; or being asked whence he came, he should in like manner say, From the Temple of the Martyr Theodore, From the Temple of the Martyr George.  
But Theosterictus tells the same thing of the Emperor Constantine himself. Sanctos Martyrs, (saith he) quantum in ipsoerat, honore privavit, cum praeceperit non esse illos Sanctos appellandos, sed simpliciter nominari Apostolos, quadraginta Martyrs, Theodorum, Georgium, & alios similiter: He deprived, as much as in him lay, the holy Martyrs of honour, in that he commanded they should not be styled Saints, but simply named The Apostles, The forty Martyrs, Theodore, George, etc. Whereby it appears, that this Law (whatsoever it was which these Authors charge the Emperor with) was something that proceeded from the Council itself, as Monk Stephen even now charged them. Besides, that it was something only about the calling of Places dedicated to Saints, though our Authors (as Calumniators use) tell it of Saints at large. Lastly, that it seems to have grown upon some question, how far and in what kind Saints were to be honoured, which was occasioned by the wiping out of those Canon's aforementioned.  
joannes Curopalata and Cedrenus relate, That Michael Balbus, the last save one of the Emperors that opposed Idols, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ordained that the word [Saint] should not be set upon any Images wheresoever they were painted. For this was (and as some say 
* Possevinus in sua Moscovia.  is yet) the fashion of the Greeks, to add the names of the Saints to the Images which are to represent them. Now if any such thing as this were done or discoursed of in the days of Constantinus, whom they call Copronymus, you may easily guests what fuel it might add to the fire of that slander we speak of.  
But why should we trouble ourselves any longer to find out the Original of that which we are certain was a notorious lie? For it is apparent in the Definition of the Council itself which is thus calumniously charged, that they both give the Title of Saints often to the Apostles, Fathers and others, and of Deipara to the Blessed Virgin. I shall not need to recount every place where they give the Title of Saint to particulars; hear but what they say in general: Sancti qui Deo placuerunt, & ab ipso sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dignitate Sanctitatis honorati, vivunt semper Deo, licèt hinc migraverunt; The Saints which pleased God, and are by him honoured with the dignity of Saintship, though they be departed hence, yet to God they always live. Again, Nefas est Christianis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Daemonum cultricum Gentium moribus uti, & Sanctos qui tali & tantâ gratiâ resplendebunt (sc. conregnare cum Christo, & judicare orbem terrarum, & conforms fieri gloriae ipsius) in ingloria & mortua materia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contumeliâ afficere; It is unlawful for Christians to use the fashions of the Gentiles which worshipped Daemons or Devils, and in a base and liveless matter (they mean Images) to dishonour the Saints, which shall one day shine in such and so great grace and glory, viz. to reign with Christ, and to judge the world, and to be made like to his glory, as they said a little before. Concil. Nicen. 2. Act. 6. Tom. 4.  
As for the other part of the Calumny, about styling the Virgin Mary Deipara, hear not only what they practised, but what they expressly decreed (ibid. Tom. 6.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● If any shall not confess God to be truly Emmanuel, and therefore the holy Virgin to be Deipara the Mother of God— Let him be Anathema. Here the Blessed Virgin hath both the name of Saint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mother of God given her. All this you shall find in the sixth Act of the Idolatrous Council of Nice, where the Enemies, whilst they would confute the Definition of the Synod at Constantinople, have preserved it, which else had utterly perished, as the Acts thereof have done.  
Now judge whether Constantine and his Council were guilty or not of what the Idolatrous Faction charged them with. But we may wonder the le●s at this notorious impudence of lying companions, seeing we have experience of the like calumnies fastened upon ourselves this day, though there be so many thousand eyes and ears, and writings too, which confute them.  
AND thus you have seen what manner of Times they were about the end of which our Simeon Metaphrastes lived. Was it not high time, think you, for him and those hands to which he was beholden, (for I will not charge him with all) to ply the old craft, and reinforce the Legends with new Lies, when the credit of Saint-worship lay thus a bleeding? It is not credible they would be so much wanting to themselves. And it is as apparent that those Tales of the new strain, which we had out of Simeon, were coined in this age, and not before: For if any such thing had been known or delivered from elder times, how came it to pass no notice thereof was given us by any Writer of Ecclesiastical story, by any Father, by any Compiler or forger of Martyr's Lives and Miracles, till now? Certainly so miraculous and wonderful things as Voices from Heaven, and Christ descending thence in a cloud, and the like, had been worth the telling. But, alast they could tell us but little of these Martyrs, save only the names and time of their suffering. And thus I end my Digression, which yet I hope hath not been altogether impertinent to the present argument.   

CHAP. VI  
That Saint-worship was promoted by Counterfeit Writings under the name of Antiquity. That Image-worship and the Idolatry of the Mass-God were advanced by the Hypocrisy of Liars: This illustrated from several fabulous Narrations. A foul Story made use of by the second Council of Nice in the behalf of Image-worship.  
THE last particular of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Hypocrisy of Liars, I made to be Counterfeit Writings under the names of the first and best Antiquity; S. Peter's Liturgy, the Liturgy of S. james, of Matthew, of Mark, The Apostles Council at Antioch; Foisted works under the names of justin, Origen, Cyprian, Athanasius and others, Through which we need not doubt but the Doctrine of Daemons was promoted, when we see some not ashamed still to maintain it by these counterfeit authorities.  
Thus you see how the firstborn and the most ancient part of the Doctrine of Daemons, the Deifying of Saints and Martyrs, was advanced by the Hypocrisy of Liars The same you shall find to have been verified also in the advancing of the next-born Daemon-changling, Image-worship, and of the third, the Idolatry of the Mass-God; all brought in and established by the means and ways aforenamed. I need not spend time in historical allegations, they are well enough known; and Primum in unoquoque genere est mensura consequentium; by that I spoke of the first, you may judge of those which follow, yet for Images, I will tell you a Story or two for a taste.  
Bale our Countryman (Script. Illust. Britan. Cent. 1. c. 91, 99) relates that about the year 712 one Egwin of Worcester published in writing certain Revelations, yea express Visions he had seen, wherein he was enjoined to set up in his Diocese of Worcester the Image of the Blessed Virgin for the people to worship; which Pope Constantine the first having made him confirm by oath, not only ratified by his Bull, but caused Brithwald the Archbishop to hold a Council of the whole Clergy at London to commend them to the people.  
In that Idolatrous Council of the second of Nice, 
Concil. 〈◊〉 ● Act. 4.  one of their proofs, among many other the like, for worshipping of Images, is a tale (quoted out of I know not what Sophronius) of a certain Recluse, who using to worship an Image of the Virgin Mary holding Christ in her arms, had been a long time tempted by the Devil to fornication; whereat on a time the old man being much aggrieved, the Devil visibly appearing told him in plain terms (but under an oath of secrecy) that he would never cease to vex him, until he left worshipping the Image of the Blessed Virgin. The Monk, notwithstanding the Devil had made him swear by the most High he should tell no body, yet acquaints one Abbot Theodore with the business; who not only allows of his perjury in revealing it, but gives him this ghostly resolution, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It were better be frequented all the Stews in the City, than not to worship Christ and his Mother in an Image. I am afraid some of this Monk's successors still observe this wholesome counsel.  
I must tell you also some of the Miracles and Lies for laying the foundation of Transubstantiation, and thence advancing the Idol of the Mass. A certain Monk reports that he saw jesus Christ in form of a Child sitting upon the Altar. Another saith, yea more than that one, That Witikind King of the Saxons entering disguised into a Church, and diligently observing the Christians fashion of receiving the Communion, saw them put a little pretty smiling boy into their mouths. These wonders and other the like of apparitions of flesh and blood began not till about the end of the eight-hundredth year. But that they might seem ancienter, Simeon Metaphrastes hath a forged Legend of Arsenius the Eremite; and some body counterfeited the life of S. Basil, under the name of Amphilochius his companion, which now they begin to be ashamed of. And for fear the people might suspect that these were Illusions, they keep yet some of the flesh and blood which was thus transubstantiated, for a monument, in many Churches. To these apparitions, to make all complete, they tell us of a hive of Bees seen in Saint Gervais his Monastery in Paris, which built a Chapel of Wax in honour of the Host, which some body put into their hive; and a miracle of an Ass that left his provender to worship the Host; and many other the like. But I have stayed too long amongst them, and therefore let here be the conclusion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the hypocrisy of Liars, that we may pass on to that is yet behind.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Vide Opus Hi●rarchicum seu Cosmain Megalianum in Timoth. ubi ex Homero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Vid. etiam Oecumen. in Timoth. Concil. Elibetitan. c. 33. Placuit in totum prohibere Episc. Presb. Diaconibus & Subdiaconibus— abstinere se à conjugibus suis, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. CHAP. VII.  
That by these two Characters [Forbidding marriage and commanding to abstain from meats] are chiefly deciphered Monks and Friars. That Prohibition of Marriage and Abstaining from meats are inseparable characters of Monastic profession. That the Renouncing of possessions or the having no propriety in any thing (another Principle in Monkery) may be included under the Abstaining from meats. That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (translated Meats) implies all things needful for maintenance of life, proved from several places of Scripture.  
I Come now unto the last particular of the Description of the Means whereby the Doctrine of Daemons was to be advanced, viz. Through the Hypocrisy of such as forbid marriage, and command to abstain from meats. Who are these? The wonderful correspondence of the Event makes me verily believe that the Holy Ghost intended here (at least chiefly) to decipher unto us Monks and Doctors of Monkery, by two such marks as are the chief points and grounds of that Singularity of life. For Prohibition of marriage and Difference of meats are inseparable Characters of Monastical profession, and therefore common to all that crew of Hypocrites, whether Solivagant Eremites, or Anchorites which live alone, or Coenobites which live in Society. And if we take them joined together, as our Apostle doth, I think they can befit no other kind of men by way of Rule and Precept but these alone. 'Tis true, all Antichrist's Priests are forbidden marriage generally and absolutely; but meats they are not, but only upon certain days and times: which is not their case alone, but the people also partake with them in the like restraint. But Monks are bound by the vowed Rule of their profession to abstain from both absolutely and perpetually. Concerning the first hear S. chrysostom speak (Hom. 7. in Matth.) Nobis & Monachis (saith he) omnia mandata Legis sunt communia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All the Commandments of God's Law are common to us with Monks, besides Marriage. Wherefore in the Council of Chalcedon is an express Canon, cap. 16. Vt nec Deo dicata Virgo nec Monachus nubant, That no Nun or Monk should marry, (i. e.) they might not forsake their profession.  
For the second, the Abstaining from meats, S. Bennet can tell us best, who is the Father and founder of well-nigh all the Monks of the West, His Rule, which they all bind themselves to observe, saith, A carnibus omnes abstineant, Let all abstain from flesh. Again, Carnium etiam quadrupedum omnino ab omnibus abstineatur comestio, Let all abstain altogether from the eating of flesh even of fourfooted beasts. Hence is that Decree of Bishop Fructuosus in Gratian, Dist. 5. Carnem cuiquam Monacho nec gustandi nec sumendi est concessa licentia, No Monk hath leave granted him to take or so much as to taste a piece of flesh. And these were the two principal observations of the first Monks, before they came to be gathered into a Society of a common life, under certain set Rules. Paulus Thebaeus, the first pattern of this kind of life, abstained (as from Marriage, whereof there is no question, so) from all meats save bread and dates. Anthony the next eaten nought but bread and salt, and both drank no other drink but water. Epiphanius in his Anchorato tells us of differing observations in this kind: Some ate no flesh, but fish; some neither of both, but only fruits and herbs some are flying creatures, but abstained from all besides.  
But if you will take Meats in this place in a larger sense, you shall have a full Definition of Monkery, and take in that other Monastical principle of Renouncing possessions, and having no propriety in any thing, which they account the Second fundamental principle, next to the Vow of chastity or single life. Now may not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Meats, be expounded in this sense? We know the word [Bread] in Scripture signifies all things needful for maintenance of life, omnia vitae subsidia; and therefore we ask them all in the Lord's prayer under that name, Give us this day our daily bread. Mark the words of David to Ziba, 2 Sam. 9 10, Thou and thy Sons and thy Servants shall till the land for him, (Mephibosheth,) and thou shalt bring in the fruits, that thy Master's son may have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Food to eat. Here Bread or Food is taken for Mephibosheth's whole maintenance, the whole profit of the Lands which Ziba tills. Matth. 10. 9, 10, Provide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses, Nor scrip for your journey, neither two coats, nor shoes, nor yet staves; for the workman is worthy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his meat. Here gold, silver, brass, clothes and staves and all come under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, meat. In stead whereof S. Luke chap. 10. vers. 7. putteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his hire. Prov. 30. 8. Agur saith, Give me neither poverty nor riches: Feed me with Food convenient for me, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By all which appears, that Food and Meat in Scripture is often taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as S. james speaks (chap. 2. vers. 16.) for all provision of things for the use of the body and this life; maintenance, revenue, estate, possession. Why may not then Abstaining from meats in this Prophecy mean or include Abstaining from possessions, Votum paupertatis the Vow of Poverty and renouncing of the world, as the Hypocrites call it? to which the following words [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] are every way as pliable as to the stricter sense, and may be read thus, [which God hath created to be enjoyed with thanksgiving of them which, etc.] Let us hear S. Bennets Rule speak for all. Nemo aliquid proprium habeat, nullam omnino rem, neque codicem, neque tabulas, neque graphiarium, sed nihil omnino: Let no man have any thing proper or as his own, no kind of thing, neither book, nor writing, nor Inkhorn, nor any thing at all. And those who had once imposed upon themselves this law, were prohibited for ever to return to the world again. Monachis non licere ad seculum redire, saith the Canon of a great Council. Hear a Story out of S. Hierom, Epist. ad Eustochium. A certain Monk being dead, was found to have been so good a Husband as to have had lying by him an hundred Solidi, which he had gotten by weaving of linen; hereupon great doubt there was what it should be done withal, whether given to the poor, to the Church, or to what use. But Pambo, Isidorus, and the other Fathers (of the Monks) laying their heads together, decreed it should be buried with him, with this blessing, Pecunia tua sit tecum in perditionem, Thy money perish together with thee. The like sentence gave Gregory the Great against justus a Monk for the like fault, Dial. l. 4. c. 55.  
I conclude therefore, That these words are a Description of Monkery by such notes as are fundamental, which way soever we take them; either containing Single life and Discrimen ciborum the Differencing meats; or the two Vows of Chastity and Poverty; or all three of them, Chastity, Poverty, and Abstaining from meats. As for that other Vow of Obedience, it was not from the beginning, nor common to all; not to Eremites and Anchorites, but such as lived in common under an Head. And these are the men through whose Hypocrisy and by whose means the Doctrine of Daemons should be brought in and advanced among Christians in the Latter times.   

CHAP. VIII.  
That Monastic life and Saint-worship began much about the same time. That Monks and Friars (chiefly intended in the Text by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.) were the main authors and advancers of Saint-worship, proved from the Testimonies of Chemnitius, S. Austin, Gregory of Tours, as also Eunapius a Gentile Writer. That Monks and Friars were the Ringleaders and chief advancers of Image-worship, appears in that (during the Iconomachicall Controversy in the East) the greatest part of the Storm fell upon those of the Monastic profession. That the Idolatry of the Mass-God was promoted by the same persons.  
NOW let us see and behold with admiration the truth of this part also of this Prophecy. Where first observe that this Singular kind of life began even just at the time when the Doctrine of Daemons was to enter. For Paulus Thebaeus and Anthony, the first patterns thereof, died, the former in the reign of Constantine, the latter a little before the year 360, whence, or near unto which, we began our reckoning before of the first entrance of Saint-worship into the Church. About that time Monks till then having been confined to Egypt, Hilarion brought them into Syria, and presently S. Basil gave them a certain rule to live together in form of a Polity, and with the assistance of his brother Gregory Nyssen and Gregory Nazianzen (who all entered this new kind of life) dispersed them over all Asia and Greece: whose increase was so wonderful, that almost in an instant they filled the World; and their esteem was so great, that there was scarce a man of note but took upon him this kind of life.  
Though therefore it be most true that our Apostle's prophecy will be verified, which soever of the two, either such as themselves entered the Restraint of a Monastic life, or those who approved, taught and maintained the holiness of that Profession, (as the rest did) were the Ringleaders and Foster-fathers' of this Defection; (for both come within the verge of such as forbid marriage and command to abstain from meats) yet we will not content ourselves with so loose an application, but see what an hand Monks and Friars themselves (chief I suppose intended by the Holy Ghost) had in this business.  
And first in the first Doctrine of Daemons, Adoring of Relics and Invocation of Saints: Where that which I first speak of shall be in the words of Chemnitius, lest some more tender of the honour of our Fathers upon earth, than of the glory of our Father in heaven, might take exception. Hear therefore not me, but Chemnitius in his Examen Concilii Tridentini: About the year of our Lord 370, per Basilium, Nyssenum & Nazianzenum, in publicos Ecclesiae conventus, occasione orationum Panegyricarum (Invocatio Sanctorum) invehi incepit, eodem tempore cum ab iisdem authoribus Monachatus ex AEgypto & Syria in Graeciam introduceretur. Et videtur (saith he) haec sive portio, sive Appendix Monachatûs fuisse. By Basil, Nyssen and Nazianzen, upon occasion of Panegyrical orations, Invocation of Saints began to be brought into the public Assemblies of the Church, at the same time when by the same Authors the Profession of Monastical life was brought out of Egypt and Syria into Greece: and it seems (saith he) that this was either a part, or an appurtenance of Monkery, etc. Again, speaking of S. Ambrose when he had once turned Monk, howsoever he was before, Non tamen nego (inquit) Ambrosium tandem cum Monachatum à Basilio mutuò sumpsisset, etiam ad Invocationem Sanctorum inclinare coepisse, ut patet ex libro De viduis: I deny not (saith he) but Ambrose at length, when he had once borrowed Monkery from Basil, began also to incline to the Invocation of Saints, as appears in his book De viduis. Thus Chemnitius.  
And that you may yet further see how operative Monks were in this business, hear S. Augustine De opere Monachorum, cap. 28. Tam multos hypocrite as sub habitu Monachorum usquequaquam dispersit (Satan,) circumeuntes provincias, nusquam missos, nusquam fixos, nusquam stantes, nusquam sedentes. Alii membra Martyrum (si tame● Martyrum) venditant— & omnes petunt, omnes exigunt aút sumptus lucrosae egestatis, aut simulatae pretium sanctitatis: The Devil (saith he) hath dispersed in every corner such a crew of Hypocrites under the habit of Monks, gadding about every Country, sent no whither, staying no where, every where restless, whether sitting or standing: Some sell the limbs of Martyrs, (if so be of Martyrs;) and all are ask, all exacting either the expenses of a gainful poverty, or the hire of a counterfeit sanctity. These were those surely which occasioned that Rescript of Theodosius the Emperor, Nemo Martyrem distrahat, nemo mercetur, Let no man sell, let no man buy a Martyr: whereby we may gather what honesty was like to be used amongst them. We know,  Laudat venales qui vult extrudere merces, 
Merchants use to commend their commodities. Gregory of Tours, who lived and died somewhat before the year 600, tells us this, Monachos quosdam Roman venisse, ac prope Templum Pauli corpora quaedam noctu effodisse; qui comprehensi fassi sunt in Graeciam se ea pro Sanctorum reliquiis portaturos fuisse: That certain Monks came to Rome, and near unto S. Paul's Church in the nighttime digged up certain bodies; who being apprehended, confessed they meant to have carried them into Greece for Relics of Saints. The same Author, l. 9 c. 6. Hist. Franc. relates a Story of another counterfeit, a Monk, who pretended to come out of Spain with Martyr's Relics; but being discovered, they were found to be Roots of certain Herbs, Bones of Mice, and such like stuff: and he tells us there were many such seducers which deluded the people. And he said true, there were many indeed, and many more than Gregory took for such, even those he took for honest men. For though it must not be denied but God had some of this Order which were holy men and unfeignedly mortified, notwithstanding their error in thinking God was pleased with that singularity of life; yet must it be confessed that the greater part were no better than Hypocrites and Counterfeits, and that the lamentable Defection of the Christian Church chiefly proceeded from and was fostered by men of that profession, as in part we have heard already.  
And if you can with patience hear him speak, I will add the testimony of Eunapius Sardianus, a Pagan Writer, who lived in the days of Theodosius the first, about the year 400. In the life of AEdesius, most bitterly inveighing against the Christians for demolishing that renowned Temple of Serapis at Alexandria in Egypt, he speaks in this manner: When they had done, (saith he) they brought into the holy Places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those which they call Monks; Men indeed for shape, but living like Swine, and openly committing innumerable villainies not to be named; who yet took it for a piece of Religion thus to despise the Divinity (he means of Serapis:) For then (saith he) whosoever wore a black coat, and would demean himself absurdly in public, got a tyrannical authority: To such an opinion of virtue had that sort of men attained. These Monks also they placed at Canopus, in stead of the intelligible Gods, to worship Slaves and those of no good conditions; thus bringing a bond of Religion upon men. For having powdered the bones and skulls of such as had been condemned of many crimes, and punished by a legal course of justice, they made Gods of them, prostrating themselves unto them, and thinking themselves the better for being polluted with Sepulchers: They called them for sooth Martyrs, and some Deacons, yea and Solicitors of their prayers with the Gods; being indeed but perfidious Slaves, who had been well basted with the whip, and carried the scars of their lewdness upon their bodies: and yet such Gods as these the Earth brings forth.  
Thus the wretched caitisse and damned dog blasphemes the Saints and Servants of Christ, who loved not their lives unto death, the dust of whose feet he was not worthy to lick up. Yet may we make a shift to gather hence what manner of offices Monks were then busied in. And if Baronius took leave to use his testimony for the antiquity of Saint-worship, why may not I with the like liberty allege it, to show that Monks and Friars were Ringleaders therein?  
BUT when the Idolatry of Image-worship came to be added to that of Saints, whether Monks and Friars were not the chief sticklers therein, judge, when you shall hear how it fared with them in that great Opposition against Idols in the East.  
Of Leo Isaurus, the first of those Emperors that opposed Images, we have this in general out of the Greek Menology; That he raged most cruelly against Bishops and Monks which maintained the worship of Images; and that he burned a whole Cloister of such kind of people in their Monastery, together with a famous Library, and all their furniture.  
But Constantine his son made a worse fray amongst them. For the Author of the Acts of Monk Stephen tells us, That he being reproved and convicted for what he had done (viz. against Images) by the religious and worthy professors of Monastical life, he raised an implacable war against them, calling that noble Habit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the vesture of darkness, and the Monks themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, unworthy of memory, and besides terming them all Idolaters for the worshipping of venerable Images.  
The same is confirmed by Theosterictus, another Author of that time, who saith, That the whole aim and study of this Emperor was to extinguish and root out the Order of Monks.  
And for particulars, hear what Theophanes (himself a Monk, and a little singed too in this flame, before it ended) will inform us.  
In the one and twentieth year of his reign he caused (saith he) Andreas Calybites, a worthy Monk, who reproved him for his impiety, (in demolishing Images) to be scourged till he died. Lib. 22. cap. 30. Hist. miscell.  
In the five and twentieth year of his reign he caused Monk Stephen to be dragged by the heels in the streets, till being rend in pieces, he died; both for the aforesaid offence, and because he drew and persuaded many to a Monastical life. Ibid. cap. 39  
The same year the Emperor (saith he) disgraced and dishonoured the Monastical Habit, publicly commanding every Monk to lead a woman by the hand, and so to march through the Hippodrome, all the people abusing them and spitting upon them. Ibid. cap. 40.  
In the seven and twentieth year (saith he) the Monasteries partly he destroyed to the very foundations, partly bestowed them upon his Captains and Soldiers. Ibid. cap. 49.  
In the same year; when he could not draw Peter a Metra, a famous Stylite or Pillar-Monk, unto his opinions, he caused him likewise to be dragged by the heels, and his body cast out into the streets. Ibid. cap. 48.  
In his thirtieth year, his Praetor or Deputy Lichanodraco gathered all the Monks in his jurisdiction together, and commanded them to obey the Emperor, to put on a white coat, and to marry wives instantly, or to have their eyes put out, and be sent into exile. Ibid. cap. 52. So the Emperor, when he would have Constantine the Patriarch abjure Monkery, he made him (saith the same Author) eat flesh. Lib. eod. cap. 29.  
In the one and thirtieth year the same Lichanodraco sold all the Monasteries both of men and women in his jurisdiction, and sent the money to the Emperor. If he found any one to have a Relic of any Saint in keeping, he burned it, and punished him that had it. He slew the Monks, some with stripes, some with the sword; and left not a man, where he had to do, that wore a Monastical Habit: whereupon the Emperor wrote thus unto him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I have found thee a man after mine own heart, who fulfilest my whole will. Thus much of Constantine.  
The like reports Cedrenus of Michael Balbus, that he abominated Monks and diversely afflicted them, ordaining one punishment after another against them. As also of Theophilus the last Emperor that opposed Images: Theophilus (saith he) ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that no Monks should have access unto the Cities, and that they should by all means be banished; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not so much as dare to be seen in the Country: and that he caused the Monasteries and places of holy retirement to become common and secular habitations. What the reason was, we may learn by that the same Author tells us: Of those (saith he) which reprehended the Emperor, the Abramite Monks were the chief; who freely adventuring into his presence, did demonstrate That Monastical life was not an invention of yesterday or the other day, but an ancient and primitive instituion; and That holy Images were familiar in the Apostles times, and that S. Luke painted an Image of the Blessed Virgin, etc. But it seems the Emperor was not convinced by their demonstrations; for their boldness cost them full dear, as our Author relates.  
By this time I know you understand what the matter was that this Image-storm fell so heavily upon the heads of Monks and Friars; and yet notwithstanding all this, 
Apud Baron. An. 842. S. 12.  they at length prevailed, and carried the day (so God would have it) for their Idols. For another Theophanes, whom they call the Presbyter, a Writer also of his time, tells, That Theophilus being dead, Theodora the Empress, (whilst the reigned in the minority of Michael her son) when she meant to restore Image-worship which had been banished now the second time, ever since Leo Armenius, Re cum illis communicatâ qui erant in magistratu & dignitate constituti, accersit cum ipsis eos qui inter Monachos praestabant, & de Imaginum instauratione quaestionem proponit. Cúmque idem omnes consentientes comperisset, diuturnóque ejus rei desiderio teneri, atque animo excruciari propter Religionis in hac re mutationem, postulat ut se etiam Patrum authoritatibus ad veritatem confirmarent quas variis in libris invenissent; mandauítque quo in loco Palatii praesinito Coetus Ecclesiasticus universus cogeretur, & ad populum ea de reverba faceret, etc. that is, When she had acquainted the Magistrates and those that were in authority therewith, together with them she since for the chiefest of the Monks, and propounded to them the question concerning the restoring of Images: whom when she found all men for the purpose, yea very eager in the business, she called a Synod, whereby Idolatry was again publicly erected in the Greek Church, 120 years after it first began to be purged thereof by Leo Isaurus the Emperor.  
For the Idolatry of the Mass-God, which was not in use, at the soon, till a thousand years after Christ, (when the opinion of Transubstantiation had gotten sufficient strength,) we shall not need trouble ourselves much to show that Monks and Friars were the Authors and Advancers thereof, since by that time these kind of men were become the only Masters of Divinity; and therefore we need not doubt but what was then broached in the Church came out of their shops. judge now, by what you have heard, how truly this Prophecy of S. Paul is fulfilled, who told us That the Doctrines of Daemons should be brought into the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Through the hypocrisy of those who forbid to marry, and command to abstain from meats.    

THREE TREATISES Upon some obscure Passages IN DANIEL  

I. DANIEL'S Weeks explained, chap. 9 24, etc.  
II. Regnum Romanum est Regnum quartum Danielis, cap. 2. 40, etc. cap. 7. 7, etc.  
III. Revelati Antichristi, seu De numeris Danielis MCCXC, MCCCXXXV. cap. 12. 11, 12.   
BY JOSEPH MEDE, B. D.   

DANIEL'S WEEKS.  

DANIEL 9 24, etc.  
THE WEEKS of Daniel are a Divine Chronology of the Time which the Sanctuary, with the Legal Service, should continue, when it should be restored after the Captivity of Babylon. During which time also the City of jerusalem itself should be reinhabited, and the walls thereof rebuilded; and some LXII Weeks after that began to be, should Messiah the Redeemer be anointed, yea and cut off and rejected of his own: For which, when the whole LXX Weeks (the time allotted) should expire, their Sanctuary and City should again be razed, and their Commonwealth utterly dissolved.  

VERSE 24.  Seventy Weeks are allotted for thy people, and for thy Holy City, to finish transgression, and make an end of sins, and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to fulfil Vision and Prophecy, and to anoint the MOST HOLY. 
SEventy Weeks are determined or allotted] That is, The Holy City shall again be restored, and LXX weeks of years are allotted and limited for the continuance thereof, and thy people with it: and that for this end, that during the standing thereof, the Messiah, according to Vision and Prophecy, may come to expiate sin, and be anointed in his Kingdom.  
The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, here translated determined or allotted, signifies properly to be cut or cut out, and so may seem to imply such a sense, as if the Angel had said to Daniel, Howsoever your Bondage and Captivity under the Gentiles shall not altogether cease, until that succession of Kingdoms which I before showed thee be quite finished; yet shall God, for the accomplishing his Promise concerning the Messiah, as it were cut out of that long Term a certain limited Time, during which the Captivity of judah and jerusalem being interrupted, the Holy City and Commonwealth in some measure shall again be restored, and so continue till LXX Weeks of years be finished.  
Here I distinguish the beginning of the Times of the Holy City from the beginning of jerusalem. For the Holy City is so called of the Temple as the principal part; and therefore the Time of the restitution thereof to be reckoned from the Time the Temple was builded: But by jerusalem is understood (as appears in the next verse) the external buildings and walls of the City, which were not restored till some time after the Temple and Sanctuary was finished.  
As for the impletion, all are now agreed, that the Beginning of these Weeks is to be reckoned from some Restoring either of the Temple, and that in the second, third, or sixth year of the Reign of some Darius; or of the City, in the seventh or twentieth year of some Artaxerxes, Kings of Persia. But it cannot be from Darius the First surnamed Hystaspis; for than they would come out long before the Birth of Christ. Nor from the First Artaxerxes surnamed Longimanus; for he was an hinderer of the work of the Temple, and forbade the building thereof, Ezra c. 4. à vers. 11. ad finem. Nor from the second Artaxerxes surnamed Mnemon; for so they would far overreach the Destruction of jerusalem. Therefore it remains that they be counted from Darius the Second surnamed Nothus; in the second year of whose reign the work of the Temple, after a long interruption, began to revive, Ezr. 4. v. 24. Hag. c. 1, & 2. Zach. c. 1, etc. and in the sixth year of his reign was finished, Ezra. 6. ver. 15.  
Secondly, These LXX Weeks are the Time allotted for the continuance of the Holy City, and therefore must they last as long as it lasted, and end with the end thereof. But this cannot be, unless we fix their Epocha in the beginning of Darius Nothus. Ergo.  
Which in the event is most true. For from the third year of Darius Nothus, when the work of the Temple (by the incitement of Haggai and Zachary renewed the year before) was now confirmed by a new Edict from the King to be finished, unto the Destruction of jerusalem by Titus, are exactly 490 years, that is, LXX Weeks of years fully complete.  
Artaxerxes Longimanus died (saith Diodorus l. 11.) Olymp. 88 4. that is— An Olympiadico 352. 
Mens. Novembri, or thereabout, for Winter was entered. Thu●yd. lib. 4.  Ergo, Xerxes (who reigned next after him one year, ex eod.) dying— An Olympiadico 353. Mens. Nou. Sogdianus also, who succeeded Xerxes, reigning but seven Months, Darius Nothus his An. 1. begins— An. Olymp. eodem, M. Maio. Annus 2. Anno Olympiad. 354, M. Maio. Annus 3. Anno Olympiad. 355, M. Maio.  
In this third year of the King, and at the end of this Olympiadical year, in the beginning of August (as may be supposed) came forth the Edict of Darius, some ten months after Zorobabel and joshua had begun to renew the work the year before, Hag. 1. 14, 15. And so much time (half thereof being Winter) may well be allowed for their enemies to hear of the work, to go see and do their best to hinder it; when they could not, to write and send unto the King, the searching of the Rolls, and obtaining a new Edict.  
The Destruction of jerusalem by Titus, I take as granted. Anno Olymp. 845 finiente, 846 ineunte.  The Edict of Darius, as is showed. Anno Olymp. 355 finiente, 356 ineunte.  Distantia 490 490  
The account by years of Nabonassar, ex Canone Ptolemaei Astronomico.  
The last year, or year of Nero's death (june 9) in ptolemy's Canon answers to An. 815 Nabonass. Ergo, the year of Ierusalem's Desolation (2 years after) is concurrent with— An. 817 Nabonass. finiendus in Augusto. The first of Darius Nothus, in Canone Ptolemaei, answers An. 325 Nabonass. Ergo, the third year of Darius is concurrent with— An. 327 Nabonass. ordiendus à Decembripraecedent. Differentia 490   
Notwithstanding all this, 
The Temple was now finished in 4 years; which argnes it was well forwarded before, and much I suppose in the days of liberty under Darius Hystaspis: For I take him to be that Darius mentioned Ezra 4. 5. and never to have hindered the building, but permitted the jews to go on as their poverty would suffer them, which was but slowly.  I had rather begin the Account from the sixth year of Darius, in the Month Adar, when the Temple was quite finished, (for then it first began to continue, and not till then,) although the Destruction of jerusalem will then fall out three years and an half sooner, namely, when the last week is but half run out. And what if it do? The Angel as I conceive, tells us so much in the last verse, when he says, That in the midst of a Week the Sacrifice and Oblation should cease, and the City be made desolate. But how will the Prophecy be made good, if the Seventieth Week be not complete? I answer, it should be observed (though it useth not to be) that the Angel reckons not by single years, but by Weeks. If he had said, there should be 490 years to the Excidium of jerusalem; then indeed to make good the prediction, the City and Sanctuary must have been destroyed the last year. But when he says, there shall be LXX Weeks allotted for the continuance of the Holy City, it is enough if it be made desolate in the seventieth week. For if those who reckon by years, when the year designed answers the Event, will not stand upon the compleatness of months and days; nor those who reckon any thing by days, upon the compleatness of hours and minutes: no more in the Angel's reckoning here by weeks, if so the number of the weeks be complete, are the parts of a week to be exacted.  
The Time of the Destruction of jerusalem, as before—  An. Olymp. 845. Mens. 6. August. If the third of Darius began about May or june, Anno Olymp. 355. then the sixth year of his reign begins in May or june, Anno 358. But the latter part thereof in February or Adar, when the Temple was finished, falls in—  An. Olymp. 359. Mens. 12. Feb. or Adar. Distantia Anni 486. Mens. 6. That is just  69 Weeks and an half.  
The account by years of Nabonassar.  
The time of the Destruction of jerusalem, as before—  Anno 817. Nabonass. Mens. 6. If the third year of Darius Nothus were for the first and greatest part concurrent with Anno 327. Nabonass. as is afore showed; than his sixth year (in like manner for the first and greatest part) must concur with Anno 330. But the head of the Nabonassarean year being then about the 5th of December, the latter end of this sixth year in Adar or February will fall in—  Anno 331. Nabonass. Mens. 12. Distantia Anni 486 Menses 6.   

VERSE 25.  Also know and understand, that from the going forth of the Commandment to cause to Return and to Build jerusalem, unto MESSIAH the PRINCE, shall be Seven of Weeks; even threescore and two Weeks the Street shall be built again and the Wall, even in a straight of times. 
FROM the going out of the Commandment] I take not this Epocha to be that of the whole LXX Weeks, but a second Root of another and lesser period of time comprehended in them; whose beginning was to be after the LXX were begun. and the end before they should be ended. The Root of this second Computation is described to be a time when two things should be done: A Commandment should go forth both to cause to Return and also to Build, not the Temple, (for that should be done before) nor some few houses only, but the whole Area or Street, and the Walls of jerusalem, which should then be re-edified, though in a straight of Times; that is, it should be such a time, when a Commission to cause the people to return and re-inhabite should be seconded with another, to build the Wall of jerusalem, and the Plot within the Wall. For by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here I understand properly that Circuit bounding out the limits of the City, whereon the Wall was builded, and anciently used to be marked out with a Plough ear-ring a furrow round about. By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which implies a broad place, I understand the Area or Plot of ground within, whereon the houses were to be builded. From such an Epocha, and a Commission thus characterized as ye have heard, must this second Computation be reckoned.  
Unto MESSIAH the PRINCE] That is, unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Luke 23. 2. Mark 15. 32. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Angel styles him Luke 2. 11. There is no exposition, no interpretation of any passage in this Prophecy could seem so harsh, but I would be content to admit it, rather than yield that by MESSIAH the PRINCE here named should be meant any other than CHRIST our LORD and Redeemer. For I am persuaded that the Church of Israel in the Gospel (and from them the Apostles took it) had no other place of Scripture, whence they did or could ascribe the Name of Christ and Messiah unto him they looked for, but only from this of Daniel: For there is no other Prophecy in all the Old Testament besides this where that Name is directly given him, but only by way of Type.  
Shall be Seven of weeks; even LXII weeks.] The numeral word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have here translated distributively, understanding by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hebdomade septenae, that is, many seven Weeks, or, as our English handsomely expresseth, Seven of Weeks: the sense to be as if the Angel had said, As the whole time limited for the continuance of the Holy City from the first beginning to the last ending consisteth of many Sevens of Weeks, viz. LXX Weeks: so from this after- Epocha here mentioned unto MESSIAH should be likewise Seven of Weeks, (plures septenniorum hebdomades) even Sixty two Weeks of years. For as in LXX are ten Sevens of Weeks, so in LXII are nine times seven wanting one; and that little want makes no matter, there being eight whole sevens besides in that number, and you shall see in that which follows examples of the like. The Hebrews want those numbers which the Grammarians call Distributive or Divisive, Terni, quaterni, quini, seni, septeni, etc. which they most-what supply by repetition, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 septem septem, but not always; as may appear, 2 Sam. 18. 4. And all the people came out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad centum & millia, i. centeni & milleni, by hundreds and by thousands. 1 Kings 18. 4. Obadiah hid the Prophets of the LORD 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quinquaginta viros in spelunca, id est, quinquagenos, by fifty in a Cave. Gen. 6. 19 Of all flesh thou shalt bring into the Ark 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duo, i. e. bina, Twoe; and therefore afterward Chap. 7. verse 9 it is doubled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two and two: yet of clean Beasts, whereof he was to take seven, there is an odd one. To these I add Ezra 1. v. 9, etc. This is the number of the vessels, (to wit, of the House of the LORD which Cyrus by the hand of Mithredath numbered unto Sheshbazzar Prince of judah) thirty Chargers of gold, a thousand Chargers of silver, twenty nine knives, thirty Basins of gold, silver Basins of a second sort four hundred and ten, and other vessels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (not mille, a thousand, but millena, Tremell. per millia) Thousands, to wit, almost three thousand wanting but one hundred. Otherwise if we translate it as a Cardinal number [a thousand] the Sum will far exceed the Parts. For it follows in the next words, All the Vessels of gold and silver were 5400. But unless the last number be taken divisiuè, the particulars 
* 30 1000 29 30 410 1000 2499  make but 2500 wanting one. Nor do I see how this difficulty would otherwise be solved.  
Now whether these examples be sufficient to make probable the Translation which I have given, I will not affirm; let others judge: I propound it to the consideration of the learned who can do it, without whose approbation I shall not satisfy myself. Yet thus much I am sure of; that if this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we are wont to translate Seven weeks, could be well bestowed, the chiefest difficulty were taken from this Prophecy. For the Threescore and two Weeks alone counted from the Epocha here named, so well befits the distance from thence to CHRIST, that the Event seemeth to argue that they should be there fixed, and not reckoned from any other Beginning.  
Moreover that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be a general expression of what in the LXII Weeks is after more particularly determined, may seem probable for these reasons.  

1. Because the Angel ascribes no proper Event unto them; but having presently named the LXII Weeks, makes no farther reckoning of those other, but follows and dwells upon these only, as though the other were implied and contained in them.  
2. Those who count them for XLIX years, and continue the LXII Weeks from the end of them to make up LXIX Weeks in all, can give no sufficient reason why they should be thus separated and divided asunder. For that which the followers of Funccius (who reckon from Artaxerxes Longimanus) assign to be done in seven Weeks of years (to wit, that during all that time jerusalem with the rest of the Cities of judah were building and repairing) is grounded neither upon Scripture nor other Story, but pure and mere conjecture. Scaliger finds (Nehem. Chap. 13. ver. 6.) that Nehemiah returned again to Artaxerxes his Court in the 32 year of his reign, and thence supposeth that the Building of the City, about which he was sent, was finished but the year before, and that to be the determination of those Seven Weeks; there being then 49 years expired from the time the LXX began at the Building of the Temple under Darius Nothus. But to make this good, he is fain to raise the Epocha of the LXX so high in the reign of Darius, that they end before the destruction of jerusalem. Besides, he seems not to be aware that these Seven Weeks are by the Text to be counted from a time when a Commission came out to cause to return and to build jerusalem, and not from the time of building the Temple. Nor does it follow, Nehemiah stayed so long there, therefore the City was till then in building: Nay, what if the Text, rightly construed, imports not that Nehemiah in the 32 year of Artaxerxes returned to the Court, but rather, that obtaining new leave of the King, he came then to jerusalem the second time, whence he had been long absent? For the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Chap. 13. ver. 6.) seems not to be taken rationally for [Quia,] but discretively for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, [Sed, But] as Ezra 4. 3. 2. Sam. 16. 18. Gen. 45. 8. and so that Text of Nehemiah to be read after this sense, And in all this time (saith he) I was not there; But in the 32 year of Artaxerxes, etc. I came to the King, that is, into his presence, to ask new leave; which after a little waiting he obtained. Nor is it very credible that the time he first set the King, Chap. 2. ver. 6. should be twelve years.   
If therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be granted to be a general expression of what the LXII Weeks more particularly determine, the way whereby it may be translated to such a sense is as I have before represented: yet is it not the only one; I can add two ways more. As first this; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seven useth, we know, to be taken indefinitely for plurimi, multoties, etc. Thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would without any anomaly or novelty at all signify indefinitely [Many Weeks,] if it might seem probable, that in a passage of reckoning by definite numbers some numeral word may be taken indefinitely. The sense would be all one with that I have followed, viz. As the whole time limited for the continuance of the Holy City consisted of many Weeks, even LXX Weeks; so also this lesser period contained therein, from the Epocha mentioned unto MESSIAH, shall be a time of many Weeks, even LXII Weeks. Another way, were it not somewhat harsh, might be this; The Hebrew Nouns of Cardinal numbers do sometimes substantivare, signifying their numbers in abstracto, like those Greek Numerals Monas, Dyas, Trias, Tetras, Hebdomas. So Gen. chap. 7. 10. chap. 8. 12. we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Hebdomas dierum: Exod 34. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Decas verborum, Decalogus: Gen. 17. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Filius ogdoadis dierum: joshua 14. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Novenarius or Enneas tribuum. If they be Substantives in statu constructo, were they not or may they not be so in absoluto? In the third Chapter and 19 ver. of Daniel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in absoluto seems to be a Substantive having an Adjective joined with it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we translate [one seven times.] 
Wheresoever besides in Scripture Seven Weeks are mentioned, the words are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  If this therefore may be admitted, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in our Text of Daniel will sound per Ellipsin conjunctionis, Hebdomades & Hebdomas, Weeks and a Week; the sense being all one with the former, saving that one Week is implied as singular from the rest, which may be that which the Angel afterward mentions ver. 27. If it were pointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as by the consonants in might be, there would be no great question but it might be translated Weeks and a Week.  
But if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must needs import some limited time of 49 years, I would rather choose to count the LXII Weeks from the same Epocha with them under Artaxerxes Mnemon, than from the end of them, and yet leave as probable a conjecture to be made of what was done in them, as those who follow Funccius from the other Artaxerxes do use to give.  
I have sometimes considered whether, if it be translated Seven Weeks, those Seven Weeks might not be applied as rotundus numerus to those Fifty and two days, Nehem. 6. 15. where it is said, So the Wall was finished in the 25th day of the Month Elul, in fifty two days; somewhat more indeed than Seven Weeks, yet short of Seven and an half, and so not regarded in account by Weeks. If this could be, than the reason of the Angel's division of weeks into 7 and 62 would be, because of divers kinds of Weeks understood; the first of days, wherein the Wall of jerusalem should be finished, the second of years, from thence unto the Messiah. If it seem impossible or unlikely that the Wall of the City should be repaired in so short a time, and therefore those words (according to junius) to be meant of setting up the doors and bars only: I could say, first, that the Wall was not new builded from the foundations, but repaired upon the old ruins; Secondly, the speedy dispatch thereof was taken for a wonder, even by the jews Enemies, who thereupon (saith the Text 
* Nehem. 6. 16. ) perceived that this work was wrought of our God. So that, were there no worse scruple than this, it were easily answered; nor would examples 
* That renowned Palace and Court of Nabuchadnezzar, within which were those Pencils Horti, was finished (saith josephus) in fifteen days. Antiq. judaic. li, 10. c. 11. in the Latin c. 13.  be wanting to parallel with it, such as might make it seem at least possible. As that strange and speedy building of the Walls of Athens by Themistocles, after that Xerxes had demolished them, reported by Diodor. Sic. lib. 11. Yea, to come more near to the thing in question, josephus l. 6. c. 13. De Bell. jud. tells us, That Titus, dividing the work amongst his Army, begirt jerusalem in three days space with a Wall of thirty nine Furlongs, and thirteen Bulwarks, to hinder the jews excursions from within and all relief from without. What the materials were I know not, but he says it was a thing beyond all belief, and might have seemed to be a work of some Months. But leaving this digression, let us see the Computation and Impletion of our LXII Weeks.   

The Computation and Impletion of the LXII Weeks.  
FROM the seventh year of Artaxerxes Mnemon, when Ezra had Commission to cause to Return and carry with him as many of the jews as would to jerusalem, Ezra c. 7. ver. 7, & 13: And from the twentieth year of the same Artaxerxes, when Nehemiah obtained leave to build jerusalem the City of his Father's Sepulchers, Nehem. 2: From both these Commissions, though thirteen years distant the one from the other, are by divine disposition unto MESSIAH the PRINCE threescore and two Weeks; from the first of Solar, from the latter of Lunar years. For LXII weeks, or 434 Lunar years, are less than so many Solar, as much as is between the seventh and twentieth of Artaxerxes. Which admirable concordance I cannot impute to chance, but ascribe to Divine providence so ordering it of purpose, that these two Epocha's and Commissions, To cause to Return, and, To build jerusalem, might be as one and the same. And as the Lunar year is contained within the Solar, and by it ordered and directed; so is the Period here from Nehemiah's Commission to Build the City contained and reduced to that from Ezra's Commission to cause the people to return.  
In the last of these Weeks according to prediction was Christ our Lord anointed. In the beginning whereof exactly, between the first and second Passeover after his Baptism, (when his Harbinger john had now finished his Message, and was cast in Prison; a time precisely and purposely noted in the Evangelical Story, 
Wherefore I would take that joh. 3. from the 13. ver. to the 21. to be the Evangelist's own words interposed, and not the words of Christ to Nic●d●mus. ) he first began to preach in Galilee the Gospel of the Kingdom, ordained his Apostles, and proclaimed himself to be the MESSIAH. After john was put in Prison, saith Mark, 1. 14, 15. jesus came into Galilee, preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom of God, And saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The time is fulfilled, (i. the last week of the sixty two weeks is come) and the Kingdom of God is at hand. From that time (saith Matthew c. 4. 17.) jesus began to preach, and to say, Repent, for the Kingdom of heaven is at hand. This was that day whereof Christ himself said at Nazareth, that that Scripture was fulfilled, The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me to preach the Gospel to the poor, etc. and to preach the acceptable year of the Lord, Luke 4. 18, 19 This the time and place, whence S. Peter reckoned the beginning of Christ's Prophecy in his Sermon to Cornelius; That word (saith he) which was published throughout all judaea, and began from Galilee, after the Baptism which john preached, etc. Acts 10. 37.  
In the third year of this Week (two years and an half after he began his Prophecy, and three years and an half after his Baptism) being made our Priest, he offered himself upon the Cross a Sacrifice for sin, was dead, buried, and rose again; then ascended up into heaven to be installed, and to sit at the right hand of God, from thenceforth to reign until he hath put all his Enemies under his feet. But you will say, This was all performed four years before the 434 years (which is sixty two Weeks of years) were expired. I answer as before; The Angel reckons not by single years, but by Weeks, the last whereof should be Messiah's Week, as we have showed it to have been. If the Angel had said, There shall be 434 years unto MESSIAH; then, to make good the prediction, MESSIAH must have been anointed the last year. But when he says, There shall be Sixty two Weeks unto MESSIAH; it is sufficient he was anointed the last Week. But how this Week will at length be complete, we shall see in the next verse. But first let us demonstrate our Computation.   

Ezra's Commission.  
Darius' Nothus died (saith Diodor, lib. 13.) in the same year, but a little while after the Composition of the Peloponnesian war, (which was in May) Olymp. 93. 4. that is— An. Olymp. 372. finiente.  
Ergo,  The first of Artaxerxes begins about August, and concurs with— An. Olymp. 373. The seventh of Artaxerxes with— An. Olymp. 379.  
N. B. If Artaxerxes had began before August, the number or date of his reign must have altered either in or between the first and fifth Month; but they are both of one year, Ezra 7. as also the first and the ninth, Nehem. c. 1. c. 2.   

Christ's Prophecy.  
Christ our Lord was Baptised Anno Olympiadico 805 ineunte, about the Feast of Expiation, in the seventh Month Tisri, six Months after john began to baptise, and in that year natural and political, which began in the 15 of Tiberius towards ending, but was the 16 when he was baptised. For john, I suppose, began to preach and baptise in the first Month Nisan, (when the Summer was before him, and not when the Winter was to enter) in the 15 year of Tiberius, which ended August following. Now John's imprisonment was a year after the Baptism of Christ, namely, between the first and second Passeover after it, as is clear and evident by the Evangelical Story, john c. 2. 23. c. 3. 22. & Chap. 4. The Beginning therefore of Christ's Prophecy, which began at the imprisonment of john, Mark 1. 14. was Anno Olymp. 806. about the end (I suppose) of the same Month Tisre or September.  
The beginning of Christ's Prophecy An. Olymp. 806. Mens. 7. The Time of Ezra's Commission— An. Olymp. 379. Mens. 7. Differentia An. 427 M. O. 61. weeks complete.  
From hence Mens. 7. begins the last week: wherefore the Passion of Christ, at the Passeover, Mens. 1. firmly fixed by Chronological Characters in the 19 of Tiberius, Anno Olymp. 808. AErae Christian. 33. (that is, agreeable to the received Tradition, but three year and an half after his Baptism) will fall to be in the third year of the week; which is wholly to be complete, Ann. AErae Christ. 37. when the 813 Ann. Olymp. shall be begun and current in September.   

VERSE 26.  And after the threescore and two Weeks shall MESSIAH be cut off, and [they] none of his: Wherefore the Prince's people to come shall destroy the City and the Sanctuary, and the end thereof shall be with a flood, and unto the end of War desolations are determined. 
AND after the threescore and two Weeks shall, etc.] That is, When the Threescore and two Weeks aforesaid shall expire and be fully complete, (for so the word [after] supposes they must be) MESSIAH shall be cut off, not only from the living, by the death he should suffer upon the Cross, (for that was a little before) but from being any longer the King and Priest of that People; they refusing Him to be theirs, and he casting off them from being His, which is the meaning of the words following 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And they none of his: For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be understood, that so the conjunction Vau may couple similia tempora, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Et non erit ei populus ejus, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And they shall be none of His. And for the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that it signifies not only a cutting off from life, but also from reigning as a King, or from being a Priest; see for the first, 1 Kings c. 2. ver. 4. & chap. 9 ver. 5. 2 Chron. ch. 7. ver. 18. jer. 33. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. There shall not be cut off to David a man to sit upon the throne of the House of Israel: All which have reference to 2 Sam. c. 7. ver. 16. For the second, cutting off from the Priesthood, 1 Sam. 2. 33. to Eli, And the man of thine whom I shall not cut off from mine Altar. jer. 33. 18. Neither of the Priests the Levites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall a man be cut off before me, to offer burnt-offerings, etc. and to do Sacrifice continually.   

The Computation and Impletion.  
From the seventh year of Artaxerxes Mnemon, at the time of the Commission granted to Ezra, (Anno Olympiad. 379. as is already showed) unto the fourth year after Christ's Ascension (Anno Olymp. 813. AErae Christianae Dionysiacae 37.) are LXII Weeks of years, or 434 years fully complete and expired. The next year after was Christ divorced and cut off from the jews, and they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cast off from being His people; which may appear thus.  
Anno AErae Christian. 33. 
Christ suffered upon the Cross, rose from the dead, and ascended into heaven. The Holy Ghost descended at Pentecost, 3000 converted, more added; the Apostles forbidden, but cease not to preach jesus Christ. So this year ends about September. 
I begin and end these years in Tisri, or September, that so they may agree with that time of the Commission granted to Ezra, which I before supposed to have been about that month.   Anno AErae Christian. 34. 
The number of Disciples much increased: Deacons chosen, and Steven one of them. Act. 6. 1, 2, 3, etc.  Anno AErae Christian. 35. 
Steven doth great wonders and miracles. The Word of God and the number of Disciples increaseth so, that a great company of the Priests were obedient unto the Faith. The Elders and people rage, and about the end of the year was Steven martyred. Act. c. 6. ver. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. chap. 7. ver. 1. ad finem.  Anno AErae Christian. 36. 
Great persecution against the Church at jerusalem. Saul makes havoc, Act. c. 8. whereupon the Disciples were scattered through the Regions of judaea and Samaria, every where preaching the Gospel, ver. 4, 5. Of whose success the Apostles being informed, send Peter and john to Samaria, to lay hands on the new converts, ver. 14, etc. which done, and by the way preaching the Gospel in the villages of Samaria, they returned again to jerusalem, v. 25.  Anno AErae Christian. 37. 

Those which were scattered upon the persecution of Steven proceed further, and traveled as far as Phoenicia, Cyprus and Antioch, having by the way preached the Gospel to the jews at Damascus (how came they there else?) Chap. 11. Which Saul hearing of, gets letters thither, to bring those he should find there of that way unto jerusalem. But in his journey himself was miraculously converted and baptised, etc. Peter in the mean time was gone again from jerusalem by Lyddae unto joppa, where he remained all this year at the house of Simon the Tanner.  
The next year after (Anno AErae Christianae 38. Anno Olympiadico 813.) (according as was foretold, That after threescore and two Weeks were ended, MESSIAH should be cut off, and they none of his) when Christ had now one whole Week of years tendered himself unto his own people, and they not only refused him, but first by crucifying the Lord himself, and after that by persecuting his Messengers sent unto them, had made themselves unworthy of everlasting life; Peter was taught by vision, that the Gospel of the Kingdom should be preached unto the Gentiles, and accordingly sent to preach it to Cornelius a Centurion of the Italian band, Acts 10. And here begins the Epocha of the Rejection of Israel, and the Calling of the Gentiles, which S. Paul speaks so much of Rom. 11.    
True it is, the cutting off of Christ by death was before the last week was complete; but the cutting him off from being King and Priest of the jews was not until after it was ended. Or if this cutting off here mentioned may not be extended to any other cutting off than by Death, yet the other part of the copulative sense, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [And they shall be none of His,] was not fulfilled until the whole Week was ended.  
Wherefore the PRINCE'S people to come, etc.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Populus MESSIAE venturus, i. futurus, The people that should be the People of Messiah the Prince, when Israel was rejected: so the Hebrews call Seculum futurum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whence Mark 10. ver. 30. Luke 18. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eph. 2. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. According to which notion, Apoc. 1. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vid. Psal. 71. 18. Esay 27. 6. Esay 44. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vulgat. ventura & quae futura sunt. Thus I construe the Text, and understand by Populus Principis futurus, the people of the Roman Empire, where Christ was principally to have his Church and Kingdom whilst Israel should be rejected. Cornelius therefore the first Gentile converted was a Roman Centurion. S. Paul, who is called the Apostle of the Gentiles, went not beyond the bounds of this Empire. This was that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof Christ said, Matth. 24. 14. That before the Destruction of jerusalem the Gospel should be preached 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in all the world; as Augustus is said Luke 2. 1. to have taxed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according as the Romans themselves used to call it Imperium Orbis Terrarum, etc. Antichrist, who was to 
* 2 Thess. 2  sit in the Temple or Church of Christ, sits in the midst of this Empire: whence it appears that the Church which Christ should have 
* Whilst. ●  after Israel disclaimed him, should chiefly be in it. This People therefore, which was in Israel's stead to be the People of Messiah the Prince, should destroy the City and Sanctuary with such a Destruction as should like a Flood overwhelm the whole Nation, and as an unresistible torrent break down and wash all away before it. All which we know they did.  
And unto the end of War Desolations are determined] That is, Until the end of the Fourth Kingdom of the Gentiles, whose last period is that Time, Times and half a Time, whereof it is said Dan. 7. ver. 21, 25. that Antichrist the eyed and mouthed Horn should make War with the Saints, and prevail against them; and they shall be given into his hand until a Time and Times and half a Time: Until the end of this War the jewish Desolations are determined. But of this more in the next.   

VERSE 27.  Nevertheless he shall confirm a covenant with Many one week: and in half a week, being 
* Or, making desolation, 〈◊〉 etc.  a Desolator, he shall cause the Sacrifice and oblation to cease, and that being over a wing of Abominations, and until the final time (even that which is determined) it shall continue upon the desolate. 
HERE the Angel tells us what should be done in the last Week, both of the first Computation and of the second, that is, the last of the LXX, and the last of the LXII. And of this first, as coming first in time.  
Nevertheless (saith he) he shall confirm a Covenant with Many one Week] That is, Though the Body of the jewish Nation should be cast off, and be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 None of the people of the MESSIAH; yet for one whole week he should offer himself unto them, and gather many of them into the Covenant of the Gospel: And this Week was the last Week of the Threescore and two Weeks, which (as I showed before) was wholly spent in preaching to those of the Circumcision. This therefore is as it were a Prolepsis, lest Daniel might think that none of his people should enter into the Covenant under Messiah. These Many therefore are that Remnant whereof S. Paul speaks Rom. 11. That, though Israel were cast off, yet was there A Remnant according to the election of grace; and therefore he limits the hardness happened unto Israel, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as not being universal.  
And in half a Week, being a Desolator, he shall cause the Sacrifice and offering to cease] A Desolator, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a word which otherwise much troubleth the Translator; but being thus made a suppositum or Nominative case to the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (which hath no other near it) it both much clears the sense, and retains its propriety of signification. Nor is the postposition of the Nominative case to the Verb against the use of the tongue; nor the trajection here so great, but the Latin will admit the same order of the words, viz. Et abolebit sacrificium & munus, atque erit super alam abominationum Desolator: or, Et abolebit sacrificium & munus, qui erit super alam abominationum, Desolator. Howsoever the Translation be, this Week the Angel now speaks of is the last of the Seventy, which should be but half run out when the Temple and City should be destroyed and the Legal service made to cease. For if we reckon (as I think we should) the Seventy Weeks from the sixth year of Darius Nothus, (when the Temple was finished,) the Destruction thereof by Titus will fall out (as is showed) in the midst of the last Week; the whole half thereof, from the beginning till then, having been spent in warlike preparations and exploits, which ended with the burning and desolation both of City and Sanctuary.  
Of those who end the Seventieth Week completely with the Destruction of jerusalem, some seem so to understand this first part of the verse, as if the one Week here mentioned were the last of the Seventy, and the confirmation of the Covenant to be therein to respect only the first half thereof, wherein Christ made good his Covenant of preservation to the believing jews, namely, (as I would explain it) by sending Cestius Gallus Precedent of Syria, in the middle or fourth year of the last Week, about seven days to environ jerusalem with an Army, for to be that sign and watchword mentioned in the Gospel of the near approaching Desolation thereof, Luke 21. 20. that so those which were in judaea being warned might flee into the Mountains (of Arabia Petraea to Pella,) and deliver themselves from those days of vengeance and wrath upon their people: and in the other half of the Week which remained, he should cause the sacrifice and offering to cease, by sending Vespasian with that second and fatal Army which should bring those woeful and vengeful Desolations upon them.  
As for the phrase of Confirming a Covenant, (if the rest suited well) it would be no straining to interpret it to be meant of preservation and exemption from a common calamity: For we have the like speech Gen. 6. 17, 18. where God having said to Noah, that he would destroy by the Flood every thing that breathed upon the earth; addeth, But with thee will I establish my Covenant; and thou shalt come into the Ark, thou, and thy sons, and thy wife, and thy sons wives with thee, etc. Thus much of the Week and Half-Week: But for the Desolator who should cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease, whether and how it may be applied to Messiah himself, or otherwise construed, we shall better understand when the next is expounded.  
And that [being] over a Wing of Abominations] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I think literally rendered, as was the former. If any man would also have the order of the words precisely kept, and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Desolator, to keep his station here, as in the Hebrew, he may render the words thus, He shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, And [commanding] over a Wing of Abominations [be] a Desolator or make Desolation; The sense is yet the same: Or thus, And over a Wing of Abominations [shall he be] who makes Desolation: All of them requiring nothing else but that so common Ellipsis of the Verb Substantive, which in some expressions of this language is perpetual. Now for the construing and expounding this and the rest which remains of this verse, I have always in mine eye that part of the Prophecy of our Saviour in the Gospel, Matth. 24. 15. Mark 13. 14. where he so expressly refers to this of Daniel, with an unwonted caveat not to pass it over slightly, Let him (saith he) that readeth, understand: which admonition as it implies the special need we have of our Saviour's Key to unlock it; so it may seem to intimate that neither the Septuagint before, nor the ordinary construction of their Rabbis then, had hit the meaning of this Scripture. Wherefore S. Luke relates not here (as Matthew and Mark do) our Saviour's words verbatim, but exegetically, of set purpose (so I am persuaded) expounding this place of Daniel, as will appear by that which follows.  
Over a Wing of Abominations] 
* Auth. oper● impers. in Matth. Hom. 49. initio han● expositionem ad Petrum refert. H●c & Petrus apud Clementem exponit.  That is, An Army of Idolatrous Gentiles. Even the selfsame which S. Luke saith Chap. 21. 24. jerusalem shall be trodden down of the Gentiles; who also expoundeth Wing by Armies; putting in stead of those words of our Saviour, [When ye shall see the Abomination of Desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet, stand in the holy place] these, 
* Verse 20.  When ye shall see jerusalem compassed with Armies; and in both it follows, Then let them which be in judaea flee into the mountains. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wing is of the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (but once found in the Hebrew Scripture) which signifies according to the Chaldee and Arabic To gather together; besides, in the Arabic, circundare, to environ or compass about: Both significations suit well to an Army, and the latter, that which beleguers and begirds a City or Fort besieged. Had S. Luke any reference to this, when he speaks of jerusalem compassed with an Army? The Metaphor also of a Wing leans most this way, whether we consider their figure and motion being stretched out, or their posture when Birds of rapine sit couring over their prey. I will not say the Roman Eagle was here aimed at, though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used not only for Ala a Wing, but for Alatum & Volatile a Fowl or Winged Creature. It is sufficient that neither the nature nor name of a Wing is strange or unaccustomed to an Army. But how (will you say) will an Army of Abominations be made an Army of Gentiles? I answer, The Scripture in many places calleth Idols by the name of Abominations, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So the Egyptian Idols (Exod. 8. ver. 26, etc.) are called the Abomination of the Egyptians. Ezek. 7. 20. the jews are said to have made the Images of their Abominations, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; jer. 7. 30. to have set up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, their Idols in the House of the Lord. So 2 Kings 23. 13. Ashtoreth is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Abomination of the Sidonians; Chemosh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Abomination of the Moabites; but Milchom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Abomination of the Children of Ammon. Wherefore 1 Kings 11. 5, 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by the Seventy thrice translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idol.  
This being a thing manifest, we are to observe further, That the Scripture useth also to express and imply under the names of the Gods the Nations themselves which worshipped them. 
Deut. 4. 28. ch. 28. 64. jer. 16. 13.  The Lord threatened to scatter Israel among the Nations, and that there they should serve other God's day and night, Gods, the works of men's hands, wood and stone; which neither they nor their Fathers had known: that is, they should serve them not religiously, but politically, inasmuch as they were to become Slaves and Vassals to Idolatrous Nations, even such Idolaters as neither they nor their Fathers had ever heard of. Let it also be considered whether that of David, 1 Sam. 26. 19 be not to be expounded after the same Trope: They have (saith he) driven me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord, saying, Go serve other Gods; that is, They have driven me to serve a Nation of another Religion. Yea, Ezra 9 14. fitly to our purpose, the Strangers with whom the people of Israel had contracted affinity are called expressly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people of Abominations, which the Seventy render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the people of the Lands, that is, Gentiles. And where we read in the first verse, The people of Israel, etc. have not separated themselves from the people of the Lands according to their Abominations, etc. it is the same phrase with that of Moses, cattle after their kind, creeping things after their kind, that is, the several kinds of cattle and of creeping things; so the people of the Lands according to their Abominations, is the several kinds of Idolaters of the Lands about them. And thus we have showed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Wing of Abominations is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Army of people of Abominations, that is, of Gentiles and Worshippers of Idols.  
But who is this Desolater, or Maker of Desolations, who should command over this Wing of Abominations, and bring these Gentiles against the Holy City? I answer, The words in the Original stand indifferent to be applied either to the Roman General, or Messiah; but I could not render them so indifferently: For if I render them, And in half a Week a Desolater shall cause the sacrifice and offering to cease, and that (being) over a Wing of Abominations, or, Over a Wing of Abominations (shall he be) who makes desolation; this Desolater would then seem to be some other than Messiah, that is the Roman General. But render them as I do, And making desolation (or being a Desolater) he shall cause the sacrifice and offering to cease, and that, etc. or, He He shall cause the sacrifice and offering to cease, and [commanding] over a Wing of Abominations, be a Desolater; either way of these they will have reference to MESSIAH the Prince, who is the Person meant in the words immediately before, [He shall confirm a Covenant with many one Week.] And this I most incline to, that so the Person spoken of may be the same throughout: and a reason also appears of that additament, That this Desolater should be over an Army of Abominations: For if a Foreign General were only meant, what needed this Addition? what other Army could such a one lead but Gentiles? But that Messiah himself should command over an Army of Idolaters, this needed a special intimation.  
And surely the Roman Army, though an Army of Abominations, was in this service the Army of Messiah. So the Parable aiming at this Prophecy tells us Matth. 22. 7. When the King heard how spitefully they entreated his Messengers who came to tell them the Wedding, whereunto they had been bidden, was ready, He was wroth, (saith the Text) and sent forth HIS Armies, and destroyed those Murderers, and burnt up their City. Whence it is, that the coming of this desolating Army of the Romans is called the coming of Christ, 
Vers● 1.  james 5. Weep and howl ye rich men (he writeth to jews) for the miseries that shall come upon you— for you have heaped up goods for the Last days; 
Verse 3.  that is, (according to Oecumenius) when the End of your State is a coming, and the Romans spoil you of all: which is expressed in the seventh verse by Christ's coming, Be ye patient (saith he) until the coming of the Lord, (he speaks to the believing jews whom the rest persecuted;) and in the next, Establish your hearts, for the coming of the Lord draweth nigh: He meaneth (saith Oecumenius) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the expedition of the Romans, and their carrying away the jews 
* Luke 21. 24.  captives into all Nations. So he takes that of john chap. 21. 22. If I will that he stay till I come, that is (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, till the Destruction of jerusalem: and proves that this Coming of Christ is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the destruction of jerusalem, by that of Malachi Chap. 3. 1, 2. Behold, the Lord shall come, and who shall abide the day of his coming? And thus would I understand that Heb. 10. 37. For yet a little while, and He that shall come will come, and will not tarry. Messiah therefore himself seems to be that Desolater here meant, who should command over an Army of Abominations when he came to destroy the City and the Sanctuary.  
Thus it appears our Saviour's citation in the Gospel is not of the very words of Daniel in this passage, but of the sense only summarily expressed; and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; is to be expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Abomination, or Abominable Army, over which he should be who should make desolation. As for the Seventy, or whosoever else (for S. Hierome doubts) translated this Book, if their Translation here were originally as we now have it, and not translated thither out of our Saviour's words in the Gospel, they seem to have accommodated the place, though of unlike construction and circumstance of sense, unto two other places, Chap. 11. 31. Chap. 12. 11. where some such kind of Abomination is mentioned, and likewise the participles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: But in all three of them, not well understanding what subject these Participles included, they contented themselves only to express by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a general relation of desolation in the abstract, which might be diversely interpretable, otherwise it is not possible by any alteration of the points to express their Translation verbatim out of this place, unless 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were in statu constructo, as it is not.  
And until the final time (even that which is determined) it shall continue upon the desolate] Here I have chosen to translate the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 continue, as the Targum renders it jer. c. 7. 20. etc. 42. 18. and the Vulgar here perseverabit, as a Metaphorical signification taken from a continued pouring of water. It is the Feminine Gender, and therefore to be referred to a Feminine suppos●um, which I take to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ala. This wing of Abominations, that is, metonymicè, the Desolation wrought by it, or foreign possession brought in by it, should continue upon the Desolate until the final time which was determined should be accomplished. Or those Gentile people of the Roman Empire, by whom jerusalem was destroyed, should continue their dominion and possession, either of the place or desolate inhabitants once thereof, until that final time be accomplished. Whether this or that suits best, the meaning in S. Luke's language is thus expressed; 
Luke 21. 24.  The jews shall be carried captive over all Nations, and jerusalem trodden down of the Gentiles until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled: that is, (as was said before) until the Monarchies of the Gentiles should be finished. For these times of the Gentiles are that last period of the Fourth Kingdom prophesied 
* Dan. 7.  of, a Time, Times and half a Time; at the end whereof the Angel swears unto Daniel, chap. 12. 7. That God should accomplish to scatter the power of the Holy people. This is that Fullness of the Gentiles, 
Rom. 11. 26.  which being come, S. Paul tells us, The Deliverer shall come out of Zion, and all Israel shall be saved. And the Angel in Apoc. 10. 6. renews the same oath to S. john, which he swore before to Daniel, That when these Times (N. B.) should end and be no longer, the mystery of God should be finished, as he had declared to his servants the Prophets.  
Amen.   

APPENDIX.  
ALthough I think that preciseness of days is not to be much stood upon, when the Events and their Times do in the whole answer to Prediction: yet have I been so curious as to inquire whether the Desolation of the City and Sanctuary (to be in the middle of the Seventieth Week) were fulfilled to a very day or not. And, as I think, I have so found it, very near, if not altogether.  
For Anno judaico 3344. AErae mundi Scaligerianae 3533. (the year the Temple was finished) Neomenia Tisri, according to the jews Calendar, fell upon the 9 of September Calendarii juliani, Feriâ 1. Cyclo Solis 12. Literâ Dominic. G.  
Ergò Neomenia Adar was Feb. 4. Fer. 2. Cyclo Solis 13. Literâ Dominicali F. So the 3 of Adar (the day whereon the Temple was finished, Ezra 6. 15.) will be the 6 of February. From whence to the 8 of August (whereon the Temple was fired, and two days after consumed) are exclusive 182 days, that is, half a year adunguem.  
But this year (according to the judaical Calendar) was Annus Embolimaeus, and so had two Adars; which of them the Scripture meaneth is doubtful. But the Neomenia of the second Adar was March 5. Feria 4. So the 3 day of this Adar was the 7. of March: From whence to the 8. of September (the day whereon the City was fired) are exclusive 184 days, which is a day or two too much. But it is more than probable that the jewish Calendar was not in Darius his time so exact, nor the Moon's motion so well known, but the New Moon might sometimes anticipate the beginning of their Months a day or two.  
Howsoever those who begin their reckoning from the 2d year of Darius, as Scaliger doth) cannot from the 24th day of the 6th Month (Sept. 16.) (which the Prophet Haggai names, chap. 1. v. ult. for the day whereon the work began) show their complete Seventy Weeks so exactly terminated upon any Event remarkable during the whole time of the War. For as for the destruction of jerusalem itself, they come not near it by whole years.   

Of the Opinion of Funccius.  
FUNCCIUS his computation of the LXX Weeks from the seventh of Artaxerxes Longimanus (whence to Christ's Passion he finds just 490 years) hath three great and unavoidable inconveniences.  

1. That it ends the 70 Weeks (which by the Text were allotted for the Holy City) long before the times of the Holy City were fulfilled.  
2. That this Artaxerxes might not be Artaxerxes the Hinderer of the Building of the Temple, but that second Artaxerxes that gave Commission to Ezra and Nehemiah, they are fain to bestow the names of Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes mentioned Ezra 4. upon Cambyses and the counterfeit Tanioxarces or Smerdis (whom others call Sphendates) the Magus, without any ground in Scripture or profane History, nay, against probability. For if Ahasuerus be Cambyses (as by order he should be) and Artaxerxes be Smerdis the Magus, how will that business in the days of Artaxerxes (Ezra 4. 7.) befit the 7 months' reign of Smerdis? Or if preposterously (as some will have it) Ahasuerus be that Smerdis, what needed the Holy Ghost so precisely to mention the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezra 4. 6.  Beginning of his reign, if he reigned but seven Months in all? Secondly, Neither Cambyses nor Smerdis can be Ahasuerus. For Ahasuerus, Esther 3. 7. (and why should we ●eign any other Ahasuerus of Persia than the Scripture describeth, and so diligently distinguisheth from Ahasuerus the Mede, as if there had been then no other? Esther 1. 1.) reigned at least twelve years, whereas Cambyses reigned but seven years, and Smerdis but so many months.  
3. They cannot show how 69 Weeks, or 62 Weeks added to 7 Weeks, (for they have no other way) are determined upon Messiah the Prince; since they out reach his Nativity, and end 7 years before his Passion (which was in the 19) and therefore three years at least before John's Baptism, which was in the 15 of Tiberius. Wherefore neither beginning nor ending, neither part nor whole of the sixty and ninth Week can point us out any time of the manifestation of Messiah.      

REGNUM ROMANUM EST REGNUM QVARTUM DANIELIS.  
REgnum hic intelligo, non pro eorum sensu qui diversas Rerumpublicarum formas diversis vocabulis distinxere; sed notione priscâ, cui & Sacri Codicis stylus assuevit, quâque non Unius duntaxat imperium, sed & Optimatum status, & Populi dominatio comprehenditur. Nam apud prisca secula quosvis Rerumpublicarum Summates, quâcunque regiminis formâ, Reges nuncupârunt, sive Uni fuerint & Monarchae, sive Plures ejusdem potestatis consortes summae rerum praefuissent. De Gentium usu si quis indicium aliquod aut exemplum requisierit, Homerum adeat, cujus ut alia praeteream, qui mihi nuperrimè legenti occurrebat locus non gravabor adducere. Is verò est Odyss. 6. ubi de Alcinoo Rege ad Procerum concilium eunte, Egrediebatur, inquit, 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  Ad Inclytos Reges, ad Concilium, quò ipsum vocârunt Phaeaces Generosi. Audi hîc Procerum Senatum Regum cognomine insignitum; ut non immeritò Cyneas Pyrrhi Legatus (teste Plutarcho) hero suo retulisse fertur, Senatum Romanum multorum Regum consessum sibi visum esse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Sed profanorum Scriptorum testimonia conquirant alii; Nos in argumento sacro Sacrae Scripturae usum videamus. Et primò quidem animadversione dignus mihi videtur Abimelechi sermo ad Sechemitas, jud. cap. 9 vers. 2. eos quasi ab Optimatum imperio in hunc modum dissuadentis; Vtrùm, inquit, melius est vobis, An ut Regnum habeant in vos septuaginta viri, omnes filii jerubbaalis; an verò ut Regnum habeat in vos vir unus? Philistaeorum quoque Regimen Aristocraticum suit, & penes quinque Satrapas, qui à civitatibus suis nominantur, jos. 13. 3. Azzathaeus, Asdodaeus, Ascalonaeus, Gathaeus, & Ekronaeus; quorum tamen Gathaeus Satrapa, ad quem David con●ugit, in primo libro Sam. cap. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rex Gathi vel Rex Gathaeus non semel 
* Et quatuer reliqui jer. 25. vers. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  dicitur, cum ad id usque temporis Regni rationem minimè mutatam fuisse tam frequens quinque istarum Satrapiarum mentio indicat. Mitto quòd Urbium singularum Rectores & quasi Consules etiam alibi Reges nominari videntur. Mitto quod omnes in universum Orbis terrarum Politiae, ut alibi, ità Matthaei 4. vers. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manifestè nuncupentur, cum Diabolus Christum Servatorem tentaturus, ei in montem sublimem assumpto ostendisse legitur omnia mundi Regna & gloriam eorum. Magìs prope ad rem nostram facit, quòd joanni in Apocalypsi Septem Bestiae Romanae Capita (in quibus Consules, Tribuni, Decemviri, Dictatores, Ponti●ices) totidem Reges interpretatur Angelus, (hoc est) tot Summates, penes quos vicibus suis Majestas erat Regnantis Populi Romani. Quapropter etiam Daniel Quarto Regno, quod hoc ipsum Romanum esse contendo, plures Reges seu Regias potestates attribuit, quando istius Regni descriptioni subjicit, 
Dan. 2. 44.  In diebus (inquit) istorum Regum suscitabit Deus coeli Regnum quod in secula non destructur: hoc est, temporibus Reipublicae istius multiregiae suscitabitur Regnum Christi in ●ecula duraturum.  
Sciendum igitur est statum Romanum, capitibus utcunque varium admodum, corpore tamen unum fuisse. Atque ut Daniel, propter multiformem capitum varietatem, Quartam hanc Bestiam nulli in terris Bestiae assimilare potuit; 
Cap. 7.  ità neque unitas Regni Romani ex capitibus aestimari potest aut debet, sed ex unitate populi regnantis super orbem terratum. Civitas enim una eadémque sub tam multiformi Majestate regnabat super Reges terrae, ut joannes 
* Apoc. 17.  loquitur, unde Caput orbis & Vrbs orbis Domina Audiebat. Atque ex istis facile cernere est, quam malè obtinuit usus, ut quatuor ista Danielis Regna quatuor Monarchiae nuncuparentur. Ut enim de Romano taceam, de quo nunc lis est; certum est Graecorum Regnum, de quo nemo dubitat quin Danielis Regnis accenseri debeat, post Alexandrum ampliùs Monarchiam non fuisse, sed in plures Reges dispertitum.  
Dixi satìs quid Regnum mihi sit, & quid Romanum.  
Sequitur jam ut Danielis Regna, quid sint, cúrque ità nominentur, breviter ostendam. Danielis igitur Regna dico quatuor ista Regna, seu Regnorum seriem, quam primò ex Nebuchadnezaris Babylonii somnio de statue quadruplicis materiae Daniel divinitus edoctus exposuit, Dan. cap. 2. de iisdémque postea Daniel ipse quatuor Bestiarum sibi oblatâ visione pleniùs ab Angelo eruditus est, Dan. cap. 7.  
Est autem Quaternio iste Regnorum Danielis (quod imprimis observari velim) Chronologia quaedam Prophetica, non tam Annorum quam Regnorum intervallis distincta, ubi Regnorum in praecipua orbis terrarum parte, simul Ecclesiam & populum Dei complexa, sibi invicem succedentium serie, monstratur tempus quo Christi Regnum à tot seculis promissum & primùm 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  inchoandum sit, idémque demum certis temporibus * consummandum.  
Et primum quidem Vaticiníum, quod Imaginis est sive Statuae, utrumque Regni Christi momentum designat, tam inchoandi, quam olim consummandi: Alterum verò, quod quatuor Bestiarum viso adumbratur, ad alterum tantùm illius momentum intendit, quando, omnibus hostibus devictis, universa mundi Regna Christi imperio & legibus subjicientur; Oportet enim eum Regnare (teste Apostolo) usque quò omnes inimicos supposuerit pedibus suis, 1 Cor. 15. 25.  
Hujus autem Prophetiarum harum in meta intuenda discriminis ea ratio est, quod utrumque illud Regni Christi momentum non consummandi tantummodo, sed etiam inchoandi, & hujus quidem ad solas Gentes, pertinebat, id quod rejectione & obduratione Iudaeorum indè ab initio Christianismi huc usque satìs ab eventu comprobatum est.  
Hinc igitur quae Nebuchadnezari, homini scilicet Gentili, visio oblata est, ea utrumque designabat Regni Christi momentum. At verò ad judaeos alterum duntaxat momentum (quo consummandum est Regnum Christianum) pertinebat. Nam Hierosolyma calcabitur à Gentibus donec impleantur tempora Gentium, Luc. 21. vers. 24. & occupavit eos ira 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Thess. cap. 2. vers. 16. Quando verò Plenitudo Gentium introierit, tunc totus Israel salvabitur, ad Rom. c. 11. v. 25, 26. Idcirco quae Danieli ipsi homini Iudaeo visio ostensa, illud tantùm Regni Christi momentum, quasi in hujus rei Mysterium, spectare debuit.  
jam ex his quae dicta sunt ratio quoque elucet, quare ex omnibus mundi Regnis quatuor haec sola selegit Spiritus Sanctus, quorum fata tam insigni ornaret Prophetiâ; nempe quia ex his solis inter omnia mundi Regna Periodus temporum ejusmodi contexi potuit, quae rectâ serie & ordina●â successione perduceret ad tempora & momenta Regni Christi. Non verò quia nulla istis paria Imperia, forsan & aliquibus majora, per omnia secula orbis visurus esset. Nam neque Saracenorum olim, neque hodie Turcarum, neque Tartarorum Regna ditionis amplitudine Persico aut Graeco, puto nec Assyrio, quicquam concedunt; imò, ni ●allor, excedunt. Fatendum est nihilominus unumquodque ex quatuor istis Regnis, vel quod minimum est, ità esse comparatum, ut meritò summis & praecipuis Orbis terrarum Imperiis annumeranda sint; ut quorum omnium potestas non unius populi ambitu, sed plurimarum Gentium & Nationum Imperio terminaretur; unde Statua Nebuchadnezari ostensa ampla, excellenti splendore & terribili formâ describitur, & Danieli Bestiae quatuor magnae è mari ascendentes apparuere.  
His ità ad Problematis intellectum expositis, venio ad Argumenta quibus firmissimè me assertum ire confido, Regnum Romanum esse quartum Regnum Danielis. Et primum quidem sic habet.  

ARGUMENTUM I.  
Quo rerum potiente Christi Regnum jam olim coeptum est, illud est quartum Regnum Danielis: At Regno Romano rerum potiente Christi Regnum coepit: Ergó.  
Major ex Daniele constat, qui quarto Regno in statua Nebuchadnezaris descripto subdit, In diebus autem Regum istorum suscitabit Deus Coeli Regnum quod in secula non destruetur, neque populo alieno relinquetur. In diebus Regum istorum, vel, ad verbum, In diebus illorum Regum illorum, id est, quarti Regni temporibus, quod, ut dixi, multiregium erat futurum: vel, si cui hoc minùs placuerit, Temporibus Regum istorum, hoc est, constante adhuc, & nondum absolutâ aut peractâ, quatuor istorum Regum seu Regnorum serie. Alterutra interpretatio necessaria est, & utrâvis idem planè obtinebo, Christi Regnum suscitatum iri aliquo ex quatuor istis Regno nondum elapso, sed adhuc rerum potiente: illud verò cum Tertium certum est non fuisse, necessariò Quartum erit. Id quod adhuc evidentiùs ex Somnio ipso confirmatur. Regnum enim Christi (Daniele interprete) est Lapis iste excisus sine manibus,) id est, sine ope humana) qui Imaginem percussurus erat ad pedes ipsius ferreos & luteos, adeóque comminueret illos ut locus iis non est inventus ampliùs, cap. 2. vers. 34, 35. At verò qui potuit Lapis Imaginem percutere ad pedes, nisi saltem pedes isti mansissent adhuc cum Lapis è monte exscindebatur?  
Minor quoque, Romanis imperantibus (non Graecis aut Persis) coepisse Regnum Christi, non minùs est manifesta. Quid enim? Annon nascente Christo tota Terra censebatur ab Augusto? & non tantùm judaei, sed & joseph ipse cum Sponsa Maria, Luc. 2? Annon eodem prodente decimo quinto Tiberii Caesaris, Baptismus & initium praedicationis jesu Christi? Et quid voluit vox illa Christi, Date Caesari quae sunt Caesaris? 
Item● P●●ssu● sub Pon●●o ●i●a●● Pra●side Rom.  Quid illa Iudaeorum Christum Regem respuentium, Non habemus Regem nisi Caesarem? nisi ut sciamus Romanos solos, non verò Graecos aut alios, tunc rerum potitos.  
Et priusquam hinc abeam, facere non possum quin admoneam, hoc, de quo loquimur, tempus illud esse de quo Paulus ad Hebr. 1. 2. ait, Deum VLTIMIS DIEBVS locutum esse nobis in Filio; itémque ad Galatas cap. 4. 4. 

It●m. ● Cor. 10. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Item 〈◊〉 9 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— At 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Matth. 24. item 28. etc. 13. aliud est, viz. Finis durationis mundi vel Finis hujus seculi in quo versam●r, non se●ulorum d● quibus Daniel.   Postquam venit PLENITUDO TEMPORIS, emisisse Deum filium suum, factum è Muliere; denique ad Eph. 1. vers. 10. notum fecisse nobis Deum Mysterium voluntatis suae, ut in dispensatione PLENITUDINIS TEMPORVM omnia in Christo recolligeret, tum quae in coelis sunt, tum quae in terra: Nimirum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 isti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nihil aliud in N. T. designant quam ultimi Regni tempora in hac serie Danielis; tum quòd hujus Regni tempora Quaternionis istius revera sunt ultima tempora; tum quòd Regno hoc ultimo Quaternio Propheticus plenitudinem suam sortitur, seu plenum numerum.   

ARGUMENTUM II.  
Quo demum absoluto & abolito consummabitur Regnum Christi, illud est quartum Regnum Danielis: At Regno Romano semel exacto & abolito consummabitur Regnum Christi: Ergó.  
Majoris veritas evidentissima est ex utraque Danielis Prophetia. De Somnio Nebuchadnezaris: 
* Cap. 2. v. 34. 35.  Vidisti (inquit) usquedum excisus est Lapis sine manibus, & percussit Imaginem super pedes ipsius ferreos & luteos, ut comminueret eos. Ità abstulit ea ventus, & nullus locus inventus est eis. LAPIS autem qui percusserat Imaginem effectus est MONS magnus, adeò ut impleret totam terram. Hoc est, ipso Daniele interprete, In diebus Regni quarti suscitabit Deus coeli REGNUM (hic est Lapis iste è Monte excisus) quod in secula non destruetur, quódque populo alteri non relinquetur, (ut prioribus scilicet Regnis factum est:) sed comminuet & consumet omnia ista Regna; ipsum autem stabit in secula: Hoc est, Lapis Regni Christi jam à pluribus seculis ex Monte hujus Mundi excisus, tandem cum tempus à Deo decretum advenerit, exterminatis, & abolitis penitus, quae huc usque vigent, Imaginis hujus partibus novissimis, seu postremis; Ipse, qui hucusque Lapis duntaxat fuerat, & quidem offensionis, tunc evadet in Montem Ingentem, implebítque totum terrarum orbem.  
Altera verò Prophetia, quâ Quaternio iste Regnorum quatuor Bestiarum visione adumbratur, hujus rei demonstrationem suppeditat planè invictam. Nam ibi de quartae Bestiae seu Regni quarti postrema Dynastia, quae sub Cornu isto monstroso futura erat, cui & Oculi erant & Os loquens grandia; de hoc, inquam, cornu affirmatur, quòd Bellum cum Sanctis gesturum erat, e●sque praevaliturum; usquedum veniret Antiquus dierum, & judicium daretur Sanctis excelsorum, tempúsque veniret quo Regnum possiderent Sancti: id est, ut statim subdit, donec Regnum Dominatúsque & Amplitudo Regnorum sub toto coelo dabitur populo Sanctorum excelsorum; cujus Regnum erit perpetuum, & omnia Dominia ei servient & auscultabunt. Dan. 7. 20, 21, 22, 27. Potuítne quidquam apertiùs dici, quo probetur ultimi Regni dynastiam ultimam eousque permansuram, donec haec omnia de Regno Sanctorum, quodcunque illud sit, compleantur?  
jam de Minore propositione, quòd scilicet Romano Regno semel exacto & abolito consummabitur Regnum Christi, ex N. Test. facilis est probatio. Nam ab abolitione Antichristi consummabitur Regnum Christi: Ità Paulus 2 Thess. 2. 8. Et revelabitur Sceleratus ille, quem Dominus absumet Spiritu oris sui, & abolebit splendore adventûs sui; vel, (ut Syrus) interficiet eum Revelatione adventûs sui. Ità quoque ex Apocalypsi constat ad septimae, id est, ultimae Tubae clangorem permansurum Antichristum; quâ semel clangente, fiunt voces in coelo magnae, Facta sunt Regna mundi Domini nostri & Christi ejus, qui regnabit in secula seculorum: id quod Angelus his verbis paulò antè praedixerat clangente Tùbà septimâ, comsummatum iri Mysterium Dei, sicut annunciavit servis suis Prophetis, C. 10. V. 7. cum c. 11. v. 15. At verò Antichristus exoriturus erat ex Imperio Romano, ejúsque pars futura. Paulus 2 Thess. 2. 7. jam peragitur Mysterium Iniquitatis, tantùm qui nunc detinet, [detinebit] usquedum è medio sublatus fuerit (id est, Romae Imperator) & tunc revelabitur Sceleratus ille. Et Ioannes apertissimè Apoc. 17. affirmat futurum Antichristum unum ex septem capitibus septicipitis Bestiae, cui urbs illa magna insidebat, quae (joannis scilicet aevo) Regnum habebat super Reges terrae. Si jam Vrbs illa Roma sit, Bestiá que ista Romanum Regnum, (quod apud omnes, (credo) saltem veteres, in confesso est) erit tunc Antichristus, utpote caput istius Bestiae Postremum, pars Regni Romani; Ergóque Regnum Romanum durabit ad consummationem Regni Christi, quò, praeter hoc, nullum quod in Serie Danielis successionem habere potest pertinget unquam. Id quod Sole meridiano clarius est. Imò (ut hoc tanquam superpondium adjiciam) Antichristus iste Novi Testamenti ipsissimum est Cornu monstrosum Danielis, penes quod ut Ille ultimam quartae suae Bestiae Dynastiam praedixit futuram, ità quoque Ioannes sub Antichristo suo sive Pseudopropheta ultimam Regni Romani Scenam peragendam esse. Quódque de cornu suo prodigioso Daniel, Gerebat bellum cum Sanctis, & praevalebat iis, cap. 7. vers. 21. idem Ioannes de suo Monstro, Datum est ei (inquit) bellum gerere cum Sanctis, & eos vincere, Apoc. 13. 7. Daniel cornu suo attribuit Osloquens GRANDIA, & quòd verba adversus Excelsum loqueretur, & Sanctos ejus contereret, cap. 7. vers. 8, 11, 20, 25. Idipsum Ioannes de suo perdito refert; Datum est ei os loquens magna & blasphemias, & aperuit os suum ad Blasphemandum adversus Deum, ut convitiis assiceret Tabernaculum ejus, & eos qui in coelo habitant, cap. I3. vers. 5, 6. Ex ungue Leonem, quod dici solet. Neque mores tantùm, sed & tempus Tyrannidis ad amussim convenit. 
Vers. 25.  Quod enim Daniel de Cornu portentoso, Tradentur (inquit) Sancti in manum ejus usque ad tempus, tempora, & dimidium temporis; idipsum Ioannis de sanato isto & redivivo Bestiae Romanae Capite; Data est (inquit) illi potestas agendi (seu, ut nonnulla exemplaria habent, bellum gerendi) menses quadraginta duos, vers. 5. cap. 13. Annon menses XLII sunt tres anni cum dimidio, id est, Tempus, tempora, & dimidium temporis? Ecce autem capite praecedente vers. 14, non rem tantùm, sed & ipsa verba Danielis: Mulier, (inquit) id est Ecclesia, regnante Antichristo fugit à conspectu Serpentis in desertum, ubi aleretur per tempus, tempora, & dimidium temporis.  
Idem ergò prorsus est Danielicae Bestiae cornu prodigiosum cum Antichristo Ioannis in Apocalypsi. Et quoniam utrumque duraturum sit ad consummationem Regni Christi, sequitur Regnum Romanum, cujus pars postrema est Antichristus, esse ipsissimum quartum Regnum Danielis, cujusitidem pars extrema est illa prodigiosi Cornu Dynastia. Frustra enim sunt qui Cornu istud aliud à Bestia, è cujus capite ena●citur & pars est, Regnum esse volunt. Cornua enim potestates tantùm, Bestiae verò Regna distinguunt.   

ARGUMENTUM III.  
Quod occupavit Regnum Tertium, eidémque successit, est Quartum Regnum Danielis: At Regnum Romanum occupavit Regnum Tertium, (nempe Graecorum) eidémque successit: Ergó.  
De Majore nullus dubitandi locus, quin illud quartum fuerit quod tertium proximè secutum est, eidémque successerit. De Minore itidem patet ex Historia, Quicquid ●ousque restabat de ditione Regni Graecorum, id omne Romanis armis & Imperio cessisse. Praedixerat autem Daniel Regnum Graecorum à primi Regis Alexandri morte finibus suis diminutum iri, neque eâ ditionis amplitudine Regnaturos successores ejus atque ipse iis reliquerat. Verba sunt cap. 8. vers. 22. Effracto Hirci cornu magno, (qui eodem interprete est primus Rex Graeciae) quat●or Cornua pro illo, hoc est, inquit, quatuor Regna ex [ea] gente assurrectura sunt; fed non cum robore illius. Item cap. 11. v. 4. Frangetur Regnum ejus, (nempe Regis potentis Alexandri) & dividetur in quatuor partes coeli; sed non posteritati ejus, neque secundùm Dominatum ejus quo dominatus fuerat. Et hoc innuere volebam eo quod dixi, quicquid eousque restabat de dilione Regni Graecorum: nequis fortè (quod non neminem fecisse scio) requirat ut ad Indos usque propagetur Imperium Romanum, quartum Regnum alioquin non futurum.  
Illa autem Regni Graecorum per Romanos occupatio ineunda est à morte Antiochi Epiphanis, quando, Perseo ultimo Rege Macedonum ab AEmilio Consule devicto, Macedonia primarium Regni Graecanici Caput in Provinciam redacta est, atque ità cum reliqua serè Graecia in Imperii Romani Iura concessit: nec indè quieverunt Romani, donec, continuis quasi victoriis usi, reliqua, sive capita sive cornua, penitus subegerant. Ab hac igitur Graeciae occupatione putandum est initium Regni quarti, non ab ultima, quae AEgypti fuit, devictâ Cleopatrâ. 
Vide La 〈…〉. l●b. 7. cap. 15. Sublata Carthagine, quae tam diu aemul● Romam Imp●rii fuit, manus suas in totum o●●em terra marique porrexit, etc.  Nam ubi Regnum Graecanicum primùm exortum est, ibi fatum quoque suum & excidium accepisse aequum est existimare. Unde videmus Prophetam nusquam Regnum Graecorum, quamuìs de Regibus ejus singillatim egerat, ultra Antiochum Epiphanem produxisse: quia nimirum ab eo tempore Romanus ordinem suum capessebat in Quaternione Prophetico; atque id●irco qui secuti sunt Asiae aut AEgypti Reges, eorum rationem in hac Regia Chronologia deinceps non habendam esse. Imò, quod observari volo in ipso Prophetae textu, Tyrannis Antiochi expressè statuitur in fine Regni Graecorum, c. 8. v. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In fine Regni ipsorum (id est Graecorum) exsurget Rex durus facie, & intelligens aenigmata, etc. Is, scilicet, de quo in visione dicit, quòd usque ad Principem exercit●s coelestis magnificaret se, & jugem cultum tolleret, & abjiceret habitaculum Sanctuarii illius, etc. V. 11.  
Et hucusque quidem Argumentum hoc mihi optimè processit, nec usquam impingere visum est. Non est tamen diffitendum habuisse olim Porphyrium, & habere etiam qui nostro primùm aevo, contra totius Ecclesiae indè ab initio per tot secula consensum, opinionem Porphyrianam ab inferis revocârunt, quod disputationi huic opponant: Graecorum nimirum Regnum non unum, sed duo esse Regna; Alterum ipsius Alexandri, quod tertium est in Quaternione prophetico; Alterum successorum ejus, quod quartum est & ultimum Regnum Danielis. Regnum igitur Romanum, tanquam fabulâ jam transactâ superveniens, ab hoc numero penitus excludendum esse.  
Contra hanc interpretationem sic insurgo. Quod unicâ Bestiâ adumbratum est, id unicum est Regnum, & non duo Regna; scilicet alioquin unica Bestia esset duae Bestiae; quod ab omni ratione alienum est. jam verò omne Regnum Graecorum, tam Alexandri quam successorum ejus, unicâ Bestiâ adumbratur. Ergò, etc. Minorem leges apud Danielem cap. 8. vers. 20, 21, 22. Aries (inquit Angelus) bicornis quems vidisti, sunt Reges Mediae & Persiae: Hircus autem ille villosus est Rex Graeciae; Cornu autem magnum interjectum oculis ejus est Rex PRIMUS. (Audin' hic Regem primum? at Rex primus & Reges secundi non de diversis dici possunt Regnis, sed uno eodémque.) Pergit; Atque hoc effracto, quòd consurgent quatuor pro illo, quatuor Regna ex gen●e sunt assurrectura, sed non cum robore illius. Hîc clarissimum est Alexandrum cum successoribus suis fuisse unius ejusdémque Hirci cornua; ideóque unius Regni potestates. Ecquis jam dixerit Bestiam & cornua ejus esse duas Bestias? Me judice, ipse merebitur illis annumerari, nè tertia desit Bestia.  
At, inquient, potuit Propheta aut Spiritus Sanctus, quod hîc unum facit Regnum, ideóque unâ figurat Bestiâ, alibi tamen pro arbitrio duo facere, & duabus adumbrare Bestiis.  
Sed respondeo, Non arbitrii res est, sed veritatis, ut unum sit duo & duo unum● neque Deus potest efficere ut cornu cornu sit & nihilominus Bestia. Unitas Regni in ipsa rei veritate posita est, à signo non pendet. Si igitur hoc verum est, unicum esse Regnum, & non duo, tum falsum erit duo esse Regna, & non unum; ut qui alterutrum affirmaverit, alterum sine mendacio affirmare nequit. Et quorsum quaeso Prophetia, quae duo in principio Regna repraesentâsser, postea in unum confunderet? Nam si omnino id factum fuisset, non sine ratione factum fuisse credendum est. Taceo quòd in ipsa quatuor Bestiarum visione, 
Cap. 7.  quò adversarii, dum effugium parant, respiciunt, Tertia Bestia Pardo similis, quae ipsis fatentibus ad Regnum Graecorum aliquatenus pertinet, & alas quatuor in dorso habet, itémque capita quatuor; quae, quid (quaeso) aliud sunt, saltem capita, quam quatuor Regni istius Satrapiae, in quas post mortem primi Regis dissipatum erat? Num hîc quoque dicere audent, quatuor Pardi capita esse aliam & diversam à Pardo Bestiam?  
His denique omnibus illud tanquam Palmarium adjungam, quod jam in superioribus demonstravi, nimirum quarto Regno adhuc superstite exoriturum esse Regnum Christi, à quotandem in pedibus ●uis fictilibus percutiendum sit, & penitus abolendum. At verò quicquid erat Regni Graecorum, diu ante natum, nedum regnantem Christum, penitus est extinctum; ut ibi quoque probatum est.  
Quoniam autem sententiae hujus authores Prodigiosum quartae Bestiae cornu exponunt de Antiocho Epiphane, (neque enim de ullo alio exponere potuerint, omnes licèt ingenii nervos intenderint) scire pervelim, quomodo sic visioni Propheticae sua constabit Veritas, quae non tantùm ex visione ipsa facilè colligitur, sed interpretatione Angeli expressè & disertis verbis affirmatur, Cornu istud bellum gesturum cum Sanctis, iisque praevaliturum, usquedum venerat Antiquus dierum, & judicium daretur Sanctis, & tempus veniret quo Regnum possiderent sancti. Namque Antiochus iste Epiphanes mortuus est annis quatuor minùs ducentis ante passionem Christi, id est, multò pluribus quam Regnum Graecorum duraverat à morte Alexandri ad eundem Antiochum Epiphanem. Hoccine est bellum cum Sanctis gerere usquedum veniret Antiquus dierum, & regnum Sanctorum constitueret? Sed jam manum de tabula: & quamuìs longè plura adferri possunt, haec tamen sufficient Quaestioni tum explicandae tum demonstrandae.   

REVELATIO ANTICHRISTI, Sive De Numeris DANIELIS, MCCXC, MCCCXXXV. Cap. 12. Vers. 11, 12.  Quà spectent; Eousque nempe Mysterium Extremorum Temporum, ejúsque qui tunc rerum potiretur, clausum & obsignatum fore; deinceps resignatum iri. 
VT hoc adstruam; primò submovendum est praejudicium sententiae Broughtoni, junii & sequacium, qui hosce Numeros calamitatis Antiochianae angustiis includere, ejusdémque terminos & metas, nec aliud quidquam, designare volunt. Quod ut absque omni contextûs fundamento faciunt, (neque enim illic scopus iste vel uno verbulo innuitur) ità tam manifestè contra historiae reique gestae fidem, ut mihi non exiguam admirationem habeat, tot illius sententiae admiratores fautorésque hactenus reperiri potuisse.  
Priorem enim Numerum, dierum 1290, à pollutione Templi ad Diploma illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iudaeis 2. Mac. 11. 27. concessum, supputant. Alterum verò, dierum 1335, ab eodem principio ad ipsius Epiphanis mortem.  
Sed rem gestam omnimodo pervertunt, & bis falluntur insigniter. Nam primò, Diploma illud datum est non ab Epiphane, sed ab Eupatore filio post mortem Patris, nedum, ut isti statuunt, ante mortem ejus. Vide locum Maccab. Deinde, à Pollutione Templi, neque ad Antiochi mortem, neque ad Diploma 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intercesserunt plusquam triennium, & quatuor ad summum menses, id est, non ampliùs diebus 1200; quod hâc ratione ostenditur.  
Repurgatio Templi facta est tribus a Pollutione annis exquisitè evolutis anno ●tique Regni Graecorum 148, die 25 mensis Casleu, qui, josepho teste, (nec dubitationi locus est) respondet Appellaeo Macedonum. Videsis 1. Macc. 4. 52. joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 11.  
Huic Antiochum Epiphanem non quatuor ampliùs mensibus supervixisse constat; cum nempe eodem anno (putà ab Autumno incipiendo) mense Xanthico fato jam concessisset, rerúmque potiretur Eupator filius; utpote à quo, illo mense, die 15, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diploma (in quo de Patris sui morte testatur) Iudaeis indultum fuerat, Vide 2. Macc. 11. v. 23, 33. Atqui in anno Macedonico sive Syro-Graecorum Xanthicus mensis ab Appellaeo sive Casleu consecutione quartus est. Ecce enim mensium Macedonicorum seriem ab Autumno.  

1. Hyperberetaeus.  
2. Dius  
3. APPELLAEUS. Heb. Casleu.  
4. Audynaeus.  
5. Peritius.  
6. Dystrus.  
7. XANTHICUS. Heb. Nisan.  
8. Artemisius.  
9 Daesius.  
10. Panemus.  
11. Lous.  
12. Gorpiaeus.   
Ergò Antiochus Epiphanes Repurgationi Templi ultra quartum mensem non fuit superstes.  
Ut autem fons erroris obstruatur, quo factum est ut Antiocho Epiphani vita adhuc ulteriùs prorogaretur, illud ment probe tenendum est. Annos Graecorum sive Selencidarum, quibus Author primi Libri Maccabaeorum utitur, judaeorum more, inchoari à Verno mense Xanthico sive Nisan; Annos autem Alexandraeos, quibus utitur Author secundi Libri Maccabaeorum, (Alexandrinus ipse) inire ab Autumno sequenti, id est, ab Hyperberetaeo. Hinc factum est, ut cum anni prioris Libri sex mensium intervallo posterioris antevertant initium, necesse fuerit, quoties res gesta in aestivallem anni semestrem inciderit, ut Liber posterior priori annos uno minùs numeret; quod illis qui rem non satìs attendissent fraudi fuit. Nam alioquin diligenter conferenti, illud de diverso anni initio indubium erit. Vide Petavium Rationarii Temporum Parte secundâ Lib. 3. c. 13. pag. 219. qui accuratè confert. Consule quoque Sethum Calvisium Isagog. Chronolog. c. 43.  
Quare cum 2. Maccab. (c. 11. 23, 33.) Antiochus mortuus habeatur Anno Graecorum 148, in primo autem (cap. 6. 16.) anno 149, illud necessariò colligitur, eum mense Xanthico ineunte mortem obiisse. Neque enim citiùs potuit, cum nondum Annus 149 Graecorum à vere incepisset; neque seriùs, cum quindecimo Xanthici Filius, eo jam mortuo, Rescriptum Iudaeis dedisset. Imò & illud quoque sponte sequitur, non dies 45, prout sententiae junianae adstipulatores sibi persuadent, sed 13 tantùm, aut 14 ad summum, inter Antiochi mortem & Rescriptum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intercedere potuisse; ità ut eò jam 
* Scilan Differentia inter 1290 & 1335.  gemini hujus numeri interstitium accommodari non possit.  
Ut haec omnia clarè & citra difficultatem cognoscantur; Quinquennalis intervalli seriem, dispositis continuè cujusque Anni, tum à Vere tum ab Autumno inchoati, mensibus, (adscriptis quoque suis locis quae huc conducant eventibus) ob oculos tibi (Lector) ponendam duxi, ut ipse rem totam visu dijudices.  
Anni Graecorum à Vere ●. Mac. Anni Graecorum ab Autumno 2, Maccab.  XANTHICUS   Artemisius   Daesius   Panemus   Lous   Gorpiaeus  145 HYPERBERETAEUS   Dius   APPELLAEUS Casleu Templum profan. 1 Macc. 1. 54.  Audynaeus   Peritius   Dystrus   XANTHICUS 145  Artemisius   Daesius   Panemus   Lous   Gorpiaeus  146 HYPERBERETAEUS   Dius   APPELLAEUS Primus Annus Templ. prof. ex●t  Audynaeus   Peritius   Dystrus   XANTHICUS   — 146  —   —   —   —   HYPERBERETAEUS  147 —   APPELLAEUS Secundus Annus Tem. prof. exit.  —   —   — 147  XANTHICUS   —   —   —   —   —  148 HYPERBER.   —   APPELLAEUS Templus Repurgatum 1. Macc. 4. 52.  —   —   — 148.  XANTHICUS Antiochi Epiphanis mors; & Diplom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per Eupat. eod. mense. 1.  —   —   —   —   — Macc. 6. 16. 2. 149 HYPER BER. Macc. 11. 33.  —   APPELLAEUS   —   —   —   XANTHICUS 149  — Intra hoc semestre Eupat. cum exercitu Hierosolymam venit contra judam: sed paulò pòst pacem secit.  —   —   —   —  150 HYPERBER.   —   APPELLAEUS 1. Macc 6. 20  — 2. Macc. 12. 1.  —   — 150  
Ex istis jam satis liquere arbitror geminum hunc numerum (quaecunque tandem ejus mens sit dicenda) cladi Religionis Iudaicae per Antiochum Epiphanem nullo modo adaptari posse. Quid igitur hîc restat quam ut Diebus istis (prout alibi solet) Annos totidem significari putemus? Neque ad triennalis quadrienualísve paulò minùs intervalli, quinimo ad longinqui temporis eventum aliquem (quicquid tandem id fuerit) exitu suo designandum pertinere.  
Illud Iudaei animadvertentes, tot annos (de initio tamen numerationis incerti) ad Messiae sui adventum (quod unicè in votis habent) fluxuros arbitrati sunt; non hodie solum, sed jam à multis retro seculis: unde factum, ut re temere in calculum datâ, aliquoties vanâ spe delusi sint, imò bis Pseudo-Christorum laqueis irretiti.  
Anno enim quinto Imperii Leonis (ait Theophanes Author Lib. 21. Histor. miscel. cap. 16.) id est, Anno AErae Christianae 720. apparuit quidam Syrus Pseudo-christus, & seduxit Hebraeos, dicens se esse Christum. Credibile est huic imposturae captatam occasionem ex calculo horumce Danielis Dierum, ab excidio Hierosolymitano sub Rege Zedechia à quo ad Annum Christi 705 fluxerunt Anni 1290. Aberratum est in Computo annis quindecim, quod leviusculum est.  
Iterum tempore Maimonidis circa annum Christi 1130. 
Vide Epist. Maimonidis apud ●u●torf in s●●● Th●sauri Gram. & Hel●●cum.  exortus est alius Pseudomessias seu Messiae Prodromus, David, El-David dictus, quem Rex Persarum decollari fecit. Supputârunt dies Danielis à prophanatione Antiochi; unde ad Christi annum 1123. sunt itidem anni 1290. neque hîc multùm in calculo, licèt in re ipsâ nimiùm, aberratum suit.  
Simili fundamento i●nixus videtur R. Abraham, qui Messiae adventum praedixisse fertur In Annum Christi 1466. ducto videlicet posteriori numero Prophetico ab Anno Christi 131, quo Adrianus in loco ubi Templum Domini steterat, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, putà Delubrum jovi Capitolino, exstruxit. Indè enim ad annum Christi 1466 numerantur ad amussim anni 1335. Sed nullus tunc, quod sciam, apparuit qui se pro Messia venditaret.  
Ex Christianis autem quotquot de Annis censent, non diebus, iis ferè in eo cum Iudaeis convenit, quòd ut illi Numeros hosce ad Primum Christi adventum, ità isti saniore fide ad Secundum referunt; vel (quod non multùm interest) ad Iudaeorum collectionem, quam ipsi quoque Iudaei sperant, sed in Epocha statuenda omnino laborant; imò quaedam hîc supponunt neque Textui neque Rationi satìs congrua. Sed qui sententias eorum particulariùs scire volet, ex ipsis petat. Mihi eas ultrà referendi non est animus, ut nec refellendi.  
Quin meam quoque symbolam in numerum i●terpretationum conferre liceat, quam virorum doctorum judiciis lubens submittam.  
Sic igitur statuo: Eventum quem geminus iste Numerus exitu suo designat, nec esse Adventum Christi, nec Restaurationem Israelis; quinimo Vaticinii de temporibus quarti Regni novissimis, seu Antichristi, (quo Angelus Dan. 12. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 finem mirabilium retulerat) Resignationem; eousque putà, quid illis occultaretur, quóve pertinerent, etiam cum impleri coeperint, ignorandis. Hunc esse Numerorum istorum scopum, fidem tibi faciet Angeli & Danielis hoc capite Dialogus; quem sic ex Textu repraesento, intellectu sanè perfacilem, modò illud ex capite septimo memineris, Quartae Bestiae, seu Regni, tempora extrema seu novissima esse intervallum illud TEMPORIS, TEMPOUM, ET DIMIDII TEMPORIS Cornu occulato attributum: de quo item Regno Cornúque Angelus iterum post Epiphanis historiam (quâcum Scriptura Regnum tertium semper terminare 
* Vide Dan. 8. 23. Nempe qui● tunc Regnum quartum seu Romanum ●●hi coe●i●, subjuga●á sibi Maceden●á R●gni tertii cap●●e.  solet) supeperiore capi●e finiente disseruerat; ut ità nimirum temporis rerúmque gestarum seriem à Persica Monarchia, unde inceperat, ad Resurrectionem usque & Secundum Christi adventum perduceret. Sed ausculta Dialogum.  
ANG. Tu verò, Daniel, claude verba, & obsigna librum usque ad tempus FINIS; tum autem discurrent multi, & crescet scientia.  
DAN. At quousque erit FINIS iste rerum mirabilium quem indigitas?  
ANG. Quoad Tempus, Tempora, & Dimidium Temporis, (id est, quoad erunt Regni Quarti tempora illa extrema, jam antea tibi à me indicata, quae sunt Tempus illud FINIS quod tibi inculco: utique 
* Dan. 12. 7.  cum consummata fuerit dispersio manûs populi sancti: (quod nempe ad finem illorum temporum futurum est) consummabuntur universa ista.  
DAN. Ah! Domine mi, nihilo magis intelligo. Audio quidem nomenclaturam Novissimorum temporum: Sed quid sibi velit nomenclatura isthaec, adhuc juxtà cum ignarissimis scio. Dic igitur mihi, quaeso, explicatè, quid sit Res ista Novissimorum temporum; Temporis, Temporum & dimidium temporis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
ANG. Abi, Daniel, quoniam res ista clausa est & obsignata usque ad Tempus ipsum FINIS. Tunc purificabunt se, dealbabuntúrque, & conflabuntur multi; Et impiè quidem agent impiè, neque intelliget Impiorum quisquam; sed Sapientes [rem hanc] intelligent.  
A tempore verò quo oblatum erit juge sacrificium, positáque Abominatio desolationis, (illa scilicet quam tibi paulò antè exposui) erunt [ad tempus reserandi mysteria] Dies 1290. Beat us qui exspectat & pertingit ad Dies 1335.  
Tu verò abi usque ad FINEM; nam quiesces & stabis in sorte tua in Fine dierum, id est, in Fine temporum istorum novissimorum, quando scilicet multos è dormientibus in pulvere terrae experrectos iri 
* Vers. 2.  modò audivisti.  

De Epocha Numerorum.  
CAlculi Prophetici scopo sic ostenso & perspecto, Epochae quoque illius foeneremur lucem, vel potius reddamus à Spiritu Sancto accensam; eâ constitutâ & firmatâ, postea complementi Prophetiae historiam exhibituri.  
Epocha igitur Calculi Prophetici, juxta characterem ab Angelo datum, est Templi Hierosolymitani ab Antiocho Epiphane profanatio; & quidem convenientissimè, ut ità Typus Antichristi ad Antichristi manifestationem nos manuducat. De ea enim profanatione Angelus in hoc ipso Vaticinio paulò ante egerat, nec aliam hic Ablationem jugis sacrificii & Abominationen desolationis, sed eampse quam ibi descripserat, intelligi debere, arguunt primò verba utrobique eadem: hîc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 12. 11. illic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 11. 31. Atqui ultima desolatio Hierosolymorum ad finem LXX Hebdomadum, quam nonnulli volunt Angelum sibi Epocham Numerationis hîc statuere, secùs aliísque verbis praedicitur. Deinde, quòd à ratione prorsus alienum sit, neque cordato cuiquam, saltem qui rem expenderit, probabile videbitur; Angelum, Ablationis jugis sacrificii, & Abominationis desolationis, tanquam rei Prophetae, quocum verba faciebat, jam notae, mentione factâ, non ad eam respicere quam paulò antè (continuatâ adhuc oratione) descripserat; verùm eâ transultâ, ad aliam, de qua ante 
* Nempe anno primo Darii Medii cum praesens Angeli colloquium (in quod Abominatione Epiphaniana inter alia agit) habitum sit anno tertio Cyr●.  triennium scilicet eidem vaticinatus fuerat. Cui, inquam, hoc ut verisimile persuadebitur? Hoc igitur fixum ratúmque esto, Calculi Prophetici Epocham esse Profanationem Epiphanianam. Atque hinc mihi, Lector, Demonstratio consurgit hujuscemodi: Si Profanatio Epiphaniana sit hujus Numerationis Epocha, ea verò non possit (ut ostensum est) Cladis istius durationi applicari; necessariò sequitur Dies hic in Annos convertendos, & de longinqui temporis Eventu aliquo capiendos esse: Qui quam probè & ad amussim Praedictioni respondeat, jam faxo intelligas.   

De Eventu.  
PRIOR numerus à Profanatione Epiphaniana numeratus exit ad Annum Domini 1123.  
POSTERIOR ad Annum Domini 1168.  
Sed cum Peccatum illud desolationis (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut appellatur Dan. 8. 13.) ultra sexennium duraverit; haud incommodè à singulis ejus Annis duci potest Calculi prophetici initium, atque ad totidem annos in exitu terminari. Anni autem, quos jam posui, à medio Sexennii numerantur, quando juge sacrificium sublatum est, Anno ante AEram Christianam 167.   

Fama 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oraculi implendi.  
ANno 1106 (inquit Urspergensis apud Baronium) Paschalis Papa ordinavit prosectionem— in Galliam Cisalpinam, ubi & Consilium celebrandum mense Octobri indixit— Dum in itinere pos●tus Florentiam pervenisset, de ADVENTV ANTICHRISTI proximè futuro sparsam famam inveniens, Florentiae substitit: cum verò audîsset quae ferrentur, ut nullius fidei & authoritatis assertionem contempsit, & coeptum iter est prosecutus.  
Addit Baronius, fuisse opinionem non vulgarium virorum, Antichristum isto seculo fore revelandum, & inter alios Norberti, viri temporis istius famâ celeberrimi; de quo ità Bernardus Ep. 56. ad Gausridum Carnotensem Episcopum.  
cum (inquit) ante hos paucos dies ejus saciem videre, & de coelesti fistulae, ore videlicet ipsius, plurima haurire meruerim; hoc tamen ab ipso non a●divi (scilicet iturum eum Hierosolymam:) verùm de Antichristo cum inquirerem quid sentiret; durante adhuc eâ quae nunc est generatione revelandum illum esse, certissimè se scire protestatus est. At cum eandem certitudinem unde haberet sciscitanti mihi exponere vellet; audito quod respondit, non me illud pro certo credere debere putavi. Ad summam tamen hoc asseruit, non visurum se mortem, nisi prius videat generalem in Ecclesia persecutionem.  
Sabellicus Enneadis nonae lib. 4. Prodigiaper id tempus (id est sub Paschali secundo) aliquot apparnerunt: Mare vicenis passibus, alii centenis scribunt, praeter solitum littora inundavit; apparuit & Cometes mirae magnitudinis. His fortasse prodigiis motus affirmare non dubitavit Fluentinus Antistes, esse Antichristum natum. Quâ praedicatione Paschalis motus, in Hetruriam profectus, conventúque super ea re Florentiae habito; cum appareret hominem nullâ aliâ ratione subnixum, quam ut alicujus magnae rei author videretur, ejusmodi praedicatione usum; tantùm admonuit ut temerario incepto desisteret. Recognovit indè Paschalis in Cisalpina & Comata Gallia Ecclesiarum statum.  
Platina rem sic narrat. Postquam de Cometa dixerat qui tunc temporis apparuit, eum Paschalem tanquam rem naturalem neglexisse, subdit, Verùm cum intellexisset Florentinum Episcopum affirmare solitum Antichristum natum esse, eò statim proficiscitur; concilióque habito, re ipsâ admodum discussâ, cum levitate quadam, ut alicujus magnae rei author videretur, motum Episcopum cerneret, hominem verbis castigatum dimittit; atque indè in Cisalpinam proficiscitur.  
Omnino existimo Famam hanc eo praecipuè subnixam fundamento, quòd vidissent Calculum Danielis pro annis computatum tum propemodum elapsum fuisse. cum igitur Episcopus iste Fluentinus seu Florentinus priorem periodum fortè obseruâsset intra vicennium aut circiter evolutum iri, porrò putaret Antichristum non nisi aetate jam maturâ revelandum, & adultum ad bellum contra Sanctos proditurum; ideo eum affirmavit jam tum natum esse, minimè verò (ut perperàm Centuriatores acceperunt) jam tum in Ecclesia dominari. Nondum enim Romanum Pontificem esse magnum illum & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictum Antichristum vel Florentinus Antistes, vel alii suspicati sunt; sed alium Triennalem & Semestrem exspectabant.  
Natam verò hanc Famam, ut dixi, ex supputatione Dierum Danielis, quasi ad Antichristi adventum deducentium, (nempe prioris Calculi, nam Secundum fortasse ad extremum judicium retulerint) mihi, ut faciliùs credam, suadet non absimile conamen Gualteri Bruti nostratis, qui diu postea, circa annum viz. 1390, eampse rationem allegaverit revelati suo tempore in Britannia Antichristi, in 
* Ilabetur in ●oxi Martyrologie, ad Annum 1391. sub Rich. 2.  Tractatu quem ea de re exhibuit Episcopo Heresordensi. Sed Epocham statuit in Excidio Hierosolymitano, ut ità exitum suo & Wickleffi aevo accommodaret. Quidni credam idem aliis, longè ante Brutum natum, in mentem venire potuisse; praesertim cum Epochae verisimilioris ab Antiocho periodus ab exitu suo haud multùm abesset? Praeterea Cometa appareret, & alia prodigia humanis mentibus commovendis nata: Fortè enim natum putaverint Antichristum eo temporis momento quo Cometa apparuisset; sicut Magi Christum apparente Stellâ. Sed paulò diutiùs Fama nos detinuit, jam Eventum referemus.   

Eventus ad exitum prioris periodi 1290. Annis Christi 1120, 1121, 1123, etc.  
ANno Domini 1120, Indictione Rom. LIV. post biennium ineunte, quorundam Fidelium nomine emissus est Tractatus de Antichristo, annum quo primùm in lucem prodiit quasi de industria in fronte praeferens, hisce verbis, Qual cosa sia l' Antichrist, en datte de l' an Mille cent & vigint; unà cum Symbolo tali, 
* In Opere imperfecto in Matt. Hom. 49. ad vers. 27. Cap. 24.  Sicut fumus praecedit ignem, victoriam pugna; sic & gloriam Christi tentatio Antichristi.  
In hoc Libro admonentur Fideles Antichristum illum magnum jamdudum venisse, frustrà adhuc exspectari, esse jam Dei permissione aetate provectum:  
Praesentem Rei Ecclesiasticae Statum, Pseudoprophetarum regimine & mendaciorum ministris constantem, unà cum populis ei in errore subditis:  
Qui utrâque potestate armati, aliísque omnibus ad Errorem fundandum latéque provehendum praesidiis instructi, sub specioso Sponsae Christi titulo, cultûsque & sanctimoniae Christianae larva, viam Salutis per Christum mundo annunciatam fraudulentis erroribus & damnationis doctrinis oppugnent; Christi meritis, gratiae & officio mediatorio derogent; uni Deóque Christóque debita, sibi, creaturis, hominúmque operibus adscribant; Sanctos Sanctásque Numinum vice colant, Reliquiis Imaginibúsque divinam venerationem deferant; Eucharistiam pro Deo, ipsóque jesu Christo, adorent; verbo, Christianitatis titulo reipsâ Idololatriam exerceant; denique, in Dei amantes & vera Christi membra odiis & persecutionibus saeviant.  
Hunc hominum Statum (non singularem hominem) esse Antichristum, Meretricem Babylonicam, quartam Bestiam Danielis, (nempe in statu ejus novissimo, ut dictum est) Hominem illum peccati, & Filium perditionis, qui extollitur super omnem Deum, 
2 Thess. 2.  ità ut in Templo Dei, id est, Ecclesia, sedeat, ostendens se tanquam sit Deus; qui ●am venit in omni genere seductionis & mendacii in iis qui pereunt.  
Quapropter se ab hoc Iniquitatis Mysterio, sicut mandavit Deus, secessionem facere tam intrinsecè quam extrinsecè; hortarique omnes, quibus Deus Opt. Max● ea●dem veritatem revelaverit, ut idem secum facerent; Civitatíque Sanctae jerusalem, veritati Christi, & Sponsae ipsius perpusillae sese adjungerent.  
Quem in finem se jammundo notum facere qualis sit ipsorum Coetus, & quas habuerint secessionis suae causas.  
Haec Scripti illius summa est, quod Dei providentiâ ad nostra usque tempora seruârant Reliquiae Waldensium Alpinorum, à quibus acceptum typis non ità pridem vulgavit ex antiquo Manuscripto joannes Paulus Perrin in 
* Quam Anglice verti● Samson Lennardus, Anno 1624.  Hist. Waldens. & Albigens. Gallica. Videsis eum, Lib. 1. cap. 7. & Parte tertiâ, (quae de Doctrina & Disciplina Waldensium agit) Lib. tertio.  
Atque hoc fuit secessionis Piorum à Romana Ecclesia initium; neque ante hoc tempus quicquam ex omni Christianorum memoria auditum fuisse crediderim de Papatu magno illo & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicto Antichristo, neque alium exspectandum esse.  
Quae tamen sententia ab hoc tempore in plurimorum animis gliscere, atque indies magìs magísque invalescere coepit.  
Nam quod unicum hîc excipi potest de Hildebrando, in quem aliquot antè annis hujus nominis jaciebantur contumeliae, id assertionem meam non labefactat: Siquidem in personam illius eae dirigebantur, & aliam ob causam, idque abillis qui Romanae Ecclesiae cultum & dogmata nondum improbârunt; propterea non alio censu habendae quam pro parabolicè & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictis, Declamatorum more.  
Sed enim fuisse hoc tempore Coetum aliquem qui à Romana Ecclesia secessionem fecerat, & seorsim conventus ageret, id porrò ex Bernardo colligitur, Serm. 65. & 66. in Cantica Cantic. ubi in vulpeculas quasdam declamitat vineam Ecclesiae demolientes. Quos tamen (inquit) si fidem interroges, nihil Christianius; si conversationem, nihil irreprehensibilius; & quae loquuntur, factis probant: praeterea jactare se esse successores Apostolorum, & Apostolicos nominare. Lege (Lector) si lubet; contulisse non poenitebit.  
Affingit quidem ille ex auditu vulpeculis istis errores aliquot Manichaeorum de prohibitione conjugii & interdictione ciborum; ut facilè hinc agnoscas Waldensium progenitores, quibus & similes Manichaeismi afficti sunt; sed falsò, ut luculenter ostendit Reverendissimus & omnis Antiquitatis Ecclesiasticae peritissimus Archiepiscopus Armachanus. Quin & omnis aevi experientia testatur, etiam nostri, quam parùm fidei in hujusmodi criminationibus adversario tribuendum sit. Hoc tamen eò à me dictum putari nolim, quasi Segreges istos omni prorsus erroris labe expertes crederem. Nihil opus est. Quippe in eo non vertitur res quam adstructam velim. Ultro igitur dare non verebor, prae 
* excessu tracti●nis in contrariam par●●m.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (ut est hominum ingenium) cum istos, tum postea Waldenses & Albigenses (quidni & nostros?) in nonnullis tam quae ad dogmata, quam quae ad mores spectent, (quae tamen essentiam Fidei Christianae non laedant) ab errore excusari non posse nec debere. Hoc tamen non prohibere assero quò minùs fuerint Coetus ille jesu Christi electus, 
Apoc. 17. 14.  vocatus, & fidelis. In hoc enim Religionis examine illud nos (ut opinor) sentire decet, Veros & legitimos Dei cultores non ex omnimoda erroris, etiam non-fundamentalis, immunitate censendos esse, quinimo ex puritate cultûs & immunitate ab ldololatria. Qui sic comparati, Deo Patri, per jesum Christum Filium Mediatorem, sincerè placere studeant, ei gratos esse & acceptos. Quis enim mihi praestabit, septem illa millia qui tempore Eliae Baali genua non flexerant, quósque Deus sibi superfuisse testatur, ab omni errore graviore fuisse immunes? aut Ecclesiam judaicam aliquot ante Christum seculis, quâ parte sincerissima fuit, pluribus de Religione erroribus non laborâsse?   

Eventus ad exitum Posterioris Periodi 1335. Annis Christi 1166, 1167, 1168, 1169, etc.  
INter Annum Christi 1160 & 1170, (nam quo praecisè anno inter Scriptores non convenit) quodam quasi Antichristi jam patefacti classico excitati, magnus hominum numerus, alii Waldenses ab Authore Waldo, alii Albigenses, alii aliis dicti nominibus, ab Ecclesia Romana secessionem fecerunt; Eam esse Babylonem illam Apocalypticam, Matrem scortationum & abominationum terrae, mirabili planè consensu & constantiâ denunciantes. In quos inge●s statim persecutio exorta est, imò integri exercitus adversùs eos ducti; tantáque strages (priusquam cessatum est) edita, ut per Galliam solam, si Paulus Perionius in ejus Bell● historia rectè calculum inierit, occisa sint ad DECIES CENTENA hominum MILLIA: Sed Beati mortui qui in Domino moriuntur; ámodo dicit Spiritus, Apoc. 14. 13. Id quod & Angelus hic apud Danielem spectâsse videtur, cum dixerat, Beatus qui exspect at & pertingit ad Dies M ccc xxx v: nisi illud fortè potius ad illustriorem Antichristi patefactionem tunc futuram referendum, quâ beatus esset cui eam videre contigisler. Utcunque, hi fuerunt isti, de quibus ibidem Angelus, 
* Dan. 12. 10.  purificandi, dealbandi & constandi; quósque sapientiae & in Dei mysteriis perspicaciae testimonio exornat. Hostes autem illorum, Impii isti, qui impie agerent, nec intelligerent.   

Cur Deus voluerit isto potius quam alio seculo Antichristum primitùs revelandum?  

1. QUia tum ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suam perveniret, eóque omnes Antichristi characteres plenissimè repraesentaturus, ut clariùs cerni cognoscique po●uerit, sicut Sol Meridie.  
2. Quia seculo isto in neminem alium suspicio Antichristi cadere potuerit; quippe Imperio Saracenico tum ad occasum & ruinam indies praecipitante, Ottomanico nondum coepto.  
3. Quia Deus hâc ratione fidelibus suis prospectum voluit, nè persecutioni Antichristi tum prae foribus exsistenti animis fracti succumberent; sed omnin●●●●●●um haberent, se esse Sanctos illos à Bestia vincendos, Apoc. 13. proindéque rabiem ejus hâc consolatione freti animosè contemnerent.   Quare Spiritus hujuscemodi Numer●rum periodos hîc assumpserit, qui neque ad Septenarios neque ad ullam omnino Numeri perfectionem revocar● possint? 
R. QUia tempus, quo Res accideret ad Fatum Romanum spectans, designaturus, ad eam temporis putandi rationem sese accommodare voluit, quâ so●● Romani (& quidem temporibus istis novissimis) u●uri essent, t●m in Imperatorum suorum Constitutionibus & Edictis, tum in Pontificum Decretis subnotandis; Epochae nimirum Indictionum. Utriusque enim periodi Angelicae, ab Anno Profanationis Epiphanianae putatae, exitus concurrit cum initio seu primo Anno Indictionis Romanae: 
Indictio Romana est quind●c●● annorum spatium.  Siquidem Annus Christi 1123. primus est Indictionis Romanae LIVIA; Annus item 1168. annus primus est Indictionis LVII. Quae enim inter utrumque Numerum differentia est annorum, seu dierum annalium, 45, ea tres Indictiones (15 scilicet Annorum in orbem recurrentium periodos) ad unguem comprehendit. Quae omnia casu contigisse quis facilè crediderit; & non potius Spiritum Sanctum ded●â operâ istiusmodi Numerorum periodis usum, ut ad initia Indictionum Romanarum collinearet, quibus futurum esset ut Prophetia resignaretur?  
Idem enim hoc facto mihi innuere videtur acsi dixisset, Primam hujus Mysterii reserationem futuram ad Indictionem Romanam LIVIA, cujus Annus primus esset à profanatione Epiphaniana 1290 us Beatum verò qui exspectaret & pertingeret ad Indictionem Quinquagesimam septimam, cujus Annus primus esset à profanatione Epiphan●iana 1335 us Indictionem autem eam assumpsit, non quae magnam partem jam praeteriisset, sed quam Eventus primùm integram amplexu suo occuparet; ut Applicatio, quam suprà ex historia rei gestae dedimus, consideranti manifestum faciet. Neque sanè Resipsa, siquis ad rationem & indolem ejus bene attenderit, ejusmodi est, cujus Initii observationem uni alicui anno commodè alligaveris; sed quae annorum aliquot spatiolum requirat. Huicigitur rei, temporis per Indictiones designatione, sapientissimè prospectum erit.    

CONSECTARIA.  
DAta, quam hucusque astruere conati sumus, de ment hujus Vaticinii hypothesi, Tria magni momenti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consequuntur.  

1. Patrum authoritatem in negotio Antichristi & novissimorum temporum (utut in aliis multum iis tribuendum sit) omnino nullam esse: utpote quorum aetate Mysterium istud juxta Angeli prophetiam adhuc clausum & obsignatum foret: non igitur esse cur hîc Patrum opinationibus tantopere moveamur, ut multi solent.  
2. Si Antichristus Seculo isto XII revelandus erat; Ergò jam venerit, ipsissimúsque est qui tunc revelatus fuerat, non alius.  
3. Waldenses, Albigenses, similésque caeteros tunc temporis à Romana Ecclesia Segreges, tot adversariorum suorum praejudiciis gravatos, quibusdam etiam è nostris, nimiùm hâc parte credulis, de Schismate, si non Haeresi, suspectos, hujusmodi calumniarum de Spiritûs Sancti sententia absolvendos esse, próque legitimis Dei Patris per jesum Christum cultoribus, quibus utique sapere & intelligere solis, in tam caliginoso (heu!) Ecclesiae statu, datum fuit, hujus Scripturae viagnoscendos.   
[In the following Book are several Epistles explaining other difficult passages in Daniel: particularly in the Author's Second Letter to Mr. Haines is inserted a Treatise intituled, The purport of the Four Kingdoms in Daniel, or The A. B. C. of Prophecy; and another in his first Letter to Dr. Meddus, viz. The Description of the Great Day of judgement, Dan. 7.]  
The End of the Third Book.    

The Fourth Book OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned JOSEPH MEDE, B. D. SOMETIME Fellow of CHRIST'S College IN CAMBRIDGE.  
CONTAINING HIS EPISTLES, BEING ANSWERS to divers LETTERS of Learned Men.  
Corrected and enlarged with the Additions of several EPISTLES.  
Ecclesiastic. 14. Blessed is the man that doth meditate good things in wisdom, and that reasoneth of holy things by his understanding.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH BOOK  

EPIST. I.  A Letter from the Fellows of Trinity College near Dublin, desiring him to accept the provostship of their College. 
pag. 731.   

EPIST. II.  Mr. Mede's Answer, excusing his refusal thereof. 
pag. 732.   

Epist. III.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Archbishop Usher, acknowledging his favours and encouragements in his Apocalyptical studies, with his judgement of a Lutheran's Treatise De rebus in Novissimo die eventuris. 
pag. ibid.   

EPIST. IU.  Another Letter to the Archbishop, touching the Chronology of the Samaritan Pentateuch. 
pag. 733.   

EPIST. V.  Mr. Hayn's first Letter to Mr. Mede, touching several passages in Daniel and the Revelation. 
pag. 734.   

EPIST. VI  Mr. Mede's Answer. 
p. 736.   

EPIST. VII.  Mr. Hayn's second Letter about the same. 
pag. 738.   

EPIST. VIII.  Mr. Mede's Answer, wherein is inserted The Purport of the Four Kingdoms in Daniel, or The A. B. C. of Prophecy. 
pag. 742.   

EPIST. IX.  Mr. Hayn's third Letter about the former subject. 
pag. 745.   

EPIST. X.  Mr. Mede's Answer 
p. 748.   

EPIST. XI.  Mr. Hayn's fourth Letter. 
pag. 750.   

EPIST. XII.  Mr. Mede's large Answer. 
pag. 752.   

EPIST. XIII.  Dr. Twisse's first Letter, touching the 1000 years Regnum Christi, the Clades Testium, and the jews Conversion. 
pag. 758.   

EPIST. XIV.  Mr. Mede's Answer. 
p. 759.   

EPIST. XV.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Dr. Meddus, containing The Description of the great Day of judgement. 
p. 762.   

EPIST. XVI.  Dr. Twisse's second Letter, by way of Reply. 
pag. 764.   

EPIST. XVII.  Mr. Mede's Answer more fully treating of the manner of the jews Conversion. 
pag. 765.   

EPIST. XVIII.  Mr. Mason's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the Millenaries. 
p. 769.   

EPIST. XIX.  Dr. Potter's Letter of the same. 
pag. ibid.   

EPIST. XX.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Dr. Meddus, proving the First Resurrection (Rev. 20.) to be meant literally, etc. 
pag. 770.   

EPIST. XXI.  Dr. Meddus his Letter to Mr. Mede, touching Dr. Twisse's Answers to 9 Quaere's about Regnum Sanctorum. 
p. 773.   

EPIST. XXII.  Mr. Mede's Answer to the Tenth Quaere. 
pag. 775.   

EPIST. XXIII.  Dr. Twisse's third Letter, containing 3 Quaere's about some obscure passages in Daniel. 
pag. 777.   

EPIST. XXIV.  Mr. Mede's Answer thereunto. 
pag. 778.   

EPIST. XXV.  Mr. Mede's fuller Answer to one of the 3 Quaere's. 
pag. 781.   

EPIST. XXVI.  Mr. Burnet's Letter to Mr. Mede, about the Provostship of Trin. Col. in Ireland. 
pag. 782.   

EPIST. XXVII & XXVIII.  Two Letters from Dr. Ames touching Lawenus his Censure of Clavis Apocal. and Mr. Mede's Defence. 
pag. ibid.   

EPIST. XXIX.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Archbishop Usher, excusing his refusing the Provostship of Trin. Coll. with an account of Lawenus his Strictures upon his Clavis. 
pag. 783.   

EPIST. XXX.  Archbishop Usher's Letter to Mr. Mede touching his Comment on the Apocalyps, etc. 
pag. 784.   

EPIST. XXXI.  Mr. Mede's Letter touching some corruptions crept into the Hebrew Text. 
pag. 785.   

EPIST. XXXII.  Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Osbourn's Quaere's touching some passages in Daniel and the Apocalypse: 
pag. 787.   

EPIST. XXXIII.  Sr. W. Boswell's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching some of his Books sent him. 
pag. 789.   

EPIST. XXXIV.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Haydock, applauding his ingenious conceit of the Form of the Seven-sealed Book in Apocal. 5. 
pag. 790.   

EPIST. XXXV & XXXVI.  Two Letters from Sr. W. Boswell to Mr. Mede, touching his Book sent to Lud. de Dieu. 
pag. 791, 792.   

EPIST. XXXVII & XXXVIII.  Two Letters from Monsieur Testard and Mr. Brooks, touching Mr. Mede's Writings. 
pag. 792, 793.   

EPIST. XXXIX.  Monsieur Testard's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the Number 666. 
pag. 793.   

EPIST. XL.  Mr. Mede's Answer. 
p. 795.   

EPIST. XLI.  Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Inquiries touching the meaning of Ezek. 38. 17. & Dan. 11. 35, 36. 
p. 796.   

EPIST. XLII.  Dr. Twisse's 4. Letter to Mr. Mede, desiring his opinion of the English Plantations in America. 
p. 798.   

EPIST. XLIII.  Mr. Mede's Answer thereunto, as also touching our Saviour's proof of the Resurrection from Exod. 3. 6. 
p. 799.   

EPIST. XLIV.  Mr. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede, intimating a Learned man of Leiden his judgement of his Clavis Apocal. 
pag. 802.   

EPIST. XLV.  Mr. Mede's modest Answer, excusing himself and his Book. 
pag. 803.   

EPIST. XLVI.  Mr. Dury's Letter to Mr. Mede, desiring his advice about the best Method of endeavouring Peace amongst the Protestant Churches. 
p. 804.   

EPIST. XLVII.  Mr. Mede's Answer. 
p. ibid.   

EPIST. XLVIII.  Lud. de Dieu's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the various Readins in the Hebrew Text. 
pag. 805.   

EPIST. XLIX.  Mr. Mede's Answer. 
p. 808.   

EPIST. L.  Dr. Twisse's 5. Letter to Mr. Mede, applauding his Notions about the first peopling of America, and his proof of the Resurrection from Exod. 3. 6. with a Postscript touching Mr. Selden. 
p. 809.   

EPIST. LI.  Mr. Mede's Answer to the Postscript. His Answer to an Exception concerning the State of the Millennial felicity. Lactantius and others vindicated from the Antichiliasts. Why Hierom was afraid to mention justin Martyr. 
p. 811.   

EPIST. LII.  Mr. Mede's Letter containing some passages out of the Nicene Council and K. Edward's Catechism touching the Kingdom of Christ. 
pag. 813.   

EPIST. LIII.  Dr. Twisse's 6. Letter to Mr. Mede, desiring him to impart his Notions about Ezekiel's Temple and some obscure passages in Dan. 11. 
pag 814.   

EPIST. LIV.  Mr. Mede's Answer together with some passages out of Tertullian and King Edward's Catechism touching Regnum Christi, etc. 
pag. 815   

EPIST. LV.  Dr. Twisse's 7. Letter to M. Mede, desiring to know his thoughts touching Genuflexio versus Altar. 
pag. 817.   

EPIST. LVI.  Mr. Mede's Answer. His freedom from self-ends in all his opinions. 
pag. 818.   

EPIST. LVII.  Dr. Twisse's 8. Letter by way of Reply. 
pag. 820.   

EPIST. LVIII.  Mr. Mede's large Answer touching Holiness of Churches, etc. with a Caveat to the Reformed Churches. 
p. 823.   

EPIST. LIX.  Dr. Twisse's 9 Letter to Mr. Mede, about the 7 Lamps in Zach. 4. 
pag. 830.   

EPIST. LX.  Dr. Twisse's 10. Letter about the same, and the Pluscula in Zach. 9 10. 11. 
pag. 831.   

EPIST. LXI.  Mr. Mede's Answer about the 7 Lamps in Zach. 4. and the Pluscula in Zach. 9 10. 11. 
pag. 833.   

EPIST. LXII.  Dr. Twisse's 11. Letter, about Mr. Mede's Discourse De Numeris Danielis. 
pag. 835.   

EPIST. LXIII.  Mr. Estwick's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the Millennium. 
pag. 836.   

EPIST. LXIV.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Estwick, vindicating Lactantius about the Millennium, and proving Cyprian to be for the same Opinion: with some reflections upon Hierom. 
pag. ibid.   

EPIST. LXV.  Dr. Twisse's 12. Letter of Quaere's touching the antiquity of Synagogues and of Evensong, and the meaning of some difficult places of Scripture. 
pag. 837.   

EPIST. LXVI.  Mr. Mede's Answer to the Quaere's. 
pag. 839.   

EPIST. LXVII.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Estwick, touching the Gothick Liturgy. 
pag. 842.   

EPIST. LXVIII.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. E. more fully treating of the Gothick Liturgy, etc. 
pag. ibid.   

EPIST. LXIX.  Another Letter in answer to several Quaere's of Mr. Estwick's. 
pag. 843.   

EPIST. LXX.  Dr. Twisse's 13. Letter to Mr. Mede, expostulating with him about Ceremonies, etc. 
pag. 845.   

EPIST. LXXI.  Mr. Mede's large Answer; together with his judgement of Mr. Potter's Disc. touching the Number 666. 
p. 847.   

EPIST. LXXII.  Dr. Twisse's 14. Letter touching Mr. Potter's Disc. of 666. 
p. 852.   

EPIST. LXXIII.  Mr. Mede's Aus. 
p. 853.   

EPIST. LXXIV.  Dr. Twisse's 15. Letter, about Mr. Potter's Book, and the Holiness of Places. His reflections upon a passage in Mr. Mede's Inscription of his Disc. upon 1 Cor. 11. 22. with an Extract of Mr. Potter's Letter about 666. 
p. 855, & 856.   

EPIST. LXXV.  Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's and Mr. Potter's Letters. His vindication of that passage in the foresaid Inscription, and of that Maxim, Eadem est ratio Loci & Temporis. Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 
pag. 858   

EPIST. LXXVI.  Mir. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching Dr. Alting's Censure of Dr. Fields opinion. 
pag. 862   

EPIST. LXXVII.  Mr. Mede's vindication of Dr. Field: In what sense the Roman and Greek Church may be said not to have erred in primariis Fidei articulis. 
p. ibid.   

EPIST. LXXVIII.  Mr. Dury's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the manner of his treating with the Batavian Churches. 
pag. 863.   

EPIST. LXXIX.  Mr. Mede's Answer. 
pag. 864   

EPIST. LXXX.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, showing his Reasons why he refused to declare himself concerning the Acta Lipsiaca. 
pag. 865   

EPIST. LXXXI.  Mr. Dury's Letter to Mr. Mede, representing the Heads of his Design for a Pacification amongst Protestants. 
pag. 866   

EPIST. LXXXII.  Mr. Mede's Answer, and Advice thereupon. 
pag. 867   

EPIST. LXXXIII.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, touching two sorts of Fundamental Articles. 
pag. 868   

EPIST. LXXXIV.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. H. expressing his opinion touching Mr. Streso's distinguishing of three sorts of Fundamentals. 
pag. 870   

EPIST. LXXXV.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. H. showing that a Fundamental Confession should be short, easy and evident. 
pag. 871   

EPIST. LXXXVI. & LXXXVII.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. H. touching the defining of Fundamental Articles. 
pag. 872   

EPIST. LXXXVIII.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. H. advising how a Fundamental Confession should be framed. 
pag. 873   

EPIST. LXXXIX.  Mr. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede, for a sight of his Papers about the Millennium. 
pag. 875   

EPIST. XC.  Mr. Mede's Answer, with his judgement upon a Paper arguing from some Politic Considerations against the composing a Fundamental Confession. 
pag. ibid.   

EPIST. XCI.  Mr. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching Mr. Potter's Discourse of 666. 
pag. 877   

EPIST. XCII.  Mr. Mede's Answer, expressing his highesteem of that Discourse. 
pag. ibid.   

EPIST. XCIII.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. H. containing his Censure of Grebner's Prophecy in Trinity Coll. Cambr. 
pag. 878   

EPIST. XCIV.  Mr. Hartlib's Reply, thanking him for that Censure. 
pag. 879   

EPIST. XCV.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. H. touching the Number 25, the Root of the Beasts Number 666. with his judgement of an Analytical Table of the Apocalypse. 
pag. 880   

EPIST. XCVI.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. H. modestly excusing his own abilities, and intimating what cause he had to decline coming forth in print: with his Observation touching the Latitude of Rome. 
pag. 881   

EPIST. XCVII.  Mr. Mede's Letter to a Friend, touching some Papers of his printed without his privity. 
pag. 882   

EPIST. XCVIII.  Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, touching some Socinian Tenets; with his resentment of the Difficulties the Design for Peace among Protestants met with. 
pag. ibid.    

THE FOURTH BOOK; CONTAINING Mr. MEDE'S EPISTLES: BEING ANSWERS to divers LETTERS OF Learned Men.  

EPISTLE I.  
The Fellows of Trinity College near Dublin, their Letter to Mr. Mede, desiring him to accept of the Provostship of their College.  
Worthy Sir,  
THE vacancy of the place of Provost of this College, happening by the death of our late Governor Sir William Temple, hath drawn us the Fellows of the same to sack abroad for a Successor, on whom that place might be conferred: among many whom we have had recommended unto us, especially by the Lord Primate of Ireland, your worthy self is one, Upon which consideration, being of all other the weightiest, we have fixed our resolutions upon your person, and have accordingly settled the Election. And howsoever we are as yet ignorant of your intentions, as unacquainted with your person; yet the hope of your acceptance is so much advanced by the Lord Primate his confidence of the same, as we conceive you will not expect we should use many words to that purpose. A long-continued uncertainty in your determinations will (as matters now stand) be a means to lay us open to many disadvantages, which we hope you will stop by your freely accepting of what we so freely tender unto you. What the Affairs are that require your speedy settlement in the Government, we refer to the Relation of Mr. Temple and Mr. Lloyd, two of the signior Fellows, to whom you may give credit as our Agents, whose Commission is from us, and Employments in the behalf of our College have our approbation. And thus ceasing to be further trouble some unto you, we commit you to the protection of the Almighty, ever resting  
Your assured Friends, Trinity College, March 15. 1626. Io. Brodley, Io. johnson, Edw. Parry, Io. Wigget, Nath. Linch, Ranulp. Adam's.   

EPISTLE II.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to the foregoing Letter.  
Worthy Gentlemen,  
YOur love and good opinion of me, a person so unknown unto you, hath so far obliged me to your Society, that I confess an Answer by Letter is no way sufficient to acknowledge it: Yet both the great difference accompanying your Election, with such inconveniences as I saw must needs have followed thereupon, besides the consciousness of mine own disabilities and infirmities, which gave me just cause to suspect I should not satisfy that expectation which would be of a Stranger in such a place, hath deterred me from accepting that honour which was by you so lovingly conferred upon me: which therefore I must, and do fully and freely resign into your hands, hoping that God will direct you in the choice of some other, both more able and worthy to take that charge upon him. Howbeit, as I shall never forget this so undeserved a favour, so will I ever account myself to have that relation to your Society, which shall bind me as affectionately to love and pray for the prosperity thereof, as if I were a Member; and, if God should ever give me opportunity, no less to endeavour the same. In the mean time I heartily desire Almighty God to bless you, and will ever remain  
Your obliged Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's Coll. 10 April, 1627.   

EPISTLE III.  
jos. Medi Epistola ad R. ja. Usserium, Archiepisc. Armachanum.  
Reverende Primas,  
EX nu●errimis Domini Loei ad Capellum nostrum literis, 
This Epistle contains the Author's thankful acknowledgement of the L. Prima●e's favours and encouragement in his A p●cahptical ●udies, a● a●● his judgement of th● 〈◊〉 Tr●● 〈…〉 Of which see also EPIST. XX.  haud medio●ri cum animi molestia intellexi, quos numero Apocalyptico septem ad R. D. tuam in Hiberniam tran●miseram Libellos, in itinere Dublinum & Droghedam inter deperiisse. Hem, itáne eos in fraterculorum Hibernorum, quibus minimè laboraveram aut sumptus feceram, manus devenisse? Ut ut sit, jacturam istam, Reverende Antistes, quantum possum, nunc resarcio, missis, numero quidem propter inopiam meam paucioribus, sed paris omnino meae in R. Paternitatem tuam, tot mihi nominibus honorandam, observantiae & officii testibus. Unum autem me malè habet, quod cui praecipuè atque inprimis debueram hoc quicquid sit literarii muneris, ei jam, malo infortunio meo, postremo ferè omnium obveniat quod destinaveram. Tu enim, Reverende Praesul, primus mihi ad haec ulteriùs excolenda stimulus, Tu torpentem animum alloquio, comitate, & plausu tuo excitâsti. Imò, quod nunquam mihi nisi cum gratissimi animi significatione memorandum est, Tu illustri illâ tuâ ad Collegii Dubliniensis Praeposituram commendatione effecisti, ut nullius antea neque meriti neque existimationis homuncio, exinde tamen aliquid esse videar ab aestimatione Vestra. Quidni igitur aegerrimè feram, tam serò ad Teperventuram esse hanc qualemcunque officii mei & devotionis tesseram?  
Huic igitur malo sive infortunii, sive culpae fuerit, aliquatenus ut medicer, consultum fore putabam si Auctariolum aliquod Libellulis hisce meis adjungerem, Dissertatiunculam de gemina illa apud Daniclem periodo Dierum, c. 12. v. 11, 12. praeterea Specimen interpretationis Millennii Apocalyptici, à reliquo similium Speciminum corpore resectum. Nam rogatu, seu magìs instantiâ amicorum, quibus institutum meum in Libellulo meo praeter omnem opinionem placuit, factum est, ut Specimina quaedam exinde concinnaverim Interpretationum Apocalypticarum ad amussim Clavis Apocalypticae. In quibus quae de septima Tuba ejúsque mille annis disseruerim, limatissimo judicio ●uo, R. P. e● quâ par est humilitate subjicio. De quo etiam quid paulò post mihi acciderit, apud Paternitatem tuam tacere non possum; nimirum vixdum me haec conscripsisse, atque cum amicis de iisdem contulisse, cum ecce in Catalogo Francofurtensi, propter tumul tus bellicos & marinorum itinerum pericula post quadrimestre demum ad nos allato, Libellum deprehendo hoo titulo, Verosimilia Historico-Prophetica De rebus in novissimo die eventuris, è sacris utriusque ' jestamenti Oraculis collecta, pio & accurato studio cujusdam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Protinus animum meum suspicio incessit (quam postea veram comperi) de Millennio Apocalyptico agi. Proinde Bibliopolis nostris id negotii dedi, ut omni studio Librum istum perquirerent. Duo tan●ùm aut tria exemplaria Londinum advecta sunt. Unum ego nactus sum. Author Lutheranus est, sed Anonymus; vir quidem, ut videtur, doctus &, quod in istius sectae homine rarum, permodestus. Haud temerè suspicatus sum de argumento; nam eandem planè tuetur de Die suo Novissimo sententiam quam ego de Die judicii conceperam. Ut Libro prelecto non mediocriter in sententia mea confirmatus sim, tum propter hoc ipsum, tum quòd multa Scripturae loca in eo reperi adeò ad meam mentem interpretata; ut consensionem in talibus à communi sententia abeuntibus oppidò mirarer. Vides, Reverende Praesul, quò me rapit Contemplatiunculae meae nimium forta●se studium, ut etiam tibi hisce narrandis importunus sim. Sed ultrà Paternitatem tuam à gravioribus tuis meditationibus non distinebo. Deus te, Reverendissime ac Illustrissime Domine, quam diutissimè incolumem & superstitem velit Ecclesiae & Patriae tuae bono.  
E. Collegio Christi, 24 Aprilis An. 1628. Reverendissimae Paternitatis tuae studiosissimus, josephus Medus.   

EPISTLE IU.  
Mr. Mede's Second Letter to Archbishop Ʋsher touching the Millennium, and the Chronology of the Samaritan Pentateuch, etc.  
My Reverend Lord,  
HAving understood by Mr. Lowe's Letter to Mr. Chappel, that my 
* He means his Clavis Apocalyptica, seven Copies whereof he sent into Ireland.  Books were lost between Dublin and Droghedah, as they were coming to your Lordship; I presumed a second time to obtrude upon your Grace three or four more of them: howsoever the worth were not such that the first loss was much material. I sent with them a Letter, and a 
‖ Viz. Dissert. Le Numeri● Dan. cap. 12. v. 11, 12. & Spe●●men interpret. Millen, Apocalypt.  Speculation or two with it, which yet, through some defect in sending, I fear will come after them. I beseech your Lordship pardon me, if I have offended (as I am afraid I have) either against discretion or good manners: For I confess I have been since somewhat jealous, that the Books I first sent were not so lost, but that they were found again: which if they were, how can I but blush to think, that I have with such either show of self-love or unmannerly importunity again troubled your Lordship with them, who should no● have presumed at the first to have offered any more than one? But my confidence is in your Grace's experienced humanity to accept any thing in good part from a Scholar's hand, though perhaps accompanied with some melancholic vanity.  
My Lord, I sent in the Letter I mention the last Paragraph or piece of some Specimina Interpretationum Apocalypticarum, namely, that which concerned the Millennium. Whereto I added, for further probability of my Conceit, somewhat more out of my Adversaria, and in special that one of Carpentarius' Com. in Alcinoum Platonis p. 322. 
* That the Sevent● M●●nary is by the whole School of the Cabalists called The Great Day of judgement.  Septimum Millenarium ab universa Cabbalistarum Schola vocari MAGNUM DIEM JUDICII. Wherein I had no intent or thought, not yet have, to avow that old conceit of the Chiliasts, That the World should as it were labour 6000 years, and in the Seventh thousand should be that glorious Sabbath of the Reign of Christ, (I inclined to think it much nearer:) But only to show how fitly in the Hebrew notion, not only a long time of some Years and Ages, but even this very time of a Thousand years, might be styled a Day. Howbeit I desire your Lordship to give me leave (if but for your recreation) to relate the event of a piece of my Curiosity since that time; the rather, because the means thereof is beholding to your Grace.  
I chanced to light upon Mr. Selden's Marmora Arundelliana, and found therein, together with an honourable and deserved mention of your Grace's name, the Chronology of your Samaritan Pentateuch, published to the view of the whole world. I had thereby opportunity to take more curious notice thereof than I had done when your Lordship was in England; and observed, that it much more exceeded the jewish in the Genealogy of the Patriarches after the flood, than it came short in those before it. It came therefore into my mind to try how near the 6000 years of the world would be by that computation: I found it would be Anno AErae Christianae 1736, which is just the very year when the 1260 years of the Beast's reign will expire, if it be reckoned from the Deposition of Augustulus the last Roman Emperor.  
Depositio Angustuli Anno AErae Christ. 
476  Anni Regni Bestiae 
1260  Sum. 
1736  A Condito Mundo ad AEram Christ. juxta Scaligerum 
3949  Add quadriennium quo idem anticipat initium Nebuchadnezzaris, nam in caeteris nihil muto 
4  Excessus Chronologiae Samaritanae supra judaicam 
311  Ità à condito Mundo ad AEram Christ. erunt Ann. 
4264  Add annos AErae Christ. quando exibunt Tempora Bestiae seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, si ducantur à depositione Angustuli 
1736  Sum. 
6000   
I began here to consider, whether this difference of the Account of the years of the world were not ordered by a special disposition of Providence, to frustrate our Curiosity in searching the time of the Day of judgement.  
My Lord, I would trouble your Lordship with a Conceit or two more, if I had time. As that I conceive Nebuchadnezzar's dream, Dan 2. to have been some years before he sought for the interpretation, which was the reason he had forgotten it: the words in ver. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken for the dream, and may be well so construed; viz. That his dream came upon him, or came into his mind. Also that the 40 years, Ezek. 4. 6. should be the time of Manasses Idolatry, for which God threatens so often that he would destroy that Kingdom. But Mr. Provost will not stay for me. I beseech the Almighty long to bless your Grace, and grant you life: and thus I end with my humble Service, and am  
Christ's Coll. 22 May, 1628. Your Lordship's most ready to be commanded, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE V.  
Mr. Hayn his First Letter to Mr. Mede, about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  

SALUTEM in CHRISTO. Worthy and Learned Sir,  
SOme kind friend have lately imparted to me your Synchronisms of the Apocalypse printed, and some other written passages on Daniel's times and other parts of Scripture. The world must needs give good entertainment to your painful and learned labours, who have undertaken paths trodden by few, with much care of sure footing, especially in your Synchronisms: Yet see how it falls out (as in this kind it cannot be avoided) in all things you shall not find assent. For my part I know well quam sit mihi curta supellex; yet partly that I may be better instructed myself, partly to give you occasion of further clearing the Truth, I have sent here included some Positions, with Arguments confirming them, contrary to some of your Tenets; desiring your favourable interpretation of my meaning, and your Answer at your best leisure: and assuring you that I do this not contradicendi study, sed amore veritatis indagandae, and minding (if you encourage me thereto) to show hereafter my Reasons of some dissent in other matters, I commend you and your studies to God's blessing, and rest  
From Christs-parish in London, june 5. 1629. Your very loving Friend, Tho. Hayn.   

I. POSIT. DAniel shows not the Roman Monarchie's persecution of the Church, and the Fall of the same Monarchy.  
Argum. 1. If the Romans persecution of the saints and the Fall of the Romans were not revealed till Christ revealed them to john in the Apocalypse, than Daniel revealed them not. But the Romans persecution of the Saints and their Fall were not revealed till Christ revealed them to john in the Apocalypse. Ergò Daniel revealed them not.  
The Major Proposition is evident. The Minor is thus proved.  
The Romans persecution of the Saints and their Fall are revealed in the little Book, Apoc. 5. etc. by opening seven seals and blowing seven Trumpets, all concerning seven-headed Rome: and none was able to open the Seals of this Book till Christ opened them to john. Ergò the Romans persecution and Fall were revealed to none till Christ revealed them to john.  
The former part of the Antecedent is granted by the general consent of Interpreters on the Apocalypse. The latter part is clear in the Text, Apocal. 5. None was able to open the Book, none in heaven, or earth, or under the earth. Now if Daniel had showed these persecutions, Paul, who delivered to his hearers all the counsel of God, could have opened these also: But Apocal. 5. denies that he could, or that any man else could.  
Argum. 2. The persecutions of Christ's eternal Kingdom mentioned in Dan. 2. 44. & chap. 7. 26, 27. and frequently in the New Testament, are not prophesied f in Daniel. But the persecutions brought by the Romans on the Church are against Christ's eternal Kingdom, to be preached over the world after Christ. Ergò the persecutions brought by the Romans on the Church or eternal Kingdom of Christ are not spoken of in Daniel.  
The Minor Proposition is clear. The Major is confirmed by all speeches of that eternal Kingdom in Daniel. The Stone which became a Mountain is not battered, nor the Mountain any way assailed, chap. 2. The eternal Kingdom breaks the former Kingdoms; but itself is not broken, Chap. 2. 44. When the four Beasts chap. 7. are destroyed, then comes the Son of man in the clouds, and receives the eternal Kingdom, which john Baptist, Christ himself, and the Apostles preached. There also is no persecution of this Kingdom mentioned, Chap. 7. 13, 14. nor Verse 27, etc. The Battle against the Saints, Verse 21. and the consuming of them, Verse 25. concerns the Saints before the setting up of Christ's Kingdom over all the world; as the endeavour to alter 
* namely such as Moses Law had prescribed for their Feasts and Solemnities.  Times and 
‖ namely them of old about Sacrificing and Circumcision, etc.  Laws plainly shows. Antiochus Epiphanes was the man that attempted this.  
II. POSIT. The fourth Beast, Dan. 7. is not able sufficiently to express the Roman Empire; and therefore it expresseth it not.  
Argum. That which is but sufficiently expressed by all the four Beasts, or the chief parts of all four, cannot be sufficiently expressed by one of the four alone, namely the fourth.  
But the Roman Empire is but sufficiently expressed by all the four Beasts, Dan. 7. or the chief parts of them. Ergò the Roman Empire cannot be sufficiently expressed by the fourth Beast alone.  
The Major is evident. The Minor is thus confirmed.  
If the Roman Empire, Apoc. 13. be resembled by a Beast which is composed of all Daniel's four Beasts, Dan. 7. or the chief parts of the four Beasts, than it is but sufficiently expressed by them all. But the Roman Empire, Apoc. 13. is resembled by a Beast which is composed of all Daniel's four Beasts, or their chief parts. Ergò the Roman Empire, etc.  
The Major is proved thus.  
Either the Major is true, or else the Composition taken from the three former Beasts and their chief parts is needless. But it is not needless, for God hath nothing needless in his Word. Ergò the Major is true.  
The Minor is proved thus.  
That the Roman Empire is expressed by a Beast composed of all Daniel's four Beasts, Dan. 7. or the chief parts of them all, is plain thus.  
3. It is like a Leopard. It hath 7 heads. 3. Beast. The Leopard 1. 1. It hath a Lion's mouth. So had the four Beasts in Dan. 1. The Lion 1. 2. A Bear's paws.  2. The Bear 1. 4. The 10 horns of the 4. Beast.  4. The Last Beast 4.    In all 7 heads.  
It blasphemes, hath large authority, wars against the Saints, overcomes and prospers. Therefore it is composed and is extracted out of the 4 Beasts, Dan. 7.    

EPISTLE VI.  
Mr. Med's Answer to Mr. Hayn's First Letter about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  
SIR,  
THE last week I could not get any time to answer your Letter, and therefore I thought good to make use of your indulgence, that I should answer at my best leisure. And though I have not now that leisure I expected, yet I will not frustrate you any longer. What passages of mine you should have seen upon Daniel's times, I cannot imagine; for I remember not to have done any thing directly upon that Prophecy, but only occasionally in some Discourses upon other places of Scripture: whether any body hath extracted those parcels from their body, I cannot tell, but wish they had not, lest I may have wrong by being mistaken.  
For your Two Positions about the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel, your Grounds do as much mistake as contradict my Tenets. And therefore I shall either answer or decline your Arguments by setting down my own opinion in these following Theses.  

1. The Roman Empire to be the Fourth Kingdom of Daniel, was believed by the Church of Israel both before and in our Saviour's time; received by the Disciples of the Apostles, and the whole Christian Church for the first 400 years, without any known contradiction. And I confess, having so good ground in Scripture, it is with me tantùm non Articulus fidei, little less than an Article of faith.  
2. I acknowledge also the subject of the Apocalyptical Visions to be Fata Imperii Romani post primum Christi adventum usque ad secundum supersuturi, The Fates of the Roman Empire, which after the first coming of Christ was still to continue in being even till the second. And this I affirm, the Roman Kingdom was revealed unto Daniel, but not according to that distinct succession of things and specification of the Fates thereof (which was first made known unto S. john,) but only in general and in imagine confusa, not to be explicated but by Christ himself. I say, the Roman Kingdom was revealed to Daniel in general, but the order of the times thereof, and the series rerum gerundarum or course of things to be acted therein, not until the Revelation unto S. john.  
3. Nor is it strange or unwonted, that a thing may be revealed in general, and yet most of the particulars concerning the same to be unknown and sealed. The calling of the Gentiles, or the Kingdom of Christ among the Gentiles, by way of surrogation to the jews, was revealed unto S. Peter and the rest of the Apostles; but the particular Fates and States of that Kingdom were never known till Christ revealed them to S. john in the Apocalyptical Visions. The like I say of the Fourth or Roman Kingdom; the general revelation whereof could not but be before the opening of the sealed Book in the Apocalypse, since it had then been so long a time in the world, as it was grown past the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and had fulfilled what it was to fulfil upon Daniel's people.  
4. As for the Persecutions of the Church, I deny the argument either of the Seals or Trumpets to be the Roman persecutions of Christ's Kingdom, or that any of them have reference to persecutions save the Fifth Seal only; or that any thing contained in them was made known to Daniel, save the Catastrophe only represented in the last Trumpet, 
Rev. 10. ●.  which the Angelus tonitruum proclaims there to be Consummatio Mysterii Dei, prout annunciavit servis suis Prophetis, The finishing of the Mystery of God, as he hath declared to his servants the Prophets; and therefore cannot be denied to have been both foretold and expected for the general, although not for the Manner, Time, and Order in serie rerum gerundarum, till now.  
5. Howsoever my Tenet here be, yet your Assertion, That the Romans persecution was revealed to none till Christ revealed it to john, cannot stand, unless you deny the coming of the man of sin (who is a limb of that Kingdom) to be any part of the Church's afflictions: For this was revealed unto S. Paul, both for the quality and the fall thereof, viz. 
2 Thess. 2. 8.  That Christ should destroy it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I make no doubt but S. Paul learned out of the seventh of Daniel, where that ruffling Horn also is not destroyed until the Son of man comes in the clouds of heaven, to receive that Universal Kingdom which shall never suffer persecution.  
6. But whereas you say, that the ruffling Horn of the Fourth Beast is Antiochus Epiphanes; I demonstrate the contrary by this one Argument.   
The ruffling Horn reigns until the Ancient of days comes in fiery flames to destroy him, and to give judgement unto the Saints of the most High; and until the time comes that the Saints possessed the Kingdom, viz. until the Son of man comes in the clouds of heaven, to receive a Kingdom wherein all Nations, People and Languages should serve and obey him, Daniel 7. verses 9, 10, 11, 13, expounded, ver. 22, 26, etc. But Antiochus Epiphanes reigned not until this time, (for he died 160 years and more before the Birth of Christ, and almost 200 years before his Ascension; the least of which numbers is a longer space of time than was from the death of Alexander unto Antiochus.) Ergò Antiochus Epiphanes is not that ruffling Horn.  
The changing of Times and Laws (whereby the power of this Horn is described) is an Oriental phrase to express potestatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nor are Times here to be taken in so abstract a notion, but concretely for status rerum tempora varian●ium, or Res quibus variatur status temporum, as are mutationes Rerumpub. & regiminis rerum; Times, for things done in time, whereby the Times are altered: such as are the alterations of States and Governments: According to which notion, Dan. 2. 21. it is said of God, that he changeth times and seasons, he removeth Kings and setteth up Kings; and I Chron. 29. 30. that the Acts of David were written in the Books of Samuel, Nathan, and Gad, the Seers, with all his reign, and his might, and the times that went over him, and over Israel, and over all the Kingdoms of the Countries. And whether the Pope (if, I say, he is that Horn) took not upon him a power of changing such Times as these, I shall not need to tell you. And yet take Times in your own Notion, and it would make a shift to fit him as well as Antiochus.  
To your Second Position.  
The proof of your Second Position, That the Fourth Beast, Dan. 7. is not able sufficiently to express the Roman Empire, is in the mainest part Petitio principii, wherein that is taken for granted which is in question: For you take for granted, that the Type of the Roman Empire in the Apocalypse borrows his Ten horns from Daniel's fourth Beast, as a distinct Beast from it: But I say he borrows them not, they are his own proper and native horns; Daniel's Beast and he being one and the same Beast I grant that the Apocalyptical Beast for the shape of his body is beholding to Daniel's three first Beasts, but that he borroweth any from the fourth, I deny. Nor do Horns, more or fewer, distinguish the species of a Beast: For in the Apocalypse there is a Lamb with seven horns, and a Lamb with two horns, and yet for kind a Lamb still: So Daniel's He-goat had first one horn, and afterward four horns, and yet the same Goat still, etc.  
The correspondence in number of the several Heads of Daniel's four Beasts put together, with the seven heads of the Apocalyptical Beast, is but casual: Neither can it be proved that the Fourth of Daniel's Beasts had but one head, as is here to be supposed: (for the third Beast hath the four heads, and the other three but one a piece.) For the mentioning of the Head which bore the ten horns in the singular number, Verse 20. proves no more it had but one head, than the mentioning of mouth likewise in the singular number, Apoc. 13. ver. 2, 5, 6. proves the Apocalyptical Beast had bu● one mouth. For indeed the Ten horns were all upon one head, as well in the Apocalyptical Beast (viz. upon the seventh or uppermost head) as in Daniel's Beast; and the mouth of the Apocalyptical Beast was the mouth also of the seventh head, to act the state of which head S. john saw him 
* Rev. 13. 1.  rise out of the Sea, etc.  
And whereas you speak of an insufficient expression of the Roman Empire by Daniel's Fourth Beast; you may perceive by that I have said before, that it would well enough agree with my Principles to grant it; my Tenet being, That the Fourth Beast should not be so distinctly with all accoutrements revealed unto Daniel as it was unto S. john, because the specification of the several States and Fates thereof was yet sealed and unrevealed. And the third Kingdom was not so distinctly revealed to Daniel in the Leopard, Chap. 7. as it was two years after to the same Daniel in the great He-goat, Chap. 8. etc. The dispensation of God in these Revelations is to be measured according to his pleasure and the use of the Church, etc.  
But it is now three a clock, and I have no more time. I had much rather confer of these things by word of mouth, wherein perhaps I could give better satisfaction. Conference by writing is wont to multiply itself into so much paper, as taketh away a great deal of my time, and gives me no leisure to perfect that whereby I might perhaps prevent a great part of the Objections which now are made. Thus hoping you will accept this tumultuary Answer, I rest, commending your Studies and endeavours to the Divine Blessing.  
Christ's College, june 17. 1629. Your loving Friend, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE VII.  
Mr. Hayn's Second Letter to Mr. Mede, about several Prophetical passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  To the First THESIS. 
BEfore Christ's time all the East (as Tacitus saith,) expected a King to rule over all the world: whence could this be, but from the expectation of the jews of the Kingdom which was to spread over all the world after the ruin of the fourth Beast in Daniel; and that they now saw the divided Kingdom of the Greeks after Antiochus Epiphanes his time decaying, and likely to be extinguished?  
And in Christ's time the faithful, (the rest were blind guides not to be followed) believing Christ and the Apostles preaching the coming of the Kingdom of God, against which Hell gates should not prevail, must necessarily conceive that the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel was at the last cast, and therefore understand the Fourth Kingdom to be the parted Greeks lately expiring in Cleopatra, her Brother Ptolemy, or others, and not the Roman still flourishing, and not likely yet to fall: For the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel was to fall before the setting up of the everlasting Kingdom of Christ. And if in Christ's time the faithful did conceive thus of the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel; then succeeding Ages to those Primitive times, so long as they retained a right judgement, were of the same mind.  
The jews in aftertimes went about to persuade that the Romans (calling them Edom also) were the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel, because they might be thought to hold aright that Messias was not yet come, who should be the Stone falling on the toes of the Fourth Kingdom. Eusebius and some others have fallen into this trap set by jews. Seeing it is a course to harden jews against the true Messias already come, we shall do well to avoid it.  
If you demand, 
Object.  Why then did not Christ and the Apostles use this Argument to prove him the true Messias?  
In effect they did. 
Answer.  They preached that the Kingdom of God was at hand: the coming whereof implies the Fall of the Fourth Kingdom; and that was then ocular, and to be understood of the Successors of Antiochus falling, not of the Romans flourishing. And seeing that in the preaching of Christ's Kingdom it was to be taught, that his Kingdom was not of this world, (at which point the jews stumbled) Christ's main Argument was, The works which I do, they testify of me.  To the Second THESIS. 
You affirm that the Roman Kingdom was revealed to Daniel in imagine confusa, but explicated to john by specification of the Fates and the order rerum gerundarum.  
This cannot stand good.  
For the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel is more particularly and distinctly set down then any of the other Three. And of the other Three be not revealed in imagine confusa, but fully enough for the specification of their Fates and the order of their acts; then much more the Fourth Kingdom, which is far more amply in types and explication set out in Daniel.  
Then secondly, It cannot be said to be set down in imagine confusa; for it is orderly and in special manner handled: First, for the Original; It rises out of the Sea. Then for the power; It is strong as iron, able to break in pieces and subdue all, Dan. 2. 40. It is fearful, very strong, and hath ten horns. It hath iron teeth, and nails of brass. In conclusion, It hath one little horn, that pulls away three of the former ten; It hath ten Kings, and one unlike the rest; It in the end shall be partly strong as Iron, partly weak as Clay. For the stirs it should make, and the persecution brought on the Church thereby; It subdued and did break in pieces all things, as Iron bruiseth and breaketh all, Dan. 2. 40. It devours and breaks in pieces, and stamps the residue under feet, Dan. 7. 7. As the ten horns do mischief, so especially the little horn which made war with the Saints, and prevailed against them, and consumed them: It waxed great even to the host of heaven, and cast some of the host and the stars to the ground, and stamped on them, Chap. 8. 10. It thought to alter times and laws, Chap. 7. 25. Then also (as you hold in your Explication of Dan. 11. ver. 36. and after) the Roman Kingdom is there prophesied of, that he should conquer Macedon, and every King and Nation should persecute, mock, and crucify Christ, and persecute Christians till Constantine's times. Then the Pope should arise worshipping Daemonia, and countenancing single life, shall not regard any God, but magnify himself above all; In the Seat and Temple of God, should worship Mahuzzims with gold and with silver and precious stones, and distribute the earth among his Mahuzzims; deal with Saracens and Turks, enter into Palestine, etc. Chap. 11. Then for the blasphemy of this Kingdom, mention is made of the mouth speaking presumptuous things, Chap. 7. 8. speaking against the most High, Verse 25. and speaking marvellous things against the God of Gods, Chap. 11. 36.— The Fall also of this Kingdom is plainly expressed, Chap. 2. 34, & 45. & Chap. 7. 11, & 26. by being broken in pieces, and blown as chaff, by being destroyed and given to the fire, by perishing unto the end. Lastly, the time of this Fourth Kingdom's domineering, or at least of the chief violence of it, is expressed, A times, time, and half a time, answerable to the time of the woman's keeping from the Serpent, Apoc. 12. 14. Then the time of taking away the daily sacrifice continues 2300. days.  
Thus it is evident how particularly Daniel hath laid open the Original, the Acts, the Sufferings, and Fall of the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel. And yet I have not brought all particulars. Hence it is manifest that this cannot be a general deciphering of the Roman Kingdom, but a particular description of some other Kingdom which fell before Christ's time.  
Here now if you shall object 
Object.  that the Beast, Dan. 7. doth show the very same kingdom that is set out Apoc. 13. because in Original, and Power, and Persecution, and Fall, and Time, it so much agrees with the same.  
I answer, 
Answ.  That God is unchangeable, and inflicts punishments alike on sinners alike, and expresses after-matters by words used in narrations of former matters of like nature; which much helps our weakness for understanding of these depths. And therefore the Apocalypse is as it were made up with the Allusions, Metaphors, and Formulae loquendi of the Books of the Old Testament: yet do not almost all the Visions of the Apocalypse (as one unjustly judges) handle imprimis Res judaeorum, but Res Christianorum in the words of former Prophets: So we may express a matter that Tully never dreamt of in tully's Phrases and Metaphors.  
Then these Beasts as they agree in many things, so they differ in many; in Heads, Mouths, Paws, in one little Horn, etc. but especially that the Beast, Dan. 7. is destroyed before the setting up of Christ's Kingdom over all the earth.  To the Third THESIS. 
I deny not but that a matter may be revealed in general, and yet the particulars sealed. So all the Persecutions of the Church are told in this, I will put enmity between thy seed and her seed: the particulars then sealed are opened in the whole Bible. But you see above, that the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel is particularly described, and therefore that description cannot be a general revealing of the Roman Empire: Especially seeing we are told that the Lamb slain was the revealer of them, and none before. We have also general Prophecies of the Romans persecuting Christ and his Church: as that Psal. 2. Why do the heathen rage? and that Dan. 9 Messiah shall be slain, and jerusalem ruinated: But the Roman Kingdom is there in no shape or form pictured. Some other Prophecies in general Terms there may be of the Roman Empire, the particulars whereof (as you well say) are showed to john; so that Daniel's Fourth Kingdom particularly described cannot belong to them. Daniel's Book begins with Babel's wasting the City jerusalem, and ends with the utter overthrow of the City and Temple by the Romans. After Ierusalem's overthrow in Domitian's time, Christ reveals to john what should befall to the Church to the end of the world: and here the Romans are fully and plainly painted out to us●— Here you object,  
But the Roman power had been long in the world, 
Object.  and was now past the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and had fulfilled what it was to fulfil on Daniel's people.  
I answer, 
Answer.  God in his Book deigns not to meddle with the actions of Kingdoms, otherwise than as they persecute his people or favour them, or are instruments to punish them, or are punished for persecuting them. The Babylonians and Nabuchadnezzar did worthy deeds before the first Captivity of judah, which God passes over, and begins the count of Nebuchadnezzar's reign from the first Captivity. Cyrus and Darius were of good years when they overthrew Babel, and had not spent their former years idly: their reign also is counted by God but from the overthrow of Babel and rule over the jews. So what the Romans first did in Italy, afterward against Neighbour-nations, and then in divers parts more remote, God passes over, and only foretells what they were to do against the jews falling from God, and how to kill the Messiah, Dan. 9 And then in Apocal what they were to do against his Church, or suffer for afflicting his Church.  
Nor had the Romans fulfilled what they were to fulfil on the jews, Daniel's people, before the revelation to john: For ever since the overthrow of jerusalem, the jews have been scattered and oppressed by the power and laws of Rome in divers parts of Europe and elsewhere.  To the Fourth THESIS. 
I wrote (or else it was lapsus pennae) that the opening of seven Seals, and blowing seven Trumpets, were concerning Seven-headed Rome; that is, as either it persecuted the Saints, or was plagued for persecuting them: which I know you will grant. The persecution of the Saints of God is plain in other parts of the Revelation. Now seeing Daniel in all speeches of the everlasting Kingdom never mentions any persecutors of it, and their carriages and falls, but the persecutions of Daniel's people the jews, and not the Christian Church; it seems evident to me, that he meddles not with the Roman Empire's doings after the destruction of jerusalem, or the Pope's doings long after.  
The consummatio Mysterii Dei, prout annunciavit servis suis Prophetis, The finishing of the Mystery of God, as he hath shown to his servants the Prophets, proves not that the Roman matters were foretold to the ancient Prophets. The words Apocal. 10. 7. are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which construction intimates the glad tidings of the Gospel since Christ, brought to the present Prophets or Preachers of the times from Christ: so the speech of God's Servants the Prophets is understood Rev. 22. 9  To the Fifth THESIS. 
The Romans persecuting the Christian Church was revealed to none till Christ revealed them to john, namely, so as that the Romans were plainly deciphered, and by evident marks distinguished to be the Nation spoken of. The coming of false Prophets was foretold Matt. 24. the Man of Sin and his consuming, 2 Thess. 2. but there was nothing to show of what People and Nation and City he should be. What knowledge soever Paul had of these things concerning Rome's persecution of the Church, he may well be said to have it by Revelation from Christ (Gal. 1. 12.) the opener of this little Book. There is no circumstance of the ruffling Horn Dan. 7. which could teach Paul that the Romans were the Fourth Beast, Daniel 7. for any thing that I know.  
Coming in the Clouds, Dan. 7. is not to the last judgement at Doomsday but Christ's coming to take the Kingdom which he preached to be at hand, of all power being given to him. The phrase of coming in the Clouds is borrowed from the Cloud in the Wilderness, and God's presence in the Cloud on the Tabernacle often; intimating God's defence and direction of his Church. See Isa. 4. 5. most pertinent to this sense. The heathen have the like phrase. Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. God is present to Diomedes. 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Virg. 7. AEn.  
Pater omnipotens— radiis ardentem lucis & auro  
Ipse manu quatiens oftendit ab aethere nubem:  When jupiter came to assist AEneas now to settle in Italy.  
It is not said of the Universal Kingdom in Daniel, that it should never suffer persecution; but that it never should be destroyed: because 'tis built on the Rock Christ, no power shall prevail against it. That it should never be destroyed, implies that it should be impugned: But how in these later Times, john in the Apocalypse shows from Christ.  To the Sixth THESIS. 
I answer to the Assumption, That Antiochus Epiphanes, whom God suffered much to prevail against the jews, reigned till God came to destroy him by his own hand, as unresistible as fire: For destruction by fire in Scripture is an high Metaphor, and expresseth often unresistible destruction. After Epiphanes' death, (who was the last hot persecutor) God gave often victory to the jews against the Greeks; which verifies that in the Greeks which was typed in the Feet, part of Iron to break the jews, part of Clay, not able to harm others or defend themselves. And so much the weaker were those Feet, because the Iron and Clay could not be mixed together to strengthen each other. God now showed himself favourable to the jews, and gave judgement or defence to them, partly by their own valour, partly by the Romans interposing themselves as friends. Now the Throne of the Ancient of days was set, and the jews had defence (till Christ's time) from the weak Greeks.  
And now the Romans having an inch given them, take an ell, and usurp authority over the jews; and with them kill Christ the Messiah. But Christ overcame death, and had all power in heaven and in earth given him, Matth. 28. This his Kingdom we acknowledge in our prayers, and the Church celebrates, Apocal. 5. by the voice of all such as were made Priests and Kings to reign on the earth, even such as were gathered out of all nations, tongues and kindreds.  
That which you add about Times put for Things done in time, is very true for the signification of the Phrase when it comes alone in divers places: But here changing of Times and Laws go together. Antiochus Epiphanes his dealings wonderfully agree to this. 1 Mac. 1. 42. He would make every one leave his Laws. He forbids burnt-offering and sacrifice, Verse 45. He commands the Books of the Law to be burnt, Vers. 56, 57 He slew the jews for circumcising their children, Vers. 60. He puts down their Laws, 2 Macc. 4. 10. & 6. 1, 2. He uses threats and cruelty, than flattery, to make them forsake the Law, 2 Macc. 7. All these stirs grew from the Greeks attempting to make them leave their Laws, 1 Macc. 6. 59 Then Epiphanes his attempt to alter Times is clear in his command to put down the Sabbaths and Feasts, and his making them to keep Bacchus' Feasts, 2 Macc. 6. 7. To the Seventh THESIS.  
The Fourth Beast, Dan. 7. and the First Beast, Revel. 13. are not one and the same: They differ much in shape of body, and in their acts, and in their falls and plagues. Besides, that in the Apocal. is made as it were of all the four in Daniel, and is so described as if it came in stead, and was comparable to them all; as indeed it was.  
Horns, more or less distinguish not a Beast. That infirms not what I said. By the way only I here observe, That the Beast with seven horns was a Lamb indeed, that is Christ. The Beast Apocal. 13. with two horns, had these two horns like a Lamb's, but in truth he might be a Wolf.  
Seeing it is not said that Daniel's Fourth Beast had four heads, (therein I mistook in my former writing) it is to be presumed he had but one, as Beasts usually have no more; except in Vision, for expression of some special matter, more heads be attributed to them. The Third Beast, Dan. 7. had four heads. The number of which four heads, with the three heads of the other three Beasts● fits so well with John's Beast, besides the resemblance to the Lion, Bear, Leopard, that I believe it cannot be casual, especially seeing it is in God's Book.  
Concerning that you say of Mouth put singularly, I answer, that the Beast Apocal. 13. had seven heads with names of blasphemy: This will imply that each had a mouth, and that a blasphemous mouth, which is more. Besides, the very nomination of head implies a mouth, and seven heads, seven mouths. And whereas there is mention of a mouth given the Beast Vers. 5. methinks that should intimate the extremity of blasphemy proceeding from the seventh head beyond all the rest.  
Whereas you say the third Kingdom in Daniel was not so distinctly revealed Chap. 7. as afterwards chap. 8. That is true. And further I add, That in Visions and Prophecies God hath spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and revealed things to come by parts; so that several Visions or Prophecies laid together make up the whole. In each of Daniel's Visions something is passed over to be supplied by the rest. In the second Chapter there is nothing to type Alexander's four chief Chaptains, nor is it told what people should be trodden on by the Iron legs. In Chap. 7. the Exposition of the three former kingdoms is very brief, the Exposition of the fourth very large. The weakness of Antiochus his Successors is unexpressed. In Chap. 8. nine of the horns coming out of Alexander's Captains are passed over, and the little Horn fully set out. The Kingdom of Christ over all Nations is not spoken of at all. These things thus passed over, are supplied by the rest. So is it in the Revelation: The afflicting of God's Church is diversely expressed, and the afflicters thereof, and the afflicted by them. So that no one Vision, but the several Visions laid together, do give us a perfect and whole delineation of what was to come from that time to the end of the World.   

EPISTLE VIII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Hayn's Second Letter, about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  
SIR,  
I Received yours at the Commencement: wherein I found, if I should answer to every part, I should have as many Questions to dispute as I sent you Theses: The experience of which multiplications in that kind makes me so backward in Collations by writing, So that I can with much more patience endure to be contradicted, than be drawn to make Reply. But all this time, the truth is, I had no leisure, nor yet have, and am presently also to go into the Country, where I shall stay some weeks, and have no opportunity to write. That I might not therefore in the mean time seem too much too neglect you, I have caused a Scholar of yours to write out something I had by me in a Paper long ago written, wherein you may further see my Opinion, and some part of the grounds thereof.  
When I return, and have more leisure, I shall answer to what I find Principal in your Replies; but not to what is Circumstantial: for so the business would grow too tedious for my pen. In the mean time I would desire you to believe that I have read the most that hath or can be said for that Opinion, either by the chief Patrons thereof, Broughton and junius, or their followers, Polanus, Piscator, D. Willet; and that whilst I was yet free, and first began with these kind of studies; and yet found nothing that could in the least measure persuade me to be of their mind: And I see now that the modern Writers, and even some of their Scholars, return to the ancient opinion, and forsake their Masters in this point. This I speak, not to boast of my reading in this controversy, but to shorten your Discourses which you may send hereafter; you shall need but touch, and spare the labour of so much enlargement. But a word or two to your Reply.  
Whereas you say, The ground of the expectation of the coming of Christ when be came, was the Fall or expiration of the Fourth Kingdom; I utterly deny it. The ground was the near expiration of Daniel's 70 weeks, concurring with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Fourth Kingdom, the Roman; during which his Kingdom was to be first revealed, and at the end of which consummated. Besides, I acknowledge no place, in this account of Kingdoms, for the Greeks after Antiochus Epiphanes, where the Holy Ghost 
* Dan. 8. 23. See the last Discourse but one in Book III. Regnum Romanum est Regnum quartum Danielis. Argum. 3.  expressly placeth the end of that Kingdom; much less will admit Cleopatra to prolong it, and and that too after the Romans had subdued judaea.  
You mistake my Answer, That the Roman or Fourth Kingdom was revealed to Daniel in imagine confusa. For I meant it neither absolutely, as if it had no distinction in its description, nor in comparison with the former Three, than which in that place it is more particular and distinct. But I meant it was in imagine confusa, in respect of those distinct. States and times thereof which were revealed unto S. john, and not unto Daniel: that it was confused in comparison of that which was more particular of the same subject: As is Daniel's description of the second and third Beast in the seventh Chapter, compared with that more particular description of the same in the eighth and eleventh Chapters.  
Whereas you say, The jews since Christ brought in this opinion of the Roman to be the Fourth Kingdom, that so they might the better maintain their expectation of Messiah yet to come, because that Kingdom was yet in being; I say, it was affirmed by whosoever first affirmed it without all ground, authority, or probability; the contrary also being easy to be proved, viz. That the jews were of this opinion before our Saviour came; as appears in jonathan Ben Vziel, the Chaldee Paraphrast, and by the fourth Book of Esdras, which, whatsoever the authority thereof be, is sufficient to prove this, being written by a jew, (for it is, saith Picus, the first of their seventy Books of Cabbal●) and before our Saviour's coming, as appears by many passages of Messiah expected, and yet to appear within four hundred years after that supposed time of Esdras. Certainly he that wrote it meant no hurt to Christians; as will easily appear to him that that reads it, and finds the Name jesus, and so often mention of the Son of God. Which I note, in case you should rather think it written after Christ. If it were, it was certainly by a Christian. The ancient mention thereof is by Clemens Alexandrinus Anno 200. though I know some body affirms the first mention thereof is by S. Ambrose, two hundred years after; sed fallitur. Yet I take not the Book to be Canonical Scripture.  
As for the Christian Doctors, it is well known that both justin Martyr (within 30 years of S. John's death) and Irenaeus were of this opinion, and knew no other amongst Christians; and yet they both lived and conversed with the Apostles immediate Disciples, and the latter of them brought up at Polycarpus' feet, who was S. John's Disciple, and could relate to Irenaeus (as himself saith) what S. john was wont to do and speak. Therefore Eusebius was not worth the naming, as caught with this trap; seeing it cannot be proved that ever any Christian before him or after him, till after S. Hierome's time, held the contrary; and then too was soon checked and not heard of again till the last Seculum.  
But as for the opinion you would persuade to, it was first broached by Porphyry, an enemy of Christ, to the end he might prove the Prophecy of Daniel counterfeit, and written about the time of the Maccabes, soon after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, and so prophesied nothing but ab eventu, as meaning by the Fourth Kingdom the Seleucidae, etc. not the Roman. See S. Hierome upon those Chapters of Daniel 7. & 11. and you will admire the Expositions and Evasions of Porphyry should be the same almost, yea in circumstances, with those of junius, etc. But S. Hierome in his time knew no Christian that had been of that opinion. Let any man show as much for what you affirm of the jews, as insinuators of this opinion in praejudicium fidei Christianae.  

The Purport of the Four Kingdoms in DANIEL: or The A. B. C. of Prophecy.  
THE FOUR KINGDOMS in Daniel are twice revealed: First, to Nabuchadnezzar, in a glorious Image of Four sundry Metals; secondly, to Daniel himself, in a Vision of Four divers Beasts arising out of the Sea. The intent of both is by that succession of Kingdoms to point out the time of the Kingdom of Christ, which no other Kingdom should succeed or destroy.  Nebuchadnezzar's Image Daniel 2. 
Nebuchadnezzar's Image points out Two States of the Kingdom of Christ. The First to be while those times of the Kingdoms of the Gentiles yet lasted, typified by a Stone hewn out of a Mountain without hands, the Monarchical Statue yet standing upon his feet. The Second not to be until the utter destruction and dissipation of the Image, when the Stone having smote it upon the feet, should grow into a great Mountain, which should fill the whole earth. The First may be called, for distinction sake, Regnum Lapidis, the Kingdom of the Stone; which is the State of Christ's Kingdom which hitherto hath been: The other, Regnum Montis, the Kingdom of the Mountain, (that is, of the Stone grown into a Mountain, etc.) which is the State of his Kingdom which hereafter shall be. The Intervallum between these two, from the time the Stone was first hewn out (that is, the Kingdom of Christ was first advanced) until the time it becomes a Mountain (that is, when the 
* Rev. 10. 7.  Mystery of God shall be finished) is the Subject of the Apocalyptical Visions.  
Note here, first, That the Stone is expounded by Daniel to be that lasting Kingdom which the God of Heaven should set up. Secondly, That the Stone was hewn out of the Mountain before it smote the Image upon the feet, and consequently before the Image was dissipated; and therefore that the Kingdom typified by the Stone, while it remained a Stone, must needs be within the times of those Monarchies, that is, before the last of them (viz. the Roman) should expire: Wherefore Daniel interprets, Ver. 44. That in the days of these Kingdoms (not after them, but while some of them were yet in being) the God of heaven should set up a Kingdom which should never be destroyed, nor left (as they were) to another people; but should break in pieces and consume all those Kingdoms, and itself should stand for ever. And all this he speaks as the Interpretation of the Stone; Forasmuch (saith he) as thou sawest that a Stone was cut out of a Mountain without hands, and that it broke in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver, and the gold. Here make the full point; For these words belong not to that which follows (as our Bibles by misdistinguishing seem to refer them,) but to that which went before of their Interpretation. But the Stone's becoming a Mountain he expounds not, but leaves to be gathered by what he had already expounded.   

Daniel's Vision of Four Beasts, Dan. 7.  
The same Kingdoms of the Gentiles are typified here which were in the former of Nebuchadnezzar's Image; namely, the Babylonian, Persian, Greek, and Roman. Only Nebuchadnezzar's Image pointed out both States of Christ's Kingdom, first Lapidis, then Montis: But Daniel's Vision of Four Beasts omits the first, (which was to be while the Fourth Beast yet lived) and designs the last only, when that ruffling Horns time being finished, and the Beast destroyed, The Ancient of days gives the Son of man a Kingdom, wherein all nations, tongues and people should serve and obey him. Dan. 7. 13.  
The Reason: Nabuchadnezzar, a Gentile, was a Type of the Gentiles, who were to have their part in both estates of Christ's Kingdom; wherefore both are shown him. Daniel, a jew, was a Type of the jews, who●e nation should have no share in the first, but only in the last, and therefore the last is only shown him.  
This Universal Kingdom of the Son of man revealed in the clouds of heaven, which Daniel here saw, and which the Angel expounds to be the Kingdom of the Saints of the most High, 
Rev. 11. 15.  is the same with that voiced in the Apocalypse, upon the sound of the seventh Trumpet, All the Kingdoms of the World are become the Kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ. Compare them.  
Whence it will follow, That those finishing times of the Fourth Beast, called A Time, Times, and half a Time, during which that wicked Horn should domineer and ruffle it among his ten Kings, are the selfsame Time which the Angel in S. john forewarn th● should be no longer, as soon as the seventh Angel began to sound, Chap. 10. 6.  
The selfsame Times, whose finishing the same Angel swears unto Daniel (in the same form and gesture he doth to S. john) should be the period of those wondrous afflictions of the Church, and of the scattering of the power of the holy people, Dan. 12. 7.  
And consequently, those very Times of the Gentiles whereof our Saviour speaks, Luke 21. 24. that the treading down of jerusalem and dispersion of the jews should last until the Times of the Gentiles were finished: even the same Times whereof 
* See this Prophecy of Tobit explained in pag. 579.  Tobit harped, Chap. ult. That notwithstanding judah should again after a while return and build a second Temple, yet should not the Universal restitution be, nor Israel return from all places of their Captivity, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Lastly, the same Times with S. John's Apocalyptical Times of the renewed Beast's blasphemous reign, and profanation of the Temple and City of God forty two months, or 1260 days: Forasmuch as the same Kingdom of our Lord Christ is the immediate and common consequent to them all.  
Compare them.  
When Daniel's times are done, the Son of man comes in the clouds of heaven, to receive the Empire of all the Kingdoms of the world, Dan. 7. 14.  
When S. Luke's times of the Gentiles are finished, 
* For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. 25. 〈◊〉, T●en shall be Signs: So the Hebrews use that copulative, and the Greek Testament with them.  then shall be Signs in the Sun and Moon; the Son of man comes also in the clouds of heaven, ver. 27. the redemption of Israel, ver. 28. and the Kingdom of God is at hand, ver. 31.  
When S. John's Apocalyptical Beasts forty two months reign with the Witnesses 1260 days mourning, determine; the Ark of the Covenant is seen in heaven, and all the Kingdoms of the world become the Kingdoms of our Lord and his Christ, Apocal. 11. 15. ad finem.   

An APPENDIX.  
The First coming of Christ was to be while the Fourth Kingdom was yet in being; his Second, when it should end. The hewing of the Stone out of the mountain, (which is the rearing of the Kingdom of Christ) was before it smote the Image upon the feet, and upon the destruction thereof became so great a Mountain as filled the whole earth. Therefore the hewing out of this Stone was while this Image was yet in being.  
Daniel himself interprets the Stone to be the Kingdom of Christ, (not Christ himself) and says that the God of heaven should set it up in the days of those Kings, or Kingdoms, that is, adhuc currente horum Regum periodo, vel diebus Tetrarchiae hujus nondum expletis, whilst the days of those Kingdoms of the Gentiles yet lasted, or before they expired; namely, whilst the last of those Kingdoms was still current and in being. He that shall here expound [in the days] to mean [after the days] shall give me leave not to believe him, unless also he can persuade me, that the Stone which smote the Image was hewed out of the mountain after the Image was dashed in pieces and vanished.  
The jews in our Saviour's time expected the Messiah's coming before the times of the Fourth Kingdom expired. For they looked it should be destroyed by him after he was come, and then the Kingdom restored to Israel. According to that of Dan. 7. when the Beast should be slain and his body destroyed, the Kingdom should be given to the people of the Saints of the most High. Only they thought not the distance between the first coming of Christ and his destruction of the Fourth Beast to be so long. Whence was that question of the Apostles to our Saviour at his Ascension, Wilt thou now restore the Kingdom to Israel. 
Acts 1.   
But I am gone much further than ever I intended, and therefore will here make an end. I make question whether you can read my scribbling: If you can, I hope you will excuse my haste. And so I commend you to the divine protection, and am   
Your loving Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's College, july 22.   

EPISTLE IX.  
Mr. Hayn's Third Letter to Mr. Mede, about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  

SIR,  
I Confess that conference by writing multiplies words, by giving more scope to deliberation; and may justly make you backward to Collations in this kind: But the disquisition and finding of truth countervails all; than which I seek nothing more by this my pains. To that part of your answer received july 22. I have enclosed a Reply; and expect the rest of your Answer formerly intended, when you should return to Cambridge: And now to this present Reply as your occasions will permit. Such Writings as I have seen of yours testify to me both your plentiful reading, and diligent observation of matters most remarkable therein; as also (I am persuaded) in this Argument: Yet cannot all that yet you have said drive me from my hold. I reverence the Learned on both sides, and will ever give them all duerespect; and will not be found to stand single in any opinion. But the persons of men shall not sway me against the native light of the Sacred Text, which I know makes for me. If Alsted and some others have lest their Masters in some of these points; I think we shall find others, (as Glassius) of equal judgement to Alsted, to run this way. But 'tis to be considered herein, not so much Qui dicunt pro au● contra, as Quid dicunt. And therefore I will not put into the scales mens Authority, but their Reasons: And hope that after your perusal of this present Reply, you will be more inclinable to a different judgement from some of your former Tenets. And thus leaving you to the protection and direction of the God of Truth, I rest,  
Your very loving Friend, Tho. Hayne. Octob. 8. 1629. from Christ's Hospital, London.   

THE ground of the expectation of the coming of Christ and his Kingdom, was (say you) the near expiration of Daniel's Seventy weeks.  
The expectation of Simeon, Anna, and others, of the Magis, 
Repl.  and them of the East, was seventy years before the end of Daniel's Seventy weeks, according to your opinion. For you hold that the Seventy week's end at Ierusalem's overthrow, which was after Christ's Birth seventy years, Therefore it could not be any mark for the looking for of Christ. 2. At the end of the Seventy weeks, according to your judgement, the City and Sanctuary was to be destroyed, sacrifice ended, and desolation brought on the jews: Therefore the Seventy weeks (according to your Tenet) is a mark of other matters; not of Christ's or the Saint's Kingdom, 
B●●●. Iu●. 7. 12.  but rather of Vespasian's, as josephus saith, which ensued just upon the end of the Seventy weeks.  
But in truth Daniel's Seventy weeks end at Christ's death: and seeing Christ was expected to be King of the jews, all that truly kept account of the Seventy weeks, might rightly conceive that Christ about thirty years before the expiration of the Seventy weeks should be born; and so about thirty years old (which are years fit for public charge) should enter upon that Kingdom. Of this reason I forbore to write formerly, because I saw that we should differ about the beginning and end of Daniel's Seventy weeks, which would bring on a new controversy between us.  
That Christ's Kingdom was (as you affirm) to be revealed in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Fourth Kingdom, I see no Text that proves it; nor that Christ's Kingdom should be consummated at the end of the Roman Kingdom. At the end of the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel it was to begin, Chap. 7. And that it was perfected in Christ jesus is evident; for he overcame the Devil, Death, Hell, and all; and teaches that all power is given him in heaven and earth, that all things bow to him, and that he led captivity captive. Further, I have good ground for to say, that the extirpation of the Fourth Kingdom was one s●re mark of Christ's coming, and his Kingdom: for that only is the mark of the same, Chap. 2. and 7. where that Kingdom is mentioned.  
You will not admit the Greeks any Rule after Antiochus Epiph. death, because the Holy Ghost ends their Kingdom in him.  
I say the Holy Ghost ends the domineering violence and persecution of the Saints in him; but there were to be clayie feet after him. Stories show that many Kings of the Greeks ruled after him; and in the end Cleopatra, a woman (as josephus saith) of chief Nobility in those times: 
Ioseph. 15. 5. Xiphil.  even Caesar at first umpired between her and her brother, in matters of difference between them. She had the revenue of jericho and Arabia, and other parts; she killed all her kindred that might stand in her way● and desired Antony to do the like by them of chief ble●d in Syria, 
joseph. Bell. 1. 13.  that she in right of the Greeks might have all. She, with the rest after Epiphanes, were sufficient to express the clayie legs. And that Rule is sufficient, and all that I stand for.  
Besides, the Stone as cut out (not as growing to a Mountain) is to fall on the toes: So that if by the legs the Romans be understood, Christ was not to come in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but at their fall. Evident it is that Christ's Kingdom took place (as frequent mention of it in the New Testament shows) at his first coming, and so began at the beginning of the Roman persecutions, not at the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them; they were abundant and manifold afterward. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of their Empire hath nothing to do here.  
You hold still that the Roman Kingdom was revealed to Daniel, but not according to the distinct Fates and Times, as to john. I showed that the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel was revealed to him most distinctly, for the original, proceeding, strength acts, persecution, sufferings, fall: All the 〈◊〉 are revealed to john about the Roman Kingdom. Now if they should both speak of the Roman Kingdom but in these points; 〈…〉 it be true in john, that this Book was opened by none (as you limit it, according 〈…〉 distinct Fates) before by Christ? Therefore the limitation propounded by you cannot hold.  
I say not that the jews after the Apostles times brought in or invented the opinion, That the Romans were Daniel's Fourth Kingdom, but that they endeavoured to persuade it; whoever were the brochers of it, jonathan Ben Uziel, or any other, surely some of their stamp. And the rather they then did and now do persuade to it, because some Christians by assenting to them give them advantage therein.  
If Porphyry, an enemy to Christians, overcome by the evidence of truth, confessed it; that is a greater confirmation of the truth. The Devil confessed Christ to be the Son of the living God; though the Devil be a liar commonly, yet now he spoke that which was most true. Besides, in S. Jerome it appears; that Porphyry was not alone in that opinion: but that divers others held the same. And in the eleventh chapter S. Jerome goes along with Porphyry in most things; but addeth this, That Antichrist and his doings were there typed. And in points in which S. Jerome crosseth Porphyry, his arguments are sometimes but his own bare assertion, sometimes weak. If you please to set the best edge on them that may be, 
S. jer. in Dan. c. 11.  we will try them. And Porphyry had Suctorius his Author.  

To the writing in a different hand.  
You hold Christ's Kingdom to be double; First, Regnum Lapidis, while the times of the Four Kingdoms lasted.  
I say, it cannot be in the time of the three former Kingdoms; for it was preached by Christ and the Apostles to be at hand in the time of the Romans: Antiochus Epiphanes his time, whom you make the last of the Greeks, being passed well-near, or full hundreds of years before. Besides, I object, That if Christ's Kingdom be set up in the Fourth Kingdom's time, it must be set up in the three former's time also. For it confounded the gold, silver, brass, iron, as well as fallen on the clayie legs. Again, if you make the S●one to continue a Stone from Christ's time till ours, and some years after (God knows how long) to smite the feet of the Image; you will make the legs and feet of the Image above 1600 years long, three times and more as long as all the body.  
The Second Kingdom of Christ you hold to be Regnum montis, that shall fill the whole earth, to arise when the Image shall be utterly destroyed. 1. I say, This division of Christ's Kingdom is no where in Scripture plainly expressed, though this Kingdom be most frequently handled. If such a thing had been, it would in one place or other, in the various handling of it, have been plainly taught. 2. The Stone spreads itself over the whole earth presently; Their sound is gone into all lands: There were at Pentecost devout men of all nations under heaven, who (the Spirit enabling them extraordinarily) might carry the Gospel into all parts.  
The Mystery you speak of, I conceive not: I am sure of this, That the Stone, Ch. 2. which became a Mountain, is the same with Christ and his Kingdom, Ch. 7. Nor do I conceive how Nabuchadnezzar is a Type of the Gentiles, or Daniel of the jews: But I am sure that the jews in good measure had part in Regno Lapidis, as you call it: For the Apostles and many other Christians were jews, and Paul is told that (not many Thousands only, as some Translations have it, but) many myriads of jews believed, Act. 21. 20. Therefore you hold amiss, that the jews had not part in Regno Lapidis.  
The Universal Kingdom of Christ (say you) is the same in Daniel and the Apocalypse. This is most true. Further, I say this was begun by Christ, when he saith, All power is given to me, etc. go teach and baptise all nations: and so Christ wills that out of all nations subjects should be gathered to him. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Isocrat.  And if in nations where the Gospel was preached many assented not, Christ told us that also, Many be called, few chosen.  
So than that which you hold will follow, doth not follow, seeing that the groundwork of it is not sound; especially seeing the Universal Kingdom of a Thousand years (by justin Martyr held, but then contradicted, as he saith; and had he seen what the length of time since hath given us to see, he would, I am persuaded, have been of another mind) and the Arguments for it, though brought in scores, 
Al●●ed.  will prove but light, if they come to examination.   

To the Appendix.  
The First coming of Christ (say you) was while the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel was yet in being; because the Stone was hewn out of the mountain before it smote the Image on the feet.  
But I say, the whole Image was standing in the Vision while the Stone was cut out. So by the same reason, the first coming of Christ, and the raising of his Kingdom, should be during the times of the Kingdoms of the whole Image; for the Stone, as it fell on the feet, so it broke all to pieces, the iron, brass, clay, silver, gold. The truth is, that Christ's coming and Kingdom was at the end of the Image, and ruin of the four Beasts; yet did the Stone, that is Christ (so Iust. Mart. and others take it) as he was God, destroy them all by his Instruments; that is, Babel by the Medes and Persians, and those by the Greeks; the Greeks by their own discords, and by judgement given to the Saints in the Maccabees times, and the Romans interposing as friends and associates, not as chief parties.  
And for any sound reason that I know we have to the contrary, we may say, that the Stone was cut out of the mountain after the ruin of the whole Image, in the fulfilling of the Vision, though not in Daniel's sight of it. For you will grant, that it was cut out after the fall of the three former kingdoms, and yet did break the gold, silver and brass, by his instruments, and so might also break the iron and clay, though it rose after the fall of the Fourth Kingdom. The reason is alike of both; for as it is said to fall on the toes of the one, so also it is said to break the rest.  
In the days of those kings, 
Object.  or kingdoms, Dan. 2. This is the great argument against me.  
To it I answer, 
Answer.  That if the words be taken in their strict force, they intimate the days of Babel, Persians, and Greeks also (and not of the Fourth Kingdom only:) which you will not grant. And if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify after the days of some of those Kingdoms, (as you cannot but grant) why not of the rest also? Besides, you know the Hebrew particles be exceeding various in their signification; and hardly any particle more than this. Again, the force of it must be sometimes (after:) See Exod. 2. 11. and v. 23. especially, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after many days, or in process of time: But (in many days the king died) cannot stand good. Let it not then seem strange that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may signify [after.]  
The jews expected aright, in the time of Christ's preaching, the Kingdom promised in Daniel, because the 70 weeks were within two or three years at an end, and the Greeks ruinated; but their error was, that they expected that Christ should have a Terrene kingdom: And if any conceived that Christ in his own person should overthrow outwardly the Fourth Kingdom, therein they erred: For Christ tells them plainly, that his Kingdom is not of this world, (which Solomon found a map of vanity;) that the Kingdom of God is within them: A Kingdom far beyond all Promises in phrases of an outward Kingdom. If they had known as much as we, (thanks be to God,) doubtless they would have thought the time long, that Christ should then be come, and 1629. years after, t●e Beast not yet destroyed, nor the Kingdom restored; and that the Fourth Beast should have thrice as much time as the other three Beasts, according to your Tenet.  
Not the Pharisees only (Luke 17. 20.) but the Apostles (Acts 1. 6.) inquire about the restoring of the Kingdom to Israel. This was because they saw the fourth Beast slain and destroyed; namely, the Greeks; for the Romans now flourished. It may be, that the not conceiving how the Saints could have a kingdom, and the Romans not be subdued, might make some of them stagger, and be in doubt whether the Romans were not the Fourth. Christ's answers laid together might have made them see the Spiritual Kingdom, and lay hold of that, and not expect a Terrene.   
Octob. 8. 1629.    

EPISTLE X.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Hayn's Third Letter, about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  
SIR,  
I Received yours not till yesterday: whereby I perceive you have more confidence to convince me by this kind of discoursing, than I have you: For I confess freely, I find you so well settled in your opinion, that I have no hope to alter you: and yet nevertheless am as strongly persuaded of the truth of my own Tenet, notwithstanding all you have said, as ever I was before we began; and for all this, am as willing to embrace Truth, where I see evidence for it, as most men; so far as I can judge of myself by experience of my alteration in some points formerly embraced. Thus much I answer to the close of your Letter, where you say, you hope that by the perusal of your Reply I will be more inclinable to a different judgement from my former Tenets.  
Mr. Hayn, though I can reasonably well persuade myself of many things I believe; yet had I never so much confidence in me, as to be able to persuade another of a contrary judgement, if he were once studied and settled therein; which made me so unwilling at the first to enter the Lists with you in this kind, where I could expect no other fruit but the loss of much time and pains to no purpose. The wit of man is able, where it is persuaded, to find shifts and answers until the day of Doom; as appears in so differing opinions held amongst Christians, with so much and so endless pertinacity on both sides. It is sufficient therefore for a man to propound his Opinion with the strongest evidence and arguments he can, and so leave it. Truth will be justified of her children. But of these reciprocations of discourse in writing, wherein you place so much benefit for discovery of Truth, I have often heard and seen Truth lost thereby, but seldom or never ●ound.  
I find by your last Reply, that you and I differ so far, and in so many Principles needful for the discovery of the truth of this Question, that all the time I have for my private studies would be wholly taken up in attending this dispute, if I should go on still therewith. I have had some experience once before, that it is a tenacious piece where it hath taken hold. I would not be entangled again; and therefore desire, with your good leave, to give it over, till opportunity of meeting together, where I should be able to talk with far more ease than I can write. I profess unto you, I contemn not your discourses, but do diligently and apud conscientiam meam weigh your arguments, howsoever it comes to pass I am not persuaded by them. But I cannot find time for such a Collation; and besides, am unwilling to put all in writing which I would utter in a private and a personal discourse. I will say a word or two to your last, but without expectation you should reply again.  

1. The opinion of the 70 week's expiration is not mine, but Scaligers and divers other learned men's, and amongst the rest Iunius', who otherwise for the Monarchies is yours. For myself, howsoever in the 70 weeks I have yet followed Scaliger, yet I had a private way to make the 62 weeks to point out our Saviour's Baptism. Howsoever, for the jews expectation of Messiah, it was enough to know in what age he was to come, though not precisely the year.  
2. I shall never believe but all those places of the Son of man's coming and appearing in the clouds of heaven, mentioned in the Gospels and in the Apocalypse, ch. 1. 7. are the same with that coming of the Son of man in the clouds prophesied by Daniel at the extinction of the Fourth Beast, Ch. 7. and that the Holy Ghost in the New Testament hath reference thither, both for words and meaning. If this be so, you know what follows.  
3. I say not, the Greeks ruled not after Antiochus Epiphanes, but that the Holy Ghost accounts that Kingdom no longer in the Monarchichal reckoning, and so follows the story of their Kings no further than Epiphanes; from thenceforth the Roman, having now conquered Greece, was to take place.  
4. I deny not, but firmly believe, that Christ's Kingdom took place at his First coming. But I utterly deny that to be the Kingdom our Saviour prophesies of Luk. 21. 31. and answerably in the other Gospels; or that whereof S. Paul speaks 2 Tim. 4. 1. I charge thee before God, and the Lord jesus Christ who shall judge the quick and dead, at his appearing and his kingdom; or that foretold in the Apocalypse 
* Ch. 11. 15.  to be when the seventh Trumpet shall sound, and the like places.  
5. Unless it can be shown me, That the six Seals, seven Trumpets, seven Vials, the treading down of the Temple, two Witnesses, their slaughter and Resurrection, the red Dragon's persecution, etc. were in specie revealed to Daniel; I will still hold those Fates of the Roman Kingdom were sealed, and not revealed to Daniel, though the Roman Monarchy were revealed to him.  
6. The ancient jews did, but the latter jews hold not the Roman to be the Fourth Kingdom, but the Mahometan and the Roman to be a continuation of the third.  
7. What I alleged of Porphyry for yours, was to show the injustice of your disparaging mine, as being held by jews, who yet when they first held it, were the only people of God, and Custodes oraculorum Dei: If Porphyry might see a Truth, why not much more they?  
8. I never meant to say, That the Kingdom of Christ should appear whilst all the Monarchies were yet standing, but before the times of that succession of Monarchies should expire: Which is true, if it appeared only in the last Monarchy. The confounding of the Gold, Silver, Brass and Iron, in the destruction of the Image, is either the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 typi (for the parts of the Image could not succeed in time, as the Kingdoms signified by them could, and so all must be broken together:) or because the second kingdom possessed the first, the third the second, the fourth the third; the last is represented as containing all the rest, etc.  
9 The Duration of the Four Kingdoms holds no proportion with the parts of the Image typifying them, and therefore the continuance of the Fourth Kingdom makes the legs of the Image neither longer nor shorter.  
10. I wonder you should say, there is no Second Kingdom of Christ (which I had rather call the Second State of his Kingdom) mentioned in Scripture. Consider the places I point to in the fourth Paragraph, and add to them Luke 17. 20, etc. where our Saviour being asked of the Pharisees concerning the Kingdom of God, tells them, that he must first be rejected of that Nation, and that the coming thereof should be as in the days of Noah, etc.  
11. The Mystery you say you conceive not (in the piece written with another hand) is that Mystery which the Apostle says was not known till the preaching of the Gospel; namely, That the jews should be rejected, and the Gentiles surrogated in their stead. Nor did I say (as you mistake) that the jews had no part in the First state of Christ's kingdom, but that their Nation had not; by which I meant nothing else, but that their Nation was rejected. Doth not our Saviour expressly say, that he should be rejected of that Nation, Luk. 17. 25? It mattereth not though many of their Nation received him, seeing the Body of their Nation acknowledged him not. This is plain enough: I shall not need put you in mind of S. Paul's discourse of the casting off of the jews, though then there were so many particular jews believing in him, as I believe never were since.  
12. I believe not that ever the Gospel of Christ was preached all over the world; no more than I believe that Augustus Caesar taxed the whole world, because it is said he taxed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For in the style of those times the Roman Empire was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as appears in the Greek Historians; and the Latin call it Imperium orbis terrarum. 
V●d. D●n. Weeks, Dan. 9 v. 25.   
13. Daniel himself interpreteth the Stone to be a Kingdom which the God of heaven should set up in the days of those Kingdoms: and therefore it cannot be the Kingdom of Christ as God coeternal with his Father; but the Kingdom of Christ as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which began not before he was incarnate. In the days of these Kingdoms (saith he) (that is, whilst some of them were yet in being) the God of heaven shall set up a Kingdom which should never be destroyed, nor left (as the former should) to another people; but should break in pieces, and consume all those Kingdoms, and itself should s●and for ever: Forasmuch (saith he) as thou sawest a Stone was cut out of a mountain without hands, and that it broke in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver, and the gold. Here make the full point; for these words belong not to that which follows, (as our mis-distinction in the verses seems to refer them) but to that which went before of their interpretation. See the same reference of [Forasmuch] in the 40 and 41 verses.  
14. I will not now dispute of the Prepositional though I had enough to say against you; but I say, that the words [In the days of those Kings] are much more likely to be construed by Ellipsis particulae partitivae, usual in the Hebrew and Chaldee, qu●si, In the days of some one of those Kings. viz. the last of them. So jephtah is said to have been buried 
* I●●●. 12. 7.  in the cities of Gilead; that is, in some one of them, etc.   
There be some other passages not so principal, though I descent from you in them, which I omit, as I desire to do this whole Disputation. That I had reserved to have answered in your former Reply, was to that of the Ruffling Horn, which by the express 
* Dan. 7. 22.  words of the Angel was to last until the time came the Saints should possess the Kingdom, that is, until the Son of man came in the clouds of heaven to take a Kingdom; (for this is the Angel's exposition of that part of the Vision) and therefore it could not be Antiochus Epiphanes. Your Answer to this seemed very unsufficient; I desire you to weigh it better: and I make an end.  
Yours, I. M. October 13.   

EPISTLE IX.  
Mr. Hayn's Fourth Letter to Mr. Mede, about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  

1. Scaligers or junius his Opinion prevail not so much as should their Reasons. God had told the jews plainly the year, and by types the time of the year, when Messias should work their redemption: So that it was not enough to know in what age it should be.  
2. The coming of the Son of man is to his Kingdom on earth, on which the Scripture runs abundantly, Dan. 2. & 7. Apoc. 1. 7. Luke 17. 20. and was to be before that generation passed, Matth. 24. 34. And within that space of time he came on jerusalem, as the Flood on the old world. There shall be a Second coming of Christ, namely, to judgement: And then he shall give up his Kingdom here to the Father. Yet shall this Kingdom here and that in Heaven be one and the same, consist of the same men or subjects, and have the same bent to the honour of God.  
3. The Greeks Rule after Antiochus Epiphanes was sufficient to express the clayie legs; that is enough for me; and the clayie legs are part of the Fourth Monarchy. The Romans more the jews friends full many scores of years after Epiphanes his time: Their war against God's people is that for which God paints them out as Beasts. And though the Romans conquered Macedon long before Christ's coming, yet both julius Caesar and Antony let Cleopatra hold her due of what Rule she had, and were but sticklers, not opposites, at first.  
4. If Christ's Kingdom took place at his first coming; the same is one, and but one, and that everlasting.  
5. The seven Trumpets, seven Vials, two Witnesses, etc. show a new matter, not particulars of the Fourth Kingdom particularised before in Daniel.  
6. The late jews (God enlighten them) shift abundantly; and the ancient both before and after their desertion did but groap in darkness.  
7. Yet both the late and old jews, and Porphyry too, saw some truth; who can deny it?  
8. The Text saith, In the days of those Kingdoms, say you; as if it were in all of them; and the Stone confounds all. Why should we allow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 typi?  
9 You deny the duration of the Fourth Kingdom to hold proportion with the parts of the Image: I affirm it; my reason is, If the Three former do, than the Fourth also.  
10. 
I know there is a Second coming of Christ, that at the day of judgement: But the Kingdom once begun is one, for it is everlasting. If there were two Kingdoms, the one must end, the other begin.  
Though there be degrees in the progress of Christ's Kingdom, in regard of the world's indisposition to submit to it; yet de jure all is Christ's at his Ascension.   
11. The Mystery which now you speak of I acknowledge, and bless God for it; namely, of the calling of the Gentiles. The jews Rejection also is plain in the time of the Gospel, yet was a remnant of their Nation saved. And what more were the elect out of other Nations ● few to the many.  
12. Though the facto the Gospel was not preached to all the world then, yet see mentem Legislatoris, the mind of the Lawgiver, Go preach to all Nations.  
13. Christ is the Stone: what is said of him in many things, is and may be said of them of his Kingdom; He bruises with a rod of von, Ps. 2. so do his servants, Rev. 2. 27. He the Stone, and his kingdom and people here, do the same thing.  
14. For ● the Proposition, the authority I brought was sound and good. That about jephtah is (though I use not to be sudden in this kind) ill translated. I wish time would have given me leave to have conferred with Books and men about it. I pray you think of it. Were it not better, Gideon was buried by the cities of Gilead; namely, the men of them all much honouring him, joined in solemnising his burial?  
15. Not the ruffling Horn (as you call it) but the body of the Beast, Dan. 7. 11. continued till the Son of man came. Now the Body of the Beast hornless may express the same, or be correspondent to the clayie legs; and thus the answer is home in this particular also. Much more I could have said, but must here make an end, and leave you to God, whom I pray to keep us in his truth.   
Octob. 16. 1629.   

EPISTLE XII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Hayn's Fourth Letter, about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  
NOW I have obtained a Release, that you might not think I shook off this Collation out of Pride or Contempt, but to avoid too great a diversion from other Meditations, I will add this more than I meant to have done; the rather because I discovered by your last somewhat more of your Opinion in one principal particular than I knew before; and also because I find you presume of another piece as solid and well-grounded, because in my last I made no Answer to it, though I intimated I had sufficient, if need were, to say against it. My end is, that you might see I maintain not an Opinion out of mere pertinacy, but that I have Reasons sufficient to persuade myself, though you never met with a man (whatsoever you supposed of me) of less confidence to persuade others than when you met with me. I have a conceit that some opinions be in a sort Fatal to some men, and therefore I can with much patience endure a man to be contrary-minded, and have little or no edge to contend with one I think persuaded, unless it were in something that merely concerned him in state of salvation. But I come to the matter.  
1. You seem to grant me, That the coming of the Son of man in the clouds of heaven, etc. mentioned in Daniel, and that coming of his in the Clouds of heaven in the Gospel, Matth. 24. 30. & ch. 26. 64. Mark 13. 26. & ch. 14. 62. Luke 21. 27. and in the Apocalypse chap. 1. 7. are one and the same. But you apply them all to Christ's coming to the destruction of jerusalem, because our Saviour saith in that Prophecy of his, That that generation should not pass till all things, 
Matth. 24. 34.  than prophesied, should be fulfilled. I answer, first, While you endeavour in this manner to establish a ground for the First coming of Christ, you bereave the Church of those principal passages of Scripture whereon she hath always grounded her faith of the Second coming. Secondly, You ground all this upon the ambiguity of the word Generation, whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not only aetas, but gens, natio, progenies, and so ought to be here taken; viz. Gens judaeorum non in●eribit, usque dum omnia haec implentur, The nation of the jews should not perish, till all these things were fulfilled. For so signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew notion, as you may see even in the verse following, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By virtue of which Amen, verse 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Verily I say unto you, the jewish Nation, even to the wonder and astonishment of all who consider it, remains a distinct people in so long and tedious a Captivity, and after so many wonderful changes as have befallen the Nations where they live. According to that of jeremy, Chap. 31. 35, 36. (whither this passage seems to have reference) Thus saith the Lord, which giveth the Sun for a light by day, and the ordinances of the Moon and of the Stars for a light by night, which divideth the Sea when the waves thereof roar: If those ordinances depart from before me, saith the Lord, than the seed of Israel also shall cease from being a nation before me for ever. S. chrysostom among the ancients, and Flacius Illyricus (a man well skilled in the style of Scripture) among the moderns, and those who follow them, might have admonished others to take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this acception, rather than by turning it aetas or seculum, to put this Prophecy in little ease, and the whole harmony of Scripture out of frame, by I know not what confused interpretation. S. chrysostom applies it to Gens Christiana or fidelium, which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Generatio quaerentium Dominum. Others have other accommodations, but still under this notion I speak of. I prefer, as I said, Gens judaeorum; for what Reasons, nihil nunc attinet dicere. No man can deny but this is one of the native notions of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yea and so taken in the Gospels: as in the foregoing Chapter, Matth. 23. 36. Verily I say unto you, all these things shall come 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon this nation. So Beza renders it twice in the parallel place, Luke 11. 50, 51. and seven times in this Gospel. Again, Luke 17. 25. The Son of man must be first rejected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Beza, à gente ista. The LXX. renders by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 populus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 familia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 progenies, patria. See Gen. 25. 13. & ch. 43. 7. Num. 10. 30, etc. I suppose here is enough ●or the signification of a word. So then your Argument thence is nothing.  
3. Besides, to interpret this coming of the Son of man in the clouds of heaven, and his kingdom then, of his coming to the destruction of jerusalem, is contrary to the context of our Saviour's Prophecy: For the coming of Christ to destroy jerusalem was the beginning and cause of that great and long Tribulation of that people: but the coming and appearing of the Son of man in the clouds of heaven, is expressly said should be after it, Immediately after the days of that Tribulation, etc. Matth. 24. 29. Mark 13. 24. For this great Tribulation, such as never Nation suffered, is not to be confined to their calamity at the destruction of jerusalem, but extends to the whole time of their captivity and dispersion from that time unto this present not yet ended: wherefore S. Luke, who is wont to be an Expositor of our Saviour's words, puts in stead of those words of great tribulation, these of parallel sense to them, There shall be great distress in the land, and wrath upon this people, Luke 21. 23. And they shall fall by the edge of the sword, and shall be led away captive into all nations, and jerusalem shall be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled, v. 24. And as the other Evangelists say, After that tribulation ended; so he, After, or when these times of the Gentiles are fulfilled, then shall be signs in the Sun and Moon, and then they shall see the Son of man coming in a cloud, etc. For the Copulative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verse 25. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.] is to be taken after the Hebrew manner ordinatiuè, for tum, deinde, which you know is frequent in Scripture, Then shall be signs.  
And I make no question but these Times of the Gentiles, with which the jews Tribulation shall end, are either the Times of the Four Monarchies in general, (that is, the Times of that prophesied Dominion of the Gentiles) or, which is all one in event, those last Times of the Fourth Kingdom of A Time, Times, and half a Time, at the fulfilling whereof Daniel prophesies of the same appearing and coming of the Son of man in the clouds of heaven, which S. Luke doth here. For if the immediate consequent be the same, how can the Times which immediately precede but be the same Times also? This is my opinion, which I intimated once before; but you rejected it as groundless then, and I know your Tenet cannot admit it now: Quisque abundet suo sensu: therefore I'll contend no more about it.  
2. But let the Kingdom of the Son of man coming in the clouds of heaven, whereof Daniel speaks, be as you would have it; That Kingdom of his first coming, whether beginning at his Ascension, or manifesting itself at the Destruction of jerusalem, (for one of them it must be, but) let it be which it will; I say, for all this, there is yet sufficient left to overthrow your Tenet of the Fourth Kingdom. For that Kingdom at the Son of man's coming in the clouds of heaven shown to Daniel, is expounded by Daniel in his repetition to be the Kingdom of the Saints of the most High. If this be not evident by the context, I utterly despair ever to understand prophecy by any light of the letter: I must take it therefore for granted, whether you grant it me or not, That that Kingdom at the Son of man's coming in the clouds of heaven, in the Vision, is that which Daniel in his repetition, and the Angel calls the Kingdom of the Saints of the most High, in his interpretation; and therefore being the same, must begin at the same time, which you say was at our Saviour's first coming, namely from the time of his Ascension. This therefore forelaid, I argue thus.  
The ruffling Horn persecutes the Saints until the time came that the Saints possessed the Kingdom, Chap. 7. v. 22.  
But Antiochus Epiphanes persecuted not until the Saints possessed the Kingdom, which was at the Son of man's coming in the clouds of heaven. Ergo.  
For if he persecuted till then, he with his Time, Times, and half a Time, must continue till Christ's Ascension at the nearest; but he was dead two hundred years before. It will not serve your turn here, to fly to the Kingdom of Christ as he is God; for the Kingdom here spoken of is the Kingdom of the Son of man, and a Kingdom which begins in time. Nor mattereth it how the Greek Kingdom after Antiochus may seem to befit the Clayie legs, unless you make the little Horn to be those Clayie legs. But you must show how the little Horn, if it be Epiphanes, lived and persecuted until the time came that the Saints possessed the kingdom. Will you expound [until the time came] until some two hundred years before the time came? I know not how you can evade here, unless, as Porphyry did, you will make the Kingdom of the Saints here mentioned to be the Kingdom of the Maccabees, and so the Son of man coming in the clouds of heaven, (whereof it is an exposition) to be judas Maccabaeus, or joannes Hircanus, or some other of those Hasmoneans. If you answer thus, you must not think it strange if I am loath to be persuaded to your opinion, who reading that Prophecy, cannot be persuaded but the little Horn is the last limb of the Fourth Beast, whose part once acted, the Beast's glass is run, and his time of destruction come. Or who can believe but he is to be destroyed at that time of judgement, when the Son of man shall appear in the clouds of heaven? Though you say you see no evidence for it, yet I cannot be persuaded but this Scripture was it out of which S. Paul learned to confute the Thessalonians causeless fear of the day of Christ's coming to judgement to be near at hand: when he tells them, 
2 Thess. ●. 3.  that that day should not come, until the man of sin were first revealed, and had acted his part; forasmuch as Christ was to abolish him by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his coming: For so Daniel had taught him, that the wicked Horns reign should conclude the Fourth Kingdom, and the Son of man should abolish him at his coming in the clouds of heaven; and therefore could not that coming of his be until the wicked Horn should be revealed, and reign the time appointed him. This I am sure, that this Prophecy of Daniel was the Womb whence the jewish Doctors derived that Term of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dies judicii & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magnus dies judicii, because that coming of Messiah is thrice so described in this place of Daniel; verse 10, 22, 26. whence even at this day they look not for Messiah until Magnus dies judicii, the great day of judgement. Our Saviour and his Apostles received this term of Dies judicii from them, and approve it by using it. But it is far more frequent in the Chaldee Paraphrase and other writings of theirs, than in the New Testament. Nor can I believe but our Saviour and his Apostles, using this phrase, meant to approve the ground of Scripture whence they deduced it: Especially our Saviour so often expressing his Second coming by these words of Daniel, coming in the clouds of heaven: which the Elders and Priests hearing our Saviour apply to himself when they arraigned him, they rend their clothes as at Blasphemy: whence it appears they took it for no small and ordinary Character of power, not appliable to judas Maccabaeus or his successors.  
I know the same Phrases may be used to express like matters of divers and sundry times; but here is not only Identity of phrases, but, together with the same phrases, the same frame of things with their circumstances, and those such as are not appliable to many times. And though I am not of the same mind with Theocritus justus, (his name is 
* I have had good occasion to know his name, and some of his notions too.  Daniel Lawenus) to draw all the Apocalypse to the jews, upon no other ground but communion of phrases; yet I know nevertheless, that to compare Scripture with Scripture is none of the least helps to understand Scripture.  
3. I have dwelled all this while upon the Second Vision of Kingdoms, I come now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to say somewhat of the First, Dan. 2. v. 44.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And in the days of these Kings or Kingdoms; that is, say I, during the days of those Kingdoms, while the days of this Dominion of the Gentiles yet lasted, before these days of their dominion ended. I lay the Emphasis upon days. But here you stumble, and make inference as if I had said, or the Prophet either, In or during all the days of those Kingdoms, or during the days of all those Kingdoms, Babylonian, Persian, and Greek, as well as Roman. I cannot but marvel to see you make so strange of an expression not only frequent in Scripture, but common and usual in every language. If I should say, such or such a thing was done in the days of the Saxon, or in the days of the British Kings; would you infer or understand me, as if I meant in all the days of those Kings, or in the days of all those Kings, or some of them only? If I should say such a thing was done in the days of Popery, must I needs mean all the days of Popery, or some part of them only, and so no more but while those days were yet in being? It is said, Ruth 1. 1. It came to pass in THE DAYS when the judges ruled, that there was a famine in the land. I hope this famine was but in some part of those days, or in the days of some of those udges, not all of them. It is an expression Elliptical, if you will, but yet most ordinary. judg. 15. 20. Samson judged Israel in the days of the Philistines twenty years: but the Philistines days were forty years: so he judged but in the latter part of them. 2 Sam. 21. 1. There was a famine in the days of David 3 years. Vide Ezra 4. 7. Esay 7. 1. jer. 23. 6. So Matth. 2. 1. In the days of Herod the King, jesus was born in Bethlehem; that is, in the latter end, or about the last two years of his reign. So [In the days of those Kingdoms of the Gentiles] is, during them and in the latter part of them, as the nature of the thing spoken of sufficiently argues, which was to destroy the last Kingdom, which had destroyed and sw●● owed the former three: I mean the second swallowed or possessed the first, the third the second, the fourth the third; and so in a sense, by the destruction of the fourth, the Stone destroyeth all the rest as contained therein: For the Stone smites neither the Golden part, nor the Silver, nor the Brass immediately, but only the feet of Iron and Clay; and yet by that blow was the Brass, the Silver and the Gold destroyed also, inasmuch as they all came by succession to the Iron. I added besides in my last, that the dissipation of the Gold, Silver and Brass, together with the Iron, might be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 typi (not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as you change it,) because the parts of the Image in the Type could not succeed one another in time as the Kingdoms signified by them did; and so the Image appeared to be dissipated all at once in Vision, though the Kingdoms were not so, save only in the sense before named.  
I added one thing more, which came then to mind when I saw you urge so hard upon all the four Kings; That Kings might be taken Elliptically also, as well as days, (though that of days be undefinite rather) viz. In the days of those Kingdoms, that is, some one of them. I gave for an example of such an Ellipsis that of jephtah, judg. 12. 7. And jephtah was buried in the Cities of Gilead, that is one of them. Here you solicit the interpretation as not right, you would have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Cities of Gilead to be, By the inhabitants of the Cities of Gilead: But besides that you cannot show any where in Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●ou●ed, the verses following would check such an interpretation, where three more judges are named, with the time of their rule and places of their burial, as jephtah was; which is sufficient, I think, to persuade that Iephtah's place of burial was named likewise, and not meant the persons who buried him. But why should you labour to win this one place from me, who quoted it not as if there were no more, but as that which was most present to my memory? For the thing itself, it is a ruled case amongst the Grammarians, that you may not think I devised it for an Evasion. I have observed many Examples thereof, which I know not now where to find; only there comes one to mind like that of jephtah, 2 Chron. 35. 24. where it is said, that josiah was buried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Sepulchers of his fathers, which we translate [one of the Sepulchers.] But in the mean time, till your own observation shall furnish you with more Examples, I will exscribe such as my Grammarian affords me. 
* 〈…〉  Psal. 1. 3. Erit sicut arbor plantata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad rivos aqu ●rum, h. e. juxta Aben Ezram, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad aliquem rivorum aquae. jon. 1. 5. Et jonas descendit ad latera Navis, h. e. ad unum è lateribus. Zach. 9 9 Et super pullum natum asinarum, h. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pulo ex una asinarum. Yea and with a numeral word, 1 Sam. 18. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per duas affinitate conjunges te mecum hodie, h. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per alteram è duabus. Et sic Targum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hujus generis sunt, Latrones exprobraverunt ei, Matth. 27. 44. i alteruter è latronibus, ut exponitu●, Luc. 23. 39 Item scriptum est in Prophetis, joan. 6. 45. h. e. in aliquo Prophetarum. I suppose these will be sufficient to induce you to let Iephtah's bones rest in one of the Cities of Gilead.  
Thus much of my Interpretation, now of yours. You would have, In the days of those Kingdoms, to be expounded, After the days of them; and because I answered it not, but only rejected it in my last, you suppose the authority you brought therefore was sound and good. I now answer therefore, and say first, That besides that it is contrary to the native property of the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so to be interpreted, (it being decurtate of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter) so the Examples you bring are far enough from proving it. Let us examine them. The first is, Exod. 2. 11. And it came to pass 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those days when Moses was grown, etc. I say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [Days] here are the days of the Egyptian bondage and servitude. What shall we do with [After] here? The next is in the same Chap. verse 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, when those days of Egyptian servitude had now continued long, and were not yet ended, etc. You see here is no need of any After, and you cannot deny but it may be thus expounded. If it may, I will never make an Anomaly of signification, where the natural and usual will serve turn. Secondly, Could it be showed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes signified [After,] yet in this place the nature of the thing spoken of will not admit that signification. The Stone hewn out of the mountain is interpreted by Daniel to be a Kingdom which should begin in time, that is, the Kingdom of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not that he hath a● coeternal with his Father, which hath no beginning. This Kingdom of Christ should smite the Fourth Kingdom, and at length destroy it; therefore this Kingdom must needs be whilst the Fourth Monarchy was yet in being, and not begin after it: For how can that which comes after smite that which before had ceased to be? or how can that which was not till after, destroy that which was destroyed before itself was? Therefore the nature of the Subject will not admit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be here taken for [After,] but requires it should be maintained in its proper and natural signification.  
4. That I may therefore gather all this Controversy into a short sum, I find your Tenet to stand charged with three not tolerable Inconveniences of interpretation. The one in the first Vision, where you interpret, In the days of those Kingdoms, to be After the days of them: where the matter spoken of will no ways bear it, though the Preposition would. The second in the second Vision, where you will be forced to interpret, until the time came the Saints possessed the Kingdom, until some 200 years before that time. A third is, That you are forced, for making good your Exposition of the Kingdoms, to deprive the Church of those principal passages of Scripture whereon she hath always grounded her faith of the Second coming of Christ. If I found mine charged with any one such, I should begin to misdoubt the truth thereof. I might add a fourth, That besides all these, you forsake that Exposition and Application of these Kingdoms which the Church hath universally followed from her infancy. And who can easily be persuaded that the Doctors of the Church immediately following the Apostles, and while some of the Apostles disciples were yet living, should be ignorant of the meaning of so main a Prophecy, whereupon depended the demonstration of the verity of Christ's coming; and that too whilst those disputes were still hot between the jews and Christians? The Fathers are to be considered here not in respect of greater learning or infallibility of Spirit than ours, but as 
* Witnesses and Keepers of the Primitive Doctrine.  Testes & Custodes doctrinae primitus acceptae; because it cannot be presumed they could be ignorant of it, being so near, or would change it, being so pious and good.  
Now the inducements which should persuade an Opinion burdened with such inconveniences had need be very powerful. But when I examine every thing, I find the main and only pillar which you suppose will bear up your building against all assaults whatsoever, to be but a weak one, namely, That nothing was revealed to Daniel which was contained in S. John's sealed Book; because none could open that Book but Christ, and he opened it not till his Revelation showed to john. That there is a flaw in this illation is apparent, because there are two main and principal matters of the argument of that Book which cannot be denied to have been revealed before, namely of Antichrists persecution, and of the Second coming of Christ to judgement: the first whereof was revealed to S. Paul (though out of another Book;) the other is plentifully revealed throughout the New Testament, before S. john saw his Visions. I answered therefore before, and answer still, That the Subject matter of the Apocalyptical Book is not that which was never in no sort revealed before, but never in that order, form and particularity of Fates, Acts and Circumstances, wherein it was revealed then. The subject of that Prophetical history is the Roman Empire, together with the Church or Kingdom of Christ contained therein: the one is equally the subject thereof as well as the other. Now it is not denied but the Church or Kingdom of Christ was revealed before, both for the Being, Quality, Fate, and Prevailing, not to the Apostles only, but to Daniel also: why not then the Roman Empire? In the same sense wherein that which concerned the one was revealed before, or remained sealed till now, in that sense was that revealed or sealed till now which concerned the other. Here you brought a Catalogue of divers particulars concerning the Fourth Monarchy revealed to Daniel; but to what purpose I cannot devise, unless you could prove there were no other particulars of Succession, Fates and Acts, which were still to remain sealed until the Lamb should reveal them to S. john. For I affirmed not, that no particulars of the Roman Kingdom were revealed to Daniel; but that not those which were now first revealed to S. john: As, namely, none of the Acts and Fates of this Fourth Kingdom were particularised to Daniel; but those of the latter end of it only, when the Horn was to rule the rest, which concerned the former part of his time, were represented to him only in general & in imagine confusa; the more ample and large deciphering thereof being deferred till Christ himself should come and unfold all unto S. john, when also Daniel's most particular part was yet to be revealed much more particularly in the Metropolis, quality of Blasphemy, degrees and manner of destruction. That which I have said of the Roman Empire, partly revealed and partly sealed, must be accommodated also to the history of the Church or Kingdom of Christ, the other part of the subject of this Apocalyptical Book; which though it were in some degree revealed before, yet never in such order and specification of Fates and Circumstances as now. The consideration of the one will easily clear the scruple you make concerning the other. And for conclusion, you must remember that I yield you all this time your sense of the sealing and unsealing the Apocalyptical Book, which you know some interpret to a far other purpose.  
I have a little time, and paper enough left: I will look over your Papers, and answer such particulars more as I think need answering.  

1. I know not what it is you contend for about the Two States of Christ's Kingdom. If you grant the Kingdom of Christ at his Second coming shall be of a different state from that of his First, you grant as much as serves my turn; and the Kingdom is neither more nor less eternal, because some State thereof is not eternal. An infant when it comes to be adultus is the same numero still; but the stature is not the same, but divers.  
2. You affirm the duration of the Fourth Kingdom holds proportion with the legs, because the three former do with their parts. If they do, tell me how your Third Kingdom of Alexander and his progeny, which lasted but 18 years, holds proportion with the belly of the Image: I think it will be but a girt belly. The Persian Monarchy, represented by breast and arms, lasted about 200 years, that is, ten or eleven times as long as your Third Kingdom did. If this proportion holds in this Image, the breast and arms must be ten or eleven times as long as the belly. And if you read belly and thighs, the proportion will be a great deal worse: For I suppose you make your Fourth Kingdom 280 years long: the same proportion therefore which 280 hath to 18, your legs must have to the belly and thighs, that is, quindecupla.  
3. Whatsoever time of Messiah's appearing Almighty God pointed out by Daniel's 70 weeks, yet I believe not that any jew before the Event could infallibly design the time without some latitude; because they could not know infallibly where to pitch the head of their account, until the Event discovered it: yet in some latitude they might. I think we have as good skill in that computation as the jews could have, and yet you see we yet vary about it after so many hundred years. And if yourself in this difference follow Mr. Broughton's way, you may as soon persuade me there is no Sun in heaven, as make me believe it. And though it mattereth not much what I think or think not, yet in this I dare say that all the Learned men of note in Christendom are of my mind. And for my part, I cannot but think it a prodigium that any man should think otherwise, and I suppose yourself are so far of my judgement.  
4. If you make the Fourth Beast hornless before his destruction, you will make Daniel both at odds with himself and the Angel his interpreter. If the Horn continue until the Ancient of days comes to give judgement to the Saints of the most High, and until the time came that the Saints possessed the Kingdom, verse 22. or if he continue until the judgement sit, and they take away his dominion, and the Kingdom be given to the people of the Saints of the most High, verse 26, 27. how was he Hornless when the Ancient of days sat in judgement to destroy him, and give his body to the burning flame? This I should have taken notice of in another place, but I than forgot it; yet I said there that which was sufficient to overthrow it. I would not have such an Evasion in my Opinion.  
5. Though all the Four Kingdoms have respect to the jews, as those who were all that time to be in bondage under them: yet it doth not follow that the beginning of each Kingdom should be counted from the time they were first possessed of Palestine, but from the time the Caput regni should be given unto the people which were next to succeed. Nor is that Observation solid, That those Kingdoms were called Beasts, for the beastly usage of God's people: the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifies naturally Animal. And you will not, I know, say so of the quatuor Animalia, in the 
* Chap. 4.  Apocalypse, though we translate them also four Beasts. The congregation of Israel, as we translate it, Ps. 68 10. is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies Coetus & Caterva, that notion may be applied to Kingdoms and States also: So the type is so much the more concise, by reason of the ambiguity of the word in those languages. But whether it be this or that, I affirm nothing, nor is it much to the purpose either way.   
And thus I think I have not left any thing of moment unanswered. I had no other end in all this, but to let you see I have sufficient grounds to be persuaded of my Tenet, and to be averse from yours. Whether others can be persuaded by them or not, that I know not; nor do I arrogate so much ability to myself, as to persuade others what I am persuaded of myself. There is more goes to persuasion than Reasons or Demonstrations, and that is not in my power. I desire not you should make any Reply, but the contrary; for I am now resolved to answer no more, whatsoever you should send. You know as much of my Opinion, and my grounds for the same, as I would desire of any man's; and I think I perfectly understand yours, and where your chief strength lies. Why should then either of us both spend our time any further to no purpose? Thus desiring the Father of lights to guide us in the way of Truth, and to open our eyes to see where we see not, I rest and remain still  
Your very loving Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's College, Octob. 21.   

EPISTLE XIII.  
Dr. Twisse's First Letter to Mr. Mede.  

Good Mr. Mede,  
AMongst many fruits of my acquaintance with Dr. Meddus, this hath been one of the chiefest, that he hath brought me acquainted with yourself, though not de fancy, yet de meditationibus, and that in the opening of Mysteries. I was so happy as to light upon two Copies of your Clavis Apocalyptica, thereby to gratify both myself and my friend: I was beholden to Dr. Meddus for the one, and to Mr. Briggs for the other. Since that I have seen divers Manuscriptpieces of yours, whereof I make precious account. Your distinction of Fata Imperii, & Fata Ecclesiae, the one contained in the Seals, the other in 
* the little Book, Revel 10.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, doth exceedingly affect me, as a Key of great use for the opening of these Mysteries. Your interpretation of the Seals proceeds, in my judgement, with great evidence of illustration. And in the last place, your Exposition of the Trumpets hath taken me quite off from the Vulgar opinion that formerly hath been so common. For all which I most heartily thank you. And did it become me to profess so much, who am nothing worth, I should be apt to say, you are as dear in my affection as to any friend you have. I beseech you go on to perfect the good work you have begun in the Revelation, and in other mysterious passages; for the clearing whereof I well perceive, by the blessing of God, you have attained to a very singular faculty. I seem to discern a providence of God in causing the opinion of a Thousand years Regnum Sanctorum to be blasted as an Error by the censure passed upon the Chiliasts, to take men off from fixing their thoughts too much on that in those days, when the accomplishment was so far removed; but with purpose to revive it in a more seasonable time, when Antichrist's kingdom should draw near to an end.  
Concerning which I have something to propose, in searching after more particular satisfaction. But I know not whether yet I may be so bold with you; and besides, I fear to divert you from your so weighty and so profitable studies: yet they are such, as withal I have thought with myself of accommodating an Answer. But though my heart serve me not to communicate them to you at this time; yet surely I shall make them known to Doctor Meddus. A friend of mine also hath this day given into my hands certain Disputations upon divers mysterious points in Daniel and the Revelation. In one of them he disputes of this Thousand years Regnum Sanctorum with variety of Reason's pro & con; but inclining rather to the contrary. A very ingenuous man he is, and a great student in Mr. Brightman. If I may have liberty to communicate these things unto you, and that it might be without offence to your more weighty studies, I would so use this liberty, as not to nourish myself in idleness, but withal to employ myself in answering what soever I find therein to the contrary.  
At this time give me leave to propose to your consideration, Whether that fear of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 almost of our Protestant profession may not be avoided; and the three days and an half, Rev. 11. not signify a space of time succeeding the continuance of those Witnesses, but intermixed with it. My Reason is this; The two Witnesses signify all the Witnesses giving testimony to God's truth, not contemporating, but succeeding one another for many generations; against all which the Beast warred, and prevailed against some in one age, some in another. Every one's Testimony seems to be finished in his death. And as long as Antichrist reigneth, God hath his Witnesses in some place or other prophesying in sackcloth. But this I submit to your better judgement. I shall heartily desire God to bless your labours; and at this time, desiring to be commended unto your love, I rest,  
Newbury, Nou. 2. 1629. Yours in all truth of hearty affection, William Twisse.   

I would entreat you to take into your consideration one thing more. S. Paul writes, Rom. 11. that the conversion of the jews shall be by way of provocation from the Gentiles; Whether this provocation doth not imply some great Prosperity wherewith God shall bless his Christian Church; and what in this kind comparable to the ruin of Antichrist, and the consequents thereof?    

EPISTLE XIV.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's First Letter, concerning the 1000 years Regnum Christi, as also of the Clades Testium, and of the jews Conversion.  
Worthy Sir,  
THat any man so learned and judicious as I have heard yourself to be should conceive any Meditations of mine worthy not only of approbation, but of so much affection, I must ascribe it (if they be but in any degree such as you make them) to God's goodness towards me, who hath in any sort enabled me to endeavour aught whereby I might not live in the world altogether unprofitably. I know and am conscious of mine own weakness and insufficiency in many points of knowledge which others have: yet if this one thing be my Talon, though but a single one, I have sufficient wherefore continually to thank the Almighty, and to beseech him that my husbanding thereof may be, by his gracious instinct, such as may be some occasion of further light to others, in some manner of recompense of what I have and still daily do receive from others.  
But whatsoever my Speculations be, this I am sure of, that I am not a little obliged to yourself, for your so kind and affectionate entertainment of them, as rests not in them only, but extends even to the person of the Author, otherwise utterly unknown unto you. Wherefore, for my part, if I should not reciprocally answer you, I should show myself of too unworthy a disposition.  
As for my Interpretation of the Seals and Trumpets, where I leave others and take a way of mine own, I do it to maintain an Uniformity of notion in the Prophetical Schemes and Allegories throughout the Scripture; which I am persuaded were once no less familiar and usual to the Nations of the Orient, than our poetical Schemes and Pictures are to us.  
And the only way for us to learn the meaning of them is, by finding out that Uniformity I speak of, by comparing the several applications of them together, and such other helps as remain unto us. But whether some of the Interpretations usually given of the Seals and Trumpets will abide this Touchstone, yourself, I know, can judge. Such voluntary Interpretations may delight the Fancy, and commend the Wit of their Author; but they will not satisfy him that cannot think any man's Wit a footing firm enough to rest his Faith upon.  
FOR the Thousand years Regnum Christi, it was time for it to be silent under Regnum Antichristi; and the Reign of the Martyrs in the first Resurrection to be cried down, when Antichrist was blasphemously to advance them beforehand to a Reign derogatory to the glory of Christ their Lord, to be as compeers with him in the office of his Mediation, and pattakers of the honour and worship which was due to him alone.  
I speak not here altogether at random: For after the opinion of the Chiliasts was cried down, (when the sentence of Damasus had once given it the deadly blow) they fell to expound this Reign of the Martyrs, in the twentieth of the Apocalypse, of the Idolatrous reign of them, which themselves had then devised, by occasion of those signs and wonders said then to be wrought by the power of the Martyrs upon such as touched their Relics and approached their Sepulchers.  
Two of the ancientest Commentators extant after the Chiliasts opinion became silent, are Andreas Caesariensis and Aretas, in whom you shall find what I say, even totidem verbis. The words of Andrea's are these; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Vixit ●ndre●● circa annum Christi 500  etc. Quin reliquis quoque sanctis Martyribus, qui pro Christo mortem perpessi sunt, neque mysticae Bestiae, qui Diabolus est, characterem, hoc est, imaginem Apostasiae ipsius, susceperunt, judicandipotestas data est, per qu●m Daemons, ut ob oculos videmus, judicare non desinunt, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] usque ad present is seculi consummationem cum Christo glorificati, à piis rursum Regibus fidelibusque Principibus adora●i [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] & divinâ denique virtute contra omnem corporum morbum frandemque & vim Daemonum conspicuè donati● Aretas almost in the same words: Ex quo igitur (inquit) neque capti sunt high (scil. decollati isti) neque per impudentiam, neque per opera mala insigniti, meritò cum Christo & vixerunt & regnârunt, idque usque ad consummati●nem. Quemadmodum videmus cliam sub fidelibus Regibus atque Principibus, dum adorantur, contra omnem etiam corporis infirmitatem ac Daemonum energiam ostendunt datam sibi à Deo gratiam. Nam quia (inquit) non adorârunt Bestiam, neque imaginem ejus; idcirco etiam vixerunt, id est, vivorum opera praestiterunt, miraculorum videlicet patrationem.  
Yet even S. Augustine and Primasius applied this Prophecy of the Martyrs, (though not to the adoration of them, yet) to that preeminence of honour then given them in the Assemblies of Christians, and their power of working miracles after death. Vid. de Civil. Dei lib. 20. cap. 9 cum cap. 9 lib. 22.  
And if with Mr. Brightman and others we begin the Thousand years from Constantine, there is no place of Scripture for a Papist to urge for Saint-worship like unto this, because the time will fit so just; For it began much about that time, though the Papist had rather have it thought to be ab initio, which Andreas notwithstanding expressly denies: Etenim (saith he) quae nunc per experientiam rcrúmque eventum videntur Sanctorum miracula, meritorúmque praemia, quando Evangelistae joanni haec patefiebant adhuc fatura erant.  
I shall be glad to see your Quaere's and Answers to them: But before I received yours, I had written to Doctor Meddus, that my thoughts would be diver●ed, and my time taken up about some other business between this and Christmas: whereupon he transcribed them not. My brains are so narrow, that I can tend and mind but one thing at once, whatsoever it be; and therefore I must desire my friends to bear with that imperfection, as also with my slowness, even when I go about any thing, especially to write and digest.  
CONCERNING your Quaere of the Clades Testium, I cannot see how it can be referred to any other time than to about the end of their 1260 days mourning-prophecy; because that which immediately follows their reviving, after 3 days and a halflying dead, is not appliable to any other time save that only: as namely, so great an Exaltation as is implied by 
* Revel. 11. verse 12.  ascending up to heaven in a cloud; such a great 
‖ Verse 13.  Earthquake or commotion as should be at the same hour, whereby the Throne of the Beast should be so much shaken; and lastly, the expiring at the same time of the 
* Verse 14.  second Woe, or sixth Trumpet. These are not appliable to any time save the times of the Beast's declining and period, and consequently to the end of the 1260 days of the Witnesses wearing sackcloth; and should fall out when they were now putting off their sackcloth, and when some of them had done it already: For so the word is to be turned, 
* Verse 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  When they were now about to finish their prophecy or days of sackcloth, etc. Besides, it suits with the method of Divine Providence; God Almighty having ever used to usher in any great Exaltation of his Saints with some desperate Extremity and Calamity immediately foregoing it: Whence is that Theological proverb, cum duplicantur lateres, tunc venit Moses. When was David in a more desperate distress, than when he was instantly to be exalted to the Throne of judah, namely, at the burning of Ziklag? what a straight were Moses and the children of Israel brought into a little before Pharaoh and his host were to be drowned in the Red sea? The most grievous, extreme and dangerous persecution that ever the Church felt, was then when Christianity was ready to be exalted unto the Throne of the Empire; I mean that of Diocletian.  
Moreover, there is a Sin whereof the whole body of the Reformation is notoriously guilty; which nevertheless is accountend no Sin, and yet such an one, as I know not whether God ever passed by without some visible and remarkable judgement. This seems to call for a scourge before Antichrist shall go down: And that may be, as far as I know, this feared Clades Testium. I will not name it, because it is invidious, and I am not willing to be drawn to say so much for the probability thereof in this case as perhaps I could.  
But to speak somewhat more particularly of this Clades; I know not whether it should immediately precede the pouring out of the fifth Vial, or the fourth. If we were secure of the present dangers and fears, I should incline most to think it should precede the fifth Vial, in respect of that fall of 
* Verse 13.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which instantly ensues the Witnesses reviving. Secondly, The time of three days and a half is the time during which the Witnesses should lie for dead, without appearance of life or motion; not the time wherein they should be dying or killing; for that may be much longer, and grow also by degrees, (as also the natural Body of man sometimes dies so, the feet first, and so upward.) The three days and a half are not to be reckoned therefore (as seems to me) until all should be dead, and no motion of life any more appear. Thirdly, I conceive not this Clades to be such as should extinguish the persons or whole materials (as I may so speak) of the Reformed Churches, but the public Fabric of the Reformation, for joy whereof the Witnesses were about to finish their time of mourning. For that the party of men remaining of that dissolved building of Reformation should be great, (though they lay as dead) may be gathered by the strength they should in so short a time, as after three years and a half, recover, to the no small terror of the Beast which slew them, etc. It would make somewhat perhaps for understanding the degree of this Clades, if we could certainly tell what were that 
* Verse 8.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein the Witnesses should lie for dead; and whether those of the 
* Verse 9  nations, tongues and people, which should hinder the putting of them into graves, were friends or foes. They may seem to be friends: for if they had been once buried, there would have been but small hope of so soon a reviving again and standing upon their feet. You know what the Pharisees said, when they would have our Saviour made sure for rising again the third day.  
By the way, because you use in your Letter the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I suppose your copy of my Specimina is misdistinguished: For I referred not that word to the Calamity of the Witnesses, but to 
* Verse 2.  Gentium, idest, Idololatrarum in Ecclesiae atrio stabulantium: So there should be a comma at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
FOR your second Quaere, of the Provocation of the jews by the Gentiles: Methinks that which was to be unto the jew as a Provocation to jealousy, is expressed by S. Paul to be that 
* Rom. 11. 11.  Salvation which was then come unto the Gentiles, and not any other thing yet to come; as also the same Apostle saith, he used to magnify and inculcate so much his Title of Apostle of the Gentiles to the same end. And if the Prosperity of the Christian Religion would have done it, by comparing it with their misery; there hath been already sufficient in that respect to have moved them to jealousy ere this.  
For my part, I incline to think that no such thing will provoke them; but that they shall be called by 
See this more fully re●ed of in Ep. XVII. See als● in Book V. a● Tracked styled The Mystery of S. Paul's Conversion.  Vision and Voice from Heaven, as S. Paul was; and that that place of Zach. chap. 12. verse 10. They shall see him whom they have pierced, and that of Matth. 23. verse 39 Ye shall not see me henceforth, till you say, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord, seems to imply some such matter. They will never believe that Christ reigns at the right hand of God, until they see him. It must be an invincible evidence which must convert them after so many hundred years settled obstinacy. But this I speak of the body of the Nation; there may be some Praeludia of some particulars converted upon other motives, as a forerunner of the great and man Conversion.  
I pray consider seriously that pattern of S. Paul's Conversion, so differing from all other men's that ever were, and how fitly his condition before it resembles that of the jews in their bitter obstinacy against Christ and Christians. Why did Christ vouchsafe so strange a call to that man above other men? was it not a pledge or pattern of something that should be vouchsafed his Nation? I know not whether S. Paul's meaning, but I am sure his words, 1 Tim. 1. verse 16. may be applied to what I mean. But all this I write tumultuously and in some other distractions, and therefore I would not have you heed it further than to consider of it at your more quiet meditations. Nihil affirmo, sed propono.  
I had thought, when I began, to propound something to your further meditations out of the seventh of Daniel: But you see I am grown past a Letter, and can scarce any longer make my Characters legible; and therefore here, with my best respect to yourself, I end, desiring God to enlighten us daily more and more in the knowledge of his Truth: and so I remain  
Yours to be commanded in all the duties of Friendship, joseph Mede. Christ's College, Nou. 11. 1629.   

EPISTLE XV.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Meddus, touching the Day of judgement.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Have now found some little time to make some kind of Answer to your Letter of the last week save one. You desire me to point out the particulars wherein I differ from that Lutheran: But this I cannot do without making a censure of the whole Discourse, which would ask me some labour, and besides I have not now the Book by me. But by the way, the Stationer which told me he had six of them, was deceived: Indeed he had six Books, which he thought to be the same, but, four of them were Discourses of Law, by some error sorted together with them.  
You secondly desire me to point out the places of the Old and New Testament appliable to my Tenet of the Day of judgement: Where I understand not well whether you mean of the Regnum to be then, or of the acception of the word [Day] for a long space of time, even of a thousand years. But I suppose you mean the former, to which therefore I will say something, the rather because I know you will communicate it to Doctor Twisse, to whom I had intended some such thing in my Letter I sent by you to him: but time would not suffer me to write it then, having spent both it and my paper in other discourses before I was aware. That which I have to say is this.  

The Description of the Great Day of judgement, Dan. 7.  
THE Mother-Text of Scripture whence the Church of the jews grounded the name and expectation of the Great Day of judgement, with the circumstances thereto belonging, and whereunto almost all the descriptions and expressions thereof in the New Testament have reference, is that Vision in the seventh of Daniel, of a Session of judgement when the Fourth Beast came to be destroyed: Where this great Assizes is represented after the manner of the great Synedrion or Consistory of Israel; wherein the Pater judicii had his Assessores, sitting upon Seats placed Semicircle-wise before him, from his right hand to his left. I beheld (saith Daniel, verse 9) till the 
* Vulgar. Lat. Donec throni 〈◊〉 sunt; LXX & Th●odotion. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cha●d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usurpatum de Solo inveniat apud Chald. Paraph ●●●. ●. v. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubi in 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sep●uag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Thrones or Seats were pitched down, (namely, for the Senators to sit upon; not thrown down, as we of late have it:) and the Ancient of days (Pater consistorii) did sit. etc. And, subaudi I beheld, till the judgement was set, (that is, the whole Sanhedrim) and the books were opened, etc.  
Here we see both the form of judgement delineated, and the name of judgement expressed; which is afterwards yet twice more repeated: First, in the amplification of the tyranny of the wicked Horn, verse 21, 22. which is said continued till the Ancient of days came, and JUDGEMENT was given to the Saints of the most High; i Potestas judicandi ipsis facta. And the third time in the Angel's interpretation, verse 26. But the JUDGEMENT shall sit, and they shall take away his dominion to consume and destroy it to the end. Where observe also that cases of Dominion, of Blasphemy and Apostasy, and the like, belonged to the jurisdiction of the great Sanhedrim.  
From this description it came that the jews gave it the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Day of judgement and the Day of the Great judgement; whence in the Epistle of S. jude, verse 6. it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the judgement of the Great Day.  
From the same description they learned that the destruction then to be should be by fire, because it is said verse 9 His throne was a fiery flame, and his wheels burning fire. A fiery stream issued and came forth before him: and verse 11. The Beast was slain, and his body destroyed and given to the burning flame.  
From the same fountain are derived those expressions in the Gospel, where this Day is intimated or described; The Son of man shall come in the clouds of heaven. The Son of man shall come in the glory of his Father with his holy Angels: Forasmuch as it is said here, 
* Verse 10.  Thousand thousands ministered unto him, etc. and that Daniel saw 
‖ Verse 13.  One like the Son of man coming with the clouds of Heaven, and he came to the Ancient of days, and they brought him, (or placed him) near him, etc.  
Hence S. Paul learned that the Saints should judge the world, 
1 Cor. 6. 2.  because it is said, that many Thrones were set, and verse 22. by way of Exposition, that judgement was given to the Saints of the most High.  
Hence the same Apostle learned to confute the false fear of the Thessalonians, 
2 Thest. ch. 2. ver. 2, 3.  that the day of Christ's second coming was then at hand; Because that day could not be till the Man of Sin were first come, and should have reigned his time appointed: Forasmuch as Daniel had foretold it should be so, and that his destruction should be at the Son of man's appearing in the clouds; whose appearing therefore was not to be till then. This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Paul; whom the Lord (saith he) shall destroy at the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his coming. Daniel's wicked Horn, or Beast acting in the wicked Horn, is S. Paul's Man of Sin, as the Church from her Infanc●e interpreted it.  
But to go on: While this judgement sits, and when it had destroyed the Fourth Beast, the Son of man which comes in the clouds receives dominion, and glory, and a Kingdom, that all people, nations and languages should serve and obey him, verse 14. which Kingdom is thrice explained afterwards to be the Kingdom of the Saints of the most High, verse 18. These four Beasts (saith the Angel) are four Kingdoms which shall arise. But (viz. when they have finished their course) the Saints of the most High shall take the Kingdom, etc. Again, verse 22. The wicked Horn prevailed, until the time came that the Saints possessed the Kingdom. Again, verse 27. When the fourth Beast, reigning in the wicked Horn, was destroyed, the Kingdom and dominion, and the greatness of the Kingdom under the whole heaven, is given to the people of the Saints of the most High, etc.  
These Grounds being laid, I argue as followeth:  
The Kingdom of the Son of man and of the Saints of the most High in Daniel begins when the Great judgement sits.  
The Kingdom in the Apocalypse, wherein the Saints reign with Christ a thousand years, is the same with the Kingdom of the Son of man and Saints of the most High in Daniel. Ergo, It also begins at the Great judgement.  
That the Kingdom in Daniel and that of a 1000 years in the Apocalypse are one and the same Kingdom, appears thus:  
First, Because they begin ab eodem termino, namely, at the destruction of the Fourth Beast: That in Daniel, when the Beast (then ruling in the wicked Horn) was slain, and his body destroyed and given to the burning flame, Dan. 7. vers. 11, 22, 27. That in the Apocalypse, when the Beast and the false Prophet (the wicked Horn in Daniel) were taken, and both cast alive into a lake of fire burning with brimstone, Apoc. 19 ver. 20, 21, etc.  
Secondly, Because S. john begins the Regnum of a thousand years from the same Session of judgement described in Daniel; as appears by his parallel expression borrowed from thence.  
Daniel says, Chap. 7. 
S. john says, Chap. 20.  V. 9 I beheld till the Thrones were pitched down— and the judgement (i. judges) sat. 
V. 4. I saw Thrones, and they sat upon them.  22. And judgement was given to the Saints of the most High. 
And judgement was given unto them.  And the Saints possessed the Kingdom; viz, with the Son of Man who came in the clouds. 
And the Saints lived and reigned with Christ a thousand years.   
Now if this be sufficiently proved, That the thousand years begin with the Day of judgement; it will appear further out of the Apocalypse, that the judgement is not consummate till they be ended: For Gog and Magog's destruction and the universal Resurrection is not till then: Therefore the whole thousand years is included in the Day of judgement.  Consectarium de Interpretatione aliorum Scripturae locorum huc pertinentium. 
Hence it will follow, That whatsoever Scripture speaks of a Kingdom of Christ to be at his second appearing or at the destruction of Antichrist, it must needs be the same which Daniel saw should be at that time, and so consequently be the Kingdom of a thousand years which the Apocalypse includes between the beginning and consummation of the Great judgement.  
Ergo, That in Luke 17. from verse 20. to the end.  
And that in Luke 19 from the 11. verse to the 15. inclusively.  
And that in Luke 21. verse 31. When ye see these things come to pass, know that the Kingdom of God is at hand. See what went before, viz. The Son of man's coming in a cloud with power and great glory; borrowed from Daniel.  
And that in 2 Tim. 4. 1. I charge thee before God, and the Lord jesus Christ, who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing and his kingdom.  
By these we may understand the rest; taking this for a sure ground, That this expression of [The Son of man's coming in the clouds of heaven] so often inculcated in the New Testament, is taken from and hath reference to the Prophecy of Daniel, being no where else found in the Old Testament. As our Saviour also calls himself so frequently [The Son of man,] because Daniel so called him in that Vision of the Great judgement, and that we might look for the accomplishment of what is there prophesied of in him. It was not in vain, that when our Saviour quoted the Prophecy of Daniel, he added, He that readeth him, let him understand. Certainly the great mystery of Christ is chiefly and most distinctly revealed in that Book; which God the Father of lights so enable us with his Spirit, that we may understand to his glory and our own comfort. Amen.  
I pray compare this with the Paper I sent you of the Four Monarchies, which I called 
* See Epistle VIII.  The A. B. C. of Prophecy; and with the latter end of my Specimina de mille annis; and with my Interpretation of Praeconium Tubae VII. You shall find the grounds of all this in them.  
I have no copy of this I now send: I would desire you when you are weary with reading it, to send me it again, that I may get it transcribed, to save me a labour another time, when some other friend shall make a Quaere to like purpose. I find ever and anon inconvenience for want of such a provision. I will send you it again presently. Before Christmas will be time enough. I desire to be remembered to Master Doctor Twisse; to whose Letter I shall make some Answer when I get some leisure; now I have none.   
Yours, joseph Mede. Christ's College, Novemb. 25. 1629.   

EPISTLE XVI.  
Dr. Twisse his Second Letter to Mr. Mede.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Pray forgive me this once in interrupting your more momentous meditations, Thankfulness urgeth me to express that your Letter is a jewel unto me; making me partaker of such fruits, and giving me interest in such affections. I profess you have strange conceits, I mean for the worthiness of them; they possess me with admiration: especially that touching the manner of the jews Conversion. Those passages of Scripture, and the reference of them which you make, I do consider with Reverence; and the particular relation S. Paul makes of himself, as first tasting of that Grace, in reference to the like which were to succeed: had he made mention of the miraculous operation in his Conversion, as he doth of God's Long-suffering and Patience, the Congruity had been absolute. Yet I seem to discern something whereby that may be argued also to be implied, for otherwise in likelihood he was not the first.  
Yet to object, (for your Ingenuity I perceive gives me leave,) S. Paul was a particular person, and then travelling on the way: The Conversion we speak of is of a Nation, and that wonderfully dispersed in the world; the like manner of Christ's appearing unto whom for their Conversion is hard to conceive. And besides, I seem to conceive evidence from 2 Cor. 3. 15, 16. that their Conversion shall be wrought from amongst themselves by reading Moses and the Prophets: for it is the veil laid before their Hearts which hinders them from discerning the end of the Law, which is Christ; which veil shall be taken away, and being taken away they shall be turned unto Christ. Yet I confess the Text saith not, when the veil is taken away, they shall be turned to the Lord; but rather, when they shall be turned to the Lord, the veil shall be taken away. Yet again so it is said, Luk. 7. 47. that many sins were forgiven her, for she loved much; yet by the scope of the Parable there proposed, the formal truth appears to be this, She loved much, for many sins were forgiven her. So here it may be argued, that the taking away of their veil is the cause of their turning to the Lord: for the position of the veil is that which hinders them from discerning him; therefore the removing of the veil is the making may for the discerning of him by that in Moses. Yet I seem to see how this may be answered; The veil hinders from discerning him in the Law of Moses: but if God be pleased to manifest his Son by sight, the veil can no way hinder that. And why may not the like miraculous favour be showed to them as well as to S. Paul; their obstinacy being greater, and sealed with greater blasphemies than his was? May it not be said that therefore this Apparition was made to S. Paul, that he might have Apostolical authority independent on men, as well as the rest of the Apostles? And cannot the spirit of illumination clear all, and that from Moses, as well as it did in the heart of the Gentiles, who had not so much as Moses to direct them?  
As for Provocation; how can Salvation on the Gentiles part be it unto the jews, seeing the jews (such is their blindness) cannot acknowledge any such condition of the Gentiles? Yet I confess the judgement of flesh and blood may teach them, that the Gentiles becoming Christians are turned to the worship of the God of Abraham, as appears by their embracing of the Old Testament as the Word of God: yet this hitherunto hath nothing moved them; yet a time may come it may, and the Prosperity of our Church also. And it is said, that they shall obtain mercy by the mercy showed unto us, Rom. 11. 31.  
As for the black time to be expected; if so, it seems to be wondrous great, if not greater than all that went before. For the time hath been, the strong man hath so far possessed the House of God in peace, that scarce here and there a Witness hath been found openly to contest against him in this or that particular: And the days of the persecution of the Waldenses were wonderful heavy times: And we have seen many black days for many years. And if it be so, as I doubt it is too probable, and most congruous to God's course indeed in the exaltation of his Church, I doubt it will concern our England most: yet God grant we may be of the number of those that suffer, that within three days and a half we may be raised and reign with Christ at his coming.  
But will you not make us acquainted with that Sin you intimate that cries for vengeance? we are loath to adventure our conjectures, but we dare promise to join in mourning for it. But I heartily thank you for all, and particularly for that Speculation of the untimely advancing of the Martyrs to a Reign derogatory to the Mediation of our Lord; a bitter fruit of too irregular animosity against the Chiliasts, and of very ponderous consideration in this case. I have done, with some sorrow for putting out of your mind better thoughts: I assure you the place you are pleased to afford me in your good affections I esteem as a part of the best happiness I enjoy in friends, and heartily wish I may not be unworthy of it. I heartily commend yourself and your precious studies to the Blessing of God, and rest,  
Yours in all true Affection, Will. Twisse. Newbury, Nou. 16. 1629.   

EPISTLE XVII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Doctor Twisse his Second Letter, concerning the two Wars of the Beast against the Witnesses, as also of the manner of the jews Conversion.  

SIR,  
I Owe an answer to your Letter, though I can scarce find time to attend it. Some I have now gotten, and therefore desire you to vouchsafe to read and accept these few lines.  
The Apocalyps mentions two Wars of the Beast: one to be in medio Testium luctu, during the time of the Witnesses mourning-prophecy; another when the Witnesses began to make an end of mourning. The first, while the Court of the Temple was wholly trodden down and profaned by the Gentiles: the latter, when it began to be purged, and so the cause of the Witnesses mourning to be removed. In these two Wars we may observe in the description these differences. First, The intermedium bellum is said to be against the whole Body of the Saints, Chap. 13. ver. 7. And it was given unto him to make war with the Saints, and overcome them: But the Bellum novissimum or last War is against the Prophets or Witnesses only: The Beast which ascends out of the bottomless pit shall make war with the Witnesses, and overcome and kill them, Chap. 11. v. 7. This difference is remarkable and to be considered for the better understanding of this last War, and how it differs from that formerly against the Waldenses, etc. Secondly, In the former his prevailing and success is absolute, so that all kindreds, tongues and nations submit unto him, and worship him, Ch. 13. v. 7, 8. But in the latter some of the people 
* Chap. 11. 9  [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, &c] and of the kindreds and tongues and nations shall be an obstacle to the perfecting and securing his victory, as not suffering him when he shall have slain the Witnesses to bury them and make them sure, in hope to recover them. Thirdly, The first prevailed many ages; this latter but three days and an half. Add, if you well, (though it be included in the former) the first advanced his Dominion to that height it came to; this latter shall occasion his utter ruin and downfall.  
These differences I thought good to propound to your consideration, to intimate that the seantling of this last War cannot be well taken from that against the Waldenses and Albegenses, etc. as being to be of another kind; namely, an extermination of the Reformed Pastors out of their places and Churches, and not a general extermination of the Body of the Reformed people, which are too many to be dealt with according to former violence, and shall remain to terrify the Beast, and revenge the Clades of their Prophets before almost they shall have done rejoicing over them.  
FOR my conceit of the manner of the jews Conversion; though it often solicits me to give credence to it, as best becoming the greatest work that ever God yet did for that people, for whom in former times he showed so many wonders: yet I will ingeniously confess, the grounds I have hitherto found seem not to myself sufficient to build a firm assent upon; but only by a kind of concinnity induce to a pleasing, but a wavering, conjecture. And therefore it were to little purpose to contend much for that wherein myself have no sufficient confidence. I use to object to myself, That the appearing of Christ in heaven belongs to the time of his Second coming: But the jews must be converted before then, lest they all should perish amongst the enemies of his Kingdom, whereof they would be the principal. I salve it with a supposition of some latitude in that appearance, as being first to be ushered with some preparation or praeludium towards the jewish Nation, before his great and universal Appearing to the whole world to judgement. So Cestius Gallus, the Precedent of Syria, compassed jerusalem with an Army, by way of anticipation, three years before the final and fatal siege by Vespasian, to be for a warning to the believing jews, to flee into the mountains of Arabia, according to our Saviour's sign given them, Luk, 21. ver. 20.  
For strengthening of such a supposition, methinks I discern in S. Malthew, (the Hebrew Evangelist) Chap. 24. v. 30. two such Appearances intimated: The one in the words, Then shall appear the sign of the Son of man in heaven, and all the Tribes of the earth shall mourn, (out of Zach. 12. v. 10, 11, 12.) The other in the words following, And they shall see the Son of man coming in the clouds of heaven with power and great glory, (out of Dan. 7.) But here I find a rub, which I cannot yet get over: For this appearing of the sign of the Son of man in heaven, as well as his coming in the clouds with great glory, is said to be 
* Matt. 24. 29.  immediately after the tribulation of those days; that is, (as I am wont to expound it) soon after the long tribulation of the jewish Nation shall be ended: But their tribulation shall not end till they be converted: Ergo their Conversion must needs precede the sign of the Son of man in heaven there mentioned. Here I stick.  
But your Objections I think I could answer thus. As first, to that of the jews Conversion to be wrought by the taking away the veil from their hearts, 2 Cor. 3. I could answer, That that is the Internal cause of their Conversion, or, if you will, the act of the Spirit of God illuminating and converting them; as he that takes away the film from the eyes of him that sees not, or the hood from him that is hoodwinked, does by that act make him see: But I speak of the External cause or means of the jews Conversion, such as in the ordinary administration of God is the preaching of the Word; but extraordinarily may be by Miracle, as was in the Conversion of Paul, who nevertheless had the Mosaical veil taken from his heart, as well as the rest of his Nation when they are converted shall have.  
But by the way, because you mention that place Luk. 7. 47. give me leave to add, That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in Scripture not only 
* Because.  Quia or quoniam, but also the redditive thereto, which is 
* Therefore.  Ideo, propterea; because namely the Hebrew particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answers, signifies both: as appears Psal. 116. v. 10. compared with 2 Cor. 4. 13. ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebraeo à Paulo exponitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Gen. 22. 17. item Eccles. 8. 6. See our English. In both which places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both the causal Quoniam, and the redditive thereto Ideo. Now the Scripture is wont to extend the Greek words it useth unto the full notion of the Hebrew or Chaldee to which they answer, (as may be proved by many Examples) though in the Greeks use they signified not so. This Dialect is called Lingua Hellenistica, (spoken by the Hellenists or Greekish jews which lived dispersed under the Greek Empire) whose property is to accommodate verba Graeca notioni Orientis: But no such ground can be shown (I think) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quando, to signify the redditive tunc.  
To your other Objection, How such a Vision could be manifested to the jews dispersed in several parts of the world; I could answer, That a Vision or Apparition in Heaven may be seen to the greatest part of the world at the same time (as Stars and Comets are:) how else shall the Appearing of our Saviour in the clouds of Heaven, 
Or I could say, This apparition might be vouchsafed to some chief ones of them, whom God should choose; and they as witness make it known to the rest.  at his coming to judgement, be seen at once to so many Nations of the world?  
But here is one thing more considerable from the miraculous Conversion of S. Paul, upon supposal that that of the jews may be like it; viz. That though many were present with S. Paul at that time, yet none saw the apparition of Christ, nor heard him speak, but Paul alone, for whose sake he appeared. The rest saw indeed a strange light, and heard the voice of Paul replying and answering, but they heard not the voice, nor saw any that spoke unto him; which therefore made them astonished. Compare Acts 9 7. (where it is said, They heard Paul's voice) with Acts 22. 9 (where it is said, They heard not the voice of him that spoke unto him.) And take heed here of some of our English Bibles, which have put in a [not] where it should not be, as they have done the like in other places. Fie upon such careless Printers. But to the matter; What if the like be at the jews Conversion, to wit, that they alone shall see and hear the voice of Christ, but none of the Gentiles amongst whom they dwell, though perhaps some strange light for a testimony may at that instant surprise the whole world, to the astonishment of the Nations therein? Consider that of Matt. 24. 27. and the places of the other Evangelists answering thereto.  
And what if the jews upon such an apparition may have, as S. Paul had, an Ananias too, or (as they expect) an Elias, to instruct them? So you know the ancient Christian Church believed, from Mal. 4. 5. Mat. 17. 11. Ecclus. 48. 10. For though the Fathers as well as the jews might err concerning the person and circumstances of this Elias, yet it follows not presently but the substance of the opinion might be true. But I will not discover all my roving Speculations, unless I had better ground for them; lest perhaps I should make you more than wonder at me. Howsoever it be, I suppose it is no sin to conceive magnificè and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of so great a work of God towards a people for whom he hath formerly showed so many wonders; especially this being to be the greatest work of mercy and wonder that ever he did for them; far beyond the bringing them forth of Egypt and leading them in the wilderness, etc. Consider it.  
Besides, it may be there is a precedent already extant: Sure I am, when I had entertained this conceit into my meditation, I was led by I know not what providence (as I was searching some other matter) to find an History of the greatest multitude of jews that ever, I think, were converted since the Apostles times, to have been convinced by such a miraculous apparition in every respect as I had apprehended.  
The Story (if it be true) happened about some 570 years after Christ, 
A remarkable story of a great conversion of jews wrought by Christ's apparition and voice from heaven.  in the days of justinus the Greek Emperor, (though Bigneus puts it a hundred years before) in the kingdom of the Omerites (some write Homerites) in Arabia Felix: where the jews in those parts (being a strong party) had challenged to a public Disputation a Christian City and Kingdom in that Tract, upon condition that if they could not convince the Christians by strength of Reason and Scripture, they would become Christians; if they could, they required the Christians should turn jews.  
The Disputation was performed for three days together sub dio, in a full assembly of the King, his Peers and people, between Gregentius Bishop of Tephra, and Herbanus champion for the jews who were there assembled with him. The third day Herbanus required to end the controversy, that if jesus of Nazareth were indeed living and reigning in Heaven, and if those who worshipped him had any power with him, that he would upon their prayers manifest himself from Heaven, and they would then believe in him. Thereupon all the multitude of jews cried out in derision, ostend nobis Christum tuum. Vae! quia fiemus Christiani, etc.  
The conclusion was, that Christ jesus, after a dreadful Thunder and Lightning, appeared from Heaven with beams of glory, walking upon a purple cloud, with a Sword in his hand, and a Diadem of inestimable beauty upon his head, and over the Assembly uttered a voice, Appareo vobis in oculis vestris ego crucifixus à Patribus vestris. Which having spoken, the cloud took him presently out of their sight. The Christians shouted, Domine, miserere; the jews were all stricken blind, and received not their sight till they were all baptised.  
This Story (whereof I tell you but the brief) hath been long unknown to these Western parts, and was brought in our time from the Eastern among divers other Greek Manuscripts, and published in Greek and Latin by Nicolaus Gulonius in octavo, under the name of Gregentii Archiepiscopi Tephrensis Disputatio cum Herbano judaeo. The beginning is imperfect: In the end is the Story I have related. I have seen and used that Book, but could not be owner of it. But the Latin translation is inserted into the Bibliotheca Patrum of the edition of Colen, in the fifth Tome, pag. 919. which if you read, I could wish you would join with it the Story of the Martyrium Omeritarum published by Baronius out of a Vatican Manuscript, in his sixth Seculum about the middle. It is worthy your reading, and supposed to have happened a little before this Conversion of the jews I speak of: which Baronius nevertheless then knew not of, as being published after he had written that Tome. The Persecution was raised by Dunaan a jew, who had gotten the Kingdom of the Omerites, and meant to extinguish the Christian City and Dition of Nargan, which was subject, as many other small Reguli were, to that Kingdom, etc.  
If this Story be true, it makes much for a probability of such a conjecture for the future. If it be counterfeit, at least it argues that some, many ages ago, thought such a mean not unlikely: For Poets themselves are wont to feign Verisimilia. So howsoever, I am not the first that thought of such a matter.  
That which you say of S. Paul's miraculous Conversion, that by it he had Apostolical authority immediate and independent, as having his Mission from Heaven, and not from Men; I acknowledge it. But that this should be the only end of his so being converted, I suppose it is not necessary. For it might have pleased God to have converted him by an ordinary mean, and yet have given him a Mission for his Apostleship by an immediate and extraordinary way. The immediateness of Apostolical Mission depended not upon such a miraculous Conversion, though it pleased God at one and the same time, by one and the same miraculous manifestation, both to convert him to the Faith of Christ, and send him to be an Apostle to the Gentiles.  
But it is now time to give over. I have been tedious and troublesome, I know, and perhaps not well busied in spending so many words and paper about a wavering and uncertain Speculation. But because in my first Letter I had unawares discovered my fancy, I was somewhat solicitous till I had more fully explained myself, lest I might seem to believe much upon very little reason, or be supposed to be more confident in this conceit than I am. But he that seeks for that which is yet to find, must be poring as well where it is not as where it is. God Almighty, the Father of Lights, direct us in the search of his Truth, and give us grace, when we find it, to use it to his Glory and our own Salvation. To whose protection I commend yourself, not forgetting my best respect, who am  
Your assured Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's College, Decemb. 2. 1629.   

I shall bid you farewell for this year, and write shorter Letters the next, that so I may hold out. I have made a saltus in my Meditations by these Discourses of the Great Day. I am not come to it yet: I have much to think of, and bring to more perfection, which is preceding to it; The Witnesses, Dragon, Beast, etc.    

EPISTLE XVIII.  
Mr. Mason's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the Millenaries.  
Good Mr. Mede,  
I Think myself much indebted unto you, that you do so freely communicate unto me your learned Writings. I wish I had been more conversant in studies of this nature, that I might in some sort be able to talk with you in your own language. But you have had the happiness to follow these studies with good leisure and much opportunity; and I (to say nothing of other wants) have been hindered both with businesses of my place and weakness of my body, that I have scarce had time to think on any thing but what hath been necessary for my present employment; and so it happeneth to me in my studies as to poor men in getting of their living, we have nothing but from hand to mouth. The consciousness of these wants maketh me to write so seldom and so slightly: Else, if I had any thing in my thoughts that might be fit for your reading, I would be as free in communicating my studies with you as you are in imparting yours unto me; especially in this business, wherein you have traveled with such success. I only now can say, that I wish I may see the full finishing of your intended Work, and so do others abroad also: but yet I had rather stay your leisure, till you have concocted all according to your mind, than to hasten you forward before the time. Dr. Potter hath read your former Papers which you committed to Mr. D. and by occasion thereof hath proceeded to read others of the same Argument; which when I understood, I desired him to peruse two Writings of Dr. Gerhard of the same Argument, both purposely intended against the Millenaries: the one is in the second part of his Disputationes Theologicae, Disp. 3. de novis Fanaticis; the other in the ninth Tome of his Common Places, Loc. de Consummatione seculi, cap. 7. p. 442, etc. Upon the reading of those Treatises he sent a Letter expressing his mind and judgement concerning them, which I received this evening: And because I know you desire to hear the opinion of Learned men, I have sent down enclosed herein so much of his Letter as concerneth that business. Which I did the rather also, because I suppose this may give you oc●●sion to answer such grounds as Gerhard hath laid to the contrary. Perhaps, if you consider him well, you may find a tacit Answer to that which you object against S. Hierome, for laying an imputation on the Mellenaries, as if they dreamt of Earthly Pleasures in this Kingdom of our Lord; for he saith that (as Dr. Gerhard thinks) of the Cerinthians and jews, not of the ancient Fathers; how truly, I leave it to your consideration and judgement. In the Margin of your Notes on justin Martyr I noted a place to the same purpose in Lactantius: It is in black lead, and may easily be wiped out, if it be nothing to your purpose. Dr. Potter signified in a former Letter, that he had a purpose to write to you; perhaps he is not yet ready for that which he meaneth to say: but if he send his Letter this way, I will take care to send it down by your Carrier. In the mean while, and ever, I commend you and your studies to the Blessing of the Almighty; and so for this time I leave you.  
Your ever assured Friend, Henry Mason. S. Andrew's Undershaft Decemb. 10. 1629.   

EPISTLE XIX.  
Dr. Potter his Letter to Mr. Mason, touching the Millenaries.  
Good Mr. Mason.  
I Have read those two large and learned Discourses of Gerhard against the Millenaries, and find him (as his wo●t is) to be very diligent both in recounting the Opinions of other men and in the establishing of his own. By him I see, the conceit is ancient among our later Writers, and favoured by many ignorant and fanatical spirits; which I confess casts much envy upon the Conjecture. But yet methinks, First, the consent of so many great and worthy Lights of the ancient Primitive Church doth more honour and countenance the opinion, than it can be disgraced or obscured by these late blind abettors. Secondly, The Anabaptists and their fellows are confident, where Mr. Mede doth but modestly conjecture; and that, Thirdly, upon other and better grounds than their dreaming doting heads ever thought of. Lastly, The Devil himself may sometime speak truth, and so may his disciples, with an ill intention, or at hazard;  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
I suppose no Learned man or Christian can deny that the Nation of the jews shall be once hereafter called by God's mercy to the Faith, and that their general Conversion will bring with it a great and glorious alteration in the Church; and therefore that Kingdom of our Lord upon earth, howsoever in some circumstances it may not answer our hopes, (which may be ungrounded and deceived) yet for substance it seems an indisputable Truth. But Prophecies are Mysteries till their accomplishment; let us therefore leave them to God and to Posterity:— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I have received Philostrates and Origen, etc.  
C. P.   

EPISTLE XX.  
Mr. Mede's Second Letter to Dr. Meddus, containing four grounds why the First Resurrection, Rev. 20. is to be taken literally; with some other Observations concerning the difference between the State of the New jerusalem and the State of the Nations walking in the light thereof: as also concerning the time of the Regnum Christi.  

Worthy Sir,  
I Sent the fourth sheet I promised to the Bury-Carrier yesterday, with a note therein, promising to make some Answer to your Quaere to day, to be delivered to the Carrier as he passed through Newmarket, but some 4 or 5 miles from the place where I am. When I had thus done, some hour or two after I received a transcript of another of yours dated August 14, of the conformation of the taking of Wesel— But to the Quaere, which I must answer but briefly, till I have a better and more free occasion to enlarge upon particulars. The full resolving thereof depends upon so large an explication of the Oeconomy of God in the restitution of Mankind as cannot be comprised in a Letter. And I am somewhat unwilling to discover what I think, unless I could do it fully; which made me abstain in my Specimina from any explication of that First Resurrection, save to name it only.  
But howsoever when at first I perceived that Millennium to be a State of the Church consequent to the times of the Beast, I was a verse from the proper acception of that Resurrection, taking it for a rising of the Church from a dead estate; as being loath to admit too many Paradoxes at once: yet afterward more ●etiously considering and weighing all things, I found no ground or footing for any sense but the Literal.  
For first, I cannot be persuaded to forsake the proper and usual importment of Scripture-language, where neither the insinuation of the Text itself, nor manifest tokens of Allegory, nor the necessity and nature of the things spoken of (which will bear no other sense) do warrant it. For to do so, were to lose all footing of Divine testimony, and in stead of Scripture to believe mine own imaginations. Now the 20th of the Apocalypse, of all the Narrations of that Book, seems to be the most plain and simple, most free of Allegory and of the involution of Prophetical figures; only here and there sprinkled with such Metaphors as the use of speech makes equipollent to vulgar expressions, or the former Narrations in that Book had made to be as words personal or proper names are in the plainest histories; as Old Serpent, Beast, etc. How can a man then in so plain and simple a narration take a passage of so plain and ordinarily-expressed words (as those about the First Resurrection are) in any other sense than the usual and Literal?  
Secondly, Howsoever the word Resurrection by itself might seem ambiguous, yet in a sentence composed in this manner [viz. Of the dead, those which were beheaded for the witness of jesus, etc. lived again when the thousand years began; but the rest of the dead lived not again till the thousand years were ended] it would be a most harsh and violent interpretation to say that [Dead,] and consequently [Living again from the dead] should not utrobique be taken in the same meaning: For such a speech in ordinary construction implies, That some of the dead lived again in the beginning of the thousand years, in that sense the rest should live again at the end of the thousand years; and è contrà, In what manner the rest of the dead should live again at the end of the thousand years, in that manner those who were beheaded for jesus lived again in the beginning of the thousand years; which living again of those some is called the First Resurrection.  
Thirdly, Though the ancient jews (whilst they were yet the Church of God) had no distinct knowledge of such an order in the Resurrection as First and Second, but only of the Resurrection in gross and general, to be in die judicii magni; yet they looked for such a Resurrection, wherein those that rose again should reign some time 
according to that, Apocal. 5. 10. W● shall reign o● the earth.  upon earth, as appeareth, Wisd. 3. from the first to the eighth verse inclusiuè; where it is expressly said, That the Souls of the Righteous which were departed should in the time of their visitation shine, and that they should judge the nations, and have dominion over the people, and their Lord should reign for ever. See the place and consider it. This opinion is here and there also dispersed in the Chaldee Paraphrase and in the Talmud, as of ancient Tradition; and is the opinion of the jews at this day, who as they look not for the Kingdom of their Messiah until Dies judicii magni, 
N. B.  so they expect that their forefathers (at least such as were just and holy) should rise at the beginning of the same, and reign in the land of Israel with their offspring under Messiah. I can hardly believe that all this smoke of Tradition could arise but from some fire of Truth anciently made known unto them. Besides, why should the holy Ghost in this point speak so like them, unless he would induce us mutatis mutandis to mean with them? In fine, the Second and Universal Resurrection with the State of the Saints after it, now so clearly revealed in Christianity, seems to have been less known to the ancient Church of the jews than the First and the State to accompany it.  
Lastly, This was the Opinion of the whole Orthodox Christian Church in the Age immediately following the death of S. john, (when yet Polycarp. and many of the Apostles Disciples were living) as 
* See Book III. pag. 664.  justin Martyr expressly affirmeth; whose passage to that purpose, when I return again to Cambridge, I will send you, illustrated with some 
* See Book III. pag. 664.  Notes, and the reading in one place restored from a corruption crept thereinto by fraud or otherwise. A testimony absolute, without all comparison, to persuade such as rely upon Authority and Antiquity. It is to be admired, that an Opinion once so generally received in the Church should ever have been cried down and buried. But those Times which extinguished this brought other Alterations into the Church besides this; Et quidem sic fieri oportuit.  
I will say something more, observed perhaps by few of those which have knowledge enough of the rest; namely, That this Opinion of the First Resurrection was the true ground and mother of prayers for the dead, so anciently received in the Church, which were then conceived after this manner. Vt partem haberent in Resurrectione prima. See Tertullian, who first mentions them. The reason was, because this having part in Resurrectione prima was not to be common to all, but to be a privilege of some, namely, of Martyrs, and Confessors equipollent to them, if God so would accept them. Moreover, the belief of this Prerogative of Martyrs in Resurrectione prima was that which made the Christians of those times so joyously desirous of Martyrdom. These things will perhaps seem strange, but they will be found true, if duly examined.  
Thus I have discovered my opinion of the thing which I suppose the Scripture hath revealed shall be: 
See in Book III. pag. 710. ●rist, ad Amicu●● de Resurrestion● prima.  But de modo how it shall be I would willingly abstain from determining. We must be content to be ignorant of the manner of things, which for the matter we are bound to believe. Too much adventuring here, without a sure guide, may be dangerous, and breed intolerable fancies, as it did among some in those ancient times; which occasioned, as may seem, the death and burial of the main Opinion itself so generally at first believed.  
Yet thus much I conceive the Text seems to imply, That these Saints of the First Resurrection should reign here on earth in the New jerusalem in a state of beatitude and glory, partaking of Divine presence and Vision of Christ their King; as it were in an Heaven upon earth, or new Paradise immutable, unchangeable, etc.  
Secondly, That, for the better understanding of this Mystery, we must distinguish between the State of the New jerusalem and State of the Nations which shall walk in the light thereof; they shall not be both one, but much differing. Therefore what is spoken particularly of the New jerusalem, must not be applied to the whole Church which then shall be: New jerusalem is not the whole Church, but the Metropolis thereof and of the New world. The State of the Nations which shall walk in her light though happy and glorious, yet shall be changeable, as appears by the commotion of the Nations seduced at the end of the Thousand years. But the State of those wh● dwell in the New jerusalem shall be extra omnem mutationis aleam; Blessed are thos● who have part in the First Resurrection, for on them the Second Death hath no power.  
I differ therefore from Piscator, and agree with Alstedius, That the Saints of th● First Resurrection should reign on Earth during the Millennium, and not in Heaven.  
I differ from both, in that I make this State of the Church to belong to Secundus Adventus Christi or Dies judicii Magni, when Christ shall appear in the clouds of Heaven to destroy all the professed enemies of his Church and Kingdom, and deliver the creature from that bondage of corruption brought upon it for the sin of man: Whereas they make it to precede the Day of judgement and Second coming. Though this Notion may seem to make but little alteration of the thing believed; yet it is of no small moment to facilitate the understanding of Scripture, and puts upon the thing itself another nature than is conceived by those who apprehend it otherwise. In a word, Ours conceive this State to be ante Diem judicii: Others (though wrongfully) suppose the ancient Chiliasts to have held it to be post Diem judicii. But the truth is, it is neither before nor after, but ipsa Dies judicii, ipsum tempus Secundae apparitionis Christi. And it is to be remembered here, that the jews, who gave this time the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Day of judgement, and from whom our Saviour and his Apostles took it, never understood thereby but a Time of many years' continuance, yea some (mirabile dictu) of a thousand years: and the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Day of judgement is more frequent in their Writings than in the New Testament itself. It is mentioned I know not how many times in the Chaldee Paraphrase of that little Book of Ecclesiastes. The word [Day] 
That the word [Day] in Scripture sometimes implies a long times or many years.  is in the Hebrew notion used ordinarily for tempus, yea longissimum: as in the Prophets, for the seventy years' Captivity; for the time of their great and long Captivity; for the time of their pilgrimage in the wilderness, Psal. 95. according to the LXX. and S. Paul's translation Hebr. 3. The day of temptation in the wilderness, when your Fathers tempted me, and proved me, and saw my works forty years. See the thirteenth verse of that chapter, where a Day includes every Day. So should Day be taken in the Lord's Prayer, for the time of this our life. Compare it with S. Luke, whose words are, Give us every day our daily bread. See the longest day of all days, in the last words of S. Peter's last Epistle, in the Greek and Latin; (for our English obscures it with a general expression) It is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, dies aeternitatis.  
There came forth that year I conceived my Specimina of that Millennium, a Discourse by a Lutheran with this Title, Verosimilia historico-Prophetica de Rebus in novissimo die eventuris, pio studio cujusdam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He conceals his name; it is a little, but elaborate, Discourse. He hath the same notion of Dies novissimus which I had of Dies judicii. I found with no little admiration a great part of my private Speculations of this matter in that Tractate. Spying it in the Catalogue, and guessing what it meant by the Title. I laid for it at London: There came but two. I got them both, one for a friend, another for myself. I have used means for more Copies, but they cannot, say the Merchants, be heard of. Mine is now lent away; when I can recover it, I will send it you. Thus I take my leave, lest I seal too late. God keep us.  
Dalham-Hall, Aug. 18. Yours, joseph Mede.   

Postscript.  
Now I have done, I repent me of so tumultuary and confused a Discourse of so great a Mystery, wherein so much is wanting to give it light and evidence. I must desire you therefore to keep it to yourself, and to pardon the fault you have been an occasion of in putting me upon it.    

EPISTLE XXI.  
Dr. Meddus his Letter to Mr. Mede, touching Dr. Twisse's Answers to nine Quaere's about Regnum Sanctorum.  
Worthy Sir, and my dear Friend,  
THis hath been unto me no pleasant time, being much weakened by this months bleeding and a pain in my right arm. I have done with the Lutheran; though doing all with my own hand, I have been longer about it than Dr. Twisse was, having the help of divers hands. I now send it back with many thanks. You may remember in the beginning of November I sent you a Letter from Dr. Twisse, when I wrote he had besides some 
* See Dr. Twisse his First Letter to Mr. M●de.  Quaere's to have proposed unto you concerning the thousand years Regnum Sanctorum; but he durst not be so bold, yet left it free unto me to do as I thought good: But then propounding other things, and being loath especially to hinder you in the going forward as with another part of the Revelation, so with the clearing of 2 Pet. c. 3. And besides, your inhibition was then a command unto me, to make no more demands till after these late holidays. But now, in hope of your favourable bearing with me, I shall adventure to make his Quaere's and Answers known unto you: yet with this caution, that neither they, nor your judgement or censure of the Lutheran Book, (which I once desired) may retard your other meditations; nor to give answer thereunto but at your best leisure and conveniency. Now to the Quaere's and Answers.  
Quaere 1. As concerning the persons to be raised, which are expressed Rev. 20. 4. to be only Martyrs, and Piscator will have it proceed only of such: Now this is very strange, considering that undoubtedly some never suffering Martyrdom have been as great in the favour of God as any Martyrs; as Abraham, Isaac, jacob, and the Virgin Mary.  
Answ. This may be helped two ways. First, by such an interpretation of Martyrdom as may be extended much further than to the suffering of death for the testimony of Christ, Secondly, by comparing this of Rev. 20. 4. with other places, as namely with Rev. 5. 10. & 11. 18. where the same grace is extended to them that fear God's Name, to small and great.  
Object. But then here followeth a contrary inconvenience, that so it shall be extended unto all.  
Answ. Yet is it not said, To all that fear God's Name.  
Quaere 2. Concerning the Communion between the Saints raised from their graves, and the people then living and remaining on the earth, called the nations that are saved, that is, from the fire, whereby the earth and the works thereof shall be burned, 2 Pet. 3. 10. Alstedius will have the Saints raised to be Doctors of the Church, taking no notice of any distinction of male and female; though of both Sexes there have been both Saints and Martyrs. Rev. 21. 24. it is said, that the nations shall walk in the light of New jerusalem; and if the Saints shall reign over the Nations, there must be a Communion, such as is between Governors and persons governed. And this Government shall be undoubtedly in reference to the Worship of God. Now consider,  


1. What Communion can such Bodies as ours have with glorified bodies, considering that when Moses came down from the Mount, his countenance did so shine that the Israelites could not endure to look him in the face?  
Answ. First, this glorious lustre may be qualified so far as to be without offence.  
Secondly, The world being restored, why may not the mortal Bodies of men be something altered also? Surely God can proportion it.   

2. Whether shall the Bodies of the Saints raised be covered or naked? It seems very incongruous they should be naked; neither can we devise in any congruity a glorified Body should be covered: What raiment were any fit covering for such? Neither is it congruous their glory should be covered, as Moses' face was with a Veil.  
Answ. As Angels appeared, their faces shining like lightning, and their raiment whitè as snow, (which aspect, terrible at the first, by familiar conversation might prove not terrible;) so Light may be as a garment to the Saints raised.   

3. Whether Christ and the Saints raised shall eat and drink. One Mr.— a Minister in Lincolnshire, maintains they shall, (as I have heard from a noble person) and for his opinion allegeth that of our Saviour, I will not from henceforth drink of the fruit of the vine, until that day that I drink it new in the kingdom of God, Mar. 14. 25. Add to this Luk. 14. 15. One sitting at table with Christ said, Blessed is he that eateth bread in the Kingdom of God. This he meant (as did all the jews) of the Kingdom of the Messias on earth; which opinion our Saviour doth no where correct. Otherwise what use will they have of the Restauration of the world? Yet this is very hard to concoct, 1. That Christ and his Saints all glorified should come from Heaven, to eat and drink on earth; which comes near to the vile opinion of Cerinthus, that for a 1000 years God's Saints should live on earth in carnal pleasures. 2. In this case it seems their Bodies should be exposed to excrements, which is not to be endured in Bodies glorified.  
Answ. 1. No more than our Saviour's was after his Resurrection; or Angels, who sometimes did eat with the Patriarches.  
Answ. 2. If so, yet not for necessity, much less for satisfaction to the flesh; but for other reasons, as Christ did eat with his Apostles after his Resurrection.  
Quaere 3. Then there will be no place for such desires, as to be dissolved and to be with Christ, Philip. 1. 23. and to be removed out of the body, and to dwell with the Lord, 2 Cor. 5. 8. For then to be dissolved will be to be absent from the Lord, and to dwell in the body will be to be present with the Lord.  
Ans. 1. Though death will not then be comfortable in this respect, yet it may in other respects, as it brings freedom from seducing, which afterwards shall be incident to Gog and Magog.  
Ans. 2. As Methuselah lived above 900 years a little before the Flood; so in the Restauration of the world why may not men live a 1000 years? I speak not of the Saints raised, but of those that shall walk in the light of new jerusalem. 
* [In a MS. of Dr. Twisse there is a third Answer added in the Margin; but whether it was added in the Paper of his Answers sent by Dr. Medd●● to Mr. Mede appear● tur. Answ. 3. It appears by Esa. 65. 20. that they who are sound alive at Christ's coming shall be ●bnoxio●s unto death; but after death th●y shall rise ere the 1000 years be e●p●●● and reign 〈◊〉 Christ]   
Quaere 4. Christ's Kingdom shall have no end, Luk. 1. 33. Dan. 7. 14. But this Kingdom of Christ shall last but a 1000 years, and then Gog and Magog shall prevail so far, as not only to invade all the Nations that walk in the light of new jerusalem, but even to besiege the beloved City, that is, new jerusalem itself, Rev. 20.  
Ans. 1. But not prevail over new jerusalem, but be forthwith consumed with fire: and then Christ's Kingdom continuing still shall be translated from earth to Heaven.  
Ans. 2. Christ's Kingdom shall succeed other kingdoms, but no kingdom shall succeed this; and in that respect it is said to be everlasting: But Christ must resign his Kingdom to his Father, that God may be all in all. 1. Cor. 15.  
Quaere 5. Christ's coming is not till the restoring of all things, Acts 3. 21. But the restoring of all things followeth after the consumption of Gog and Magog, Rev. 20. 11. and Rev. 21. 1. Ergò Christ's coming shall not be till after Gog and Magog's ruin; Ergò not a 1000 years before.  
Ans. It is said, that before his face that sat upon the throne, heaven and earth fled away, etc. But it is not said, that then it began to fly away, to wit, after the destruction of Gog and Magog.  
Quaere 6. 'Tis very strange that Gog and Magog should adventure to besiege new jerusalem; the Devil and his Angels might as well adventure to besiege Heaven.  
Answ. True, if Gog and Magog knew the condition of new jerusalem so well as the Devil and his Angels know the condition of Heaven.  
Quaere 7. Shall all that oppose Christ's truth be consumed with fire at that day? Consider, Paul opposed the Gospel for a while, yet was a chosen vessel of God; and many that do not oppose, may yet be reprobates.  
Ans. 1. Yet at that day all such to whom the Lord coming in a flaming fire shall render vengeance for not obeying the Gospel of Christ jesus, 2 Thess. 1. 8. shall be none of God's Elect.  
Ans. 2. But some of God's Elect perhaps may be converted that very day.  
Quaere 8. What shall become of Infants found alive at that day, not only of God's children, but of others also?  
Ans. 1. If consumed in the same fire with their ungodly parents, this will be no more strange than that which fell out in the conflagration of Sodom and Gomorrah.  
Ans. 2. Yet they may be of the number of those that escape, if so it please God; and hereunto, to wit, that it should so please God, I should rather incline.  
Quaere 9 From heaven we look for a Saviour that shall transform our vile bodies, and make them like unto his glorius body, Phil. 3. ult. Ergò at Christ's coming all the Saints that remain alive shall be so transformed.  
Ans. So they shall before that Day of judgement ends; for it continueth a 1000 years.  
Quaere 10. They that than are found alive shall be caught up in the air? and ever be with the Lord; 
1 Thess. 4.  I mean the godly: But if there shall be a 1000 years' reign on earth, what need they be caught up in the air, and how ever be with the Lord from thenceforth, if they and their posterity after them continue for the space of a 1000 years' subject to mortality?    
These were his Ten Quaere's, and Answers unto Nine of them; with which Contemplations (he wrote) his heart served him not to acquaint you, or to entreat your judgement in the way of correction or confirmation and addition, but left it unto me. The Father of lights illuminate our hearts with all saving light to his Glory, the good of his people, and our own comforts in Christ jesus. So I rest,  
6. jan. 1629. Yours ever, Sam. Meddus.   

EPISTLE XXII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to the Tenth Quaere, about the 1000 years Regnum Sanctorum.  

SIR,  
BY reason of this late indisposition I was not fit for any matter of study till yesterday: howsoever, I considered than Dr. T. his Answers to the Objections, and applaud them, finding through them all a right and dexterous apprehension of the thing questioned, which many are very uncapable to conceive. But because he leaves the last unanswered, I suppose it was tacitly reserved to me for Tithe, himself having answered Nine. I will therefore, as well as I can, propound what I had before conceived might be answered to such an Objection; wherein you shall also perceive in part wherein I differ from the Lutheran.  

1. Therefore, It is not needful that the Resurrection of those which slept in Christ, and the Rapture of those which shall be left alive together with them into the Air, should be at one and the same time: For the words 
* 1. These 4. verse 16, 17●  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, first and then or afterwards, may admit a great distance of time, as 1 Cor. 15. 23. Every one (or, all mankind) shall rise in their order, Christ the first-fruits (that is, first,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 afterwards they that are Christ's, at his coming. Here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, afterwards, notes a distance of time of above a thousand and a half of years, as we find by experience. Suppose therefore this Rapture of the Saints into the Air be to translate them to Heaven; yet it might be construed thus, The dead in Christ (that is, for Christ, namely, the Martyrs) shall rise first; afterwards, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (viz. a thousand years after) we which are alive and remain shall together with them be caught up in the clouds, and meet the Lord in the Air, and so (from thenceforth) we shall ever be with the Lord. Thus Tertullian seems to understand it, who interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or as it is in ver. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of Martyrs; namely, such as die propter Christum, for Christ, by means of Christ, through Christ, for Christ's sake; taking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as noting the cause or means of their death. So Piscator expounds the like speech, Apoc. 14. 13. Blessed are the dead which die 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est, propter Dominum, for the Lord; Beza, qui Domini causâ moriuntur, which die for the Lord's sake.  
2. If thus to restrain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seem not so fully to answer the Apostle's scope and intention, which seems to be a general consolation to all that die in the faith, a fruition of Christ: then may we give it the largest sense, and yet say, That it is not needful that the Resurrection of those which died in Christ should be all at once or altogether; but the Martyrs first, in the First resurrection; then (after an appointed time) the rest of the dead in the Last resurrection; afterward, when the Resurrection shall be thus complete, those which remain alive at Christ's coming shall together with those which are risen be caught up into the clouds, to meet the Lord in the Air, and from thenceforth be eternally with him. And so the reason why those which Christ found alive at his coming were not instantly translated should be in part, that they might not prevent the dead, but be consummate with them.  

3. Both these Interpretations suppose the Rapture of the Saints into the Clouds to be for their present translation into Heaven. But suppose that be not the meaning of it; for the words, if we weigh them well, seem to imply it to be for another end, namely, To do honour unto their Lord and King at his return, and to attend upon him when he comes to judge the World: Those (saith the Text) which sleep in jesus, will God bring with him; he saith not, carry away with him. Again, They and those which are alive shall be caught up together in the clouds, to meet the Lord in the Air; to meet the Lord's coming hither to judgement; not to follow him returning hence, the judgement being finished. Besides, it is to be noted, that although in the Hebrew notion the Air be comprehended under the name of Heaven, yet would not the Apostle here use the word Heaven, but the word [Air,] as it were to avoid the ambiguity, lest we might interpret it of our translation into Heaven.  
If this be the meaning, then are those words [We shall ever be with the Lord] thus to be interpreted; After this our gathering together unto Christ at his coming, (so the Apostle calls this Rapture, 2 Thess. 2. 1.) we shall from henceforth never lose his presence, but always enjoy it, partly on earth, during his reign of a 1000 years, and partly in Heaven, when we shall be translated thither. For it cannot be concluded, because the Text saith, the Saints after their rapture on high should thenceforth be ever with the Lord; Ergò, they shall from thenceforth be in Heaven; for no Heaven is here mentioned. If they must needs be with Christ there where they are to meet him, it would rather follow, they should be ever with him in the Air, than in Heaven; which I suppose none will admit. And otherwise the Text will afford no more for Heaven than it will for Earth; nay, the words [he shall bring them with him] make most for the latter.   
4. I will add this more, namely, what may be conceived to be the cause of this Rapture of the Saints on high to meet the Lord in the Clouds, rather than to wait his coming to the Earth. What if it be, that they may be preserved during the Conflagration of the earth and the works thereof, 2 Pet. 3. 10. that as Noah and his family were preserved from the Deluge by being lift up above the waters in the Ark; so should the Saints at the Conflagration be lift up in the Clouds unto their Ark, Christ, to be preserved there from the deluge of fire, wherein the wicked shall be consumed? There is a Tradition of the jews founding this way, which they ascribe unto one Elias a jewish Doctor, whose is that 
* In Ge●●ra Abodah Zarah, c. 1.  Tradition of the duration of the World, and well known among Divines, Duo millia Inane, duo millia Lex, duo millia dies Messiae; viz. Sex mille annos duraturus est Mundus. He lived under the second Temple about the first times of the Greek Monarchy; so that it is no device of any latter Rabbis, but a Tradition anciently received amongst them whilst they were yet the Church of God. I will transcribe it, because it hath something remarkable concerning the 1000 years: It sounds thus.   
Traditio domûs Eliae. justi quos resuscitabit Deus non redigentur iterum in pulverem. (He means of the First and Particular Resurrection before the General, which the jews acknowledge and talk much of. See Wisdom, chap. 3. ab initio ad finem v. 8.) Si quaeras autem, Mille annis istis quibus Deus Sanctus Benedictus renovaturus est mundum suum (de quibus dicitur, Et exaltabitur Dominus solus in die illo, Es. 2. 11.) quid justis futurum sit; sciendum, quòd Deus Sanctus Benedictus dabit illis alas quasi aquilarum, ut volent super facie aquarum: unde dicitur (Psal. 46. 3.) Propterea non timebimus cum 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mutabitur, though we here translate it, be moved, mov●bitur.  mutabitur terra. At fortè (inquies) erit ipsis dolori seu afflictioni. Sed occurrit illud (Esa. 40. 31.) Exspectantibus Dominum innovabuntur vires, efferentur alâ instar aquilarum. The Hebrew words are in Gemara Sanhedrin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Tradition of the house of Elias. The just whom God shall raise up (viz. in the First Resurrection) shall not be turned again to dust. Now if you ask, How it shall be with the just in those Thousand years wherein the Holy Blessed God shall renew his world, whereof it is said (Esa. 2. 11.) And the Lord alone shall be exalted in that day; you must know, that the Holy Blessed God will give them the wings as it were of Eagles, to fly upon the face of the waters: whence it is said (Psal. 46. 3.) Therefore shall we not fear, when the Earth shall be changed. But perhaps you will say, it shall be a pain and affliction to them. Not at all, for it is said (Esa. 40. 31.) They that wait upon the Lord, shall renew their strength, they shall mount up with wings as Eagles.  
I have no more left. Mr. Doctor may add this to my Placita judaeorum. Thus with my best respects to yourself and him, I rest,  
Yours, etc. I. M.   

Postscript.  
Add unto this that of our Saviour, Where the body is, there shall the Eagles be gathered together.    

EPISTLE XXIII.  
Dr. Twisse his Third Letter to Mr. Mede, touching some obscure passages in Daniel.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Am sorry you are offended to have those your learned Discussions of that difficult place in Daniel, touching the LXX weeks, communicated. I confess I travelled not a little for the gaining of them; first at Oxford, where I first discovered some tract of them; then at London, by my good friend Dr. Meddus his means, first with Mr. Mason my good friend and ancient acquaintance, than with Mr. D. What account soever you make of them, I assure you I shall make never a whit the less reckoning of your learned pains. Good reason your account should proceed according to the exactness of your own judgement in these Studies; but to me truly they are rare notions: The rather, because I perceive your care is equal in maintaining congruity both with the Hebrew Text, and with the computation of years upon su●h grounds as the world affords. Yet as in the course of your contemplations you should light upon any further or fuller satisfaction, I should think myself very happy to have my desire satisfied in being made partaker of them; and of the opinion of that most reverend Prelate Dr. Usher, the Lord Primate of Armagh, concerning the same, which you gained of him by conference. Otherwise I shall bethink myself of a course to obtain it from himself, which I conceive to be very possible more ways than one.  
I desired by Dr. Meddus to obtain your interpretation of three particulars in Daniel. Dan. 7. 12. As concerning the rest of the Beasts, they had their dominion taken away; yet their lives were prolonged for a season and time. Conradus Graserus, in his Historia Antichristi, seems to interpret it of the lasting of each of the three first national Monarchies, after the death of each first Monarch; which in my judgement is as appliable to the fourth Beast as to the three first. The other is, Dan. 7. 8. touching the little Horn, before whom there were three of the first horns plucked up: which Graserus applies to Mahomet, and his rending of three Provinces from the Roman Monarchy, namely, Syria, Egypt, and Africa. I had rather understand it of Antichrist, as Moulin doth. But whether it be of Provinces rend from the Empire by Antichrist, or by others about his rising and what they are, I am to seek. And of the reconciling of this with that Rev. 17. 12. where it is said, that the ten horns are ten kings, which receive power as kings one hour with the Beast. Good Sir, pardon my overgreat boldness.  
I have sent my Copy of your Paraphrase of the last of Peter, and your Discourse of that Fiery judgement, to be considered of as you think good, and according to your motion. When Peter saith, His beloved brother Paul in all his Epistles speaks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he addeth, 
* See this [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] explained by the Author in his Paraphr. on 2 Pet. 3. ver. 16. The explication of which verse was written by Mr. Mede in Dr. Twisse's Manuscript, and not extant in the former Editions,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are some things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though some few Copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Beza observeth; yet little reason that should carry it. Hemingius reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and for the perverting of those things, gives instance in the Millenaries. But if the embracing of that opinion from a Text of Scripture were the corrupting of it, were not Peter himself far more liable thereunto in this Epistle than Paul? I know some to the contrary have observed something in Paul against the opinion of the Thousand years Regnum Sanctorum, as namely Piscator: I have heard of no writer that from Paul's Text hath pleaded for it. I looked you would have noted something concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which to my judgement seems a singular phrase.  
I will observe carefully to retain your LXX Weeks by me without communicating them to any. As for Doctor Potter, he hath seen, upon my knowledge, 
See Book III, pag. 612.  your Specimina upon the Seals and Trumpets, as also your Generals, and, if I be not deceived, that of Regnum Lapidis and Regnum Montis in Daniel. The rest I will communicate unto him very shortly; as Placita judaeorum, and your Notes upon justine, or what else soever you shall desire, either to him or any other; and that in your own Name, that he may know your good affection towards him, by your desire to gratify him in such special pieces of no vulgar contemplation. I desire to commend yourself and worthy studies to the blessing of God, and rest,  
Newbury, March 5. 1629. Your very loving Friend much obliged, W. Twisse.   

EPISTLE XXIV.  
Mr. Mede's Third Letter to Dr. Meddus, touching the explanation of some obscure passages in Daniel, mentioned in the foregoing Letter of Dr. Twisse.  

SIR,  
I Have nothing upon the seventh of Daniel but what you have seen in those two Discourses, viz. 
* See Epist. VIII.  The purport of the four Kingdoms in Daniel; and secondly, 
‖ See Epist. XV.  The Description of the Great Day of judgement, Dan. 7. Both which I sent you written with my own hand, to be communicated to Dr. Twisse; and the latter being sent me back to take a Copy for myself, I returned it again unto you.  
As for those three Chapters of the Apocalypse, I have not yet done a word; and see so much business now coming upon me, that I know not when I shall begin. For I can do nothing in those things but in silence, and security of not being distracted. In the mean time I must desire my friends to content themselves with those short Specimina concerning those Chapters which they had at the beginning of my communication of my Meditations on these things. And it may be, if I had not communicated them to so many till they had been more full and perfect, I had been ere this time more forward than I am.  
Concerning your three Questions, I have chosen to make answer to them this Festival-week; not knowing after it be past when I shall have so much leisure again. And first I will begin with the two last.  
Quaest 1. If the Horn with eyes and mouth, speaking words against the most High, etc. in Daniel, or the fourth Beast ruling in that Horn, be the same with S. John's Bestia novissimi capitis; and consequently the ten Horns, amongst which that Horn ruled, the same Kingdoms which S. john saw typed by the like number of Horns; as the Church from her infancy believed: how can S. john, who saith, 
* Revel. 17.  that his ten Kings receive their kingdoms at the same time or hour with his Beast, be reconciled with Daniel, who 
* Dan. 7. 24.  saith, the wicked Horn rose up after them?  
Resp. I translate not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Dan. 7. 24. After them, but, Behind them, as the Greek doth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and take the meaning implied to be, that the ten Kings were not aware of the growing up of the little Horn, till it overtopped them. The learned in the Tongues know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify as well 
* Vid. Gen. 22. 13.  Behind in place, as After in time; and the first as often and frequently every whit as the latter: So also Post in Latin is indifferently either Loci or Temporis. 
Exod. 14. 19  The translation cannot be excepted against, 
josh. 8. 2.  as either new or strained: The sense is obvious and most agreeable to the event; 
2 King● 9 18.  and so we shall not need seek any other way to avoid the appearance of contradiction. 
2 Chro. 13 13.  Otherwise it were not impossible to expound [After them] to be in order of number, 
Ezck. 3. 12. & alibi.  and not in order of time, which we in English would express, And another shall rise up besides them, that is, besides the ten, and so make the eleventh. But we shall not need so harsh and unusual a way. Besides, it might be granted, that the little Horn, in respect of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and height of dominion, was after the ten Kings, though his beginning were at the same time when they began.  
Quaest 2. What were those three Kings which the little Horn is said to have displanted, (Dan. 7. 8.) or, as the Angel interprets, (v. 24.) brought down or humbled, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Vulgar turns humiliabit; the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Irenaeus, deminorabit, vel (ut in alio exemplari) dehonorabit; Vatablus, opprimet; junius, deprimet?  
Resp. In my larger interpretations of the Trumpets (in Rev. 8) you have at the end of the second Trumpet a 
* See Book III. pag 463. & pag 661.  Table of Ten Kings or Kingdoms whereinto the Roman Empire was divided about Anno 456 and forward: The offspring of which Nations, through many alterations, (partly by the inconstancy of humane things, partly occasioned by the further enlargement of the Christian Faith) are the body of most of the Kingdoms and States of Christendom at this day. Look upon the Table, and then I answer you thus.  
The three Kings which Daniel saith the Antichristian Horn 
* In another 〈◊〉 of Mr. 〈◊〉 to Mr. Tho● johnson, of Rochdale in Lancashire, Novemb, 9 1636. (●here much of 〈◊〉 letter is transcribed, in answer to the like Doubt) is ●●is added [The A●●i-christian H●rn with eyes and mouth, that is, qui cum revera Comu tant●m sit, pro Cap●e tamen seize ●erit, cujus est proprtum o● & oculos habere]  should depress and displant, to advance himself, were those whose Dominions extended into Italy, and so stood in his light.  
First, That of the Greeks, 
* In the Letter to Mr. T. I. this is add d, [now ●fter the division and dilaceration of the Empire, but one of the Kingdoms.  whose Emperor Leo Isaurus, for the quarrel of Image-worship, 
‖ [The Horn.]  he excommunicated, and made his subjects of Italy revolt from their allegiance.  
Secondly, That of the Longobards, (successors to the Ostrogoths) whose Kingdom he caused by the aid of the Franks to be wholly ruined and extirpated, thereby to get the Exarchate of Ravenna (which since the revolt from the Greeks the Longobards were seized on) for a Patrimony to S. Peter.  
Thirdly, The last was the Kingdom of the Franks itself, continued in the Empire of Germany; whose Emperors from the days of Henry the fourth 
* [this proud domineering Horn.]  he excommunicated, deposed and trampled under his feet, and never suffered to live in rest, till he made them not only to quit their interest in the Election of Popes and Investitures of Bishops but that remainder also of jurisdiction in Italy, wherewith together with the Roman name he had once enfeoffed 
* [and invested]  their Predecessors.  
These were the Kings by displanting or (as the Vulgar hath) humbling of whom the Pope got elbow-room by degrees, and advanced himself to that height of Temporal Majesty and absolute greatness, which made him so terrible in the world. See in the Table 3, 9, 10.  In the forementioned Letter to Mr. T. I. upon the same argument, there is this additional Observation. 
[And here note, it is one thing for the Ten Kings to give their power and authority unto the Beast capitis novissimi, (as S. john speaks Rev. 17.) that is, voluntarily to subject themselves and yield homage to him as their Head and Principal, and another thing for the same Beast or Antichristian Horn to displant, depress or humble them. The first should be common to all the Ten, (as was revealed to S. john:) the latter proper to Three of them, (as was showed to Daniel.) For observe, that as in the History of our Saviour's Acts penned by the four Evangelists one relates that which another omits, and è contra; so is it in these Prophetical descriptions of the Fourth Beast by Daniel and john.]  
Quest. 3. How those words in Dan. 7. ver. 12. are to be interpreted and applied, viz. As concerning the rest of the Beasts, they had their dominion taken away; yet their lives were prolonged for a season and time.  
Resp. Before I answer, it must be known and remembered, that for that [As concerning] there is nothing in the Original but the Copulative Vau, which, as the sense requires, is to be translated not only copulatively, but disjunctiuè, adversatiuè, causaliter, ordinatiuè, and sometimes as a particle of similitude, and the like; it being of itself as a Materia prima. In the latter part of this sentence it is translated adversatiuè, viz. Yet, [Yet their lives, etc.] for which in the Original is nothing but the same Conjunction Vau.  
This premised, I answer,  
First, If Beasts here be meant of the 
* Verse 4, 5, 6.  three first Beasts, it is to be taken by way of a Parenthesis, implying a tacit answer to a question: For Daniel having spoken so largely of the destruction of the Fourth Beast, and nothing of the other, it might be asked, Yea, but what became of the former three? He answers, As concerning them also, they had their dominion taken away; but their lives were prolonged for a time and a season; that is, they reigned their time, and then had their dominion taken away. And thus our Translators seem to have understood it, and accordingly to have sitted their translation, by turning Vau [As concerning.] This is an easy and smooth interpretation, nor do I see any sufficient reason why it should not satisfy.  
Secondly, But some of the Hebrew Commenters understand not Beasts here of the three Beasts forementioned, but of other Beasts, that is, other States and Kingdoms then reigning in the world, at what time the fourth Beast should be destroyed; That these also, as well as the Fourth Beast and his limbs, should have their Kingdoms taken away, though not at the same instant, yet some time after. And so Vaughan shall not need be translated [As concerning,] but [Also;] Also the rest of the Reasts, &c As for the word Beasts to be taken here for other Kingdoms as well as the Four great ones, it needs make no scruple. For we shall find it so in the next Chapt. where it i● said of the Medo-Persian Ram (verse 4.) that no Beasts might stand before him, that is, no S●ate or Kingdom was able to resist his power: So here may The rest of the Beasts be the States and Kingdoms contemporary with the fourth Beast. And this interpretation would sound well with the words of S. john in the end of the 19 Chapter, where it being said that the Beast and False Prophet were cast into the fire (as Daniel saith of hi● fourth Beast, chap. 7. v. 11.) it followeth, And the remnant were slain with the sword of him that sat upon the horse, etc. as if he had meant to express this of Daniel, And the rest of the Beasts had their dominion taken away, etc. But the difficulty than will be, how the latter part of the words should be taken, viz. Yet (or And, or But) their lives were prolonged for a season and time. The Rabbins take it for some season and time after the fourth Beast was destroyed; and R. Solomen, at the time of the war of Gog and Magog, which they look for soon after then ● stitution, upon the destruction of the fourth Beast. But whether can this stand with S. Paul's assertion, that the fourth Beast terminating in the Man of sin shall be destroyed at the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or appearing of Christ's coming? How should any Beasts lives be prolonged for a season and time after that coming? Or should we expound this season and time of a thousand year after, when the last and final execution of Christ upon his enem●e is to be? But Daniel seems to join the appearance of Christ in the clouds to receive a Kingdom with this destruction of the rest of the Beasts together with the fourth Beast, and so not to admit of such a distance. Let others judge.  
Thirdly, But I will not conceal that I have suspected there might possibly be a third Interpretation far●d ●●ering from them both, and which would make the Vision fully to agree with the Angel's interpretation: But the words than must be construed much otherwise than they use to be: viz. Daniel in the former verse mentioning precisely the Body of the Beast to be given to the flames, it should follow thus; And as the Body was burned and destroyed, so the rest of the Beast (viz. the t●n Horns and ruffling Horn) had their dominion (at the same time the Body was burned) taken away; and prolongation of life was given them for a season and time, viz. until I saw one like to the Son of man coming in the clouds, etc. that is, they reigned till the Son of man came in the clouds, etc. The reason why I thought of this Interpretation is, because the word which we translate here plurally, is, as it is pointed in the Original, of the singular number, namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whereas if it were the plural, it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for that, say the Chaldee Grammarians, is the difference between the singular and the plural Emphatic, that the one hath Scheva [●] in the penultima, the other hath Camets' [●] And so we render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with Scheva in this Chapter singularly [Beast,] twice in the following verses of this Chapter; viz. verse 19, & 23. The reason which moved the Interpreters to translate it here plurally was, because the Affixes following are all plural, [their dominion, their lives.] But this may be because that remainder of the Beast under the Horns consisted of many Kingdoms, and in that respect the dominion and duration thereof is expressed with plural Affixes, as of many.  
March 31. Yours, joseph Mede.   

Postscript.  
My paper streightens me and my time; and I have been a 3. or 4. times troubled while I was writing this last way of Interpretation; which made me so blurr and blot, and scarce know what I did. I should else have expressed myself more plainly and fully.    

EPISTLE XXV.  
A more distinct and perspicuous expression of the last of those three ways to interpret that twelfth verse of Dan. 7.  
I Confess my skill in the Chaldee is no more but Grammatical, yet thus much a little smattering in Grammar could teach me; and so made me seek in what sense it might be translated singularly, notwithstanding the plural Affixes following it, and what this rest or remainder of the Beast (if it be so turned) might be.  
First, I observed that in the destruction of the Fourth Beast immediately before mentioned, the Body of the Beast was precisely and particularly named; whereby I began to conceive the Remainder here spoken of might be the Beast's Horns, that is, the eyed and mouthed Horn with that Decarchy of Horns subject to him, which the Holy Ghost would tell us was destroyed at the same time, and together with the Body of the Beast: And so the Text to be construed thus, The Body of the Beast was destroyed, and given to the burning flame; And the rest of the Beast also (viz. the Horns) had their dominion taken away, after that a continuance of life had been given them for a season and a time. Thus interpreted, it would answer to that part of the Angel's interpretation, verse 25. which saith, that the State of the Beast under the wicked Horns dominion should last a time, and times, and half a time; whereunto otherwise there will be nothing answering in the Vision.  
Secondly, The Kingdom of the Son of man immediately following the expiration of this season and time in the Vision, would answer to that in the Interpretation, verse 22. The Horn prevailed against the Saints, until the Ancient of days came and the Saints possessed the Kingdom.  
Thirdly, It is certain that the Session of judgement described in the Vision sat to destroy the wicked Horn; for so saith the Angel, verse 26. But the judgement shall sit, and they shall take away his dominion: And Daniel himself in the Vision expected to see that in special; for as soon as the Bench was set, and the Books were opened, verse 10. I beheld then, (saith he, verse 11.) because of the voice of the great words which the Horn spoke, viz. he looked what would become of the Horn. Something than should seem to follow in special concerning it, else Daniel was frustrate of his looking: But what follows? I beheld until the Beast was slain; This is something, but general only: And his Body destroyed; This indeed is special, but not that which Daniel looked after: For how would these hang together, [I looked to see what would become of the Beast's horn, and, I saw his Body destroyed?] should it not seem rather to follow, to answer Daniel's looking, And the rest of the Beast also, that is, not the Body only or people of the Beast's dominion were destroyed, but the Horns also, with their Captain-horn who spoke the big words, (that is, the State then domineering) had their dominion taken away after they had enjoyed it a season and a time?  
Lastly, Those words of the Angel's interpretation, verse 26. The judgement shall sit, and take away his dominion, (that is, the Horns dominion) seem to have reference to that passage in the Vision which saith in the same words, that the rest of the Beast had their dominion taken away. The reason of the plural Affixe's answering to a singular Antecedent being, because this rest of the Beast had in it a plurality of Kingdoms. according to the rule of the Grammarians, That a singular Antecedent to be taken collectively or distributively, may have a plural number answer to it. This was my adventure.  
I. M. 

[This and the two short Letters that follow, though written at some distance of time, are in this (as in the former) Edition joined together, as being preparatory to the better understanding of the large Letter immediately following.]     

EPISTLE XXVI.  
Mr. Burnet's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the Provostship of Trinity College near Dublin.  
SIR,  
I Am bold to write unto you, though a stranger, to certify you that I hear Dr. Bedle, Provost of Trinity College in Ireland, is chosen Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland, which is valued worth 600 l. per annum, appointed thereto by the King; howbeit some time will be ere he leave the College: in the mean space I am bold to entreat your Answer, to know if you will accept the place of Provost if you be chosen thereto, as you were wrote to by my Lord. Primate formerly before Mr. Bedle went. I am now writing to my Lord Primate an Answer of Letters this day I received from him, and do certify him of this accident; for it was but this week that the King granted it, and no Letter is yet gone over. I sent the Book you sent me long since to my Lord Primate. I dwell at the sign of the Golden fleece in Lombardstreet, and shall expect your Answer next return; and so I commend you to God Almighty, resting  
London, April 12. Your loving Friend, Francis Burnet.   

EPISTLE XXVII.  
Dr. Ames his Letter to Mr. Mede, touching Lawenus his Censure of his Clavis Apocalyptica.  
Good Mr. Mede.  
I showed your Clavis to one much given unto those Studies, and desired his censure; which having at length received, I send herewith unto you, desiring from you to receive what you think fit to be opposed: You shall perceive his full meaning out of the printed Treatise adjoined. He seemeth to me to carry all to the jews, upon no other grounds than communion of Phrases. Thus with hearty salutations to you and Mr. Chappel, I rest  
Franeker, Oct. 11. Your loving Friend, W. Ames.   

EPISTLE XXVIII.  
A Second Letter from Dr. Ames, touching Mr. Mede's Defence.  
SIR,  
YOur Answer to Lawenus I have received, (that you be no longer in suspense) and like so well, that I shall long to see more of your Notions in that kind: yet methinks that Millenary state spoken of may well be understood of the Church raised from a dead condition, and so continued for that space. We have here no News but of Silva-Ducis straight and hopefully besieged by our Army; the Enemy (as it seemeth) not being in case to bring an Army into the field. Thus with salutations to yourself, Mr. Chappel, etc. I rest  
Franeker, May 27. Your loving Friend, W. Ames.   

EPISTLE XXIX.  
Mr. Mede his Third Letter to Archbishop Usher, excusing his unwillingness to accept the Provostship of Trinity College in Ireland: containing also an account of Lawenus his Animadversions upon his Clavis, and his Answer; together with his Explication of Ezek. 4. 6, etc.  
Right Reverend and my most Honoured Lord,  
I Make no question but your College is far better provided of a Provost than it would have been of me, who never could persuade myself I was fit to be the Head and Governor of the only Seminary of a Kingdom. And therefore though my name were the Second time brought upon the Stage, yet was it without consent or privity of mine. Indeed a Proposition was made unto me upon Mr. Bedle's preferment (and before the news thereof was sent to him) whether I would accept the place, in case I were again chosen thereto. Unto which because I answered not by a direct and categorical denial, but only alleged divers reasons, both from mine own unfitness in divers respects, and other circumstances which might and did deter me therefrom, leaving them who made the motion to infer the conclusion; it pleased some (to whom I am yet beholden for their affection) so to interpret it, as if in modesty only I had by such a kind of answer concealed my willingness: which as soon as I understood and that some (Sir Nathaniel Rich by name) endeavoured upon the motion of some others to procure me to be named by his Majesty, I presently took him off, and that so effectually as he stirred no more; though perhaps I was not a little blamed by some of my friends for so doing. But enough of this.  
For my Clavis, I am afraid that Reverend Archbishop your Lordship nameth values it far more than it deserveth; though it may be something I have by God's goodness discovered toward the better understanding of that Book; which if I have, the praise be to God alone, to whom it is only due.  
But I cannot imagine what those Additions thereto should be, which your Lordship saith you received out of the North of Ireland. I sent a Copy or two to Franeker to Doctor Ames; he sends one of them to Daniel Lawenus, an ancient Student in those parts in that Prophecy, (whose Apparatus to a bigger volume of many years study was printed the same year,) desiring his censure of it. He finding it not to suit with his Notions, wrote presently Stricturae in Clavem Apocalypticam, not knowing my name, but calling me Synchronista; and sometimes seemed to be very angry in his confutation of me, though he agreed with me in the mainest Paradox of all. He sends it to Doctor Ames, as I suppose not intending me. But the Doctor dispatcheth it to me, together with his printed Book, for my better understanding his meaning; desires to receive again from me what I thought fit to oppose by way of defence. Thus unwittingly I made myself work, yet such as in the doing I at length found some benefit by, having my torpid thoughts revived and quickened, and the second time more able to wield any notions than they were at the beginning. But I should admire if your Lordship had seen a Copy of this. For besides that I sent into Friesland, I conceive not how any other should get abroad, having, as I thought, kept mine own Copy private in my study.  
That touching the years of Israel and judah, I know not what it should be, unless that the 40. years of Iudah's sin, for which the 
* Ezek. 4. 6.  Prophet lay so many days upon his right side, were the years of Manasses Idolatry, to which the Scripture particularly ascribes their captivity, 2 Kings 24. 3. & ch. 23. 26. jer. 15. 4. Which I thought had been a novelty, and cried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but since I find it to be the opinion of R. Kimchi, whom I suppose also the first author thereof. 
* An●al. Eccles. Tom. 4.  Salianus adds Hieronymus (not josephus) de Prado, & Funccius; but I never looked them. It was but a conjecture, which, had it been new, I conceived would not have been altogether unacceptable to your Lordship, whom yet far be it from me to teach or inform, but only to be better instructed or confirmed by your Lordship's profounder judgement.  
Presently after my Clavis was printed, I drew, at the entreaty of some friends, Specimina Interpretationum Apocalypticarum ad amussim Clavis Apocalypticae; which finding beyond my expectation or merit to be accepted, I have since gone more largely through some part thereof, as The Description of the Theatrum Apocalypticum, chap. 4. The 6 Seals and 7 Trumpets unto the 11. Chapter: The rest is yet but Specimina, as it was in the beginning; the last Chapter whereof I once sent your Lordship, namely de Millennio. But could I have gotten an orthographical Scribe, I would have sent your Lordship all ere this, both Specimina and the larger Expositions upon the first half. But I had no such of mine own, and those who have are not so kind as to lend them for any hire. And for myself, I should never get through that which is mine own, without everlasting mending, blurring, and pausing at every sentence to alter it. I am exceedingly sorry for the death of Buxtorf and Amama, especially the latter, as being but now in store, and one that had a natural genius to enlighten the Text of Scripture, and to find the notion of the Sacred language.  
If Ireland will not spend the remainder of my Pamphlets, if your Lordship have opportunity to send them, I shall willingly entertain them again, their fellows being all gone.  
Thus with my most humble Service remembered to your gracious Lordship, desiring the God of Heaven to bless and preserve your Grace, I rest, and am  
Christ's College, May 4. 1630. Your Lordship's, most ready to be commanded, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE XXX.  
My Lord of Armagh his Letter to Mr. Mede, commending his Comment on the Apocalypse and his learned Conjectures upon the Succession of the Babylonian Kings in Berosus, etc.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Received long since your most accurate Explication of the principal Chapters of the Revelation, together with your learned Conjectures upon the succession of the Babylonian Kings recorded in the fragments of Berosus and Megasthenes. I cannot sufficiently commend either the one or the other; but acknowledge myself to have learned from you in both what otherwise would never have come into my mind. I am now in hand with a Treatise De Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Primordiis, setting down as much as may be found in the Manuscripts that remain of our Nation touching that Argument. I have entered also upon the Determination of the Controversies which concern the Chronologie of the Sacred Scripture: wherein I shall in many places need your help. I desire to hear from you of the state of things there: and so recommending all your godly studies and endeavours unto the blessing of our good God, evermore rest  
Armagh, August 10. 1632. Your most assured loving Friend, ja. Armachanus.   

EPISTLE XXXI.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to a Doubt touching some Variations between the Hebrew Text and the Hellenists, and some smaller corruption crept into the Hebrew copies.  
I Have heard alleged; If any corruption had crept into the Hebrew Text at or before our Saviour's time, the holy Apostles and Penmen of the New Testament would have restored it, or somewhere intimated it. But what if they did so, and yet we had rather follow the Masorites than them?  Matt. 15. 9 out of Esay 29. 13. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
The Hebrew Text reads now  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an emphatical word appears not.  
But the Lxx. and S. Matthew with them,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
d●c●ntium or edocta hominum 〈◊〉 mes reverentis sed frustra ●orum.  
i. Sed fuit cul●us eorum erga me mandatum hominum edoctum or edoctus  
i Frustrà verò reverentur me mandata ●●minum docentes: viz. referring Docentium to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 frustrà reverentia eorum mei qui docent mandata hominum.  
See 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same Prophet for frustrà, cap. 45. 9 ibid. versibus 18, 19 item cap. 49. 4.  
The Masorites might have pointed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as they do often elsewhere, Iod for Van; yea in the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be pointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Then it would be, Frustrà cultus eorum meimandata hominum docens, and never a letter altered but Iod into Van.  
It is to be noted that the Prophet calls Idols and Idol-worship often in this book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Vanity.  
Acts 15. 17. out of Amos 9 12.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
The Hebrew now reads marvellous differingly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
But the Lxx. read, and the Apostles ratify it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vt passid●ant residuum Edom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vt requirant Deum (vel Dominum) reliqui hominum.  
For the Lxx. often translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, more than 40. times, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 above an 100  Heb. 8. 9 out of jerem. 31. 32. 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Hebrew hath now in place of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a clean contrary sense, and inconsequent to what goes before. I know how it is wont to be salved.  
But did not the Lxx, and the Apostle with them, read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which without any more ado is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and makes the sense coherent with what went before? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differ not very much. See the same construction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same Prophet, chap. 14. 15.  
But in these and other such, it may be said, the Apostles accommodated to the capacity of the times, and so followed the LXX as a known and received Translation, but not either to correct the then Hebrew reading by it, or prefer that of the Hellenists before it.  
But what will they say, if sometimes the Apostles follow a reading differing both from the Septuagint and Hebrew, even where the LXX and Hebrew exactly agree together?  Matth. 27. 9, 10. out of Zach. 11. 13. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The words included in the parenthesis are a brief comprehension of what went before, and interlaced only for explication sake. So that the words quoted out of the Prophet directly are only these:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But first, there are no such words in jeremy; that which sounds like them is in Zachary.  
Secondly, the Hebrew in Zachary, and the LXX agreeing with it, have something which S. Matthew hath not, and S. Matthew again something which neither of them have.  

Hebr.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

LXX.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   Matth. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Here the Hebrew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the LXX, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which S. Matthew hath not.  
On the other side, S. Matthew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which neither Hebrew nor LXX have: Besides, the Seventies Greek here differs almost every word from S. Matthew's.  This difficult piece may, I think, be made easy after the manner following. 
First, it may seem the Evangelist would inform us, that those latter chapters ascribed to Zachary, (viz. the 9, 10, 11, etc.) are indeed the Prophecies of jeremy, and that the jews had not rightly attributed them. Certainly, if a man weighs the Contents of some of them, they should in likelihood be of an elder date than the time of Zachary; 
See also chap. 5. 11.  namely, before the captivity: For the subjects of some of them were scarce in being after that time. And the Chapter out of which S. Matthew quotes, may seem to have somewhat much unsuitable with zachary's time; as, a Prophecy of the destruction of the Temple, then when he was to encourage them to build it: and how doth the sixth verse of that Chapter suit with his time? There is no Scripture saith they are zachary's, but there is Scripture saith they are jeremy's, as this of the Evangelist. As for there being joined to the Prophecies of Zachary, that proves no more they are his, than the like adjoining of Agur's Proverbs to Solomon's proves they are therefore Solomon's; or that all the Psalms are David's, because joined in one Volume with David's Psalms. Hocprimum.  
Secondly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here in S. Matthew is the first person singular, not the third plural, as we are wont to translate it: For it answers to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew. The same person and number must also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be, whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be paragogical, or an ancient slip of the Scribe. For the Syriack translates it dedi, and in the Hebrew it answer to to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. All this to be so the words following evince, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. How will it cohere else? They gave, etc. as the Lord commanded me. Must it not needs be, I gave? etc.  
Thirdly, the Evangelist for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would, as should seem, have us read— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is, adverbum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, as S. Matthew more freely translates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. See 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esther, chap. 

1. v. 8, 15, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 often in that Book. If it be considered how aukwardly those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stand in that sentence, and how disturbed they make the Syntax, it will breed suspicio mendi. And if one of the Apostles of our Lord play here the Critic, it is no sin to follow him, say the Masorites what they will.  
2. Reg. 20. 12, & c. Esay, chap. 39 tot. are but two Copies of the same history, yet are there two or three differences, questionless from the hand of the Scribe; as  2 Reg. 20. Esay 39  Ver, 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ver. 1. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. 
ja the rest is no tittle difference throughout.     
If it be apparent one letter is changed for another here, why may it not be in other places?  
I durst show no such conceits as these, but to so great an Antiquary as your Lordship, to whom the possibility of corruption by writing is so well known, or rather the impossibility of the contrary. Who knows what time will discover, cum Elias venerit?   

EPISTLE XXXII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Osbourn's Quaere's, touching some passages in Daniel and the Revelation.  
Qu. 1. WHether Daniel and the Revelation are Prophecies transfused into one another, or that Daniel reaches no farther than the destruction of jerusalem.  
Answ. I conceive Daniel to be Apocalypsis contracta, and the Apocalypse Daniel explicate, in that where both treat about the same subject; namely, what was revealed to Daniel concerning the Fourth Kingdom but summatim and in gross was showed to S. john particulatim, with the distinction and order of the several Fates and Circumstances which were to betid and accompany the same. And that therefore Daniel's Prophecy is not terminated with the First, but reacheth to the Second coming of Christ; as appears by the description of that glorious coming, and the great judgement, Dan. 7. and his prophecy of the Resurrection, Chap. 12. This hath been the constant Tradition of the Church from the Apostles days to this last Seculum, and was of the Church of the jews before and at our Saviour's time. And if the Apostles had ever taught the Church otherwise, it could never so timely, so wholly, so generally have been forgotten.  
Quest. 2. How was the Book of Apocalyptical predictions sealed until the Lamb opened it, Apoc. 5. if Daniel and the other Prophets wrote any thing of them?  
Answ. Whatsoever the meaning be of that sealing and unsealing the Apocalyptical Book, it cannot be so far urged, as to infer the Contents thereof were in no wise revealed until that unsealing; that is, until S. john saw his Revelation. For the contrary is apparent; First, of the Day of judgement, and Resurrection at Christ's glorious coming in the clouds; which is the main But and scope of the Apocalypse, and yet was foretold by Daniel or some other of the Prophets: or else upon what Scripture did the Church of the jews found their faith concerning both? Secondly, The Reign of Antichrists which should precede that glorious coming, is no small part of the argument of the Apocalypse; yet was that revealed before S. john saw his Visions; if you will not grant to and by Daniel, yet you must by S. Paul, 2 Thess. 2. which was at least 40 years before the Apocalypse was given. But he that considers S. Paul well will find, that he borrowed that piece and the ground of his Demonstration from Daniel; of which more by and by.  
In a word, The Fourth Kingdom and that tyrannical Dominion which should forego the Son of man's coming in the clouds of heaven, was revealed summatim & in genere before S. John's Visions; but the series rerum gerendarum therein from the First to that Second and glorious appearing of Christ, particulatim & in specie, was never revealed or unsealed till then.  
Quest. 3. All things go round: That which is, is that which was, and that which shall be: What therefore though the expressions in S. john be the same with those in Daniel? yet may the times and things prophesied of not be the same.  
Answ. 'Tis true, all things go round, and the course of Divine government runs in a circle or repetition of the lame things: So that the Fates and Sequels of things foretold in the Prophets may be again and again repeated, and the Prophecies of them as it were often fulfilled; namely, by way of Analogy, but not of Propriety. But whither tends this? I suppose to make the ruffling Horn in Daniel and S. John's blaspheming Beast to be divers, though the expression and description be the same. If this be it, I meet with it thus: The Vision of the Son of man's coming in the clouds of heaven, Dan. 7. is in propriety the Second and Glorious coming of Christ; as appears by that coming so often described from thence in the New Testament, and our Saviour's using of the title of the Son of man with reference 
* For no where else is Messiah so termed, but there.  thereto, as who, though now he appeared in humility, yet was the same which one day (as Daniel prophesied) should appear so gloriously. [Vid. Matth. 26. 64. Mark 14. 62, etc. Adhibe john 12. 34, etc.]  
But if this be so, than that Dominion which Daniel saw immediately to precede this coming, must be in propriety that Tyranny of the wicked one, which should precede that Second and Glorious coming of Christ. Ergo, not the Tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes, but of Antichrist. And upon this ground did S. Paul build that Demonstration of his, 2 Thess. 2. That the Day of the Lord could not be at hand; to wit, because the Kingdom of that wicked one (which Daniel had foretold he should abolish at the appearance of his coming) was not yet in the world.  
Quest. 4. Whether Nebuchadnezzar's Image contained more Kingdoms than were then in the world, or whereof himself was Master.  
Answ. More Kingdoms than were then in the world, I see no reason why it might not; nay why it should not: For it was a Vision of Kingdoms that were to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 afterward (verse. 29, & 45.) and the Kingdom of Christ one amongst them: Yet was Rome a Kingdom then as well as Macedon or Persia.  
Contain more Kingdoms than were comprehended in the Provinces he was Master of, I am sure it did; namely, that of Macedon, no part of which, neither of the rest of Greece, was ever subject to the Babylonian Monarchy; nor any more, but some of their Colonies of the Asian shore to the Persian. Nor is this so strange, since the form and shape of the Image consists not in the identity of place and bounds of Dominion, (though for a great and the principallest part it were the same) but in the order of succession which each Kingdom was to have to that which went before it; namely one of them should subdue and inherit another, till a fifth Kingdom came, which should never be subdued or destroyed, nor left (as the rest were) to another people.  
Quest. 5. Whether Daniel's Visions (there where the Angel expoundeth them) be so mystical, as not in propriety expounded by the Angel.  
Answ. I understand the Interpretation of every Vision according to the propriety of the Letter, and not to be a new Allegory needing another mystical interpretation: yet for all this I see no more necessity why the Roman Kingdom should be described (if Daniel any where describes it) from its situation to the West, (as those of the Seleucidae and Lagidae are by North and South,) than the Persian is by the East. For the Holy Ghost chooseth such Characters for distinction as he listeth, nor is tied to one way of characterizing, but doth it variously. Besides that Character of West-situation being common to the third kingdom, and anticipated in the vision thereof, chap. 8. 5. could not distinguish the fourth from it.  
Quest. 6. Whether Daniel understood not his own Visions; especially when the Angel told him the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in that from the tenth Chapter to the end.  
Answ. 'Tis one thing to understand the Interpretation of a Vision, another to understand the Application of the Interpretation; namely, to what times and places it belongeth. Where the Angel gave Daniel the Interpretation or meaning of the similitude of any Vision, I doubt not but he understood what such similitude meant, as that by Beasts were meant Kingdoms, by Horns Kings, and the like. But the Application of the Interpretation (unless where the Angel sometimes applied it) I believe he understood not, especially in the last Vision, where himself says so: I heard, saith he, but I understood not. And no marvel, for the Angel tells him, Those words were closed up and sealed, till the time of the end. And it is to be observed, that in that last Prophecy the Vision is not described, but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Interpretation only reported. The Vision out of the last verse of the tenth Chapter may seem to have been some Book or Writing, which either conveniently could not, or the Holy Ghost thought not fit to describe.  
Decemb. 17. 1632. jos. Mede.   

EPISTLE XXXIII.  
Sir William Boswell's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching some of his Books sent him.  
Good Mr. Mede,  
I Know the judgement and current of the world is for present thanks upon kindness; Non me qui caetera vincit Impetus. Above four months since (with Letters from Mr. P. full of your and his Affection) I received four Copies of your Comment upon the Apocalypse: a large time to make accounts and acknowledgement; true, but both are so much the riper and better seasoned. My thanks I shall ever be renewing. Your Books I sent, one to Domenico Molins, a most learned, noble Gentleman of Venice: Another, by my Lord Ambassador Anstruther, and his Chaplain (one Mr. johnson) an honest learned friend of mine, into Germany. The third I bestowed upon Dr. Rivet (long and lately Professor of Divinity in Leyden, now Tutor to the Prince of Aurange his Son,) whose name and extraordinary worth you know by his works. The fourth I send to Scholars and acquaintance here. Some Animadversions I am promised, which I forbear to touch at present. In general, it is commended for a modest, discreet, learned, regular, and of all in that list most verifiable, discovery; if you forbear your Millenarian Fancy. Copies are very much sought; and certainly these parts would have taken off above two hundred, if sent at first. It is an error and fault in our Printers, Visum non fieri extramittendo. In a word, you have set their teeth on edge: and I am pressed by many to procure them sight of all other things you have written; by name, your large notes upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ad Tim. 4. 1. they will come very seasonably; because there is in hand (since, and by order of the Synod of Dort) a new Translation of the Bible into Dutch, with marginal Annotations at large, to be printed in a folio Copy, wherein the Translators (understanding English perfectly) acknowledge the use and excellency of our last and authentic English Translation. Dan. Heinsius likewise tells me by Letter, that he is upon the New Testament; in what manner I shall know at meeting. I find the Zone here for Ecclesiastic Affairs temperate at present and quiet, though now and then producing Capreas saltantes, and such trifling Meteors which busy natures will be raising; as if to keep within the lists of obedience, and to do their work plainly and quietly, were but a Dulman's part. — Sic volvere Parca's! The Treaty between these United and the other Catholic Provinces is slowfooted, & inter futura contingentissima.— Si quid in hac scena scire aves, aut aliud quicquam à vetere veróque amico velis, fac sciam. For I shall ever love joseph Mede as an honest old friend, and think upon him tanquam Academiam in Academia, being his most affectionate to serve him,  
Hague 31/21 Maii 1633. William Boswell.   


An Advertisement.  
THat the Reader may the better understand the occasion and purport of the following Epistle, he is to know that after Mr. Mede had published his Clavis and Commentary upon the Apocalypse, Mr. Haydock of Salisbury, an aged Gentleman, acquainted him with some Objections he had against the form of the Seven-sealed Book expressed in his 
* See the Scheme in pag. 430. of this Editio.  Apocalyptick Scheme, viz. 1. That the ancient form of Books was in several sheets of Parchment, fastened at one end only, and so rolled up together. (Hence those expressions in Psal. 40. 7. Hebr. 10. 7. & Luke 4. 17.) 2. That the form of the Seven-sealed Book (Apocal. 5.) ought to be such as might satisfy the Lamb's intention, which had an eye unto Prius and Posterius in regard of the sequel of the ensuing History: For that part which belongs to the First Seal ought to be viewed before the Second or the rest were opened; whereas in the form of the modern Books (according to which form Mr. Mede had described the Seven-sealed Book in his Scheme) no use can be made of any part or leaf in the Book, until all the Seven Seals be opened. But in the form of the Roll, when every part or leaf hath its several Label inserted in the proper distance, with a Seal and several impressions of Emblematical Signature, each several leaf being taken and unsealed in order, the several matter therein contained will appear, and no more of any of the rest till they be opened in order.  
Thus far Mr. Haydock. The Transcript of his Letter (for the Original could not be met with) being imperfect, was not fit to be printed. He also acquainted Mr. Mede in his Letter with a purpose he had to represent in lively Pictures the Apocalyptick Visions, and sent him the Pictures of the Cherubins done by himself, for a Specimen of his skill in that Art, wherein he had exercised himself for many years, having in his younger days translated out of Italian and published the works of Io. Paolo Lomazzo concerning The Art of Painting.   

EPISTLE XXIV.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Haydock, wishing him to perfect his design of representing the Apocalyptick Visions in lively Pictures, and applauding his ingenious observation upon the form of the Seven-sealed Book.  
Humanissime & Cultissime Vir,  
ACcepi literas tuas benevolentiâ & humanitate plenas, in quibus & favorem meum ambis, hominis scilicet nihili, nedum (ut tu 
* erias.  putas) papali nescio quo fast●dio digni. Sed ut caetera quam nihil sum sciam probè; non sum tamen tam ab humanitate procul, ut animo tam in me propenso par pari reddere nesciam. Et verò tu abunde meritus es ut tibi faveam, qui sic ultro compellas & amicitiam defers. De libello meo quod attinet, si quid exinde fructûs vel ad te vel ad alios redierit, Deo Opt. Max. in solidum sit gloria: Ejus enim solius est quicquid est boni; meum nihil praeter imbecillitatem & ignorantiam. Illud autem vehementer doleo, quòd te prius non novissem quam Opusculum illud meum in lucem ediderim; sanè multò ornatius operâ tuâ prodiisset— Cherubinorum quadriformium Iconas, quas misisti longè elegantissimas & novo artificio visendas, summa cum animi voluptate contemplor; neque satìs pro merito suo laudare aut (quod potius nullâ in talibus facultate praedi●um fari decet) admirari possum. Utinam totius Consessûs Apocalyptici typum eâdem manu delineatum aliquando videre liceat. Sane nusquam domum tibi à Deo collatum sanctiùs collocaveris, quam in divinissimae istius Prophetiae typis ad vivum delineandis.  
Cylindri tui Sigilliferi ingeniosa observatio est, & quae prius mihi (licèt saepiuscule ea de re cogitanti) in mentem non venerat; imò, an omnino talis Voluminis forma, in qua uniuscujusque Sigilli reseratio novam ordine scripturam legentium oculis subjiceret, dari possit, addubitaverim. De re verò ipsa adhuc incertus sum quid statuerem. Aliquando in ea sententia fui, Visiones istas Sigillares, non literarum notis in volumine scriptas, sed Iconibus quibusdam depictas sub Sigillorum tegellis latuisle; iisque reseratis, visui (non ad legendum, sed contemplandum) ordine quamque suo patuisse; atque ad hanc mentem verba ista ad joannem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, haud ineptè accommodari posse. Postea animadverti hanc opinationem meam Narrationi Apocalypticae universae non convenire; utpote cum in Sigillo quinto & sexto oratio rei visae tribuatur: praeterea in Sigillo septimo Tubarum visa non simul & eodem tempore exhiberi, sed ordine & successiuè in aspectum produci, observaverim. Ad haec apparatum clangori praevium ità describi, ut non nudis rerum visarum 
* Iconis●is  Iconibus in Volumine quocunque tandem id fiat modo, depictis, nec nudâ earundem scripturâ, led omnino repraesentatione extrinsecâ rem gestam fuisse fateri oporteat.  
Tandem igitur, quoniam inconcinnum nimis videbatur solâ repraesentatione extrinsecâ rem peractam affirmare, nihil prorsus conferente Libro, in eam sententiam prolapsus sum, Utrumque conjungendum esse, dicendúmque, Singula quidem Vaticinia in Volumine, sive Signis & Iconismis, sive literis, descripta & exarata fuisse; ea verò joanni, caeterísque coelestis Dramatis spectatoribus, non aliter quam repraesentatione forinsecâ recitationis viam explente propalam fuisse facta: Scilicet eodem ferè modo ac in Dramatis nostris Academicis fieri amat, ubi actoribus, cum libris adstent monitores. cum enim neque Agnus ipse è libro recitaret quidquam, neque Apostolus tam propinquus ei adesset (stabat enim Agnus juxta seslorem Throni) ut è resignantis manu legere potuerit; necesse est eum hâc (quam dixi) ratione singula percepisse.  
Hasce meditationes meas ut apud me expromerem effecit humanitas tua: jam desino plura. Deum verò Opt. Max. veneror, ut selicem tibi senectutem, vitam longiorem & beatae illius prodromam largiatur.   
jan. 20. 163●● Tui studiorúmque tuorum pro merito aestimator, I. M.   

EPISTLE XXXV.  
Sir William Boswell's Second Letter to Mr. Mede, touching his Book sent to Ludovicus de Dieu.  
Good Mr. Mede,  
I Am sure long ere this by my Brother T. B. you have understood (which you shall by this present) that your Letters of 15 March, 13 May, 9, 11, 16, june, with Letters and a Book enclosed to Ludovicus de Dieu, came safely to my hands in London; as his unto him from you since my return hither. For this last week he was Precedent of a Provincial Synod held de decennio in decennium by the Ministers of Holland, in this Town; so as I delivered the token of your love with my own hand into his, but in so busy a time I could not expect an Answer, or other than thanks, which he prayed me to render in abundance, for the special honour you had done him thereby. Divers other Letters Responsory to Beverovicius have been long expected; but Salmasius delay in his (wherein he would omit nothing set or fallen from the Ancients, especially Philosophers, to that purpose) hath cast all other men's arrier, whom I should be as glad to see, because together with their learning I should, how well they had learned tenere modum; for aught I know a most necessary part of Scholarship and Philosophy. It grieved me not a little that I could not see you in England, but in recompense I hope now and then to see your countenance and affection in black and white: for which you shall have returns from this place of all sorts it yields, and you affect, when I know what will be most welcome, being evermore  
Your most assured and ancient friend, William Boswel. Hague 25. july 1634.   

EPISTLE XXXVI.  
A Third Letter from Sir William Boswell to Mr. Mede, touching his Book sent to Ludovicus de Dieu.  
Good Mr. Mede.  
WHat entertainment your Letters and Book found with Ludovicus de Dieu you will see ere long by his own in answer, his time hitherto having been taken up by being Precedent in a Provincial Synod of Holland, and publishing his Annotations upon the Acts, of the Apostles. It was sufficient for me to receive many thanks for the conveyance, and that which was better, (better than Music) to hear innumerable commendations of so near a Friend, though I knew them due; for 'tis no small pleasure to see debts paid, where we think ourselves to have Interest. At my coming last into England I lay above three weeks wind-bound in the Briel, where I enjoyed the company of the Minister, Author of the enclosed, which I have gained by my acquaintance; and send it, for your affection to the Argument, by this bearer, son of Desiderius Heraldus, (whose works and worth you know of old) that you may for the Father's and my sake give him now and them conference and advice about such studies as he pursues, wherein himself will open his own mind. It will be a great kindness if Doctor Ward, whom I pray salute from me, will give him countenance and access at his times of leisure; which you may procure, and thereby oblige both him and me, and his Father my old and singular friend. You may see by this, and that title, how glad I should be to meet opportunities of doing any thing for yourself, that might assure you with what truth and readiness of serving you I shall ever be  
Your most affectionate Friend as of old, William Boswel Hague, Sept. 1634.   

EPISTLE XXXVII.  
Monsieur Testard his Letter to Mr. Brooks, about his translating Mr. Mede's Clavis Apocal. into French: as also concerning the Number of the Beast's Name.  
SIR,  
I Have translated into French, that I might communicate it to divers friends, the Book you sent upon the Revelation, which seems to me worthy admiration, and full of comfort to those that expect the consolation of Israel. I desire earnestly (if it may be obtained) the opinion of the Author touching a conceit came into my mind whilst I was reading the Book; particularly that which he remarks upon the number of 144000, and upon 666, the name of the Pseudoprophetical Beast, with the Reason he gives of the composition of the name, all of 6: which is, That the number of 666 ariseth from the multiplication of 3 Unites joined together, making up the number of III. That these three Unites set forth the three Offices of Christ, which pertain to him incommunicably, and distributively, and conjointly considered. All which the Pseudoprophetical Beast usurps conjointly: in which consists particularly his Antichristianism. And this multiplication produceth the number of 666; as also the multiplication of 12 by 12, which is the Apostolical number, produceth the 144000. That for this reason the number of 666 is called the number of a man, in the singular number, because it is in one only man; whereas the number of 144000 is a number of men, in the plural number, and drawn from the number of men. If the Author hath set forth any other Treatises, I desire earnestly you would send them to me.  
From Bloys in France, june 1634. P. Testard.   

EPISTLE XXXVIII.  
Mr. Brook's Letter to a Friend.  
DO me the favour as to request Mr. Mede to give some satisfaction to the request of this Gentleman, my especial friend, and to suffer some Manuscripts which he hath not yet published to be copied out to be sent him, either in Latin or English. I will satisfy his pains that shall undertake it; with promise that nothing shall be communicated but to private friends.  
Your assured Friend, joh. Brooks. Westminster, 23. Feb. 1634.   

EPISTLE XXXIX.  

Reverendo & Doctissimo Viro, D. D. Mede, Paulus Testardus S. P. D.  
QVantâ me laetitiâ totum perfuderint, Vir Reverende & Doctissime, 
This Latin Epistle is of the same import with Epistle XXXVII.  quas ab amplissimo Viro D. joh. Brooks accepi literas, quae singularem tuam erga me non modò immeritum, sed & ignotum, humanitatem testantur, desunt mihi verba & voces quibus significem; vix profectò eam capit animus. Etenim non modò eae mihi exhibuerunt quae in mei gratiam dignatus es de mysterio Numeri Nominis Bestiae scripto explicare, sed etiam de optatissimi ad tuam Dignitatem accessûs facultate mihi per eum facta certum fecerunt. Isto, V. R. & D tanquam salvo conductu securus, non diutiùs haesi quin ad te istas transmitterem, quibus & gratias quantas possum maximas R. tuae pro eximio isto beneficio referrem primùm, ut ex animo refero; tum & Quaestionis quae ad te perlata fuit occasione descriptâ, rem ipsam & genuinam meam mentem ampliùs aperirem, quod sic cum bona D.T. venia facio. Praeteriit jam ferè triennium ex quo D. Brooks cum quibusdam Anglicè scriptis libris Clavim tuam Apocalypticam cum Commentariis pro liberali suo ergae me affectu misit. Opus sine nomine, sed invitante materiâ & mittentis commendatione, statim perlegi; deinde saepius, saaviter trahente Rationum turunt pondere, atque industriae expositionis elegantiâ & concinnitate, relegi, non tantùm Dei donum in te saepius miratus, sed & aliquid tibi assidenti (ut loqueris alicubi) revelatum, addam & extra ordinem, facilè persuasus. Dicam verbo; Nihil unquam mihi visum in Apocalypsin, non dicam quod cum Clavi tua & Expositione aequandam veniat, sed quod ad eas propè accedat. Atque (ut ità sumus naturâ comparati, ut ejus boni cujus nos maximè oblectat fruitio cognitionem cum aliis facilè communicemus, nec verò duntaxat cognitionem Bonorum spiritualium & salutarium, sed ipsam etiam (tanta est eorum praestantia) fruitionem) horas aliquot, quando sivit perpe●uus muneris mihi à Deo misericorditer demandati labor, versioni Scripti tui in linguam Gallicam impendi, ut pretiosissimi istius ac divini the sauri fruendi copiam amicis meis facerem, &, si sine eorum quibus sine summa necessitate displicere est nefas offensa licuisset, Publico etiam Versionem typis vulgandam curando, suavissimam utpote proculdubio futuram consolationem iis omnibus qui Israelis Dei, ut scitè vocas, subrogati consolationem exspectant, Regnúmque illud Christi Septimae Tubae deinceps aequè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Possúmque procul adulationis arte D. T. sincerè profiteri, animum meum singulis tuis Expositionibus tam plenum praebuisse assensum, quam praeberi potest ab eo qui non caeco impetu, sed ratione, ducitur, atque in re, ut agnoscis ipse, non parum difficili: Ipsámque adeo rationem quam reddis Numeri nominis Bestiae Bicornis visam mihi convenicntissimam. Nec enim quicquam in literis meis ad D. Brooks, tanquam illud Expositioni tuae adversum patarem, proponere unquam mihi, fuit animus; sed quod maximè ei congruum meditanti mihi, meo quidem judicio, occurrerat. Nempe sic animum subierat ejusmodi conjectura: Quandoquidem 144000 signatorum Agni numerus numeri cujusdam, nempe 12, multiplicati per scipsum foetus est; Numerum etiam numinis Bestiae adversae, 666, numeri alicujus multiplicati foetum pariter esse. Ideóque cum Bestiae istius forma, quatenus est Antichristus, & cornua habet similia Agni, (sc. professione & usurpatione tenùs) mihi videatur esse in Christi numerum, quae tria sunt, Sacerdotale, Propheticum, Regium, distincto, sed conjuncta subjecot, & Potestatis singula indivisibilis, atque (detur venia verbo) immultiplicabilis, sacrilegâ assumptione; Arte Arethmeticâ quaesivi an fortè ex tribus Vnitatibus collateraliter dispositis, per Senarium multiplicatâ Triade, mihi prodiret numerus 666. statimque prodeuntem inveni. Hoc verò inventum quia mihi videbatur & à reipsa & à ratione tua non absonum, D. Brooks per liter as anno praeterito indicavi, simul eum obnixè rogans, quando jam nomen tuum ex cujusdam, ni fallor, jonstoni, libello, ut Clavis Apocalypticae istius Authoris, innotuerat, ut, si fieri posset, & tuum de eo judicium, Scripta alia tua siquae exstarent de quacunque materia possem per eum habere. Verùm longè aliam (quod aut expressionis meae, aut fortè tantùm Scriptionis vilio libenter tribuo) ad te pervenisse meam Quaestionem jam intelligo, Vir R. & D. ex titulo quem Scripto tuo doctissimo praefixisti; in quo non vulgarem certè hamanitatem prodis, qui me indoctum sanè Doctissimi titulo ut alibi etiam, dignaris ornare; cujus à me tantùm abesse meritum lubens agnosco, quantum adest mihi fervens tui cum samma eximiae tuae Doctrinae admiratione studium, & humillimi atque devotissimi Discipuli ac Servi tui placet, si mihi concedas, clogium. Facit hoc, R. & D. Virro, ut, impellente D. Brooks, cujus ut Mediatoris ope apud te utor, de Clementia tua non parùm sperans ipse tibi de novo mentem meam Thesibus aliquot aperiam, idque non simpliciter, ut primùm D. Brooks indicâram, sed habitâ Scripti tui, ut videbit R. T. ratione; eo fine, ut solidissimi & acerrimi tui judicii de invento meo genuino censuram, si R. T. placet, per eundem Mediatorem accipiam. Quam si dederis, & libertatem meam aequi bonique pro humanitate tua consulueris, me magis ac magis devinctum ac devotum habebis.  
Vale, Vir Reverende & Doctissime. Deus te Reipublicae, Ecclesiae, Scholae diu servet incolumem. Dat. Blaesis pridie Cal. jul. 1635.   

De Numero Nominis Bestiae●  
Numerus Nominis Bestiae commodissimè quidem è radicè Senario eruendus videtur propter Imaginem Bestiae in 6. Capite.  
Verùm & simul ex unitatum Triade, utpote per Senarium multiplicata, ad hunc modum III. videtur eruendus.  
6./ 666.  
Nam Numerus Nominis Bestiae cum sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 numero 144000 signatorum Agni, que ex certi numeri, nempe 12, per certum numerum, nempe 12, multiplicatione oritur; videtur ideo & ex certi numeri per certum numerum multiplicatione deducendus. Fit autem tantùm ex multiplicatione Triadis Vnitatum, multiplicante Senario, numerus iste nominis Bestiae 666.  
Res verò ipsa favet, Nam Bestia cornua etiam habet Agni similia, hoc est, sibi tribuit potestalem Agni, quae triplex est, Sacerdotalis, Prophetica, Regia, unitatúmque Triadem facit, siquidem & distinctae sunt, & conjunctae subjecto, & unaquaeque immultiplicabilis. Nam quòd duo cornua repraesentantur, id fit propter convenientiam Typi. Et certè non tantùm in eo forma Bestiae ponitur, quòd loquitur ut Draco, Idololatrias nempe & lanienos Sanctorum; sed etiam in co quòd habet cornua Agni similia.  
Vnde non obstat huic conjecturae quòd nomen Antichristi sit Ecclesiasticae institutionis, quatenus Bestiam significat; nam non nititur ea hoc nomine, sed dicto Apocalyptico, Cornua habebat Agni similia.  
Nec item obstat quòd numeri signatorum Agni ab eo tantùm petatur ratio quod eis reverâ competit, nam carent hi fraude & dolo; at Bestia à fraude & dolo etiam describitur, nempe quòd cum loquatur ut Draco, Cornua tamen habet Agni similia: Potestatem scilicet similem jactat, imò ipsam Potestatem, quantum in ea est, usurpat.  
Denique cum Draconismum misceat Christianismo Bestia quatenus est ista Bestia, utrumque numero nominis ejus significare par esse videtur.    

EPISTLE XL.  
Reverendo & Clarissimo viro Domino Paulo Testardo, Ecclesiae quae est Blaesis reformatae Pastori vigilantissimo.  
Reverende & clarissime Vir,  
ACcep● literas tuas benevolentiâ & humanitate plenas, 
This Letter contain● Mr. Mede's thanks returned to M. Testard for his great respects● withal his reasons why he cannot concur with him in his notions about the Number of the. Beast's name.  à Domino Brokaeo mihi transmissas: in quibus non ingratum fuit intellexisse, tenuem mean opellam viris, qualis tues, doctis ulla ex parte adlibuisse. Domi certè minùs propitiam quam apud exteros fortunam est experta. Id quod ego quidem facilè animo praesagiebam; sed amicis quibuscum eam communicaveram, editionem, ut solet, importunè flagitantibus, fidem facere non potui: donec eventus tandem docuit, me, hâc faltem parte, vatem non omnino vanum ●uisse. Hoc ideo te celatum nolui, ut indè pro prudentia tua judicium faceres, quantopere meâ intersit, nè ipse in novam libelli mei apud exteros editionem, sive suâ sive alienâ linguâ, consentirem; cui domi nedum ulteriori editione, sed & hujus distractione publicâ, à superioribus interdictum sit, solâ communicatione privatâ mihi permis●â.  
Interim majorem in modum me tibi obstrictum fateor, cui tantopere placuerim, ut illum non solùm iteratò legere, sed in eo transferendo tantum laboris & taedii devorate non dedignareris. Nesciebam antea quicquam meum tanti pretii fuisle; certè mihi ipsi non est visum. Sin quid ex eo fructûs vel ad te vel ad alios redierit, Deo Opt. Max. in solidum sit gloria. Ejus enim solius est quicquid est boni; meum nihil praeter imbecillitatem & ignorantiam.  
Ad quaesitum tuum quod attinet; equidem agnosco me mentem tuam antea, sive meâ sive aliorum culpâ, minimè assecutum esse. jam verò eâ perceptâ, utut primo aspectu nonnihil concinnitate suâ adblandiebatur; tamen penitiùs introspicienti quò minùs adhuc tibi plenè accederem illud obstaculo fuit: Quòd tametsi verissimum sit, Radium senarium, nisi cum alio numero multiplicatum, Bestiae numerum non redditurum; tamen animadverto, sitres istae Unitates, quas huic reiadhibes, valore simplo, & non, juxta locorum seriem, multiplo accipiantur, factum ex datis non fore, ut tu supponis, Sexcenta sexaginta sex, sed tantùm Octodecim. Quippe quia, si data Unitatum Trias cum Senario composita Sexcenta sexaginta sex conficere debeat, Unitates istas omnino pro CXI. numero, non verò pro simplis unitatibus, reputandas esse: Alioquin enim tres istos Senarios ex iis factos non nisi pro simplis quoque Senariis habendos.  
Hic scrupulus si eximi potuisset, reliqua quae adduxerim tanti fortè futura non essent quò minùs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tuum calculo meo comprobarem: praesertim si usquam in S. Scriptura (quod tamen non memini) officia illa Christi Triade signarentur. Alioquin enim ad S S. Trinitatem potius retulerim; cujus nempe cum cultu Bestiae sexti capitis daemonolatriam Pseudopropheta nefario temperamento commiscuit. Neque enim prorsus absque suspicione sum, posse in numero isto Trium Unitatum aliquid mysterii latere quod mihi nondum eruere datum est.  
Haec habui, Vir Doctissime, quae ad Quaesitum tuum responderem. Fecit autem tua erga Scriptum meum benignitas & affectus, ut alias quasdam chartulas meas, Domini Brokaei rogatu, tecum communicare non dubitârim. Harum unâ mysterium calculi istiu● Angelici apud Danielem, cap. 12. com. 11, 12. jam ante septennium vestigare sum conatus; quousque verò assecutus sum, necdum scio. Alteris duabus (
* Vid. pag. 710.  Epistolâ ad Amicum, & 
* Vid. pag. 713●  Conjecturâ de Gogo & Magogo Apocalyptico) sententiam meam de beato Millennio paulò pleniùs aperio. Plura non addo, nisi ut sanctissimis tuis studiis faveat benignissimus Deus, etc.  
Mense januario, Anno 1635/6 jos. Medus.   

EPISTLE XLI.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to some Inquiries of Dr. Twisse, touching the meaning of Ezekiel 38. 17. and Daniel 11. 35, 36.  
Worthy Sir,  
WHen I received your last, I was full of business, and therefore deferred my answer thereto till some time of better leisure and freedom; which now I have attained. But for that of yours which in particular concerns myself, I will say only this, that my friends conceive me to be a man of far greater abilities than I am. Believe me, I am far unfit for such undertaking as they think me. Ingenium habeo tardum & cunctabundum: and though perhaps my Fancy be a little pregnant for notions, yet for expression I am very unready, and write nothing either in Latin or English without much pains and difficulty. Such a disposition is not fit for the wars, but for peaceable and retired meditations. Besides, for the introducing and persuading a new and unfrequented Truth, the choice of a seasonable time is half the work: without which a man shall sooner damnify than promote it. We see it by experience, what a wound sometimes a Truth gets by an error in this kind. If the time therefore be not seasonable and likely, private communication and insinuation is most safe; public avouching is dangerous, even to the cause itself, lest it be condemned before it be understood, and so never feasible again till that generation be gathered to their fathers, if then. A Truth therefore not yet admitted must be urged very warily and tenderly, for fear of incurring such a dangerous prejudice by an overpotent opposition. For the sons of men are untoward creatures, that talk much of Reason, but commonly steer by another Compass, as of Passion, Faction, or Affection, etc.  
I thank God for that portion of knowledge hath been pleased hitherto to give me in these Mysteries, and the opportunity he hath vouchsafed me to make it known to others so far as I have done. I deserved neither of them: and for the latter, never intended it; but was catcht as it were at a running pull. If it be his pleasure I shall proceed further, he will afford me those opportunities and inducements which yet I find not. And thus much for that matter.  
Now for the rest, I perceive what it is that most pincheth you in the Millenarian Prophecy; to wit, that of Gog and Magog. Wherefore I send you enclosed herewith my 
* Wh●●h I desire, when you have used it, to send me back again.  Conjecture thereof. How you will approve it, I know not. Howsoever you may gather thereby, and by what I formerly sent you, my whole conceit of that Mystery, and that my thoughts are still, now and then, reflecting upon their accustomed subject.  
AS for your Quaere about the meaning of that Ezek. 38. 17. Thus saith the Lord: 
Ezek. 38. 17. explained.  Art not thou he of whom I have spoken in old time by my servants the Prophets of Israel, which prophesied in those days many years, that I would bring thee against them? I suppose you would know by what Prophets, and where any such Enemy as that Gog, was prophesied of before Ezekiel.  
I answer, by Esay, chap. 27. 1. with the two last verses of the foregoing Chapter: by jeremy, chap. 30. 23, 24. by joel, chap. 3. 1, etc. by Micah. chap. 5. vers. 5, 6, 9, 15, In all which places is mention of some terrible Enemy which should come against Israel at the time of their Return, whom the Lord should destroy with a hideous and dreadful slaughter.  
This Enemy is that Army of 
* Ezek. 38. 2.  Gog of the land of Magog, chief Prince of Meshech and Tubal, of which Ezekiel prophesieth; formerly mentioned by the Prophets which were before him; but never so punctually and particularly described by the place of his habitation, nation and name, as by him. The nearest unto him comes Micah, who prophesies of him under the name of the Assyrian, a Nation to the Northward; And He (that is, the Ruler to come forth of Bethlechem) shall be the peace, when the Assyrian shall come into our land, etc. 
Micah 5.  Not as though this should be his Original Nation, but as the Province from whence he should fall into the land of Israel. For the Prince of Magog and Tubal cannot come into the Land of Israel, till he be first master of the Land of Ashur, which lies between them. And the Prophet describes him by this Name, rather than by that of his own Nation, because the Name of Ashur was at that time so terrible to the jews, and the Invasion of Salmanasser and Sennacherib still fresh in their minds: and perhaps those Nations were then at the devotion of the Assyrian, and no small part of his Army; as they used to be of the Saracens, when they ruled in those parts. Howsoever by this name he pointed to a Northern Enemy, whatsoever the Nation should be that should then Empire it in those parts, as the Assyrian did when he prophesied. For Assyria is described by that situation, Esay 14. 31. jer. 1. 13. and ch. 4. 6. Zachary 2. 6. and I believe our Geographical Tables are not so true and exact herein as they should be, in that they place Saroh (as they say Assyria is now called) too much to the Eastward.  
I see I have some room left for another Observation concerning Daniel XI. in which one of your Letters intimated some difficulty of Exposition. 
Dan. 11. 35, 36 explained.  It may be I shall speak that which may ease you. Howsoever, it is this.  
All the Ancients refer that from vers. 36. and forward to the Fourth Monarchy, especially to Antichrist, in whose reign that Monarchy should conclude. And good reason; for the Resurrection of the dead and judgement comes in at the end thereof, Dan. 12. 2, 3. but thither no Kingdom reaches but the Fourth. 'Tis a dangerous evasion to turn this Prophecy of the Resurrection of the dead (which is the most evident and express in all the Old Testament, and that whereon the jewish Church built her faith and hope of the Life of the world to come) into an Allegory, as some of those are forced to do who interpret all of Antiochus Epiphanes.  
The stumbling-block which hath diverted so many of ours in this last Seculum to depart from the ancient and Catholic Exposition, seems to me to be chiefly, because there appears no apparent Transition in the Text from the Prophecy of Antiochus to this we speak of, but it coheres as a continued Narration to the end.  
Now the cause of this obscurity I take to be a misdistinguishing of the Text, which refers some words to the former verse which should be the beginning of this 36. these namely, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For if these words be referred to that which follows, the Transition will be evident enough, in this manner.  
35. And some of them of understanding shall fall, to try them, and to purge, and to make them white, even to the time of the 
* Namely, of the end of the Greek Monarchy, which in the holy account is not extended beyond Antiochus Epiphanes  end.  
36. FOR YET at the time appointed, a King shall do according to his will, and shall exalt and magnify himself above every God; yea he shall speak marvellous things against the God of Gods, and shall prosper until the Indignation be accomplished, etc.  
For understanding of this we must know, that after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes the Third Kingdom comes no more in the holy reckoning, none of the Greek Kings after him being at all prophesied of; yea Daniel himself calling the time of Antiochus his reign The Latter end of the Greek Kingdom, chap. 8. 23. The reason of this is, because during the reign of Antiochus, Macedonia (whence that Kingdom sprung) with all the rest of Greece, came under the Roman obedience. From thence therefore the Holy Ghost begins the Rise of the Fourth Kingdom; yea the Roman Historians themselves mark out that time for the Rise of their Empire. Lucius Florus, lib. 2. cap. 7. Cedente Annibale, praemium victoriae Africa fuit, & secutus Africam terrarum orbis. Post Carthaginem vinci neminem puduit: Secutae sunt Africam Gentes, Macedonia, Graecia, Syria, caeteráque omnia, quodam quasi aestu & torrente fortunae: Sed primi omnium Macedones, affectator quondam Imperii populus. Item Velleius Paterculus, lib. 1. cap. 6. ex quodam AEmilio Sura de annis populi Romani haec habet: Assyrii 
* i. primi●  principes omnium Gentium rerum potiti sunt; deinde Medi, postea Persae, deinde Macedones: Exinde duobus Regibus, Philippo & Antiocho, (qui à Macedonibus oriundi erant) haud multò post Carthaginem subactam, devictis, summa Imperii ad populum Romanum pervenit. Compare 1 Maccab. c. 8.  
The meaning then of those words of Daniel— [even to the time of the end] is, That the persecution he describeth should be terminated with the end of the Third Kingdom. For from thenceforth another King [the Roman] should prevail, and advance himself over all.  
Under the name of King we must understand the whole Roman State under what kind of Government soever. For the Hebrews use King for Kingdom, and Kingdom for any Government, State or Polity in the world. See but Matth. 4. 8.  
By exalting and magnifying himself above every God, nothing else is meant but the greatness and generality of his conquests and prevailings: the reason of that expression being, Because in the times of Paganism every City and Country had their proper and peculiar Gods which were deemed as their Guardians and Protectors. Hence sometimes the Nations themselves are expressed by the Name of their Gods: The People of jehovah, that is, Israel; The people of Chemosh, Numb. 21. 29: that is, Moab. Ità accipe Deut. 4. 28. and chap. 28. 64. jer. 16. 13. 1 Sam. 26. 19 Sometimes the Exploits of the Nations are said to be done by their Gods; as we, by like privilege of speech, ascribe unto our Kings what is done by the People under them. See 2 Chron. 28. 23. jerem. 51. 44. Thirdly, and most frequently; What is attempted against the Nations, is said to be done against their Gods; as we are wont in like manner to say, when an Army is overthrown or overmastered, that such a General is beaten or vanquished: See this, 2 Kings 18. 33. Isay 46. 1, 2. jerem. 50. 2. and ch. 51. 44. and ch. 48. 7. Compare 2 Sam. 7. 23. So here the success and prevailing of the Roman, in the advancing his dominion and subduing every Nation under him, is expressed by exalting and magnifying himself above every God. 
* ●on caeditur populus, usquedum caed●tur princeps ejus in excel●o. R. Sol. ad Esaiae 34. 5. . But if any had rather here take Gods for Kings and Potentates, let them.  
I have now no more room left: therefore with my best respect I rest  
Christ's Coll. jan. 31. 1634/ 5 Yours, I. M.   

EPISTLE XLII.  

Dr. Twisse his Fourth Letter to Mr. Mede, approving his conjectures touching Gog and Magog, and desiring his opinion of the English Plantations in America.  
Good Mr. Mede.  
I Must begin with apologizing for myself: I had purposed to return your Discourse the next week ●●ter I received it, that being of so precious a nature you might have it with the soon. But I had so much to write upon that occasion, and withal many other Letters to dispatch the same week, that I deferred it to the next. Then I was put off by an unhappy accident: For a Scholar living with me got it over night to peruse, and the next morning, upon a su●●en motion, observing the fair weather, took the opportunity to ride to London, without thinking of your Paper, neither was it in my memory to call for it. So that till the week following I could not recover it.— Now I have returned it, and I trust it shall come safe unto your hands. Now touching your Letters, I profess a truth, I was so far from taking any the least offence that I heard not from you so soon, that (believe it, sir) I blamed myself for making so bold with you, still putting you upon new matters; though when a vein is once found of gold or silver, it makes a man hungry and greedy to pursue it; and the Kingdom of the Saints goes beyond all Mines and Treasures. O how have you blessed me, and still continue to bless me with your Papers! I protest unto you, your Letters, your Conjectures, your Meditations, are the greatest jewels my Study contains. I approve your Reasons for not proceeding to publish any more at this present; but as Mariners provide against a storm, so may we for a calm. I have heretofore observed how, after Civil Wars in Christendom, many excellent things came forth which were studied in the time of Trouble. Did not Cicero the like in times of like condition? I am glad your thoughts reflect (and I hope ever and anon) on the same subjects, that your friends in private may enjoy the benefit of your labours and talents.  
In the matter of Gog and Magog you have acquainted me with new Mysteries that I never thought of. 
See Mr. Mede's Conjecture of Gog and Magog in Book III. Pag. 713.  Yet to one who first embraceth your way (so I call it, because God hath made you his Minister to bring it to light; but I account it the way of Truth, and so carried by you, that in no particular I find just cause of exception) concerning Regnum Sanctorum, such light you bring to justify your Conjecture, that he will be driven to confess that you deliver nothing without fair ground, fair probability, and that in such a degree, that any other way seems to me, for the present, nothing capable of the like. Your grounds are very fair and clear to every one, but never (I think) taken into consideration by any before yourself, to that end and purpose whereunto you direct them. You cannot easily conceive what content you give me herein, and what refreshing it is to my spirit. First, I perceive that Expedition of Gog against the Land of Israel is reckoned by you after their calling unto Christ, and thereupon possessing themselves of the Holy Land, the Prophecies of the Old Testament leading thereunto; though jews in former ages have joined themselves with the Christian Churches of the same Country amongst whom they conversed. Secondly, Also that now you are resolved concerning the place of New jerusalem, namely, the land of Iury. Thirdly, I guess also, you conceive the destruction of Gog and of Antichrist shall be at once by the coming of Christ. Fourthly, And that the restoring of the Temple in the latter end of Ezechiel, following upon the destruction of Gog, is a Type of New jerusalem. Fifthly, And that Gog is the Turk. For which light that you have given me in all these particulars, I most heartily thank you.  
NOW, I beseech you, let me know what your opinion is of our English Plantations in the New world. Heretofore I have wondered in my thoughts at the Providence of God concerning that world, not discovered till this old world of ours is almost at an end; and then no footsteps found of the knowledge of the true God, much less of Christ. And then considering our English Plantations of late, and the opinion of many grave Divines concerning the Gospel's ●leeting Westward; sometimes I have had such thoughts, Why may not that be the place of New jerusalem? But you have handsomely and fully cleared me from such odd conceits. But what? I pray, shall our English there degenerate and join themselves with Gog and Magog? We have heard lately divers ways, that our people there have no hope of the Conversion of the Natives. And the very week after I received your last Letter, I saw a Letter written from New England, discoursing of an impossibility of subsisting there; and seems to prefer the confession of God's Truth in any condition here in Old England, rather than run over to enjoy their liberty there; yea, and that the Gospel is like to be more dear in New England than in Old: and lastly, unless they be exceeding careful, and God wonderfully merciful, they are like to lose that life and zeal for God and his Truth in New England which they enjoyed in Old; as whereof they have already woeful experience, and many there feel it to their smart.  
I am ashamed to urge you unto that which I do extremely desire, that you would afford me your interpretation of the last verses of Dan. 11. concerning the Fourth Kingdom: For I am confident by that you make of the first of them, you have in like manner considered it throughout; and your fetching the matter off from Epiphanes and the Greeks to the Fourth Kingdom, gives great light to the whole. Thus over shoes, over boots; I am run so far in your debt, and withal I am so much in love with it, that I care not how deep I plunge myself thereinto. I commend me heartily unto your love, which I prise more than I can express. I shall rest  
Newbury, March 2. 1634. Yours, ever to love and honour you, W. Twisse.   

Postscript.  
I had almost forgotten a special Argument against Regnum Sanctorum, whereof I should crave the solution; which is this. All the Saints departed this life are with the Lord Christ, 2. Cor. 5. 8. If all at his coming be not brought with him, they shall be divided from Christ, and consequently in worse condition than they were before. Though he bring all with him, yet in that Kingdom there may be place for different degrees of glory; and that 1 Cor. 15. Every one in his own order, is applied there only to Christ and them that are Christ's.    

EPISTLE XLIII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse his Fourth Letter, touching the First Gentile Inhabitants, and the late Christian Plantations, in America: as also touching our Saviour's proof of the Resurrection from Exod. 3. 6. with an Answer to the Objection in the Postscript of the foregoing Letter.  
SIR,  
COncerning our Plantation in the American world, I wish them as well as any body; though I differ from them far, both in other things, and in the grounds they go upon.  
And though there be but little hope of the general Conversion of those Natives in any considerable part of that Continent; yet I suppose it may be a work pleasing to Almighty God and our Blessed Saviour, to affront the Devil with the sound of the Gospel and Cross of Christ in those places where he had thought to have reigned securely and out of the din thereof; and though we make no Christians there, yet to bring some thither to disturb and vex him, where he reigned without check.  
For that I may reveal my conceit further, though perhaps I cannot prove it, yet I think thus;  
That those Countries were first inhabited since our Saviour and his Apostles times, and not before; yea, perhaps, some ages after: there being no sings or footsteps found amongst them, or any Mounments of older habitation, as there is with us.  
That the Devil, being impatient of the sound of the Gospel and Cross of Christ in every part of this old world, so that he could in no place be quiet for it, and foresecing that he was like at length to lose all here, bethought himself to provide him of a seed over which he might reign securely; and in a place, ubi nec Pelopidarum factaneque nomen audiret.  
That accordingly he drew a Colony out of some of those barbarous Nations dwelling upon the Northern Ocean, (whither the sound of Christ had not yet come) and promising them by some Oracle to show them a Country far better than their own, (which he might soon do) pleasant, large, where never man yet inhabited, he conducted them over those 
* Th● Terra Australi● yet incognita might in part be peopled through that fry of Islands lying between it and Camboia in the Oriental Sea. But of that Continent we know nothing, whether it be fully inhabited or not.  desert Lands and Islands (which are many in that Sea) by the way of the North into America; which none would ever have gone, had they not first been assured there was a passage that way into a more desirable Country. Namely, as when the world apostatised from the Worship of the true God, God called Abram out of Chaldee into the Land of Canaan, of him to raise him a Seed to preserve a light unto his Name: So the Devil, when he saw the world apostatising from him, laid the foundations of a new Kingdom, by deducting this Colony from the North into America, where since they have increased into an innumerable multitude. And where did the Devil ever reign more absolutely and without control, since mankind fell first under his clutches? And here it is to be noted, that the story of the Mexican Kingdom (which was not founded above 400 years before ours came thither) relates out of their own memorial and traditions, that they came to that place from the North; whence their God Vitzliliputzli led them, going in an Ark before them: and after divers years travel and many stations (like enough after some generations) they came to the place which the Sign he had given them at their first setting forth pointed out, where they were to finish their travels, build themselves a City, and their God a Temple; which is the place where Mexico was built. Now if the Devil were God's ape in this; why might he not be so likewise in bringing the first Colony of men into that world out of ours? namely, by Oracle, as God did Abraham out of Chaldee, whereto I before resembled it.  
But see the hand of Divine Providence. When the offspring of these Runagates from the sound of Christ's Gospel had now replenished that other world, and began to flourish in those two Kingdoms of Peru and Mexico, Christ our Lord sends his Mastiffs the Spaniards to hunt them out and worry them: Which they did in so hideous a manner, as the like thereunto scarce ever was done since the Sons of Noah came out of the Ark. What an affront to the Devil was this, where he had thought to have reigned securely, and been for ever concealed from the knowledge of the followers of Christ?  
Yet the Devil perhaps is less grieved for the loss of his servants by the destroying of them, than he would be to lose them by the saving of them; by which latter way I doubt the Spaniards have despoiled him but of a few. What then if Christ our Lord will give him his second affront with better Christians, which may be more grievous to him than the former? And if Christ shall set him up a light in this manner, to dazzle and torment the Devil at his own home, I will hope they shall not so far degenerate (not all of them) as to come in that Army of Gog and Magog against the Kingdom of Christ; but be translated thither before the Devil be loosed, if not presently after his tying up. And whence should those Nations get notice of the glorious happiness of our world, if not by some Christians that had lived among them?  
Thus have I told you out my fancy of the Inhabitants of that world: which though it be built upon mere conjectures, and not upon firm grounds; yet may have so much use as to show a possibility of answering such scruples as are wont to run in men's heads concerning them: which consideration is not always to be despised.  
BUT because I see you entertain to favourably my Notions concerning the Kingdom of Christ at his appearing; 
Our Saviour's proof of the Resurrection from Exod. 3. 6. I am the God of Abraham, etc. explained.  I will make bold to acquaint you with another Notion which draws deeper (I think) than those you have yet heard.  
I doubt not but you have felt some scruple (as well as others) at our Saviour's demonstration of the Resurrection in the Gospel, Matth. 22. Mark 12. God said to Moses in the bush, I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of jacob: God is not the God of the dead, but of the living. Ergò Abraham, Isaac and jacob must one day rise again from the dead. How doth this Conclusion follow? Do not the Spirits of Abraham, Isaac and jacob yet live? God should then be the God of the living, though their bodies should never rise again. Therefore some Socinians argue from this place, that the Spirits of the Just lie in the sleep of death until the Resurrection. Or might not the saducees have replied, the meaning to be of what God had been, not of what he should be? viz. That he was that God who had once chosen their Fathers, and made a Covenant with them; I am the God that brought Abraham out of Chaldee, who appeared to Isaac and jacob whilst they lived, etc. But how would this then make for the Resurrection? Surely it doth. He that could not err said it. Let us therefore see how it may.  
I say therefore the words must be understood with supply of that they have reference unto; which is the Covenant that the Lord made with Abraham, Isaac and jacob; in respect whereof he calls himself their God. This Covenant was to give unto them and to their seed the land wherein they were strangers. [Mark it.] Not to their seed or offsprings only, but to themselves. Vide loca. To Abraham, Gen. 13. 15. & ch. 15. 7. & ch. 17. 8. To Isaac, Gen. 26. 3. To jacob, Gen. 35. 12. To all three, Exod. 6. 4, 8. Deut. 1. 8. & ch. 11. 21. & ch. 30. 20. If God then make good to Abraham, Isaac and jacob this his Covenant, whereby he undertook to be their God, then must they needs one day live again to inherit the promised Land, which hitherto they have not done. For the God that thus covenanted with them, covenanted not to make his promise good to them dead, but living. This is the strength of the Divine argument, and irrefragable; which otherwise would not infer any such Conclusion.  
And this to be our Saviour's meaning may appear, in that the jews at that time used from these very places thus understood to infer the Resurrection against the Sadducees out of the Law. As it is to be seen expressly of two of them (Exod. 6. 4. Deut. 11. 21.) in the Talmud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Exod. 6. 4.  ubi in Gemara sic habetur, Traditio Rab. Simai; Quo loco astruit Lex Resurrectionem mortuorum? Nempeubi dicitur, Atque etiam constabilivi foedus meum cum ipsis, ut dem ipsis terram Canaan. Non enim dicitur vobis, sed ipsis.  
Iterum rogârunt Sadducaei Rabbi Gamalielem, (Praeceptor fuit Pauli Apostoli) Vndenam probaret Deum mortuos resuscitaturum. 
Deut. 11. ●1.  Non quieverunt usque dum produceret ipsis istum versum, Quam terram juravit Dominus patribus vestris se daturum illis. Hine constat Legem testificari Resurrectionem mortuorum.  
Note therefore, that when in a two or three of these places it is added, and to thy seed, or their seed after them, the word after is not to be referred to give (as if it were, I will give it to thy seed after I have given it to thee;) but to seed; as, Thy seed after thee, that is, to thy posterity, their seed after them, that is, to their posterity which should come out of their loins: For that the offspring is in beginning after to the beginning of the Parent.  
To persuade this conceit by stronger testimonies than of Rabbins, I pray compare with that which hath been said, the 8, 9, and 10 verses of Hebrews 11. adding to them the 13, 14, 15 and 16 verses of the same Chapter: In the last of which you need not stumble at the Epithet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heavenly; because it notes not only that which is in heaven, but that which is from heaven, de Coelo; as it is said verse 10. They looked for a City whose builder and maker is God. And consider well the latter part of this 16. verse with our Saviour's Argument.  
Compare besides and consider that of Zachary's Benedictus, Luc. 1. 72. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we, for fear of Limbus patrum, translate, To perform the mercy promised to our Fathers, etc. But there is no such word as [promised] in the original. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is directly, To show mercy, or kindness, to our Fathers: For that is the Scripture phrase, 
Vid. Luc 10. 5● In the Old Testament 〈◊〉 See Gen. 〈◊〉. 12. 49.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, To show benignity unto, or deal kindly with, one. The Fathers then themselves are the Object of this benignity and favour which is to be by Christ; it is to be shown to them. 
judg. 5. 〈◊〉.  But what is this favour and mercy? the words following will tell us— and to remember his holy Covenant. What was that? To give unto them, even to them in their own persons, the Land wherein they were strangers, and that by and with that seed of theirs wherein all the Nations of the earth were to be blessed.  
Add lastly and consider what may be the meaning of that, Matth. 8. 11. Many shall come from the East and the West, and shall sit down with Abraham, Isaac and jacob in the Kingdom of heaven; when the children of the Kingdom (that is, the jews, many of them) shall be cast out into outer darkness, etc.  
Now I have done, I am afraid I have not expressed my mind so clearly and evidently as I would. But the Sum of what I would say is this.  
God covenanted to give to Abraham, Isaac and jacob, in their own persons, (as well as to their seed) the Land wherein they were strangers (that is, the Land of Canaan) for an inheritance. 
Mark those words well, The land of thy pilgrimage, The land whereon thy headlies, Gen. 28. The land which thou seest, Gen. 13. and the like. And in S. Paul, The place which he should after receive for an inheritance, Heb. 11.  But this was not performed to them while they lived; therefore must they one day live again, that they may be partakers of this Promise; and consequently the Saints shall live on earth after their Resurrection.  
To your Postscripts Objection, That if the Saints come not all together with Christ, those which are left behind shall be in worse case than they were before: The assoiling thereof depends upon the exact knowledge of the State of the Saints in bliss, and the degrees they are in; which we know not. Who can affirm whether all the Saints now in bliss have the Vision of Christ in his Humanity, or some of them only? And as for the presence of his Godhead, they may enjoy it in an illustrious manner, though his Humanity be on earth. We must be content in so great a Mystery to be ignorant of something. Deus providebit. For the words 
* 1 Cor. 15.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I will not contend for the sense I used them in. They may be understood the other way, so may they be in mine. Quisque fruatur suo judicio. But what say you to that in the end of Daniel, Go thy way, Daniel, till the end be; for thou shalt rest and stand up in thy Lot at the end of days? What is this [in thy Lot?] Is it not, In thy course, or In thy turn? See the Courses or Turns of the Priests and Levites so called, 1 Chron. 24.  
For my full interpretation of that part of the 11. of Daniel, I have it in a Treatise upon 1 Tim. 4. which I preached in certain Sermons at S. Mary's before I was so well versed in the Apocalypse or understood the Mystery of the Millennium; and therefore it hath some things in it not so consentaneous to my present opinion either in that or some other things there discoursed. I could 
* Of which this Great Author hath given a Specimen, in his prefecting and more fully expressing such pieces of that Treause as he had occasion to excerp and make use of in sen●e Writings in this Volume, as the judicious Reader may observe.  mend the foundation thereof. Notwithstanding these defects I could be willing to let you have a sight of it, if I could send it by a certain hand; but the hand of a Carrier is too contingent to adventure it in: And this to save the labour of writing out that which concerns that Prophecy of Daniel, which would be a little tedious to me.  
Mr. B. at his sending me your last, desired to know my opinion of Gog and Magog in the Apocalypse, whether they were not Hypocrites on the one side within the Church, and open Enemies without on the other. Whereby I gather he is not acquainted with my conceit of the Millennium, and wants the Praecognita. Wherefore it would be a tedious business to go about to inform him by writing. I answered him, My Opinion required many Praecognita, and what it was you could inform him: but I thought it concerned not these times.  
Thus with my best respect, and commending yourself and all yours to the Blessing of the Almighty, I rest  
Christ's College, March 23. 1634/ 5. Your assured Friend, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE XLIV.  
Mr. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede, intimating a Learned man of Leiden his judgement of his Book on the Apocalyps.  
Worthy Sir,  
IVst now I received a Letter from a Learned man of Leiden, to whom also I sent your Clavis, who writes thus: Doctissimum Commentarium Apocalyp. coepi legere. Gratulor mihi de talibus scriptis, quorum etsi fides non potest esse nimis certa in omnibus, sunt tamen quorum nomine maximi aestimari debent. Nam 1. Non parùm valent contra Atheos', quorum perversi●as prius concinnis ejusmodi delectanda, quam convincentibus expugnanda. 2. Nec minùs ad erigendos eos qui certitudinis de Religione deliquium patiuntur aliquando, qualis nemo non est. 3. Nec non ad solatium in adversis. Nihil enim fortiùs solatur quam quod certitudinem de Religione Christiana ex habitu in vivum & vegetum actum excitat: At hoc potest Apocalypseos consideratio talis. 4. Quantum in eo situm sit ut evincatur Papam esse Antichristum nemo non novit: At hoc longè fortiùs persuadetur tali modo quam per disputationes; saltem disputationes confirmat. 5. Nè dicam quòd multa Scripturae dicta in hoc Commen●ario egregiè explicantur, & historiae profanae ad pium usum transferuntur: quam postremam ob causam O quam opto ut lucem videat ejusdem Authoris Scriptum, quo Originem Pontificiae Religionis ex Ethnicis●●o egregiè demonstratam intelligo! Et quidem video eum pag. 
[Hu●us 〈◊〉 pag. 476.]  116. lin. 7. Comment. Apocalyp. tale quid citare. Scribe quaeso an impressum. Interim velim D. Duncus hunc Comment. Apocalyp. consideret, & judicet, anon suum interpretandi modum hic Author accuratissimè secutus sit. An igitur audebit dicere hanc Apocalypseos interpretationem & Analysin esse infallibilem? Thus you see how our affections of your worthy labours begin to turn into a true judgement and right value. Yet I should be glad too to spend more of my affections upon you in writing oftener, if many other weighty and public occasions would give me leave: But I know you will excuse me, and remain confident that I am always  
6. Martii, 1634. Your very assured and affectionate friend to serve you, Samuel Hartlib.   

EPISTLE XLV.  
Mr. Mede's modest Answer, excusing himself and his Book.  
Worthy Mr. Hartlib,  
THanks for your good affection, in rejoicing for that you conceive to tend to my honour. Yet I see not why I should think much better of myself for it. It is the hap of many a Book that hath no worth in it (as I see daily) to find applause and entertainment, when a good Book is often scarce taken notice of. Why may not mine then, notwithstanding all this, be of that sort? I confess it is far better accepted than ever I looked for. This is enough. Yet might it be any furtherance but in the smallest degree to draw a Prince to our Religion, I should think than I might have cause of glory. But, alas! I dare not so much as give such a conceit entertainment.  
Howsoever, because you send me abroad, and the Book contains a Paradox which is but generally and tenderly touched, and not fully explicated; lest I might be reputed, in this generality, to be of the same Opinion that Piscator, and some others are, who avouch a Millennium Regni, as I do, but not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so their conceit far differing from mine; I thought not amiss to send you these enclosed Papers, wherein those that shall study that point shall find my opinion competently explicated; at least so far as may secure them that I cherish no gross and groundless error. When you have made that use of them you think fit, I would desire you to send me them again, for I have no other Copies, and they are sometimes useful to me in giving satisfaction.  
If Mr. Dury hath read my Book, you may communicate them with him; else it will not be to purpose. I would I knew whether he had a Book or not. The Book he sent me down from De Dieu, I have now at length, and but newly, received. I read De Dieu's Letter but this morning, and would have written to Mr. Dury in answer to his kind Letter, but that I am all overwhelmed at present with business and distractions, and am of a disposition that can tend but one thing at once. I pray howsoever remember my service to him● the next week I shall be at leisure I hope to write to him.  
For your excusing your seldom saluting me with your Letters, it needs not; I am sensible of the trouble myself, and therefore most ready to hold others excused. Thus my time is spent, and I must to other writing work. So with my best affection I rest  
Christ's College, March 11. 1634. Your assured Friend, jos. Mede.   

EPISTLE XLVI.  
joh. Duraei Epistola ad jos. Medum.  
Gratiam & Pacem.  
CUM Lugduno-Batavorum, 
This Letter contains Mr. Dury's great respect to Mr. Mede, and withal solicits him to impart his thoughts about the best method of pursuing the design for a Pacification amongst the Protestant Reform Churches.  Clarissime & Doctissime Vir, discessurus valedicerem Rev. Domino De Dieu, quocum mihi à multo tempore notitia intercesserat, Fidei meae commisit suas hasce in Acta Apostolorum Annotationes vobis tradendas. Gra●ulatus mihi sum de qualicunque hac occasione ipsi & tibi simul inserviendi; aut saltem testandi erga te praesertim (cujus Pietatem atque Eruditionem meritò omnes piè doctivenerantur) Studium & affectum meum, quo tuam virtutem prosequor. Hanc igitur scribendi ansam nactus nolui meo voto deesse ampliùs, quo in tuam aliquando irrepere familiaritatem exoptavi. Multa illa & praeclara optimorum, & nominatim Domini Hartlibii, de tuis dotibus testimonia, animum meum ad haec vota & desideria inflammârunt. Dabis igitur, Vir eximie, veniam pro tua humanitate meo affectui, cujus impulsu haec scribo, ut liceat mihi imposterum tuo cul●ui mea studia dedicare, & pro re nata te per Literas salutare, siquid dignum tuà notitiâ in communibus studiis occurret. Impraesentiarum nihil adhuc ad manum est praeter hoc Decretum ab Ordinibus Imperii factum in negotio Pacis Ecclesiasticae meo rogatu capessendo: in illo videre poteris quousque divina Clementia meis conatibus praeter & ultra exspectationem faverit; atque ut illi mecum eo nomine gratias agas rogo. Quae reliqua in hoc instituto promovendo sunt, & communicatione digna videbuntur, suo tempore suggerentur; ut siquid ab Eruditione & Prudentia tua accedere possit ad hanc causam juvandam, id meo quodam jure in Communione Sanctorum postulare & impetrare queam● Val●, Vir mihi maximopere colende. Dabam raptim  
Londini, 4. Kal. Mart. 1634/5. Vestrae Pielatis Observantissimus, johannes Duraeus,   

EPISTLE XLVII.  
jos. Medi Epistola ad joh. Duraeum.  
Doctissime & Ornatissime Vir,  
DIutius factum est cum tuas Literas accepi, 
This Letter signifies Mr. Mede's hearty well-wishing to Mr. Dury's Pacifick design, but withal intimates his reasons why he judgeth himself not so fit and able to serve him herein. Thus out of his great modesty he wrote at first to Mr. Dury, but was afterward prevailed with to communicate what he thought most adviseable in this affair; as appears by several Letters of his in Answer to Mr. Dury and Mr. Hartlib, which the Reader will find toward the end of this Fourth Book.  nec respondi: In causa fuit, quòd Librum ad me à Clarissimo viro Domino Lud. De Dieu missum Vehicularii incuriâ ante superiorem septimanam non acceperim: tunc autem cum scribendum esset, aliis occupationibus & scriptiunculis adeò distinebar, ut vel tantillum otii & temporis huic officio non suppeterit.  
Duplici verò beneficio me affecit Vir clarissimus doctissimúsque & omni laude superior Dominus Ludovicus De Dieu; tum quòd eruditissimi Libri sui munere me honorare voluerit; tum quòd unâ eâdémque operâ, quasi tesserâ quadam in manus traditâ, mihi ad amicitiam tuam viam patefecerit; Viri, quem verè heroicum illud Religiosae Pacis procurandae studium mihi jamdudum & omnibus bonis amabilem reddiderat, Deo quinetiam charum & acceptum. Macte, vir beatissime, (talem enim te 
Matth 5 〈◊〉  Christus ipse pronunciat) hoc animo, hâc virtute. Utinam autem ità ferret conditio mea, essémque porrò ab ingenio & prudentia satìs instructus, ut tibi in tam sancto munere inservirem. Nunc verò illud, ultrà quam voto & commendatione, non licet. Nos enim hîc (ut scias) qui inferioris subsellii sumus, ab aliorum pendemus arbitrio, neque sine illorum nutu aut ductu in talibus quicquam audemus; alioquin factiosi & inordinati ingenii notam incursuri, nullo, mihi crede, siquis eo maculetur, oceano eluendam.  
Est & aliud offendiculum quod te non celabo, quo Nostratium quorundam animos, alioquin rectos, deterreri & retardari suspicor, quò minùs voluntatem suam tam liberè & apertè in hac causa profiteantur: nempe quòd aliorum temeritate, aliorum malitiâ factum animadvertunt, ut quò quis in exte●as Ecclesias proniorem se ostendat, eò statim à nostra habeatur alienior. Audîsti Satanae Stratagema, quo tam pulchro & pio incepto remoram objicere conatur. Hinc conjice, in suffragiis ad rem istam colligendis quantâ cautelâ & judicio opus sit.  
Meipsum quod attinet, scias velim, me summis animi votis Ecclesiarum pacem & concordiam exoptare, tibíque eo nomine & sanctissimis tuis conatibus impensè ●avere, &, quà licet, promovere velle. Dextram verò amicitiae (quam tam benignè obtulisti & vicissim postulas) en tibi ●am jam nunc porrigo, ínque affectûs mei testimonium Scriptum hoc qualecunque meum in Apocalypsin dono mitto; minimè illud ei par quod mihi à doctissimo & (quod ex Literis ejus cognovi) amicissimo tibi viro ferendum accepisti: Rogo tamen ut aequi boníque consuleres, quod ab homine cui angusta est eruditionis supellex proficisci potuit.  
Nolim enim te ex Domini Hartlibii & aliorum amicorum de me judiciis, qui ex hoc Scripto (quod immane quanto labore mihi constitit) vires meas aestimant, in errorem abduci. Non sum profectò quem illi me existimant, sed in quo omnia mediocria sunt, nè dicam tenuia; multis eruditionis praesidiis destitutum esse, praesertim (quod maximè angit) cogitata mentis sive sermone, sive scripto apud alios facilè & expeditè proferendi facultatem à natura denegatam habere, ut nullo modo sim amicorum de me judiciis & exspectationi responsurus, mihi de meipso crede, nè de novo amico nimiùm fortè sis tibi gratulaturus.  
Plura non addo, nisi ut faveat sanctissimis tuis inceptis benignus Deus, téque diu incolumem servet, Ecclesiae & Reipublicae Christianae bono. Ità vovet  
E Collegio Christi Cantabrig. 18. Martii 1634/5. Nominis tui studiosissimus, jos. Medus.   

EPISTLE XLVIII.  
Lud. de Dieu Epistola ad jos. Medum.  
Clarissime, Doctissime atque Ornatissime Vir,  
Litter as tuas 4. 
This Letter contains Lud, de Dieu his Reply to that one part of Mr. Med●'s Letter which treated of some various Readins in the Hebrew Text. See that Letter of Mr. Med●'s in Book III. pag. 569.  junii praecedentis anni datas, per Nobilissimum atque Amplissimum Equitem D. Guilielmum Boswellum jamdudum accepi; ex quibus leviusculas meas in doctissimam tuam Clavem Apocalypticam Animadversiones communicate as tibi à literatissimo viro fuisse intelligo. Quod etsi praeter mentem meam acciderit, magno tamen meo bono factum, quòd isthoc pacto aditus mihi ad eruditionem tuam datus sit. Allubuisse tibi mearum Observationum aliquid, est quod mihi gratuler: quòd alia non satis à me intellecta, aut seciùs accepta, illustrare ac plana facere dignatus fueris, gratias ago maximas, & acquiesco. Quòd autem nullam adhuc causam te videre potuisse ais, cur magis in Veteri Testamento variantem lectionem admittere pertimescas quam in Novo, examinandum penitiùs videtur. In Vet. Testamento unicus fuit populus judaicus, intra angustos terrae Canaan limits conclusus, qui à summo Pontifice paucísque Sacerdotibus pendens, Scripturae Sacrae &. Lectiones & interpretationes accipere ab iis debebat: ibi Scripturam in puritate sua conservare & varationem arcere facile fuit; unde & summo consensu, paucis exceptis apicibus & literis, codices Hebraei conspirant; adversus quorum consensum variantem lectionem comminisci, audendum non arbitror. In Novo Testamento, ubi, dispersà protinus per omnes populos salutis doctrinâ, res secùs se habuit, variari aliquid facile fuit, ut & variantes codices variantes lectiones admittere cogunt.  
Tria autem adfers consideratione digna. Primum est, Ipsius Hebraei Textûs lectionem variare: ubi con●erri vis hymnum Davidis novissimum 2 Sam. 22. cum codem Psal. 18. Historiam excidii Hierosolymitani 2 Reg. 24. à vers. 18. ad finem cap. 25. cum eadem historia jerem. 52. Legationem Merodach Baladan 2 Reg. 20. vers. 12, 13, etc. cum eadem Esa. 39 Item 2 Sam. 21. 19 cum 1 Paral. 20. 5.  
Respondeo, Plurima in illis locis esse quae invicem collata aliter quidem hîc leguntur quam illic, ità tamen ut & hîc eodem modo omnes codices legant & illic; & nè Mazorethae quidem variantes lectiones annotarefuerint ausi. Varictas illa crebrò contingit, ubi de eadem re diversi authores scribunt. Quoties apud Evangelistas id videre est? ubi eandem historiam diversi tractantes addunt, demunt, commutant verba & sententias, immutant personas, transponunt ordinem, & alia aliter scribunt. Matth. 3. est portare calceamenta; Marc. 1. solvere corrigiam calceamentorum: illic, baptizabit Spiritu Sancto & igne; hîc, omittitur igne. Quae Matth. 5. in Beatitudinibus narrantur tertiâ personâ à Christodicta, recens●t Lucas secundà personâ. Quodque Matth. 13. 17. est, Multi Prophetae & justi; Luc. 10. 24. est, Multi Prophetae & ●eges. In quibus neque variare lectionem, neque corruptam esse hanc aut illam dic●t quisquam; quia diversitas ista jus●as juas habet causas & usus insignes. Talia quoque sunt, quòd 2 Reg. 25. 4. omittantur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae jer. 52. 7. leguntur: Quòd illic scribatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud Ierem● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; ut & Esa. 39 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quoth 2 Reg. 20. 12. est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; & 1 Reg. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod 2 Chron. 13. est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: facilè enim tempora in nominum propriorum pronunciatione & scriptione literam aliquam variant, unde & in Evangeliis est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quoth in Hebr. est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Et ut quod primo l●co ponis potissimùm conscram, nempe Psal. 18. cum 2 Sam. 22. Illic vers. 1. legitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hîc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Versus qui ibi secundus est, hîc omittitur. Ibi vers. 3. est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hîc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibi desunt quae hîc eadem versu adduntur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibi vers. 5. est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hîc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cesso, quia plurimae ejusmodi sequuntur mutationes; quae satis evincunt aut Psalmo Davidis contigisse à novo scriptore qui libros Regum contexuit quod passim orationibus Christi in Evangeliis, ubi ab alio Evangelista aliis verbis recensentur; aut ipsummet Davidem, diversis temporibus egregium hunc hymnum proferentem, consultò quaedam mutâsse, ut uberior ejus esset sensus; unde sanè d●ver sacodicum lectio, nec ulla aut hîc aut illic depravatio, arguipotest.  
At respicis forsitam ea loca ubi aliter se habere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 annotârunt Mazorethae. Respondeo, Ipsorum annotationes non indicare quomodo alii codices legerint, sed quomodo legendum sit: ideo nunquam duplex, multò minùs triplex, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 annotatur; & vocales semper 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nunquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accommodantur; ut unicam tantùm lectionem rectam esse indicarent, quae scilic●t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est adaptata. In quo cum sensum suum & judicium sint secuti, rejicio passim ipsorum lectionem, tanquam aut non necessariam, aut inutilem, aut superstitiosam, aut etiam depravatam, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sequi amo. Vt in hymno Davidis 2 Sam. 22. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ketif postulat legi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sicut Psal. 18. quod rectius est quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Keri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod mascul. gen. non bene construitur cum seq. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vers. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ketif vult legi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ut est Psal. 18. & rectius est quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Keri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vers. 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ketif vult legi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Keri est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quia nempe sic legitur Psal. 18. at cur non eodem jure annotârunt pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legendum ut in Psalmo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jam antè diximus studio mutâsse nennulla Prophetam, ut & alia in eodem hoc versu, & suprà vers. 11. est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & conspectus est, quum illic sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & volavit: hic vers. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 colligationes aquarum, cum illic sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tenebras aquarum. Optimum habet sensum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Vers. 35.  Et exsilire facit integrum via ejus, vel & exsilire facit integrum in via sua, pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Indè pendet & alterum verse. seq. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sic habet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ketif, pro quo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Keri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; at rectius est prius, si in praecedenti legas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, disponit pedes ejus (nempe integri viri, quem exsilire facit aut expeditum reddit via ejus) ut cervarum. Versu ult. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ketif vult legi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sicut Psal. 18. at Keri est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, omnino brave. Sic in historia Merodachi 2 Reg. 20. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ketif est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Keri vult inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quia nempe id apud Esaiam legitur; quid necesse? Sic vers. 18. Ketif est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accipiet, nempe Rex Babel, optima sensu; at Keri est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accipient, quia sic legitur apud Esaiam, since ulla necessitate. 2 Sam. 21. 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ketif vult legi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vir mensurarum aut extensionum (est enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●rabicè extendere) sicut in sing est 1 Par. 206. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Keri est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod sanè multò minùs quadrat. Ibid. vers. 19 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, volunt legi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quia sic est in Chronicis; quasi non ubique nomina propria mutationes tales subeant.  
Alterum quod statuis est, Ubi Apostoli & Evangelistae lectionem quam secuti sunt LXX calculo suo comprobâsse videntur, illos duces sequi perinde tutum esse ac Mazorethas, neque sacrilegum in Scripturam esse qui sic ex ipsa Scriptura & meliore ejus lectione pronunciaverit.  
Repeto, Vir Clarissime, quod dixi, me deuces Mazorethas non sequi, nisi ubi res ipsa cogit, & meliorem lectionem postulat. Menda quaedam literaria irrepsisse in Sacros Codices, ut in alios quosvis, non nego: Sed quae ex re ipsa & genio linguae, etiam sine Mazorethis, à peritis facilè deprehendi, & dum leguntur emendari possint. Ex LXX interpretibus, etiam cum Apostoli & Evangelistae eos sequuntur, lectionem in qua omnes Hebraei codices consentiunt suspectam habere & meliorare non ausim. Psal. 40. 7. legitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sequitur id Apostolus Hebr. 10. an indè colligere licebit veriorem lectionem esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Psal. 19 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX habent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: sequitur Apostolus Rom. 10. an propterea verior lectio est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Esa. 1. 9 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX habent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod sequitur Apostolus Rom. 9 anidco verior lectio est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Malta sic erunt immutanda, alibi addenda: ut Esa. 65. 2. legitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sic & Apostolus Rom. 10. 21. addendúmne ergò erit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Est & ubi omittunt aliquid LXX, ut Esa. 10. 22, 23. quod sequitur Apostolus Rom. 9 27, 28. Malim cum doctissimis multis viris sentire, Non accuratè admodum & sollicitè spectâsse sanctos viros quousque cum Hebraica lectione LXX Interpretes convenirent; sed vulgatae & inter Hellenistas receptae Versioni libenter inhaesisse, modò salvam indè integrámque haberent Spiritûs Sancti mentem.  
Tertium quod statuis est, Alicubi observare esse, Spiritum Sanctum crisin manifestiùs exercere, aliámque à recepta lectionem praeferre, etiam ubi LXX versioni cum hodicrnis exemplaribus Hebraicis ad amussim convenit. Locum citas ex Matth. 27. 10. ubi ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conjectas innuisse Spiritum Sanctum pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legendum apnd 
* Z●ch. 11. 13.  Prophetam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; quod quidem ego minimè sentio: Sed cum apud Prophetam initio versûs 13. praecedat narratio mandatai divini quo jussit Deus projici argenteos illos ad figulum, omissâ narratione mandati voluisse Evangelistam subjicero in fine, factum esse sicut mandaverat Dominus. Quòd autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nullam faciat mentionem, causa est, quia & apud LXX ●a omittitur, qui tamen loco ejus illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non habent. Retinendum est omnino illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quia circumstantiam loci continet in quem conjici debebant argentei, in quem & conjectos à Iuda esse Matthaeus docet vers. 5. Et si Thesin illam tuam sequi liceat, quidni Rome 10. 9 crisin exercuisse dicatur Apostolus in illum locum Mosis, Deuter, 32. 21. Ego ad zelum provocabo eos, ut & LXX habent, sed Paulus citat vos? Aliâ viâ existimo, Vir Clar. ejusmodi loca esse expedienda quam tantae libertatis concessione. Nolim taenm cuiquam sententiâ meâ praejudicatum.  
Reliquum est, Vir amicissime, ut ob praeclarum tuum munus, quo affectum tuum erga me ingentem maximopere es testatus, quam possum maximas agam gratias. Vsus eo est per aliquot menses, & adhuc utitur, Cl. Vir ac Theologiae hîc Professor D. Antonius Walaeus, qui ex iii. Ord. mandato novae in linguam vernaculum Novi Testamenti transtationi cum aliis incumbens, & prae caeteris Apocalypsin notis marginalibus illustrandam nactus, operam tuam vehementer laudat, sibique ejus usum gratulatur; quo nomine majores etiam tibigratias debemus. Accipe jam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 levidense mearum in Acta Apostolorum Animadversionum, tuo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nequaquam par, sed quale ab homine cui angusta est eruditionis supellex proficisci potuit, cui animus melior quam facultas. Accipit hasce ad te deferendas D. Duraeus, Vir omni doctrinae & virtutum genere ornatissimus, nobísque amicissimus, nec cuiquam nisi pessimo invisus. Hunc si amas, méque cum ipso in ejusdem amicitiae societatem intromittere dignaris, erit utrique cur nobis gratulemur. Faveat sanctissimis tuis laboribus benignus Deus, téque Ecclestis & Reipub. literariae diu incolumem conservet.  
Datum Lugd. Batav. 10. januar. 1635. Reverentiae tuae studiosissimus, Ludovicus de Dieu. Superser. Clarissimo, doctrinâ virtuléque summo viro, D. josepho Medo, amico ac fautori honorando.   

EPISTLE XLIX.  
jos. Medi Epistola ad Lud. de Dieu.  
Reverende & Clarissime Vir,  
DUplici me beneficio affecisti; 
This Letter returns Mr. Med●'s thanks to Lud. de Dieu for the Book he sent him, viz. his Notes upon the Acts of the Apostles; with some Observations upon the foregoing Reply.  tum quòd Libri tui eruditissimi munere me ornare volueris; tum quòd unâ eâdémque operâ, quasi tesserâ quadam in manus traditâ, mihi ad Domini joannis Duraei amicitiam viam patefeceris, Viri, quem verè heroicum illud Religiosae pacis procurandae studium mihi dudum & omnibus bonis amabilem reddiderat; haec verò occasio primùm de facie notum, & in interiorem familiaritatem acceptum. Utroque hoc nomine, Vir Clarissime, gratias tibi ago meritissimas; inprimis ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tuum tam praeclarum & omnimodâ eruditione refertum, cuique meum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (quicquid tu dixeris) nullatenus conferri potest: imò videor liberalitate isthâc mcâ omnino foenus exercuisse, & quaestum fecisse, si fas dicere, improbissimum.  
De mendis autem & corruptione Textûs Hebraici, non est mihi tecum in ea causa reciprocandi animus: Fateor enim ultro hîc, siusquam alibi, cautè & religiosè agendum, imò & sentiendum. Interim tamen mallem mendum alicubi agnoscere, quam in inexplicabilem difficultatum Labyrinthum compelli, unde me haud expedirem, nisi absurdiuscula quaeque & multò minùs verisimilia (prout nonnunquam ab aliis factum video) comminisci vellem. Unum tantùm ant alterum in Responsione tua notabo. Primum, quòd in collatione historiae 2 Reg. 25. cum eadem jerem. 52. non videris id animadvertisse in quod ego animum praecipuè intenderam: nempe capite illo Regum, v. 3. verba nonnulla omissa esse, sine quibus historiae veritas salva esse non potest; eadem verò ex jeremia facilè & tutò restitui posse. Conferamus invicem.  
2 Reg. 25. 3. sic legitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— jer. 52. 6. sic, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quis hîc non videt verba illa [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] sine quibus narrationis veritas non constat, è contextu Regum excidisse? Simile mihi obseruâsse videor, 1 Paral. 6. 28. in illo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Atqui primogenito Samuclis nomen fuit joel, non Vashni; imò eo nomine memoratur in hoc ipso capite, non nisi quinque abhinc versibus. Censeo igitur excidisse nomen joel, & olim sic scriptum fuisse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et silii Samuelis, primogenitus joel, & secundus Abijah. LXX certè sic legerunt, & confirmatur ex 1 Sam. 8. 2. ubi legitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nè dicam planè absurdum esse, nomen cuique esse inditum ex voce cum Vau copulativa praefixa; nam quid quaeso significabit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quocunque modo tractes, quam & secundus?  
Alterum quod notabo est, to Textum LXX. Zach. 11. 13. leviter tantùm inspexisse, ex eo quòd affirms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud illos non haberi; háncque causam esse cur neque apud Evangelistam compareat. At, nisi me quoque fefellerunt oculi, LXX hîc cum Hebraeo habent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Praeterea Evangelistam hîc LXX non esse secutum, argumento est, quòd totam pericopen aliis ferè verbis enuntiet.  
Haec sunt, Vir clarissime, quae eruditissimis tuis (quas tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquod apud me servare decrevi) reponenda duxi, nec plura. Deus Opt. Max. eruditissimos tuos conatus ad Reipublicae literariae emolumentum & nominis sui gloriam indies magìs magísque provehat, téque quam diutissimè incolumem servet. Ità vovet  
Claritatis & Virtutis tuae studiosissimus, jos. Medus.   

EPISTLE L.  
Dr. Twisse's Fifth Letter to Mr. Mede, applauding his Conjecture concerning Gog and Magog, and the first peopling of America; as also his proof of the Resurrection from Exod. 3. 6. with a Postscript relating partly to a report of Mr. Selden's Censure of his Book upon the Apocalypse.  

HOw exceedingly am I beholden unto you; first, for your pains in affording me so liberal Letters, especially considering with what recreation and delight I read them; but above all for your love in communicating your thoughts? And I dare profess, though I have not seen your face, (whic I heartily desire at mine house; but I will think of preventing that suit, and first take a time to visit yourself at Cambridge) yet you cannot communicate them to one that holds them more dear. Alas! had it not been for your help, I had been to this day a stranger in the mystery of God; while all my thoughts are employed in making up the breach which these degenerate Times have caused in the mystery of God's grace. But I have a desire to receive information; and God hath made me capable in some measure to discern the strength of rational discourse, and the congruity of Conclusions with their Premises in any argument. And to profess a truth, I did not think the mysteries of God's Providence, set down as they are in obscure Prophecies, had been capable of such evidence of illustration as God hath enabled you to bring thereunto, before the Event doth manifest them.  
I went a little too far in my last; only that I might not be too immodest to create new troubles unto you, by comparing your Book on the Revelation, I guess the destruction of Gog is before the ruin of Antichrist, though perhaps not long; and thereupon will follow that great commotion, Revel. 19 19 And as for the destruction of the Temple after Gog in Ezechiel, whether you think it to have any reference to new jerusalem, I know not.  
As for your former mystery concerning Gog; I find it evident, that if Lactantius were now alive, in all likelihood he would go hand and foot into your opinion. He is clear for the reservation of some Gentes untouched of the fire at Christ's coming. This lately I met withal, not in Lactantius himself, but in Sixtus Senensis.  
As for the peopling of the new world, I find more in this Letter of yours than formerly I have been acquainted with. Your conceit thereabouts, if I have any judgement, is grave and ponderous; and the particular you touch upon, of Satan's wisdom imitating the wisdom of God, doth affect me with admiration. And for matter of fact, the grounds you go upon, for aught I see, are as good as the world can afford. I think it a far safer course to entertain your apprehensions of God's Providence concerning our better Plantations in those parts, than the vain prognostications of those who think that likeliest which pleaseth them best. Were it not for Christians that live amongst them, they could neither have notice of the glory of new jerusalem, nor ever in all likelihood attain either to the Art of Ship-building and Navigation, or Art military, to fit them for such an Expedition as you speak of. And it may serve as a chamber to hide many of God's children, till the indignation pass over, whic hastens upon us more and more. Call that which you write Fancies, as your modesty suggests; I cannot but entertain them as sage conceits.  
As for the place alleged by our Saviour to prove the Resurrection, [God is not the God of the dead, but of the living] long ago my brains were exercised to make it good, which I did in a Philosophical way; from the Immortality of Souls concluding the Resurrection of their Bodies, from that Philosophical Maxim, Nihil violentum perpetuum; and consequently the dividing of the Soul from the Body not to continue for ever. I than thought not of the mystery of God concerning the First Resurrection, and that of the Just only. And albeit some thoughts do arise against your way therein, upon consideration that glorified Bodies stand in no need of inheritance temporal; and undoubtedly the eating and drinking of Saints in their Resurrection shall be rather to maintain a familiar communion with the 
* Rev. 21, 2●.  Nations that escape, who are to walk in their light, than to supply any domestical necessity of their natures; yet howsoever, the land of Canaan being the place where they shall reign as Kings, and the promise of God so express to Abraham, Isaac and jacob, not to their seed only; and albeit the state of Grace was a better inheritance than the land of Canaan, yet the state of Glory, reigning with Christ, better than that: this makes me highly to respect your interpretation. And you back your interpretation with learned Observations out of the Rabbins: and the good use you make of them makes me the more in love with them; and I am sorry I have not spent more time in them; and it stirs me up sometimes to recreate myself in the Venice Bibles set forth by Buxtorsius, wherein I have been not a little refreshed with what they write of Balaam's prophecy, and upon Gog in Ezechiel, and how they strain their wits upon that, [Art thou he of whom I have spoken in old time?] R. Solomo fetching it from Eldad and Medad, whic made me smile; and Kimchi referring it to Ezechiel only and Zachary: and upon that, Matth. 8. 11. and the like. One Mr.— in Lincolnshire doth vehemently insist for your way, as I have heard from my Lord S. to whom I have lately written pleasantly, touching upon his counsels for advancing the Plantations of the West, and telling him, that his Lordship little thinks that they tend to the promoting of the kingdom of Gog and Magog. For that noble Lord gives me leave to be merry with him; nothing pleaseth him more than when he finds me free from a dejected Spirit. In his next he gave a touch only thereupon, which was this, that surely the Americans were not Gog and Magog. In my text I showed him they could not be the same with Gog of the land of Magog in Ezechiel (which was his opinion;) that Gog coming from the North, but these from the East, West, North and South, the four corners of the world. But withal I told his Lordship, he was not as yet idoneus Auditor of this mystery; he must first be a good Proficient in an inferior Form, where is read and studied the mystery of Regnum Christi & Sanctorum and the First Resurrection. Upon this he wrote a larger Letter opposing the conceit (I touched upon) of Gog and Magog, though the Millennium of Christ's Kingdom were granted; yet not a little against that also. I answered his Letter punctually; but when I had done, I kept that by me, and wrote at large to him concerning Regnum Christi, professing my desire he might not be unacquainted with the Mystery of God, Revel. 10. 7. according to the true contents thereof, Revel. 11. 15. and so proceeded to show unto him what a Mystery it seemed to me at the first, and how incredible; though that Revel. 20. 4. was plain enough; but we were willing to project some recondite meaning, because the plain sense of the words seemed incredible. When I came to understand your way, what course I took to crave leave to propose my Reasons, in number 
* See 〈◊〉 XXI. XXII.  ten, to send unto you, these I sent to him without any answer; which yet he shall have, if he require it; not otherwise, for I do not affect to cram any man against his appetite. I know he is much taken with Mr. Brightman.  
As touching my Objection; I know that 1 Cor. 15. Every man in his own order, is more fair for your way than that I proposed; and to contract it to that which immediately followeth, seems to me to infatuate it; especially you having so fairly confirmed it out of Daniel, and the Ancients stand with you herein. Undoubtedly the enjoying of Christ●s Godhead is more happiness than the enjoying of his Manhood; and the same joy in enjoying Christ the Lord 
* In the M●. there seems some mistake in the writing.  can maintain in the spirits perfected: And why should it be any discomfort to me, that Christ in his Manhood is gone to ruin Antichrist, and to reign with his Saints, and that I must stay till my turn comes to reign with him?  
I have written to Mr. B. in answer to his Letter, wherein he made relation of whereabouts he had written to you, and what you answered him; whereupon I took occasion to write unto him, and to acquaint him with the Praecognita you speak of.  
In one of your former Letters, you told me of a Chappel-exercise you had to communicate unto me, when I returned that of Gog and Magog; which truly I had forgotten in my last to entreat: but since perusing your Letters, and lighting upon it, I resolved the next time I wrote to put you in mind of your promise: which whether it be the same you have wrote of concerning Dan. 11. I know not.— I could not neglect to write unto you with the first, to acquaint you with my receipt of yours, which came to my hands Apr. 4. and to give you many thanks for your love and pains, which I shall never requite save with love; if that may be a requital, as your acceptance may make it. I commend you from my heart to the Grace of God, and your studies as mine own to the Divine benediction, and rest  
Newbury, April 6. 1635. Yours ever in the Lord extremely obliged. W. Twisse.   

Postscript.  
A strange Book came lately to my hands of the variation of the longitude of places on earth by the variation of the Compass, which was formerly supposed to be invariable. That which 54 years since was found to be deg. 11, 22 years ago was found to be but deg. 7, and the last year but deg. 4. Dr. L. my neighbour desires to be remembered unto you: He told me a story of Mr. Selden, what he delivered to my Lord Herbert concerning you, as namely that you took it unkindly that he would not believe that a Trumpet signified a thousand years. I made answer on your behalf as I thought good.    

EPISTLE LI.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Fifth Letter, expressing the great Candour and Freedom of his spirit as to differences in Opinions, and how little affected he was with the report of Mr. Selden's Censure of his Book. An Answer to an Exception concerning the State of the Millennial felicity in Seculo futuro. A Vindication of Lactantius and others from the calumnies of some Antichiliasts. The reason why Hierom was afraid to mention justin Martyr where he speaks of the ancient Chiliasts.  

SIR,  
SOME business that calls upon me will make me be short at this time. That which I called a Chappel-exercise, was a divers thing from this I last offered to send you; namely a little thing for understanding S. Paul's allegation out of Psal. 8. Hebr. 2. concerning the exaltation of the nature of Man, to which God hath subjected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This last is a large Discourse upon 1 Tim. 4. delivered first at several times by way of Common-places (as we call them) in the College and in certain Sermons at S. Mary's; but at what time my Notions in the Apocalypse were yet but raw, and the Mystery of the Millenary Kingdom not understood. So you will find in it many things not consentaneous to my present notions, and some other things that my maturer thoughts could now correct or wipe out. Well, whatsoever they be, I send you them both. The little one hath another conceit annexed to it, which I was not so well aware of, viz. of Zipporah's circumcising. I would fain, but could not tell how to separate it from the other, unless I should write it out anew, which I had rather than undergo, hazard (as you see) the imputation of Vanity.  
For Mr. Selden; he is a Gentleman by whose Writings I have learned much, and make no slight esteem of; but otherwise utterly unknown unto me. I never saw him in my life, nor he me; nor was there ever any intercourse between us, by letter, word, message, or otherwise. Nor did I ever hear any Censure of his concerning my Book, or any particular therein, till now; much less replied to any such thing reported to me, or took it unkindly, as you say he told my Lord Herbert. Surely it was but some scheme of discourse that passed from some body gratis, when my Book was discoursed of: But the author of that scheme was more deceived in me than he could have been in any man else. There are, I think, few men living who are less troubled to see others differ in opinion from them than I am (whether it be a Vice or Virtue, I know not:) So far is it from me to take it unkindly that I should not be believed in a Paradox. If any man can patiently suffer me to differ from him, it nothing affects me how much or how little they differ from me: Which disposition so much the more increaseth in me, as I take daily liberty to examine either mine own former persuasions or other men's opinions. But if I should go on, I should perhaps discover too much my indifferency this way. Let it pass.  
I am no niggard according to my ability to impart what I know; but it is where I find some appetite (as you say;) otherwise my familiarist friends, some of them, are as ignorant of my Notions as any stranger: For if they discover no stomach, I use not to examine them, no not to offer them: and it would be in vain, Pauci enim inviti discunt.  
'Tis true that Glorified bodies have no need of inheritance temporal for their maintenance and nourishment; but for their mansion and habitation they have need of a place of abode. The Creatures upon earth were not all made, no not the most of them, for man's eating and drinking; but for his glorifying the Wisdom, Goodness and Power of his Creator in the contemplation of them. Such a use is not unbefitting the Sons of the Resurrection. And what use should many of them have had but this, if Man had continued in the Integrity of his first Creation? Like scruples will arise in a man's mind concerning the State of Beatitude in the heavenly mansions; as, What should a glorified Soul do there with a Body and bodily Senses? What Objects are there to entertain them? Some body, and, if I am not much deceived, our Mr. Perkins, somewhere in his Works (I had thought in his Aurea Armilla, but now cannot find it in the English, nor have I the Latin Copy) moving a question, To what use the Renovated Earth after the Last judgement should serve; answers, For the solace of the glorified Saints, who should sometimes live in Heaven and sometimes on Earth; alleging for this conceit that in Apocal. 5. 10. Thou hast made us unto our God Kings and Priests, and we shall reign on earth. Were it not more agreeable to Reason to affirm, That, seeing Man consists of two parts, a Body and a Soul, each shall have his preeminence in order, in respect of the Place of Beatitude; first the Body on Earth, than the Soul in Heaven; Earth seeming more suitable for the entertainment of the one, 
Rom. 8.  and Heaven for the other, yet so as both of them shall be for ever undivided, as in being, so in bliss and fruition of God? The creature hath been ever since the Fall of Man subject to Vanity and the bondage of corruption; that which was made at first to glorify its Creator under the dominion of Man, being abused to sin, and made the instrument to dishonour him that made it. Under which bondage (to which it is unwillingly subject) it even groaneth and traveleth in pain, expecting one day to be delivered therefrom into the glorious liberty of the children of God. Shall there never then be a Time in which the Creature shall serve and be used to the end for which it was first made, namely, to serve to set forth the Wisdom, Power and Goodness of its Maker, and that too under the dominion of Man, in such a degree and manner as hath never yet been, nor is easy by us yet to be conceived? I say again, The Creature may serve Man for a more noble and divine use than for eating and drinking, though I am not able to comprehend and decipher it. Think what the use of so many Creatures should have been to Man in Paradise, when as yet there was no Commission given to eat flesh, nor had Man need of clothing. Should not Man than first have enjoyed his happiness in Paradise and on Earth, and after a time have been translated into Heaven? Shall not the Soul come down to receive its Body on Earth? If so, what absurdity is it, that it may stay a while with it 
* For how should a man interpret that Parable, Luke 19 11. and so forward, with satisfaction, and other like passages? as Matth. 19 28. Heb. 11. 8. etc. and that a little before quoted Apocal. 5. 10. And how little footing will be found in the Old Test. of the Life to come, unless we go this way to work?  here, and entertain itself together with it in that beginning of Felicity which the Instauration of the Creature may afford them?  
There are many Tenets among the Fathers and Schoolmen, Concerning the Day of judgement and State of the Resurrection, which most men receive without question. Bring them together with that I represent unto the Lydius lapis of the Scripture, and try which of the two hath most easy footing therein.  
S. Peter tells us, Acts 3. 21. of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the Second coming of Christ, foretold by the mouth of all the holy Prophets since the world began. Try whether you can show any such thing in the Prophets, according to your manner of exposition.  
S. john tells us of a 
* Apocal. 10. 2 Thess. 1. 10.  Mystery of God to be yet finished which he had declared to his Servants the Prophets. Try how well this will be found, according as some interpret them.  
But I never meant to have gone thus deep, when I put pen to paper. Now therefore I end with my best respect, and prayers to Almighty God to make us capable of that Felicity he hath prepared for such as look for the Coming of the Lord jesus, when he shall come to be glorified in his Saints, and to be admired in all them that believe. So I rest  
Yours to command, I. Mede. Christ's Coll. April 18. 1635.   

In that passage of Lactantius you mention, you may please to observe how wrongfully the ancient Chiliasts, and Lactantius by name, are charged to hold. That the Saints which rise from the dead shall marry and get children; whereas he expressly affirms it of those only qui erunt in corporibus vivi when Christ cometh. Nor did any of the rest, I mean of the Fathers, justin, Irenaeus, Melito, etc. think otherwise. 
N. B.  You may observe also that Hierom in so many passages (wherein he names the Fathers that were Chiliasts) doth never mention justin Martyr, being afraid, it seems, of the Antiquity and Authority of the man.  
I conceive the measuring of the Temple in Ezekiel to have reference to the time of the New jerusalem; but how to expound it I know not: And no marvel; for I have read somebody of our Writers affirming it was never yet understood by any man what it meant, nor could easily be divined.    

EPISTLE LII.  
This that follows is under the Author's own hand, and was enclosed (its likely) in some short Letter to Dr. Twisse. What the Letter contained appears not, it being not to be found among the MSS. But the Discourse contains some Testimonies concerning the Kingdom of Christ: The first taken out of the Form of Ecclesiastical Doctrine set forth by the First Council of Nice; The other taken out of a Catechism set forth in K. Edward the Sixth his Reign.  

I.  
THat great Council of Nice called by Constantine, besides their Definition of Faith and Canons Ecclesiastical, set forth certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Forms of Ecclesiastical Doctrine, according to which all Teachers in the Church were to frame their Discourse and direct their opinions. Some of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or Formulae doctrinae Ecclesiasticae are recorded by Gelasius Cyzicenus in his Historia Actorum Concilii Niceni. Amongst these there is this Formula for the Doctrine of the State of the Resurrection.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. i. e. Minutior (i. vilior seu imperfectior) fact us est Mundus propter praecognitionem: 
Simile quid habet Irena●u● lib. 5. c. 36. lin. 6.  praeviderat enim Deus peccaturum esse hominem. Ideirco novos coelos & novam terram exspectamus, juxta Sacras literas, quando illuxerit Apparitio & Regnum magn● Dei & Salvatoris nostri jesu Christi: Et tunc (ut ait 
a cap. 7. 18.  Daniel) accipient Regnum Sancti Altissimi. Et erit terra pura, sancta, terra viventium & non mortuorum, (quam oculis fidei praevidens David, clamat, 
b Psal. 27. 13.  Credo videre bona Domini in terra viventium) terra mansuetorum & humilium. Beati enim (
c Matt. 5. 5.  inquit) mites, quoniam ipsi possidebunt terram: Et 
d Esai. 26. 6.  Propheta, & calcabunt ipsam (ait pedes mansuetorum & humilium.  

1. judge by this (notwithstanding 50 years' opposition) how powerful the Chiliastical party yet was at the time of that Council. By some of whom if this Formula were not framed and composed, yet was it thus moderated as you see, that both parties might accept it, Saluâ cuique interpretatione suâ, as being delivered in the Terms and Language of Scripture.  
2. judge secondly, whether in my Explication of the Millennium I have not kept within the compass of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not swerved one jot therefrom.    

II.  
What do you think the Author of the Catechism set forth in K. Edward's time (and by him authorized 20. May in the last year of his reign) meant, when he explicates the two first Petitions of the Lord's Prayer in this manner? The Dialogue is between Magister and Auditor.  
Sanctificetur Nomen tuum.  M. 
Quomodo hoc fit?  A. 
Dicam: Tum demum hoc fit, cum omissis illis omnibus qui nomen Deorum sortiuntur, sive in coelo, sive in terra, sive in templis variis figuris & imaginibus adorentur, solum hunc nostrum Patrem agnoscamus, & precemur verum Deum & filium ejus jesum Christum quem ipse misit, & eum solum cum vitae integritate & innocentia, puris & infucatis precibus sollicitemus.  M. 
Rectè quidem dixisti. Perge quaeso.  A. 
Secundo loco petimus, ut Adveniat Regnum ejus: Adhuc enim non videmus res omnes Christo esse subjectas: non videmus ut lapis de monte abscissus sit sine opere humano, qui contrivit & in nihilum redegit Statuam descriptam à Daniele: ut petra sola, qui est Christus, occupet & obtineat totius mundi imperium à Patre concessum. Adhuc non est occisus Antichristus: quò fit ut nos desideremus & precemur, ut id tandem aliquando contingat & impleatur; útque solus Christus regnet cum suis Sanctis, secundùm divinas promissiones; 
* Mark this last, I beseech you whether he could mean it otherwise than on earth.  útque vivat & dominetur in mundo, juxta Sancti Evangelii decreta, non autem juxta traditiones & leges hominum & voluntatem Tyrannorum mundi.  M. 
Faxit Deus, ut Regnum ejus adveniat quam citissimé.  
I have the Book by me, and have had long. But I suppose it is known but to a few. In Foxe's martyrology you shall find in the examination of Master Philpot, that the Bishops, when they came, brought the Catechism with them; but what special relation it had to him, I know not, nor is aught there mentioned about it.  
The King's Letters before it begin thus.  
Cum brevis & explicata Catechismi ratio, à pio quodam & erudito viro conscripta, nobis ad cognoscendum offerretur; ejus pertractationem & diligentem inquisitionem quibusdam Episcopis & aliis eruditis commisimus, etc.   I. M.  

EPISTLE LIII.  
Dr. Twisse's Sixth Letter to Mr. Mede, desiring him to perfect his Comment upon the Apocalypse, and to communicate what Notions he had concerning the Temple in Ezekiel, as also upon some obscure passages in Dan. 11.  
SIR,  
— YOur love and your worth makes me zealous of your name, and so shall I ever be. 
The Sixth (as also the seventh) Letter of Dr. Twisse's are not entirely to be found among the M●s. but only some pieces of them: there was in the first Edition some confusion in the printing of them.  And I willingly profess I never expected so rational Discourses in the explanation of passages so mysterious. We are commonly taken with pretty fictions and imaginations, the ground whereof when we come to examine, we find no solidity to fasten on. O that my desires were worthy to be considered by you, that you would be pleased in your private studies to go on to perfect that you have begun upon the Revelation! To my thinking, by considering your Specimina thereon, the three next Chapters, viz. 15, 16, 17. would be soon perfected. The touch you give me about repairing of the Temple in Ezekiel doth exceedingly content me, though I am persuaded you have some Notions, general at least, concerning many passages therein— In the eleventh of Daniel, that which you apply unto the Turk, I had thought belonged to Antichrist: and the 
* Dan. 11. 45.  last verse, of planting his Tabernacles between the seas, seems to me fairly to set forth Rome and the Throne of the Beast therein. And as touching the 
* Vers. 44.  tidings from the East and North, that troublesome body, if it be the Turk that is troubled, have you not some propension to apply it to the jews, after their conversion to Christ? Thus I make that saying good, Garrit amor & benevolentia, and one thing more, a desire to sound you—  
W. T.   

EPISTLE LIV.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Sixth Letter, containing some Testimonies touching Regnum Christi and the New jerusalem, out of Tertullian and K. Edward's Catechism; with some general hints concerning Ezekiel's Vision of the measuring of the Temple, and an Explication of Dan. 11. 44, 45.  
SIR,  
I Am not unwilling to communicate unto you the most of my ●ew, because, I perceive, you make some account of them. For in the Un. where I live, I know not a second man that understands any thing concerning such Mysteries, nor desires to be made acquainted with them. I speak not of the Mystery of the Millennium only, but of the Mystery of Iniquity. Concerning which I cannot but exceedingly admire how uncapable men (otherwise extraordinarily qualified with gists, and well-affected too) are found to be— Condemn me not therefore too much, if my edge be not so sharp in this way as you desire it should be. But let this pass. You shall receive herewith the 
* which I 〈◊〉 you to send back, when you return my other papers.  Prophecy of Toby in a paper by itself. And I will add in this two other. The one, the authority of Tertullian for the applying of Ezekiel's Temple to the New jerusalem; the other, another passage yet out of K. Edward's Catechism, which I had not time to transcribe in my last.  Tertullian. lib. 3. adversus Marcionem c. 24. 
Name & confitemur in Terra nobis Regnum repromissum, sed ante Coelum, sed alio statu; utpote post resurrectionem in Mille annos, in Civitate divini operis Hierusalem coelo delata? quam & Apostolus Matrem nostram sursum designat, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nostrum, id est, municipatum, in coelis esse pronuntians, alicui utique coelesti Civitati eam deputat. Hanc & Ezekiel novit, & Apostolus Ioannes vidit— Hanc dicimus excipiendis resurrectione Sanctis, & refovendis omnium bonorum, utique spiritualium, copiâ, in compensationem eorum quae in seculo vel despeximus vel amisimus, à Deo prospectam. 
N. B.  Siquidem & justum & Deo dignum, illic quoque exultare famulos ejus, ubi sunt afflicti in nomine ipsius. Haec ratio Regni 
* Sic vocat quod in terris tu●urum asserit, utpose de coelo sive coelitus, vel in quo coelesti & Angelicâ vivetur vitâ.  coelestis. Post cujus Mille annos, intra quam aetatem concluditur Sanctorum resurrectio, pro meritis maturiùs vel tardiùs resurgentium, tunc & mundi destructione & judicii conflagratione commissâ, demutati in atomo in Angelicam substantiam (scilicet per illud incorruptelae superindumentum) transferemur in coeleste Regnum—  
In this latter, for the time of the World's Conflagration and its destruction, Tertullian differs from the rest, I am sure from Irenaeus; unless by judicii conflagratio he means that of Gog and Magog, Apoc. 20. 9 But I think he doth 
* Vide. n. de Spectaculis. c. 30.  not.  
Ex Catechismo Edwardico,  
De Extremo judicio.  M. 
Finem mundi Scriptura sacra consummationem & perfectionem Regni ac Mysterii Christi, & Renovationem rerum omnium appellat. Sic loquitur Apostolus Petrus 2 Ep. cap. 3. Nos coelos novos & terram novam exspectamus, juxta promissionem Dei, in quibus justitia inhabitat. Videtur autem rationi consentaneum, ut corruptio, mutabilitas & peccatum (quibus subjicitur totus mundus) aliquando cessarent. Quâ verò tandem viâ aut quibus circumstantiarum rationibus ista fient, cupio abs te audire.  Aud. 
Dicam, ut possum, eodem ipostolo teste: Coeli procellae in motem transibunt, elementa aestuantia solventur, terráque & quae in ea sunt opera exurentur. Quasi diceret, Mundus (uti in auro fieri videmus) totus igne repurgabitur, atque ad ultimam suam perfectionem reducetur, quem minor ille mundus, nimirum homo, imitatus, à corruptione itidem & mutatione liberabitur. Itaque hominis causà (in cujus gratiam major hic mundus creabatur primùm) renovatus tandem, faciem induet multò ●ùm jucundiorem, tum pulchriorem.  M. 
Deinde autem quid superest?  Aud. 
Vltimum & generale judicium. Veniet namque Christus, ad cujus vocem mortui omnes resurgent, & animâ & corpore integri, atque in throno Majestatis suae residentem videbit totus mundus: post excussionem autem conscientiae cujusque, extrema sententia pronunciabitur. Tunc temporis filii Dei perfectè possidebunt Regnum illud immortalitatis & aeternae vitae, quod illis praeparatum fuit ante jacta fundamenta mundi, & regnabunt cum Christo in aeternum. Impii verò qui non crediderunt abjicientur in ignem aeternum, destinatum diabolo & angelis ejus.  
I send you this passage, as I did the former, that you might admire with me what this Author meant; whether such expressions could fall from him by mere chance, or whether they argue not some further notion in this Mystery than was common and ordinary, though those to whom the review and approbation of the Book was committed were not capable to observe it.  
CONCERNING Ezekiel's Vision of the measuring of the Temple I have no no Notions, either general or special, worth relation. Only I suspect some Mystery to be in the Numbers, as in the New jerusalem in the Apocalypse I observe all the Numbers to be 12, or multiplied thereof, with reference, I suppose, to the 12 Apostles. But whether the Number of Ezekiel's measures should have reference, I cannot yet so well comprehend. I have been sometimes tampering that way, and methought they seemed to suit very well with the Name of God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the letters whereof are 3 in each, and the Numbers they signify 1. 5. 6. 10. 30. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. 5. 6. 10. 30.  For these are the Numbers or the Radices of the Numbers of nigh all Ezekiel's measures. Notwithstanding I give myself but little satisfaction in so Cabbalistical a conceit. Yet seeing the measures of the City in Ezekiel (cap. ult. in sine) are divers from those of S. john in the Apocalypse; if the Cities be the same, the Numbers also must have some identity in a Mystery which they have not in the Letter; one fitted to the time of the Law, the other to the time of the Gospel. But he that can tell me how to unfold this Mystery, shall be my Master.  
CONCERNING my application of the 
* Dan. 11 44, 45. explained. See the foregoing verses explained in Book III. p. 674.  King of the South and the King of the North to the Saracen and Turk, who should plunder the Roman Empire in his latter end; 'tis not my conceit alone, but Mr. Brightman's upon that part of Daniel. And 'tis true, which you guess, that I incline to apply the King of the North's going forth (upon the tidings from the East and the North) in a fury to destroy, and to that purpose to plant the Tabernacles of his palace in the glorious mountain of Holiness, to the jews return, and the expedition of Gog and Magog into the Holy land. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place, is constantly in this Book a description of the Holy land. See chap. 8. 9 and this chap. vers. 16, and 41. The tidings from the East and North may be that of the return of judah and Israel from those quarters. For judah was carried captive at the first into the East, and Israel by the Assyrian into the North, (namely in respect of the Holy land) and in those parts the greatest number of each are dispersed at this day. Of the reduction of Israel from the North, see the Prophecies jer. 16. 14, 15. and chap. 23. 8. also chap. 31. 8.  
Or if this tidings from the North may be some other thing, yet that from the East I may have some warrant to apply to the jews return, from that of the Sixth Vial in the 
* ch. 16. 12.  Apocalypse, where the waters of the great River Euphrates are dried up, to prepare the way of the Kings of the East.  
If you can digest this application of the Kings of the South and North to the Saracen and Turk; I will then desire you to consider the notation of the Time when, which (saith the Holy Ghost, v. 40.) should come to pass 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the time of the End, that is, of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Roman Kingdom; which what they are you will find in my Discourse upon 1 Tim. 4. And to this you may refer that Question of Daniel in the next chap. vers. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How long shall this latter end of wonderful things be? which the Angel answers, For a time, times and a half; referring to his former Vision thereof chap. 7. 25. Of the same Latter times he asketh yet again, vers. 8. incertus & mirabundus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord! what are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which our Translation turns but untowardly. And further than this I cannot go in Daniel. The next is all dark. But it may seem the Angel tells the Prophet in those last 
* Dan. 12. 11, 12.  Numbers when and how long it should be before this Mystery of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should be understood. For so he intimates both vers. 4. Shut up the words, and seal the Book until the time of the End; and again vers. 9 The words are closed up and sealed till the time of the End— and then, None of the wicked shall understand, but the wise shall understand, vers. 10. Now you know the Mystery of Antichrist, whereon the knowledge of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wholly depends, was not discovered till a good part of them were run out. What if those Numbers (vers. 11, 12.) point out that time, counting from the Profanation of Epiphanes? But I confess I know not here which way to take. This I intimate was an old Notion, which I can neither satisfy myself in, nor yet meet with another better grounded.  
Io. Mede. 

[At what time the Author wrote these lines, it seems he had not perfected his thoughts concerning the meaning of these Numbers and the Epocha thereof: but afterwards he wrote an elaborate Discourse expressing his last and more concocted thoughts concerning this Argument: which the Reader may find in Book III. page 717.     

EPISTLE LV.  
Dr. Twisse's Seventh Letter to Mr. Mede, desiring to know his thoughts touching Genuflexio versus Altar.  
Worthy Sir, and my dear Friend,  
THese are only to give you to understand that your Packet is arrived safely in my hands; your Letters, your Manuscripts, two larger upon 1 Tim. 4. and the other of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and a third less. Time will not serve me to express the content I take in them; the satisfaction you give me in your Letters. I am taken with the meditation of the slavery of the Creature, ever since the Fall of Adam in bondage to them that are slaves to sin; and what that bespeaks of better times both for the Creature and for us: the passages of the Form of Doctrine prescribed by the Council of Nice; the Catechism in K. Edward's days; and the rest. And like enough the land of Canaan shall have preeminence above all the rest, when it comes to be the Throne of Christ's Kingdom, like as it was the glory of all Lands when the children of Israel were brought to inherit it.  
Your Doctrine of Daemons (whereof I have tasted, even to the Answer of the second Objection, Why invocation of Saints should be made choice of to set out Antichrist thereby, as a principal Character of him,) doth so affect me, that withal considering these degenerate times, I could heartily wish you would give way to the printing of it. You know what Spalatensis mentioneth of one of his prebend's, that should profess, if he were sure Angels heard him, he would use that Collect, Angelo Dei, qui custos es mei, etc. And who it is that taketh it upon him to have been the man meant, and justifies it. When I read your Discourse of that, Thou shalt have no other Gods before my face, it makes me willing to know what you think of Genuflexio versus Altar, which now grows rife, and begins to challenge subscription thereto as licita; like as genuflexio at the name of jesus, as pia ceremonia; and where we shall end I know not. I cannot but take notice, as you wish me, of the vile depravation of the opinion of the Ancients concerning Millennium. For all these I cannot sufficiently give you thanks, and must study how to express my thank fullness. Mr. S. is a man of very good parts, but withal I doubt he hath his vanities as well as other men; for I cannot believe but that Dr. L. related unto me the truth of what he heard—  
The beginning of the week hath been a very busy time with me, and I must make haste, desiring you may understand with the first the safe landing of your precious commodities— I nothing doubt but the Lord will perfect the good work he hath begun in you and by you; to whose gracious direction I commend all your ways, and shall ever rest  
Newbury, May 5. 1635. Yours in all due respects infinitely obliged, Will. Twisse.   

EPISTLE LVI.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Question about Genuflexio versus Altar. His freedom from self-ends in this and all other his opinions.  
SIR,  
FOR your question about Genuflexio or Adoratio versus Altar, I was in some pause whether to answer to it, or to pass it by in silence. I confess I have not been unacquainted with speculations in things of this nature: they were my eldest thoughts and studies, full twenty years ago, and the argument of my 
* Upon that Text, Sanctuar●●m meum reveremini, Levit. 19 30. See Book II. p. 398.  Concio ad Clerum when I commenced Bachelor of Divinity, and before I was any proficient in the Apocalypse. And it may be I have had so many Notions that way as would have made another man a Dean or a Prebend or something else ere this. But the point of the Pope's being Antichrist, as a dead fly, marred the savour of that ointment. And besides I am no Practitioner nor active, but a Speculator only: But I am afraid there are others as much in fault, which practise before they know. I suppose you have heard something this way, and thence took occasion to move this Question to me; which is the reason I have told you this long tale by way of Preface, lest you might think I had (as some men use to do) made the bent of the Times the rule of my opinions. But if I did so, I should quickly renounce my Tenet of the Apocalyptical Beast, which I know few men here so hardy with us as to profess they believe, yea or would fain do. But alas that I am so ill advised I cannot do with all! And I thank God I never made any thing hitherto the caster of my resolutions but Reason and Evidence, on what side soever the advantage or disadvantage fell. Besides it fell out happily that the Times, when my thoughts were exercised in those Speculations I spoke of, were times of better awe than now they are; which preserved me from that immoderation which I see divers now run into, whether out of ignorance or some other distemper I cannot tell. Haec omnia dixi in antecessum: now I will answer your Question briefly.  

1. We must distinguish between Imago, and Locus or Signum praesentiae. To pray or worship toward the First, with respect thereto, is Idolatry; but not toward the Second.  
2. The Israelites in the Wilderness bowed and worshipped the Lord toward the Cloud wherein he manifested his presence; in the Temple toward the Ark and the most Holy place as Solium Dei. When they were absent from it (though in a strange Country) yet they turned themselves and spread out their hands toward it when they prayed, as Daniel in Babel. Ergò, to worship toward Locum praesentiae is no Idolatry: or, if it were, we should commit it as often as we lift up our hands and eyes to Heaven in our prayers, as to the place of God's special Presence: Yet our Saviour taught us to say, Pater nost●r, quies in coelis, and to look that way when we prayed.  
3. The reason of this difference between Imago, and Signum or Locus praesentiae, in the point of Divine worship is this; 'Tis one thing adhibere creaturam in cultu Dei per modum Objecti, another per modum circumstantiae Loci aut Sitûs, or as Instrumentum. The First is Idolatry, for God is a jealous God, and cannot endure that the worship we give to him should look towards any thing as an Object but Himself. But unless the Second be lawful, we must not look toward any created thing when we pray, not to Heaven, nor turn ourselves towards the Table where God's blessings are when we say Grace, or the like; not lawful to invocate God in his Temple, not lawful to pray unto him with a Book, not use the Communion-Table as a place to give praise and thanks unto him Name. In all which Res creata adhibetur tantùm either as Circumstantia cultûs, ubi & quo-versùs, or as Instrumentum quo utimur ad invocandum, (as a Prayer-Book) but not as Objectum cultûs. But an Image, in the nature of the thing, if it be used in Divine worship as an Image, cannot but be used as an Object, that is as a Representation of the thing worshipped. For to look to a thing as it is the Representation of the Object whereto we address our Prayers and Services, what is it else but to make it Objectum mediatum & relativum? I must desire you to supply my meaning where my expression is defective. I should do better coràm; by pen ●tis tedious to me.  
4. Now the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Altar (for they are but Synonyma's, as I take it) was ever in our Christian Oratories accounted as Solium Christi, as being the place where the Mysteries of his Body and Blood (the Rites of the New Covenant) are exhibited unto us.  
5. All the Prayers and Devotions of the Church were there offered unto God, and no where else, for many hundred years, 
So yet among the Lutheran●e.  and still are in all the Churches of the Orient, and in the Latin Church their Matins and Evensong, if of later ages not at it, yet always near and toward it. Desks for reading Prayers is a new device since the Reformation, never in the Church before. Whatsoever was spoken to God, was spoken at the Altar or towards it; whatsoever to the people, out of the Ambo or Pulpit and towards them, as Readins, Sermons. Tertul. Exhort. Castit. c. 10. Si spiritus apud se reus sit & conscientia erubescit, quomodo audebit orationem dicere ad Altar? An Altar is nothing else but a Table to call upon God at; whence the Scripture relates so often of Abram and Isaac, that they built Altars where they came, and there called upon the name of the Lord.  
6. If it be lawful to invocate and call upon God at and toward the Altar as Solium praesentiae; 'tis as lawful to worship him toward it. The specification of Christian worship is to adore and invocate the Father through jesus Christ crucified: why should it not then be comely, when we address ourselves unto him, to look toward the place where his Passion is commemorated and the Rites thereof exhibited? 'Tis but to represent that by our posture which otherwise we express by our tongue, when we say, Through jesus Christ our Lord.  
7. 'Tis the fashion of all Nations and Religions (and ever was) to use some Reverential gesture when they enter into God's House. Our Saviour, when he sends forth his disciples to preach the Gospel, Matt. 10. saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when ye enter into an House salute the same, i. e. (as S. Luke relates it, and the Vulgar and some other Copies have in this of Matth.) say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Agreeable whereto is that Custom now almost only retained amongst a few of the Vulgar to say, when they come into an House, God be here. Why should not some such Rite be comely, when we come into the House of God?   
I am sorry now that I entered at all into this discourse, for I see so many things requisite yet for the understanding thereof, (as of the Nature of Temples and their Holiness, of the Christian Sacrifice so much decantated in the ancient Church, of the Lawfulness of Rites ordained by men, and the like) that it would require a Volume to give satisfaction herein. But you desired but to know what I thought of Genuflexio versùs Altar, and I think I have told you; and you see hereby what a mongrel I am. I know not how you will like it, I know how full of prejudice in these Things most of our Divines are. But I am verily persuaded that the Notions of Antiquity hereabout are so far from being followed, that they are quite forgotten and unknown.  
I will neither trouble you nor myself any longer, but commend you to the Divine protection, and so I rest  
Christ's Coll. May 13. 1635. Your loving Friend, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE LVII.  
Dr. Twisse's Eighth Letter to Mr. Mede, containing his thankful acknowledgements of Mr. Mede's singular goodness in communicating his Papers, and his high esteem of them, particularly of his Notions upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. as also his Observations upon Mr. Mede's foregoing Letter, what he approved therein, and what he excepted against.  
Good Mr. Mede, and my thrice worthy and dear Friend,  
I Have at length returned your Manuscripts; both the first and latter concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the smaller one containing two Discourses and the 
* See this in page 579.  Prophetia Tobiae expounded in the belly thereof. I am heartily sorry to hear your Labours upon the Revelation, published for the common good, and opening such Mysteries unto the world: have put yourself to so much expense, and found so little reward in the world: I protest I cannot think of it without disdain— I have not spared to profess my indignation thereupon before some good friends of quality, and shall be ready to do as much upon every occasion. But your Reward shall be the greater in Heaven.  
My motion was not to put you to any expense or care about the business I wrote of: I nothing doubt but order shall be taken to have it done otherwise, if you would but give way. But I would not in the least respect abuse your kindness, which I account precious as a jewel by doing aught that might occasion any distaste in yourself upon any proceedings of mine, or others whereunto I should give any occasion.  
Sir, I cannot sufficiently express my obligation unto yourself for your singleness in communicating such precious commodities. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the construction of it which you make, I am clearly of your mind; and that Genitivus materiae is nothing strange, were there no other incongruity of construction in the Text thereby avoided, which yet there is, and that foul one. The truth is, the phrase is unquestionably usual, expressed of Things; but being expressed of Persons, we being apt to understand it of Genitivus Efficientis, that use makes the other way seem strange, as I found in Dr. S. But so much the more it became the Holy Ghost to express the Mystery of Iniquity in a covert manner; not easily and at first sight to be discovered but in good time, by serious intention and consideration of all circumstances, when the Lord thought it most seasonable to bring it to light. And blessed be God that he hath brought it to light, and that myself have lived to see such Mysteries of iniquity brought to light, and made good by evidence of Scripture, and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; testifying so much; and that with such evidence, that I know not where to parallel it with the like, all things considered.  
Long ago I have entertained an opinion that you are as exact in the right understanding of Daniel Mysteries as of those in the Revelation. I saw a touch you gave, in a Letter to Dr. Meddus, of the years mentioned in Daniel 12. by way of passing your judgement on some parts of Alstedius his Chronologie: I would you would be pleased to impart unto me what you think of the beginning of those times mentioned in Daniel 12. 11, 12. 
Herein you have satisfied me already, as anon I observe.  and what remarkable things fell out at the end of each; the rather because I am promised some notions of Mr. G. your friend thereabouts. I doubt not but you conceive two seasons of the Abomination of desolation, one before our Saviour's coming in the flesh, by Antiochus Epiphanes; another which our Saviour himself points unto, as to be made by the Romans, which yet Baronius saith cannot be meant of that by Tirus when he took jerusalem, because at that time it was too late to be warned of flying thereupon and shifting for themselves.  
Your Chappel-Exercises, 1. that of Psal. 8. 
* See Book 1. Discourse 9  of quelling the en●●y and the avenger, 2. the other of 
* See Book 1. Discourse 14.  Zipporah's speech, (which I would not for any good you had divided, and kept from me) not only myself but divers others, as Mr. W●●● Dorchester and Mr. T. of Sarisbury, and others, all of us have been exceedingly taken with them. And it raiseth in me suspicions that you have many conceptions of the like nature, for the clearing of divers passages of Holy Scripture, and vindicating them from vulgar and erroneous interpretations; and inflames me with a desire to be partaker of them. I read to them somewhat also of your Mahuzzims, which not only ravished them, but wrung from them a protestation that none but yourself could have found that out. But modesty pacifies my importunity, and forbids me to urge you too far, having so extraordinary experience of your freeness this way. All which I have returned with my best care; so I trust they shall arrive safely in your hands.  
And now taking your last Letter into my hands, I find how by occasion of tidings from the East and from the North you fall upon this very place of Dan. 12. 11, 12. which you acknowledge to be obscure and dark; yet such light as you meet with you are pleased to communicate, wherein I rest satisfied for the present, and would not have you trouble yourself any more for me thereabouts. I have found some working upon Iulian's days, when all hope of re-edifying the Temple was taken away; but I find no colour of any Abomination of Desolation committed there, but rather Abomination of Restauration: yet from thence they think may be reckoned a determining of the daily Sacrifice. But all along you carry me with you, and where you make a stand, there I make a stand. I pity (I profess) your neighbours in Cambridge, that make so little use of your labours in searching those precious Mysteries, especially when ourselves are fallen upon the latter end of the accomplishment of them.  
In answer to my Question, I am glad your resolution was not to pass it over in silence, and that you open yourself in such manner. Whereas you conceive I may perhaps have heard something that way you touch upon; truly I never did, but somewhat I have heard another way, which hath made me recount my own fortunes in resemblance unto yours: For sometimes I have been censured for a Puritan, sometimes for a good fellow: My preaching as in opposition to Popery was opportune to undergo the one censure before persons Popishly affected; and my free conversation in the enjoying of my friends (yet I thank God without all scandal) hath exposed me to the other, and that from the same mouths, not judging indifferently, but upon particular, and those unjust, distastes practising to disgrace me. I see your fortunes have not been much unlike; I trust we shall love mutually so much the more.  

1. I willingly subscribe to the difference you put between Imago, and Locus or Signum praesentiae.  
2. Both your Rule and Instances of worshipping towards Locum praesentiae I approve.  
3. The reason of the difference mentioned between the use of a Creature per modum Objecti in Divine worship, and the use of a Creature per modum Circumstantiae, of Place, Posture or Instrument, I find likewise no cause to dislike; the Lord having prescribed the one, not the other, but expressly forbidden it.  

4. That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Altar was ever in Christian Oratories accounted as Solium Christi, I profess ingeniously it is a new thing unto me, and most willingly do I communicate unto you my thoughts that have had their course hereupon. That the Sanctuary at first, and Temple afterwards, might well be accounted Solium Dei, I see this ground; because the Sanctuary at first was made by God's appointment, that he might dwell among them; and so the Temple afterwards, and chiefly the Ark there, the Lord being said to dwell between the Cherubins. Now I find not the like ground for the Table of the Lord to be so called. 2. If so, than the Table, where and when these Rites of the New Covenant were first instituted, was to be so accounted as much as any; and that as well in reference to the participation of the Paschal Lamb that went before, as of the Bread and Wine which followed after. 3. And so it seems the Table whereon the jews did eat the Paschal Lamb was to be so accounted. 4. And why not the Altar for the Burnt-offering also? 5. And are not the Mysteries of Christ's Death, yea and Resurrection too, represented in Baptism, as Prudentius calls it Fontis ara, as Mr. S. observes?  
Yet I doubt not of Christ's presence there to the faithful receiver; so he is to every faithful hearer of the Word, and faithful petitioner; God being a Sanctuary unto us in all places wheresoever we come, and accordingly Solium praesentiae ejus & Christi in every place to be found. But as Sacraments are not Sacraments any longer than in the use of them; of the same condition to my thinking for the present should the Lord's Table be conceived. Like as we heard not long since D. B. should preach that Temples were holy only in respect of the holy use of them; and it was thought he should be called in question for it, but he was not. I confess I am no more versed in things of this nature than as some occasional opportunity doth set my thoughts on work. But fearing degenerate times coming on upon us and Superstition to increase, we may well be the more wary. And we find by experience that albeit when any is urged thereunto, sometimes it is carried only in the style of Genuflexio versus altar; yet in common speech most call it Bowing to the Altar. And a jesuit sometimes meeting with a Friend of mine (an intelligent Gentleman) at Antwerp, and offering him the kindness of having him to the great Church. after he had showed him other things, bringing him up to the high Altar, he pulled out the Pyx from behind the Arras, and showed it him, saying, This is the reason why we bow to the Altar, otherwise (saith he) it were Idolatry.   
5. As for the Prayers and Devotions of the Church there offered unto God, I find nothing amiss therein, if the place be so ordered that it be convenient for the Congregation assembled to hear; as it is fit they should. And I find it alleged out of jewel against Harding, 
A●●ic. 3. Sect 26. Hostin. de Origine Altar●●m.  Altaria apud veteres non semper & ubique in extrema Templorum parte, quam vulgò Chorum vocamus, sed in medio posita fuisse, and divers Testimonies of Antiquity alleged for proof thereof. And therefore that all things may be done to edification, I find it nothing strange that in the Reformation our Fathers in the Church of England, as well as in other Churches, have altered that course, when they found how miserably the Service of God was deformed, Superstition from ancient times first creeping in, and afterwards increasing more and more; and no great matter where Latin Service was performed, when the people understood it not.  
6. I make no question but it is lawful to invocate and call upon God at or towards the Altar. But why the Lord's Table, where the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper is administered, should be called Solium praesentiae more than the Font where Baptism is administered, or the Pulpit where God speaks unto us, I do not yet find sufficient reason to satisfy me. Yet I have heard that one who much furthereth these courses should give us a reason thereof, that Hoc est Corpus meum is more with him than Hoc est Verbum meum. And to my thinking the Table of the Paschal Lamb might as well be called Solium praesentiae as the Lord's Table with us.  
7. As for the fashion of all Nations and Religions to use some Reverential gestures when they enter into God's House; this openeth a way to a new consideration and inquisition, as Whether Bodily Gesture alone be fit to be urged or practised in entering into God's House; the outward adoration without the inward; the one without the other, being no better than Hypocrisy. Yet these days are full of Formality.   
Lastly, Things lawful in themselves become unlawful by accident; as when they are superstitiously practised, though not by ourselves, yet by concurring in the same act, we may scandalise by countenancing the Superstition of others.  
Thus have I taken liberty to communicate my thoughts unto you, to be censured by you as you think good; myself but upon the present observation of times taking into consideration. And I willingly profess I fear Superstition hereby will creep on in a conceit as if God were better served by worshipping him towards the Altar than otherwise: the contrary whereunto were it publicly professed, I should be the less solicited with such fears. Yet am I nothing sorry, but very glad, that you have entered thus far into this discourse, and for the Notions here mentioned, whereupon I shall willingly confer with other Divines.  
For your judgement concerning Ezekiel's Vision so freely communicated, I heartily thank you: That I have your acknowledgement of the obscurity thereof, gives me much content; yet withal your adventures thereupon, which you are pleased to impart, they are as sparks of light unto me shining in a dark place. Your candour throughout works me to think the better of any opinion which you embrace. I profess unto you, you make me more and more happy in all your Speculations. I shall heartily beg at the Throne of grace for God's blessing upon your Studies, and that he will be pleased to enlighten you more and more for the opening of these heavenly Mysteries, to the comfort of God's Church in these uncomfortable days. Hereupon comes to my remembrance what I had almost forgotten, though I purposed to mention it with the first. I was not long since resolved to write unto you, to inquire whether the K. of S. proceedings in Germany might not be the accomplishment of the Fourth Vial, and that in these times we are in a preparation to the Fifth, by the slaughtering of the Witnesses, according to that Exposition which you give thereof— Sr. N. R. told me moreover that your opinion was, that it should be very Universal— The Lord keep you and bless you. I shall ever remain  
Newbury, june 1. 1635. Your faithful and respectful true friend much obliged, Will. Twisse.   

EPISTLE LVIII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Eighth Letter, further explaining himself concerning Holiness of Churches, Altars or Sacred Tables, God's Throne or Place of presence therein, etc. With a Caveat to the Reformed Churches.  

SIR,  
COncerning the accomplishment of the Fourth Vial, I shall be then better able to judge, when I see what will be the conclusion of these great Commotions now on foot. If they settle so, as thereby some prop shall be taken away which now upholdeth the Beast, or any further way opened to his downfall than yet hath been, than I shall think it is accomplished; otherwise not. For every Vial must be a degree of the Beast's ruin. Ergò id quo non labefactatur status Bestiae, Phialae complementum non erit. Let us expect what this new shock to be given to the H. of A. will come to. If they be once heaved out of the Imperial Throne, or their succession interrupted, I shall believe it is done. Their fall, whensoever it happens, will in all likelihood so shake the Beast, as will drive him into a 
* So Hypocrates sometimes call● a burning-Fever, as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, otherwise called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vid. Apoca. 16. 8. 9  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or burning-Fever; the raging Symptoms whereof such as stand in his way are like to feel.  
For the other points, of the Holiness of Churches, of Altars or Sacred Tables, of the reverend accommodation in the one at or toward the other; the paths unto them by reason of infrequency and unaccustomedness are so full of checks and impediments, as makes all collation by pen over-tedious and troublesome. For nothing almost can be presupposed by way of Postulatum, but will be questioned. In a discourse ore tenus I could rid my way a great deal better, with much more speed and ease. But in so much Pen-work as this Argument would require, I am not willing to engage myself; and perhaps 'twould not be operae-pretium. Nevertheless that you might know there is something to be said by way of Answer to your Exceptions, and to give you occasion of further meditation in these things, I thought not good to wave it altogether, till I had let you see a little further into my thoughts and speculations this way before I shut the window. Thus therefore I express them, not following the order of your Letter, but as my mind prompts me.  1. Concerning Holiness of Churches. 
THERE is a Threefold Holiness to be found in Scripture, 
* This was printed at the end of the Remain, upon the Apocalypse, but wanted both the beginning and the latter part of this Letter.  or, if you will, the word Holiness is there used in a Threefold Notion, which I would distinguish thus. 1. Essential Holiness; 2. Holiness of Integrity; and 3. Relative Holiness.  

1. Essential Holiness is that whereof God is called Holy; as Sanctus Israelis, i.e. Israelis Deus, juxta, illud 1 Sam. 2. 2. Non est Sanctus sicut Dominus, neque enim est alius praeter te, & non est Deus [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] sicut Deus noster: For this Holiness is God himself, his Essence, his Divine Majesty, whence all other Holiness is derived, not any inherent Attribute differing from him, as in created subjects.  
2. Holiness of Integrity is that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins Sanctimonia, and may be described, A state of Righteousness or of pureness and cleanness from sin. This is that Holiness whereof the Apostle speaks Heb. 12. Without Holiness no man shall see God; and whereof we call such as fear God and eschew evil, Holy men. Of this kind of Holiness nothing is capable but reasonable Creatures, Angels and Men.  
3. But there is a third kind of Holiness, Relative Holiness, being nothing but a state of Relation of peculiarity to God-ward, either in respect of Presence, or Propriety and Dominion. 1. Of Presence, 
* Whence Luke 2. 23. for that in the Law, Whatsoever openeth the Womb is mine● is quoted, Every Male that openeth the Womb shall be called Holy unto the Lord.  when God is peculiarly and in a special manner present; as when he appeared to Moses in the flaming bush, Exod. 3. 5. Exue calceamenta tua de pedibus tuis; locus enim in quo stas terra sancta est. 2. Of Propriety, when a thing being dedicated or consecrated to the Divine Majesty, the propriety thereof becomes so his, as it is no longer ours: For thus to be God's, is to be his in a peculiar manner, and not as other things are: For otherwise it is true, The whole Earth is the Lords and the fullness thereof, the world and those that dwell therein. Of this Holiness any thing is capable that is capable of peculiar Relation unto God; Persons, Places, Time and Things; and is that which the Greek properly calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latin Sacrum: whence we say, Loca sacra, Tempora sacra, Personae sacrae. Res sacrae. Loca sacra, as the place abovesaid, where God communicated himself to Moses, as Temples and Churches; in which (N. B.) both these relations concur, both of Divine Presence and Divine Propriety: (for it is both God's House, as being dedicated to his Name; and the place also where God is wont to be present with the Sons of men in his Word and Sacraments.) Tempora sacra, as the Lord's Day and other holy and Festival times. Personae sacrae, as our Priests and Clergy. Res sacrae, any thing besides these which we offer and dedicate unto God. If any shall except that in the Old Testament indeed this Holiness had place, but in the New there is no such thing; I would encounter him thus: If any place under the Gospel may be more peculiarly the place of Divine Presence than every place; if any thing under the Gospel may be more peculiarly God's than every thing; Then hath this kind of Holiness place in the New Testament as well as in the Old: Sed verum prius, Ergó.   
By this you may judge what I think of D. B. his assertion, That Temples were holy only in the holy use of them. If his meaning be, they are holy no longer than during such use; would he say that Ministers are sacred Persons only whilst they are officiating in preaching, praying and celebrating the Sacraments, and at other times nothing differing from Laymen? would he say that the Lord's Day is Holy only for the time that Divine Service continues, and no longer? Par enim est ratio. I confess I heard one not long since preach so in our S. Mary's Pulpit, you may guests to what end. But he was not aware that by this assertion he blew up the foundation of his own Tenet, concerning the reverence due to Churches and Altars. Eadem enim est ratio Loci & Temporis sacri; quia utrumque sanctum est, neutrum prophanandum, sed omnino sanctè habendum est, i. e. prout convenit sanctitati. But it is ordinary with men who make passion and studium partium the rule of their judgements, thus to cut the throats of their own principles.  
Here therefore I would desire you to consider and weigh this Proposition, That a Place may be said to be Holy in respect of relation to Divine Presence, not only where God is in such peculiar manner actually present, but where he is wont to be, yea or had wont to be, (therefore Daniel prayed toward jerusalem, etiam cum jam dirutum & concrematum jaceret Templum, neque Arca foederis ampliùs ibi exstaret) yea even there where he hath once been in some illustrious and extraordinary manner. Witness Mount Tabor, which only for the glorious Transfiguration of Christ thereon (having never had any other Divine relation) is by S. Peter, 2 Epist. 1. 18. termed the Holy Mount: This voice (saith he) which came from Heaven, we heard when we were with him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Be it so, that Sacraments are no longer Sacraments than in the use of them; yet are they Holy as long as they are for that use.  2. Whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be rightly called Solium Christi. 
I expected no scruple at that speech: For if the Holy Table be Sedes corporis & sanguinis Christi, why not Solium Christi? what is Solium but Sedes, nempe Regia? And is not the Body of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Hence Antiquity called the Holy Table 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the place where it stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first, in that place you mention for Altars standing in the middle of the Quire. It is in a Panegyric Oration made at the dedication of a sumptuous and magnificent Church built at Tyre in the days of Constantine, (recorded by Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. 10. cap. 4. Editione Graecolat. p. 282, 283.) the structure and garnishing whereof the Panegyrist there at large describing, and amongst the rest the Seats erected in the Choir for the honour of the Clergy, he adds, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, [and having placed the most Holy Altar in the midst] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, [that it might not be accessible to the multitude] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, [he compassed it about reticulati operis cancellis ex ligno fabricatis, adeò ad summum solertis artificii elaboratis, ut mirabile intuentibus praebeat spectaculum.] That of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the place where the Holy Table stood, is to be found in Theod. Histor. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 17. in that famous story of Theodosius and S. Ambrose, where Theodosius after his absolution coming up into the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and there staying (after he had offered) to receive the holy Eucharist, (as he used to do at Constantinople, for this was at Milane) S. Ambrose admonisheth him to go out, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Quoniam interiora ista, o Imperator, solis sunt Sacerdotibus pervia; reliquis verò omnibus inaccessa, neque tangenda. These two places I thought not unfit to cite, that it might appear how far the conceit of the Ancients and ours differ in this point.  3. How in the New Testament God or Christ our Lord can be said to have his Throne or place of Presence in our Churches and Oratories, when they are not by Divine (as were the Tabernacle and the Temple in the Old Testament) but Humane appointment, and without any such Symbolum as the Ark there was. 
I answer: To erect or set apart a Place for Divine Worship and the exercise of the Rites of Religion is juris naturae, and approved by God from the beginning. It began not with that Tabernacle or Temple made by God's special appointment to Moses. Abraham, Isaac and jacob erected places of Divine Worship (wheresoever they came and pitched their Tents) without any special appointment from God, tanquam nimirum ex recepta consuctudine generis humani. Noah bu●lt an Altar so soon as he came out of the Ark. jacob vowed a Place for Divine Worship, by the name of God's House, where he would pay the Tithes of all that God should give him. Moses, Exod. 33. 7. (before the Ark and that glorious Tabernacle were yet made) pitched a Tabernacle for the same purpose without the Camp, whither every one that sought the Lord was to go, and called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Tabernacle of meeting, viz. of meeting with God, not of men's meeting together, as we mean when we turn it, Tabernacle of the Congregation: Of which perhaps more 
* I must pass it by; but see Exod. 29. 42. & ch. 30. 36. Num. 17. 4. in which God himself gives ratio nominis, The Tabernacle of meeting where I will meet with thee.  hereafter.  
Now for the nature of these Places, we can no where learn it better than from that of the Lord to Moses, Exod. 20. immediately after he had pronounced the Decalogue from Mount Sinai, where premising that 
‖ Vers. 23.  they should not make with him (whom they had seen talking with them from Heaven) Gods of silver and Gods of gold, and that 
* Vers. 24.  they should make his Altar (namely, whilst they were there in the Wilderness) of earth, and sacrifice their sacrifices thereon; he adds, In all places where I record my Name, I will come unto thee, and will bless thee. Here is contained the definition of the Place set apart for Divine Worship. 'Tis the Place where God records his Name, and communicates himself to men, to bless them, Exod. 20. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In every place where the Memorial I appoint of my Name shall be; or, In every place set apart for the Memorial of my name. The Memorial of God's Name is any token or symbol whereby he 
* Note that the LXX perpetually render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (the Tabernacle of meeting) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Tabernacle of the Testimony, as it is called in the N. T. and sometimes in the Old, viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Ark 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein were the Tabl●s which contained the Articles of the Covenant, and Manna which was the Bread of the Covenant.  testifies his Covenant, and, as it were, commerceth with Men. And though the Ark were afterward made for this purpose, as the standing Memorial of his Name, (and therefore called The Testimony and the Ark of the Covenant) yet could not that here be specially pointed at, as which yet was not in being, nor any commandment concerning the making thereof yet heard of. And so the words to be taken generally for any; such as were the Sacrifices immediately before mentioned, and the Seat of them the Altar, and therefore may seem to be more particularly referred unto: for that these were Federal Rites whereby the Name of God was remembered and his Covenant testified, may be easily proved; whence that which was burned upon the Altar is so often called The Memorial: See Levit. chap. 24. 7. & c. 2. c. 5. c. 6. And the Son of Sirach tells us, Ecclus. 45. 16. that Aaron was chosen out of all men living to offer Sacrifices to the Lord, incense and a sweet savour for a Memorial, to make reconciliation for his People. Add, Esay 66. 3. Qui recordatur thure, quasi qui benedicat idolo. But I must not stay too long in this. Now I ask, Did not Christ ordain the Holy Eucharist to be the Memorial of his Name in the New Testament? Hoc (saith he) est corpus meum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (And there be those that will not stick to say, That Christ is as much present here as the Lord was upon the Mercy-seat between the Cherubims.) Why should not then the Places appointed for the Station of this Memorial under the Gospel have some semblable Sanctity to that where the Name of God was recorded in the Law? And though we be not now tied to one only Place as under the Law, and that God 
* So he hears them whensoever they are made; yet is there one day in the week set apart for his solemn worship. Eaden● est ratio Temperis & Loci.  hears the faithful prayers of his Servants wheresoever they are made unto him (as also he did then;) yet should not the Place of his Memorial be promiscuous and common, but set apart to that sacred purpose.  
You will say, This Christian Memorial is not always there present, as at least some one or other of those in the Law were. I answer: It is enough it is wont to be; as the Chair of Estate loseth not its relation and due respect though the King be not always there. And remember that the Ark of the Covenant or Testimony was not in jerusalem when Daniel opened his windows and prayed thitherward; 
The Iew● report the Ark was set upon a stone placed at the West-end of the most Holy place. See Mai●on. apud Amsworth, in v. 10. chap. 17. Num.  and that it was wanting in the Holy place all the time of the Second Temple, the Seat thereof being only there. You will say, In the Old Testament these things were appointed by Divine law and commanded; but in the New we find no such thing. I answer: In things for which we find no new Rule given in the New Testament, there we are referred to the analogy of the Old: witness the Apostles proofs taken thence for the maintenance of the Ministry, 1. Cor. 9 and the like; and the practice of the Church ab initio in Baptising Infants, from the analogy of Circumcision; in hallowing every First day of the Week as one in Seven, from the analogy of the jewish Sabbath. For it is to be seriously considered, 
S. Hierome implies as much in that speech of his, Vt sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas ex Veteri Testamento: quod Aaron & filii ejus & Levitae in Templo fuerunt, hoc sibi Episcopi, Presbyteri atque Diaconi vindicant in Ecclesia.  That the end of Christ's coming into the world was not to give new Laws, but to fulfil the Law already given, and to preach the Gospel of reconciliation through his Name to those who had transgressed it: Whence we see the Style of the New Testament not any where to carry the form of enacting Laws; but such as are there mentioned, to be mentioned only occasionally by way of allegation, of interpretation, of proof, of exhortation, and not by way of re-enacting.  
There comes now very fitly into my mind a passage of Clemens (a Man of the Apostolical Age, whose name (S. Paul says) was written in the Book of Life) in his genuine Epistle ad Corinthios, lately set forth, page 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Omnia ritè & ordine facere debemus, quaecunque Dominus peragere nos jussit. What doth he command? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. e. praestitutis temporibus oblationes & liturgias obire; neque enim temere vel inordinatè voluit ista fieri, sed statutis temporibus & horis: V B I etiam & A QVIBUS peragi velit, ipse excelsissimâ suâ voluntate definivit. But where hath the Lord defined these things, unless he hath left us to the analogy of the Old Testament?  4. Concerning the Objection of our Saviour's eating the Passeover, and first Institution of the Holy Supper in a Common place, in an Inn. 
Against the supposed Sanctity or Dignity to be ascribed to the Holy Table or Altar, as the place where the Memorial of the Body and Blood of Christ is represented, you object the Table and place of the first Institution, which was an ordinary Table and a common Inn; whereby it should seem that the Table whereon it was afterwards to be celebrated should no otherwise be accounted of. First, I answer, It follows not, and that from the parallel of the Institution of the Passeover; which though at first it were killed in a private house, and the blood stricken upon the door-posts, yet afterwards it might not be so, but was to be offered in the place which the Lord should choose (Deut. 16. 5, 6.) to place his Name there; according to the Law given for all Offerings and Sacrifices in general, Deut. 12. à versu 4. ad 14. inclusiuè, with a triple inculcation in one continued Series of speech.  
This Answer seems to me sufficient for the Objection of the first Institution. But there is one thing more yet to be considered; That there is not the same reason of the Place where the Sacrifice is sanctified or offered and the Place where it is eaten. Every Sacrifice was to be offered and sanctified at the Altar, where the Blood was sprinkled and the Memorial burned; but that done, it was eaten in another place: those which were eaten only by the Priests, in the Chambers of the Temple; those which the people were partakers of, (as the Peace-Offerings,) out of the Temple. Of this nature was the Passeover, the Lamb being first to be offered and slain in the Temple, and the Blood sprinkled on the Altar (according unto the Law, Deut. 16. and the practice, 2 Chron. 35. 1, 2, 6, 10, 11.) that done, to be eaten where they would; provided it were in loco mundo, in a clean place.  
And thus was the Paschal Lamb, whereof our Saviour ate, prepared and sanctified; yea, by proportion of all other Sacrifices, the Bread and the Wine, whereof the Holy Supper was instituted; for they were the 
* That which we usually in our Translation call Meat-offering, might more fi●ly be termed Bread-offering, for such it warand consider that the Sacrifices being flesh were not ea●en without bread and drink, which therefore were concom●●nts of them.  Minchah or Meat and Drink-offering of the Passeover, such as all other Sacrifices had annexed unto them. And to what end else was the Law so strict that they should bring all their Sacrifices and Offerings unto the Place which the Lord should choose to put his Name there, but that they might be sanctified and hallowed at the Lord's Altar, before they feasted with them? whence perhaps that custom of the ancient Church was derived, to offer the Bread and Wine unto God upon the Holy Table before it was consecrated to be the Body and Blood of Christ, because they supposed that at the first institution they had been so offered at the Altar in the Temple. But as the jews used not to eat their Sacrifices where they offered them; no more did the ancient Christians think themselves bound to eat the Eucharist where it was consecrated; insomuch that they carried it sometimes to their houses, and ordinarily 
* justin in Apolog. 2.  sent it to those which were absent. And if it be well observed, in the practice of our own Church there is a difference commonly between the place of consecration and the place of eating, though both be in the Church.  
True it is, that at the first Institution, though perhaps not the first hallowing of the Bread and Wine for the Passeover, yet the consecration thereof to be the Symbols of the Body and Blood of Christ was in a common room, and that out of the necessity of the connexion which the materials thereof had with the viands of the Passeover. Yet I suppose not the House to have been of the condition of our Inns, but only for such Sacred entertainments as this was; of which sort jerusalem must needs have had very many, for the accommodation of such as came to feast before the Lord, as the whole Nation was to do three times in a year.  
If all that hath been yet said will not satisfy this Objection, yet I hope what I shall now say will do it fully: What needed there any Altar or Place of relative presence, 
Apoc. 21. 2●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ma●th. 12. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  where the Son of God, the Heavenly Altar and Holy of Holies, was himself present in person? Is not the Temple of God there where he is? and what Altar was so holy as his Sacred hands?  5. Why in the posture of our adoration of the Divine Majesty more respect should be had to the Altar or Holy Table, than either to the Font or Pulpit, seeing they are also Places of God's presence as well as the other. 
Suppose they be so; yet when there are many, why should not that which hath the principality draw this respect unto it? A man is present where any part of him is: yet when we salute him, or speak unto him, we are wont to direct ourselves unto his Face, as that wherein his presence is most principal and erected; not to his Backer parts, or to his Shoulders, though the organ of hearing be that way. Perhaps it was this principality which that Doctor (or whatsoever he be whom you mention) intended, when he said that Hoc est Corpus meum was more with him than Hoc est Verbum meum.  
But I think for my part, first, that the comparison of the Pulpit with the Sacraments and their places is heterogeneal. Secondly, that neither the Pulpit nor the Place of the Sacrament of Baptism are in this point, or for this purpose (we speak of,) of the same nature with the Altar.  
For it ought to be considered (though it be a thing nowadays in a manner quite forgotten) that the Eucharist (according to the meaning of the Institution) is the Rite of our address unto God the Father in the New Testament, wherewith we come before him, to offer unto his Divine Majesty our thanksgivings, supplications and praises in the Name of his Son jesus Christ crucified for us: that is, It is not only a Sacrament, but, as the ancient Church used to speak, a Sacrifice also. For that Sacrifices were Rites whereby they invocated and called upon God, is a Truth, though perhaps not so vulgarly taken notice of, yet undeniable: as on the Gentiles behalf may be seen in Homer in divers places where he describes the manner of offering Sacrifices; on the jews behalf by that speech of Saul, 1 Sam. 13. 12. when Samuel expostulating with him for having offered a Burnt-offering, I said, saith he, the Philistines will come down upon me to Gilgal, and I have not made supplication to the Lord. I forced myself therefore and offered a Burnt-offering. See also 1 Sam. 7. 8, 9 Ezra 6. 10. Baruch 1. 10, 11. 1 Mac. 12. 11. 2 Chron. 7. 12, & sequentia. Hence of Abraham and Isaac it is said when they built Altars, that there they called upon the name of the Lord; but Altars were the place for Sacrifice.  
In stead therefore of the slaughtering of Beasts, and the Sacrifices offered by fire and incense, whereby they called upon the name of God in the Old Testament, the Fathers and primitive Christians believed that our Saviour ordained this Sacrament of Bread and Wine, as a Rite whereby to give thanks and make supplication to his Father, in his Name, in the New. The mystery of which Rite they took to be this; That as Christ by presenting his Death and Satisfaction to his Father continually intercedes for us in Heaven; so the Church on earth semblably approaches the Throne of Grace by representing his Death and Passion to his Father in these holy Mysteries of his Body and Blood.  
Veteres enim (saith Cassander) in hoc mystico Sacrificio non tam peractae semel in Cruse oblationis, (cujus hîc memoria celebratur) quam perpetui Sacerdotii & jugis Sacrificii quod in coelis sempiternus Sacerdos offered, rationem habuerunt; cujus hîc Imago per solennes Ministrorum preces exprimitur.  
This that reverend and learned Divine Mr. Perkins (once Fellow of our Society) saw more clearly, or expressed more plainly, than any other Reformed Writer that I have yet seen, in his Demonstrat. Problem. titulo de Sacrificio Missae. Veteres (inquit) Coenam Domini, seu totam coenae actionem & formulam, vocârunt Sacrificium, tum aliis de causis, tum quia est commemoratio, adeóque repraesentatio Deo P●tri, Sacrificii Christi in Cruse immolati. He goes on, Hoc modo (saith he) fideles etiam inter orandum Christum offerunt Deo Patri victimam, dum scilicet ment affectúque ad Sacrificium ejus unicum feruntur, ut Deum sibi habeant faciántque propitium: that is, What every Christian doth mentally and vocally when he commends his prayers to God the Father, through jesus Christ, making mention of his Death and Satisfaction, that in the public and solemn service of the Church was done by that Rite which our Saviour ordained to be used in commemoration of him; in whose death and Passion is founded the New Covenant of God with Men.  
For here take notice that all those bloody Sacrifices of the Law were Federal Rites, or Epulae foederales, as the Eucharist also is; namely, that they were Oblations wherein the Offerer (either by himself or his proxy the Priest) banqueted, or ate and drank, with his God, in token of covenant and reconcilement with him. So that to approach God with this Rite, was to do it by way of commemoration or renewing of a Covenant with him, and as much as to say, Remember thy Covenant; which is the foundation of all Invocation: For what hath Man to do with God, to beg any favour at his hands, unless he be in Covenant with him? Whereby appears the reason why Mankind from the beginning of the world used to make their address unto their God by this Rite of Sacrificing, viz. Ritu foederali. And this is that which the Ancient Church did, and supposed our Lord intended they should do, in the holy Eucharist of his Death and Passion; which therefore they called the New or Christian Sacrifice. A definition whereof (as it consists of the Rite and Action both together) may be framed out of those words of Mr. Perkins, An Oblation of Thanksgiving and Prayer to God the Father, through jesus Christ and his Sacrifice upon the Cross, commemorated and represented in Bread and Wine.  
This is a point of great moment and consequent, worthy to be looked farther into by all the Learned of the Reformed Religion; lest whilst we have deservedly abolished that prodigious and blasphemous Sacrifice of the Papists, wherein Christ is again hypostatically offered to his Father, we have not (or but very implicitly and obscurely) reduced that ancient Commemorative Sacrifice of Christians, wherein that one Sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross was continually by that sacred Rite represented and inculcated to his Father, his Father put in mind thereof by those monuments set before him, wherein we also testified our own mindfulness thereof unto his sacred Majesty, that so he would for his sake, according to the tenor of the New Covenant in his Blood, be favourable and propitious unto us miserable Sinners. But to clear this point, and to remove all scruples, objections and prejudices against it, is not for a Letter, but a Volume. This is enough for the end I intended, which was, to show how the Eucharist is the Sacrament of our address unto God, and therein of a different nature from Baptism, which is not so, but the Rite only of our New Birth, whereby we become the Sons of God, and are admitted to be members of his Church; not the Sacrament whereby we exercise the functions of this new life, in worshipping, invocating and glorifying God our Father through jesus Christ. These premises considered, the Answer to your demand, Why in the posture of our adoration of the Divine Majesty more respect should be had to the Altar or Holy Table, than either to the Font or Pulpit, is plain and easy; namely, because Adoration is an act of address and of tender of honour unto God, and therefore most fitly to be performed at or toward the place of our address, which is the Altar, whereat anciently as the Sacrament of the Eucharist, so the whole Devotions of the Church were performed and presented to the Divine Majesty. The Pulpit is the place where God speaks to us, not we to him. The Font the place where he reaches his favour unto us, in accepting us to be his Servants; not where, being initiated, we offer our spiritual sacrifice and service to him. You must understand me here to speak according to the ancient manner of the Church.  
Whereas you seem to question, Whether the jews had any such respect unto the Altar of Burnt-offering: I answer, they had; for it was so placed, that when they turned and worshipped toward the Mercy-seat, they worshipped toward it also; but the denomination of their posture is from the Ark, as the principal memorial of the Divine presence; yet sometimes from the Altar also, as 1 Kings 8. 22, 31. 2 Chron. 6. 12. Vide & 2 Kings 18. 22. cum locis parallelis, 2 Chron. 32. 12. Isai. 36. 7. Also Ecclus. 47. 9 we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, instead of that which is 1 Chron. 16. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But the Altar of Incense better befits our Holy Table than the Altar of Burnt-offering, though it may not untruly be affirmed, if rightly taken, that the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ is to us Christians both Arca foederis, Incensum & Holocaustum, being the commemoration of him who is all these unto us.  
AND thus far I have adventured to discover my thoughts in this nice and doubtful argument, presuming upon the experience I have formerly had of your judgement, freedom and ability of discerning, especially of your affection and good opinion of myself. You may guests my thoughts have not been a stranger to things of this nature. You will admire perhaps they were no hindrance to my Apocalyptical Speculations, and how I could so easily, being possessed with such Tenets, believe the Popedom to be the Beast, and Rome the Whore of Babylon; seeing in the apprehension of the most these things accord not well together.  
But this seeming incompetibility will soon vanish, if you consider that in all my meditations I make the Apostasy of the Visible Church to consist, not in judaism, but in Gentilism; the constant character of the Apocalyptical Allegories warranting and first suggesting this conceit, where namely I observed judaism to bear the Type of the true Church, and Gentilism of the false.  
Secondly, Altiùs hoc animo meo insedit, That the Reformed Churches, out of extreme abomination of Idolatry, have, according to the nature of men, incurred some guilt before God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by taking away the distinction almost generally between things Sacred and Profane, and that they shall one day smart for it. But the prejudices hereabout are so great, that I have little hope to persuade others to my opinion: Yet I could say much for it, and if it be well observed, the present judgements of God upon the Reformation do insinuate some such thing. Let the godly wise consider it. Divine judgements have usually some brand or stamp upon them, which points at the Sin for which they are inflicted: you may call it a Sin-mark. If the passages and ground of the continuance of this Germane War be well considered, would not a man think they spoke that of the Apostle, Thou that hatest Idols, dost thou commit Sacrilege? But I dare go no further; it may be I have said too much already: For I well know, the way that I go pleaseth neither party; the one loves not the Pope should be Antichrist, nor the other to hear that these things should not be Popery.  
Thus you see I have at length brought both ends together, and end where I began. Pardon me this one Letter, and I will trouble you no more with this Theme; your Reply to my short Answer to your Quere occasioned it—  
I forget not my best respect unto yourself, nor my prayers to the Almighty for blessing to you and yours. Thus I rest  
Christ's Coll. july 15. 1635. Your assured Friend, joseph Mede.   

I sent by Mr. B. 4. or 5. Exercises upon passages of Scripture; such as I had in separate papers and fit to be communicated. For those that were in Books joined with other things, I could not; and some that were apart, for some Reasons, I would not expose to danger of censure. I hope those which I sent are safely arrived with you.    

EPISTLE LIX.  
Dr. Twisse's Ninth Letter to Mr. Mede, thanking him for his pains in the foregoing Letter, and desiring his resolution of a Doubt concerning the 7 Lamps signifying the 7 Angels in Zach. 4.  
Right dear and Right worthy Sir,  
I AM somewhat of a more cheerful spirit than when I wrote my 
* Viz. his Letter of july 21. at what time he was very sick. The Letter contains his thanks for the foregoing large Letter, and also for some other Papers Mr. Mede sent, particularly that about the Sabbath and the Lord's Day, (printed now in Book 1, pag. 55.) on which argument he exspatiates in that letter, which need not be printed, there appearing no Answer to it among Mr. Mede's. MSS.  last— I have gotten more liberty of spirit to consider your large Discourse, savouring of great Learning, no less judgement, and a distinctive Apprehension of things of good importance; and that not in my judgement only, but in the judgement of others; though all require serious and further consideration. And for mine own particular, I cannot but reflect upon myself how deeply I am beholden unto you for intrusting me in so liberal a manner with these your Speculations. We can never offend in putting difference between the Holy and Profane; neither can we offend in presenting ourselves too reverently at the Lord's Table. Never was the Mercy-seat so well known in the days of the Old Testament as in these days of the New: We now behold the glory of the Lord with open face; and accordingly our Saviour tells us, the Lord requires the true worshippers should worship him in spirit and in truth, in distinction from worshipping him either at jerusalem or in the Mount the woman spoke of: And in this kind of worship we cannot exceed. But as for outward Gestures, I doubt I shall prove but a Novice as long as I breath; and we affect not to make ostentation of our Devotion in the face of the world, the rather because thereby we draw upon ourselves the censure of Hypocrisy; and sometimes if a man lifts up his Eyes, he is censured for a P. and I confess there is no outward Gesture of Devotion which may not be as handsomely performed by as carnal an heart as breaths. I am confident you are far from studia partium; so should we be all, and be ambitious of nothing but of the love and favour of God, and of our conformity unto him in truth and holiness. I heartily thank you for all, and particularly for these Pieces which now I return. I hope they will arrive safely in your hands.  
What I wrote the last time I have almost utterly forgotten, saving the clearing of one Objection concerning 
* He means Mr. Mede's Discourse on Zach. 4. 10. (printed now in Book 1. pag. 40.) and his Objection was this, Do not the Olive ●r●es by the oil which they drop maintain the Lamps? 〈◊〉 surely they maintain not those Seven Angels, they rather maintain u●.  the Seven Angels standing before the Throne, represented by the Seven Lamps, which I much desired; it arising from the Text itself, the Lamps being maintained by the Oil which drops from the Two Olive-trees, which are interpreted to be Zorobabel and jeshua. But I have troubled you so much, that I fear the aspersion of immodesty in troubling you any further: I cannot sufficiently express my thankfulness for that I have already received. I desire ever to be found  
Newbury, july 27. 1635. Yours in the best respect, Will. Twisse.   

EPISTLE LX.  
Dr. Twisse's Tenth Letter to Mr. Mede, desiring him to reveal unto him those Pluscula in Zach. chapters 9, 10, 11. which fit not so well Zachary's time as Ieremy's; as also to resolve a Doubt about the 7. Lamps in Zach. 4. with some reflections upon Mr. Mede's large Letter about Temples and Altars and the Christian Sacrifice.  

Worthy Sir,  
DO you not miss your 
* See this printed in Book III. pag. 569.  Letter ad Ludovicum de Dieu? And do you not find it strange it is not returned with the rest? I assure you, I took no notice of it till Wednesday last, two days after the last week's Letter I wrote unto you. In every particular it was welcome unto me, as all yours always are. But your 
‖ ●See Book III. pag. 571. and Book IU. pag. 786.  Variae lectiones concerning the Old Testament, and the pregnant evidences thereof which you allege, do astonish me; and above all, 
‖ ●See Book III. pag. 571. and Book IU. pag. 786.  your adventure to vindicate unto jeremy his own Prophecy, which so long hath gone under the name of Zachary. I never was acquainted with any better way of reconciliation than that which Beza mentions, of the likeness of abbreviations of each name, which might cause a mistake by the Transcribers. O that you would reveal unto me those Pluscula, which in those three Chapters of Zachary 9, 10, 11. do more agree (as you observe) to the time of jeremy than to the time of Zachary! Why may you not have a peculiar way also to reconcile the Genealogy in the LXX with that in the Hebrew, where Kainan is found in the one, which is not in the other? Thus I make bold to put you to new trouble; but I presume it is no more trouble to you than the writing; like as that other whereabout I moved you, How the Seven Lamps are maintained by the oil derived from the two Olive-Trees, if by the Seven Lamps are meant the Seven Angels that stand before the Throne of God.  
Yet have I not done with your large Letter concerning Temples and Altars. Since the writing of my last, while I was reading that large Letter of yours to some Divines, who were much taken with admiration at the Learning contained therein in an Argument wherein we had been so little versed, I say in the reading of it, I observed one thing which in all my former readings I took no notice of, and that is in these words; This is a point of great moment and consequent, worthy to be looked into by all the Learned of the Reformed Religion, lest while we have deservedly abolished the prodigious and blasphemous Sacrifice of the Papists, wherein Christ is again hypostatically offered to his Father, we have not (but very implicitly and obscurely) reduced that ancient Commemorative Sacrifice of Christians, wherein that one Sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross was continually by that sacred Rite represented and inculcated to his Father; his Father put in mind thereof by those monuments set before him, wherein we testified our own mindfulness thereof to his sacred Majesty, that so he would for his sake, according to the Tenor of the New Covenant in his Blood, be favourable and propitious to us miserable sinners. In which words, upon better and more serious consideration, I observe you acknowledge, 1. A Commemorative Sacrifice of Christians continually performed in ancient times. 2. This hath been miserably corrupted by the Papists, and transformed by the Papists into that Service which is called their Mass in distinction from their Matins. 3. That Protestants have justly abolished this prodigious and blasphemous Sacrifice of theirs. 4. But they have not done well, in that they have not reduced that ancient Commemorative Sacrifice of Christians, save implicitly and obscurely.  
Now in two things I am to seek for the understanding of your meaning. 1. How we have reduced it in that implicit and obscure manner you speak of. 2. How you would have it reduced in conformity to the Ancients, and wherein this Conformity doth consist. I remember what you alleged out of Clemens, of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were to be performed in times prescribed by Analogy to the courses of Devotion commanded in the Old Testament. Now this I guess you deliver not so much in respect unto the Sabbath-Service, as unto the daily Sacrifice of a Lamb every morning. I imagine you would have the celebration of that Service which we call the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper to be daily; but I presume not in a private manner, but in the way of a Communion: but unless it be twice a-day, it is not congruous to the daily Sacrifice which was of a Lamb every evening, as of a Lamb every morning. And then again I find amongst the Ancients no small difference: For a time it was celebrated in the evening only, at least in some places, and that with some difference: for some celebrated it after they had eaten; some fasted all the day before, that they might come j●juni thereunto. Now I would hear your judgement both of the practice of the Ancients in this particular, wherewith I am not so well acquainted. Our Saviour saith, Do this in remembrance of me: this prescribes nothing concerning the frequency of it. S. Paul adds, This do, as oft as ye drink it, in remembrance of me: Where also we find no certain time prescribed. Act. 2. 42. We read that they continued in the Apostles doctrine and fellowship, and breaking of bread, and prayers: here likewise is no signification that this breaking of bread (which I understand of the celebration of that Sacrament) was performed daily. And whereas vers. 46. it is said, that they continued daily with one accord in the Temple, and breaking bread at home did eat their meat with gladness and singleness of heart; I have conceived it to be spoken of refreshing natural, not Sacramental and Spiritual. And Act. 20. 7. their meetings for breaking of bread seem to have been restrained to the First day of the week, that being the day of their assembling themselves, as it seems by 1 Cor. 16. 2. And justin Martyr makes relation of their Christian meetings when the Sunday comes. 2. I would gladly know how far you think fit that custom of the Ancients you speak of (whatsoever it be) should be reduced, and that clearly, not implicitly and obscurely. For I assure you, I am much to seek in the meaning of this; yet I have read in some sort Mornay upon the Mass, and Bishop Morton too, and somewhat in Baronius concerning this. And I am in doubt whether the Papists themselves, were it not for their Doctrine of Transubstantiation, would not be as much to seek herein as we are.  
That which you touch concerning the Germane War, and the Causes of it, and the Sin-mark, I willingly profess doth make me melancholic; for I cannot but sympathise with them— Yet although, as I understood when I was in the Palatinate, none was more free from such Sacrilegious courses than the Palatine, not only Bishoprics but even Monasteries continuing there of his Ancestors foundation; yet have they suffered as much as any, both first and last, if not much more.  
In the close of that large Letter of yours you signify that you reserve one thing, lest it might undergo censure; which otherwise you would communicate. Good Sir, you have no cause to distrust my censure. I hear by Mr. B. it is concerning Cornelius, whom you take to have been no Proselyte in any degree; the contrary whereunto supposed in our Divinity-Schools was one of the first things I was acquainted with upon my coming to Oxford; and since I find confessed by Schindler on the root 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the interpretation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Yet I pray let me see your Discourse thereon, and let me know how you salve it; for I am confident you are no Arminian. The Text acknowledgeth him to be not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and one of good report amongst all the jews; and Act. 11. they that opposed Peter's going to him and his are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I heartily desire to know the most and worst that can be said against any Tenet of mine. I shall be no loser by Truth; & Veritas magna est, & praevalebit against all opposition: For that is from God; Error and Falsehood is from the Creature. You may see by this I make you a great, if not the greatest, part of my study; especially considering my infirmity at this time, which requires I should rather be lying upon my Bed than either going or sitting up. Your Answer to these particulars, Zachary in two places, the Prophecy of the 
* Concerning the 7 Lamps.  fourth Chapter, and that other of the 9, 10, 11. The sight of Cornelius, and your explicating the Practice of the ancient Churches in their continual celebrating of that Commemorative Sacrifice, in distinction from that which we do implicitly and obscurely, will be a great refreshing to my spirit, and consequently may prove some ease to my bodily infirmity also. And I hope I shall trouble you no more, unless it be to excite you to go on upon the Revelation. The Lord give a blessing to all your studies, and in good time perfect them to the consolation of his Church in these sorrowful days of Christendom.  
Newbury, 3. Aug. 1635. Your loving friend in the surest bond, W. Twisse.   

Postscript.  
It is time to return that of yours ad Ludou. de Dieu, which herewith I do. Mr. B. knows him well, and he desires to be heartily remembered unto you, with many thanks for your kind and free entertainment of him.    

EPISTLE LXI.  
Mr. Mede's Answer about the seven Lamps in the Temple, signifying the seven Archangels; as also about the Pluscula in Zach. 9 10, 11. with an intimation of his purpose to perfect his Discourse on Dan. 12. 11, 12.  

THE seven-lamped Candlestick in the Temple before the Veil signified the 
* See the Discourse about the seven Archangels in Book I. pag. 41.  seven Archangels which stand before the presence of God.  
That in Zachary was but a Vision of that, and chosen there to represent (Synecdochicè) the Throne of God's Majesty, the Temple ●nd his Service therein. The two Olive-branches on each side ministering after an unseen and unusual manner Oil unto those Lamps, figured Zorobabel and jeshua, the Prince and High Priest, by whom this Throne of presence had and should be first and last re-erected, and together with the service thereat continued and fully established: But this not by armed might and power, but by the secret way of God's Spirit and Providence working with them, and giving success more than credible to their endeavours; even as these Lamps in the Vision were supplied with Oil from the two Olive-branches, not according to the wont, but an extraordinary and imperceptible way.  
The supplying therefore of Oil to the Lamps from the two Olive-branches hath no respect or reference to the seven Angels which the Lamps signified, but to the Place pitched for God's presence and service, which the Candlestick in this Vision stood to represent, and so was accordingly accommodated, as the scope of the Vision required; or more briefly thus, The Olive-branches had reference to what the Candlestick stood for in this Vision, not to what it immediately signified in the Temple.  
'Tis one thing to set up, maintain, and continue the Type and Symbol which represents; another, the thing thereby represented. Zerubbabel and jeshua did the one, but not the other; namely, no more than the Priests in their courses in the Temple were wont to do, who were to renew the Lamps every day morning and evening.  
Besides, in Types and Parables non oportet quidlibet in significationem trahi, because some circumstances may be of decorum, and some of necessity. But  
Lastly, If none of these ways be sufficient to discharge this rub by declining it; then say that Zerubbabel and jeshua in this Vision, in that work of building the Temple of the Lord and of bringing the people out of captivity, were intended for Types of Christ, according to his twofold Office of Kingdom and Priesthood; from whom, when he should be exalted to the Throne of Divine Majesty and sit at the right hand of God, the seven Archangels were to receive their instructions and commissions (i. e. the Oil wherewith they burn) as from the Head of the Church; and therefore in the Apocalypse are made to be the Eyes and Horns of the 
* And what if he be the St●ne with the seven eyes in Zach. 3. ●. Dedi coram josualapidem, i. e. dedi ei in successorem Pontificatûs. R●gem Pontific●m? For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in Scripture a King, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as appears by Gen. 49. 24. (where josua is firstly meant, and Ephraim challenged much from the Prophecy, as appears by their ambition) and by Esa. 28. 16. where the Chaldee for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but in Genesis they translate to another sense, out of envy to Ephraim.  Lamb, that is, Ministers and Instruments of his jurisdiction, both to see and execute; and that this was mystically implied in this Vision of Zachary. For that these two were Types of Christ, it appears; of jeshua in chap. 3. of this Prophecy, ver. 8, 9 and chap. 6. ver. 11, 12, etc. Of Zerubbabel, (if not by this Vision, yet) by the last of Haggai in the very end; besides that our Saviour descended from his loins.  Concerning the ninth, tenth and eleventh Chapters of Zachary, and what therein befits not so well his time as jeremy's. 
You press me here to discover my fancy. For the allegations will not be convictive, though of force to incline him who out of that citation in the 
* Mat. 27. 9 10  Gospel can be pliable to think those Prophecies jeremy's. For Zachary's no Scripture saith they are, though they are inserted into his volumes. But this proves them no more to be his, than the like doth Agur's Proverbs to be Solomon's, or all the Psalms in the Psalm-Book to be David's. For as for the Titles in the tops of every page, it matters not: it is a later device. The jews wrote in Rolls or Volumes, and the Title was but once. If aught were added to the Roll, ob similitudinem argumenti or for some other reason, it had a new Title, as that of Agur; or perhaps sometimes none, but was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Well then, that which I fancy or conceive is.  

1. That those Prophecies against Damascus and the Philistines, chap. 9 would better befit jeremy's time, of their destruction by Nabuchadnezzar, than (if of Zachary's time) by Alexander. See the Prophecy against Damascus, jer. 49. 23. against the Philistines, chap. 47. 2. and Ezek. 25. 15. For where do we find Damascus destroyed from zachary's to our Saviour's time? For to come under the hands of new Masters, or suffer some direption or pillaging, doth not seem to satisfy the intent of the Prophecy. And for the Philistines, though it be true that Alexander destroyed Gaza, (because it held out long against him, and he was wounded there) yet it appears not that any such desolation befell Askelon whereby it should not be inhabited, or Ashdod; nor should they seem in zachary's time to have so well recovered that Clades by Nabuchadnezzar, as to be a subject ripe for a new Prophecy to that purpose.  
2. That of Tyre in the third verse of that chapter, That she had built herself a strong hold, and heaped up silver as the dust, and fine gold as the mire of the streets, I doubt whether it so well befits her that had so lately been destroyed by Nabuchadnezzar. Sure not so well as it would the time of jeremy. See Ezekiel's Prophecies thereabout, chap. 26, 27, 28. Sed transeat.  
3. That which moves me more than the rest is in chap. 11. (whence that in the Gospel is quoted) which contains a Prophecy of the destruction of jerusalem, and a description of the wickedness of the Inhabitants, for which God would give them to the sword, and have no more pity upon them. It is expounded of the destruction by Titus; but methinks such a Prophecy was nothing seasonable for zachary's time, (when the City yet, for a great part, lay in her ruins, and the Temple had not yet recovered hers) nor agreeable to the scope of zachary's Commission, who together with his colleague ●aggai was sent to encourage the people lately returned from Captivity, to build their Temple and instaurate their Commonwealth. Was this a fit time to foretell the destruction of both, whiles they were but yet a building? and by Zachary too, who was to encourage them? would not this better befit the desolation by Nabuchadnezzar?   
I confess I am not so well skilled as to interpret the particulars thereof, supposing they be of that time. But you see now what those Pluscula are I fancy not so well to fit zachary's time as Ieremy's. Valeant quantum valere possint.  
'Tis certain that jeremy's Prophecies are digested in no order, but only as it seems they came to light in the Scribe's hands. Hence sometimes all is ended with Zedekiah; then we are brought back to jehojakim, then to Zedekiah again, etc. Whereby it seems they came not to light to be enroled secundùm ordinem temporis, nor all together, but as it happened in so distracted a time. And why might not some not be found till the return from Captivity, and be approved by Zachary, and so put to his Volume according to the time of their finding and approbation by him, and after that some other Prophecies yet added of his?  
IF you had not put me out by your last Letter, (which I received on Friday Aug. 7.) I was looking into an old Notion concerning our old business of Antichrist; a Notion which I had long laid aside, 
The Discourse upon this Notion was soon after finished by him, as appears by the following Epistle. See the Discourse itself in Book III. pag. 717.  but upon a late occasion began to take some new liking thereunto, seeing some good use thereof: namely, That the Prophecy of Antichrist, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein he was to reign, should not be understood till many hundreds of years after Christ, but remain sealed till the time appointed, viz. ad seculum usque duodecimum. All this by express prophecy; and that therefore the Authority of the Fathers and their opinion concerning this point is of no validity, howsoever it be now come of late among ourselves to be a main Objection, That the Pope is not Herald  
But now I must defer it to more leisure, some other business coming upon me, and I being unfit for above one thing at once.  
There was something I wrote to you once about the 
* See Epistle XLIII.  proof of the Resurrection out of Moses, and that Demonstration of our Saviour in the Gospel; which I never perceived you found leisure hitherto seriously to examine and consider of: yet may it have something considerable.  
Thus desiring Almighty God to fill you with all benediction, with my best respect I take my leave, and am  
Christ's Coll. August 12. 1635. Yours, joseph Mede.   

Postscript.  
My Sizer being not yet come with a candle, I will transcribe a passage of Eusebius, concerning the Christian Sacrifice, in his De landibus Constantini. He is magnifying the unparallelled power of our Saviour testified by the wonderful change he had then wrought in the world; to which purpose with other passages he hath this:  
Quis alius, solo nostro Servatore excepto, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  coepulonibus suis inornenta & rationalia Sacrificia, precibus & arcanâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 peragenda, tradidit? quorum causâ tum 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Altaria in toto terrarum orbe constituta, tum Ecclesiarum 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  dedicationes factae. Solique omnium moderatori Deo divina Sacrificiorum solâ ment & ratione obcundorum ministeria ab omnibus gentibus exhibita: Sacrificia verò sanguine, cruore & fumo peragi solita, vi quadam occultâ & invisibili deleta & extincta sunt.    

EPISTLE LXII.  
Dr. Twisse's Eleventh Letter to Mr. Mede, signifying his high esteem of Mr. Mede's Discourse De Numeris Danielis, Chap. 12. 11, 12.  
Right dear and my right worthy Friend,  
THis day a little before dinner came your 
* In this Letter of Mr. Mede'● was enclosed ● his Latina Discourse De Numeris Dan. or Revelations Antichristi, which he promised to finish, in the foregoing Letter.  Letter unto me. I have been of late extremely melancholic; your Letters inspire cheerfulness into me— How am I beholden unto you for communicating unto me your Treasures, which I esteem beyond the Treasures of the Queen of Sheba! You have heretofore blessed me with the Mysteries of 
a See Epistle 41. and Apostasy of the latter times, ch. 16, 17  Dan. 11. now with the Mysteries of Dan. 12. vers. 11, 12. The bare discovery of others Errors I should esteem a jewel, and a preservative from engaging ourselves in erroneous ways, which is worst of all. Better a great deal to content a man's self with Ignorance, so to keep himself entire for the embracing of Truth, when the time of its nativity is come. But you go farther, and from the Text itself discover whereto those 
b viz. 1290 and 1335 in Dan, 12.  Numbers tend, namely, for the discovery of Antichrist; which gives me wondrous content: and all this you crown with admirable accommodation to the Event— What a gracious God do we serve, that hath so well provided for us in these times and for our consolation so many hundred years ago; and as he hath reserved us for these times of light, so raiseth up some to open these Oracles unto us? What should man be the better for that sweet Dew, Hony I mean, if the Lord had not provided such a Creature as the Bee by natural instinct to seek after it, and gather it for the use of others as well as for themselves?— I protest unto you, if I should lie in prison all days of my life, next unto the consolations of God's spirit your Writings would most refresh me: They do always dispel melancholy. I desire no better Preferment than you can perform, and that is to be preferred to acquaintance with your Rarities. I make bold to keep your Discourse till the next week, for I cannot let it pass from me without copying it out. I commend me to your Love, as one of them I hold most dear, and shall ever from my heart desire that God will prosper your courses and studies, and recompense you with himself, to be your Buckler and exceeding great Reward— I rest  
Newbury, Octob. 12. 1635. Yours ever in the surest bond, Will. Twisse:   

EPISTLE LXIII.  
Mr. Estwick's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the Millennium.  
SIR,  
TOuching the Opinion of the Millenaries, it was not yet my hap to light of a Book to inform me: You shall find me to be a teachable Scholar: only this Mora Resurrectionis seems to be confuted in divers places of the Scripture, where it is said, The dead shall be raised at the sound of the last Trump; All they that are Christ's, at his coming, (1 Cor. 15. 23.) in a moment, vers. 52. and the coming of the Son of man. See Matt. 24. 39 and, excepting one place, I think the Resurrection is said to be of good and bad together. How these and the like Scriptures are to be expounded agreeably to the doctrine of the Millenaries I would willingly know.  
Warkton, Nou. 4. Yours ever, N. Estwick.   

EPISTLE LXIV.  
Mr. Mede's 
This Letter of Mr. Mede's is in answer to some other Letter of Mr. E. not to the foregoing Letter, the Answer to which is not yet come to our hands. T●● to the like Doubis propounded by others, what Mr. Mede answered may be seen in his Epistola ad Amicum, Book III. page ●71. and in Book IV. Epistle 22. and Epistle 66. Sect. 6.  Letter to Mr. Estwick, vindicating Lactantius about the Millennium, and proving Cyprian to be for the same Opinion; with some reflections upon Ierom's want of Candour and Faithfulness in relating the opinion of his adversaries.  
Mr. Estwick,  
YOU would bring me to express myself de modo, before you were persuaded de re. But soft you there, I like not that Method.  
S. jerom is a man of no faith with me, when he describes the opinion of his Adversary: which whatsoever it were, he would set it forth as odiously as possible could be. He was a man that cared not what he said, so it might disparage his Adversary: This appears sufficiently in the cases of Vigilantius and jovinian. Yea but he lived at the same time. Answ. So do we with those we differ from, and yet we see the experience daily, that scarce any one will relate the opinion of his Adversary candidly.  
Yea but I cannot deny that Lactantius was for ciborum abundantia, gulaeque ac ventris ingluvies, & ea quae sub ventre sunt. But what if I can? The words of Lactantius are only these, Lib. 7. cap. 24. Tunc, inquit, qui crunt in corporibus vivi (he speaks of those who shall be living at Christ's Second coming) non morientur, sed per eosdem mille annos infinitam multitudinem generabunt, & erit soboles eorum sancta & Deo chara. Qui autem ad inferis suscitabuntur, (that is, those who shall rise from the dead Resurrectione primâ) two praeerunt viventibus tanquam judices. You see he puts a difference between those who shall be then living and those who shall rise from the dead. The last shall live vitam coelestem & Angelicam, even on earth, without marrying or giving in marriage; but not the first. He says indeed the one shall generare; but of the other only, that praeerunt viventibus tanquam judices; and presently in the words following describes that Regnum to be the Mille anni coelestis Imperii in quo justitia in orbe regnabit. But of gormundizing, ingluvies & gula, I find no word, unless you think it must needs follow upon the taking away the curse of the creature, and the restitution thereof to the perfection it lost through man's sin. For Lactantius means no more, but that such as then lived should live the life that Adam should have done in Paradise, had he not sinned: but those that should then rise from the dead should live in a far more Heavenly and Angelical condition, even the life of the Blessed Spirits in Heaven. But S. jerom is wont to relate the opinion, as if those who rose again should generare, and give themselves to feasting and gormundising.  
Besides, you say S. Austin intimates that some held some such carnal Beatitude. I answer; So he intimates that some did not, and that himself was once of that opinion, and that to hold so was tolerable; Quae opinio esset utcunque tolerabilis, si aliquae deliciae spiritales in illo Sabbato affuturae Sanctis per Domini (i. Christi) praesentiam crederentur. Nam nos etiam hoc opinati fuimus aliquando. De Civit. Dei, Lib. 20. c. 7.  
But where can I show Cyprian to be a Chiliast? You see it is tedious to answer a Question in writing, which may be asked in a few words. Yet I will say something: I say therefore, he shows himself plainly a Chiliast (to such as know the mystery of that Opinion) Lib. de Exhortatione Martyrii. In the Preface whereof he speaks thus; Desiderâsti, Fortunate charissime, ut quoniam persecutionum & pressurarum pondus incumbit, & in fine atque consummatione mundi Antichristi tempus infestum appropinquare nunc coepit, ad praeparandas & coroborandas Fratrum mentes de divinis Scripturis hortamenta componerem, quibus milites Christi ad coeleste & spiritale certamen animarem— paulò pòst— Sex millia annorum jam penè complentur— Si imperatum invenerit Diabolus militem Christi, etc.  
But he that, as you see, expected the coming of Antichrist should be at the end of the sixth thousand year, which he supposed then near at hand, yet thought the world should last 7000. viz. a thousand years after the destruction of Antichrist, ut patet ex iis quae disserit cap. 11. in these words, Quid verò in Maccabaeis septem fratres & natalium pariter & virtutum sorte consimiles, Septenarium numerum perfectae consummationis implentes? Sic Septem fratres in Martyrio cohaerentes, ut primi in dispositione divina Septem dies, annorum Septem millia continentes— ut consummatio legitima compleatur, etc. This to him that knows Chiliasm is plain Chiliasm. Look and compare your Austin, cap. 7. lib. 20. de Civit. Dei, from those words, Qui propter haec hujus Libri verba primam Resurrectionem, etc. Compare also what C●prian hath in the end of that Book out of the Gospel, Mark 10. 29, 30. and Apocalyps 20. and you will acknowledge him to be (as he was wont to profess himself) Tertulliani Discipulum.  
But I must not follow you too far in this kind of answering: 'tis tedious. I send you some more Papers, and so with my love, I rest  
Christ's College, Novemb. 16. Yours, jos. Mede.   

EPISTLE LXV.  
Dr. Twisse's Twelfth Letter to Mr. Mede, containing Seven Quaere's, relating partly to jewish and Christian Antiquities, and partly to some difficult places of Scripture.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Have been a stranger from you too long; I come now to renew my acquaintance. I presume you are acquainted with Dr. Heylin's Book of the History of the Sabbath. Do you know the Author whom he opposeth about the Precepts of Noah, for making the Commandment of the Sabbath one of them, though he name him not? Yet the question is not whether it be one of them, but whether not comprehended under one of them. But he allegeth Rambam to the contrary out of Ainsworth. I have read enough in Cocceius to discredit Rambam, and I pray let me know whether Aben Ezra upon Exod. 20. on those words [the stranger within thy gates] doth not maintain that it was one of them, coupling it with that of 
* 2 of the 7 Precepts of Noah. See Book I. page 19  Nakedness and Shedding of Blood. And though you doubted whether Solomon jarchi on Gen. 26. 5. did deliver that which he doth of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two of them as out of his own opinion: yet Dr. Heylin confesseth that Abulensis and Mercerus testify that the Rabbins upon that place are opinion that Abram kept the Sabbath.  
I pray, what think you both of his and Dr. White's opinion concerning Synagogues, that the jews had none before the Captivity, and their Inference thereupon, That the Sabbath was nowhere observed (save in the Temple) by any public congregation but only in private? Dr. Andrews was of another opinion, as hath been showed me in some Notes of his; and his ground in my judgement is fair, Levit. 23. 3. The Seventh day is a Sabbath of rest, an holy Convocation— it is the Sabbath of the Lord in all your dwellings. The holy Convocation here mentioned seems to be in reference to all their dwellings: whereas the other Feasts and holy Convocations belonging thereto were to be celebrated at jerusalem. But I have not yet consulted any Rabbins about this.  
Then, I pray, What think you of Dr. Heylin saying, That Evening-prayer on the Lord's-day is but a late invention? Yet I find it in the jewish Synagogue and Nocturnae after Vespertinae; like as I find the like in one of Austin's Epistles de Tempore: and in Cassian it appears that the Sabbath-Solemnity was not ended until the time of their Evening-repast corporal—  
Doth your plough stand still in the Revelation and such like passages of a mysterious nature? I hope it doth not.  
Is not that Matth. 25. spoken of the last period of the Day of judgement? It seems it is; for the Resurrection is general both of Sheep and Goats; yet to the Sheep it is said, Receive the Kingdom, Shall they receive a Kingdom when Christ resigns his unto his Father? and in Heaven it seems there are none for them to reign over. Or is it a Figure of speech, representing the glory of that State when God becomes all in all, by the greatest glory that we are acquainted with, which is the glory of a Kingdom?  
I pray, what think you of that in Esa. 66. 23. From Sabbath to Sabbath shall all flesh come to worship before me? Shall not the Observation of our Christian Sabbath continue, after Christ's coming with his Saints, amongst the Nations that are saved from that Deluge of fire (though it be Irenaeus his phrase, yet I learned it from you) wherewith the Earth and all the works thereof shall be burnt up? And if it be urged that by the same reason the Festivities of the New-moons shall have their place in Christ●s Kingdom as well as Sabbaths, and by consequence the Ceremonies of the jews be restored: I answer, it followeth not; the words may be rendered, From month to month, as the Geneva doth. If we read it, From New-moon, etc. with our last English, yet it is not necessary to understand it of any peculiar Festivity denoted thereby, least of all jewish. And we Christians in Cathedrals, Colleges and great Towns have our Monthly Communions all the year over.  
And seeing I am upon it, what think you of Matth. 24. 20. Pray that your flight be not in the Winter nor on the Sabbath-day? We know Dr. Andrews B. of Winchester as well as Mr. Dod apply it to our Christian Sabbath: And to my judgement it is a strange fiction to apply it to unconverted jews, that our Saviour should stir them up to pray, who scorned the Gospel whereby alone we come acquainted with such an Admonition, and certainly scorned Christ's Instructions: and how can we think that God would hear the prayers of such? and was it fit that our Saviour should lay such a ground for the countenancing of their prayers, yea and their jewish Sabbath too?  
And now truly, Sir, there is no Book that I desire to study more than yourself. I have found great freeness and acceptance with you hitherto, I hope I shall do so still. I heartily desire God's blessing upon your person and studies, as upon myself and mine. I shall ever rest  
Newbury, April 5. 1636. Yours in my best respects exceedingly obliged, Will. Twisse.   

EPISTLE LXVI.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's 7 Quaere's, viz. about the antiquity of Synagogues among jews the and of Evensong in the Christian Church, as also about the meaning of some difficult places of Scripture, viz. Matth. 24. 20. Matth. 25. 31, etc. Isa. 66. 23, etc.  
SIR,  
I Turned over the leaves both of the Bishop's and D. Heylin's Book, when they came newly out, that I might see their Principles and the way they went: further I am not acquainted with them; because I took no pleasure neither in their Conclusions nor their Grounds, which, if they be urged, would overthrow a great deal more than they are aware of.  

1. If there be any such Author the Dr. opposeth for affirming the Sabbath to have been comprehended under one of the 7 Commandments of the Sons of Noah, I suppose it is Godwyn in his Moses and ●aron, Lib. 1. cap. 3.  
2. That of Aben Ezra upon Exod. 20. 10. seems to me to be very evident for that Opinion. For though it be as much as I can do to understand a piece of Rabbinism, yet methinks this passage, if it be translated, will sound thus; Ecce non dubium est quin dictio [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tutor] comprehend 〈◊〉 unumquemque qui est silius praecepti. Ideirco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Filius tuus & Filia tua sunt parvidi quorum requies est super te, tibique incumbit officium custodiendi eos, ne quicquamfaciant quod tibi vetitum sit. Similiter de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Servo tuo & Ancillâ tuâ; quoniam in pot● state tua est, tui est officii custodire eum, neque sinere eum ut serviat alteri. Sin minùs, tu transgredieris praeceptum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Non facies; quòd eo spectat ut quiescat Servus tuus & Ancilla tua perinde ut tu ipse; sunt exposult Moses Dominus noster viâ quam commemoravi. 
It may be confirmed out of the Acts, where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who were of the order of those Prosehtes of the Gate, are found to frequent the Synagogues diligently every Sabbath-day, as the jews did Acts ●3. vers. 14, 42, 43. & ch. 17. vers. 1, 4, 17. & ch. 16. 13, 14. & ch. 18. 4.  Et secundùm hunc Doctorem vovebii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peregrinus qui est intra portas tuas, quod non facturus sit opus in Die Sabbati neque in Die Expiationum. Propterea scriptum est secundò Peregrinus. Similiter atque de praecepto Nuditatis, cum secundùm hunc Doctorem vovebit quòd custoditurus sit praeceptum Nuditatis; eodémque modo de Comestione sanguinis. This Dominus Moses he here citys, I take to be Rabbi Moses Haddarschan, who lived an hundred years before him, and was Master to R. Solomon jarchi. Maimonides, whom Ainsworth citys for the contrary opinion, and Aben Ezra, were both of an age and contemporaries.  

3. For Synagogues, I am inclined to believe they were before the Captivity, and not first taken up there, as the more common opinion is. But how to evict it against him that shall obstinately maintain the contrary, I confess I know not. That in Act. 15. 21. [Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath in every City them that preach him, being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath-day] will not reach so far; yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is more than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If I should allege that of Psal 74. 8. They have burnt up all the Synagogues of God in the land; they would say as junius doth, that this Psalm was composed under the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes: and indeed that which follows [We see not our signs, there is no more any Prophet, neither any among us that knoweth how long] may seem to argue it cannot be meant of that vastation by Nabuchadnezzar; for then there were both Prophets, and those that knew how long. But if this be granted, there will arise another difficulty, viz. That either this Psalm is no Canonical Scripture, or That some part of the Canonical Scripture was written long after Malachy, when there was no Prophet and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had ceased. And if this, why not the first Book of Maccabees? There remains but yours Leu. 23. 3. which to me hath appearance of probability; but he that were refractory would pick some hole or other, either in the word translated [Convocation] or in [dwellings,] especially in the first. See Vulgat. and LXX.  
But did not the Levites (shall we think) teach the people out of jerusalem in the places abroad where they dwelled? And did not the people use to resort to such as could teach them, on Sabbath-days and New-moons? What doth that of the Shunamite argue else, 2 Kings 4. 23? where her husband saith unto her, Wherefore wilt thou go to him (the man of God) to day? It is neither New-moon, nor Sabbath. If this; had they not some place where to resort and assemble?  
Besides; were there not then Colleges of Prophets and Prophets Sons in Israel? In the same 
* 2 Kings, c. 4.  chapter we shall find they had, and an hundred men in a place, vers. 43. and in chap. 6. initio, that they had Houses where they lived together. Did not the Israelites erect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Houses of false worship too may? Could they think of building Places to transgress God's commandment in, and never of Places wherein to be instructed in his Law? But the Scripture is silent. I answer, If the silence of Scripture be an argument sufficient to conclude against matter of Fact in the times preceding, for the use whereof we have testimony enough in the times following, without any express intimation of Novelty; then must we not think that the jews paid Tithes from Ioshua's time to Hezekiah's, (for there is no tittle intimating they did) nor that ever they kept the year of jubilee; for where is it mentioned they did? and so of other the like.   

4. For Evensong public in the Church, there is very little to be produced out of the Monuments remaining of those First Ages. That the Monks used it in their Monasteries, it is granted, because affirmed that it was from their example derived into the Church. That in their private Devotions devout Christians observed the ninth hour as well as the first, third and sixth, in those elder times, may be proved out of Tertullian de jejunio cap. 10. and S. Cyprian de Oratione Dominica. But for Vespers in ortu Ecclesiae, neither of them mentions them. Yet Tertullian in his Apology, together with Pliny ad Trajanum, hath antelucani coetus; and in his Lib. 2. ad Vxorem, cap. 4. Nocturnae convocationes: But as those seem not to have been properly those we call Matins, so neither these our Vespertinae. And in this inquisition notice is to be taken, that both Matins and Evensong were distinct from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or solemn address of the Church to God in the holy Eucharist, which they termed Sacrificium Christianum. Well, the most ancient Testimony to be found of Vespertinae in coetu Ecclesiae is with the Author of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which, though it be an Apocryphal writing and of a false inscription, yet is the most ancient Record of Ecclesiastical Antiquity, by way of purposed Collection, that is at this day extant, and not younger than 200 years after Christ at the most. The Author, whosoever he were, seeming to have gathered this Rhapsody out of the Customs and Ceremonies he found then in use in the Churches founded by the Apostles; and supposing them to have been derived from their institution, accordingly fathered them upon them; and where there was any singularity or difference, brings in that Apostle, whose Church he found it in, as speaking in Council, &c, It is put by Eusebius, in his Catalogue of Sacred Books, amongst the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and is often quoted by Epiphanius by the name we give it.  
In this Rhapsody, Lib. 8. cap. 35. is not only mention, but the Form of Evening Prayer, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tuns sequitur orandi forma.  with the solemn dismissing (at the beginning thereof) of the Catechumeni, etc. as at the Eucharist, ascribed to james the Brother of our Lord in particular. Whence it may seem, according to my former supposition, not to have been common at first to all Churches, but peculiar to that 
* Out of conformation to the times of Worship and Prayer in the jewish Church, whose custom and practice herein gave opportunity and freedom at the beginning to exercise the like in the Christian there residing; yea even sometimes in the chambers of the Temple itself, which were wont to be taken up by Fraternities and Companies coming thither to worship. But this could not be so regularly observed among the Gentiles without much difficulty and danger. Consider Acts 2. 46. with Acts 3. 1. & Ch. 4. 3. For the ninth hour answers our Evening-prayer, and then began the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the jews.  of jerusalem, whereof this james was the first Bishop; whence also the Liturgy of that Church (though the greatest part thereof (as now it is) were afterward at several times added) bears the name of S. james his Liturgy.  
The next Testimony for antiquity is that of the Council of Laodicea, (which, if Baronius his arguments be good, was before the first Council of Nice,) the 17. and 18. Canons whereof are, Quòd non oportet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psalmos contexere, sed interjecto inter unumquemque Psalmum spatio Lectionem fieri: The next, Idem ministerium Precum semper & in nonis & vesperis fieri debere; Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Though I cite both Canons, yet I suppose not the latter to have reference to the former, (for what had the Evening to do with the Synaxis?) but the meaning to be, that one and the same Form of Prayer should be used both at the ninth hour and at the Vespers.   
5. Concerning that in Matth. 24. Pray that your flight be not in the Winter, nor on the Sabbath-day, I conceive thus; That the believing and Christian jews, even the Apostles themselves, were to observe the Rites and Ordinances of Moses (and consequently that of the Sabbath together with the Lord's-day) until their Temple and Polity founded and constituted by God himself should be actually and fully dissolved. And do we not find they did so? yea even S. Paul himself, who was so great a Vindex of the liberty of the believing Gentiles, that they should be tied no farther than the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Proselytes of the Gate were. Therefore Acts 21. it is accounted a slander or calumny which was reported of S. Paul, that he should teach the jews which were among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, and that they ought not to circumcise their children nor walk after the customs. For neither he nor any other of the Apostles taught that the jews should do so, either abroad among the Gentiles, or at home in judaea. For the Gentiles indeed they did, and S. Paul (whose charge they were) more zealously than the rest, that they should have no such imposed upon them, according to the decree of the S●nod, Acts 15. Consider it with that Story Acts 21. à vers. 20. & deinceps. This therefore being to be the condition of the believing jews when their City should be compassed with an Army by Cestius Gallus, (at which time they were admonished to flee (to save themselves) with all speed into the mountains of Petraea, as soon as Cestius by withdrawing a little his Army should give them that liberty) our Saviour saith here, Pray that your flight be not on the Sabbath-day. For he speaks not of any flight to be when the City should be taken, or when it should be once besieged by Titus; for both would be too late; but of a warning beleaguering to precede it.  

6. Concerning that in Matth. 25. 
This Sixth Section containing T●e description of the great judgement accorded with Apocal. 20. was in the former edition of Mr. Mede's Epistles printed at the end of his First Letter to Dr. Meddus.  when our Blessed Saviour shall sit upon his Throne of Royalty to judge the world; I conceive a Figure to be in that expression of placing the Sheep on his right hand and the Goats on the left, borrowed from the custom of the jews in their Tribunals, to place such as were to be absolved on the right hand, where stood the Scribe who took the Votes for Absolution; and those who were to receive the sentence of Condemnation, on the left hand, where stood the Scribe which took the Votes for Condemnation. Such a custom of theirs Drusius in his Notes upon that place observes out of Moses de Kotsi. That therefore nothing else is meant thereby, but that our Saviour should distinguish the world of men into two Orders; one of such as should receive the Sentence of bliss and Absolution, the other of such as should receive the Sentence of Condemnation. That he should first pronounce the Sentence of Absolution upon such as are to be absolved; and that once finished, then to pronounce the Sentence of Condemnation upon such as are to be condemned.  
Now I suppose the Sentence of Absolution shall continue all the time of the First Resurrection, that is, all the Thousand years long; that, that once ended and finished, (and not before) he shall then proceed to pronounce the Sentence of Condemnation upon such as are to be condemned. For so the Text saith, that he shall in the first place pronounce the Sentence of bliss and Absolution upon those who are to be absolved; and that done, then come to the Sentence of Condemnation upon those who shall be in statu & ordine damnandorum: that is, successively and not at one and the same time; 
* Ka●rat ●●junllim quae tempo● di●●sa sorent. N●●dum cum Agnus L●●rum sutur●●m● m●nu sedentis super Thronom resignandum acceperat; quo tem●ore ●ec omnia particielati●● & distinctnis potefacienda crant.  though the Scripture here mentions not the Intervallum which shall be between the beginning of the one and the other. Thus you see, although my plough stand still, unless sometimes it joggs me, yet than I am not unwilling to listen unto it.   
7. To that in the end of Esay 66. of Festivities in the Kingdom of Christ, I answer, I see no reason why the Lord's-day should not be a celebrious Day when the Lord reigneth. Yet I think the expression there is accommodated to the condition and Diurnial of the Church under the Old Testament ad capium Auditorum; and no more thereby to be understood, but that in that New world not the jews alone, as then did, but all the Nations should come before the Lord to worship him in the frequent Festivities then to be, whatsoever they should be.   
Thus I have, as well as I could, answered your Sabbatical number of Quaeres; if not so largely and fully as you desired, it is because there were too many of them for the narrowness of my mind to intend at one time— Thus therefore with my Prayers to the Almighty for the continuance of his blessing and favour to you and yours, I rest  
Christ's College, April 18. 1636. Your respectful and true Friend, jos. Mede.   

EPISTLE LXVII.  
Mr. Mede's Second Letter to Mr. Estwick, touching the Gothick Liturgy, and the time when the Goths became Christians.  
SIR,  
— THE Cothick Missal is that which the Goths in Spain used till they received the Roman; 
The former part of this, (as also of the following Letter) contains matter either of News or of private concern.  which though, as all other Liturgies, it be to be supposed to have received many alterations and additions in time, yet no doubt may retain some ancient passages, whereof these Prayers pro defunctis may be some, either received from the Spanish or African Christians, or from the beginning of their Christianity, which was before Chiliasm was condemned by Damasus, or they plundered the Roman Empire. For Theophilus Gothorum Episcopus was at the Council of Nice. Anno 360. Vlphilus their Bishop at a Council at Constantinople assented to the Formula Ariminensis, from whence the Goths became first infected with Arrianism. S. Augustine de Civitate Dei useth this argument of the Goths Christianity, against the Gentiles calumny. That the Ruin of the Empire was for their rejecting their ancient Gods and receiving the Christian Religion. For they were Christians that took and sacked Rome, saith he, and not Gentiles. Vide—  
Thus with my wont affection and prayers I rest  
Christ's Coll. Nou. 9 1636. Your assured Friend, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE LXVIII.  
Mr. Mede's Third Letter to Mr. Estwick, more fully treating of the Gothick Liturgy and a Clause therein of Praying for the Dead to have part in the First Resurrection; with a Passage in Methodius touching the Millennium.  
Mr. Estwick,  
— THE body of the Gothish Nation, or of one part thereof, had received the Christian Faith before they plundered the Roman Empire; as appeared by Alaricus himself, who with his Army solemnly observed the Christian Rites. Yet seems this to have been between the days of Constantine and julian, and not elder. Howsoever, there is no question but there were many Churches among them before, as was in other Nations long before the Faith was publicly received by them. If so, then without doubt when the Nation publicly received the Faith, they received likewise that Form of Liturgy which had formerly been used in their Country by those of the Christian Rite amongst them: And thence might remain those passages of Praying for the Dead to have part in Resurrectione Prima. Irenaeus Lib. 1. cap. 3. edit. Fevardent. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Tertullian Lib. adv. judaeos, where he tells us that Brittannorum inaccessa Romanis loca were Christo subdita, says moreover, that In Sarmatarum & Dacorum & Germanorum & Scytharum & abditarum multarum Gentium & Insularum nobis ignotraum locis, Christi Nomen, qui jam venit, regnat, etc. Why may not the Goths be comprehended under some of these? As for the Vandals and the rest of those Northern Nations, I find not that they brought any Signs of Christianity with them when they first invaded and seated in the Empire, but were altogether Pagans.  
As for that Form of Prayer for the Dead, Vt partem haberent in Resurrectione Prima, I believe it was usual in those Formulae for the Dead till Chiliasm was cried down, and then expunged: namely, that it followed those words (which appear yet in most of those Forms) Vt collocet e●orum animas Deus in sinu ●brahae, unde abest doler & suspirium, as it does in this Gothish Missal. Whence it is that now in those Forms there appears no Prayer at all for their Resurrection or Consummation then; notwithstanding that in the Protasis they compellate God with Qui hominem mundi civem mortalem in constitutione sua fecisti, & promisisti ei Resurrectionem. Who can believe that in such Prayers they should not at all pray for the Resurrection? But that passage being it seems anciently specificated to Resurrectio Prima, they thought it sufficient in aftertimes to omit it, without substitution of any other for it: And hence comes that silence of the Resurrection.  
But that you may yet see my thoughts still now and then reflect upon that Speculation, (which you thought I had forgotten) I will give you a passage of Methodius Olympi Lyciae, deinde Tyri Episcopus, and a Martyr sub Decio, (alii sub Valeriano;) which passage, with a good part of his Dialogue the Resurrectione contra Originem, is preserved by Epiphanius Haeres. 74. There Proclus (cui tribuit lonquendi parts) speaks in this manner.  
Et verò 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  conturbatam iri Creaturam, velut in conflagratione ista morituram, ut restauretur; non tamen extinctum iri exspectandum: Vt in instaurato Mundo ipsimet instaurati ac doloris expertes habitemus; juxta illud Psal. 103. Emittes spiritum tuum & creabuntur, & renovabis faciem terrae. Quòd nimirum ambientem Aerem temperatissimum deinceps facturus sit Deus. Cum enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Terra adhuc perseveratura sit; habitatores in ea futuros omnino necesse est, qui nec morituri sunt ampliùs, neque copulandi nuptiis, aut procreandae soboli operam deturi; sed Angelorum more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in immortalitatis statu 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  optima facturi. Proindéque stultum est, Quanam vitae ratione usura sunt corpora (in Resurrectione) quaerere, si nec Aer, neque Terra, neque quicquam caeterorum sit ampliùs futurum.  
Whether do you not think this man to have been a Chiliast? But no man desires to be acquainted with Notions that way; wherefore then should I go about to cram them? I think scarce any of you of my acquaintance knows the tenth part of my adventures that way. I can be content to satisfy myself without troubling others, unless I see them seriously desirous to be informed. But no man I find loves any Speculations but such as he thinks will advance his profitable ends, or advantage his Side or Faction. Mundus amat decipi. But there will be a time one day, when God thinks fit.  
Christ's Coll. Nou. 15. I. M.   

EPISTLE LXIX.  
Mr. Mede's Fourth Letter to Mr. Estwick, (with part of another Letter, the beginning whereof is wanting) in answer to several Inquiries.  
1. FOR my Paradox of the American World, I could say that to make it probable, and so much, as would be too tedious to write. For the present I will add this more concerning it, That I believe it was not inhabited in Christ's and his Apostles times, nor some Ages after it; nor are there any vestigia found therein of any elder habitation thereof. I believe it to have been first inhabited since the days of Constantine, when the Devil saw he could no longer reign here without control and the continual affront of the Gospel and Cross of Christ. Then he sought out another World to plant him a Kingdom in, ubi nec Pelopidarum facta neque nomen audiret. Upon this ground may be answered many scruples concerning that World: as, of Noah's Deluge; of the Creatures there, not found here, where Noah's Ark rested; of the Apostles preaching the Gospel, why it was contained within out World, and yet said, 
* Rom. 10,  The sound thereof went into the ends of the Earth, etc.  
Some of them, you say, are converted. But the New-Englanders have not yet converted one; the Spaniards have, but unto Antichrist, not to Christ; and the Story of their Conversion is such, as may make a man justly suspect there hath scarce yet been ever a true Christian of that race. Yet I speak, in my 
* See Book III. page 571.  Conjectura de Gogo & Magogo, of a General Conversion only, not of a Conversion of some few or of some small and scarce considerable part in regard of the Vastness of the whole.  
2. To your Case of Conscience I answer thus. Though the teaching of a School be in some sort reducible to a Sacred Function, as it may be managed and intended; yet for Titius to leave a Pastoral charge for it, when he hath been once dedicated to that Sacred Office, I hold an inexcusable Sacrilege, unless perhaps in a case of Necessity. I would rather therefore advise the continuance of both, than to forsake the one for the other.  
3. For that of the Ark of the Covenant, what do you mean? There is nothing more indubitate in Scripture, than that the Ark was under the wings of the Cherubins in the Sanctum Sanctorum or most Holy place; as Exod. 26. 33, 34, 1 Kings 8. 6, etc. and Heb. 9 Or do you mean (for I have not the Bishop's Book) that it was not there when Hilkiah found the Book of the Law? 
2 Chron. 34.  That place of the Chronicles indeed (if it be rightly translated) should argue it had been taken thence during Manassehs profanation of the Temple, and that, it may be, by the true worshippers, (for what fellowship had the Ark of God with Idols?) and so not restored again to his place till josiah purged the Temple. Or what if Manasseh himself had caused it to be taken thence when he dedicated the Temple to his Idols, lest it might serve them as it once did Dagon? But Tremellius or junius turns the place otherwise; and yet methinks somewhat forcedly. Videses.  
4. How often is the Resurrection of the unjust mentioned in the Epistles, either together with that of the Just, or by itself? And where both are mentioned elsewhere, it is not said, they should be together, though they be mentioned together; for there is difference between mentioning and being. As for the 
* 1 Cor. 15. 52.  Last Trump, it proves nothing until you define what is the First Trump, yea what Trump is. It is no where said, The Resurrection of the dead shall be in a moment; but that 
* Vers. 51, 52.  those who are alive shall be changed in a moment. And what though the Resurrection in respect of each Individuum be in a moment? Yet would it not follow that all that rise shall rise in one and the same moment. To that of the 
* See this cleared in Epistle IXVI. Sect. 6.  25 of Matthew you shall have a sufficient answer when you have made progress enough to understand it. (For out of chap. 24. (which you cite) I see not any thing toward your purpose. For those in ver. 39 are not the dead, but the living; nor is the Resurrection at all mentioned in that Chap. but at the most implied only.) In the mean time I send you the Copy of an 
* This is that Epistola ad Amicum, etc. beginning with C. ●on●ocie. See 〈◊〉 printed in Book III. page 571.  Epistle written once to Mr. Chappel, to satisfy a friend of his who had desired him to know my Answer to certain Quaere's and Objections somewhat like those of yours: His Letter being directed to Mr. Chappel, and not to me, I made my Answer accordingly as you see. Keep it clean, and send me it again when you have done with it; and as I see occasion, I may perhaps send you some more of the like Argument.  
5. For reading the Service at the Altar, etc. was it not enough to give you the Premises, but I must put the Conclusion into your mouth? I add now, That the Priest or Deacon came down from the Altar to read the Gospel, unto the Ambo or other eminent place where he might be seen and heard of the people. And in such place were all Lessons of Scripture read whosoever read them and not at the Altar. The Altar was the place to speak to God at; the Ambo or Pulpit (or such like place) to speak to the People. Besides those Prayers at the Altar, whereto the People were to say Amen, were read in a high distinct and singing tone, which might be heard and understood at great distance of all the people. That submiss reading in Churches sine cantu, which we use now, was not then in use. If it had, it could never have been heard of half the Congregation in so large Churches, and where some stood so far off, as the Catechumeni, Auditores, Penitentes, who were to be partakers of the Readins and Sermons, and nothing else, and yet stood at the remotest distance from the place both of it and Prayer. I love not to answer to things in Hypothesi, but in Thesi. The world is right on no side. Let them look to the hypothesis whom it concerns. Quo jure ego qui Thesin tantùm defendo, ad hypothesin praestandam adigerer?  
6. Concerning the 
* viz. The Holy Table, Name and Thing.  Book written mediately or immediately by the B. of Lincoln; It is written very ably and with much variety of Learning; and where that Coal lay open to the lash, (as it did in some things very foully) he pays him sound and very magisterially. Yet I may tell you that in the Discourse concerning the Antiquity of the Name Altar, there is parùm aut nihil sinceri aut sani: And though his Adversary quoted what he never seems to have read and examined, and is accordingly (and deservedly) met withal; yet are there such strange mistakes, confusions, concealments and wrested interpretations of the Answerer, that he lies open to the lash for that part extremely; insomuch that I believe that part to have been elaborated by another hand, and one that gave more trust to the opinions of some of our Writers than to his own search and judgement—  
But whereas the Coal maintained that Altars had generally and anciently stood up against the East-wall, and not in medio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (which was a monstrous and foul error, as I had often told some of ours here) you shall find him most fully and largely confuted; but the place of Socrates as strangely expounded, as the Coal's illation therefrom was most illogically and weakly deduced.—  
Thus with my wont affection and prayers I rest Yours, jos. Mede. Christ's College, March 22. 1636/ 7.   

EPISTLE LXX.  
Dr. Twisse's Thirteenth Letter to Mr. Mede, wherein (after his desire to know his judgement of Mr. Potter's Book touching the Number of the Beast 666) he expostulates with him about certain Ceremonies, etc.  
Reverend Sir and my worthy Friend,  
HAD I stayed longer in Cambridge, you had enjoyed my company longer, or (to speak more properly) I should have desired to enjoy your company longer; and it would be very long ere I should be weary of your discourse. I long to hear your judgement of Mr. Potter's Discourse touching the Number of the Beast 666. I presume also you know Bishop Usher's opinion of Christ's Kingdom here on earth; I would gladly know it, and whether he doth retract his former opinion touching the Binding of Satan, which in his Book De successione Ecclesiae he conceives to have been in the days of Constantine.  
I have returned your Paper, and sent you a Copy of your own concerning 
* See Epistle VIII. page 743  The Four Monarchies, which you call The A B C of Prophecies. I have sent you also Tilenus his Synod of Dort and Arles reduced to practice, with an answer thereunto. In Oxford it's counted unanswerable, translated out of French by D. or A. from whom it was spread (as I hear) in O. and at first fathered upon one of them. But it appears by the Dutch copy and Voetius his answer in Dutch, that Tilenus was the Author. At my coming from Cambridge I found 8 Copies of them sent unto me, and 6 of them I have sent amongst you; for truly I never found better content in any friends than there with you, and with yourself amongst the rest. O Mr. Mede! I could willingly spend my days in hanging upon your ears, while you discourse of Antichrist and the accommodation of his Legend to the Pope of Rome, and the Whore of Babylon to Rome itself; though my studies have lain far more in their Writings than in our own Divines, and I was never found to dislike any Opinion of a Papist for the Papist●s sake who maintains it, as having profited in Divinity more by their Writings than by our own, always excepting Interpretation of Scripture: How much more to hear you discourse of the glorious Kingdom of Christ here on Earth to begin with the ruin of Antichrist? It may be you do not find many Disciples more docile this way than myself.  
But I would entreat you to spare me in the point of Ceremonies; in some particulars whereof you told me once in a 
* See Epist. LVI.  Letter you were no Practitioner; but now I fear by that which I find you are a Promoter of them. In Easter-term last I heard— your good Friend, while he lived, complain not a little of a Sermon of yours which you had then lately preached, and he delivered it with much grief. After Mr. B. wrote unto you of the battle of Armageddon, enquiring whether the time thereof were not already extant, the next Letter I received from him had this passage; I am verily of Mr. M s. Opinion in this, that the times wherein we live are the times for the slaughtering of the Witnesses. Whereupon I compared your Letters, and I found that well it might be by your opinion. And if it be so, how sorry should I be to observe that you should have an hand in the slaughtering of them? as namely by promoting of such courses and countenancing them, for not conforming whereunto many are like to be slaughtered, that is, according to your interpretation, turned out of their Places— And as for outward compliments, nothing more pleaseth a natural man in Religious worship, and he finds himself apt enough for it, yea far more apt than he who, knowing and considering that God is a Spirit, and they that worship him must worship him in Spirit, are most careful for the performance thereof; whereupon while their minds are intent, they find themselves not so free for outward compliments, the care whereof is apt to cause avocation and disturbance in that Unum necessarium.  
You bade me stand up at Gloria Patri, and it was in such a note too, that you had the mastery of me I know not how. I profess I little looked for such Entertainment at your hands. My Wife's father, Dr. M. was Bishop Bilson's Chaplain, and most respected by him of any Chaplain that ever he had, and he a Cathedral-man too; but they could never get him to stand up at Gloria Patri. I living in a Countrey-Auditory am a mere stranger to such Ceremonies; neither do I know any order of our Church urging thereunto; neither do I know when it began and upon what grounds: it may be it was upon their prevailing against the Arrians; and as the Creed is pronounced standing, so and in the same respect this also; all which is duly to be considered before we come to the practice of it. It is true, we were private, and I was loath to offend you.— In like sort, concerning Bowing towards the Altar, for which it was (as I heard) that you preached, I profess unto you I have hitherto received no satisfaction, and I long to hear of my Lord of Armagh's judgement of the passages between us. And therein I perceive the main thing you reached after was a certain Mystery concerning a Sacrifice, which the Papists have miserably transformed, but in your sense is nowadays become a Mystery to all the Christian world. And hereupon you touched upon the judgements of God at this time in Christendom, as if it were for the neglect of that Sacrifice; which while I attended, in the issue came only to the Sacrilege of these Times. But whether your meaning were not, That for God to be robbed of such a Sacrifice was a great Sacrilege, I know not. And by Mr. B. I heard, as from yourself, the practice of Bishop Andrew's Chapel was that which first cast you upon such a way, so as from thence to observe the course and practice of Antiquity. But in my poor judgement it is very strange that a matter of such importance as you seem to make it should have so little evidence in God's Word and Antiquity, and depend merely upon certain Conjectures. That which you style your Conjectura de Gogo & Magogo, in my poor judgement, is more rational by far; and yet the matter thereof you know to be very strange, but it prevails very much with me— That Declaration of the Palsgrave's Churches, since I came home, I have seen: I remembered your Censure of it as a lax thing: Others pass other judgements upon it on my knowledge, and those Divines were accounted in those days as grave and learned Divines as most in Christendom. Indeed the matter of Bowing at hearing the name of jesus is nothing pleasing to some in these times: But how doth B. A s. reading in Antiquity serve his turn for that? Cornelius à Lapide is a Papist and a jesuit: he saith ad nomem jesu in S. Paul is no more than ad jesum. I know it is the Father's pleasure, that as we honour the Father, so we should honour the Son, and all the world shall never bring me to show more reverence at the hearing of the name of jesus then at the hearing of the name jehovah; and when we are, as we should be, intent upon our religious comportment before God according to the inward adoration in spirit, that we should watch when a word comes, to perform outward obaisance, in my judgement is very strange. And I remember how faintly Mr. H. carries himself in this; and others, in pleading for it, most of all urge this, that no body is troubled about it: but now more than enough must yield or suffer— I never had experience of the practice till now, and that makes me the bolder to write as I do: Yet whatsoever we shall be put unto, I am glad that I have such liberty to confer with you thereabouts. I am lately grown acquainted with my Lord of Armagh, being encouraged to write unto his Grace about the matter of the Sabbath; which I willingly apprehended, and acquainted him with all my Grounds whereupon I proceeded: and he justifies them all. I entreated also help in Antiquity about the Notion of a Sabbath given to the Lord's-Day; and he professed unto me, that he never inclined his mind to observe that in all his reading, and added this reason, For he never thought to see such times as these to call into question Whether the Moral Law contains Ten or but Nine Commandments. And Dr. Reynolds being asked what he thought of Beza's judgement concerning the Sabbath, made no other answer but this, You know the Commandment. Thus have I made bold to write freely as to my dear friend. I doubt not but whensoever I am put unto it, I shall find you the readier to afford me your best satisfaction; for certainly I will neglect no means to keep me out of the paw of the Lion as well as I can. I commend you to the grace of God, and with many thanks for your love and free communication of precious things I take my leave, ever resting  
Newbury, March 20. 1636. Yours to love and honour you, Will. Twisse.   

EPISTLE LXXI.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's several Expostulations; together with his judgement of Mr. Potter's Discourse touching the Number of the Beast, 666.  

Worthy Sir,  
I Have received yours, and heartily thank you for the Book you sent me, which I find to be no lax, but a nervous, close and well-composed Discourse, as written by an abler hand than Voetius or any Dutchman of them all; yea I believe the ablest in that argument now living.  
Concerning Mr. Potter's Discourse, before I tell you my opinion, I find I have some things else to answer, and such as press me so hard as I cannot deny them the first place; especially one of them, which complains much of being mistaken: As that I bade you (hearing Prayers in our Master's Closet) to stand up at Gloria Patri. I'll assure you, you were mistaken. My words were, We stand up, or They stand up, (I know not certainly which,) intending only to have you take notice of our manners and fashions; as I did also the night before, when they bowed at the name jesus in the Creed. I confess indeed when I saw you so suddenly to alter your posture, I had some suspicion lest you misunderstood me, and repented me I had spoken, and thought of it sometimes afterward. Yet mine was but doubting: I would yours had been so too. For why would you suppose me to be so uncivil as to speak unto a stranger and my better in degree in such a rude manner, or note as you call it? Surely in this you were to blame. Nay I do not remember that ever I bade any one, little or great, either to stand up at Gloria Patri, or how at the name jesus, or to conform to other the like posture, all days of my life; however my opinion hath been concerning them. The plain truth is, I had a desire to have talked with you about these things, and to have acquainted you with something I had that way; which, now I find your mind so averse, I shall never do. For this end it was that I ever anon put you in mind to observe our postures, and now and then at other times in our discourse touched upon something of that kind, to have given occasion of conference about those matters. And the rather I desired it, because I had declared myself so far in my Letters unto you formerly, as I thought might require more to be added to prevent such scruples as might arise from thence. You may remember what hint I gave you in our Gatehouse the first night, concerning that place in 
* Dan. 7. 25.  Daniel, And he shall think to change Times and Laws, and they shall be given into his hand for a time, times and half a time. I would fain have entered with you upon that Scripture, and told you I had some Notion thereabout which some friends of mine had termed Dog and Cummin-seed, etc.  
As for my Sermon at S. Mary's, if I could have enjoyed you privately & sine arbitris, (which I much, but in vain, desired) in all probability you had been (together with some other things) better acquainted with some of the Contents thereof. And as for preaching for Bowing to Altars; if my memory fail me not, the word Altar (unless in citing a place of Scripture) was never mentioned in my whole Discourse. Sure I am, there was no Bowing spoken of, either with respect to it or to the Communion-Table; but only of Bowing in general without any determination. Besides, that which was spoken was done as it were obiter and in few words, without insisting thereupon, and that too with premised caution; and nothing so much by a great deal, nor so punctual, as I had discoursed in the same place 
* See this printed in Book II. pag. 398.  Sixteen years ago in a Concio ad Clerum for my Degree upon another Text.  
The Text now was that of Solomon, Eccles. 5. 
* See this printed in Book II. pag. 340.  Look to thy feet when thou comest to the House of God; and be more ready to obey (for so I rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) than to offer the Sacrifice of Fools, etc. The Parts, 1. A Precept of reverend and awful demeanour and accommodation when we come to God's House, in the first words. 2. A Caution, not to prefer the secondary Service of God before the first and principal, in the latter words, Be more ready to obey, etc.  
I discoursed of the Condition of Places dedicated to Divine worship or God's House. 2. What the Ratio was, or wherein consisted the specification of the Divine Presence, when he is said to be in one place more than another. The Precept [Look to thy feet] I understood and interpreted as an Allusion to that Rite of Discalceation used by the jews and other Nations of the Orient when they came into Sacred Places, and still to this day continued amongst them. Concerning which I produced divers Testimonies; the ancientest that of God to 
* Exod. 3. 5.  Moses in the bush, and to 
‖ jos. 5. 15.  joshua, together with that Symbol of Pythagoras, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Discalceato pede sacrificato, adoratóque, etc. Hence I made the sense of these words of Solomon to be as if we inflecting them to our manners should say, Look unto or Be observant of thy Head when thou comest into the House of God; meaning that he should put off his Hat, and use any other Reverence wont to accompany it as a leading Gesture. For so was this Rite of Discalceation among the jews, a leading Ceremony to other Reverential guises then used; as the putting off of the Hat (in civil use) is wont to be with us.  
Hence I inferred, It was not only lawful, but fit and a Duty commended to us in Scripture, to use some kind of Reverence, yea some Reverential guise and gesture, when we come into God's House. Where after a very few words of the thing in general, in the close I had these words.  
[For, should we come into God's House as we do into a Barn or Stable? It was not good manners once so to come into a man's house. Therefore our Blessed Saviour, when he sent forth his Disciples to preach the Gospel, Matth. 10. would not have them to enter into a man's house without salutation; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, When ye enter into a house, salute it. Why should we not think it to be a part of Religious manners to do as much when we come into the house of God? But if any shall ask me here, what other Gesture besides the Uncovering of the Head I would require in this case, because I intimated that (even now) to be a leading Gesture; I answer, This belongs to the discretion of our Superiors and the authority of the Church to appoint, not to me to determine. For here, as in all other Ceremonies, the Church is not tied, but hath liberty to ordain that which she shall think most suitable and agreeable to the time, place and manners of the people where she lives. Yet if I may without offence or presumption utter what I think, than I say, That Adoration or the Bowing of the Body, together with some short Ejaculation, (which the Church of Israel used in her Temple together with Discalceation, and which the Christians of the Orient at this day use in their Churches, and time out of mind have done so) is of all others the most seemly, ready and fitting to our manners; were it once by uniform order and practice established: namely, according to that of Psal. 132. 7. Introibimus in Tabernacula ejus, incurvabimus nos Scabello pedum ejus; or to that of Psal. 5. 7. I will enter into thine House in the multitude of thy mercies; in thy fear will I worship toward thy holy Temple: Which is the Form the jews use at this day at their ingress into their Synagogues, and so for aught I know might we too.]  
This was the whole passage verbatim as I spoke it. Whence I passed immediately to the Second part of my Text, Be more ready to obey, etc. where my chief Observation, wherewith I concluded, was, The Condition of all External Service of God in general, in the eyes of God; which was such as he accepted no otherwise than secundariò, namely as issuing from a Heart respectively affected with that Devotion it importeth. That as the Body without the Soul is but a Carcase; so is all Bodily worship wherein the pulse of the Heart's devotion beats not.  
Now, Mr. Doctor, what was there in all this that an honest, discreet and moderate man, being so persuaded as I am, might not speak? But you will say, What need had I to say any thing at all? I'll tell you. My opinion in these things was well known to many in the University. Our Pulpit had a long time been inflamed with such Discourses. My obstinate silence, having had more than once opportunity to declare myself, and being studied in these matters, was imputed to me by some to proceed either ex malitioso affectu toward such as furthered these things, or out of too much addition and tenderness to the Puritan faction; which is a crime here, if it be once fastened upon a man, nullo Oceano eluendum. I thought good therefore to declare myself; which yet I did with that caution and tenderness, which might not give any just cause of offence to those who were contrary-minded; who yet now I perceive deserved it not, by their over-lavish report of what was spoken.  
Besides I observed, both out of Books daily printed and out of such Discourses as I had heard, upon what dangerous Grounds some defended these things; namely such as would in time infer the lawfulness of Image-worship: I thought good therefore in more private Discourses to set them upon safer Principles, and such as might, if it were possible, prevent such an Evil. And in all this why may I not say, What have I done? was there not a cause?  
Yea but I am a great Practiser and Prosecutor of such ways. Yet for all this I bowed not to the Altar when I came out of S. Mary's Pulpit, as others commonly use to do. I have urged no man at any time to use any of these Ceremonies, nor conformed myself to any of them, till I saw them prevail so generally as I should have been accounted singular. Our own Chapel is very regular, yet was not any thing introduced by me, but others. I confess I had no scruple to follow them; besides I took occasion by my Chappel-exercises to inform them of the nature and grounds of what they practised, lest for want thereof they might cherish some unsafe conceit. And notwithstanding I preached for Bowing (as you say) to Altars, yet I have not hitherto used it myself in our own Chapel, though I see some others do it. If I come into other Chapels where it is generally practised, I love not to be singular where I have no scruple.  
But you would not have me have any hand in killing the Witnesses. God forbid I should; I rather endeavour they might not be guilty of their own deaths. And I verily believe the way that many of them go is much more unlikely to save their lives, than mine. I could tell you a great deal here, if I had you privately in my chamber, which I mean not for any man's sake to commit to paper. Siracusae vestrae capientur, & in pulvere pingitis?  
As for Bowing at the name jesus, 'tis commanded by our Church. And for myself, I hold it not unlawful to adore my Saviour upon any Cue or hint given. Yet could I never believe it to be the meaning of that place of the 
* Chap. 2. 10,  Philippians; nor that it can be inferred thence, otherwise than by way of a general and indefinite consequence. I derive it rather from the Custom of the World in several Religions thus to express some kind of Reverence, when that which they acknowledge for their God is named; as we find the Turks do at this day. Besides I conceive, to do this reverence at the name jesus only, is proper to the Latin Church, and it may be of later standing. For, if some Greeks have not deceived me, the custom of the Orient is to bow the head not only at the name jesus, but at the name Christ, and sometimes (though not so frequently) at the name God. And if that were the fashion of the elder Christianity, that out of S. Hierom would found more to the purpose, Moris est Ecclesiastici Christo genuflectere. This is all I can say to this point, having had fewer Notions thereabout than about any of the rest.  
That the worship of the Inward man is that which God principally requires and looks at, I think no Christian man denies. But what then? Doth not our Saviour's rule hold notwithstanding in such a comparison, 
* Mat. 23. 23.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; And consider that the Question is not here (as most men seem to make it) between Inward worship and Outward worship seorsim, (for in such case it is plain the Outward is nothing worth) but whether the Inward worship together with the Outward may not be more acceptable to God than the Inward alone. As for that so commonly objected Scripture in this question, 
john 4.  Of worshipping the Father in spirit and truth, as the Characteristical difference of the Evangelical worship from the Legal; I believe it hath a far different sense from that it is commonly taken to have, and that the jews in our Saviour's sense worshipped the Father in spirit and truth. But my work grows so fast, that I must let it pass, and be content with that vulgar answer, viz. That under the Old Testament God was worshipped in types and figures of things to come: but in the New, men should worship the Father in spirit and truth, that is, according to the verity of the things presignified, not that they should worship him without all gestures or postures of Body, to which purpose it is wont to be alleged.  
But all this while my mind is upon another matter, which at length I am gotten unto, viz. your strange construction and censure of the pains I took in opening my thoughts so freely unto you concerning these matters of reverential posture and gesture, in respect of that interlaced piece wherein I intimated the Eucharist to have in it ratio sacrificii. For  

1. Because in the close of my Letter I expressed my fear of some judgement to befall the Reformed Churches, because out of the immoderation of their zeal they had in a manner taken away all Difference between 
* I meant, Between Sacred Things, Persons, Times and Places, and Prosane. The neglect or violation of the respect due to all which may in a large sense be termed Sacrilege. And then consider whether that of S. Paul [Thou that hatist Idols, dost thou commit Sacrilege?] God may not in time upbraid the Reformation w●th. This was that I reached at.  Sacred and Profane; you will needs suspect I aimed to make the present judgements of God upon Christendom to be for neglect of that Sacrifice which I had spoken of: a thing I never thought of, nor thought so plain an expression of my meaning could ever have been so mistaken. I pray let me entreat you to read over those papers once again, and then tell me with whom the fault is. For why? Is not to esteem the Eucharist a Sacrament, to account it a Sacred thing, unless it be accounted a Sacrifice?  
2. It seems strange to you that a matter of so great importance, as I seem to make this Sacrifice to be, should have so little evidence in God's Word and Antiquity, and depend merely upon certain conjectures. As for Scripture, if you mean the name of Sacrifice, neither is the name Sacrament nor Eucharist (according to our Expositions) there to be found; no more than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Yet may not the thing be? But when you speak of so little Evidence to be found in Antiquity, I cannot but think such an Affirmation far more strange than you can possibly my Opinion. For what is there in Christianity for which more Antiquity may be brought than for this? I speak not now of the Father's meaning, (whether I guessed rightly at it or not) but in general of their Notion of a Sacrifice in the Eucharist. If there be little Antiquity for this, there is no Antiquity for any thing. Eusebius Altkircherus, a Calvinist, printed Neustadii Palatinorum 1584. & 1591. De mystico & incruento Ecclesiae Sacrificio, pag. 6. Fuit haec perpetua semper omnium Ecclesiasticorum Patrum concors & unanimis sententia, Quòd instituta per Christum passionis & mortis suae in Sacra Coena memoria etiam Sacrificii in se contineret commendationem. Bishop Morton in Epist. Dedicator. prefixed to his Book of the Eucharist, Apud veteres Patres (ut quod res est liberè fateamur) de Sacrificio Corporis Christi in Eucharistia incruento frequens est mentio, quae dici vix potest quantopere quorundam alioqui doctorum hominum ingenia exercuerit, torserit, vexaver●; aut è contrà quam jactanter Pontificii de ea re se ostentent. And that in the Age immediately following the Apostles the Eucharist was generally conceived of under the name and notion of a Sacrifice, (to omit the Testimonies of Ignatius and justin Martyr) take only this of Irenaeus Lib. 4. cap. 32. Dominus discipulis suis dans consilium primitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis— eum qui ex creatura Panis est accepit, & gratias egit dicens, Hoc est Corpus meum; & Calicem similiter, qui est ex ea creatura quae est secundùm nos, suum Sanguinem confessus est: & Novi Testamenti novam docuit Oblationem, quam Ecclesia ab Apostolis accipiens in universo mundo offert Deo, etc. And chap. 34. Igitur Ecclesiae Oblatio, quam Dominus docuit offerri in universo mundo, purum Sacrificium reputatum est apud Deum & acceptum est ei, etc. The evidence of this was such as forced Hospinian (Hist. Sacrament. lib. ●. c. 6.) to say, jam tum primo illo seculo, viventibus adhuc Apostolis, magis huic Sacramento quam Baptismo insidiari ausus sit (Daemon,) & homines à prima illa forma sensim adduxit: and Sebastianus Francus, Statim post Apostolos omnia inversa sunt— Coena Domini in Sacrificium transformata est.   
Now, Sir, if I was loath to pass so harsh a censure (as some do) upon the First Fathers and Church Christian, and could not be persuaded but that which the Catholic Church from her infancy conceived of the Eucharist should have some truth in it, and accordingly endeavoured to find out that ratio Sacrificii therein, such as might be consonant both to the Principles of the Reformed Religion and unto the Scripture of the New Testament, yea perhaps found therein not quoad rem only, but quoad nomen also; did I merit to be irrided for having found out I know not what Mystery of a Sacrifice, nowadays a Mystery in my sense to all the Christian world? When all men are at a seek, and one cries I think I have found it, shall he be chidden therefore? Sir, I can remember when you understood me more rightly, and interpreted my freedom with much more candour. To tell you true therefore, I am somewhat suspicious lest the air of Cambridge did you some hurt. But let that pass—  
That which I wrote to you concerning this Mystery, especially in my Second Reply, was for the most part little other than Testimony of matter of Fact. If it were false, testare de mendacio; if true, cur cedar? Yet one thing more; It is no time now to slight the Catholic consent of the Church in her First ages, when Socinianism grows so fast upon the rejection thereof; nor to abhor so much the notion of a Commemorative Sacrifice in the Eucharist, when we shall meet with those who will deny the Death of Christ upon the Cross to have been a Sacrifice for sin. Verbum intelligenti. There may be here some matter of importance.  
Lastly, You may remember how much I desired to be spared from any farther writing or answering upon this argument, because I knew it was a nice and displeasing theme, and such as I should have no thanks for. Now I see I am become a Prophet, and that when I looked not for it. And thus I have done with this business, which hath made me so much work.  
The Censure I gave of the Declaration of the Palsgrave's Churches was not in respect of the matter, but the manner of handling, as the term of lax showed. And before I had seen it, I heard that Censure given of it by one that wishes the Palsgrave's Churches and their Doctrine as well as I know any. Is I erred in my judgement, there is an end. I use not to be often faulty in rashness that way: And this shall teach me to be more wary hereafter. If I had had any suspicion of misconstruction, I could in this kind have held my tongue with as much ease as any man.  
What my Lord of Armagh's opinion is of the Millennium, I know not, save only that I have not observed him, neither when I gave him my Synchronisms, nor in discourse thereabout after he had considered them, to discover any opposition or aversation to the Notion I represented thereabout. The Like Mr. Wood told me of him, after he had read his papers; nay that he used this compliment to him at their parting, I hope we shall meet together in Resurrectione prima. But my Lord is a great man, and thinks it not fit (whatsoever his opinion be) to declare himself for a Paradox; yet the speeches I observed to fall from him were no wise discouraging. He told me once he had a Brother (si bene memini) who would say, He could never believe but the 1000 years were still to come.  
Now for Mr. Potter's Discourse, I confess I came to the reading thereof with as much prejudice as might be, having been cloyed with so many vain and fancisul Speculations about that mystical Number, that I had no stomach to any more of them. Which was the reason (to tell you true) that I showed no more desire or eagerness to have a sight of your Exscript, notwithstanding your commendations and offer of the same. For I was loath to be put to give my Censure, which I doubted, according to former experience, must be in sequiorem partem. But when I was a little entered thereinto● and began to perceive the Grounds whereon he meant to build, I found myself presently to altar, and to anticipate in my mind with much content what he aimed at, before I could come to read it; and longed not a little to find it well proved and to fall out accordingly. That which won me was the way to reduce Ezekiel's and S. John's so differing measures of the New jerusalem unto the same, and so as both should allude to the Measures of the jerusalem that was in being. As soon as I found this, I was not a little glad to see that made feasible which I before took for desperate; and as it is ill halting with Cripples, I began presently to wish, O that the Number of the Beast might have the like success for the designing of his See of Rome! Concerning which and the complete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of both Numbers when I found such Testimonies produced, you may guests how I was affected; namely, That if it be not a Truth, (which I was very willing to believe) it is the most considerable Probability that ever I read in that kind.  
And thus with many thanks for your kind communication thereof unto me, even when you had found me not to long for a sight of it, I commend you and your learned meditations to the Divine blessing, and so I rest  
Christ's Coll. April 1637. Yours, joseph Mede.   

Diversum sentire bonos de rebus iisdem Incolumi licuit semper amicitiâ.  Eusebius De laudibus Constantini, p. 492. Edit. 1612. 
Quis (praeter Christum Servatorem) cunctis totius Orbis terrarum incolis, 
But the Sanctification of Holy Time cannot possibly be maintained, unless we admit the like for Holy Places. Things, Persons. All move upon the same principles.  sen terrâ seu mari illisint, praescripserit, ut singulis septimanis in unum convenientes Diem Dominicum sestum celebrarent?  
I know not whether the Tractators of this argument have observed this passage or not. Graeca sic habent;  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉;  
See the Vanity of man's life. When I began this Letter, Dr. Whaley, your good and religious Friend, was in health: Before I had finished (intermitting some few days) I heard he was fallen suddenly sick, and soon after that he was recovering: Now, when I was about to seal my Letter, (upon the opportunity of a Friend's going to London) I hear he is departed this life, and the Bells are yet ringing out for him. I expected not to have been the messenger of this ill news.  
May 2. Vale.    

EPISTLE LXXII.  
Dr. Twisse's Fourteenth Letter to Mr. Mede, touching Mr. Potter's Discourse of the Number of the Beast, viz. 666.  
Worthy Sir, and my dear Friend,  
YOU have communicated unto me many precious things, which makes me to acknowledge myself more indebted to you than to all the men in the world. And the more glad I am when I light upon any thing that is worth your knowledge. This last week I received a Letter from Mr. Potter, enclosing two other Letters, one of his own to Dr. Turner in answer to another of his; both which I have sent you. Therein you shall see how Mr. Potter's discovery works already like wax before it sees the light of the Press. I had formerly wrote unto him what your judgement was upon the Abstract I sent you, as yourself wrote unto me, and as I heard also from Mr. Hall. But lately Mr. Hartlib sent me a Copy of your judgement moreful since you received the complete Copy, wishing me to send it over unto Mr. Potter; which I did, and he is glad, as he professeth to me, to hear that you esteem so well of his Interpretation: and over and above adds, that if any man think so well of it as to translate it into Latin, he will not be sorry for it. Nay, he is willing to add something to it concerning the First Beast and the Second Beast and the Image of it. He is exceedingly desirous to know— his judgement of it, in such sort that he hath a mind either to write or to go over unto him. I pray let him have a sight of it, and entreat him to set down his judgement concerning it— Now, Sir, concerning the occasion of these Letters, I will show you what he writes to me.  
Mr. Potter had understood from Oxford that Dr. T. (who is one of the Mathematic Professors there) had alleged against his Book, That the Root of 666 was not 25. but this was by those who told him of it accounted so slight and untrue an Objection, that Mr. Potter did not regard it. But after this being with— he told him that Dr. T. told the Vicechancellor that Mr. Potter was out in the Mathematical part of it. Hereupon Mr. Potter wrote unto Dr. T. and receiving no Answer wrote a second time; thereupon Dr. T. answered: which Answer of his I here send you with Mr. Potter's large Answer unto him; wherein you shall find not only the vanity of Dr. T'Tis Exception, but a strange Mystery discovered even to admiration. I have sent you Mr. Potter's own Letter, for fear lest in transcribing I should miss in the calculation of the Numbers. He desires to have the Letters again when we have perused them and transcribed them. I pray return them by Mr. Hartlib— I commend me heartily to the continuance of your love, and rest  
Newbury, April 30. 1638. Yours ever in true affection and great obligation Will. Twisse. I pray remember my due respect to Dr. Bainbrigge the Master of your House.   

EPISTLE LXXIII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Fourteenth Letter, touching Mr. Potter's Notions of the Number of the Beast, with some Observations of his own concerning his Book.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Thank you heartily for Mr. Potter's Letter. I confess I have an especial esteem of his Discourse; but little looked that what I wrote carelessly to Mr. Hartlib demaning my opinion thereof should have come to his hands.  
Concerning this Letter; I am persuaded the Doctor's Exception is fully and sufficiently answered, namely, That the Root of a Number ought to consist of Unities of the same denomination with the Unities of the principal whose Root it is; and that if the Unities be of another denomination, it is not the Root of that Number, but of another.  
I see also a fair possibility of a discovery of new Mysteries even in the Fractions: but perhaps it will not be so safe to discover them (until they be well armed) unto those who are not well affected to the main. For it is sufficient with a great many to discredit a Tenet, if they can but find any thing not defensible brought toward the maintenance thereof. Verbum sapienti.  
I care not if I acquaint you with what came into mind upon my first cursory reading of the Letter; the one an Observation, the other (as I found afterward) a mistake of Mr. Potter's meaning.  

1. First, when I read him applying the Fractions 41/51 to the Latitude of Rome, I called to mind that the old Astronomers and most of our Maps make the 
* This he corrects in Epist. LXXV.  Latitude of Rome to be 41 degrees and about 50 (or 51) minutes. The later Mathematicians promote it some minutes farther Northward: but Rome was big enough, when time was, to bear the difference of a few minutes. And if that which Mr. Gellibrand observed be true, it is possible that the Latitudes of some places may be a little changed since Ptolemy's time, by some motion of the Earth, whatsoever it be. The Mistake was this:  

2. As I ruminated upon his application of the Denominator of the Fractions 51 to so many Italian miles, (which I well understood not at my first cursory reading) I fell into this conceit, that his meaning had been, that a Degree in a great Circle had contained but 51 Italian miles, (whereas we suppose 60) and that therefore 41/51 was as much as 41 fifty one Italian miles, that is, 41 Degrees, a Degree being 51 Italian miles. That which led me into this conceit was his mention of Snellius, who in his Eratosthenes Batavus, (which I had sometime looked upon, but it is many years since) as I remembered, made a Degree to contain some miles less than 60. Whether my memory fails me, I know not; for the Book I never saw but once in the Stationer's shop. But when I read the Letter the second time with more deliberation, I found his meaning to be, That Rome lay under such a Parallel as whereof every Degree contained 51 Italian miles: but this supposes, I think, that a Degree of a great Circle should be above 60 Italian miles; which how near or far off it be from Snellius his experimental definition, I know not. My skill in Mathematics is but little, only so much as makes me able to understand a Discourse in that kind. In my younger time I studied the Grounds of those Sciences, but ever since neglected them; and therefore if I commit any Soloecisms in talking of such matters, I must be excused.  
I will add also some of my thoughts concerning his Book.    

1. That there is no such Argument to prove the Divinity of the Apocalypse, and consequently to convince an Atheist of the Divinity of the whole Scripture, (whereto this Book gives testimony) as the strange agreement between Ezekiel's Lineal and S. John's Cubical measures of the city jerusalem for the compass and Area thereof; both the numbers and denomination of Measures being so differing as they are, and those of S. john besides to be derived from 12. How could this be but from Divine inspiration, when S. john, as the rest of the Apostles, was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and far enough from skill in Algebraical subtleties?  
2. That the Virgin-Company which follow and carry the mark of the Lamb, and the Synagogue of the Beast which follow him and receive his mark, are evidently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even secundùm literam; besides, their meaning not obscure, namely, That the one represents the true Church, the other the Anti-church or Church of Antichrist. If therefore Mr. Potter had fetched the Number of the true Church from this Virgin-Company, perhaps his discovery of the Mystery of the Anti-numerus of the Beast would have appeared more evident and convincing. For though the Number of the Wall of the New jerusalem import as much as the Number of Christ's Church, yet it doth it but remotely, (many things being first requisite to be granted by way of Postulata) and therefore obscurely in comparison of the Number of the Virgin-Company. I wonder therefore what the reason is he never mentions or alludes to this Number throughout the whole Treatise: nay he affirms twice that the Number 144 is only to be found in the 21. chap. of the Apocalypse: Which is true indeed in Unities, but in Thousands not. Was it the Thousands that would have troubled him in his way? That Solertia which with so much happiness broke through greater difficulties would soon have mastered this. Or is it some interpretation he hath of that Vision which was not compatible therewith? Thus I mused and reasoned with myself.  
3. In his answering of what might be objected concerning the Root of 666, and in particular when he gives reasons why the Holy Ghost intending the Root 25, amongst all the Numbers which might have been taken to that purpose between 625 and 676, should pitch upon 666 rather than any of the rest; I saw a door open to save the life of mine own conceit of that Number; That the Holy Ghost would intimate thereby, that the Antichristian State should be an imitation of the Sixth head of the Roman Seven-headed Beast, rather than the offspring of the Apostles, and therefore made his Number all of Six. But the matter is not great whether it be saved or not, if a better come in the room of it.   
You would have me send Mr. Potter's Treatise to— 'Tis true, he is skilled in Mathematics, (in which respect it may be the— named him) but so vehemently prejudiced and professed against that Tenet of the Pope being Antichrist, that it would be to small purpose, if he could be gotten to read it; which I believe he would hardly be. I have no confidence in the strongest demonstration against a man that is prejudiced and engaged in the contrary. Nay 'tis strange how unwilling all men are to read any Discourse this way. I carried Mr. Potter's Book to some— opposite otherwise to— and no enemies to that Tenet; I commended it, desired them to peruse it, told them it was that would please them, they delighting in Mathematical Speculations, related to them the sum of the Contents and Grounds thereof, and whatsoever might allure them; I left it with them a competent time: yet when I went to fetch it and know their opinion, they had not read one leaf thereof, nay gave me less hope than that they would then at the first; and instead thereof made Exceptions against something I had told them out of it. What should I hope then of men professedly opposite and passionate or, if you will, impatient besides, and so less tractable? If any man would tell— of it, and that in such a manner as might work in him a desire to see it, I would be most willing to communicate my Copy with him; which I took some care to be so transcribed as might allure a reader, dividing it into certain Sections, and prefixing the Contents of them in the beginning of the Book, with other distinctions; but altered nothing in the context of the Author. I caused the Figures to be drawn according to art; the hand reasonable neat, and promising no trouble to the Reader, well pointed throughout, etc. By this you may see I was willing to have it read.  
Thus I have scribbled somewhat with an ill pen and an ill hand: If it be such as you can read, and will excuse, it is enough. I send back your Letters with thanks. And so with my best respect and prayers, I rest  
Christ's Coll. May 23. 1638. Yours in all friendly affection, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE LXXIV.  
Dr. Twisse's Fifteenth Letter to Mr. Mede, about Mr. Potter's Book, and the Holiness of Times and Places; with some reflections upon a Passage in the Inscription of his Discourse upon 1 Cor. 11. 22. as also an Extract of Mr. Potter's Letter relating to some passages in Mr. Mede's Letter touching the Number 666.  
Dear Sir,  
I Think myself happy that I am the medius Terminus to convey Passages between you and Mr. Potter. I received this Letter from him but on Friday last, which here I send you enclosed; wherein you will find him to rest satisfied with that you write concerning— as also how well he is satisfied with that of yours, having nothing to except against aught; but rather you extended that which he delivered somewhat farther than he intended it. You see he is desirous to see the division of his Book into Sections made by your hands, and marginal Annotations; and what else you can hear objected by any against it. I pray satisfy him as far as it lieth in your power. He is a very meek and ingenuous man; and now you see what way lie his studies, I would you would employ him in aught that you shall find needful; for I find him very desirous to gratify any friend: As I wrote to him about some things, which what they were I know not; but he hath promised to answer unto all. He is exceeding studious in his way. But is it not possible to get his Book turned into Latin in your University, especially this Vacation-time, and things standing as they do with you?  
I have lately received a 
* viz. his Discourse about Churches, etc. 1 Cor. 11. 22.  Book from you by the hands of Mr. Hartlib, for which I heartily thank you. The Title you give in your Dedication, Sublati discriminis inter sacrum & profanum Assertori eximio, I doubt will do you wrong with many, and make them to conceive that the sacrum & profanum you speak of is in your account only in respect of Place, and not at all in respect of Time. But I know the contrary, which makes me wonder at it the more. I had recourse unto you about the Holiness of Places long ago, merely for information; and I was then as abrasa tabula, apt to receive aught that I saw reason for. But to this hour I am not satisfied, whether the fault be in my Understanding, or in my Affections, God knows, or in the insufficiency of Evidence convincing. And that my Affection should sway me, I have this reason against it; I find myself naturally pliable that way which you take, even to superstition, as now I find, calling myself to examination. And to your interpretation of that in Paul, 1. Cor. 11. 22. I have been very prone; insomuch that the way others take to the contrary seemed to me at first sight wondrous strange, that I understood not so much as their meaning at the first, nor did I come to understand what they would, without some plodding: and when I did understand it, it seemed harsh unto me; until I came to examine what it is to despise or dishonour a Place, and compared it with Dishonouring of Days. And surely neither Days nor Places are to be honoured by us, but God in them: Yet I find a vast difference between Time and Place, though you sometimes said there was the same reason of both. But I find not the same reason in the more general notions of them, much less in the special. It is true, natural actions require Time and Place for the performance of them, the unity whereof together with the unity of the Subject necessarily concur to the individuation of them, if I remember aright my old Philosophy. And the meeting of many about the same action requires set Times and Places: But by Places you mean Churches, which are not Places natural; the like cannot be said of Times. Then as for the special consideration of them; It is apparent that proportion of Time is very momentous for the advancing of Morality and Piety; as by setting apart one day in a week for God's public and solemn service, a greater advancing of Piety is made by far than by the sequestering of one day only in a month or in a year for this: and we find nothing answerable hereunto in Place at all, least of all as commanded either by God or man.  
Lastly, as touching the particularity of Time and Place compared together; will you say there is as little evidence for the particular Day to be kept holy to the Lord, as for the particular Place? Sure I am S. gregory's is going down, if not altogether down, to be built elsewhere as they think good; we never yet heard the like of the Lord's-Day. Yet I would you could prevail but so far with your great Lord, to draw him to be Assertor eximius sublati discriminis inter sacrum & profanum as well in Time as in Place: though I despair of ever being brought to acknowledge there is no difference between these; lest of all to believe that Holiness of Place is more religiously to be observed than Holiness of Time.  
But notwithstanding the difference between us herein, you shall always be as dear to me as you have been; and that not as a civil Friend only, but as my Christian Brother too; were our differences in opinion greater than these: For I manifestly perceive how easy a thing it is for good men to take your way about the Holiness of Place; and hereunto myself have been exceeding prone. But do you think indeed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the word of Ignatius? or can you give any instance of the like, either in his time, or in an 100 years after him? I wish you all happiness as to myself, and rest  
july 2. 1638. Yours ever in the Lord much obliged and most assured, Will. Twisse.   

An Extract of the abovementioned Letter of Mr. Potter to Dr. Twisse, necessary for the fuller understanding of some passages in Mr. Mede's Letters, etc.  
SIR,  
I Should be very glad to hear that my Treatise were translated into Latin either by yourself or by any other, (if there be any such that would do it so perspicuously as I believe you would) and I should be glad if yourself or Mr. Mede would add his opinion which he mentions in his Letter, why the Number 666 was taken rather than another whose Root might also have been said to be 25.  
That the Number 25 is so conspicuous and remarkable in the Roman Calendar is also a thing remarkable and apposite, and a thing which I did 〈◊〉 in a great Roman Calendar in the Library at Oxford, but did not then under 〈…〉 of it, nor had time, at that instant, to search the reason why that Number 〈…〉 great red Capital figures. I know there are many other things which it hath 〈…〉 which wise and learned men, and such as are 〈◊〉 wi● 〈…〉 may and will observe to the same purpose 〈…〉  
I kindly thank you for the sight of Mr. Mede's 〈…〉 he came to know that I had his judgement of my Book sent unto me, I know 〈…〉 hope it shall be no hurt either to him or me, but an help and furtherance of the Tru●●.  
My Letter to Dr. T. was written to a pro●●●●● 〈…〉 hematician, and ●●●tude of matter forced me to write briefly, and therefore 〈…〉 and therefore it i●●o marvel if my unskilful and confused expressions have caused 〈◊〉 things to be mistaken at the first reading. If the Fractions of the Root of 666, being 41/51, be appliable not only to the number of Degrees, but also to the number of Minutes of the Latitude of Rome, 'tis more than I observed, and more than I intended. I thought it a sufficient exactness that 41 is the greatest number of Degrees of Latitude of that place, being there is no City near it that can stand in competition with Rome to be the Seat of Antichrist. And if that Parallel which is 41 Degrees of Latitude, and that Meridian which is 41 Degrees of Longitude, do cross and cut each other in any part of S. Peter's Patrimony, or of those Dominions of Italy which are immediately subjected to the Pope and City of Rome, this seemeth to me to be in this respect a sufficient manifestation of that individual Kingdom and City in which Antichrist was chiefly to reign and reside. And those places and Provinces which were not immediately but mediately ruled by him, were at the time of the Council of Trent chiefly confined within that Parallel which is 51 Degrees of Latitude and that Meridian which is 51 Degrees of Longitude. For these two Numbers 41 and 51, or rather 41/51, being considered the one as Numerator, the other as Denominator of the same Fraction, must not be understood the one of Degrees and the other of Minutes, but both must be applied to divisions of the same denomination, and one be considered as part of the other, and the Numerator as the most principal part which is chiefly intended.  
In the second place, Because this Fraction 41/51 supposeth one Integrumto be divided into 51 parts or thereabouts, I therefore observed that one Degree of Longitude in that Circle or Parallel under which Rome lieth did contain in Longitude about 51 Italian or Roman miles, and this supposes one Degree in maximo circulo to be about 68 Italian miles and somewhat more; which agrees very well and strangely with that experimental definition of Snellius, lib. 2. Eratosthen. Bat. cap. 12. where he hath with great evidence of truth and probability defined ambitum terrae in maximo circulo to be 123120000 Roman feet, that is 342000 feet to one Degree, which makes 68 Italian miles and somewhat more.  
As concerning that which Mr. Mede adds in his Letter about my Book; I do believe that as Daniel understood not many Visions which were showed unto him; so neither did s. john understand the meaning of the Number of the Beast, nor the Measures of the New jerusalem, when he wrote the Revelation. And the strange and wonderful Wisdom of God, in discovering so many, so different things concerning Antichrist by one Number only, and in laying a foundation for this discovery by making the Number 12 〈◊〉 able in the Old Testament, in respect of the City jerusalem and the Patriarches and Tribes, long before our Saviour came in the flesh, hath been to me a great, if not the greatest of all external Testimonies for the Divinity of the Scriptures; and I doubt not but that it will be so to others that do believe it and understand it.  
I should be glad to hear what those Exceptions were which Mr. Mede writeth that some made against some things which he related out of my Book. I am confident that all material Objections may be fully answered. Perhaps that which he mentioneth of the Virgin Company was one thing which was objected against it. To which I answer, That it is most true, that the Beast having two horns like the Lamb is opposed to the Lamb, and that the Followers of the Beast which receive his Mark are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Followers of the Lamb: But it is also to be observed That the Number 666 is not said to be the Number of the Followers of the Beast, but of the Beast; and it is also to be observed That the Number 144000 is not said to be the Number of the Lamb, or of that Hierarchy which is most appositely opposed to the Beast, but to be the Number of the Followers of the Lamb. Now although the Lamb be properly opposed to the Beast, and the Followers of the Lamb to the Followers of the Beast; yet the Beast is not so properly opposed to the Followers of the Lamb, nor the Lamb to the Followers of the Beast; and therefore the Number of the Beast is not so directly opposed to the Number of the Followers of the Lamb, as it is to that Number which typeth out chiefly that Hierarchy of the Lamb which is most directly and most eminently opposed to the Beast. Now the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of the Church of Christ is chiefly typed out by the Wall of the New jerusalem and by the Number 144, and therefore I have said in my Book, That the Number 144 is an Idea (not of the Church in general, although that be also true and affirmed in a general sense, but) of the Hierarchy of the Church. Forasmuch therefore as the Number 144 is a type of that which is more properly and directly opposed to the Beast than the Followers of the Lamb are opposed to the Beast; I therefore conceive this Number 144 to be more directly and immediately opposed to the Number of the Beast than the Number 144000, which is a type of the Followers of the Lamb, and therefore must be opposed, not to the Number of the Beast, but rather to the Number of the Followers of the Beast. And although there be no such Number expressed in the Scriptures, yet if there had been occasion to express the Anti-numerus to 144000, I believe it would have been said to be 666000: For as the Number of the Lamb's Followers is derived from 144, so is 666000 from 666. I have more to say of this, but 'tis now time to hasten my Letter.  
As for that Copy of my Book which you sent to my L. S. if you have received it, I desire you to keep it still in your hands, that it may be a witness from whence those divers Copies have proceeded which are now abroad in the world. If any Copy of my Book (having come into some malevolent hands) should be corrupted, and have any thing inserted into it which might be offensive to the State; then that Copy which you have would acquit me from it— If you had any Copy which you can spare to return unto me, I had rather it were another than the same I sent you: And of all other I should desire to see one that hath Mr. Mede's Notes upon it: it should be safely returned again unto you, and I should be thankful to Mr. Mede for any thing which he hath added or illustrated or corrected—  
I kindly thank you for the sight of such Papers as I have here returned, and shall still rest  
Kilmington, june 27. 1638. Yours to be commanded, and for your sincere love and many kindnesses greatly obliged, Francis Potter.   

EPISTLE LXXV.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's and Mr. Potter's Letters. His Vindication of that Elogium in the Inscription of his Discourse upon 1 Cor. 11. 22. [viz. Sublati inter sacrum & profanum discriminis Assertori.] His Vindication of that Maxim [Eadem est ratio Loci & Temporis] from the Exceptions of Dr. Twisse. 
In the first Edition page (660) was only printed a piece of this Letter, (which was all that could then be found) or the rude draught of an Answer written in haste upon the backside of Dr. Twisse's Letter. But in this is presented the whole Letter, as it was perfected by the Author, and copied ou● of the Original MSS.  The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the first 200 years, the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not found in any Ecclesiast. Writing for 200 years. An Objection from the taking down S. gregory's Church answered.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Thank you heartily for communicating Mr. Potter's Letter with me. I understand now his reason why he took not in the Number of the Virgin-Company to ground his discovery of the Mystery of the Beast's Number upon, as by an Anti-numerus of an Anti-company; and I am in some degree satisfied therewith, yet so as I could still wish he had made some more use of it in his Argument, and not wholly passed by it with silence. I confess the observation of this supposed defect was mine own, and no bodies else: For those I related the Contents of his Book unto, had never (I believe) looked so much into the Apocalypse as to be able to make such an Exception, so far as I could discover by their Discourse. Yet how this Number might be taken in, though not as a principal, yet at least to bear a part, I am yet to seek; which before I read his Letter I thought I had not been: now methinks I see some possibility only a●ar off, and am as one loath to lose it.  
The Exceptions I made mention of were not worth specifying, being of the same nature with Dr. Ts, viz. want of exactness both in the Root and in the Application. Whereupon I desired them to instance in any one Prophecy in the whole Scripture, which they would affirm and could show to be more exactly fulfilled than Mr. Potter (if his Authorities were true) had shown this to be; yea I urged them as far as the Prophecies concerning Christ himself, the time, the place and manner of his Coming; offering to parallel one Evidence and exactness with another. To which I received no other answer, but that they doubted much I would fall short, and that howsoever it was not good to make such Comparisons: wherein, it may be, they said not amiss.  
That observation of mine, of Rome's Latitude to be 41 degrees and 51 minutes, was upon the sudden. For looking into Stadius his Catalogus Locorum & Vrbium in his Ephemerideses, I found the Latitude of Rome to be there 41 degrees and 50 minutes, but in Origanus his Catalogus 42 degrees and 4 minutes, (which is 14 minutes more) in Maginus, as I remember, 42 degrees and 2 minutes; for I have him not in my Study, as I have the other two. I supposed that Stadius had followed Ptolemy; but when I looked some days after, I found in him but 41 degr. 40. min. 'Tis somewhat strange there should be no better agreement, if not of Ptolemy with the neoterics, yet of the neoterics with themselves, about so famous a City. But that of Stadius is nearest the middle between the extremes. Whatsoever it be, I make no account of it: yet I do not very well understand what Mr. P. means in his Letter, when he saith, That both the Numerator 41 and the Denominator 51 must be applied to divisions of the same Denomination, and yet the one to be part of the other, etc. But I have no time to consider it.  
I doubt that the Meridian of 41 degr. of Longitude and the Parallel of 41 degr. Latitude will not cross each other in any part of S. Peter's Patrimony, nor scarce any where upon Land; whether we count the first Meridian with Ptolemy in the Canaries, or with the later Cosmographers in the Azores; the later accounting 10 degrees more or less than the other: which uncertainty also will make that other Application of the Parallel and Meridian 51 to be the Boundaries of the Papal dominion Eastward and Northward at the time of the Council of Trent, to be obnoxious and unuseful.  
Concerning the translating of M. Potter's Book into Latin, I could wish it; but I believe you mistake the possibility of getting it done in Cambridge. He that should do it must have a threefold qualification. 1. He must be ready and master of his Style. 2. He must be one that can understand it. 3. He must be well-affected to the Argument. How hard will it be, think you, to find all these concurrent in the same man here? For myself, I express myself with my pen with as much difficulty, if not more, than I do with my tongue; and so I want the first qualification, though, it may be, not the other two. And for others, I know not any that are able so well affected to the Argument, that they would be willing to undertake it: you may imagine divers impediments that way, which I will not name. But were it not fit rather that Oxford, that bred it, should do this office for it? I think Mr. P. in his Letter guesseth aright.  
I forgot to answer to one thing in Mr. Potter's, namely concerning my Copy of his Book. Mr. Hartlib was earnest somewhile since to borrow it of me, to transcribe another conformable to it. I stipulated with him not to let it go out of his house. It is a mistake that I had written any marginal Annotations upon it. I affirmed only that I had written all his Margins with mine own hand, lest the alteration of the pages should confound them; only perhaps I added here and there some numeral references in the Margin, where the Text refers to somewhat spoken of before or to be spoken of afterward. That which I did to it was the distinguishing thereof into 8 Sections, and prefixing in the beginning of the Book the Contents of each of them, ad leniendum taedium Lectoris, and to represent unto him the sum of the Discourse in a short view. Also by breaking of lines I distinguished each Section as it were into Paragraphs, etc.  
NOW, Sir, for my Book, I sent it not to you as an Auctoramentum or Press-money to bind you to be of my opinion; but only as a testimony of that honour I thought I owed you; and yet so much the more willingly, because the Argument confirmed some grounds of Mr. Potter's, if I am not deceived. It was my New-years-gift to my Lord's Grace after he had taken me under his name; which some Friends informed me was a Ceremony of decorum, that I could not now at the first omit, and would serve in stead of a journey to London to thank his Grace, etc. I had this ready, and sent it in that name, with the Inscription you see, save only that the words In novi anni auspicium gratique, etc. now appear not, being thought by some fit to be omitted when it was to go to the press: To which honour the Author (if I know his mind) had no ambition it should have been preferred.  
Well, but howsoever it came about, you say that part of the Elogium in the Inscription you doubt will do me wrong, [viz. Sublati inter sacrum & profanum discriminis Assertori] although you know the contrary to what they will be ready to conceive thereupon. 'Tis true; there be some men that will never find the true sense or reason of any thing quod dictum aut factum nollent. I have heard of the constructions of my new relation, but God forgive them; I have witnesses enough, which they are not aware of, of their Vnadvisedness, that I may give it no worse term. I am beholden, yea exceedingly beholden to my Lord's Grace for his good opinion of me, (notwithstanding he well knows that in some things I differ from him) and I am bound to acknowledge it; howbeit he yet knows not his Chaplain the fancy, nor his Chaplain him. But because there are some that forget there is a Ninth Commandment as well as a Second, and have given me cause to speak, I would have them know what I now say, That I defy them, whosoever they or he be, that says, He is less ambitious or less discontented with his present condition than I am, or were when this happened unto me. And this by the way.  
I come again to the Elogium; where I am not so narrowly penned, that I should be confined to the discrimen between sacrum & profanum in Places only, to make it true. You may remember that once upon occasion with you I made 4 sorts of things Sacred; to wit, 1. Personae sacrae, 2. Res sacrae, 3. Loca sacra, 4. Tempora sacra, Personae sacrae, as the Clergy, Res sacrae, (specially so called) as Bona Ecclesiastica, etc. Now I think the world takes notice that my Lord is Assertor eximius of the Discrimination of the first Three from common; and I hope an Instance of One particular amongst Four against the other Three doth not make an Indefinite affirmation not true. Besides, I add the word [Sublati;] but the Discrimination of sacred Time with us was none of the Sublata, though somewhere it be as well as the rest. And the field of my defence is so much the larger, if it be considered that one of the three, Res sacrae, is capable of Subdivision. But enough of this, it being no well-becoming Theme to dispute upon.  
I said, there was eadem ratio Loci & temporis not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but eadem ratio Loci & Temporis sacri; to wit, for the Sanctification (i. e. holy and discriminative usance) due unto them both, and the formal reason in respect whereof it is due. For the reason why a thing is to be Sanctified or Sanctè habendum is, because it is Sanctum or Sacrum: Now whatsoever is appropriate unto God and his Service, is such, whether the determination thereof be by God's own immediate Ordination, or man's Devotion, it is all one in this respect, so the Appropriation or Dedication thereof be supposed lawful and agreeable to the Divine will. For this Sanctification we speak of depends not either upon the difference of the cause or manner whereby the thing is consecrated, nor upon the diversity of Natural and Artificial being, but upon the Formalis ratio of the Object, because it is Holy or Sacred, therefore to be sanctified with holy usance. For to Sanctify in Scripture is not only to make holy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but to do unto a thing as becometh its holiness 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Moreover I believe the Sanctification of Place to be intended in the Fourth Commandment as well as that of Time; and that not only from the Rule observed in the interpretation of the rest of the Commandments, (by one of the kind named to understand all the rest ejusdem generis,) but especially the Lord himself hath conjoined them as pairs, Levit. 19 30. Keep my Sabbaths, and reverence my Sanctuary. And why not, when they are so near akin, being both Circumstances of Action, why may I not then say, Quae Deus conjunxit, nemo separet? And it may be (if it be well looked into) the Sanctification of the Lord's-day might be urged with far more advantage upon the ground I intimate, than upon that other which is so much controverted. But it is partiality that undoes all.  
It seems by this Objection I have now answered, you supposed the Argument of my Book to be The Reverence of holy Places, which is only The Antiquity of them.  
You ask me if I believe indeed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; was Ignatius his word. I say, I do, till I hear some sufficient reason why I should not. For that of my not being able to give an instance of the like either in his time or within 100 years after, seems to me to have no force of concluding at all. When I affirmed in my Altar, That the name of Table could not be showed given to that whereon the Eucharist was celebrated, in any Ecclesiastical Writer confessed to be genuine, before 200 years after Christ; I inferred not therefrom, that therefore the name Table was never used all that time; nor, if I had, would you have believed me. And yet to tell you the truth, when I wrote that, I had some persuasion or suspicion that that Name could not be showed in any Writer for 3 hundred years after Christ, but durst not affirm so much as I thought, because I was not sure of Origen. But when a Friend of mine soon after wondered how I durst avouch in public a thing so incredible, as this to him seemed to be; I discovered that I had affirmed somewhat less than I believed, and desired him to make trial whether he could find it in 300 years or not: wherein when he had spent some time, he could not. He alleged indeed Cyprian de Coena Domini but I told him that was confessed of all sides to be none of his, etc. And now see the luck of it; The week before I received yours, a Friend showed me the New Articles of the New Bishop of Norwich (his Diocesan,) wherein (besides some other unwonted things which some body will startle at) the Bishop avouches upon the credit of his reading, That the name Table in that sense is never to be found in any Ecclesiastical Writer of the first 300 years, save only once in an occasional passage of 
* Ecclesiast. Hierarch. cap. 2. De Mysterio Baptismi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He adds to this the two places in the New T. and so affirms it is found but thrice in all. But for my part I doubt whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those places of the New T. at least both of them, can be evinced to be used in that sense, if a man should deny it.  Dionysius Areop agita. Now, Sir, what think you of this? Yet you see I can show the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oftener than once in those first 300 years. Yea if you would grant me that the Author of that Hierarchical Treatise (whosoever he were) lived but within the compass of 200 years after Christ, I could give you an instance both of the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within the time by you limited. For this Dionysius in his Mysterium Synaxeos describes the Deacons standing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in his Theory of the same mentions the sending of the Euergumeni (at the time of the Eucharist) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. However it be, it follows not, that because I can show it but once within that 200 years, therefore I should believe it was used never. Besides, methinks I observe some unreasonableness used in this kind, viz. Notwithstanding such paucity of Monuments remaining unto us of those first Ages, upon every unconcluding suspicion to discredit those we have, and then when we have done, to require proof that such things were in those times, (which we without proof deny) when those who alone could give testimony are disenabled, and sometimes for no other reason but because they give such testimony. Is this dealing reasonable?  
As for the taking down of S. gregory's Church; I answer, In the Law some things Sacred were unalienable even quoad Individuum, (as for example such as were consecrated by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Levit. 27. 28, 29.) Others were unalienable as touching the kind only, and therefore, if need were, the Individuum might be changed, so it were for the better and with the Lord's advantage, which the Law provides should be by adding a fifth part thereunto. See the rest of the Chapter quoted. But what is this to the deciding of the lawfulness or truth of what is in question, to allege that which men do? Is not all the world full of Contradictions? I verily believe that even those who are zealous for the Sanctification of the Lord's-day, do in their practice, if not in their Theory too, overthrew the Principles whereupon it stands.  
I think I have no more to make answer to, and I confess I have done this not without some tediousness. For you must pardon me, if, judging as a Stander-by, I am not persuaded you are by nature so prone and pliable, as you think, to the way which you say I take.  
Yes, I now find one thing more. S. gregory's Church, you say, is going down, at least is to be built elsewhere; but we never yet heard the like of the Lords-days No? but I have, namely, that a great man in the Reformation had once a Consultation to have translated the Lord's-day unto Thursday, upon pretence to take away Superstition, and though that Consultation succeeded not, yet he is known to have been no great friend to the hallowing thereof. How true this is I know not, penes authores fides esto; but such a thing I have read, I can assure you.  
Thus with my heartiest affection, which I never found myself prone to change for mere difference of Opinion, I commend you and yours to the Divine blessing, and am still  
Your assured Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's Coll. july 21. 1638.   

EPISTLE LXVI. 
[The following Letters (though some of them are of an ancienter date than some of the foregoing Letters) are here placed together, because most of them treat of the same Arguments, viz. The right Notion of a Fundamental Article, together with The best Method of pursuing and Procuring Peace amongst the Protestant Reform Churches.]   
Mr. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede, with an Extract of a Letter concerning Dr. Alting's Censure of Dr. Fields opinion.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Cannot but confess myself much obliged unto you for the Papers which you have been pleased to impart unto me. You do well to help us by a fuller unfolding of those excellent Mysteries which divers will take for Paradoxes.—  
But I return to your Letter, and assure you that I will have a special care to send back your Papers. In the mean time I pray accept of these enclosed, which concern the work of Pacification. Mr. Dury remembers his respects unto you, and will be glad to embrace your Letter whenever it comes. He hath not yet read your Book, because he can get none for himself, the Book becoming now rare every way. When you have done with the Papers, I pray let me have them again; some of them I had not leisure to read over. The printed Treatise I got from beyond the Seas; the 
* Casp. S●●eso.  Author of it thus writes unto me: Adsui Doctori Altingo; Is maximopere optat non praemisissem meo contra Bodsaccum Exercitio istud ex Fieldo excerptum. Ratio 1a, Quia falsa sunt quae ille tum de Orientalium hodierna, tum de Occidentalium ante Lutherum Religione refert. 2a, Quia Lutherani indè capient calumniandi ansam, quasi Universalem aliquam Religionum conciliationem moliamur. Intellexi simul hâc occasione Genevae imprimis Novum Testamentum linguâ Graecâ qualis nunc est, adeò ut non tantùm Originale Graecum, sed & Versionem Graecam simus habituri; quam ad rem 1000 Imperiales Domini Ordines dederunt, ut mittantur Exemplaria in Graeciam.  
Inter argumenta cur Fieldi sententiam rejicit est, quòd Witebergensis quidam olim ad Graecum Patriarcham miserit Confessionem Augustanam, ut approbaret, sed illam ut heterodoxam rejecisse. Quòd hodiernus Patriarcha alius sit, id personale esse, & facilè apparere ex quibus scriptis ille hauriat. Sepultus est hâc hebdomade noster Burgersdicius, etc.  
But I would fain know your judgement about this Censure of Field, it being a thing of very great consequence. Dr. Alting, I hear, is writing an Ecclesiastical History. Thus expecting your Answer, I rest for ever  
Your assured and affectionate Friend, Sam. Hartlib. London, March 13. 1634.   

EPISTLE LXXVII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Hartlib, vindicating Dr. Fields Tenet, and showing in what sense it may be said that the Roman and Greek Church have not erred in Primariis & Fundamentalibus Fidei Articulis.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
I Received not your Packet till yesterday at dinnertime. I send with this enclosed a 
* His Clavi● and Commentary upon the Apocalypse.  Book to Mr. Dury, which I was fain to rob a Friend of, promising to give him another as good, but I send the Book and this my Letter apart, that the one may bring news of the other, if they should chance not to arrive at your hands together—  
I thank you for Mr. Streso. Concerning that of Dr. Field, I have hitherto subscribed to it, according as I conceived to be his meaning; though whether the particulars of his narration be every one of them true, I cannot affirm: the most, I believe are. But it is no marvel though such a Tenet make your foreign Divines to startle: That notion is almost proper to our English, to maintain that the Roman Church, much more the Greek, ●rreth not in Primariis & Fundamentalibus Fidei Articulis, because explicitly they profess them, howsoever by their Assumenta implicitly and by consequent they subvert them. This your foreign Divines, and some too of our own, think to be an harsh assertion, because they rightly conceive not our meaning: whereof you may be more fully informed by Dr. Crakenthorp against Spalleto, cap. 47. and by Dr. Potter in his Charity mistaken. You may remember also that Bishop Davenant (in the Discourse you showed me at London) by the name of Fundamental Articles understands the Articles of the Creed of all Christians, and no other. Take notice likewise that we say the Roman Church and Ours differ not in the Articles we account to be Fundamental: not that we differ not, and mainly too, in those which they account Fundamental: Nor do we say but by consequent they ruin too even those Articles we account Fundamental, though explicitly they profess them. In a word, we hold That all the Roman Errors consist in the Assumenta they have added to the Foundation, and not in the Foundation itself, which they profess notwithstanding.  
Besides that in the main Points of Controversy between them and us, the Truths, we affirm against them were heretofore freely maintained in their Church, as for the substance from time to time; and though for the most part the opposite Faction overtopped them, yet were not the Tenets of that Faction made the Tenets of their Church, till the Council of Trent decreed them, and condemned the other.  
This is the sum of the Tenet of ours. But what do I write of these things in so tumultuary a manner? It is a point that requires a man should have his brains at home.  
What though the Patriarch jeremy rejected the Augustane Confession for Heterodox, when it was sent him? It is true, that often one Sect of Religion condemns that in another which itself affirms; because it understands not its own in another's terms and after another way. Besides, though the Patriarch rejected the Confession ●n gross, yet it follows not, he rejected it for those Points whereof Dr. Field affirms; but because it condemned likewise their Assumenta. For it is certain that in the Assumentis we differ mainly from them, and they from us.  
Now the clock strikes three, I must an end. So with my best affection I rest  
Your assured Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's Coll. March 18. 1634.   

EPISTLE LXXVIII.  
joan. Duraei Epistola ad jos. Medum.  
Cratiam & Pacem.  
Clarissime & Doctissime Vir,  
HVmanissimis tuis Literis & praeclaro illo, quod amicitiae mecum initae pignus esse voluisti, 
This Letter (after thanks to Mr. Med● for his Book upon the Apocalypse, as also for his well-wishing● to the Pacifick design among Protestants) represents Mr. Dury's ma●ner of Address and Treating with the Batavian Churches, and withal desires Mr. Mede's judgement thereof.  Scripto, cujus priorem ante aliquot annos, posteriorem nunc primùm video partem, ità animum meum affecisti, ut sufficientes neque jam scribere, neque posthac habere gratias queam; quas quia me referre posse desper●, ideo debitorem me tibi agnosco. Sed ante omnia Candorem tuum exosculor, quo de tuo ergà mea qualiacunque in Pacis causa studia affectu certiorem reddis, déque cautela in colligendis Ecclesiasticae Pacis suffragiis adhibenda prudenter mones: Nihil praeter debitum officii erga Superiores respectum à quoquam exigendum; Nihil insciis cujusque Ordinis Primoribus promiscuè proponendum; Nihil privatis temerè in publico negotio, nihil extra ordinem aggrediendum. Me quod attinet, semper ità cogitavi: attamen nescio quibus adductus tandem fidiculis hoc in me onus susceperim; aliquid ab aliorum provocatione, aliquid à mea vel simplicitate vel temeritate fateor profectum est: certè in hoc mihi Conscientia praebet testimonium, nihil à me hactenus quaesitum quod vel meipsum vel mea, sed tantum quod publicum aliorum commodum● spectar●●. Ab omnium partium legibus & dominio solutus, omnium me Servum exhibui quoad potui. Neque mihi aut ab eruditione aut rerum experientia singulari animus ad haec molimina satis instruct us vires & fiduciam sibi sumpsit; sed invict â potius quadam propensitate delatus est in hunc impetum, ut experire●ur quid in praejudiciis animorum inter partes tollendis praestari divinâ benedictione posset à privatae indusiria, & quid apud alios in tam sancta causa juvanda prompti●udinis fu●u●um esset. Siquid praeter spem, non tamen ultra votum accidit, Deo qui corda hominum regit, & abjectis saepe utitur ad gloriae suae manifestationem instrumentis, laus tribuenda est. De caetero quid imposterum mihi conandum incertus sum. Extra sphaeram han● privatae vocationis Theologicae me trahi non facilè patiar; atque ideo quoniam res jam paulatim vergit ad publicam tractationem, nihil aliud mihi propono quam ut propensam hanc animorum inclinationem in tempus usque praestituti Conventûs fovere annitar, & occasionibus sim intentus quibus Belgarum (siquidem haberi facilè potest) publicus in hoc Concilio consensus obtineatur. Vidisti jam ex narratiuncula à Lomino Hartlibio missa quid apud Ecclesias Batavicas transactum sit. Tua singularis Prudentia & mihi rem gratam & suâ humanitate dignam fecerit, si non grave●ur suum de meis illis conatibus judicium exponere; An scilicet nimiâ parrhesiâ peccatum non fuerit; Quantum nobis liceat ab illis Ecclesiis exspectare; & Quâ ratione posthac, (quoniam de responso Synodico jam solicitus sum) sive non concedant, sive concedant meis postulatis, causa haec cum illis tractanda est. Certum mihi est per Dei gratiam nihil agere quod animorum irritationi ant justae suspicion● praebere possit occasionem: Pacis enim studia cum omni lenitate, humilitate & patientia pacificè sunt tractand●: neque privato mihi aut expedire aut licitum esse judic●, à quoquam effiagitare vel importuniùs extorquere velle quidquam quod non suâ sponte, Conscientiâ duce, Charitate comite, quilibet praestare paratus sit. Hâc lege tecum, Cla●●ssime & Spectatissime Vir, familiaeriter agam, ut cuique nostrùm liceat suo jure uti, libere & loqui & tacere. Ità Divinae gratiae te tuáque studia animitus commendo. Vale, & favore ●uo amplectere illum qui est  
Pietati tuae addictissimus, joannes Duraeus. Westmonasterii, 9 Kal. April. 1635.   

EPISTLE LXXIX.  
Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Hartlib, excusing his not giving his judgement of Mr. Dury's manner of Address and Treaties with those of the Batavian Churches.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
I Received yours on Saturday, with the Copy enclosed, and Mr. Dury's courteous Letter. To which yet I doubt I shall make no answer, but use the liberty he there vouchsafes me; Vt ●uique nostrûm liceat suo jureuti, liberè & loqui & tacere: For he desires me to give my judgement of his manner of Address and Treati●●● with those of the Batavian Churches; What may be expected from them, and What ●●●se were best to be taken in case they grant, or deny. But what were this but for Phormio to teach Hannibal Stratagems of war? Ego verò ità usu rerum non valeo, ut hoc vel cogitare audeam, nedum scribere. For the place I live i●, I could perhaps tell something; but the condition of those Churches and their humours I know not farther than by hear-say, and much of that too I learned by the Papers you last sent me. And for my part, rebus sic stantibus, I cannot conceive any way better than what Mr. Dury there relates he took; whose wisdom and ability therein I am fitter to receive knowledge and information by, than to censure or give direction unto. And in particular methinks the deferring of them to the last, and not dealing with them till all other Churches had declared themselves, will, if any thing, bring them off, at least in some degree, to show their concurrence. For in such a case Singularity cannot be without a blur; which perhaps they will consider, though their home contentions have made them, I believe resty enough. But, Lord! is there any hope of a Pacification, whilst each party studies to maintain their advantage against the other entire? A joiner cannot set two pieces of Timber together, without paring something from either. I pray remember me most kindly to Mr. Dury.  
I send home herewith the Copy of his Epistle ad Batavoes; which I showed only to Dr. S. to whom I had communicated the former. Dr. W. and the rest are from home this Easter-time, and I thought not fit to keep it till their return.  
And do the affairs in Germany, say you, begin to turn? Lord! what will the Scene be then that is now to come upon the Stage? It is an intricate business, so full of windings and turnings, that no man can yet guests what is the way that Providence aims at to accomplish its end.—  
Thus in haste, with my affection and Prayers, I rest  
Your assured Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's Coll. April 1. 1635.   

EPISTLE LXXX.  
Another Letter of Mr. Mede's to Mr. Hartlib, showing his Reasons why he refused to declare himself concerning the Acta Lipsiaca.  
Worthy Mr. Hartlib,  
— IT grieves me not a little, yea perplexes me, to hear that Mr. Dury is come off with no better success from my L.— I am loath malè augurari; but I like it not. I fear it is mali ominis, and that our State and Church have no mind to put their hand to this Work: Deus avertat omen. But our Church, you know, goes upon differing Principles from the rest of the Reformed, and so steers her course by another Rule than they do. We look after the Form, Rites and Discipline of Antiquity, and endeavour to bring our own as near as we can to that Pattern. We suppose the Reformed Churches have departed farther therefrom than needed, and so we are not very solicitous to comply with them; yea we are jealous of such of our own as we see over-zealously addicted to them, lest it be a sign they prefer them before their Mother. This, I suppose, you have observed, and that this disposition in our Church is of late very much increased. Well then; If this Union sought after be like to further and advantage us in the way we affect, we shall listen to it. If it be like to be prejudicial, as namely to give strength and authority to those amongst us who are enamoured with the foreign Platform, or bring a yoke upon our own by limiting and making us obnoxious; we'll stand aloof and not meddle with it, lest, we infringe our liberty. This I have always feared would be no small Remora on our part, and I pray God it may fall out beyond my expectation.—  
Now for myself; The Acta Lipsiaca I never saw, nor did I find the Extract you mentioned in your Letter: I suppose it was forgotten when you sealed.  
But I am afraid you have made Mr. Dury take me for another man than I am: I pray therefore, let him know that I am a private man, one that the Church never took notice of, having no place or dignity in the same, nor any condition or means of living but a poor Fellowship, not known to any of the greater Clergy, nor acquainted with those that are of note in any special manner; in a word, one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as 
* 1 Cor. 6● 4.  S. Paul speaks: and therefore see not how my verdict should be of any moment in this cause.  
2. I live in the University, where we move only ad motum Primi mobilis; and that discretion is expected at our hands, who are of the inferior Orbs, as not to move without our Superiors. If any one transgress this rule, and offer to meddle in aught that concerns the Public, before the State and those in place declare themselves, he is taken notice of for Factious and a Busybody; and if he be once thus branded, all the water of the Thames will not wash him clean, if it be objected to his prejudice, though many years after: as we see by daily experience, and of late in the business of— College, if some body say true. For this cause, I am afraid, Mr. Dury will find our University-men more shy and nice than others, now— hath refused to declare himself, and— to give such encouragement to the business as was expected.  
3. That for myself, I am so far inclinable to Peace, that I can yield to a Christian Communion at as great a distance of Opinions as any Protestant whatsoever. For I hold Communion is not to be broken but for Fundamentals: of which kind I take none of the differences between the Calvinists and Lutherans to be. Yet am I not so well versed in the subtleties of those Controversies, as I think fit to adventure my judgement to the public view by an examination and censure of particulars, wherein my unskilfulness would too soon appear. Nor do I think this Union, which every true Christian ought so much to desire, will ever be brought to pass by a full decision of the Controversies; but only by abating of that vast distance which contention hath made, and approaching the differences so near, as either party may be induced to tolerate the other, and acknowledge them for Brethren and Members of the same Body.  
To Mr. Dury's request therefore I answer, That if Mr. Dr. Ward here, or Mr. Dr. Potter at Oxford think fit to declare themselves concerning the Acta Lipsiaca, when I have seen either, I shall not be unwilling to give my general suffrage with reference unto theirs. But to go farther than thus, the Reason's abovementioned will deter me.  
Thus hoping to receive the Extract you mention with your next, and praying Almighty God to remove all obstacles, and to afford Mr. Dury all means of success in this so holy a business, I rest  
Your assured Friend, jos. Mede. Christ's College, April 9   

EPISTLE LXXXI.  
joan. Duraei Epistola ad jos. Medum. Gratiam & Pacem.  
JAM in procinctu sum, 
In this Letter Mr. Dur● represents the Heads of his design for a Pacification amongst the P●●●●●ants, particularly in Germany; and withal entreats Mr. Mede's Advice thereupon.  Reverende Virro, ut in Belgium iter faciam. Vale-dixi Domino Archiepiscopo Cant. & amicis in Aula, & in eo sum ut & caeteris valedicam: Tu mihi praetereundus non eras, cujus non ità pridem humanitatem prolixè expertus sum. Dici non potest quam grata tuae apud me haereat & haerebit conversationis memoria; quoties enim sermonis tui doctissimi, prudentissimi & utilissimi capita apud animum, quod fit multoties, revolvo, fateor nullam mihi à multis annis horulam tam fructuosè, tam jucundè effluxisse, quam illa fuit quâ tuo usus sum consortio. Nunc brevibus accipe itineris mei scopum. In Belgio nihil urgebo, nihil instanter affectabo, praeter id quod sponte suâ facturi sunt nihil postulabo; id quicquid futurum est in Ecclesiae Germanicae commodum convertetur. Sed apud Germanos haec mihi erunt proposita suasionis & tractationis capita.  

1. Decreto ab Ordinibus facto contineri saluberrimum componendis Ecclesiae dissidiis cons●lium.  
2. Ad hujus Decreti executionem pro virili promovendam omnes & Magistratus & Theologos junctis suffragiis, studiis & conatibus, teneri in conscientia: atque ideo Conventûs indictionem non ulteriùs differendam.  
3. In Conventu hoc ad abolitionem Schismatis indicendo opinionum minutias & difficultates Scholasticarum controversiarum spinosas resecandas à Pacis tractatu; neque de aliis capitibus disputandum, sed explicandum quid utrinque receptum & in confesso est.  
4. Concordiam in Ecclesiae Primitivae Symbolica, & Christianae Religionis Fundamentali veritate, atque in ea Fraternitatis contesserationem, certis canonibus Ecclesiastieis esse confirmandam.  
5. Symbolicam veritatem illam quae continetur Apostolico, & explicatur Athanasiano Symbolo, & quae confirmata fuit in Nicaeno, Ephesino primo, Constantinopolitano, Chalcedonensi, Milevitano & Arausicano contra Pelagianos Conciliis, quibuscum Confessiones Protestantium & inter se harmonicè & subordinatè cum sacra Scriptura consentiant, per se solam ad animarum salutem sufficere iis qui ex Verbo Dei in Fidei simplicitate illam haurientes, de caetero voluntati ejus sine admixtione cultûs Idolatrici obediunt.  
6. Omnes extra hunc Fidei tenorem Scholarum controversi●s in utramque partem saluâ charitate inter Doctos agitari; à simplicioribus tutò & utiliter ignorari, atque ideo pro concione nequaquam contentiosè tractari debere: atque hoc Patribus Ecclesiae Primitivae in more positum fuisse constat.  
7. Causas Schismatum & inextricabilium in Ecclesia Christiana confusionum oriri hoc seculo, partim ex neglectis rerum Fundamentalium & Non-fundamentalium in Fide & Praxi limitibus; partim ex nimis curiosa Mysteriorum perscrutatione, & promiscua privatarum de iis opinionum evulgatione; partim ex spreto Antiquitatis Primaevae de Sacrae Scripturae sensu judicio; partim ex praepostero & amarulento refutandi potius alienam sententiam, quam inoffenso veritatem ex proprio sensu explicandi studio; partim ex usurpata unius in alterius conscientiam & intellectum tyrannica definiendi potestate & censura; partim ex amissa pristinae disciplinae regula; partim denique ex neglectis Sanctae Communionis officiis, fraternaeque Communicationis inter Ecclesias distinctas sopitis super mutua in rebus spiritualibus aedificatione affectibus. Hinc obortam Opinionum & Rituum omnimodam diversitatem; indè multiformem Ecclesiarum in Fidei fundamento alioquin consentientium faciem emicuisse; haec rerum imperitis aestimatoribus speciem contrarietatis, atque indè dubitationis, disquisitionis, dissidii & Schismatis ansam praebuisse.  
8. Hisce malis remedium hoc tempore calamitoso nullum accommodatius excogitari posse hoc Protestantium praestituto Conventu; cujus effectus hic expetendus est, Vt in Doctrinalibus utrinque concessis Fraternitas, in dubiis & utilibus commoda explicatio, in reliquis sentiendi libertas & tolerantia communibus suffragiis sanciatur; in publico autem Cultu ac Ritibus Ecclesiasticis ea conformitas quae necessaria ad mutuae aedificationis & commercii sacri affectus confirmandos videbitur, certis legibus circumscribatur.   
Hîc vides institutum meum: cui assequendo licèt me imparem agnoscam, nihil tamen pro tenui virium mearum demenso reliqui faciam ad summum & sincerum conatum. Multum tribuo, idque meritò, tuae eruditioni, pietati & prudentiae. Ergò si quid visum fuerit super hisce monere, feceris amico & conservo Christi tui observantissimo rem gratam, & forsan publico non inutilem. Exspecto etiam ut me tuis vel ad Dominum de Dieu, vel alios quosvis, aut literis aut mandatis, siquid nunciandum est, perferendis adhibeas. Si quid autem sequenti Septimanâ huc deferatur quod mihi traditum volueris, praesentem adhuc me, & tuis, Reverende Virro, paratissimum obsequiis invenies.  
Vale. Dabam Londini, 14. Kalend. jul. 1635. Vestr● Rever. Dignitati omni cultu & obsequio devotus, joannes Duraeus.   

EPISTLE LXXXII.  
jos. Medi Epistola ad Io. Duraeum.  
IMò verò, 
In this Letter Mr. Mede approves the Heads and method of Mr. Dury's Pacifick design, and advises him to urge men to define the Ratio of a Fundamental Article; but withal intimates the reason why many are and will be averse from thinking of any such Definition.  Reverende & Ornatissime Vir, me potius nimiae & inconsuetae loquacitatis meae veniam petere decuit, quam hanc gratiam à te reportare. Poenitebat fateor, & pudebat, postquam tu discesseras, & ego me recolueram, dissertationis apud te tam tumultuariae & nusquam cohaerentis. Sed mirae tu humanitatis homo es, qui etiam Amicorum errores & vitia in gratiae & amoris Argumentum vertis.  
Tuas ad Dominum Doctorem Wardum ipse propriis meis manibus reddidi, sed negotiosum reperi, ut solet, Comitiis Academicis instantibus. Has quas vides mitto tuâ curâ ad Dominum Ludovicum de Dieu perferendas.  
Perlegi & con●ideravi diligenter Tractationis tuae futurae capita & scopum; in quibus omnia mirificè probo, neque in mentem mihi venit quicquam quod addi vellem. Nihil enim desiderari videtur. Et certè non erat ut ab eo qui rerum usum non habet multum exspectes: votum tamen quoddam meum tibi aperiam.  
In Articulos Fundamentales optârim equidem fieri posse ut paulò altiùs inquireretur, útque non enumeratione solâ, (quod hucusque factum) sed Rei ipsius definitione aliquid statuatur; quâ nempe oftenderetur, in quo demum Articuli Fundamentalis ratio & naturae sitae sit. Admodum enim dignum est consideratione, neminem ferè nostrorum reperiri qui hac in parte quidquam decernere ausus suit, imò nè aggredi quidem: cum tamen ab ejusmodi aliquo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omne de Articulis Fundamentalibus & Non-fundamentalibus judicium pendere necesse est. Ratio in aperto est; Cavet quisque suae Sectae placitis, metuitque nè dogmata sua, hoc pacto è Fundamentalium numero excidisse videantur. Hoc enim partium studiis in religione innatum est, ut dogmata, pro quibus cum parte adversa contendunt, Fundamentalium numero omnino inseri vellent, saltem non ex professo eliminari. Cavent etiam prudentiores, nè mitiori sortè errorum censur● damnatae alicui Sectae aut Haeresi patrocinari aut favere viderentur.  
Sed quoniam exigua est spes, fore ut in hac parte quicquam communibus suffragiis unquam definiatur; ideo fortè priscae Ecclesiae ejúsque Symbolis acquiescendum. Certum enim est, qui tunc Fundamentalis Articulus non fuerit, neque hodie haberi debere.  
Haec habui, nec quid amplius, Vir Clarissime, quae ad tuas responderem. jam illud solum restat, ut votis te abeuntem prosequar, Deúmque venerer, ut scopo tuo piissimo benignus adesse velit, te ubicunque terrarum protegat, & conatibus tuis felicem succe●●um largiatur. Ità vovet  
Nominis & Virtutis tuae studiosissimus, jos. Medus. E Coll. Christi, jun. 24. 1635.   

EPISTLE LXXXIII.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, touching 2 sorts of Fundamental Articles, viz. Fundamentals of Salvation and Fundamentals of Ecclesiastical Communion: His Censure of a Book written against the Ecclesiastical State.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
I Received your last, with the continuation of Mr. Dury's progress and success. I gave it to read first to—, then to some others of lower rank, lastly, to—. I know not whom I shall communicate it with besides; yet I'll keep it a week longer to that purpose. But I'll tell you, so unwilling are ours here to acquaint themselves with any such business, that you shall scarce get them to read any thing that way without much entreaty. Yea I found— himself, when I carried him this, in somewhat a like disposition. Fain he would have declined the reading of it; You can tell (said he) the substance of it, etc. One Dr. a great Calvinist for the points of Predestination, being shown it by a friend to whom I had lent it, could not be gotten, after he had read a leaf or thereabouts, to read one jot more, but cried out, It is a thing simply impossible, and never can or will be— I know one in the world, otherwise a wise, discreet, understanding man, to whom discoursing historically about Mr. Dury's negotiation and hopes, he commended it for a good and pious endeavour: But I pray God (saith he) he doth not much hurt, as things now stand at this time. He meant, as I supposed, give advantage to the Arminian party, whereunto he is a great opposite. Yea I'll tell you, but sub sigillo, that I have heard— himself say as much heretofore. You see how hard it is for men who have once drawn blood in these Controversies, I mean have publicly engaged and declared themselves in them, to listen to any overture of Peace. But enough of this.  
You long, you say, to hear my Answer to the particulars of your Letter. Which do you mean? I suppose chiefly that of Fundamental Articles. But if such great Prelates and learned Doctors (as you mention) detract the defining of the Ratio of a Fundamental Article, or designing the Number of them, as a matter not only difficult, but inconvenient and dangerous; Quid ego miser homuncio facerem? I confess I am in part guilty of advising Mr. Dury to urge men to think of such a Definition, as a ground to examine the points of difference by, of what nature they are: But I intimated withal how likely they would be to detract it, and wherefore; namely, lest by that means they might either declare some darling Opinion of their own not to be Fundamental, and thereby prejudice their own cause; or else exclude out of that number some Articles formerly determined by the Church, and so incur a suspicion or be liable to be upbraided with favouring some condemned Heresy.  
But what if, to avoid the aforesaid Inconveniences, we should go this way to work, Make two sorts of Fundamental Articles, Fundamentals of Salvation, and Fundamentals of Ecclesiastical Communion? one, of such as are necessarii cognitu & creditu ad Salutem simply and absolutely, and therefore no Christian soul that shall be saved uncapable to understand them; another, of such as are necessarii creditu ad Communionem Ecclesiasticam in regard of the predecision of the Church.  
The first not to be of such Truths as are merely Speculative, and contained only in the Understanding; but of such only as have a necessary influence upon Practice: and not all those neither, but such as have necessary influence upon the Act and Function of Christian life, or whereon the Acts without which a Christian lives not necessarily depend.  
Such, namely, as without the knowledge and belief whereof we can neither invocate the Father aright, nor have that Faith and reliance upon him and his Son our Mediator jesus Christ, which is requisite to Remission of sins and the hope of the Life to come.  
How far this Ratio of a Fundamental Article will stretch, I know not; but believe it will fetch in most of the Articles of the Apostles Creed. And by it also those two main Errors of the Socinians, the one denying the Divine Nature, the other the Satisfaction of Christ, may be discerned to be Fundamental. For without the belief of the first, the Divine Majesty cannot be rightly, that is, incommunicably, worshipped, so as to have no other Gods besides him: For he that believes not Christ to be Consubstantial with the Father, and yet honours him with the same worship, worships not the Father incommunicably; which is the Formalis ratio of the worship of the true God, from whom we look for eternal Life. And without the belief of the Second (the Satisfaction of Christ) there can be (I suppose) no saving Faith or reliance upon Christ for Forgiveness of sin. After this manner may other Articles be examined. Thus much of the first sort of Fundamental Truths, measured by the necessitude they have with those Acts which are required to Salvation.  
Concerning the second sort of Fundamentals, viz. necessary ad Communionem Ecclesiasticam; It is not fit that the Church should admit any to her Communion which shall professedly deny or refuse their assent to such Catholic Truths as she hath anciently declared, by universal Authority, for the Symbol and Badge of such as should have Communion with her.  
And this sort of Articles without doubt fetches a greater compass, and comprehends more than the other, as being ordinate and measured by another End, to wit, of Discipline; and so contains not only such Truths, the knowledge whereof and assent whereto is necessary unto the being of Christian life, but also to the well-being thereof; and therefore not needful to be understood of every one distinctly and explicitly, as the former, but implicitly only and as far as they shall be capable or have means to come to the knowledge thereof. This is the Sum of my thoughts concerning Fundamentals: If I have not expressed myself so dilucidly as I should, I pray help it with some intention of your conceit in the reading.  
For the Book you speak of, I like it not; I knew by hear-say much of the Author and his condition some years before the High-commission took notice of him, and wondered he escaped so long. For in every company he came, he took an intolerable liberty of Invectives and Contumelies against the Ecclesiastical State, when no occasion was offered him. Such Books as these never did good in our Church, and have been as disadvantageous to their Party who vent them, as they have been prejudicial to the common Cause. I durst almost affirm, that the alienation which appears in our Church of late from the rest of the Reformed hath grown for a great part from such intemperancy and indiscretion as this is, and will be still increased more and more, if those who seem to be the chief favourers of them go on in this manner. He hath too ready a Faculty in expressing himself with his pen, unless he would employ it better. For who can excuse him from a malignant disposition towards his own Mother, thus to publish her faults in Latin, of purpose to discover her shame to strangers, and to call her Sisters to see it, as Cham did his Brothers? Think what kind of crime it is for a man that is Civis and a Member, to traduce the Rulers of his people among foreiners; and what little good affection they are like to expect from ours, who are made partisans in such a kind.  
— Thus with my best affection I rest, and am  
Your assured Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's Coll. Febr. 6.   

EPISTLE LXXXIV.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, expressing his Opinion touching Mr. Streso's Book, and his distinguishing of Three sorts of Fundamentals.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
I Read over your Streso with some attention, and find many learned and considerable passages and discourses therein: But for my Animadversions which you look for, it were against my Genius; for I am one that had rather give my opinion by much, (though the world hath taught me even there to be somewhat nice,) than censure another man's. But in general, I conceive his way to be somewhat ambiguous and intricate, more than needs.  
He distinguisheth Three sorts of Fundamentals. One he calls Fundamentum ipsum: The other two he measures by their relation to it, either à parte antè, and such he terms Sub-fundamentales; or à parte Pòst, which may be called Super-fundamentales. The one, of such Truth's quae substernuntur Fundamento; the other, such as follow by immediate consequence from the same. This I take to be the Sum of his opinion.  
Now for that which is his Fundamentum ipsum or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I make no doubt but the acknowledgement of the truth thereof is Fundamental ad Salutem: So I believe also are his Ant or Sub-fundamentals; though the most of them not proper to Christianity, but common to it with judaism. For the Church of the Gospel is built or graffed upon the jewish, the common Foundation remaining the same in both. But as for the third sort of Fundamentals, or Super-fundamentals, which he makes such as are by immediate or necessary consequence deducible from the Fundamentum Salutis; I make some question whether all such are necessaria cognitu & creditu ad Salutem simply. First, because the necessity of such consequence may not be apprehended by all who hold the Fundamentum. Secondly, because I am not yet persuaded, that to deny or be ignorant of a Truth which is merely Speculative (such as some of these Consequences may be) is damnable; but only of such Truths, the knowledge and acknowledgement whereof hath necessary connexion with some practical requisite unto Salvation; I mean, whereon depends necessarily the acquiring of some Act necessary, or the avoiding some Act repugnant to Salvation.  
So that still, it seems to me, the readiest and easiest way for resolution in this matter is, To inquire and examine what those Acts are wherein consists our Spiritual life, or that Union and Fellowship which we have with the Father and his Son our Mediator jesus Christ. That which is necessarium cognitu & creditu unto these is Fundamental ad Salutem, i.e. cujus agnitioni Salus tanquam Fundamento innititur: That which is not so, is not Fundamental ad Salutem. For example, He that comes unto God (saith S. Paul) must believe that God is: So likewise, He that comes unto Christ, or unto the Father by him, (as every one must do that will be saved) must believe that Christ is, and that he is constituted the Mediator between God and us. He that comes unto and relies upon Christ for remission of sin, must believe that Christ suffered, and was offered a Sacrifice for the sins of men, and thereby purchased that power to confer remission unto all that should repent and believe in his Name. He that bids a true farewell to sin, and savingly buckles to the works of a new life, must believe there is a life to come, and a Day wherein God by the Man he hath ordained shall judge both the quick and dead, and give unto every one according to his works; according to that of S. Paul, Acts 24. 15, 16. I have hope towards God; that there shall be a Resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust. 
* So should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be rendered: not In hoc, nor In hac re, as the Valg. and Erasmus; nor Interea, with Beza; but, with the Syriack and Arabic, Propterea. H●bra●smus est, ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sape val● propter.  [For this cause] do I exercise myself to have always a conscience void of offence toward God and toward men. According to these examples you may examine more.  
The difference between Mr. Streso's way and mine is this: He measures his Fundamentals by their relation to one Fundamentum; I measure all by the relation they have to Eternal life, in regard of those Acts and Dispositions whereby we are capable thereof.  
Take this Similitude; In a Creature endued with animal life are many Members or Organs, whereof though none can be wanting, hurt or wounded, without some deformity, defect or detriment of the whole; yet all are not essential unto the Life of the Body, but such only from whence those Faculties and Functions flow whereon Life necessarily depends; such as are Respiratio, Nutritio, Gustus, Tactus, Pulsus, Somnus, and the like: Therefore the Organs whereon these depend can neither be wanting, nor notoriously hurt or wounded, but the Body presently dieth. Without Legs, Arms, Tongue, Eyes, Ears, Nose, a man may live, though a most pitiful, ugly and loathsome spectacle, and more fit for the spital than the public society of men: But without Head, Heart, Lungs, Stomach, and the like, he cannot; namely because these Members, and the sound and good temper of them in some degree, are necessary to those Faculties and Functions which are requisite unto Life. Apply this, and improve it by your Meditation. Vale.  
Yours, jos. Mede. February 27.   

EPISTLE LXXXV.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, touching the Acta Lipsiaca, as also touching a Confession of Faith and the way of determining Fundamentals, that it should be short, easy and evident.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Have received the Acta Lipsiaca, but if I could have given you notice in time, I would have saved you that labour, and borrowed of Dr. W. for he had promised to lend me his. When I had read it over, Lord! me thought, what little differences are these to break communion for? viz. for one or two Speculative Subtleties, for some Logical or Metaphysical Notion. So I believe much of these disputes (when the wisest and moderatest of both sides have expounded themselves) is (I will not say mere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— For your Extracts, I read them presently, and laid them by; and to confess the truth, some business following presently took me so much up, that I had almost forgot I had them, till your admonition put me now in mind of them.  
That George Francis his way Degradibus necessitatis dogmatum Christianorum, quibus Fidei, Spei & Charitatis officia reguntur, methinks by the Title should come somewhat near that fancy. 'Tis true that he says, Some men have such an unhappiness of Logic, that by an affected following their methods and Technological artifices they make things more obscure and intricate, which in the true use of Logic should be made more easy and perspicuous.  
I have not yet attentively read Mr. Dury's Consultation: which I will do, and then send it back: For men's minds here are so remote from thoughts of this nature, that it is to little purpose to communicate it to many. The way to determine Fundamental Articles must be made very short, easy and evident; or it will breed as many Controversies as are about the Points themselves in question. I can gather that by what I sometimes meet with. It is not fit that a Confession which concerns all that will be saved to know and remember should be any long or tedious Discourse. The Ten Commandments given by God are an Epitome faciendorum; The Lord's Prayer is Summa or Epitome petendorum: Accord to which Pattern the Confession we seek for should be but Summa credendorum.  
Thus with my prayers and best affection, I rest  
Christ's Coll. july 24. Your assured Friend, jos. Mede.   

EPISTLE LXXXVI.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib touching the defining of Fundamental Articles.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
I Have received yours. It seems strange to me that men should hold, that those who err in Fundamentals cannot be saved, and yet maintain it scarce possible to set down the Ratio of a Fundamental Article, or any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereby to know them.  
What though Fundamentum & Fundamentalia be Metaphorical terms? yet may they soon be turned into proper ones, namely, Articuli cognitu & creditu necessarii ad Salutem. Here is no Metaphor: Whether therefore may there any Ratio or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be given to discern these?  
I believe not that Canon of the Council of Ephesus intended to prescribe to any other Council of like Authority, not to explicate or improve the Creed of Nice, as they did that of the Apostles; but that no private Bishop should compose any other Formula Fidei, to be a Rule and Symbolum of Communion, than that of Nice.  
Thus with my Prayers and best affection, I remain  
Christ's College ult. july 1637. Your assured Friend, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE LXXXVII.  
Another Letter more fully treating about the defining the Ratio of Fundamental Articles.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
YOU wish I had declared myself more largely: But what needed it? you had the substance of all I had to say. But if you would have it more fully, then thus.  

1. By Fundamental Articles in the inquiry we mean such as are Necessarii cognitu & creditu ad Salutem; that is, Fundamenta Salutis, Fundamental to Salvation; not Fundamenta Theologicarum Veritatum, Principles whence Theological Verities are deduced. For these, though they may be sometimes coincident, are not the same.  
2. What then though the Term Fundamental be Metaphorical and improper? yet we see it may easily (if we understand our own meaning) be expressed in clear and proper terms. And therefore this can be no impediment to the finding or defining the Ratio of such Articles, whereby they may be known and distinguished from others.  
3. And what though the whole Scripture be Fundamentum or Principium Veritatum Theologicarum or Dogmatum Fidei? Yet is not every content in Scripture necessary to be known and believed explicitly unto Salvation; and therefore this Notion of Fundamentum nothing to the purpose; since (as I said) Principia Theologica, or Fundamentalia dogmatum, and Fundamentalia Salutis are not the same, but differ formally, though some of them may be materially coincident.  

4. But the Definition of such Fundamental Articles would be dangerous, inconvenient, and subject to much reprehension, yea, in respect of the diversity of men's judgements, is in a manner impossible. This methinks is very strange, That any who acknowledge there be some Truth's necessary to be known and explicitly believed unto Salvation, should yet deny there can be any Ratio or Character given whereby to know them; yea affirm it to be unsafe to determine any such, if it might be found, or that any enumeration of such Articles should be made. What? Cannot or may not those Truths be defined and known, without an explicit belief whereof we cannot be saved? What will follow upon this?  
Neither when we speak of defining here, do we mean any such matter as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or exactness of a Logical definition, (which might entangle us in School-niceties and janglings,) but any description or designation of that Ratio or distinguishing Character whereby such Truths as are cognitu & creditu necessaria ad Salutem might be known from others. And this sure might be done without any such engagement in Logical scrupulosity.   

5. As for the Objection of the Canon of the Oeeumenical Council of Ephesus; 
Ce●●. I●p●●. 1 Can. 7.  Certainly that Council never intended to restrain the power of any Council or other public Ecclesiastical Authority like itself, but only private Persons, from attempting to make any such Creed, Formula, or Confession of Faith, besides that of Nice. This I suppose may be gathered from those words, Si Episcopi, etc. Si Clerici, etc. Si Laici, etc. and the Censure to be laid upon them. Nor does it seem simply and altogether to forbid them neither, to compose any such for private instruction or use; but only for a public intent, to be tendered as a Form of Confession of Faith to Pagans or jews at their Baptism, or to Heretics when they were again received into the Church.  
For why should not the Churches now, as well as then, have the like power, upon the like occasion, further to explicate or make more explicit the former Symbols of Faith, as the Council of Nice did that of the Apostles, yea or any Church or Churches that are or would be of the same Communion, to do it for themselves? For than we know the Churches were all of one Communion; now they are not, and therefore may provide for themselves according to their condition.  
Besides, how came the Creed of Athanasius to be since publicly received in the Church, or the Council of Chalcedon, after this of Ephesus, to make a new Exposition of Faith, (unless this Canon were understood as aforesaid,) since neither of them are the same with that of Nice? Or how could the Reformed Churches make such public Confessions for themselves as they have done?  
Thus I think I have declared myself largely enough now; and perhaps more largely than befitted me, when I consider to whom it hath reference. But my hope is, you will conceal the Author's name from any man, and not reveal it save to Mr. Dury alone. And so, with my best affection, I remain    
Your assured Friend, without subscription of my name.   

EPISTLE LXXXVIII.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, containing his advice for framing a Fundamental Confession agreeably to the practice of the Ancient Church in composing their Creeds or Symbols of Faith.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
WHen I read over Mr. Dury's Consultation, (before his Discourse ad Dominum Forbesium came to my hands) I perceived he aimed at the selfsame ground for the discovery and discerning of Fundamental Verities from not-Fundamental that I had formerly done in mine to you, though in a differing way of expression, as men that conceive apart are wont to do. I made them to be such Truths as have necessary influence upon the Acts and Functions of Christian life, or without the explicit knowledge whereof those Acts and Functions cannot be exercised. He goes further, and specifies wherein this Christian life consisteth: namely, As Natural life consists in the conjunction of the Soul with the Body; so doth Spiritual life in the conjunction of Men with God, that is, in being in Covenant with him. All those Verities therefore, the knowledge and belief whereof is necessary to the Acts and Functions requisite to the being and continuation in the Covenant with God in jesus Christ, are Fundamental Verities, without the explicit knowledge and belief of which a man cannot be saved.  
But for the framing or composing such a Fundamental Confession as is sought for, let me discover my Opinion, Fancy, or whatsoever it be. I observe, That the Confessions or Creeds of the Ancient Church (which were their Symbols of Communion) were always the former Creeds or Confessions enlarged with such further additions or explanations subjoined to the former Articles respectively as the Heresies of the Times made requisite for the distinction of Orthodox Believers. So the Nicene Creed was the Creed of the Apostles enlarged in the Articles of the Father and Son, and one or two other. The Creed of Constantinople added to the Article of the Holy Ghost in that of Nice those words, The Lord and giver of life, who proceedeth from the Father [and the Son,] who with the Father and the Son together is worshipped and glorified; against Macedonius. This is the Creed we say at the Communion in our Church. That of Athanasius yet more enlarges that of Nice, as doth that of Chalcedon also the Article of the Son, against Eutyches.  
Were it not fit therefore that we should tread in their steps, and frame our Confession or Symbolum in like manner? to wit, not making the Form of our Confession wholly new, but taking the former Creeds or some of them for our ground, to enlarge their Articles with such further additions and explanations as the state of the Times requires; that so our Confession might be the Creeds of the Ancient Church specified only to the present condition of the Churches, and no other. Thus we should both testify to the world our communion and agreement with the Ancient Catholic Church, (a matter of no small moment, that we may not seem to have made a new Church or Religion, as we are charged,) and yet withal distinguish ourselves from the Sects, Heresies and Apostasies of the Times.  
To which end it were fit the words of the Ancient Creeds should be retained as much as could be; and for the more easy reception thereof, that the additions and insertions should be made in the express words of Scripture, as near as the nature of the composure would suffer it, and not otherwise. As for the meaning of them, their application to the several Articles would specify it as far as were needful to the end aimed at by such a Confession.  
Compare the Creeds of Nice, Athanasius and Chalcedon with that of the Apostles, and you will understand my meaning. And consider that in such a business as this we must not be too much in love with Methods of our own devising, (though perhaps they seem better,) but follow that which all the Churches will most easily yield unto, and cannot except against. I believe our own (as may by some passages be already guessed) would hardly be brought to subscribe to any other Form than of such a mould.  
Take this also before I conclude; That my meaning is not, we should do as the Council of Trent hath done, by adding Twelve more Articles to the Creed: but that our Additions should be inserted into the several Articles of the Ancient Creed, as subordinate to them, and farther Explanations of them. Which those of Trent indeed could not well do, those which were added being the most of them incompatible and inconsistent with the former Articles according to the true and original meaning of the same, and therefore not to be incorporated with them.  
I send you home the Consultation; I will keep the Discursus a while longer. For Comenius his Praeludium I thank you, but I have not had leisure to consider so much of it as were needful to give a censure. I believe such a thing is feasible; but for the way, Hic labour, hoc opus est.  So with my best affection I rest 
Christ's College, Aug. 14. 1637. Your assured Friend, jos. Mede.   

EPISTLE LXXXIX.  
Mr. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede, for a sight of his Papers about the Millennium.  
Worthy Sir,  
— I Had occasion to exchange some Letters of late with Dr. Twisse: In his last he writes thus unto me; [As for Regnum Sanctorum & Christi in terris, Resurrectic prima, etc. Passages there have been between me and Mr. Mede thereabouts, and I am but his Scholar therein: and I know full well, you are so well acquainted with him, that you may have any thing from him, who is my Master in this. I have yet no liberty to take into consideration the matter of Fundamentals, neither have I any affection to it, as finding no sure footing in that argument.] Thus far he. I pray let me reap the fruit of his confidence in the enjoying of those Papers which have passed between you on the forementioned Subject. Truly I shall count it a great favour, if you shall be pleased to communicate them; and having perused them, I will be careful to return them safely into your hands with my hearty thanks. Thus craving pardon for my freedom, I take my leave, remaining always, Worthy Sir,  
London, Octob. 19 1637. Your most assured and willing Friend to serve you, S. Hartlib.   

EPISTLE XC.  
Mr. Mede's Answer, with his judgement upon a Discourse arguing from some Politic Considerations against the composing a Fundamental Confession.  
Mr. Harlib,  
I Answered not your first Letter, because I had not wherewith to satisfy you. For that which Dr. Twisse says he had of me concerning the Millenary opinion, the grounds and stating thereof was only in Letters between him and me, whereof I kept no Copies; and now it would be tedious to me to renew what I then wrote. In conference I could do it with ease, but writing is very tedious to me; and my notions and wit too die presently, when I intent my mind to express them by writing.  
Concerning the Paper you now send; what judgement should I give but that I like it not? It favours methinks of too much averseness from that business. I believe you think so. The Gentleman (whosoever he be) seems himself to be one of those he speaks of, that hath in his eyes to preserve his own opinions from iudemnity: But if every man do so, what hope of conciliation?  
Besides, the matter aimed at in this business is not that either side should presently relinquish their opinions of difference; but only take notice that, notwithstanding these differences, both sides do so far agree in other Points, that they may and aught to acknowledge each other as Brethren; that so their Affections being united, and exasperation abolished, they might be the better disposed and fitted to judge of the Points of difference between them. And whereas he objects, That such Points being declared not Fundamental, would lose part of their strength, and be shaken, this inconvenience would be recompensed, in that the Opinions of the opposite party will suffer as much; and so what we lose at home, we should gain abroad.  
Howsoever it seems to me no very warrantable policy, That for the better strengthening and propagating a Truth, men should be born in hand that the belief thereof is Fundamental, when it is not; that is, that a Truth should be maintained by a Falsehood. I cannot believe that Truth can be prejudiced by the discovery of Truth; but I fear that the maintenance thereof by Fallacy may not end with a blessing.  
I would know whether the Author of this Letter thinks that the Lutherans and Calvinists agree not in so much as is necessary unto Salvation. If they do, would not a Confession composed of such things wherein they agree contain all things necessaria cognitu ad Salutem; and yet no necessity that this or that particular Tenet should be defined by such Confession to be or not to be Fundamental?  
I would know also whether he thinks it fit that particular Churches should have particular Confessions, whereunto their Members should profess their assent. If so, I would have it considered, whether some of his Inconveniences be not as incident to such Confessions towards the members of a particular Church, as would be from a general Confession towards the members of several Churches.  
All such Inconveniences are per accidens, but the good and benefit is per se; yea prevents far greater evils, with which such contingent and casual Inconveniences may not stand in competition. What greater evil can befall the Church than Schism and breach of Charity between her Members, and the woeful effects that do inevitably follow thereof? Shall we then to avoid the lesser, and such as perhaps may not be, cherish the greater, which threaten ruin to the whole Body? that I say nothing of the danger of the spiritual estate of those who are engaged therein, if they are not so much as willing to be at Unity. This is a great piece of Practical Divinity, and to be more considered than it is.  
Moreover it is to be considered, that many of the Evils he supposes would follow of such a Confession are already in being in most Churches, whilst there is no such Confession: Therefore the declining of such a Confession is not the means to avoid them; they will be whether there be any such or not. Those who will seek for pretences to do amiss, will always find them.  
Some of the Evils he alleges are such, as the contrary to what he fears seem every whit as like to follow. For why should not such a declaration and limiting of Fundamentals rather introduce a greater liberty and indulgence in particular Churches to think what men list in other points, than an oppression or further bondage to be imposed upon the Members thereof? Yea a Confession cannot descend far in particulars, but some men's Consciences or other will be wronged by it: And a man in this case should not have respect to his own Conscience only, but as well to other men's who may scruple the contrary to his.  
He seems to me to confound Points of Faith with matters of Practice and Manners. But the question is not, what is Licitum or Illicitum in Practice, or what is Necessarium factu; but what is Necessarium creditu ad Salutem.  
Lastly, the whole Discourse, methinks, moves rather upon the hinges of Policy than of Divinity; as is too manifest in that he would have the foreign Churches to labour such a Confession, and ours to lie at the advantage to approve or not to approve is, as we shall find it makes for or against our particular Tenets.  
All this I write tumultuously and confusedly, without order, without deliberation. It is sufficient if you can guests my mind thereby, or get any hint to think more accurately how such Objections are to be answered. To show it any body I would not; it is not fit: If any thing be to purpose, make it your own. So with my best affection I rest  
Christ's College, jan. 22. Yours, I. M.   

EPISTLE XCI.  
Mr. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the Manuscript deciphering the Number of the Beast, 666, and other Books newly set forth.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Thank you for your Answer and solid judgement which you have returned to the enclosed Paper: you need not fear the miscarrying of these your Notions. Mr. Dury will easily smell them out, though I should convey them in my own name unto him. By these enclosed you will see a fuller character of that Gentleman, and what entertainment some Extracts out of your Letters concerning Fundamentals have found with Mr. Dury. You do not tell me the name and your opinion concerning the Anonymous Book in folio, called Bestia Apocalyptica. There is great commendation of a Manuscript deciphering the Number of the Beast, 666. I would fain learn of you wherein the excellency of that Treatise principally consisteth. I hear Cluverius, a very profound Historian and Divine of Denmark, hath written an excellent Commentary upon the Revelation, which is not suffered to come forth, by reason of many Paradoxical passages which the Times cannot brook as yet. I make no question you have seen a Book which Dr. Brochmand of Denmark hath written, which is not unfit for our Times, wherein he answereth the Motives for which the Administrators of Hall did fall off from Protestancy. It was published Regio jussu Hafniae, 1634. One writes that this Book doth answer largely many of the particular Arguments which are used in Mercy and Truth against us, and doth it solidly and well in most of them. He wishes also that it were more common amongst our Court-Divines.—  
Return the Copy of the Order of the Knighthood, when you have sufficiently perused it. Thus I rest  
London, jan. 24. 1637. Your most affectionate and willing Friend to serve you, S. Hartlib.   

EPISTLE XCII.  
Mr. Mede's Answer, with his judgement of Mr. Potter's Discourse of the Number of the Beast, 666.  
Worthy Mr. Hartlib,  
I Received yours with the Ordo Beatae Virgins, which with the rest I will send back next week; for now I have no time to make them up.  
That Discourse or Tract of the Number of the Beast is the happiest that ever yet came into the world; and such as cannot be read (even of those that perhaps will not believe it) without much admiration. The ground hath been harped on before; namely, That that Number was to be explicated by some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Numbers of the Virgin-Company and New jerusalem, which types the true and Apostolical Church, whose Number is always derived from XII. But never did any work this Principle to such a wonderful discovery as this Author hath done; namely, to make this Number not only to show the nature and property of that State which was to be the Beast, but to design the City wherein he should reign, the figure and compass thereof, the number of Gates, Cardinal Titles or Churches, S. Peter's Altar, and I know not how many more the like. I read the Book at first with as much prejudice against such Numerical Speculations as might be, and almost against my will, having met with so much vanity formerly in that kind; but by the time I had done, it left me as much possessed with admiration as I came to it with prejudice. He meddles with no more of the Apocalypse than what concerns this Number. 'Tis a Mathematical ground he builds upon, and will not be so well understood by one that hath not been a little versed in Arithmetic, in that part which is called Extraction of Roots.  
If the Scrivener, whom I hired to write me out a fair Copy thereof, had not disappointed me, I could ere this have lent you a Copy, it may be, as good as the Authors; I believe somewhat more distinct, by such directions as I gave my Scribe. If it were in Latin, it would make some of your Germane Speculatives half willed.  
Bestia Apocalyptica I saw and had above a dozen years since; but some 6 or 7 years after it came first out, our London Stationers, to make it the second time a New Book, (because some of them lay upon their hands) printed the Title-leaf anew with the then present year of our Lord at it, and at Delft, as before. This knavish trick I observed, and compared the Books at that time. But the Author I never heard, nor know who it was, but I believe a Laic Gentleman, and so I think I have heard.  
By your last piece, that Divine whose it is seems not to understand what we mean by a Fundamental Confession and Fundamental Articles. For he takes them to be such as are instar Principiorum, out of which all other Theological Verities or Articles are deducible; wherein he is wide: for the question is of Fundamentalia ad Salutem, i.e. Cognitu & creditu necessaria ad Salutem, not of Fundamenta veritatum Theologicarum.  
— Thus with my best affection, I rest  
Christ's College, jan. 29, 1637/8. Yours, I. M.   

EPISTLE XCIII.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, with his Censure of Grebner's Prophecy, in a MS. in Trinity College Library in Cambridge.  

SIR,  
ON Saturday I received yours dated March 14, that is the Wednesday fortnight before.—  
The Prophecy (which I here send you again) I would not have you make too much of. It is taken out of Paulus Grebnerus his Prophecies, a Manuscript in Trinity College Library. It was left them by Dr. Nevil their Master, had been presented it seems to Queen Elizabeth, (whom part of his Prophecy concerned) and so came to Dr. Nevil's hands, whilst he was Clerk of the Closet to her Majesty. 'Tis now almost 28 years since I first saw and turned it over, the rather because of the fine pictures therein in colours, etc. When the Wars began in Bohemia, (which was eight years after I had first seen it) remembering something I had seen therein, I had a desire to survey it anew, and borrowed it to my chamber, to see if there were any thing therein worth taking notice of. But I found nothing but vanity and fancy, and the whole series thereof and many of the particulars manifestly then confuted by the contrary Event; as you may guests by this one thing I shall tell you.  
The beginning or Epocha of his Prophecies he makes from the year 1572. when the new Star appeared in Cassiopeia, and ends the whole series of his Vexillai (so he terms them) at the year 1613. which he supposed should be The Day of judgement, having no other ground for the same than the Numeral Letters of the Latin word JUDICIUM (as they are all) which makes that Number. What think you now? He prophesied great matters of Henry the IV. of France, (which proved clean contrary,) of Queen Elizabeth and other Princes, which never came to pass. I have, I know not how often, to satisfy one or other, told them as I now tell you; and yet every five or six years it comes up again, as if it had never been discredited. Men are prone to believe any thing they would have, and any words that seem that way they lay hold on; never regarding though the ground be foolish, and the coherence with the rest repugnant to their construction. I'll tell you what Paul Grebner meant or dreamed by that you sent me.  
Know, he lived in the time of King john of Sweden, who married a Popish Lady: This is his Hujus temporis Rex Sueciae, (i. sui temporis) which he supposed should be invited by the Catholic party to take their part and to invade Denmark, etc.  
The Carolus he speaks of was Carolus Sudermanniae Dux, King John's Brother, with whom he threatens King john, that if he joined with the Popish League, he should leave his Kingdom unto him; who should of Carolus become Carolus Magnus, that is, of a Duke be made a King, and be in respect of his Dominions and Conquests another Charlemaign of the North: Et sic (saith he) è Carolo Carolus Magnus regnum capessit, (for so it should be read) qui magno successu & fortunâ, etc.—  
It follows, Deus autem Regis conjugem Papisticam ex hac vita evocat. This is King John's Wife. What should it mean else? This he dreamed should happen to King john assoon as he should have declared himself for the Popish League, and that then presently Charles his Brother should take the Kingdom, etc.  
By this time I doubt not but you understand it, and how little they heed Circumstances and other Connexion's who would interpret it of any other Charles. Howsoever Grebner was for a great part deceived concerning even that Charles he meant.—  
I think my Letter be now long enough; therefore with Prayers and best affection, I rest  
Christ's College, Apr. 3. 1637. Your assured Friend, jos. Mede.   

Postscript.  
I had written yesterday, but that partly other writing, partly Molesti homines robbed me of my time. Would you have me send back Mr. Dury's Letter or not? Vale.    

EPISTLE XCIV.  
Mr. Hartlib's Reply, thanking him for that Censure.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Thank you for your last of the third of April. I never made much of Grebner's, or any of those Prophetical fancies. I approve fully of your judgement which you have given upon it. I hope it will work some good upon those who are used to be carried away with these Dreams. Some weeks ago worthy Dr. Twisse communicated unto me Mr. Potter's MS. of 666. Certainly our Germans will be wild when they shall see it in a more known language. If you please to let me have your Copy also, I shall take it as a special favour. I am very confidently assured that my Lo. Gr. of Cant. himself hath written a Book in answer to some Popish Points, as it were a second part of Chillingsworth, composed chiefly upon the point of Fundamentals and Nonfundamentals; which Book is almost ready for the Press: only because in his quotations he hath trusted to his memory, he is revising and examining them, and then it comes forth. In the mean time I rest  
London, 6. April 1638. Your most willing and affectionate Friend to serve you, S. Hartlib.   

EPISTLE XCV.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, concerning the Number 25. the Root of the Beast's Number, viz. 666. with his judgement of an Analytical Table of the Apocalypse which was sent him; his differing from the Author thereof in four particulars.  
Worthy Mr. Hartlib,  
— COncerning your Mathematician's Letter about Mr. Potter's interpretation of the Beast's Number, I like his Observation of the Roman Calendar, that of all the Numbers of the Epact they should choose XXV. for the AEquation with the Golden number; and I think it (as far as I understand it) worthy to be added to the rest of Mr. Potter's of that kind. But that of T. L. 1666, I have known long, but never had any fancy to, and I think it not worthy to come in collation with that of Mr. Potter's. Yet it is pretty, I confess, what your Author observeth of the Roman Numeral letters CDILMUX, idest, MDCLXVI.  
I would willingly send you my Copy of Mr. Potter's Book, but by a sure hand, for the Carrier I dare not trust. It cost me— to be written out to my mind, besides mine own pains in distinguishing it, and dividing the whole into 8 Sections, and prefixing the Contents of every Section at the beginning, and writing the margins with mine own hand: and therefore I would not willingly lose it. If I light upon a convenient messenger, I shall send it.  
The Analytical Table of the Apocalypse, if you had not charged me therewith, I should not have believed it had been still in my hands; for I verily thought I had sent it back long before this, and was a while very much afraid I must have sent you word it was lost: yet at length I found it, and have sent it herewith.  
The Author of the Analytical Table differs from me wholly in the 20. Chapter, and follows Mr. Brightman. What I conceive, you may find in my Commentationes Apocalypticae. My difference will appear by these particulars.  

1. I hold but one Millennium, and that to begin at the destruction of the Beast: He holds two, one beginning at Constantine, another at the destruction of the Beast.  
2. I deny that Satan was ever yet tied up, much less at the time of Constantine. 'Tis one thing to be dethroned and thrown down from Heaven, (that was at the time of Constantine;) another thing to be bound and close prisoner, and not so much as peep out of his dungeon. See my Synchronisms, Clau. Apocal. Part. 2. Synch. 4. 
* In this Edition pag. 427.  pag. 22, 23.  
3. I take the Resurrection, both of them, First and Second, to be proper and real; he Metaphorical. 'Tis not safe to deprive the Church of those Texts whereon her faith of the Resurrection is builded. For this interpretation will necessarily rob us of that of Daniel Chap. 12. also, whereon I believe the Church of the Old Testament built her faith of that Article; there being no such evident place besides in all the Old Testament.  

4. He seems to appropriate the Second Millennium (which I think the only) to the glory of the jews only: I extend it to the whole Catholic Church of the Gentiles, when the jews shall come into the fold; and that the Apocalypse is properly and primarily the Gentiles Prophecy, I mean of the Church of the Gentiles, and of the jews but by accident and coincidence only. The jews have prophecies enough of their own in the Old Testament.  
In my Books and the papers I once sent you concerning this Point all this is easily to be seen.— With my best and wont affection I rest    
Christ's College, April 16. 1638. Your assured Friend, jos. Mede.   

EPISTLE XCVI.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, modestly excusing his own abilities, and intimating what cause he had to decline coming forth in print; with his Observation touching the Latitude of Rome.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
TOuching the Letter you sent me, De necessitate Textualis interpretationis S. Scripturae, I so fully agree with the Author in the former part thereof, that I could not have expressed mine own thoughts thereabouts in mine own words better than he hath done in his. But for the latter part, alas! it is nothing so. I know myself better than any man else, and I am conscious that I am infinitely far from any such ability as he collecteth out of a little diligence perhaps in a Discourse or two. If I have hit upon any Truth, it is wholly to be attributed to my indifferency in such searches, to embrace whatsoever I should find, without any regard whether it were for the advantage of one side or other, and not to any ability beyond others. Freedom from prejudice, studium partium or desire to find for this side rather than that, (which I confess I endeavour as much as I can possibly to subdue myself unto) is sufficient with a little diligence to discover more than I have yet done, without any such great learning. I confess I know myself to have so little of that this Gentleman supposeth me to have, that the very reading thereof hath made me more than half melancholic ever since. I am bound to love him, and take it kindly that he hath any good or favourable conceit of me or ought of mine: But no man can make me believe that I have those abilities I have not; yea 'tis somewhat burdensome and unwelcome to me to bethought to have: Ex animo loquor. Yea I am almost so uncharitable as to suspect this is some stratagem to work me to something I know not what. But let it go.  
I could tell some tales of my Altar of another strain, that would make you think I have no great joy to come in public; as, I think I can safely say, I did never yet plenâ voluntate, but yielding to other men's importunities or desires: yet I know not whether I shall yet rest, and keep my thoughts and myself in my Cell. In a word, Mundus amat decipi magis quam doceri, and will never entertain any man well that shall deal ingenuously with them. He must look to have Micaiah's luck: He must say true, and yet not prophesy against Ahab: If he does, he must to Pound and to hard meat for it.  
For mine to Dr. Twisse, there is something wherein I had not fully informed myself, about the Latitude of Rome, as having not Ptolemy by me. I said, the old Astronomers made the Latitude thereof 41. 50. minutes; the later promoted it some minutes more to the North. When I wrote so, I trusted to Io. Stadius, who makes it so; and supposed he had derived it from those before him. But after looking upon Maginus his Ptolemy, I find that Ptolemy, according to him, makes it but 41. and 40. min. and some others and some Maps less. The sum is this; Ptolemy 41. 40. Stadius and others 41. 50. Maginus himself 42. 2. Origanus 42. 4. The Middle is about 41. 51. I have no time to inquire further, nor Books at hand. I pray transcribe this in yours to Dr. Twisse, lest he send my notion or mistake to Mr. Potter without this correction, though it be not material. For by his words to you I suspect he means to do it; which occasioned me to add this. Thus with my wont affection I rest, and am  
Christ's Coll. june 4. 1638. Yours, joseph Mede.   

EPISTLE XCVII.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to a worthy Friend, touching some Papers of his printed without his privity.  
Worthy Sir,  
I Thank you very heartily for your Book and kind Letter, as I should have done long ago for another Book you sent me. But I have entangled myself a long time with so much needless writing to no purpose, as it makes me sometimes glad of any pretence to be idle, when I should not. For what you say of a Scribe, it was I that took order to have such a one sent to you, not you to me. I'll assure you, you have performed more than I durst have thought of doing, though you please to profess yourself my Disciple. But it is no unwonted thing for Scholars thus to outgo their Masters.  
There are some Papers of mine walking I know not where, concerning Bowing towards the Altar: which were written by way of Answer to some body (and a man of note) demanding of me what I thought thereof. One was my first Answer: Another more large, replying to the Exceptions he made against that first, and the whole opinion and practice, being somewhat larger than I use to write Letters, and written with some intention of mind (after my thoughts that way had been long asleep.) I by chance kept a Copy of it, which how it came to be so much dispersed, I profess I know not.  
That so-long-since-written Discourse of mine, De Sanctitate Relativa, etc. savours too much of my infancy in Divinity, and first thoughts, and affection of style, ever to see the public light.  
And indeed I had resolved to enjoy myself, and such contentment as I could find in my Cell, and never to have come in print again, either to please or displease any man; but only to vent such Notions as I had conceived privately by a new way I took of Common-placing, changing my Theme qualibet vice: When now on a sudden before I was aware, and little expected any such matter, one of my Stragglers is perkt into the Press, telling the world he was one of those Common-places. What his destiny is, I know not; but if it be good, some body can say, He hath flung many a stone in his days, but never hit the mark till now; and that too by mere chance, and not so much as intending it.  
For writing to Sir W. B. I think it is not tanti upon this occasion. 'Tis a Pamphlet, and I had rather it should come to his hands with a kind of neglect on my part, than with too much pomp. But I thank you for what you have done, and for your further offer.  
Thus with my best affection I commend you to the Divine blessing, and am  
Your old and assured Friend, jos. Mede. Christ's College, july 3.   

EPISTLE XCVIII.  
Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, touching some Socinian Books and Tenets: together with his resentment of the Difficulties which Mr. Dury's Pacifick Design met with, and of the Evil of Prejudice and Studium partium.  
Mr. Hartlib,  
I Received yours with the Discourse enclosed of Schism— That Extract of the Letter to you is but a Symptom of Studium partium; of which kind he that will be an indifferent and moderate man must look to swallow many: Therefore Transeat. Only thus much; to be nearer or further off from the Man of sin is not (I think) the measure of Truth and Falsehood, nor that which would be most destructive of him always true and warrantable. If it be, there be some in the world that would be more Orthodox and Reformed Christians than any of us. The Socinians, you know, deny That Souls live after death, until the Resurrection; or That Christ hath carnem & sanguinem now in Heaven; both as most destructive of the idolatrous errors of the Man of sin: the first of Purgatory and Invocation of Saints, (which they say can never be solidly everted, as long as it is supposed Souls do live;) the other of Transubstantiation of the Elements of Bread and Wine into the Body and Blood of Christ. Is not this to undermine Antichrist with a vengeance, as they say?  
I have not been very obtrusive unto men, to acquaint them with my notions and conceits in that kind, (for some of them that are but lately known have lain by me above these twenty years, and not shown to any) unless they urge me and ask me what is my opinion: and yet my freedom to utter my mind than to such as are prejudiced the contrary way, does neither them nor me any good. Therefore Cupio defungi, if it would be, and to be troubled no more either with Quaesita or Reciprocations in that kind.  
For the Discourse you sent me; It proceeds from a distinct and rational Head, but I am afraid too much inclined that way that some strong and rational wits do. It may be I am deceived. The Conclusions which he aims at I can more easily assent to, than to some of his Premises. I have yet looked it but once over. But any more free or particular censure thereof than what I have already given look not for, left I be censured myself. 'Tis an Argument wherein a wise man will not be too free in discovering himself pro or con, but reserved.  
Thus with my wont affection and prayers, I rest  
Your assured Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's Coll. Aug. 6. 1638.   

[After this Mr. Mede wrote another Letter (the last Letter he wrote to Mr. Hartlib, about a month before he died) wherein (besides matters of News, and his repeating what he had said in the foregoing Letter concerning the great Learning of the Author of that Discourse of Sschism,) he expresseth his resentment of the Difficulties which Mr. Dury's design of Pacification met with, in these words.]  
— Mr. Dury and such as wish well to his business must comfort themselves as the Husbandman doth, who though he sees no appearance of his Seed awhile after it is sown, (especially in dry weather) yet despaireth not but as soon as the Rain from above shall water the ground, to see it begin to spring up. You see what an invincible mischief Prejudice is and Studium partium; It leaves no place for admission of Truth that brings any disadvantage to the side: That's the Rule which they examine all by. Will so many Rents of the Church as we see ready to sink it never make us wiser?  
Thus with my prayers and best affection, I rest Your assured Friend, joseph Mede. Christ's College Aug. 28. 1638.   
The End of the Fourth Book.   


THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned joseph Mede, B. D. SOMETIME Fellow of CHRIST'S College in CAMBRIDGE.  
CONTAINING FRAGMENTA SACRA, OR MISCELLANIES OF DIVINITY.  
Io. 6. 12. Colligite quae superfuerunt Fragmenta, ne quid pereat. Chrysost. Homil. in 1 Tim. 5. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH BOOK.  

CHAP. I.  The disposition of the years of jehoiakim according to the several Events mentioned in Scripture. 
pag. 889   

CHAP. II.  The Mystery of S. Paul's Conversion: or, The Type of the Calling of the jews. 
pag. 891   

CHAP. III.  An Answer concerning a Discourse inferring from the Septenary Types of the Old Testament and other Arguments, That the World should last 7000 years, and the Seventh Thousand be that happy and blessed Chiliad. 
pag. 892   

CHAP. IV.  An Explication of Psal. 40. 6. [Mine ears hast thou bored] compared with Hebr. 10. 5. [A body hast thou prepared me.] 
pag. 896   

CAP. V.  D. HIERONYMI, Pronunciata de Dogmate MILLENARIORUM, cum Animadversionibus. 
pag. 897   

CAP. VI  Verba GAII apud EUSEBIUM, Lib. 3. cap. 22. Hist. Eccles. cum Animadversionibus. 
pag. 899   

CAP. VII.  De Nomine Antichristi apud S. joannem. 
pag. 900.   

CAP. VIII.  Placita Doctorum Hebraeorum de BABYLONIS seu ROMAE Excidio. 
pag. 902.   

CAP. IX.  Quomodo interpungendum vertendumque censuerim Com. 35 & 36. cap. 11. Danielis, ut Angeli Prophetantis ibi loci Transitio a Regno tertio ad quartum (puta Romanum) evidenter cerni internoscique possit. Cui additur & sequentium aliquot Commatum versio, una cum applicatione parallela. 
pag. 903.   

CHAP. X.  Short Observations upon some passages in the Apocalypse. 
p. 905.   

CAP. XI.  Commentationes Minores in Apocalypsin. 
pag. 907.   

CHAP. XII.  The Brief meaning or Summary Exposition of the Apocalypse. 
pag. 916.     

THE FIFTH BOOK; CONTAINING MISCELLANIES.  

CHAP. I.  
The disposition of the years of jehoiakim according to the several Events mentioned in Scripture.  jehoiakimi 1● 
IN the First year of jehoiachim, as soon as the King of Egypt had made him King, Nabuchadnezzar being sent by his Father yet living, came into the Land to reduce those of Phoenicia and Coelesyria (which had revolted to the King of Egypt) unto his obedience; wherewith jehoiakim being affrighted, became his tributary and served him three years, 2 Kings 24. 1.  
This was that Expedition whereof Berosus speaks, Lib. 3. rerum Chaldaicarum, citante josepho: cum audivisset Nabuchdonosoris parens Nabopollasarus Satrapam AEgypti & Coelesyriae Phoeniciaeque locis praefectum rebellionem fecisse, nec ipse jam labores ferr● posset; traditâ filio Nabuchdonosoro adhuc aetate viginti parte copiarum, eum misit: & ille cum rebelli praelio congressus, victor evasit, & regionem denuo sub ipsorum potestatem redegit.  
And this was the Expedition whereof we read, 2 Kings 24. 7. That the King of Egypt came not again out of his Land any more: (viz. after he had made jehoiakim King) For the King of Babel had taken from the River of Egypt unto the River Euphrates all that pertained unto the King of Egypt, viz. Phoenicia, Coelesyria, etc.  
This also was the Expedition whereof the Rechabites speak jer. 35. 11. When Nabuchadnezzar King of Babel came up into the Land, we said, Come let us go to jerusalem for fear of the Army of the Chaldeans: So we dwell at jerusalem. For this coming of the King of Babel into the Land must either be in the first of jehoiakim, or in the fourth, or in the last year of his Reign. In the last it could not be; for they speak of it as of a thing a good while passed, when jehoiakim was yet reigning: And the Prophet says he was bidden go to these Rechabites in the Reign of jehoiakim; where no year being named, it seems to be supposed as a thing happening about the beginning of his Reign, or before Nabuchadnezzar was yet returned home out of those quarters. Nor could it be in the fourth year; for then Nabuchadnezzar besieged and took jerusalem, Dan. 1. but here he came but into the Land, and the Rechabites were safe in jerusalem. Therefore it must be in the first.  
And from this time to the first year of Darius with Cyrus (that is, to the first of Cyrus his 9 
* To the first of those years whereof Cyrus reigned 9 Vid. Can. Ptol.  years) are just 70 years; at what time Daniel made his Prayer, as having hoped his people should then have returned from Captivity, Dan. 9 2. etc. But he anticipated the Epocha which God intended.  jehoiakimi 4●. 
In the Fourth year of jehoiakim, (or Third complete) which was the ●irst of Nabuchadnezzar, jehoiakim after three years' service, as soon as he heard of the death of Nabopollasar and recalling of Nabuchadnezzar out of those parts, taking courage and rebelling upon the advantage of the time, Nabuchadnezzar returns again, and the first time besieged jerusalem, took it, carried many of the people captive, and Daniel amongst them, also part of the Vessels of the House of the Lord. This is that Expedition whereof Daniel speaks Chap. 1. And from hence to the first year of Cyrus solus, (that is, of those six 
* Xenophon Cyropaed. 2 Chron. 36. 22. Ezra 1. 1.  years which he reigned complete after Darius his death) are 70 years: which was the time when God according to the Prophecy of 
* jer. 25. 12. & 29. 10. Dan. 9 2.  jeremy released their Captivity.  jehoiakimi 5●. 
In the Fifth year of jehoiakim, in the ninth month, the same month that Nabuchadnezzar had taken and spoiled the City the year before, they proclaimed a public Fast, jer. 36. 9 that so by humbling themselves upon the remembrance of the former year's calamity, they might pacify the farther wrath of God towards them. For the like reason after the destruction of the City they used, even till zachary's time, to fast upon the 4. 5. and 10. months (Zacharie 7. 3. and Chap. 8. 19) because Nabuchadnezzar began that fatal siege in the 10. month, took the City in the 4. burned it in the 5. jer. 52. v. 4, 6, 12. and 2 Kings 25. At this Fast Baruch read his Roll.  jehoiakimi 11●. 
This year the King of Babel sent to jerusalem to bring jehoiakim bound in setters unto Babylon, 2 Chron. 36. 6. But his servants used him in such manner, that he died miserably before he went, and was buried with the burial of an Ass, drawn, and cast forth beyond the Gates of jerusalem; jer. 22. 19 Whereupon the people made his son jehoiachin King; when presently Nabuchadnezzar (who had then accomplished the 7. 
* jer. 52. 28.  year of his reign) came, besieged the City, took and carried the new King jehoiachin captive, when he had reigned but three months.  Some Objections touching this disposition of Iehoiakim's years. 
Obj. jehoiakim in the 9 month of the 5. year of his Reign was not yet in Captivity, as is plain by jer. 36. 9 Therefore Nabuchadnezzar had not approached jerusalem and made a deportation in the 4. year of jehoiakim.  
I answer, it follows not. For the Captivity of jehoiakim seems not to have been a Captivity of his person, but of his people; and that for these Reasons. First, If jehoiakim were carried captive either in the 4. or 7. year of his reign, how could he be said to reign 11. years? did he reign whilst he was in Babylon? Secondly, jehoiakim was buried Sepulturâ asini, protractus & projectus extra portas jerusalem, jer. 22. 19 If he died at jerusalem, how could he be a captive in Babylon? Thirdly, It is no where said that jehoiakim himself was carried captive: Of his people captived we hear Dan. 1. and of part of the Vessels of the House of God; of his Servitude both first and second, 2 Kings 24. 1, 2.  
Obj. But 2 Chron. 36. 6. it is said, that Nabuchadnezzar came up against him, and bound him with fetters to carry him to Babylon.  
Ans. True; it appears he meant to have carried him, but not that he performed it. 2. This coming up of the King of Babylon, if we compare it with the Text of the 2 Kings 24. will be his first coming up, when jehoiakim became his tributary three years. Therefore this coming up and this binding, though joined in one sentence, was not at the same time.  
Obj. But you will say, When then was this binding to have carried him?  
Ans. I suppose in the last year of his reign and life; and that his ill usage at that time was the occasion of his so miserable death, before he was yet gone from jerusalem. And yet perhaps those who came to fetch him went not home empty, but carried those 3023 mentioned jer. 52. 28. though I had rather refer them to Iehoiachin's going, which was immediately.  
Object. The first deportation of the jews was in the 7. of Nabuchadnezzar, jer. 52. 28. Therefore not the 4, but the 11. of Iehoiakim's reign.  
Ans. jeremy intended not a rehearsal of all the Captivities, nor of the full number of captives, as appears by the smallness of the number. It may be those numbers contain men of particular quality, and such as were disposed of in one and the same place. But here I am resolved.  I. M.  

CHAP. II.  
The Mystery of S. Paul's Conversion: or, The Type of the Calling of the jews. 
* Se● this largely treated of in Book IU. Epist. XVII.   
1. 1. PAUL among the sons of men the greatest Zealot of the Law, and Persecutor of the way of Christ. THE jews among the Nations most obstinate Zelots of Moses, and the most bitter Enemies of the Followers of Christ. 2. 2. Paul in the height of this his zeal, and heat of his persecuting fury, found mercy and was converted. The jews, though persisting unto the last in their extremity of bitterness and mortal hate to Christians, yet will God have mercy on them, and receive them again to be his People, and be their God. 3. 3. Paul converted by means extraordinary, and for manner strange: not, as were the rest of the Apostles, by the Ministry of any Teacher upon earth, but by visible Revelation of Christ jesus in his glory from Heaven; the light whereof suddenly surprising him, he heard the voice of the Lord himself from Heaven saying, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? The jews not to be converted unto Christ by such means as were the rest of the Nations, 
Isa. 59 19 & 4. 5.  by the Ministry of Preachers sent unto them; but by the Revelation of Christ jesus in his glory from Heaven when they shall say, 
Dan. 7. 13. Zach. 12. 10. 2 Macc. 2. 8. Matth. 23. 39  not as when they saw him in his humiliation, Crucify him, but, Blessed is he that comes in the Name of the Lord. Whose coming then shall be as a lightning out of the East, 
Matth. 24. 27. 30.  shining into the West; and the sign of the Son of Man shall appear in the clouds of Heaven, and every eye shall see him, 
Revel. 1. 7.  even of those which pierced him, and shall lament with the Spirit of grace and supplication, for their so long and so shameful unbelief of their so merciful Redeemer. 4. 4. Those who accompanied Paul at the time of this Apparition saw the light only, and were amazed; but Paul alone saw the Lord, and heard the voice which he spoke unto him. This Revelation of Christ from Heaven like to be most apparent to the jews in all places where they are dispersed, but not so perhaps to the Gentiles with whom they live. The light of his glorious presence shall be such as the whole world shall take notice of, but those only to see him and hear his voice who pierced him. 5. 5. Paul no sooner converted, but was immediately inspired with the knowledge of the Mysteries of Christ, without the instruction of any Apostle or Disciple; for he received not the Gospel which he preached of Man, neither was he taught it but by the Revelation of jesus Christ. He consulteth not with the rest of the Apostles, but after 14 years preaching communicated to them the Gospel which he preached among the Gentiles, who added nothing unto him, but gave him the right hand of fellowship. The jews together with their miraculous Calling, shall be illuminated also with the 
* Isa 54. 13. jer. 31. 34.  knowledge of the Mysteries of the Christian Faith, even as it is taught in the Reformed Churches, without any Instructers from them or Conference with them; and yet when they shall communicate their Faith each to other, shall find themselves to be of one communion of true belief, and give each other the right hand of fellowship. 6. 6. Paul the last called of the Apostles. The jews to be called after all the Nations in orb Romano or in the circuit of the Apostle's preaching. 7. 7. Paul once converted, the most zealous and fervent of the Apostles. The 
● Za●. 13.  jews once converted, the most zealous and fervent of the Nations. 8. 8. Till Paul was converted, the Gospel had small progress amongst the Gentiles; but when he became their Apostle, it went forward wonderfully. Till the Calling of the jews, the general Conversion of the Gentiles not to be expected; but the receiving of Israel shall be the riches of the world, in that by their restitution the whole world shall come unto Christ. 9 9 The miracle of S. Paul's Conversion (the person so uncapable, till then a Persecutor and most bitter Enemy of Christians; the manner so wonderful as by an Apparition and Voice from Heaven,) was a most powerful motive to make all those who heard and believed it, Christians; and therefore so often by S. Paul himself repeated. The miracle of the jews Conversion so much the more powerful to convert the Nations of the world not yet Christians, by how much their opposite disposition is more universally known to the world than was S. Paul's, and by how much the testimony of a whole Nation, living in so distant parts of the world, of so divine a miracle as a Vision and Voice from Heaven, exceeds that of s. Paul, being but one Man. 10. 10. Paul reproveth Peter, one of the chief Apostles, for symbolising with judaism. May not the jews likewise reprove (if not more) the Church of Rome, the chief of Christian Churches, for symbolising with Gentilism?  S. Paul to Tim. 1 Ep. c. 1. v. 16. 
Howbeit for this cause I obtained mercy, that in me first jesus Christ might show forth ill long-suffering, for a Pattern to them which should hereafter believe on him to everlasting life.   

CHAP. III.  
Answer concerning a Discourse inferring from the Septenary Types of the Old Testament and other Arguments, That the World should last 7000 years, and the Seventh Thousand be that happy and blessed Chiliad.  

I.  
THE Millennium of the Reign of Christ is that which the Scriptures call The Day of judgement, the ancient jews and S. jude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Magnus Dies judicii or Dies judicii magni. Septimus Millenarius ab universa Cabbalistarum Schola (saith Carpentarius) vocatur Magnus Dies judicii; Comment. in Alcinoum Platonis, pag. 322. A Day, not (as our languages commonly import) of a few hours, but, according to the Hebrew notion (from whence the name is derived) of many years: For with them Day is Time, and not a short only; but a long Time. A Day whereof S. Peter speaking, 2 Epist. chap. 3. tells the believing jews his brethren, as soon as he had named it, vers. 8. That he would not have them ignorant, that one Day with the Lord was as a Thousand years, and a Thousand years as one Day. This is the Day of the great Assizes beginning with the Seventh Trumpet, Apocal. 11. 15. wherein Christ shall give reward unto his Servants the Prophets, and to the Saints and them that fear his Name, and shall destroy them that destroy the earth, vers. 18. The Process of this wonderful Day S. john describes by a twofold judgement, and a twofold Resurrection, and the glorious Reign of the Saints between them. The morning judgement shall be of Antichrist and all his partakers, whom Christ shall destroy at the appearing of his coming, 2 Thess. 2. 8. and then shall be the first and particular Resurrection. The evening judgement shall be upon the remainder of the living enemies of Christ, Gog and Magog, and conclude with the last and universal Resurrection of the dead: and so the last enemy, Death, being now wholly vanquished, he shall surrender his Kingdom into the hands of his Father, that God may be all in all, 1 Cor. 15. 24, etc.  
Nor ought it to seem strange, that the name Day should signify so long a time as a Thousand years: The jews, who first imposed it, understood it so. And in the end of S. Peter we shall find yet a longer Day, even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dies AEternitatis, a Day of Eternity, 2 Pet. 3. 18. The Prophets have many such long Days, when they say, In Die illo, Vide. The whole time of Christ's first coming is called a Day, joh. 16. 26. 2 Cor. 6. 2. The whole time of the jews forty years abode in the wilderness is called a Day, Heb. 3. 8, 9 Their first Captivity of seventy years, a Day: Vide Prophetas. Their last and long Captivity, a Day, as Deut. 32. 35. & alibi apud Prophetas. And what if in our daily prayer [Give us this day our daily bread] Day be to be taken for the whole time of our life? For in stead of S. Matthew's [This day] speaking after the Hebrew notion, S. Luke hath in the same Petition, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, every day. So S. Paul, Heb. 3. 13. Exhort one another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every day, whilst it is called To Day. Doth not Day here include many days?  
Now if the Thousand years of the Reign of Christ be the Day of judgement, than it will follow, that though we may know by the fulfilling of things to be fulfilled whether it be nearer or farther off, yet the precise time of the coming thereof cannot be known, because it is to come upon the world unawares as a Thief in the night.   

II.  
Nevertheless it is true that the Primitive Fathers (especially those who believed the Chiliad) conceived the World should last, and the Church therein labour, 6000 years, and that the Seventh thousand should be the Day of judgement, and Sabbath, in which the Saints should reign with Christ their Lord.  
So Irenaeus, Lib. 5. c. 28. Quotquot diebus hic factus est mundus, tot & Millenis consummatur— Si enim Dies Domini quasi Mille anni, in Sex autem diebus consummata sunt quae facta sunt; manifestum est, quoniam consummatio ipsorum Sextus millesimus annus est.  
Idem eodem Libro cap. 30. cum vastaverit Antichristus hic omnia in mundo, regnans annis tribus & mensibus sex— tunc veniet Dominus de coelis in nubibus in gloriae Patris, illum quidem & obedientes ei in stagnum ignis mittens, adducens auten● justis Regni tempora, hoc est requietionem (i. Sabbatum,) septimam diem sanctificatam, & restituens Abrahae promissionem haereditatis, etc.  
justinus Martyr, Dialogo cum Tryphone judaeo loquens de Mellennio Regni Christi, Novimus (inquit) dictum illud, 
* Intellig●t á●ctum Petri cap. 3. etc.  quòd Dies Domini sit sicut mille anni, huc pertinere.  
Cyprianus, Lib. de Exhortatione Martyrii; Primi in dispositione Divina Septem dies, annorum Septem millia continent,— ut consummatio legitima impleatur.  
Lactantius, de Divino praemio Lib. 7. c. 14. Quoniam Sex diebus cuncta Dei opera perfecta sunt; per secula Sex, id est, annorum Sex millia, manere in hoc statu mundum necesse est. Dies enim magnus Dei Mille annorum circulo terminatur.— Et ut Deus Sex illos dies in tantis rebus fabricandis laboravit; ità & religio ejus & veritas in his Sex millibus annorum laborare necesse est, malitiâ praevalente & dominaute. Et rurius, Quoniam perfectis operibus requievit die Septimo, eúmque benedixit, necesse est ut in fine Sexti millesimi anni malitia omnis aboleatur è terra, & regnet annos Mille justitia; sitque tranquillitas & requies à laboribus quos mundus jamdiu perpessus est.   

III.  
The ancient jews also had a Tradition to the same purpose, as appears by these testimonies recorded in the Gemara or Gloss of their Talmud, Cod. Sanhedrim, cap. Kol jisrael. For there, concerning that of Esay chap. 2. [Exaltabitur Dominus solus die illo] thus speaks the Talmudical Gloss.  
Dixit Rabbi Ket●●a, Sex annorum millibus stat Mundus, & uno (Millenario) vastabitur; de quo dicitur, AT QUE EXALTAEITUR DOMINUS SOLUS DIE ILLO. Note, By Vastabitur they mean the Vastation of the world by Fire in the Day of judgement, whereby it shall become New, or a New Heaven and New Earth.  Sequitur. 
Traditio adstipulatur R. Ketinae, (nempe ista) Sicut ex septenis annis Septimus quisque Annus Remissionis est; ità septem millibus annorum mundi, Septimus Millenarius Millenarius Remissionis erit, ut Dominus solus exaltetur in die illo. Dicitur enim (Psal. 92.) Psalmus & Canticum de Die Sabbati; id est, de eo Die qui totus Quies est. (Note, they understand this Psalm of the Great day of judgement, and the Sabbath mentioned in the Title, of the great Sabbath of a Thousand years.) Dicitur item (Psal. 90) Nam mille anni in oculis tuis velut dies hesternus.  Sequitur. 
Traditio Domûs Eliae: Sex mille annos durat mundus; Bis mille annis 
* Seu vastitas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Inanitas, bis mille annis Lex, denique bis mille annis Dies Christi. At verò propter peccata nostra plurima & enormia, abierunt ex his qui abierunt. These last words Petrus Galatinus proves to be added to this Tradition by the later jews. And surely this Elias lived under the second Temple and before the birth of Christ. And though there be no mention here of the Seventh thousand years; yet that this R. Elias acknowledged it as well as the rest, appears by a former place of the same Gemara Talmudica, which is this; Traditio Domûs Eliae. justi quos resuscitabit Deus, etc. 
* [See the rest of this quotation printed in Book IV. Epist. 22. page 776.]    

IV.  
The concinnity of this conceit hath made me (I confess) sometimes inquisitive, whether it could be brought to accord with the received computation of the Age of the World, and with our experience of the beginning and continuance of the times of Antichrist now revealed. But the obstacle I found was, that I could never persuade myself the times of Antichrist began so late as this conceit and our computation of the World's years imply they should, namely, not till near about the time of Carolus Magnus. Nor can I admit that the 42. months which the Beast is said to 
* Apocal. 13. 3.  continue, should be reckoned from his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or aetas adulta, and not from his beginning, as must be here likewise supposed. For as when we reckon the Age of a Man, we reckon not from the time he came to man's estate, or from the time he sued out his livery, but from the time of his birth; so should we do here for the times of the Man of sin.  
Besides, we ought not (as I take it) to fix our eyes so much upon the Pope's dominion and his improvement thereof, as upon the Apostasy of the Church from the rule of Christian Worship by Spiritual Fornication with Idols; which is the Character the Holy Ghost gives us in the Apocalypse to know the Antichristian State and Times by. Of which estate the Pope or False-prophet was indeed to be the Head, and his See Babylon the Metropolis; but the Body was to be, and so is, Bestia Romana novissimi capitis decem diadematis redimita, the Roman Empire shivered into a plurality of Kingdoms, but reunited again under this new Head, and fashioned and renewed by him unto a lively Image of the former Roman Ethnicism, which had but newly received a deadly blow, and been cast down to the ground by the Lamb and his Champions. This new Idolatry or Idolatrous state, this Imaging of the wounded Draconizing Beast, is that treading down or prosaning the Court of the Temple of God, Chap. 11. that is, of the visible Worship of Christ in his Church, by a new Gentilism. Unto which the 42. months are attributed as well as to the Beast; and so the beginning of the Times of the one not to be reckoned without or severed from the other. But whosoever shall impartially search into the Stories of the Christian Church, (as all those do not who labour to diminish the antiquity of Antichristianism, rather than to find it) will see her not only tainted, but even allover polluted, with Spiritual Fornication with Saints, Angels, Relics, yea and Images too, hundreds of years before the times of Pepin and Charlemaign: nay the chiefest part of those lying wonders and strong delusions, whereby this impiety and wickedness was advanced, was long before that time. How can I then believe that the time of the Gentiles profaning God's House, and of the Witnesses or Prophets mourning for the same in sackcloth, should not begin till about the year 792. whatsoever improvement the Pope's dominion then had?   

V.  
Finding such an Obstacle as this, and loath yet utterly and absolutely to reject this so ancient a Tradition, I began to make with myself these Quaere's. First, Whether it were needful to reckon these Thousands of years complete, or only current in the last hundred; which want of completion, though unknown to us, might abate so much of the full length of 6000 years, as would bring the computation nearer the mark for the beginning and end of the times of the Antichristian Beast. But finding no grounds to make such a conceit probable, I rejected it as a vain imagination.  
But then I made a second Quaere of greater moment; namely, Whether the computation of the years of the world before the Promise made to Abraham were or could be certainly known or not. For as for the time after the Promise, I make no doubt but it may be known, even almost to a year.  
The occasion of such a doubt was the great difference which is found between our Hebrew Copies and the Seventy concerning the years of the foresaid generations: For though it be true or likely that the Seventy, translating in Egypt, voluntarily and of set purpose increased the years of those first generations, to make them reach the antiquity of some Stories of the Egyptians, and thereby exceeded the Hebrew computation above 1300 years; yet it follows not that all the differences between them and our Hebrew Bibles in the years of those generations should proceed from this fountain, but some of them perhaps from the reading of the Copy they used. For that there should be differences of reading in the Hebrew Copies of the Old Testament, is not a thing to be so much startled at as some conceive, seeing we find many such in the Greek Copies of the New. And how can it be proved that the Church of the jews had in this particular (especially when Prophecy ceased) a greater privilege than we? For as for that admirable Masorethical method, whereby they are now inviolably preserved from change, it was devised since the coming of Christ, and applied to one Copy only, which they esteemed most true and authentical; namely that (as some of them say) which was written by the great Rabbi Hillel's own hand; and many hundred of years after kept as a Relic: Yet nevertheless might some other Copies, though in general far inferior, yet in some few particulars have a better and righter reading than it.  
3. That most Learned Prelate and Mirror of Bishops, the Lord Primate of Armagh, could not be at rest, till by his indefatigable industry and no small charges (as such a business required) he had some four years since gotten from the remnant of the Samaritans in Palestine into a Christian hand that admirable Monument, the Samaritan Pentateuch or Five Books of Moses; which may be presumed to be that which they received from the captived ten Tribes, when they first learned from them to worship the God of Israel, 2 Kings 17. 27. This wondrous and no●-paril of Manuscripts he brought hither to Cambridge amongst us; and during his stay here some time, was most ready to show it to all Scholars that came unto him; and so free in communicating the use thereof, that some of us had opportunity, by comparing it with our Hebrew Bibles, first to pick out the Alphabet, and then to read therein. It is in the same Hebrew tongue and words (saving the divers readings) with our Bibles, but written in a strange character, namely the Samaritan, which is supposed to have anciently been the Hebrew, till it was changed by Ezra at the return from Captivity.  
In this Book is found a strange difference in the years of the generations before the birth of Abraham both from the Septuagint and our Hebrew Bibles. Before the Flood, by diminishing the generations of Iared, Methusalah and Lamech, it comes short of us. After the Flood (for the most part agreeing with the Septuagint) it much out-reckons us. To be short, it exceeds in the upshot our Computation 301 years: so that the birth of Christ falls according to it to be Anno Mundi 4254. Agreeable whereto the 6000. year from the Creation would be complete Anno Christi 1746. and consequently Antichrist's 42 months or 1260 years would begin Anno Christi 486. which is presently after the deposition of Augustulus, in whom the Empire of Western Rome expired. And this comes much nearer the point than 792.  
Howbeit, far be it from me to affirm any thing thereof, or of the verity of the Samaritan Computation, or to prefer it in the general before our Hebrew; though some things be found therein which dissolve a knot or two which make our Chronologers at thei● wits end. As one for example; How Abraham could come into Canaan after the days of his Father, (as S. Stephen says) and yet be but 75 years old, Gen. 12. 4. whenas his Father Terah lived 205 years, and himself was born in the 70 year of his age, Gen. 11. 26. But the Samaritan saith (chap. 11. 32.) That the days of Terah were (but) 145 years, which is just; for then Abraham was 75 years old at his Father's death, and Moses and S. Stephen are reconciled; which yet no man can imagine that the Samaritan Scribe ever thought of.  
But the thing ●aim at in representing these differences, and would propound to the consideration of the pious, sober and judicious, and with due reverence to the Divine Writ, is, Whether there may not be some secret disposition of Divine Providence in this variety of Computation, to 
* Luther in c. 11. Genes. Tom. 2. fol. 2. Conjici● Deum certo suo consi●io in Abrahamo 60. annos intercidere voluisse, nè ex annorum mundi certa ratione quisquam de fine mundi●certi aliquid pr●d●cere pr●sun●eret.  prevent our Curiosity in counting the exact time of the Day of judgement and second appearing of Christ. And that as the ambitious Tower of Babel was hindered by the Confusion of Languages, so our Curiosity in this particular be not by a like Providence prevented by such a diversity of Computations● For these things concern not matter of Salvation. We know the first Ages of the Church followed the Computation of the Seventy altogether, though it were most wide of truth; and the chiefest Doctors the Church then had, through ignorance of the Hebrew, for a long time knew not, or believed not, there was any other Computation. But for contents of Faith, and the way of Salvation, over such the Providence of God watcheth with a careful eye, though man be heedless, wicked and careless of preserving the integrity of that precious treasure committed to their custody.  
Besides, I nothing doubt, if our Books be in any such particular as we speak of deficient or corrupted, but that the true reading is yet extant in some of the two named, or some other Copy somewhere preserved by Divine Providence, though we cannot yet know and discern which those righter readings be. The jews having a saying, cum Elias venerit, dissolvet nodos: And without doubt, when they shall be called, and meet together from all places of the world, (which must be before that great Day cometh) strange things will be discovered, which we little dream of.  
Now if any man ask, if such a corruption of Computation be supposed, where it is most like to be: I answer, Not in those generations before the Flood, (where the Hebrew Computation, being the middle between the excess of the Septuagint and defect of the Samaritan, seems to be crucified, as our Saviour, between two Thiefs) but in the generations immediately after the Flood. 1. Because in those the Seventy and the Samaritan for the most part agree; which argues their difference from our Bibles not to have been voluntary. 2. Because S. Luke in the Genealogy of our Saviour inserts, as the Seventy do, the generation of Cainan immediately after Arphaxad, which our Bibles have not: who knows what it means, or whether it argue not a defect thereabout in the Hebrew Copies? Time may discover the meaning thereof. 3. Because Peleg, at whose birth the Scripture seems to say the Earth was divided, was born, according to our Copies, but 101 years after the Flood; which troubles our Chronologers, as seeming too small a time for eight persons to multiply unto such a number as may be presumed to have been at the building of the Tower of Babel, and at their dispersion thence; which will be much holpen, if either Cainan be to be inserted, (to whose generation the Septuagint allow 130 years) or if any of the other generations of Arphaxad, Salah and Eber be to be read as both the Septuagint and Samaritan have them.  
To conclude, if the years of but three of those generations between the Flood and Abraham, as of Arphaxad, Salah and Nahor, should prove to be as the Septuagint and Samaritan agreeingly read them, and the generation of Cainan, (mentioned by S. Luke, and four times by the Septuagint) also to be added unto them, the duration of the World hitherto will have been 350 or 360 years more than we count of.  
If therefore such Suppositions as these may be admitted, (which I determine not, but leave to such as are able and fit to judge; Apagite indocti & prophani) then that Tradition of the Seventh Thousand year to be the Day of judgement and of the glorious Reign of Christ, will (in respect of those Septenary Types of the Old Testament) have good probability of Truth: Otherwise, I cannot see how possibly it can be admitted.  1 Thess. 5. 21. Omnia probate, quod bonum est tenete. I. M.   

CHAP. IU.  
An Explication of Psal. 40. 6. [Mine ears hast thou bored] compared with Hebr. 10. 5. [A body hast thou prepared me.]  
PSalm 40. v. 6, 7. Sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not have; mine ears hast thou bored: Burnt-offering and Sin-offering thou hast not required. Then said I, Lo, I come: in the volume of the Book it is written of me, I delight to do thy will, O my God.  
In which words an allusion is made to a Custom of the jews to boar the ears of such as were to be their perpetual Servants, and to enrol their names in a Book, or make some Instrument of the Covenant. Sacrifice and burnt-offering thou wouldst not have; but because I am thy vowed Servant, bored with an awl, and enroled in thy Book, I said, Lo, I come, I delight to do thy will, O my God.  
These words of the Psalm are alleged by S. Paul, Heb. 10. But the first of them with a most strange difference. For whereas the Psalmist hath, according to the Hebrew Verity, Sacrifice and burnt-offering thou wouldst not: mine ears thou hast bored or digged, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; S. Paul reads, with the LXX, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A body thou hast prepared or fitted me. What Equipollency can be in sense between these two? This difficulty is so much the more augmented, because most Interpreters make the life of the Quotation to lie in those very words where the difference is, viz. That the words [A body thou hast prepared me] are brought by the Apostle to prove our Saviour's Incarnation; whereunto the words in the Psalm itself, [Mine ear hast thou bored, or digged, or opened] take them how you will, will in no wise suit.  
I answer therefore, That the life of the Quotation lies not in the words of difference, nor can do; because this Epistle was written to the Hebrews, and so first in the 
* juxta s●●●ent, Cl●mentis Alex. E●leb. Hieronym. Theodoret. Occ●men. etc.  Hebrew tongue, where this Translation of the LXX could have no place. And if the life of the Quotation lay here, I cannot see how it can possibly be reconciled. It lies therefore in the words where there is no difference, viz. That Christ was such an Highpriest as came to sanctify us, not with Legal Offerings and Sacrifices, but by his Obedience, in doing like a devoted Servant the will of his Father.  
Thus the allegation will not depend at all upon the words of difference, and so they give us liberty to reconcile them thus: Mine ears thou hast bored (saith the Psalmist,) i.e. Thou hast accepted me for a perpetual Servant, a● Masters are wont, according to the Law, to bore such Servants ears as refuse to part from them. Now the LXX, according to whom the Apostle's Epistle readeth, thinking perhaps the meaning of this speech would be obscure to such as knew not that Custom, chose rather to translate it generally, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Thou hast fitted my body, viz. to be thy Servant, in such a manner as Servants bodies are wont to be. And to the sense is all one, though not specified to the jewish Custom of boring the ear with an awl, but left indifferently appliable to the Custom of any Nation in marking and stigmatising their Servants bodies.   

CHAP. V.  
D. HIERONYMI Pronunciata de Dogmate MILLENARIORUM.  
IN cap. 54. Esaiae, vers. 1. LAUDA vel LAETARE STERILIS, QUAE NON PARIS, etc. Hunc locum, inquit, & caetera quae sequuntur, judaei & nostri Iudaizantes ad Hierusalem referunt, quam dicunt in Mille annorum regno instaurandam, & eandem esse quae prius habuit virum, & postea habere desierit; multóque plures habitura sit filios post repudium, quam prius habuit sub viro.— Nec mirandum de Iudaeis, quorum oculi aurésque sunt clausae, si apertam non videant veritatem. De Christianis quid loquar, nescio, qui, dicente Apostolo quae sunt Allegorica, & ad duo Testamenta, Vetus & Novum, Saram Agárque, referente, Iudaeis tradunt manus, terrenarum in Mille annis desiderio voluptatum.  
Ad vers. 11. Respondeant amatores tantùm occidentis Literae, & in Mille annis exquisitos cibos gulae ac luxuriae praeparantes, (quorum Deus venter est, & gloria in confusione eorum; qui post secundum in gloria Salvatoris adventum sperant Nuptias, & parvulos centum annorum, & Circumcisionis injuriam, & Victimarum sanguinem, & perpetuum Sabbatum; qui dicunt cum Israel in perversum modum, Manducemus & bibamus, eras enim regnabimus) quae sit ista coelestis Jerusalem, cui nunc dicitur, ECCE EGO STERNAM PER ORDINEM LAPIDES TUOS, etc.  
In cap. 60. vers. 1. SURGE, ILLUMINARE, etc. Breviter, inquit, perstringendum est quod plurimide hoc loco sentiant; ut errore perspecto, faciliùs possimus suscipereveritatem. judaei & nostri semi-Iudaei, qui auream atque gemmatam de coelo exspectant Jerusalem, haec in Mille annorum regno futura contendunt: quando omnes gentes serviturae sunt Israel; & cameli Madian & Epha de Saba venientes aurum deferent & thus, etc.— Haec illi dicunt qui terrenas desiderant voluptates, & Uxorum quaerunt pulchritudinem ac numerum Liberorum; quorum Deus venter est, & gloria in confusione eorum: quorum qui sequitur errorem, sub nomine Christiano judaeorum se similem confitetur. Alii autem asserunt haec omnia Iudaeis carnaliter repromissa, si eum recepissent qui dicit in Evangelio EGO SUM LUX MUNDI— quem quia non susceperunt, repromissiones quoque irritas fieri.— Vide caetera.  
In Prooemio in lib. 18. Commentariorum in Esaiam: Nec ignoro quanta sit inter homines sententiarum diversitas. Non dico de Mysterio Trinitatis, cujus recta confessio est ignoratio scientiae; sed de aliis Ecclesiasticis dogmalibus: de Resurrectione scilicet, & de Animarum & humanae Carnis statu; de repromissionibus futurorum, quomodo debeant accipi; & quâ ratione intelligenda sit Apocalypsis joannis: quam si juxta literam accipimus, judaizandum est; si spiritualiter, ut scripta est, disserimus, multorum veterum videremur opinionibus contraire; Latinorum, Tertulliani, Victorini, Lactantii; Graecorum, ut caeteros praetermittam, Irenaei tantùm Lugdunensis Episcopi faciam mentionem, adversus quem vir Eloquentissimus Dionysius Alexandrinae Ecclesiae Pontisex elegantem scribit librum, irridens Mille annorum fabulam & auream atque gemmatam Hierusalem in terris, instaurationem Templi, Hostiarum sanguinem, otium Sabbati, Circumcisionis injuriam, Nuptias, Partus, Liberorum educationem, Epularum delicias, & cunctarum gentium Servitutem; rursúsque Bella, Exercitus, ac Triumphos & superatorum neces, mortémque centenarii peccatoris. Cui duobus voluminibus respondet Apollinarius; quem non solùm suae Sectae homines, sed & nostrorum, in hac parte duntaxat, plurima sequitur multitudo: ut praesagâ ment jam cernam quantorum in me rabies concitanda sit. Quibus non invideo, si tantum ament terram, ut in regno Christi terrena disiderent, & post ciborum abundantiam gulaeque ac ventris ingluviem ea quae sub ventre sunt quaerant. De quibus Apostolus, ESCAE, inquit, VENTRI, ET VENTER ESCIS, etc. &, NON EST REGNUM DEI CIBUS ET POTUS: & Christus, ERRATIS NESCIENTES SCRIPTURAS, NEQUE VIRTUTEM DEI. IN RESURRECTIONE ENIM NEQUE NUBENT NEQUE NUBENTUR, SED ERUNT SIMILES ANGELORUM.  
In cap. 66. Esaiae, vers. 22. QUIA SICUT COELI NOVI ET TERRA NOVA, etc. Quod aliis verbis in alio Psalmo dicitur, OMNES GENTES QUAS FECISTI VENIENT ET ADORABUNT IN CONSPECTU TUO, ET GLORIFICABUNT NOMEN TUUM, DOMINE. Mensem ex mense & Sabbatum ex Sabbato, in quibus veniet omnis caro ut adoret Deum, ridiculè interpretantur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quos nos dicere possumus MILLIARIOS; ut qui in vicino sunt omni Sabbato veniant in Jerusalem, qui longiùs per menses, qui valde procul per annos singulos, hoc est, diebus Paschae sive Tabernaculorum, juxta illud quod in Zecharia dicitur [cap. 14.] ASCENDENT AB ANNO IN ANNUM, etc.  
In Hieremiam, cap. 31. 27. Omnes hujusmodi repromissiones juxta judaeos & nostros Iudaizantes in Mille annorum regnoputantur esse complendae: Nos autem— in primo adventu Christi spiritualiter impleta defendimus, & impleta ex parte, non ex toto.  
Ibidem ad vers. 38. Qui Mille annorum in terra Iudaea Regnum Christi recipiunt, judaei videlicet & nostri judaizantes, conantur ostendere turrem Hananeel & p●rtam Anguli, etc.— E●ibi dicunt Sanctuarium Domini, i.e. Templum, esse condendum, mansurúmque in perpetuum. Vide caetera.  
In cap. 16. Ezech. vers. 55. ET SOROR TUA SODOMA, etc. judaei, inter caeteras fabulas & interminabiles genealogias & deliramenta quae fingunt, etiam hoc somniant; In adventu Christi sui, quem nos Antichristum scimus. & in Mille annorum Regno, Sodomam esse restituendam in antiquum statum, ità ut sit quasi Paradisus Dei, & quasi terra AEgypti; & Samariam pristinam recipere felicitatem, ut de Assyriis revertantur in terram judaeam— Jerusalem quoque tunc fabricandam, etc.— Nos au●em perfectam horum scientiam Dei judicio relinquentes, imò liquidò confitentes post secundum adventum Domini Salvatoris nihil humile, nihil futurum esse terrenum, sed regna coelestia quae primùm in Evangelio promittuntur, hoc dicimus, quòd in Ecclesiae statu cuncta completa sint & quotidie compleantur, etc.  
In cap. 36. Haec illi (id est, judaei) exspectant in Mille, annorum Regno, quando Civitatem Hierusalem asserunt exstruendam, & Templum quod in fine hujus voluminis describitur, & rerum omnium felicitatem; quorum nonnulli arbitrantur sub Zorobabel haec fuisse completa. Sed quomodo stare poterit hoc quod dicitur, v. 11. ET HABITARE VOS FACIAM SICUT A PRINCIPIO, & c? Paulò pòst, Et quia longum est nunc adversùm dogma judaicum, & beatitudinem ventri & gutturi judaico servientem— in brevi explanatione dicere— Neque enim juxta judaicas fabulas, quas illi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellant, gemmatam & auream de coelo exspect amus Jerusalem; nec rursus passuri Circumcisionis injuriam, nec oblaturi taurorum & arietum Victimas, nec Sabbati otio dormiemus. Quod & multi nostrorum, & praecipuè Tertulliani liber qui inscribitur de Spe fidelium, & Lactantii Institution●m volumen septimum pollicetur, & Victorini Pictavionensis Episcopi crebrae expositiones, & nuper Severus noster in Dialogo, cui Gallo nomen imposuit: & ut Graecos nominem, & primum extremúmque conjungam, Irenaeus & Apollinarius.  
In cap. 37. vers. 15. in fine. Quòd si judaei & Christiani judaizantes haec ad Millc annorum voluerint referre regnum, necessitate coguntur, ut suscipiant omnes qui salvi fuerint habituros in terra Israel, aedificandam Jerusalem, exstruendum Templum, cunctas Legis Caeremonias exercendas, observandum Sabbatum, accipiendam Circumcisionis injuriam, etc.  
In cap. 38. Igitur judaei & nostri Iudaizantes putant Gog esse gentes Scythicas immanes, etc.— & has post Mille annorum Regnum esse à Diabolo commovendas, etc.  
In cap. 39 Et haec Iudaicae traditionis haeredes, & discipuli interminabilium fabularum, post Mille annorum Regnum futura contendunt.  
In Micheam cap. 4. Sciendum queque hoc capitulum, & huic simile de Esaia, judaeos & eorum Erroris haeredes ad Mille annorum referre imperium Christi & Sanctorum, etc.  
In Zach. c. 14. ad v. 10. IN DIE ILLA, etc. judaei & Christiani judaizantes ultimo sibi tempore repromittunt, quando rursum exercenda Circumcisio sit, & immolandae Victimae, & omnia Legis praecepta servanda; ut non judaei Christiani, sed Christiani judaei fiant. In die, inquiunt, illa quando Christus in Jerusalem aureâ & gemmatâ sederit regnaturus, non erunt Idola, nec Divinitatis cultura diversa; sed erit Dominus unus. Paulò pòst, Haec judaei juxta literam somniant & nostri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qui rorsum audire desiderant, Crescite & multiplicamini, etc. At provitae hujus continentia breuíque jejunio, bulbos sibi, & vulvas, & aves Phasidis, & attagenem nequaquam jonicum, sed judaicum, repromittunt, etc. Hactenus Hieronymus.  

Animadversiones in D. Hieronymi Pronunciata, etc. 
Plura de Hieronymo vide in Lib. III. pag. 602. Lib. IU. Ep. 51. in 〈◊〉, & Epist. 64.   
OS Hieronymi! qui Millenariis promiscuè affiuxit Circumcisionis injuriam, Victimarum sanguinem, caeterásque Legis Caeremonias postliminiò instaurandas. Scilicet quae judaei, aut fortè ex judaismo Haeretici, de suo Millenario somniârunt, ille Christianis odiosè impingebat. Sed & tu, Hieronyme, vel teipso judice, prodis criminationem istam falsam esse. Sic enim scribis in jeremiam cap. 19 v. 10. Post captivitatem quae sub Vespasiano & Tito, & postea accidit sub Hadriano, usque ad consummationem seculi Ruinae Jerusalem permansurae sunt: quanquam sibi Iudaei auream atque gemmatam Jerusalem restituendam putent; rursúsque Victimas & Sacrificia, & Conjugia Sanctorum, & Regnum in terris Domini Salvatoris: quae licèt non sequamur, damnare tamen non possumus, quia multi virorum Ecclesiasticorum & Martyrum ista dixerunt. Vnusquisque in suo sensu abundet, & Domini cuncta judicio reserventur. Haec verba tua sunt, Hieronyme. Sed dic sodes, An viri isti Ecclesiastici & Martyres sanctissimi dixerunt, Circumcisionem & Victimas in Regno illo Christi restituendas? Cave dixeris. Aut si ità credidisse scires, annon sine cunctatione damnares? Sed quòd contrarium docuere, firmari potest ex Iustini Martyris Dialogo cum Tryphone judaeo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In cujus [Christi] secundo adventu, nè existimetis Esaiam aut alios Prophetas admonere, ut Sacrificia sanguinis aut libationum super altari offer antur, sed verae atque spirituales laudes & gratiarum actiones.    

CAP. VI  
Verba GAII apud EUSEBIUM, Lib. 3. cap. 22. Hist. Eccles.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id est, Sed & Cerinthus per Apocalypses, velut à magno Apostolo scriptas, portentosa quaedam nobis quasi per Angelos sibi ostensa mentitus, attulit, Regnum Christi (sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regiam significat) post Resurrectionem terrenum futurum, & carnem nostram denuo Hierosolymis concupiscentiis ac voluptatibus carnis servituram dicens: Et cum inimicus esset Scripturis Dei, numerum cujusdam Millenarii festi nuptiis deputatum, seducere volens, futurum dixit.  

Animadversiones in verba GAII.  
ANnon hinc meritò quis suspicari possit Gaium istum ex Alogorum haereticorum numero fuisse, quos Epiphanius tradit Dei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 negâsse, ideóque tam Ioannis Evangelium quam Apocalypsin Cerintho tribuisse? Tempus omnino congruit: Theodotus enim Alogorum antesignanus à Victore Papa de Ecclesia ejectus est; Gaius autem iste floruit sub Zephyrino, qui Victori proximè successit.  
Possunt tamen forsan Gaii verba in eum sensum accipi, acsi dixisset Cerinthum alias nescio quas Apocalypses praeter unicam illam magno Apostolo affinxisse, ex quibus probare sategit homo falsarius Regnum Christi post resurrectionem terrenum futurum, in quo homines carnis cupiditatibus & voluptatum carnalium blanditiis infervirent. Et 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non illum quidem commentum esse, sed docuisse eam in nuptiarum festis & similibus cupediis consumptum iri, quasi Ioannes idipsum voluisset.  
Sed quaecunque fuerit Gaii mens, verisimile est eum de Cerintho falsum fuisse. Si enim haec fuisset Cerinthi Haeresis, quî id ignorare potuerint justinus, Irenaeus, Melito, Tertullianus, Hippolytus? quorum Irenaeus & Tertullianus Cerinthi haereses ex professo enumerârunt: sed de isthac altum silentium. Unde igitur illud Guio innotuit?  
Videntur nihilominus haec Gaii, hominis obscuri, verba Dionysio Alexandrino, Eusebio, & aliis pluribus, fervente lite cum Millenariis, errandi & de Apocalypseos authoritate dubitandi occasionem praebuisse.    

CAP. VII.  
De Nomine Antichristi apud S. joannem.  
NOmen Antichristi occurrit in 1 Ep. joan. cap. 2. vers. 18.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— vers. 22.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cap. 4. 3.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 2 Epist. vers. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* to be come, or that is come. That which is here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (cap. 2. 18.) Antichrist is ●●ne. not, shall come.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Loquitur de Simone Mago Archihaeretico, & discipulis Menandro, Saturnino, Cerintho, etc.  
Ignatius ad Trallianos; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i.e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
justinus Martyr (qui ipse Samaritanus fuit) de Simone, in priore Apologia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vid. etiam justin. p. 349. in Dial. cum Tryphone.  
Irenaeus, Lib. 1. c. 20. Simon 
Simon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Cyril. Catech. 6.  Samaritanus, ex quo universae haereses substiterunt, etc. Idem, cap. 21. Hujus successor Menander, Samarites genere. Idem, c. 22. Ex his Saturninus, qui fuit ab Antiochia,— & Basilides occasionem sumentes, etc. Simon, & successor ejus Menander, uterque affirmavit sese Christum esse. Simon, se venisse de supernis, ut salutem praestaret hominibus per suam agnitionem; Menander, se esse virtutem illam primam incognitam, & missum ab invisibilibus Salvatorem pro salute hominum— cap. 21. Uterque negavit Patrem & Filium: Simon, dum affirmaret se esse qui inter judaeos quasi Filius apparuerit, in Samaria autem quasi Pater descenderat, reliquis verò Gentibus quasi Spiritus Sanctus adventaverit, etc. cap. 20. Menander, cum eadem planè cum Simone docuit.  
Simon negavit Christum in carne venisse, cum dixit, In hominibus apparuisse cum non esset Homo, & passum in judae a putatum cum non esset passus. Quod & Menandrum affirmâsse puto.  
Saturninus judaeorum Deum unum ex Angelis esse dixit, [non Patrem omnium:] Christum venisse ad destructionem Iudaeorum Dei, putatiuè autem visum Hominem. Iren. cap. 22. Eadem mentitus est Basilides, c. 23.  
Gerinthus negavit jesum esse Christum: jesum enim fuisse joseph & Mariae silium, post Baptismum de scendisse in eum Christum, ab ea principalitate quae est super omnia, figurâ Columbae— in fine autem revolâsse iterum Christum de jesus, & jesum passum esse & resurrexisse, Christum autem impassibilem perseverâsse. Iren. cap. 25. Negavit etiam Deum Iudaeorum esse Patrem omnium.  
Hippolytus de Consummatione mundi & de Antichristo; Postquam Christus assumptus est ad Patrem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Vide etiam Oecumenium in 1 Io. 2. 18, & 22. Clement. Constit. Lib. 6. 10.  De Cerintho. 

* H●res 28.  Epiphanius ait à Cerintho Seditionem illam motam dicentium Gentes debere circumcidi, etc. contra quam Haeresin Decretum promulgatum est in 
* Act. Ap. 15.  primo Concilio Hierosolymitano; hoc autem fecisse Cerinthum priusquam in Asia praedicaret praedicationem suam. Hunc esse qui cum aliis seditionem excitavit Hierosolymis, quando Paulus rediit cum Tito. Contra hunc illud à Paulo scriptum 1 ad Cor. de Resurrectione mortuorum, eundémque ex iis unum qui ab Apostolo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicti.  
Et quidem Cerinthum Haeresin suam praedicâsse ante Excidium Hierosolymitanum vel sic potest probari. Tertullianus de Prescript. adversus Haereticos, Post hunc (i. e. Carpocratem) Cerinthus Haereticus erupit similia docens— Hujus Successor Ebion fuit, Cerintho non in omni parte consentiens. Successorem Cerinthi Ebionem vocant etiam Philastrius & Hieronymus adversus Lucifer. Irenaeus etiam ordine narrationis Ebionem Cerintho postponit; Eusebius primus praeposuit, & posteris imposuit. jam Ebionem Haeresin suam statim ab Excidio Hierosolymitano spargere coepisse ex Epiphanio constat, cujus verba sunt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Initium hujus (Ebionis) coepit post Hierosolymorum captivitatem inter judaeos in Pellam digressos.  Ordo & Successio Haeres●●n. 
Ex Ignatio; Simon, Menander, Basilides, Nicolaitae, Theodotus & Cleobulus.  
Ex Clement; Simon cum Cleobio, 
Constit. Apos●. 1. 6. cap. 8.  Cerinthus, Marcus, Menander, Basilides, Saturnilus, etc.  
Ex Irenaeo; Simon, Menander: ex iis Saturninus & Basilides, Carpocrates, Cerinthus, Ebion, Nicolaitae, Cerdon; ei successit Martion.  
Ex Tertulliano; Simon, post hunc Menander: secutus est Saturninus; postea Basilides, Nicolaus, Ophitae, Cainaei, Sethoitae, Carpocrates; post hunc Cerinthus; hujus Successor Ebion, Valentinus; post hunc Ptolomaeus: Valentini sequaces Secundus, Heracleon; post hos Marcus & Colobarsus, Cerdon; post hunc Marcion cum discipulis Lucano & Apelle, Tatianus, Cataphryges'.  
Eusebius hic tempora consundit, dum Basilidem & Saturninum, quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facit, collocat sub temporibus Adriani, itémque Carpocratem, quem, testante Irenaeo, eisdem cum illis temporibus vixisse (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) affirmat. Rectè quidem, si istos tres invicem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicat; at falsò, si sub Adriano. Quomodo enim Ignatius mentionem faceret Basilidis, si Basilidis Haeresis non innotuisset ante Adriani Imperium, cum Ignatius Martyrio coronatus sit anno 11 Imperii Trajani? Deinde, si Cerinthus (Epiphanio teste) Haeresin suam disseminaverit superstite adhuc Paulo Apostolo, id est, ante Excidium Hierosolymitanum, fuerítque idem Carpocratis Successor, (affirmante Tertulliano, & non diffitente, imò innuente, Irenaeo ipso) quomodo etiam Carpocrates cum contemporaneis suis Basilide & Saturnino non fuissent etiam ante idem Excidium, non video.  
Eusebium igitur hîc rejicio, qui & ipse lapsus est, & posteris errandi occasionem dedit. deceptus forsan authoritate Clementis Alexandrini, qui Lib. 7. Stromat. Haerese●n authores non vult exstitisse ante Andriani Imperium, ubi & Basilidem nominat, quem tamen fatetur Glauciam quendam, Petri Interpretem, magistrum sibi adscripsisse. Dixit ibi Clemens quod consilio suo inserviret: Ego, authoritatibus Ignatii, 
* ●cil, Roma●●  Clementis, Irenaei & Tertulliani inter se collatis innixus, sic statuo; Simonem, Menandrum, Saturninum, Basilidem, Nicolaitas, Carpocratem & Cerinthum (utpote omnes Ebione priores) ante Excidium Hierosolymorum Haereses suas disseminâsse, superstitibus adhuc Apostolis Petro & Paulo, saltem intra triennium.  Sensus igitur Loci joannis Ep. 1. cap. 2. v. 18, etc. ejusmodi est: 
De Simone Antichristo, Satanae Primogenito & omnium Haereticorum & Pseudoprophetarum Coryphaeo, jamdudum audivistis, ut ad seducendum venerit: Nunc autem plures Antichristos & Pseudoprophetas, scilicet Menandrum, Saturninum, Basilidem, Carpocratem & Cerinthum, etc. exortos vidimus: unde jam certò scimus Finem Gentis nostrae & Politiae Mosaicae abolitionem instare; cum inter alia signa Excidii istius appropinquantis hoc etiam Salvator praedixit, Quòd multi Pseudoprophetae exorirentur & seducerent multos Matth. 24. 11.  Aliter. 
joannes nomine Antichristi non tam unum aliquem & singularem hominem intelligit, quam Factionem haereticam seu Pseudoprophetarum turbam, cujusmodi plures paulò ante Hierosolymorum Excidium exstituros praedixerat Salvator, Matth. 24. 5, 11. unde colligit Ioannes finem Politiae Iudaicae jam, tempore quo Epistola ista prima scripta sit, instare, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Patet autem Antichristi nomine Factionem designari, cum ex hoc 
* 1 Io. 2. 18.  loco, ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sese mutuò explicare videntur, tum maximè ex Ep. 2. vers. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Caeterum quamvis existimârim joannem hisce in locis de Pseudoprophetis loqui, qui Christi doctrinam corrumperent prope excidium Reipublicae judaicae, (id quod Christus fore praedixit Matth. 24.) tamen potest & istorum Antichristorum doctrinae summula (quâ negatur 
1 Ep. 2. 22.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  jesum esse Christum) magno isti Antichristo accommodari, qui quòd Christunculoes (i. e. Sanctos) suos instar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 surrogârit, eo ipso negat jesum esse Christum: sicut qui plures Deos colerent, negant jehovam esse Deum. Etiam ex cap. 5. hujus Epist. vers. 20, 21. tale quid probabiliter colligitur; cum enim dixerat joannes de jesus Christo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, statim subjungit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, innuens aliquando fatale futurum ut christiani loco Christi colerent Idola, i.e. falsos Christos & Mediatorculos Sanctos.   

CAP. VIII.  
Placita Doctorum Hebraeorum de BABYLONIS seu ROMAE Excidio.  
ESai. 21. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquit R. Solomon jarchi. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inquit R.D. Kimchi, (quae verba Pontificii omittenda curârunt.) Idem Hieronymus in hunc locum & in Prophetam● Abdiam annotavit.  
In Esa. 34. 16. Kimchi, Dixit QUAERITE respectu illius viri qui Romae excidium videre ac intelligere cupit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Istas duas voces [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Romani editores omiserunt, sensu imperfecto relicto: Et quater in eodem capite pro voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (quâ Romam designant Rabbini) substituitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Graecia, Cuthith, in Commentariis Kimchi & jarchi.  
ESai. 34. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mutabuntur torrentes Romae in picem. Kimchi hanc expositionem Chaldaicam citat & approbat. A Pontificiis tamen editoribus omittitur nomen Romae, & locus relinquitur sine sensu.  
Ex Rabbinorum Commentariis in Esa. c. 34. etc. 35. Romae nomen bis obliterârunt; & pro Edom, nomen Pares, javan & Cuthith quindecies substituerunt.  
Num. 24. 24. Targum Onkelos, Et naves venientes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à Romanis. Targum Hierosolym. Legiones multae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à Romanis. Sed Pontificii Correctores hîc substituendum curârunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Ex Kimchio in Abdiam nomen Romae saepius deletur: & integra haec sententia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, cum devastabitur Roma, erit Israeli Redemptio. Praecessit autem in Kimchio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Quicquid dixerunt Prophetae de destructione Edom in postremis temporibus, de Roma dixerunt.  
David Kimchi in Esa. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Ista Sectio de futuro est, agítque de Excidio Edom, & postea Israelis salutis meminit. Quid verò per Edom intelligat, ostendit in v. 16. scribens, Quicunque respiciet in destructionem Romae [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] (quae verba à Pontificiis editoribus dele●a sunt) inquirat per totum jehovae librum.  
R. Abraham Sebah in Gen. 1. ait, Currente Sexto annorum mundi millenario ROMAM evertendam, & judaeos reducendos.  
Targum ad Thren. c. 4. v. 22. Et postea (postquam) complebitur iniquitas tua, coetus Zion, & (tum) liberaberis per manum Messiae & Eliae sacerdotis magni; & non addet ultra Dominus ut transmigrare faciatte: & in temporeillo visitabo iniquitatem tuam, Roma, quae aedificata es in Italia, & plena turmis de filiis Edom; & venient Persae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & angustiabunt te, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Equites scribendum, non Persae.  
Idem ad c. 1. v. 22. Ingrediatur in Die judicii Magni omne malum eorum [Gentium & inimicorum jerusalem] quo malignati sunt mihi [jerusalem loquitur] coram te; & quaere occasiones in eas, sicut quaesiîsti occasiones contra me propter multitudinem praevaricationum mearum: quia multi sunt gemitus mei, & cor meum infirmum. Targum hoc compositum est post excidium per Romanos: Nam v. 19 mentio est Titi & Vespasiani, & machinarum quas exstruxerunt contra jerusalem. Imò cap. 4. 21. Constantinopolis.   

CAP. IX.  
Quomodo interpungendum vertendúmque censuerim Com. 35. & 36. cap. 11. Danielis, ut Angeli Prophetantis ibi loci Transitio à Regno tertio ad quartum (puta Romanum) evidenter cerni internoscíque possit. Cui additur & sequentium aliquot Commatum versio, unà cum applicatione parallela.  
35. ET ex intelligentibus corruent multi, ad constandum eos & mundandum, usque ad tempus finis. (finem puta Regni Graecanici.)  
Clausula persecutionis Epiphanianae; quacum utique Regnum Graecanicum, juxta rationes Sp. S. finiîsse censetur, neque ultra in 
* i. Quaterniovis Regnerum.  Tetrarchias Propheticae censum venit. Confet. v. 23. c. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
36. Quoniam adhuc ad tempus statutum, faciet pro libitu suo 
a Transitio. Si●●●● ex●mplum Soph Pasuk malè p●sitae vid. Gen. 23. 17. & alibi. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Articulus h●c loco non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sed, ut alibi nonnunquam solet, ●ani●m certum & eximium quid d●sig●a●. Sic Esai. 7. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  REX, séque extollet & magnificabit super omnem 
b Tropo Prophetico Dii Subigi & domari dicuntur, cum subiguntur Gentes & Urbes quibus prae esse putabantur, (vide Esai. 46. 2. jer. 50. 2. & 51. 44. item c. 48. 7.) Quemadmodum & vice versâ (quod magìs mireris) Diis servire (politicè scilicet) qui colla Gentibus quorum Dii fuerint submittere coacti sunt; ut Deut. 4. 28. cum locis parallelis, c. 28. v. 36, 64. jer. 16. 13. quibuscum compone 1 Sam. 26. 19 In quae omnia vide Chaldaeum Paraph. Hîc tantùm operae pretium erit expendere morem Romanis solennem, cum Urbes obsiderent, Deos Deásve illarum praesides carmine evocandi, ínque suas partes, hostium tutelâ abjectâ, adigendi. Cujus formulam vide apud Macrob. l. 3. Saturnal. c. 8.  Deum.  
Characterismus Regni quarti seu Romani à debellata Macedonia ad exitum Augusti, Gentes Gentiúmque Deos quasi aestu quodam & torrente fortunae sibi subjugantis. Vide amabò Florum l. 2. c. 7. Paterc. l. 1. c. 6. item 1 Macc. c. 8. Phrasin autem similem de surgente Monarchia pers. cap. 8. 4. de Imperio Graeco, cap. 11. 3.  
Quinetiam contra Deum Deorum edicet stupenda, proficiétque donec consummata fuerit indignatio: [temporis] quippe decisio farcta est.  
Characterismus ejusdem ab exitu Augusti ad abrogatum Gentilismum: quo temporis intervallo Christum Deum Deorum in carne apparentem, sub Pontio Pilaeto Praeside, cruci affixit, cultorésque ejus per annos farm CCC. diris persecutionibus & lanienis exercuit.  
37. Deinde ad Deos Majorum suorum non attendet, neque ad desiderium mulierum: imò ad nullum Numen animum adverlet, sed supra omne sese magnificabit.  
Characterismus ejusdem Rei Romanae post abdicatam per Constantinum M. ejúsque successores Religionem Majorum, & sacra Christiana admissa: Ex quo nimirum Coelibatus, contra prisca Romanorum instituta, conjugio anteferri, & privilegiis gaudere coepit. [Vid. Sozomen. l. 1. c. 9 Euseb. de Vit. Constant. lib. 4. c. 26.] Sed & veri istius & unius Dei cultui, cui, sacris Christianis susceptis in Baptismo, sese addixerant, novi Deastri & Idola, non modò in eodem Templo, quin & ad unum idémque Altare colendi insignicum contumelia superinducti.  
38. Nam 
* Simil●m praefixi usum 〈◊〉 Ezra 1. 5. lev. 16. 21. Numer. 5. 15. 32. 33. 33. 2.  unà cum Deo [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Mahuzzimos in sede ipsius honorabit; cum Deo, inquam, quem non agnoverunt Majores sui, honorabit [eosdem] auro & argento, & lapidibus pretiosis, & rebus desiderabilibus.  
Hi enim sunt quos hîc Sp. S. Mahuzzimos nuncupat, i. Propugnatores, sive tutelaria Numina; cujusmodi Sanctorum defunctorum & Angelorum titulis veneratur Romanus, tanquam Patronos, Protectores, & Mediatores inter Deum & homines. [Vide Comment. meas ad 6. Tub. p. 
[Hujus edi●. p. 475, 476.]  114, 115.] Significationi quam dico firmandae facit, quòd LXX. in Ps●lmis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quinquies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vertunt, & Vulgatus toties Protectorem. Videsis loca.  
39 Faciétque Munitiones Mahuzzimorum communes DEI PEREGRINI, quem agnoscendo honore cumulaturus est, 
* Vel ●osque, Ma●uzzimos nimirum.  eásque dominari faciet in multos, terrámque partietur in mercedem.  
Vel Templa Mahuzzimorum intelligit, in commune Deo (quem abdicatâ Majorum religione asciverat) & Mahuzzimis dedicanda, juxta formulam Deo & Sancto N. vel N. quorum & Reliquiae ibi collocari solent, (ut nimirum idem sit cum eo quod praecessit, Mahuzzimos in sede ipsius (hoc est Dei, quem Majores ejus non agnoverant) honorabit:) Velure fortè Simulacra sic vocat, quibus ceu loricis & cataphractis induta visibiliter sistuntur Numina. Talibus scil. Romanus, quibus Deastros & Mahuzzimos suos, etiam Deum ipsum Israelis zeloten, quem sibi colendum susceperat, repraesentaret similitudinibus. Porrò haec Mahuzzimorum suorum Templa, vel Simulacra, vel ipsos, simavis, Mahuzzimos, dominari faciet in multos, terràmque iisdem partietur in patrimonium & ditionem. Notares est.  
40. In tempore autem finis bello eum impetet Rex Austri: irrué●que in eum ut turbo Rex Aquilonis, curribus equitibúsque & classibus amplis; ingressúsque in regiones inundabit, & transibit.  
Caeterúm tam nefariae commixtionis, inque Deum, consortii similitudinísque impatientem, poenas primò dabit Saracenis ex Austro provincias ejus incur●uris, partémque plurimam abrepturis: deinde Turcis, Genti Aquilonari, Saracenos quidem primùm petituris; sed illorum Imperio everso, adeò fines ejusdem Romanos versus supergressuris, ut cladem longè omnium quae unquam fuere gravissimam latissimámque Orbi Romano sint illaturi, nec, antequam finalis ejusdem interitus jam prae foribus instet, auferendam.  
Nota hîc tempus finis, quo mala ista ab Austro & Aquilone Romano incubitura praedicuntur, esse novissimam Rei Romanae periodum, alibi Temporis, temporum & dimidii temporis curriculo definitam; quibus utique Rex iste tantum nefas in Deum Christianorum, cujus cultum paulo antè susceperat, auderet.  
41. Et intrabit in Terram decoris, (i. in terram Sanctam) etc.  
Porrò, quod momentum Prophetiae huic interpretandae maximum confert, nollem Lectoris observationem fugiat, nimirum, Quemadmodum Iudaeis, quibus unicus Deus verus patrius erat, Dii Nationum peregrini audiant; ità contrà, Romanis, falsorum Numinum indè a Gentis primordiis cultoribus, eundem Deum verum peregrinam fuisse, & quidem tantùm non unicum & solum: quandoquidem, ut Leo Magnus Serm. 1. in Natal. Apostol. Petri & Pauli, Roma, cum penè omnibus dominaretur Gentibus, omnium Gentium serviebat erroribus; & magnam sibi videbatur sumpsisse religionem, quia nullam respuebat falsitatem. Ab hac ment est illud Philosophorum, Paulo Christum Athenis Evangelizante, Videtur, inquiunt, peregrinorum Deorum annunciator esse. Eodémque spectavit Altaris ibidem inscriptio ab Apostolo allegata, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quid quòd Licinius decretorium illud praelium cum Constantino initurus, eidem disertè exprobret, quòd Patriis institutis violatis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sibi colendum ascivisset; seipsum contrà cum exercitu, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, venerari? Vide orationem Licinii ad milites apud Eusebium lib. 2. c. 5. de vita Constantini, quam se accepisse ait ab iis qui audiverant.  
Postremò & illud addo; Arabiae Petreae incolas nunquam vel in hunc usque diem à Turca penitus sub jugum missos: imò nonnullis eorum annum quoddam tributum persolvere perhibetur, nè peregrinatorum tu●mas, illàc ultrò citróque commeantes, latrociniis suis infestent. Ex quo illud Angeli, v. 41. intelligas, de Edomaeis, Moabitis & medietate filiorum Ammon Regis Aquilonis manum evasuris.  
Caetera quae sequuntur adhuc implenda restant, ideóque non temere interpretanda.  An Advertisement. 
Author's Adversaria and other MSS. some few observations and short Notes upon some passages in the Apocalypse, I thought it not amiss to gather up these Fragments and place them in their due order. Some of them are upon those parts of the Apocalypse that the Author did not write upon in his Clavis & Comment. Apocalypt. but would have been farther enlarged and improved, if he had lived to have perfected his commentary on the remaining Chapters. The observations in English are set in Chap. X. the Latin ones in Chap. XI. The summary Exposition of the Apocalypse (which makes Chap. XII.) was an entire Tract written by the Author, though before his Comment on the Apocalyps.   

CHAP. X.  
Short Observations upon some passages in the Apocalypse.  
CHAP. 1. vers. 11.— the Seven Churches which are in Asia] If we consider their number, being Seven, which is a number of revolution of times, and therefore in this Book the Seals and Trumpets and Vials also are Seven; or if we consider the choice of the H. Ghost, in that he taketh neither all, no nor the most famous Churches in the world, as Antioch, Alexandria, Rome, and many other, and such no doubt as had need of instruction as well as those here named; If these thing; be well considered, may it not seem that these Seven Churches, besides their Literal respect, were intended to be as Patterns and Types of the several Ages of the Catholic Church à principio ad finem? that so these Seven Churches should prophetically sample unto us a sevenfold successive temper and condition of the whole Visible Church according to the several Ages thereof, answering to the Pattern of the Seven Churches here. And if this were granted, viz. That they were intended for so many Patterns of so many States of the Church succeeding in the like order the Churches are named; then surely the First Church (viz. the 
* Ephesus primitiva Eccl●si●e Typus, plurima fortiter passae, sed tandem in amore d●crescentis, unde Apostasia, 2 Thess 2. and 1 Tim. 4. 1.  Ephesian State) must be first, and the Last be the last. As for those between, though there be no Characters to bond them all 
‖ No more ha●e the first 6 Trumpets: only ingruss we know by the Text where the First of them beginneth and where the Sixth endeth.  exactly, yet the mention of false jews and the Synagogue of Satan, Throne of Satan, Balaam, jezabel, etc. (Apocal. 2.) in the Five middle ones, will argue that they belong to the time of the Beast and Babylon. And for the Sixth in special, viz. Philadelphia, we have a good character where to place it, viz. partly about the time the Beast is falling, and partly after his destruction, when the New jerusalem cometh. For Philadelphia is promised that the Synagogue of Satan should bow before her feet, that she should be preserved in the general temptation to come upon the whole world, that upon her should be written the name of the New jerusalem (Apocal. 3. 9, 10, 12.) If any thinks these Seven Churches are to be put into the Scheme, (as being persuaded they serve for Prophecies of things to come as well as Descriptions of things present) he may easily supply their want by imagining them in that middle empty space between the Two Prophecies, or might without any great deformity express them by 7 letters, E. S. P etc.  
CHAP. 3. vers. 21.— I will give him to sit with me in my Throne, even as I— am set down with my Father in his Throne] Here are 2 Thrones mentioned. My Throne, saith Christ; this is the condition of glorified Saints, who sit with Christ in his Throne: but my Father's (i.e. God's) Throne is the Power of Divine Majesty; herein none may sit but God and the God-man jesus Christ. To be installed in God's Throne, to sit at God's right hand, is to have a Godlike Royalty, such as his Father hath, a Royalty altogether incommunicable, whereof no creature is capable. To receive our devotions in Heaven is a flower of this incommunicable Royalty.  
CHAP. 5. vers. 12. Worthy is the Lamb to receive Power, and Riches, and Wisdom, and Strength, and Honour, and Blessing] The whole Doxology consists in the acknowledgement of these three Sovereign Prerogatives of the Divine Majesty, his Power, his Wisdom, his Goodness. The two first, Power and Wisdom, are express; and Riches and Strength belong to Power: the third (viz. Goodness) is implied in Blessing or Thanksgiving, which is the Confession of the Divine Goodness. Observe also that these words (and those in the parallel place, chap. 4. 11.) are the sum and argument of that Hymnologie which the Primitive Church used at the offering of Bread and Wine for the Eucharist.  
CHAP. 9 vers. 5.— tormented five months, and vers. 10.— to hurt men five months] For the clearing of this difficulty, 1. What if these Five months are not the whole time of the plague of Locusts, but the time only of their tormenting with their tail? Agreeably to this supposal the Editio Complutensis followed by Plantine reads not vers. 10. as we do with the Codex Regius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, And they had tails like unto Scorpions, and stings: and in their tails they have power to hurt men five months. And what if this than be the meaning of vers. 5.— They should be tormented five months; and their torment was as the torment of a Scorpion, when he Striketh a man, that is, they should be tormented by the tail, a● Scorpions torment and strike with their tail?  
2. What if by the Head of this Army of 
* the Saracens.  Locusts we understand their Foremost troops or Vanguard, which infested and settled in the Eastern parts, erecting their chief Caliph at Bagdat or Babylon in Mesopotamia; and by the Tail of this Army their Latter and hindmost troops, which encamped Westward in afric and Spain, as the Rear of that great Army who in process of time erected also a Caliph at Algiers, and from thence after some ages invaded Sicily and Italy, which they held even under the Walls of Rome and Pope's nose, just five months or 150 years; during which though they killed not the Beast, yet they continually frighted, vexed and tormented him? For it should seem that the Holy Ghost in this number principally aimed at Italy, once the Seat of the Empire, and now of the Beast, whom the Head-troups of these Locusts never came near, but only their Tail.  
Vers. 20. And the rest of the men which were not killed by these plagues, yet repented not of the works of their hands, that they should not worship Daemons, and Idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and of wood, which can neither see nor hear nor walk] See this explained in Book III. pag. 635.  
CHAP. 10. vers. 11. Thou must prophesy again before many, etc.] These words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Thou must prophesy again, (which interpret the Symbolum of the Book-eating, ver. 10.) do imply that the Systeme of Visions following do relegere tempus Apocalypticum ab ovo. But if any Vision of that Systeme of Visions do begin at the beginning of the Apocalyptical time or period, (as it is not denied but that of the Puerperium in Chap. 12. doth) there is no reason to think but that the First Vision beginneth there; both because it is the First, and because it is the sum and Compendium of all that follow after. If then the First Vision after the eating of the Book begin at the beginning of the Apocalyptical period, surely the Measuring of the Temple and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that which begins there: If the Measuring of the Temple and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 begin at the beginning of Apocalyptical time, than this Measuring cannot be contemporary with the Treading down of the Outer Court and the Witnesses prophesying in Sackcloth; because these contemporate with the Woman in the Wilderness and the XLII months' blasphemy of the Beast, which are granted not to be from the beginning of Apocalyptical time.  
CHAP. 11. Vers. 2.— the holy City shall they tread under foot 42 months; and ver. 3.— my two Witnesses shall prophesy in Sackcloth 
* the same is said of the Woman's being in the Wilderness, ch. 12. 6.  1260 days; and ver. 9— three days and an half (as in chap. 12. 14.— a time and times and half a time)] That by these Numbers are not meant Three single years and an half, see it demonstrated by five Reasons, in Book III. pag. 598.  
CHAP. 12. vers. 14. And to the Woman were given two Wings of a great Eagle] This alludes unto Exod. 19 4. where God is said to have born his people upon Eagles' wings, and brought them (out from the Egyptians) unto himself, namely in the Wilderness.  
— That she might fly into the Wilderness, into her place, where she is nourished— from the face of the Serpent] Seeing the whole Apocalypse almost consists of Expressions borrowed from the Types of the Old Testament; why should not this of the Woman's dwelling and being fed in the Wilderness have reference to that of Israel's Mora in deserto, an estate and condition externally better than what they came from in Egypt, but inferior to that they should in time attain unto? Yea besides this general, the Allusion is most fit for many particular Correspondencies. Moses brought the Israelites out of the Egyptian bondage into the Wilderness, a place where they might worship and sacrifice unto the Lord safely, where the Law was given, Tabernacle built, Ordinances both Sacred and Political enacted, etc. So did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Great Constantine deliver the Apostolical Woman, and brought her into the like condition, wherein she might worship Christ safely, the Laws of the Church were established, Tabernacles for Christian Worship erected, Tithes and Revenues assigned, etc. And had not this Christian Wilderness a Calf too made of the Earrings stolen from the Egyptians? Was there not here found a Korah among the Sons of Levi, with his partakers, 
* Numb. 16.  men of renown, to rebel against Moses and Aaron, and to offer strange fire unto the Lord? Was there not here a Balaam to deceive, and a Baal-Peor to be worshipped? was there not a Marah and a Meribah? Yea, was there not here also as well as there those who brought an evil report upon the Land whither they were to go? Farther, might not God say of the times of this Christian Wilderness, as he did of the abode of Israel there? Psal. 95. 10. Forty years long was I grieved, etc. and Amos 5. 25, 26. Have ye offered unto me sacrifices and offerings in the wilderness forty years, O house of Israel? But ye have born the Tabernacle of your Moloch, etc.  
CHAP. 17. 14.— and they that are with him are called and chosen and faithful] i.e. The Lamb and those called and elect and chosen ones which are with him shall overcome the Beast. So I understand it. These are that Virgin-Company (Chap. 14.) which follow the Lamb whither soever he goeth, and shall now accompany him in this Exploit. This therefore will serve for a Character Synchronistical, That that Virgin-Company continues in time to the end of Babylon and the Beast; and for an intimation of whom that Vision meaneth, viz. such as faithfully adhere unto the Lamb, while the Beast reigneth and the rest of men admire and worship him.  
CHAP. 19 15. And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, that with it he should smite the Nations] So it was prophesied of him by Esay, chap. 11. 4.— that he should smite the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips should shay the wicked: and in 2 Thess. 2. 8.— he shall consume that Wicked one (viz. Antichrist) with the Spirit of his mouth. Christ our General nor fights nor conquers by force of Arms, but by the power of his Word and Spirit; He does all nutu & verbo: As it is said (Psal. 33.) God made the world by his word and by the breath of his mouth; in like manner doth Christ overcome his enemies, and enables his Ministers to overcome them also, Verbo & Spiritu oris. Agreeable hereunto is that in Host 6. 5. I have hewed them by my Prophets, and slain them by the words of my mouth.  
CHAP. 20. 6. Blessed and Holy is he that hath part in the First Resurrection] What is meant by the First Resurrection, see in The Remains upon the Apocalypse. Book III. pag. 604. and in Book IV. Epistle 20.  
Vers. 14. And Death and Hades were cast into the lake of fire: This is the Second Death] Nothing is hereby meant but that Death was now quite vanquished; and that there should be no more Death of Body or Separation of Soul, but only the Second Death. As if it had been said, Death and Hades were now confined only to the lake of fire, which is the Second Death. The Death of Bodies in the grave should be no more, nor the state of Separate Souls in 
* Hades is the state of Separate Souls, whether good or bad, after death.  Hades.   

CAP. XI.  
Commentationes Minores in Apocalypsin.  
CAP. 1. vers. 3.— Tempus enim prop è est] i.e. jam adest tempus quo verba Prophetiae hujus impleri coeperint, & indies magìs magísque implebuntur.  
Vers. 4.— ab eo qui est, & qui erat, & qui venturus est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Eadem habentur verba vers. 8. & cap. 4. 8, cap. 11. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Venturus, idem est quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Futurus; ut ex cap. 16. 5. manifestum est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
* Vulgar. legebat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanctus. , utì locum hunc restituit Beza ex vetusto bonae fidei manuscripto codice. Seculum Futurum Haebraeis est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Unde Marc. 10. 30. Luc. 18. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ephes. 2. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vide Psal. 71. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Esa. 27. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Venturis sub. diebus, id est, Posthac, Imposterum; Esaiae 44. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vulgat. Ventura & quae futura sunt; Dan. 9 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Populus Principis venturus, id est, futurus.  
Et à septem Spiritibus qui in conspectu throni ejus sunt] Per Spiritus hos intelligit Angelos Aretas in locum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cornelius à Lapide pro eadem sententia junium laudat; sed fallitur. Fortè Drusium dicturus fuisset, nam ille sic sentit ad hunc locum, ubi inter alia habet, Septem Archangelos esse qui stant coram Deo etiam Ionathan prodidit: Sed ubi, non commemorat. Locus est Gen. 11. 7. Dixit Dominus Septem Angelis qui stant coram eo, Venite nunc, etc. Cum istis facit Th. Beza; Quòd (inquit) Septem hos spiritus nonnulli pro Spiritu Sancto acceperunt, cujus septiformis (ut loqunutur) sit gralia, manifestè refelli potest vel ex eo quod scribitur infrà, 5. 6. Et paulò pòst, Vt nemo de hoc possit ambigere, iidem isti Septem Spiritus infrà, cap. 5. 6. Agni cornua & oculi (id est, ministri) dicuntur. Accedit, quòd in cap. 8. 2. expressè dicuntur Angeli: Vidi, inquit joannes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Septem Angelos qui adstant coram Deo. Confer. cap. 4. 5.— Septem lampades ante Thronum, quae sunt septem, Spiritus Dei: Cap. 5. 6. Agnum stantem tanquam occisum, habentem cornua septem, & oculos septem, qui sunt septem Spiritus Dei, missi in omnem terram: & Zach. 4. 10. Septem isti oculi sunt Domini, qui discurrunt per universam terram. Videses etiam Tobiae 12. 15. Ego sum unus ex septem Angelis, qui astamus ante Dominum. Cypr. adversus judaeos, lib. 1. 20. Hilar. in Psal. 118, vel 119. & Psal. 129. vel 130. Add Clem. Alex. lib. 6. Strom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Dan. 10. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Princip●s pr●mar●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, Septem quidem sunt quorum est maxima potentia primogeniti Angelorum principes. [Sed de Septem hisce Angelis fusiùs disseruit Author in peculiari Diatrib. in Zach. 4. 10. Lib. 1. p. 40. & Lib. IU. Ep. 61.]  
Vers. 5. Et à jesu Christo] Postponit hic Ioannes Septem Spiritibus Christum, quia de Christo deinceps continuandus erat sermo; viz. Et à jesu Christo, qui est testis fidelis, primogenitus mortuorum, etc. Nempe id Sacris Scriptoribus solenne est, ut id postponant à quo volunt inchoare sequentia 
* Vide Hieron. ad Matth. 1. 1. 2.— Christi, filii Davidis, filii Abraham. Abraham genuit, etc. [Vide Tractatam de Doctrinis Daemoniorum, 1 Tim 4. 1. pag. 623.].  Simile videre est in Heb. 12. 23. ubi post illa [Spiritus justorum perfectorum] reperies— N. Test. Mediatorem jesum & sanguinem aspersionis, quia de sanguine Christi continuatur sermo,— meliora loquentem quam [Sanguis] Abelis. Videses etiam 1 Tim. 3. 16. ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ob eandem rationem ultimo loco poni reperies.  
Vers. 13. Vidi in medio septem candelabrorum similem Filio hominis, vestitum podere, & praecinctum ad mammillas zonâ aureâ] id est, Amictu & einctu sacerdotali ornatum. Ità Irenaeus lib. 4. c. 37. p. 373. edit. Fevard. Confer. cap. 15. 6. & Dan. 10. 5. ubi vir quidam dicitur amictus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lineis, sed cinctus non circa pectus ut Sacerdos, sed circa lumbos seu renes. Martin. Lex. Poderis est tunica Sacerdotalis linea corpori adstricta, usque ad pedes descendens: Haec vulgò camista vocatur ex Isidoro lib. 19 21. Legitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sap, 18. 24. Sirac. 27. 8 etc. 45. 11. LXX. hâc voce reddiderunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 28. 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezech. 9 2, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zach. 3. 4.  
Vers. 15. Pedes ejus similes aurichalco, sicut in camino ardenti, & vox ejus tanquam vox aquarum multarum] Haec descriptio personae Filii Dei ex Daniele expressa est, Dan 10. 6. Pedes ejus quasi species aeris candentis, & vox verborum ejus sicut vox multitudinis. Vox aquarum multarum apud joannem & Vox multitudinis apud Danielem prorsus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Similiter cap. 19 6. Audivi, inquit joannes, quasi vocem turbae multae, & sicut vocem aquarum multarum, etc. [Vide Comment. Apocal. ad cap. 14. 2. pag. 512.]  
CAP. 2. vers. 9 Novi blasphemiam eorum qui dicunt se judaeos esse, & non sunt— sed mentiuntur, cap. 3. 9] Per Pseudo-Iudaeos hîc intelligendi sunt Pseudo-Christiani. Scil. in Apocalypsi passim observare licet, judaeos sive Synagogam Israeliticam personam verae Christi Ecclesiae ex Gentibus surrogatae sustinere; (Consul cap. 7. ubi Coetus Ecclesiae Christianae exhibetur typo CXLIV M. ex omnibus tribubus Israelis signatorum) Gentes contrà typum Idololatrarum ejusdémque Ecclesiae hostium: totâ nimirum parabolâ ex statu rerum sub Veteri Test. mutuatâ, in quo veri Dei cultus apud unum Israelem viguit; Gentes verò reliquae Idolis & Deastris in universum inservierint.  
CAP. 3. vers. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Hîc & Act. 1. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nomina sunt capita hominum, seu singuli homines: alibi hoc vocabulum aliâ atque aliâ significatione adhibetur. Plura vide in Comment. Apocal. ad cap 11. 13. Et occisa sunt in terraemotu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nomina hominum septies mille.  
Vers. 5. Hic amicietur vestimentis albis] Vide infrà Commentat. ad Cap. 7. 14.  
CAP. 4. Vers. 9 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Futura ex Hebraeorum notione denotare solent actum vel solitum, 
Vid. Resp. ad D. L●weni Stricturas. Lib. III. pa. 551.  1 Sam. 20. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; vel debitum, Mal. 2. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2 Sam. 13. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Vers. 10. Et adorabant— & conjiciebant coronas suas ante thronum] Vide quod de hujusmodi more apud Gentiles memorat interpres AEschyli, ad eum locum Septem contra Thebas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Quando in terram conjiciemus coronas aut peplos, nisi nunc, cum ad preces convertimur & pro nobis & pro urbe?  
CAP. 5. verse 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & cap. 22. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] it est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vide Isai. 11. 1.  
CAP. 6. vers. 9 Vidi sub Altari animas interfectorum propter verbum Dei] Hîc & in cap. 18. 13. cap. 20. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cadaver significare videtur. Sic & in V. s●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 animas non tantùm Personas denotare, sed & Cadavera, notum est. Psal. 16. 10. Act. 2. 31. Ezech. 44. 25. apud LXX. Levit. 19 28. & alibi.  
Verse 11. Et datae sunt singulis stolae albae] Vide annor. ad cap. 7 v. 14.  
Vers. 14. Et omnes Montes locis suis emoti sunt] Quaere, Anon Montes referri possunt ad loca Idolis consecrata. quae etiam Excelsa nuncupantur, Ezech. 6. & passim in V. Test. In Midrash 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super illud cap. 2. [Ecce venit saliens super Montes, saltans super Colles] dicitur, Non sunt Montes hîc nisi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idololatria. Pet. Galat. l. 5.  
CAP. 7. vers. 9 Posthaec vidi, & ecce Turba multa, quam numerare nemo poterat, ex omni gente, & populis, & tribubus, & linguis, stantes ante Thronum & ante Agnum, amicti vestibus albis, & palmae in manibus eorum, etc.] De hac Turba Palmifera Vide Tertullianum in Scorpiaco adversus Gnosticos, cap. 12.— Nam & rursus Innumera multitudo albati & palmis victoriae insignes revelantur, scilicet de ANTICHRISTO TRIUMPHALES: sicut unus ex Presbyteris, Hi sunt qui veniunt ex illa pressurae magna, etc.  
Vers. 14. Et dixit mihi, Hi sunt qui venerunt ex tribulatione magna, [id est, de tyrannide Bestiae Sanctos tribulantis] & lauârunt vestes suas & dealbârunt, etc. Et v. 17. Absterget Deus omnem lacrymam ab oculis eorum] Hisce facem allucebit illud 
* Quid s●miendum sit de O 〈…〉 riticis hisce V●de Comment. Apocal. p. 451.  Achmetis cap. 231. ex Indorum disciplina, Siquis ablutis sordibus vestes mundas induisse sibi visus fuerit, omni afflctione, solicitudine, morbo liberabitur; próque modo loturae & ipsarum vestium splendoris, gaudio potietur. Item cap. 232. Siquis visus sibi fuerit induisse vestes albas & mundos, pro munditiei & albedinis modo ab omni dolore repurgatur.  
Vers. 15. De istis qui stolis albis amiciebantur dicitur, Ideo sunt ante Thronum Dei, & colunt eum die ac nocte in Templo ejus; Putà ut Sacerdotes. Respicitur mos Iudaeorum in probandis & admittendis Sacerdotibus. Vide Comment. Apoc. in cap. 6. 11. Maimonidem in Mischne lib. 8. ti●. Biath hammikdasch. cap. 6. Add Talmudis Babylonici cod. Middoth, cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est, In conclavi caesi lapidis Synedrium Magnum Israelis sedebat, & judicabat Sacerdotes. Sacerdos in quo inveniretur vitium induebat nigras vestes, ac nigras involvebat se, adeóque egressus abibat: Cui verò non inerat vitium, induebat albas vestes, ac albis se involvebat, & ingressus ministrabat cum Sacerdotibus fratribus suis.  
CAP. 8. vers. 11. Et nomen Stellae dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ABSINTHIUM] Caesar ille Hesperius, fundi Romani calamitas, calamitosus ipse & aliis calamitatis author, perpetuis aerumnis ab ipso ortu suo exercitus, quo rerum potiunte Imperium Romanum ruit, propter amaram sortem Absinthium meritò dicitur. Solent Hebraeis Abstracta pro Concretis usurpari; ergò hic Absinthium dicitur pro Absinthites, id est, Vir amaritudinum: ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vir dolorum, Isa. 53. 3. Vir doloribus expositus. Ezech. 28. 24. Et non erit ultrà domui Israel spinus dolorificus. LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vulg. Offendiculum amaritudinis. Targ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rex malefaciens. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Summè amarus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, appellatur Absinthium apud Dioscoridem, l. 3. c. 26.  
CAP. 9 vers. 10.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] it est, in postremo agmine. Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cauda, indè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Decaudare. jos. 10. 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et decand●bitis eos, id est, extremos occidetis. Vulg: Extremos quosque fugientium caedite. Angl. Smite the hindmost of them. Deut. 25. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et decaudavit [Amalek,] id est, in postremo agmine cecîdit [Israelitas.] Vulg. extremos agminis tui cecîderit. Angl. Smote the hindmost of thee. Cauda Locustarum (id est, Saracenorum) est postremum earum agmen, longissiméque à capite Imperii dissitum. Caput Imperii in Mesopotamia erat; Cauda igitur in Africa & Hispania putanda est. Ab hac autem Cauda, id est, à Saracenis ex Africa & Hispania delatis, mirum in modum afflictae sunt Provinciae quae Romano Patriarchae, ut propria ejus Dioecesis, suberant.  
Praecessit in eodem versu, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et habebant caudes similes Scorpionibus, & aculeos] Scilicet Scorpionum aculeus in cauda est, utì Plin. l. 11. c. 25. Semper cauda in ictu est, nullóque momento meditari cessat, nè quando desit occasioni: Ferit & obliquo ictu & inflexo.  
CAP. 11. vers. 15. Et Septimus Angelus clanxit] cum septem sacerdotes urbem Iericho septem diebus circumiîssent portantes buccinas arietinas, diéque septimo septem vicibus, corruit murus ejus, josh. 6. sic & ad clangorem Tubae septimae penitus abolebitur quicquid Bestiae supersit. Ut Phiala septima consummationis phiala est, proindéque essusâ hâc phialâ prodit vox magnaè Throno dicens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cap. 16. 17. & Babylon fundi●us exscinditur, ver. 19 ità & Tuba septima consummarionis Tuba est; quare ad hujus Tubae clangorem in coelo acclamatum est, Facta sunt Regna hujus mundi Domini nostri & Christi, ejus, & regnabit in secula seculorum. Desumpta sunt ex Dan. 7. Idémque omnino est Regnum quod Danieli ostensum à fine Monarchiarum futurum. Huc pertinet Prophetia Isaiae cap. 45. 23. Per me juravi, etc. quòd mihi curvabitur omne genu, jurabit omnis lingua; nempe in magno illo die judicii, authore Apostolo ad Rom. 14. 11. Unde necesse est (si Apostolo fides) reliquam prophetiam de gloria Israelis, indè à versu 14, ad idem tempus pertinere, viz. ad secundum Christi adventum.  
Vers. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Et iratae sunt Gentes] Exod. 15. 14. in Epinicio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gentes in Apocalypsi sunt Idololatrae & Pseudochristiani. Vide suprà annotat. ad cap. 2. 7.  
Venit tempus mortuorum, ut judicentur] id est, Tempus ut judicetur causa Martyrum occisorum propter nomen jesu. Apocal. 14. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Martyrs sunt Tertulliano lib. de Anima, c. 55.  
Vers. 19 Tunc apertum est Templum Dei in coelo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Et visa est Arca Foederis, etc.] Anon reseratio illa Templi in Coelo, quâ ad septimae Tubae clangorem Arca Foederis ibidem conspiciatur, sit revelatio Christi (cujus illa typus est) apparentis in nubibus coeli, ut eum conspiciant qui transfixerunt, Zach. 12. 10. Matth. 24. 30. Apocal. 1. 7? De quo & illud Matth. 23. 39 Non me videbitis ab hoc tempore, donec dicatis, Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini. [Vide Comment. Apocal. ad c. 14. p. 519.]  
CAP. 14. vers. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hic (& cap. 18. 3.) Venenum (non Iram) significat, ex usu Hellenistico. Scil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hellenistis est Venenum, quia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cui respondet, ut Iram, sic quoque Venenum significat. Istiusmodi exempla Hellenismi passim in S. S. occurrunt, ubi Graeca vox respondens Hebraeae in una significatione, ad alteram ejusdem, licèt non secundùm idioma Graecum, extenditur. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 significant & finem & mercedem; hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro mercede ponitur, Rom. 6. 21. 1 Pet. 1. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plerumque denotat robur, interdum virtutem; hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro robore, 2 Pet. 1. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotat peccatum, aliquando Sacrificium pro peccato; & sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Cor. 5. 21.  
CAP. 15. vers. 2. Habentes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Citharas Dei] id est, Sacras, quarum in Templo solo usus. Res enim in Templo gerebatur: scilicet victores Bestiae dum adhuc in crepidine Maris seu Labri vitrei insistebant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Bestia superata cantillabant, habentes citharas Dei, id est, sacras. Sic 1 Chron. 16. 42. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Instrumenta musica Dei, eodem planè sensu. Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 construenda sunt quasi per Maccaph, ut 2 Chron. 7. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & cap. 34. 12. Vide etiam Nehem. 12. 36. Amos 6. 5. Alioquin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 significat quoque canticum sacrum & in Templo cani solitum. 2 Chron. 29. 27. Psal. 137. 4.  
Vers. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Haebraeos aliquando; praesertim cum geminetur, valet Ide●. nempe si prius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 causale fuerit, vel è contrá. Vid. Gen. 22. 16, 17. jer. 4. 18. & cap. 29. 15, 16. 2 Reg. 13. 7. Eccles. 8. 6. Quidni & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Hellenistas simili modo usurpetur? Verto igitur, Idcirco omnes Gentes venient & adorabunt coram te, quoniam Iuratua manifestata sunt, Nempe Te solum colendum esse.  
CAP. 16. vers. 8— Et quartus Angelus effudit phialam suam in solemn, & datumesi ei aestu affligere homines per ignem. Et aestuaverunt homines aestu magno] Apomasar Apotelesmate 167. Si quis visus sibi fuerit à Sole plurimùm adustus, poenam pro modoustionis inveniel  
Vers. 10. Et factum est regnum ejus tenebrosum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Vide Isai. 8. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ecce tribulatio & tenebrae. jer. 13. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obtenebrâsset. Targum habet, super vos tribulatio veniet.  
Vers. 14. De Praeparatione ad Phialam ultimam (post illa verba 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ad praelium magni illius Diei Dei omnipotentis) dicitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ecce venio sicut fur: Id quod in 2 Ep. Petri c. 3. v. 10. perinde invenire est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & apud Paulum in 1 Thess. 5. 2. Quare cum DIES JUDICII Phialas proximè excipiat, easdémque Regnum Sanctorum per mille annos, (nam post excisum Antichristum futurum est,) necesse est per Diem istum, continuatum & bene longum tempus intelligi.  
CAP. 17. vers. 1.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ostendam tibi Scelus Meretricis illius magnae, id est, Sceleratam illam Meretricem. Hebraismus est. Quomodo & 
* in Pers. & Trucul.  Plautus Loquitur, Scelus pueri & scelus viri, pro puero & viro scelestis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 autem aliquando 
* Sic & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non tantum poenam, sed & culpam significat, Ezech. 7. 23.  Culpam significare annotavit Io. Cameron in Myrothecio ad illud 1 Tim. 5. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nempe culpam quatenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habet ad poenam, id est, reatum. Cui probando adducit Rom. 5. 16. Ex uno (inquit Apostolus) est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubi absurda locutio esset, siquidem idem esset 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Significat igitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 peccatum quo contrahitur reatus. His addo 1 Cor. 11. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idem quod versu 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sic & vers. 34. ni fallor, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anon & 1 Tim. 3. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Expende, erat enim Diaboli crimen Superbia. junius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vertit Damnandam meretricem, per Hypallagen, pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quid si sensus sit, Meretricem illam quam suprà audîsti damnationis ream, cap. 14. 8. imò in quam damnationis sententiam executioni datam vidisti, capite praecedente?  
Vers. 3. Vidi mulierem Bestiae insidentem, etc.] Mulier Bestiae insidens seu inequitans exponitur ab Angelo vers. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hâc notione adhibetur Equitandi verbum, Deut. 32. 13. Isai. 58. 14. Psal. 45. 5. Prosperare & equita. LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chald. Par. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut equites super thronum regni. Scil. Equi vehi potestatis Symbolum est, eorúmque qui rerum habenas moderantur, utì ex locis hisce manifestum est. Vidi mulierem Bestiae inequitantem, id est, Romam regno seu imperio Romano imperantem.  
Vers. 4. Et mulier erat amicta purpurâ & coccino, & inaurata auro & margaritis, etc.] id est, Induta erat vestibus Regiis ornatúque Regio; quip nequaquam ex vulgo Meretrix, sed Domina & Regina, id est, Urbs Imperatrix. Vide Esther. 8. 15. Mardochaeus— fulgebat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veste vel indumento regio, hyacinthino viz. & candido, coronam auream portans in capite, & amictu byssino & purpurâ, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Videses Dan. 5. 29. totum versum. Tunc jubente Rege indutus est Daniel purpurâ, & circundata est torques aurea collo ejus, & praedicatum est de eo, quòd haberet potestatem Tertius in Regno. josephus' Antiq. l. 10. c. 12. Publicavit daturum se ei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, torquem aureum & purpureae vestis usum, quali Chaldaeorum Reges utuntur. In 1 Maccab. 8. 14. de Romans, Et in omnibus istis nemo portabat diadema, nec induebatur purpurâ, ut magnificaretur in ea: & cap. 14. 43. de Simone facto Ethnarchâ,— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vers. 44. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Maccab. 4. 38 Rex Antiochus Andronicum purpurâ (id est, Magistratûs insigni) exutum per totam civitatem jubet circumduci. Et quis nescit Purpuram quoque apud Romanos Imperatorum & Regum insigne fuisse?  
Vers. 10. Septem Capita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Septem sunt Reges] Non Monarchas solùm, sed Summas Reipublicae Potestates nomine Regum intelligit Scriptura: ut vel ex vers. 18. hujus capitis colligi potest. Vrbs (inquit) illa magna, quae habet Regnum super Reges terrae. Super Reges solúm? Imò super omnes Democratias, Optimates, Respublicas, Summos Magistratus & Potestates, sive jure Haereditario, sive Successione, sive Electione fiant. Exinde quoque colligitur non designari singulares aliquas personas, sed Ordines & Summa Authoritatis & Potentiae capita; talibus enim Roma imperabat, non singulatibus tantùm Regum personis. Septem igitur Bestiae Romanae Capita (in quibus consuls, Tribuni, Decemviri, Dictatores, Pontifices) totidem Reges interpretatur Angelus, id est, tot Summares, penes quos vicibus suis Majestas erat regnantis Populi Romani.  
Quinque ceciderunt] id est, Mortui sunt, obierunt diem suum. Sic Gen. 25. 18. de l●maele dicitur, Ante omnes fratres suos cecidit.  
Vers. 14. Hi cum Agno pugnabunt, & Agnus vincet eos, (quoniam Dominus Dominorum est & Rex Regum) & qui cum eo sunt, Vocati, & Electi, & Fideles] id est, Agnus, & qui cum eo sunt, Vocati Electi & Fideles, vincent decem Reges seu Cornua Bestiae Babylonicae. Illa enim de Domino Dominorum & Rege Regum per parenthesin censeo legenda.  
Vers. 16. Decem Cornua— odio persequentur Meretricem] Decem Cornua (seu Reges) id est, aliqua ex illis. Sic cap. 9 18. Occisa fuit [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] tertia pars hominum, id est, qui ex tertia illa parte fuerant. judic. 12. 7. Sepultus est jephte in urbibus Gilead, hoc est, aliquâ urbium. 2 Chron. 35. 24. Sepultus est Ios●as in sepulchris patrum suorum, hoc est, uno seu aliquo sepulchrorum. Cujusmodi Ellipseos passim in Sacris Scripturis occurrunt exempla. Psal. 1. 3. Zach. 9 9 1 Sam. 18. 21. jon. 1. 5. Matth. 27. 44. Luc. 23. 39 joan. 6. 45.  
Vers. 18. Mulier quam vidisti, est Urbs illa magna] Sic vers. 5. 
* Tertul. adv. judaeos c. 9 Sic & Babylon apud joannem nostrum Romanae Vrbis figuram portat, proinde & magna & Regno superba & Sanctorum debellatricis. Idem habet l. 3. adv. Marcionem.  Babylon illa magna, ut & cap. 16. 19 cap. 18. 2, 10, 21. Vers. 1. hujus cap. Meretrix illa magna, ut & cap. 19 2. Passim in hoc libro Vrbs illa magna, cap. 11. 8. cap. 14. 8. c. 16. 19 c. 18. 16. 19, 21. Quocunque enim nomine Roma appellatur, semper hoc titulo Magnae insignitur. Dicta est autem Vrbs magna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non tam quantitatis intuitu, quam quòd aliarum Vrbium Caput & Regina esset, juxta id quod sequitur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quae regnum habet super reges terrae. Apud Athenaeum Roma dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & paulò pòst 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vid. Athenaeum lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Recensere me conantem quot urbes intra Romae, Vrbis illius Coelestis, ambitum contineantur, ob earum multitudinem non unica dies tantùm deficeret, sed quotquot annum conficiunt. Vide Casaub. in locum. Ex hisce aliisque Romae appellationibus [viz. apud Cic. Lux orbis terrarum; Mart. Heracl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jul. Front. Regina & Domina orbis terrarum, etc.] videre est quam meritò dicatur Vrbs illa magna, utpote quae regnum habet super reges terrae.  
CAP. 18. vers. 2, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Praeco olim edebat causam supplicii Inter caedendum, praeconem causam dicere solenne fuit. Vide quae Pontanus part. 3. p. 183. ex Cujacio habet, ísque ex Ambrosio, Petronio, Suida, Platone, josepho. [De duplici Babylonis interitu vid. Comment. Apocal. ad cap. 11. pag. 489.]  
Vers. 23.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Vox illa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Veneficium, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; cap. 14. idem designant, viz. amatorium virus seu philtrum, seu spiritualis ●cortationis illecebram, ex consuetudine meretricum philtris amorem conciliantium. Unde Meretrix illa magna dicitur (cap. 17. 4.) tenere poculum aureum in manu sua plenum immunditiâ scortationis suae. Observandum porrò, quòd alibi in S. Scr. cum Scortatione jungitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2 Reg. 9 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Nahum. 3. 4. de Ninive, Propter multitudinem fornicationum meretricis decorae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vendentis gentes in fornicationibus suis, & familias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
CAP. 19 vers. 4. Amen, Halleluja] Conser 1 Paral. 16. 36. item Nehem. 5. 13. Simile reperitur ad finem Psal. 106. Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel à seculo in seculum; & dicet omnis populus, Amen, Hallelujah, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; utì ad finem Psal. 41.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Observandum autem utroque loco, ubi haec formula adhibetur, geminâ acclamatione benedictionem claudi; Psal. 41. duplici Amen, hîc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Amen Hallelujah.  
Vers. 7. Quia venerunt nuptiae Agni, & uxor ejus praeparavit seipsam] Haec apparatio Sponsae quid aliud esse videatur quam illa tot seculis exspectata conversio israelis? Gentes olim & à multis seculis Christo desponsatae fuerunt; judaei idcirco sunt qui adhuc Agni Sponsa futuri exspectantur. Certè Iudaei olim (juxta parabolam Matth. 22.) ad nuptias Filii Regis invitati, venire recusârunt; nunc verò tandem prompti & parati accurrent; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Et cap. 21. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Videses Tertul. advers. Marcionem lib. 5. cap. 10. Christus praeputiati Sacerdotii Pontifex cognituram se quandoque Circumcisionem & Abrahae gentem, cum ultimò advenerit, acceptatione & benedictione dignabitur. Vid. & justin. Mart. dial. cum Tryphone jud. p. 259.  
Vers. 8. Bissinum enim justificationes sunt Sanctorum] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 justificationes, justitiae, justa facta, seu Bona opera, Piscat. Per Byssinum splendorem 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Aretas in locum intelligi vult Virtutes. R. D. Kimchi ad Esa. 65. 13. haud dissimili notione illud Eccles. 9 8. interpretatur; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Solomon dixit pro sapientia sua, IN OMNI TEMPORE CANDIDA SINT VESTIMENTA TUA, hoc est, Resipiscentia & bona opera.  
Atque ad istum locum Solomonis, R. S. jarchi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Para seu orna teipsum quâvis horâ bonis operibus. Atque eodem sensu acceptum priscis interpretibus astruit Aben Ezra, nempe de operibus impollutis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Vers. 13. Et vestitus erat veste aspersâ sanguine] Scil. sanguine uvarum. Ex mysticis priscorum Cabalistarum propositionibus apud Io. Picum Mirand. Galat. & Reuchlinum una est, Vestimentum Messiae rubebit.  
Et vocatur nomen ejus VERBUM DEI] i.e. Ipse est Verbum illud Dei. Ex notione Hebraeorum, Prophetarum praesertim, vocari idem quandoque valeat quod esse vel exsistere, sed eximio quodam modo. Sic. Isai. 9 v. 6. de Christo, Vocabitar nomen ejus Admirabilis, Consiliarius, Deus fortis, Pater futuri seculi, Princeps pacis; id est, erit haec omnia. Vide jer. 23. 6. Zach. 6. 12. Genes. 21. 12. In Isaac vocabitur tibi semen, id est, erit. Isa. 56. 7. Domus mea domus orationis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocabitur; pro quo Luc. 19 Domus orationis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, est, erit, habebitur. Simili notione iisdem Hebraeis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Vers. 15. Is est qui calcat torcular vini furoris Dei Omnipotentis] Calcatio vindemialis in Scriptura parabolica cladem atrocem & cruentam denotat. Sic & Messi● nomen stragem & excidium. jer. 51. 33. joelis 3. 13. 
* Isai. 63. 3● Thren. 1. 15. Targum. 〈◊〉.  [Vide Comment. Apocalypt. ad cap. 14. vers. 15, 16. 17, 18, 19]  
CAP. 20. verse 4. Et Sancti vixerunt & regnârunt cum Christo mille annis] Aliud est Regnum quo Christus in Sanctis suis regnat, aliud quo Sancti regnant cum Christo. Illud enim toto Bestiae tempore fuit, hoc nequaquam. Verum quidem est Christum jam indè à primo suo adventu Regnum inchoâsse, illúdque Regnum Ecclesiam esse. Interim & illud haud minùs certum est, Regnum aliquod in Scriptures promitti adventûs secundi proprium, quod & Regnum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur, adhúcque implendum superest: ut Dan. 7. 14. Luc. 19 11, 15. Luc. 21. 31. 2 Thess. 1. 5. 2 Tim. 4. 1. Vide Authorem Quaest & Respons. ad Orthod. apud justinum Mart. quaest. 120. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Vers. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Haec mortis secundae nomenclatura non à Ioanne primùm usurpata, sed ex Magistrorum judaicorum usu desumpta est; sic nimirum ab illis. dicta, quòd eâ impii, qui à mortuis resurrexerint, quasi secundò morituri sint. In hoc libro quater occurrit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cap. 2. 11. hoc cap. 20. 6, 14. cap. 21. 8. Apud Chaldaeum Paraph. saepius habetur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mors secunda. Deut. 33. 6. Vivat Reuben, & non moriatur; Chal. Paraph. addit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 morte secundâ. Psal. 49. 11. Quia videt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quòd sapientes moriantur; Chald. Par. Quoniam videbit sapientes improbos, qui moriuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 morte secundâ, & adjudicantur Gehennae. Isa. 65. 6. pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & rependam in sinum eorum, Chald par. substituit, & tradam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 morti secundae corpora eorum. Eodem cap. vers. 15. Occîdet te, Targum addit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 morte secundâ. jer. 51. 39, 57 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & dormiant somnum sempiternum, Chald. Par. habet, & morientur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 morte secundâ. Idem in Isai. 22. 14.  
Vers. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.] [Videses Conjecturam de Gogo & Magogo, pag. 574.]  
Vers. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Alibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 additur, ut cap. 19 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 21. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Respicit lacum Sodomiticum seu Asphaltitem tanquam Ignis aeterni figuram gerentem. judae v. 7. Sicut Sodoma & Gomorrha, & finitimae civitates, etc. factae sunt exemplum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ignis aeterni poenam sustinentes; potius, ignis aeterni similitudinem seu imaginem sustinentes. Nam solet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 significare instar, more, etc. Cúmque Roma sit Sodoma spiritualis, cap. 11. similiter atque 〈◊〉 in ●acum ignis & sulphuris 〈◊〉 est, cap. 19 20. Videtur & cap. 21. 8. ad Sodomae peccata respici, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Confer 2 Pet. 2. vers. 6. cum vers. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De Sodomae excidio sermo est, posuisse illud Deum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— ut qui novit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
CAP. 21. vers. 2. Et vidi civitatem sanctam, novam jerusalem, etc.] Eusebius. l. 3. de vita Constantini, c. 32. satìs ineptè opinabatur Templum illud magnificum Servatoris à Constantino Hierosolymis exstructum, fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Novam illam jerusalem quam tot retro seculis Prophetarum oracula praedixerant, etc. Et paulò antè— Ad illud salutare Christi monumentum (Sepulchrum intelligit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sed missâ hâc ineptâ opinion, Nova jerusalem est civitas quam Abrahamum, Isaacum & jacobum exspectâsse scribit Apostolus ad Hebraeos, cap. 11. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. [Vide plura de nova jerusalem in Clau. Apocal. Part. 2. Synchron. 6, & 7.]  
Vers. 10. Et ostendit mihi Civitatem MAGNAM, sanctam JERUSALEM. Videses suprà Annot. ad cap. 17. 18. de babylon MAGNA. In tota Apocalypsi, nulli praeter Babylonem seu Romam urbi 
* Civita● magna.  titulus iste tribuitur, nisi, demum post excidium Babylonis, novae isti jerusalem de coelo descensae, in cujus lumine deinceps ambularunt Gentes.  
Vers. 14.— Nomina duodecim Apostolorum Agni] [De numero Duodenario vide Comment. Apocal. ad cap. 7. pag. 455. & add cap. 13. vers. 17. pag. 509, 510.]  
Vers. 19 Et fundamenta muri Civitatis omni lapide pretioso ornata] Descriptio petita est ex Isai. 54. 12. Sternam carbunculo lapides ejus, (id est, pavimentum) fundabo 〈◊〉 in sapphiris, etc.  
Vers. 23. Et Civitas non eget Sole, etc.] Descriptio Novae jerusalem, ab hoc versu ad finem Capitis, tota desumpta est ex Isaiae cap 60. Apocal. 21. Isai. 60. Vers. 23. Et civitas non eget Sole neque Lunâ, ut luceant in ea; nam gloria Dei illuminavit eam. Vers. 19 Non erit tibi ampliùs Sol in lucem per diem, nec splendor Lunae illuminabit te; sed erit tibi Dominus in lucem sempiternam, & Deus tuus in gloriam tuam. Vers. 24. Et ambulabunt Gentes in lumine ejus, & Reges terrae afferent gloriam suam & honorem in illam. Vers. 3. Et ambulabunt Gentes in lumine tuo, & Reges in splendore ortûs tui. Vers. 11.— ut afferantur ad te opes Gentium & Reges earum adducantur. Vers. 10.— & Reges eorum ministrabunt tibi. Vers. 25. Et portae ejus non claudentur die. Vers. 11. Et aperientur portae tuae jugiter, die ac nocte non claudentur. Vers. 26. Et afferent gloriam & honorem Gentium in illam. Vers. 5. Quoniam ad te convertetur multitudo (vel copia) maris, & opes Gentium ad te venient. Vers. 6.— aurum & thus deferent— Vers. 9— argentum eorum & aurum eorum cum eyes. Vers. 27. Non intrabit in eam quicquam immundum, aut faciens abominationem— Vers. 21. Populus tuus omnes justi: & Cap. 52. 1.— non veniet in te, jerusalem Civitas Sancta, incircumcisus & immundus.  
Vers. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud LXX respondent verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reliquus fuit, superstes fuit, adeò ut non nisi tribus in locis aliter reddatur. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt illi ex Gentilium reliquiis quos Diluvium ignis non inundaverit. Vide Isai. 66. 19 Et mittam ex iis qui salvati fuerint (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) ad gentes Tarshish & Pull— & annunciabunt gloriam meam in Gentibus. Intelliguntur utrobique, ni fallor, qui cladem illam in Christi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 futuram evaserint, quando venturus est ad hostes Ecclesiae suae perdendos. Isai. 45. 20. Congregamini & venite, & accedite simul qui salvati estis ex Gentibus. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.] Agitur de universali vocatione Gentium, ut apparet ex v. 22. Convertimini ad me, & salvi eritis, omnes fines terrae; quia ego Deus, & non est alius. V. 23. Mihi curvabitur omne genu, & jurabit omnis lingua, etc.  
Vers. 26, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Scil. in Novam jerusalem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, gloriam & honorem, id est, opus & divitias, munus seu honorarium. Quâ ment est illud 1 Tim. 5. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, duplici honore, id est, honorario, digni habeantur.  
Vers. 27. Facìens abominationem & mendacium] Similiter v. 8. Idololatrae & mendaces: cap 22. 15. Idololatrae, & omnis qui amat & facit mendacium, Scil. omnis Idololatra mendax est, 
* Rom. 25. Commutârunt veritatem Dei in mendacium, etc.  cum pro Deo colat quod non est Deus: Unde in hisce locis [Idololatrae & mendaces, seu facientes mendacium] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu tanquam Synonyma poni videntur. Similiter Idola dicuntur mendacia. Vide Amos 2. 4. Seduxerunt eos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mendacia ipsorum: Vulgat. Idola. Confer Isai. 28. 15. jerem. 16. 19, etc.  
Cap. 22. v. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,—] Nequaquam videtur 
* Vide Comment. Apocal, pag. 48. ●●85.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hoc loco pro civitatis Foro sumi, utpote in quo arbores plantari non poterant, cum ex auro 〈◊〉 fuisse dicatur, cap. 21. v. 21. At in hujus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; medio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nascitur. Cap. 2. 7. mentio fit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ergò necesse est, si huc spectet descriptio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, de qua hîc sermo, esse ipsam Paradisum, utpote in cujus quoque medio esse dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arbour vitae. Sin hoc fuerit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro alveo Fluminis (utì Prov. 8. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Flumina Targum & Vulg. & Prov. 5. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vulg. in platcis aquas tuas divide) sumi nequit, quin potius pro Patente seu lato quodam spatio quod Fluvius utrinque ambiret. Cúmque unius tantùm Arboris sit mentio, dici non potest eam tum in medio tum utrinque ad fluminis ripam crefeere, sed duntaxat in medio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ut sensus sit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. In medio Planitiei ipsius, fluvi●que planitiem utrinque alluentis (seu praeterlabentis, seu cingentis,) Arbour vitae, etc. Fuit enim Paradisus quoque Edenis planities, hinc Euphrate, illinc Tigri intercepta: Velure, In medio Planitiei Flumine utrinque interceptae, Arbour vitae, etc.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & vers. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Quid si hîc genus foemininum [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] usurpetur absoluté? Sic Hebraeis solet, ut neutrum Latinis: ut Psal. 27. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Unam Petii à Domino, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eam requiram, pro unum, id. Psal. 118. 23. A Domino 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facta est haec, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & ea mirabilis, etc. pro factum hoc, etc. LXX. priore loco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 posteriore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & ità citatur Matt. 21. 42.  
Vel forsan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reserantur ad intellectum, & subintelligatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel istiusmodi. Hujusmodi Enallagen observat Buxtorfius Thes. Gram. Pag. 414. ubi etiam commodè affert exemplum de Paradiso terrestri, Gen. 2. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Sensu congruit, inquit, pronomen [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] none cum antecedente masculino 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed fynonymo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod foemininum. Ego potius sensu ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 referrem, quia suprà dicebatur v. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ità c. 4. 2. & 11.  
Vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; sumi potest demonstratiuè, non relatiuè, ut sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In medio ipsius plat●ae. Sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sumitur Matth. 3. 4. Marc. 12. 36, 37. Rom. 8. 21.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Arbour Vitae— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] De Paradiso immortalitatis etiam mentio in lib. 4. Esdrae cap. 7. ver. 53. Quid prodest nobis, si promissum est nobis immortale tempus; nos autem mortalia opera egimus?— Et quoniam reposita sunt nobis habitacula sanitatis & securitatis; nos verò malè conversa●i sumus?— Et quoniam ostendetur Paradisus, cujus fructus incorruptus perseverat, in quo est securitas & medcla; nos verò non ingrediemur? etc. Simile est hic in Apocalypsi de medela, cum dicitur, Et folia ligni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad medelam Gentium: Ad securitatem pertinet illud in sequenti versu, viz.  
Vers. 3. Et omne maledictum non erit ampliùs] Add Ecclesiastic. c. 19 v. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [id est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vulgatus non habet.  
Vers. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Vide suprà annotat. ad cap. 5. vers. 5.  
Vers. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, venio citò] Eadem locutio quae suprà vers. 7, & 12. cap. 3. 11. cap. 2. 5, 16. Similiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, de phiala septima, cap. 16. 15. Vid. Luc. 18. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, festinanter. LXX. reddunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Zeph. 1. 18. Dan. 6. 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Deut. 16. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nihil aliud quam festinatio. LXX. Thren. 4. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 momentum vertunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Etiam venio citò, Ecce venio citò, Vulg. in vers. 5. velociter. Benjamin Tudelensis pag. 129. de judaeis in Germania degentibus, Si hospes accedat, eo delectantur, eique convivium daunt, dicentes, Laetamini fratres nostri, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nam Dei salus ictum oculi celeritale aequabit.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Bestia Decemcornupeta, seu Regnum Decacorne Apostaticum. Regnum Sanctorum. Pseudo-propheta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Regni caput. Christus Agnus ille verus, Rex Regum & Dominus dominantium. Babylon Meretrix. Nova Jerusalem. Scortum Pseudoprophetae. Sponsa Agni. Metropolis Regni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quâcum fornicantur Reges terrae. Metropolis Regni Sanctorum, in cujus lumine ambulabunt Gentes.   

CHAP. XII.  
The Brief Meaning or Summary Exposition of the Apocalypse.  The Stage of the Apocalyptical Visions, Chap. 4. 
GOD sitting in Majesty upon the Throne of his Temple, according to the pattern of his ancient encamping with Israel in the Wilderness, [Numb. 1. 52, 53. & ch. 2. 3, etc.] His Throne, the Tabernacle, stood in the midst: next pitched the Priests and Levites, round about it: Behind them, to the four quarters of Heaven, encamped the four Standards of Israel, three Tribes to a Standard; and each Standard had his Ensign, which though the Scriptures particularly describe not, yet the jews by ancient Tradition do. The Standard of judah on the East-side of the Tabernacle had for his Ensign a Lion; the Standard of Ephraim on the West, an Ox; the Standard of Reuben upon the South, a Man; the Standard of Dan on the North, an Eagle. [See Chaskuni on Numb. 3. ●ben Ezra on Numb. 2.] The truth of this Tradition may be confirmed by the Cherubims four Faces 
* Not four Heads, as some conceive, but four 〈◊〉 on one Head; the Man's face being the forward ●ace.  in Ezekiel of the same likeness, signifying that he who road upon them was jehovah, the Lord of the four Standards of Israel: where also is easy to be gathered (by the Cherubims and Ezekiel's posture in that Vision) toward which quarter of the Heaven each Face looked. The like Faces, I suppose, the other of the Cherubims had, even those in the Temple. (See Ezek. 41.) Even as the Chariots and Horses of Princes and Potentates carry upon them the Insignia of their Master's achievements; so do the Cherubims here of the Lord God of Israel. And of these Four Animalia, the Ensigns of the four Standards, some have expounded that of Psal. 68 11. which Hierom turns juxta Hebraicam veritatem, 
* The Lxx. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Animalia tua habitaverunt in ea, id est, in haereditate tua. A sense not improbable, the Psalm speaking directly of God's marching before his people in the wilderness: Yet we translate it much otherwise.  
See now whether God's Session in the Apocalypse be not in every part accommodated to this his Encamping in the Wilderness.  

1. The Throne pitched is the Temple, insinuated 1. by the 
* 〈◊〉.  Seven Lamps burning before it, like the Candlestick of so many Lamps in the Tabernacle: 2. by the 
* V●●●. ●.  Glassy and Crystal Sea; not the Ocean, but the great washing Laver which in Solomon's Temple was called a Sea; but there of brass, here of more transparent metal. And yet some allusion may be unto the Laver in the Tabernacle, which is said Exod. 38. 8. to be made of the Looking-glasses of the women which assembled at the door of the Tabernacle of the Congregation. See the Temple called a Throne, Esay 6. 1. jer. 17. 12. Ezek. 43. 7. And such the whole Apocalyps supposeth the Throne to be in this Session. How come we else to have Souls under an Altar, Chap. 6. 9 a golden Altar of Incense before the Throne, ch. 8. 3. four Horns of the golden Altar before God, ch. 9 13. the Temple, Courts and Altar to be measured, ch. 11. 1. the Ark of the Testament seen in the Temple, vers. 19 Angels coming out of the Temple, ch. 14. 15, 17, 18. the Harpers upon the brim of the Glassy-Sea or Laver, chanting a 
* The Song of the reformed Churches all the time the 〈◊〉 are p●●ring upon the Beast.  Song of Deliverance from the Beast, as being but newly cleansed, and yet as soon as out of the water a-singing, when not yet come off from the Laver, ch. 15. 2. Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony opened in Heaven, vers. 5. Temple filled with smoke from the glory of God, (as the Temple and Tabernacle were at their dedication) vers. 8. But most invincibly manifest ch. 16. 17. where a voice comes out of the Temple of Heaven, from the Throne, saying, It is done?  
2. 
* Vers. ●.  Round about this Throne and next unto it sit 24 crowned Presbyters, representing the Pastors of the Churches, which answer to the Priests and Levites about the Tabernacle, and their number alludes to their 24 Courses.  
3. Lastly and outmost we have the 
* Vers. 6.  Four Beasts, signifying the Church in the four Quarters of the world, and answering to the four Standards of Israel, distinguished by the same Beasts in their several Ensigns. Which Beasts are here said to be in 
* See the Author's clearer explication of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, upon Lud. de Die●'s Letter to him. pag. 569.  the midst of the Throne and round about the Throne, that is, diametrally placed round about the Throne. For so must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be understood, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 else it will make an impossible sense.   
And so will the supposed Soloecism in the Greek, vers. 9 and 10, in the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, be avoided, if the words be taken not as a Narration of what S. john saw the four Beasts and the Elders then to do, but what their Office was to do, and what they would do afterward as occasion required in the progress of the Visions; namely, As often as the four Wights had occasion to give glory and thanks unto God, the 24 Elders should fall down before him that sat upon the Throne, etc.  
This was the Stage whither S. john was called to be a Spectator, and where and whence he saw his Visions.  The Interpretation of the Seven Seals. 
As Daniel in his Prophecy carries the Fates of the Church along with the State of the Empires and Kingdoms under which it lived; so doth S. john here: the First Prophecy [The Seals] containing Fata Imperii, what should besal the Empire; the Second [The Book opened] Statum Ecclesiae, the Fates of the Church, until both do meet in one in Ecclesia regnante, when all the Kingdoms of the world shall become the Kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ.  
Fata Imperii, the argument of the Seals, are the successive States and Changes of the Roman Kingdom for the times thereof then yet remaining. The First Six Seals distinguishing the times preceding its Fall by the Characters of Six predominant Tempers. The Seventh is the Climacterical Seal, sounding the warlike alarm to the Empire's Ruin by Seven successive and languishing blows, signified by Seven Trumpets.  
The First predominant Character which befalls the Empire is of Conquest, 
SEAL. 1. Chap. 6. 2.  when Christ began to subdue the subjects thereof by the Sword of the Gospel; Of which the First Beast gives notice, because the Actors, Christ and his Apostles, came from his Quarter, ab Orient●.  Aliter. 
If the beginning of the Seals be from the destruction of jerusalem, then may this First Seal be expounded of Political Conquest: Forasmuch as the Empire, after the death of Nero, being in extreme danger of dissolution, was again not only restored anew but much enlarged by Vespasian, Titus, etc. And so the First Beast gives notice at the opening thereof, because the Epocha of this conquering State is Excidium Hierosolymorum, an Oriental action, and therefore of his Quarter.  
The Second predominant Temper is of Slaughter and Massacres in the Empire; as happened in the Bellum judaicum under Trajan and Adrian, 
SEAL. 2. Vers. 4.  & postea in Bello Marc●manico. The Index is the Second Beast; because the first of those Emperors which began and managed the Times of this Temper was Trajan, a Spaniard, of the Second Beast's Quarter, ab Occidente.  
3. The Third State was remarkable for establishment of Equity, 
SEAL. 3. Vers. 5.  & procuratio rei frumentariae & annonariae in behalf of the City of Rome. The Index when this time began is the Third Beast, the first of the Emperors of this State belonging to his Quarter; Sep●imius Severus, Afer, Imperator à meridie. Eutropius, Solus ex omni memoria & antea & pòst ex Africa Imperator. Most interpret this Seal of Famine; but History 〈◊〉 not an Event answerable. By Libra therefore I understand AEquilibrium justitiae. Such were the Laws of Severus; Legum conditor longè aequabilium, saith Aurelius Victor: and especially of Alexander Mammeae, who so much delighted in that Christian Maxim, Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri nè seceris. For the prising of provision, in the Text, I understand ● Choenix of Wheat and three Choenixes of Barley for one and the ●ame Denier, and a competency of Oil and Wine into the bargain, that is, a complete sufficiency for the price of one day's hire; (such was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) By Choenix I understand Choenix Syriaca, which is said to contain quatuor cotylas, double to the other Choenix, which holds but two, and yet is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Spartianus de Severo, cap. 8. Rei frumentariae, quam minimam repererat, ità consul●it, vi excedens ipse vitâ septem annorum Canonem populo Romano relinqueret: ità ut quotidiana septuagena quinque millia modiorum expendi possent— Olei verò tantum reliquit, ut per quinquennium non solùm Vrbis usibus, sed & totius Italiae, quae oleo indigeret, sufficeret. Herodian. Frumenti summam primus adauxit. Lamprid● de Alexandro, Oleum quod Severus populo dederat (quódque Heliogabalus imminuerat) integrum restituit, etc. The colour of the Horse [Black] fits the severity and strictness of justice, yea Severus his person both for country and quality. Sed non est tanti.  
The Fourth State was remarkable for concurrence of War, 
SEAL. 4. Vers. 8.  Famine, Pestilence, (This, for ten years together,) as it is plain in Story. The Index, the Fourth Beast: the first Emperor of this State, Maximinus Thrax, being of his Quarter, Imperator ab Aquilone.  
Thus the first Four Seals of the Six, as being of unequal times, and easy for their qualities to be confounded in the accommodation, it pleased the Holy Ghost therefore to distinguish them by their several references to the Four Beasts: but the other Two have no such need; the Character of their qualities will sufficiently serve to sever them.  
The Fifth State therefore, 
SEAL. 9 Verse 9  which we may count from Aurelian, Ann. 270, or 268. (for thereabouts the former ended) unto Constantine, is notable for the Tenth Persecution by Diocletion, the greatest that ever the Ethnic Caesar's raised against the Saints of Christ, in regard whereof the rest were but as Flea-bite. This is typified by the Cry of the Souls under the Altar, How long, O Lord, Holy and True, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth? And they had promise of present hearing, as soon as their Fellow-servants, which were yet behind, should come in; which was not to be long after.  
The Sixth Seal is Terraemotus, 
SEAL ●. Verse 1●.  a great Earthquake. That intestine Change of the Roman State begun with Constantine, and was fully settled with the death of julian, about the year 364. For an Earthquake implies not a Destruction, but an extraordinary Alteration and Change of the face of things: As an Earthquake changeth the positure of the Earth by exalting Valleys and depressing Hills, turning the Channels and courses of Rivers, and such like. And was there not here the whole Politic Government as well as Religion altered, the Imperial Seat removed, the distribution of Provinces, Offices and Governments new moulded, & c? Was not the former State of the Empire turned topsy-turvy, when the low and trampled Valleys arose into Mountains, and the haughty Mountains were laid as low as the Valleys? And if the Roman Gods be any of the 
* Verse 13, 14.  Stars or 
* Verse 13, 14.  Hills here mentioned, we need not go farther for an Exposition of this Earthquake and the shock it caused in the world.  The SEVENTH SEAL, or Seven Trumpets. 
The 
* Chap 8. 1.  Seventh Seal, or Seal of Trumpets, brings forth the Ruin and miserable Downfall of the Roman State. This is that which the Martyred Saints in the Fifth Seal, prayed for, How long, O Lord, Holy and True, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood upon this cruel Empire? They were answered, that some more of their Brethren must yet suffer as they had done. When they were once come in, then should the cry of their blood be avenged upon that bloody State. This now comes to be accomplished. And therefore when the Seventh Seal was opened, and the Trumpets were to sound, Christ, the Angel of the Covenant, offereth those Prayers of the Martyrs in a golden Censer upon the golden Altar before the Throne, 
Verse 3.  that they might come into remembrance before God. And no sooner was the Incense of their Prayers ascended, but instantly the Seven Angels come forth with their Seven Trumpets to sound alarm for the Empire's Dissolution. For though josiah were a good King, and made a Reformation, yet must the blood shed by Manasseh needs be avenged upon the Kingdom of judah. So although the Roman Emperors were now become Christians, yet would not God forget their former slaughters of his Servants, but require their blood at the hands of that Empire.  
The Epocha or beginning of these Trumpets was about the year 365. Now was the Censer, wherein the Martyr's Prayers were offered, 
Verse ●.  thrown down to the Earth; and there were Thundrings and Lightnings and an Earthquake: the meaning whereof may be otherways expounded, but was here even literally fulfilled in that stupendious Earthquake described by Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 26. c. 14. Horrendi tremores per omnem Orbis ambitum grassati sunt subitò, quales necfabulae nec veridicae nobis antiquitates exponunt. Paulò post lucis exortum densitate praviâ fulgurum acriùs vibratorum tremefacta concutitur omnis terreni stabilitas ponderis, etc. Now the Trumpets began to sound, which Ammianus c. 5. tells so happily as if he meant to be an Expositor. Hoc tempore (saith he) velut per universum Orbem Romanum Bellicum canentibus Buccinis, excitae saevissimae Gentes limites sibi proximos persultabunt. Gallias Rhaetiásque simul Alema●ni populabantur, Sarmatae Pannonias— Thracias diripiebant praedatorii globi Gothorum, etc.  
Of these Seven Trumpets the first Four are lesser ones, and fall chiefly upon the West, and made way for the rising of the Antichristian State of the Beast or Kingdom of the False-Prophet. The last Three are greater and more terrible and more lasting, and therefore distinguished from the former by the name of WOES, verse 13.  
The First Trumpet, 
TVBA ● Verse ●.  which lights upon the Earth, was that terrible, furious and bloody Hail-storm of the Nations of the North, (which Ammianus told us of even now) without intermission harrying, spoiling, burning and wasting the inhabitants and Citizens of the Empire, great and small, young and old, from the year 365, almost 45 years, but not yet, by settling therein, impairing or diminishing the Roman Dition.  
The Second, 
TUBA 2. Verse 8.  which fell upon the Sea, was the bloody rending and destruction of the Amplitude of the Roman jurisdiction in the West, from the time (viz. Ann. 410.) when Alaricus sacked Rome; and was occasioned by the swelling and burning ambition of Stilico, who called in the Goths, hoping, when the waters were thus troubled, to have made his Son an Emperor.  
The Third Trumpet brought Lapsus Hesperi, 
TUBA 3. Verse 10.  the fall of the Western Caesar, which after the death of the third Valentinian, When Gensericus with his Vandaels had again sacked Rome, fell by degrees out of the Orb of Sovereignty, though blazing a little as a Candle before extinction. By the fall of this Star the Rivers and Fountains suffered, the power of the Roman Precedents, Ministers and Courts of justice failing in the West for want of their wont influence from that Star, the Western Caesareate being extinct in Augustulus, resembled, by reason of the then bitterness and sorrows, by a falling Star called Wormwood, vers. 11.  
The Fourth Trumpet brings darkness upon the Roman Firmament by an Eclipse of the Sun, 
TUBA 4. Verse 12.  Moon and Stars in the third part thereof; when in the Wars of the Greek Emperors with the Kings of the Goths in Italy, the remaining light of Rome's Majesty in the West was quite put out; after the year 542 the long-continued succession of the Roman Consuls ceasing, the Roman City taken by Totilas, and a third part thereof demolished, and the rest left for a while memorandum Fortunae ludibrium, without an inhabitant; and, lastly, the Ostrogothish Kingdom, which a while, as a blaze, continued the light of the dying Caesars in Italy, by Narses utterly extinguished.  WOE, WOE, WOE. 
The Fifth Trumpet is the First Woe, 
TUBA 5. Ch. 9 3.  and brings the Saracen Locusts upon the world, proceeding out of the smoky and darkening Seduction of Mahom●t, conjured up by the Angel of the bottomless pit: who, though a warlike people and well armed, yet had not power to destroy either the State of Caesar's in New Rome, or the Papal Principality sprung out of the Empire's ruin in the Old, but only Scorpion-like to torment and vex them, 
Verse 5. 10.  as their Tail or hindermost Troops out of afric did Italy and Western Rome 150 years.  
The Sixth Trumpet is the Second Woe, 
TUBA 6. Verse 14.  and brings upon the Roman Provinces the barbarous and dreadful ●n●ndation of the Turks, losing them from the great River Euphrates, where they had been long before 
* Verse 15.  prepared, and now let go as a plague for the 
‖ Verse 20.  Idolatry of Christians, 〈◊〉 only, as the Saracen Locusts, to plague and torment the Roman State, bu● in part t● utterly 
* Verse 15.  slay and destroy it, as they have done in the Empire of Greece, which the Saracens had no power to do.  
The Seventh and Last Trumpet is yet to come, 
TUBA 7. Ch. 11. 14.  the entrance whereof is the Last Woe, wherein all the Relics of the Roman Beast, with the last Principality of the City of Rome yet surviving, shall together with the rest of the enemies of Christ be utterly abolished in the Great Day of 
* Ch. 16.  Armagedden; that all the Kingdoms of the world may become the Kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ. Ch. 11. 15.  
Note, that when the Angel comes at the Seventh Trumpet, because the Event thereof is the common issue to 
* viz. the Prophecy of the Seals, and the Prophecy of the Book opened.  both Prophecies, he therefore suspends it a while, till he hath fetched up (Chap. 11.) a transcurrent and through-running Vision of the Second Prophecy unto it, and then joins them together in one and the same close, The Kingdoms of the world are become the Kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ.   

The Second Prophecy, The Opened Book; containing Fata Ecclesiae.  

I.  
By the 
* Ch. 11. ●.  Inmost and Measured Court of the Temple, I understand the Church in her Primitive Purity, whenas yet the Christian Worship was unprofaned, and answerable to the Divine Rule revealed from above.  
By the 
* Ch. 12. 7.  War between Michael and the Dragon about the Woman's manly Offspring contemporary with the Measured Court, I understand that long and bloody Combat which Christ our Lord, animating with his Spirit his undaunted Soldiers, fought with the Devil possessing and reigning in the Ethnic Roman State; that is, the Times of the Primitive Persecution by the Heathen Emperors: a War lasting long, and costing the lives of many a valiant Martyr; yet at 300 years' end, when a Christian was installed in the Imperial Throne, the old Dragon was 
* Verse 9  dismounted and overthrown, and the Soldiers of Christ our Lord prevailed; For 
‖ Verse 1ST  they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb and by the word of their testimony, and loved not their lives unto the death.  
Note that the Description of this Vision is double in the Text: 1. more General, The Dragon's endeavour to destroy the Woman's Offspring, from ver. 1. to the 7. verse; 2. more Particular, of his Battle with Michael the Woman's Champion. For that these two Descriptions are of the same thing and same time, is manifest in that one and the same Event [
* Verse 6, 8● 14.  The Woman's escape into the Wilderness] is the Consequent to them both.   

II.  
1. By the Second or 
* Ch. 11. 2.  Outward Court trampled by the Gentiles, and not to be measured, I understand the Apostasy under the Man of Sin. when the Visible Church, being possessed by Idolaters and Idolatry like that of the Gentiles, became so inconformable and unapt for Divine measure, that it was to be cast out and accounted as profane and polluted. For the Apostasy of the Church is Ethnicismus Christianus.  
2. By the 
* Verse 3.  Witnesses in sackcloth, I understand the mournful Prophecy of God's true Ministers during all that time: who, when toward the end of their days of mourning they should be about to put off their sackcloth and leave their lamentation, (seeing the Truth they witnessed beginning to take place by public Reformation) the Beast which ascends out of the Abyss shall slay them, 
Verse. 7. 9  and rejoice over them as dead three days and an half, that is, so many years.  
3. By the Woman in the Wilderness, (Ch. 12.) I understand the condition of the true Church in respect of her 
* See a farther account of her being in the Wilderness, in the Short Observations, Chap. 12. & Comment Apocal in locum.  Latency and Invisibility to the eyes of man. As the Israelites, when they had escaped the rage and gotten out of the reach of the Egyptian Pharaoh, yet lived a long time after, but in a Wilderness, an infrequent and barren place, where they could not have lived without being extraordinarily fed with Manna from Heaven: Such was the condition of the Apostolical Woman and Church of Christ, when she had escaped the rage and fury of the Dragon persecuting in the Seven-headed Empire.  
4. By the 
* Chap. 14. 1.  Virgin-Company of the 144000 Sealed ones, I understand the opposite State of the unstained Church unto the Kingdom of Apostasy, in their sincerity of Service and faithful adherence to their Lord and Master, whilst the rest worshipped the Beast and his Image. These are those who, when the Trumpets were to sound, were secured by the 
* Chap. 7. 3.  Mark of Divine protection, lest their Society should have been extinguished in those Calamities which then fell upon the Empire. How could this Holy Company else but have perished in such Confusions? In that 
* viz. Ch. 7.  place they were represented by the Tribes of Israel; for the present Church of the Gentiles is but Israel surrogatus, and so by God accounted, until the Fullness of the Gentiles come in.  
5. By the 
* Ch. 13. 1. 11.  Seven-headed Ten-horned Beast, the Two horned False-Prophet, and 
‖ Chap. 17.  Babylon the Mother of Harlots, I understand the State and Kingdom of Apostasy according to three subordinate parts thereof, 1. The Body, 2. the Head, 3. the Seat. For Kingdoms, especially of the ancient form, consisted of three parts, Regnum, Rex, Metropolis Regni. So in the Kingdom of Apostasy (for such it was to be) are Regnum Apostaticum, Rex Apostaticus, Metropolis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
The Kingdom of Apostasy was to be the Roman Empire upon a deadly wound of the Caesarean Sovereignty shivered into a Plurality of Kingdoms, yet all jointly as one Body anew acknowledging the Motherdom of the Roman City. This is that Seven-headed Beast with Ten crowned Horns upon the Seventh Head, whereof S. john speaks Chap. 13. whose description there I understand as if he had said, I saw a Beast with Seven Heads and Ten Horns with Diadems, which, upon the recovery of a deadly wound in one of his Heads, arose out of the Sea, and succeeded in the Throne, Power and Authority of the Dragon; blaspeming God by another Idolatrous worship, and warring at length against his Saints and overcoming them. This I would call Antichristendom.  
Rex Apostaticus, The King of this Apostatical Kingdom is the Two-horned False-Prophet, the Roman Bishop, who also is the Founder thereof, forasmuch as by lying Signs and Wonders establishing a new-coined Idolatry therein, he made it to be a living Resemblance or Image of the Kingdom of the Caesars in Ethnicism when the Dragon ruled. Observe here that in Ch. 13. 14. those last words [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] are not the words of the Beast speaking, but of S. john relating the Event of his speech. And so the Interpretation will be plain.  
The Metropolis of this Kingdom is Mystical Babylon, that is, the See and City of Rome, of the Spouse of Christ become a Babylonish Strumpet. This is the Mother of Harlots, that is, the Metropolis of the Brothel-Cities, and Lady of the Apostatical Kingdom, whose Kings commit fornication with her. For the Beast she rides upon is the new-formed Beast which arose out of the Sea with Ten crowned Horns; the meaning whereof the Angel here expoundeth, and thereby openeth an entrance to the whole Prophecy, which till now was nothing but an involved Mystery.    

The Whore's Beast, Chap. 17.  
The Whore's Beast is that Kingdom which in S. John's time had Five Successive Heads already past, One (that of the Caesars) in present being; but the Last, or Seventh, wearing Ten Horns, which was yet to come, was that under which the Where should ride him. Hence comes the Angel's Riddle, 
* Ch. 17. 8.  The Beast which was, and is not, and shall ascend out of the bottomless pit; The Beast that was, and is not, and yet shall be, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, The Beast or State that had then been in the course of Five or Six Seals, but in the Seventh was yet to come. Some read the last expression of the Riddle thus, The Beast that was, and is not, and yet is; that is. The Beast that had already been in the course of Five of his Heads, was not then in that State of Sovereignty in which the Whore should ride him; and yet was even then (in S. John's time) in present being in the Sixth Head, the Caesars then reigning.  
The 
* Verse 9 10.  Seven Heads of the Beast are by the Angel made a double Type both of the Seven Hills where the Woman lifts, and of the Seven Sovereignties with which in a successive order the Beast should reign. This is a pair of Fetters to tie both Beast and Whore to Western Rome. The Seven Sovereignties must not be separated from the Seven Hills, nor the Seven Hills from as many Sovereignties. Constantinople may have so many Hills, but those Hills had never so many Sovereignties. In other Cities where the Sovereign Roman Name (or but the Name) hath reigned, are neither so many Hills, nor ever were those Seven succeeding Sovereignties. By these Fetters we shall hold this Proteus-like and flitting Beast fast enough.  
The Last Head of the Beast is indeed but the Seventh, (for the Beast, we see, hath no more Heads than Seven in the Vision) yet for some respect is an Eighth, namely, because the Sixth Head, the Sovereignty of Caesar's, (that Head which in S. John's time was) declined at length to a Demi-Caesar confined to the West, (beginning with Honorius, (or, if you will, sooner,) till after a short time it failed upon the death of the last Valentinian,) which being in some sort divers from the former takes the Seventh place, and makes the False-Prophet the Eighth. But being, as in name, so in substance, the same Caesar with the former, the False-Prophet (in whose time the Whore rides the Beast) is still in order the Seventh. 2. The False-Prophet beginning his dominion as soon almost (if not altogether) as the Demi-Caesar, is therefore in order of time the Seventh as well as he. But the Demi-Caesar being soon gone, the False-Prophet still surviving, and therefore succeeding him, is, in respect of that time wherein he outlasteth him, as it were an Eighth. But whether Eighth or Seventh, he is the Last Head this Beast shall ever wear. When the former Heads failed, the Beast still continued by succession of a New: But in this he 
* Verse 11.  goeth into perdition, that is, shall utterly be destroyed.  
Object. Yea but when the Roman State was a Red Dragon, it appeared then also with 
* Ch. 12. 3.  Seven Heads and Ten Horns as well as now.  
Answ. As the Beast which carrieth the Whore appeareth with all his 
* Ch. 17. 3.  Heads, though Six of them should be passed before the Whore should ride him: so the Red Dragon, which watched the Woman in travail, is represented with the whole Roman Cognizance of Heads and Horns, though the Sixth Head only (the persecuting Caesars) were then in course when the bloody Dragon informed it.   

The Seven Vials.  
The 
* Chap. 16.  Seven Vials are the Seven several and successive degrees of the Fall of the Apostatical or Pseudoprophetical Beast: some whereof are already past, (for his Declination and Ruin we see is already begun.) some are still to come. They are called the 
* Chap. 15. 1.  Seven last Plagues in reference to the Seven Trumpets which are the Seven first Plagues; the first ruining the Old Beast, the last destroying the New which is risen out of his ruin: Which is the reason why the Vials are so like the Trumpets. For as this Latter Beast was fashioned after the image of the Former; so was it fit his Ruin should carry the resemblance of the Ruin of it.   

The Kingdom of Christ upon the Seventh Trumpet.  
That Kingdom of our Lord to follow upon the sounding of the Seventh Trumpet, at the appearing whereof, in several Visions, the Choir of Wights and Elders sing and worship before the Throne, (Ch. 7. 11. Ch. 11. 16. Ch. 19 4) what it means and what shall be therein, Posterity will better understand. Perhaps we may be as wide of the meaning thereof as our Forefathers were of the State and Condition of the times of Antichrist. Yet as they in this miss not of the main, but erred in the manner and particular Circumstances; so would it be considered whether the conceit the Ancients had of this Regnum Christi contains not likewise some general Truth received from the eldest times, though deformed with many erroneous misconceits and idle, yea some not tolerable, fancies.  
The End of the Fifth Book.    

A TABLE of Places of Scripture (not only quoted, but) illustrated and explained.  

GENESIS.  Chap. 3. 13. And the Lord God said unto the Woman, What is this that thou hast done? And the Woman said, The Serpent begniled me, and I did eat. 
pag. 220  — Verse 14. And the Lord God said unto the Serpent, Because thou hast done this, thou art cursed above all cattle, and above every Beast of the field: upon thy belly shalt thou go, and dust shalt thou ●at all the days of thy life. 
p. 228  — Verse 15. And I will put enmity between thee and the Woman, and between thy seed and her seed: it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel. 
p. 234  — Verse 16. I will multiply thy sorrow and thy conception. 
p. 150  Chap. 10. 5. By these were the Isles of the Gentiles divided in their lands; every one after his tongue, after their families, in their nations. 
p. 271 & 276  Chap. 27. 36.— Well may he be called jacob, for he hath supplanted (or, beguiled) me these two times. 
p. 226  Chap. 28. 16, 17. Surely the Lord is in this place, and I knew it not. How dreadful is this place! it is no other but the House of God, even the gate of Heaven. 
p. 343  Chap. 29. 27. Fulfil her week— 
p. 599  Chap. 46. 26. All the souls that came with jacob into Egypt, which came out of his loins. 
p. 35  Chap. 48. 16. The Angel which redeemed me from all evil bless the lads, and let my name be named on them— 
p. 5  Chap. 49. 10. The Sceptre shall not depart from judah, nor a Lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come, and unto him shall the gathering of the people be. 
p. 34   

EXODUS.  Chap. 1. 5. And all the souls that came out of the loins of jacob— 
p. 35  Chap. 3. 5.— Put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground. 
p. 348  Chap. 4. 25. Then Zipporah took a sharp stone, and cut off the foreskin of her Son, and cast it at his feet, and said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sponfus sanguinum tu mihi es. 
p. 52  Chap. 13. 2. Sanctify unto me all the firstborn. 
p. 402  Chap. 19 5.— Then ye shall be unto me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a peculiar treasure (Lxx. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a peculiar people) above all people. 
p. 125  Chap. 20. 24.— In all places where I record my Name, I will come unto thee, and bless thee. 
p. 341  Chap. 29. 42. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Tabernacle of meeting. 
p. 343  Chap. 30. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Tabernacle of meeting. 
p. 343  Chap. 30. 31, 32. This shall be an holy anointing Oil unto me— It is holy, therefore it shall be holy unto you. 
p. 6   

LEVITICUS.  Chap. 2. 13.— the Salt of the Covenant of thy God. 
p. 371  Chap. 19 30. Ye shall reverence my Sanctuary. 
p. 398  Chap. 25. 3. The land shall not be sold for ever, for the land is mine, for ye are strangers and sojourners with me. 
p. 121  Chap. 27. 26. Only the firstborn of the beasts, which should be the Lord's, no man shall sanctify it; it is the Lord's. 
p. 402   

NUMBERS.  Chap. 2. 2. Every one of the children of Israel shall pitch by his own Standard, with the Ensign of their father's house, about the Tabernacle of the congregation shall they pitch. 
p. 594  Chap. 14. 22. Those men which have seen my glory, and my miracles which I did in Egypt and in the wilderness, and have tempted me now these ten times. 
p. 118  Chap. 17. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Tabernacle of meeting. 
p. 343   

DEUTERONOMY.  Chap. 4. 28. And there ye shall serve Gods, the work of men's hands. 
p. 707  Chap. 16. 16. Three times in a year shall all thy males appear before the Lord thy God, in the place which he shall choose; in the Feast of Unleavened bread● and in the Feast of Weeks, and in the Feast of Tabernacles; And they shall not appear before the Lord empty. 
p. 260 & 269  — Verse 17. Every man shall give as he is able according to the blessing of the Lord thy God which he hath given thee. 
p. 265  Chap. 28. 64.— And there thou shalt serve other Gods, which neither thou nor thy fathers have known. 
p. 667  Chap. 33. 2. The Lord came from Sinai unto them— he came with his holy Myriads, from his right hand went a fiery Law. 
p. 344  — Verse 8. And of Levi he said, Let thy Thummim and thy Vrim be with thy holy one. 
p. 177   

JOSHUA.  Chap. 5. 15. See Exod. 3. 5. 
 Chap. 7. 1. Achan— took of the accursed thing. 
p. 117  Chap. 24. 26. And joshua took a great Stone, and set it up there under the Oak which was by the Sanctuary of the Lord. 
p. 65   

JUDGES.  Chap. 1. 7. As I have done, so hath God requited me. 
p. 140   

I SAMUEL.  Chap. 26. 19 They have drives me out this day from abiding in the inheritance of the Lord, saying, Go serve other Gods. 
p. 668   

II. SAMUEL.  Chap. 9 10. Thou and thy sons and thy servants shall till the land for him, and thou shalt bring in the fruits, that that he may have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 food to eat. 
pag. 689   

I. KINGS.  Chap. 8. 64. The same day did the King hollow the middle of the Court that was before the House of the Lord; for there he offered burnt-offerings and meat-offerings. 
p. 402  Chap. 11. 4.— And his heart was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfect with the Lord his God. 
p. 202  Chap. 15. 34.— And he walked in the way of jeroboam, and in his sin wherewith he made Israel to sin. 
p. 242, 243   

II. KINGS.  Chap. 25. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 808   

I CHRONICLES.  Chap. 16. 42.— Musical instruments of God. 
p. 11   

TWO CHRONICLES.  Chap. 16. 9 The eyes of the Lord run to and fro through the whole Earth, to show themselves strong in the behalf of them whose hearts are perfect towards him. 
p. 43  Chap. 20. 21. He appointed Singers unto the Lord, that should praise the Beauty of holiness— and to say, Praise the Lord, for his mercy endureth for ever. 
p. 59  Chap. 29. 3. He walked also in the ways of the house of Ahab. 
p. 243   

EZRA.  Chap. 1. 10. Thirty basons of gold— and other vessels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thousands. 
p. 700  Chap. 2. 63.— Till there rose up a Priest with Vrim and Thummim. 
p. 183  Chap. 6. 10.— That they may offer Sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the King and of his Sons. 
p. 379  Chap. 9 1. The people of Israel● have not separated themselves from the people of the lands according to their Abominations. 
p. 708   

NEHEMIAH.  Chap. 13. 14. Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and wipe not out my good deeds that I have done for the House of my God and for the offices thereof. 
p. 173  — Verse 22. Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and spare me according to the greatness of thy mercy. 
p. 173   

ESTHER.  Chap. 7. 5. Where is he whose heart hath filled him to do so? 
p. 116   

JOB.  Chap. 26. 5, 6. Gigantes gemunt sub aquis, & qui habitant cum eyes. Nudus est Infernus coram illo, & nullum est operimentum perditioni. 
p. 32   

PSAI. MS.  Psal. 1. 1.— that hath not walked in the counsel of the ungodly. 
p. 206  Psal. 8. 2. Out of the mouths of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained strength, because of thine Enemies; that thou mightest still the Enemy and Avenger. 
p. 36  Psal. 28. 2.— when I lift up my hands toward thy Holy Oracle. 
p. 394  Psal. 37. 21.— but the Righteous showeth mercy and giveth: and vers. 25— Yet have I not seen the Righteous forsaken. 
p. 80  Psal. 40. 6. Sacrifice and offering thou didst not desire, mine ears hast thou bored, etc. 
p. 896  Psal. 44. 16.— By reason of the Enemy and Avenger, all this is come upon us. 
p. 38  Psal. 50. 14 Offer unto God praise, and pay thy Vows unto the most High. 
p. 284  — Vers. 16. Unto the wicked God saith, What hast thou to do to declare my Statutes, and take my Covenant in thy mouth. 
p. 371  Psal. 51. 16, 17. Thou desirest not Sacrifice, else would I give it; thou delightest not in burnt-offering. The Sacrifices of God are a broken Spirit, etc. 
p. 353  Psal. 68 9, 10. Thou, O God didst send a plentiful rain, whereby thou didst confirm thine inheritance when it was weary. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Animalia tua dwelled therein. 
p. 438, & 594  Psal. 74. 7, 8. They have cast fire into thy Sanctuary— They have burnt up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the land. 
p. 69  Psal. 89. 18.— The Holy one of Israel is our King. 
p. 8  Psal. 104. 4. He maketh his Angel's Spirits, his ministers a flaming fire. 
p. 28  — Vers. 19— He appointeth the Moon for seasons. 
p. 492  Psal. 110. 3. Thy people in the day of thy power shall be a people of free presents. 
p. 115  Psal. 112. 6— The righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance. 
p. 80  Psal. 116. 13. I will take the cup of Salvation, and call upon the Name of the Lord. 
p. 380  Psal. 132. 7. We will go into his Tabernacle, we will worship towards his Footstool. 
p. 393  Psal. 138. 1, ●.— Before the Gods will I sing praise unto thee. I will worship towards thy holy Temple. 
p. 394   

PROVERBS.  Chap. 4. 23. Keep thy heart with all diligence, for out of it are the issues of life. 
p. 199.  Chap. 8. 10. Receive my instruction, and not silver. 
p. 352  Chap. 11. 4.— Righteousness delivereth from death. 
p. 81  Chap. 15. 11. Hell and destruction are before the Lord. 
p. 32  Chap. 21. 16. The man that wandreth out of the way of understanding, shall remain in the Congregation of the dead. 
p. 31  Chap. 30. 8, 9— Give me neither Poverty nor Riches: feed me with food convenient for me. 
 Lest I be full and deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord? or lest I be poor, and steal, and take the name of my God in vain. 
p. 124   

ECCLESIASTES.  Chap. 5. 1. Look to thy foot when thou comest to the House of God; and be more ready to obey than to offer the Sacrifice of fools. 
p. 340  — Verse 4. 5, 6. When thou Vowest a Vow, defer not to pay it, etc. Suffer not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin, neither say thou before the Angel, It was an error. 
p. 345  — Vers. 14.— he beg●t●eth a Son, and there is nothing in his hand. 
pag. 119   

CANTICLES.  Chap. 7. 10. I am my beloved's, and his desire is towards me. 
p. 668   

ESAY.  Chap. 2. 2. And it shall come to pass in the last days, that the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established in the t●p of the mountains, etc. and all Nations shall flow unto it. 
p. 135  Chap. 4. 1.— Only let thy name be called upon us, to take away our reproach. 
p. 5  Chap. 6. 1. I saw the Lord sitting upon a Throne, high and lifted up, and his Train filled the Temple. 
p. 344  Chap. 7. 14.— and shall call his name Emmanuel. 
p. 465  Chap. 8. 12, 13.— Fear ye not their Fear, neither dread ye it. Sanctify the Lord of hosts himself, and let him be your Fear, and let him be your Dread. 
p. 9  Chap. 9 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quoniam non est obscuratio ei qui angustiae est ipsi. 
p. 457  — Vers. 1, 2, 3. As the first time he made vile (or debased) the land of Zebul●n and the land of Naphtali; so in the latter time he shall make it glorious. The way of the Sea by jordan, Galilce of the Gentiles, the people that walked in darkness have seen a great light, etc. Thou hast multiplied the Nation, and increased the joy thereof. 
p. 101, & 457  Vers. 6.— And his name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, The mighty God, etc. 
p. 465  Chap. 11. 15. And the Lord shall utterly destroy the tongue of the Egyptian Sea, etc. 
p. 529  Chap. 17. 7.— to the Holy one of Israel. 
p. 8  Chap. 19 5. And the waters shall fail from the Sea. 
p. 463  Chap. 24. 23. The Moon shall be confounded, and the Sun ashamed, when the Lord of hosts shall reign in mount Zion. 
p. 448  Chap. 26. 19 Thy dead men shall live, my dead bodies shall arise. 
p. 578  Chap. 30. 31, 33. Through the voice of the Lord shall the Assyrian be beaten down— For Tophet is ordained of old, yea for the King it is prepared; the pile thereof is fire and much wood, the breath of the Lord like a stream of brimstanc doth kindle it. 
p. 31  Chap. 40. 15.— He taketh up the Isles as a very little thing. 
p. 273  Chap. 42. 4.— The Isles shall wait for this Law. 
Ibid.  Chap. 45. 14. The labour of Egypt and merchandise of Ethiopia and of the Sabeans, etc. 
p. 578  — Vers. 20. Assemble yourselves and come, draw near together ye that are escaped of the Nations. 
p. 915  Chap. 51. 15, 16. I am the Lord thy God that divided the Sea, whose waves roared— And I put my words in thy mouth, and covered thee in the shadow of my hand; that I might plant the Heavens and lay the Foundation of the Earth, and say unto Zion, Thou art my people. 
p. 616, & 448  Chap. 53. 1, 2. Who hath believed our report? and to whom is the Arm of the Lord revealed? For he shall grow as a tender plant, and as a root, out of a dry ground. 
p. 38  Chap. 55. 7. Let the wicked for sake his way, and the unrighteous man his thoughts; and let him return unto the Lord, and he will have mercy upon him— 
p. 206  Chap. 66. 19— I will send those that escape of them, unto the Nations— and they shall declare my glory among the Gentiles. 
p. 915  — Vers. 23.— From one New-Moon to another, and from one Sabbath to another, shall all flesh come to worship before me. 
p. 841   

JEREMY.  Chap. 2. 10. Poss over to the Isles of Chittim. 
p. 273  — Vers. 11.— my people have changed their Glory. 
p. 5  Chap. 8. 20. The harvest is past, the summer is ended, and we are not saved. 
p. 520  Chap. 10. 11. Thus shall ye say unto them, The Gods that made not the Heavens and the Earth, even they shall perish from the Earth and from under these Heavens. 
p. 187  Chap. 34. 18, 19 And I will give the man— which have not performed the words of the Covenant which they had made before me, when they cut the ●alf in twain, and passed between the parts thereof— I will give them into the hand of their enemies. 
p. 372  Chap. 35. 6, 7. The Rechabites said, We will drink no wine, for jonadab the son of Rechab our father commanded us, saying, Ye shall drink no wine,— nor shall ye build an house,— but dwell in teats, etc. 
p. 127   

LAMENTATIONS.  Chap. 2. 1.— The Lord hath cast down the beauty of Israel, and remembered not his footstool in the day of his anger. 
p. 393   

EZEKIEL.  Chap. 4. 6.— Lie again on thy right side, and thou shalt bear the iniquity of the house of judah forty days. 
p. 784  Chap. 20. 20. Has●ow my Sabbaths; and they shall be a Sign between me and you, that ye may know that I am the Lord your God. 
p. 55  Chap. 27. 3. Tyrus— a Merchant of people for many Islands. 
p. 273  Chap. 38. 17. Art thou he of whom I have spoken in old time by my servants the Prophets of Israel, etc. 
p. 796  Chap. 43. 7.— my holy Name shall the house of Israel 〈◊〉 more desile— by the Cark●ses of their Kings. 
p. 14   

DANIEL.  Chap. 2. from vers. 32. to vers. 44. 
p. 104  — Vers. 44, 45. In the days of these Kings shall the God of heaven set up a Kingdom which shall never be destroyed, nor left to another people; but it shall break in pieces and consume at these Kingdoms, and itself shall stand for ever. Forasmuch as thou sawest that a Stone was cut out of a mountain without hands, and that it broke in pieces the iron, the brass, etc. 
p. 744, 754, 755  Chap: 4. 26.— after that thou shalt have known that the heavens bear rule— 
p. 102  Chap. 7. 3. And four Beasts came up from the Sea. 
p. 454  — Vers. 9 I behold till the Thrones were pitched down. 
p. 762  — Verse 10.— the judgement was set. 
p. 532. & 762  — Verse 11. I beheld then because of the voice of the great words which the Horn spoke: I beheld till the Beast was slain, and his body destroyed, and given to the burning flame. 
Ibid.  — Verse 12. As concerning the rest of the Beasts, they had their dominion taken away; yet their lives were prolonged for a season and time. 
p. 780. 781  — Verse 22.— and judgement was given to the Saints of the most High. 
p. 532  — Vers. 24. And the ten Horns are ten Kings, and another shall rise behind them, and he shall be divers from the first, and shall depress three Kings. 
p. 778, 779  — Vers. 25.— And he shall think to change Times and Laws. 
p. 737  Ch. 5. 4.— behold, an He-goat came from the West. 
p. 473, etc.  — Verse 23. And in the latter end of the Kingdom of Graecia— a King of a fierce countenance shall stand up. 
p. 654  Chap. 9 24. Seventy weeks are allotted for thy people and for thy holy City, to finish transgression, and make an end of sins, etc. 
p. 697  — Verse 25. Also know and understand, that from the going forth of the commandment to cause to return and to build jerusalem, unto Messiah the Prince, shall be Seven of weeks, etc. 
p. 699  — Verse 26. And after 62 weeks shall Messiah be cut off, and [they] none of his, etc. 
p. 704  — Verse 27. Nevertheless he shall confirm a covenant with many one week, etc. 
p. 706  Chap. 10, 2.— I Daniel was mourning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 599  — Verse 13.— Michael one of the chief Princes came to help me. 
p. 42  Chap. 11. V. 36, 37, 38, 39 
p. 667, 670, 671  — Verse 41, 42, 43. 
p. 674  — Verse 44, 45. 
p. 816  Chap. 12. 11, 12. And from the time that the daily Sacrifice shall be taken away— shall be 1290 days. Blessed is he that waiteth, and cometh to the 1335 days. 
p. 717   

JOEL.  — Verse 30.— Pillars of smoke. 
p. 28   

AMOS.  Chap. 4. 2. The Lord hath sworn by his Holiness. 
p. 8  Chap. 8. 7. The Lord hath sworn by the excellency of jacob. 
ibid.   

MICAH.  Chap. 5. 5. And he shall be the peace, when the Assyrian shall come into our land, etc. 
p. 796   

ZACHARY.  Chap. 3. 9 For behold, the stone that I have laid before joshua— 
p. 833 marg.  Chap. 4. 2, 3.— I looked, and behold a Candlestick— with seven Lamps— and two Olive-trees by it. 
p. 833  — Verse 6. Not by might nor by force, but by my Spirit. 
p. 41, 833  — Verse 10.— These Seven are the Eyes of the ' Lord, which run to and fro through the whole Earth. 
p. 40  — Verse 14.— These are the two anointed ones, that stand before the Lord of the whole Earth. 
p. 41  Chap. 8. 19 The fast of the fourth month, and the fast of the fifth, and the fast of the tenth. 
p. 890   

MALACHI.  Chap. 1. 6, 7.— Ye say, Wherein have we polluted thy Name? In that ye say, The Table of the Lord is contemptible. And if ye offer the blind for Sacrifice, is it not evil?— Offer it now unto thy Governor, will he be pleased with thee? 
p. 357  — Verse 11.— In every place Incense shall be offered unto my Name and a pure Offering. 
p. 355   

TOBIT.  Chap. 14. Verse 3. to Verse 8. 
p. 〈…〉   

I MACCABEES.  Chap. 14. 5.— An entrance to the Isles of the Sea. 
p. 273   

TWO MACCABEES.  Chap. 4. 38.— he took away Andronicus his purple. 
p. 911   

S. MATTHEW.  Chap. 5. 17. Think not that I am come to dissolve the Law and the Prophets: I am not come to dissolve, but to fulfil. 
p. 12  — Verse 19 Whosoever therefore shall break one of the least of these Commandments, and shall teach men so to do, he shall be called the least in the Kingdom of heaven. 
ibid.  Chap. 6. 1. Take heed that ye do not your Alms before men. 
p. 80  — Verse 9 Thus therefore pray ye,— 
p. 1  — Hallowed be thy Name. 
p. 4  — Verse 11. Give us this day our daily bread. 
p. 125  — Verse 19 Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth. 
p. 352  Chap. 7. 21. Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the Kingdom of heaven, etc. 
p. 213  Chap. 8. 12. But the children of the Kingdom shall be cast out into outer darkness. 
p. 86  — Verse 29.— Art thou come hither to torment us before the time? 
p. 25  Chap. 10. 41. He that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall receive a Prophet's reward. 
p. 84  Chap. 11. 28, 29. Come unto me all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart; and ye shall find rest unto your souls. 
p. 150  Chap. 12. 42. The Queen of the South shall rise up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with this generation. 
p. 24  Chap. 17. 11. Elias truly shall first come, and restore all things. 
p. 98  Chap. 19 21. If thou wilt be perfect, go sell that thou hast, and give it to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven. 
p. 126  — Verse 28.— in the regeneration. 
p. 85  Chap. 20. 16. So the last shall be first, and the first last: for many be called, but few chosen. 
p. 86  Chap. 22. 32. I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of jacob: God is not the God of the dead, but of the living. 
p. 801  Chap. 23. 19— the Altar that sanctifies the Gift. 
p. 376  — Verse 39 Ye shall not see me henceforth, till ye shall say, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord. 
p. 519  Chap. 24. 14. And the Gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world. 
p. 705  — and then shall the End come. 
p. 36  — Verse 20. Pray that your flight be not in the winter, nor on the Sabbath-day. 
p. 841  — Verse 29. Immediately after the tribulation of these days shall the Sun be darkened, and the Moon shall not give her light, and the Stars shall fall from heaven. 
p. 615, & 753  — Verse 34. This generation shall not pass, till all these things be fulfilled. 
p. 752  Chap. 25. 33, 34. And he shall set the Sheep on his right hand, but the Goats on the left. Then shall the King say to them on his right hand, Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the Kingdom, etc. 
p. 841  Chap. 27. 34. They gave him vinegar to drink, mingled with gall. 
p. 518   

S. MARK.  Chap. 1. 14. Now after that john was put in prison, jesus came into Galilee, preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom of God. 
pag. 97  — Verse 15. And saying, The time is fulfilled, and the Kingdom of God is at hand; Repent ye, and believe the Gospel. 
p. 106  Chap. 11. 17. Is it not written, My house shall be called a House of Prayer to all the Nations? 
p. 44  Chap. 15. 23. And they gave him to drink wine mingled with myrrh. 
p. 518   

S. LUKE.  Chap. 1. 28. Hail thou highly-favoured one. 
p. 181  — Verse 72. To show mercy, or kindness, to our Fathers. 
p. 801  Chap. 2. 1.— that all the World should be taxed. 
p. 705  — 13, 14. And suddenly there was with the Angel a multitude of the heavenly Host, praising God, and saying, Glory be to God in the highest, etc. 
p. 89  Chap. 6. 12.— he continued all night 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 67  Chap. 7. 47. Her sins, which are many, are forgiven; therefore she loved much. 
p. 766  Chap. 16. 9— Make to yourselves friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness, etc. 
p. 170  Chap. 18. 28. Lo, we have left all, and followed thee. 
p. 120  Chap. 21. 24.— Until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled. 
p. 709, & 753  — Verse 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Then shall be Signs, etc. 
p. 744, & 753  Chap. 22. 20. This Cup is the New Covenant in my blood— 
p. 372  Chap. 24. 45, 46. Then opened be their understanding, that they might understand the Scriptures; And said unto them, Thus it is written, and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day. 
p. 49   

S. JOHN.  Chap. 1. 14. And the W●rd was made flesh, and tabernacled in us. 
p. 266  Chap. 4. 20. Our Fathers worshipped in this Mountain. 
p. 263  — Verse 22. Ye worship what ye know not, we worship what we know. 
p. 49  — Verse 23. But the hour cometh, and now is, when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in Spirit and Truth. 
p. 46.  Chap. 7. 37.— As the Scripture saith, out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water. 
p. 62  Chap. 10. 20. He hath a Devil, and is mad. 
p. 28  Chap. 12. 28.— Then came there a voice from heaven— The people therefore that stood by, and heard it, said that it thundered. 
p. 459  Chap. 17. 17. Sanctify them unto (or f●r) thy Truth: thy Word is Truth. 
p. 14  — Verse 19 And for them I sanctify myself, that they might be sanctified for thy Truth. 
ibid.  Chap. 18. 36. My kingdom is not of this world: if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight— 
p. 103  Chap. 21. 22. If I will that he stay till I come— 
p. 708   

ACTS.  Chap. 2. 5. And there were sojourning at jerusalem jows, devout men, out of every Nation under heaven. 
p. 74  — Verse 42. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 364  — Verse 45. See Chap. 4. 34— Verse 46. And they continuing daily with one accord in the Temple, and breaking bread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the House, ate their meat with gladness and singleness of heart. 
p. 322  Chap. 3. 19 Repent and be converted, &c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— that so the times of refreshing may come. 
p. 612  Chap. 4. 34, 35.— As many as were possessors of lands or houses, sold them, and brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid them down at the Apostles feet. 
p. 127  Chap. 5. 3, 4. And Peter said, Ananias, why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie to the holy Ghost, and to purloin of the price of the land, etc. 
p. 115  Chap. 10. 1, 2. There was a certain man in Caefarea, called Cornelius, a Centurion of the Italian band; a devout man, and one that feared God, etc. 
p. 165  Verse 4. Thy Prayers and thine Alms are come up for a memorial before God. 
p. 164  Chap. 13. 48.— And there believed as many as were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to eternal life. 
p. 21  Chap. 14. 15. Who in times past suffered all Nations to walk in their own ways. 
p. 515  Chap. 15. 16, 17. After this I will return, and will build again the Tabernacle of David, which is fallen, etc. That the residuc of men might seek after the Lord, and all the Gentiles upon whom my Name is called. 
p. 455  Chap. 16. 13. And on the Sabbath we went out of the city by a riverside, where there was taken (or where was famed) to be a Proseucha, and Verse 16. It came to pass as we went to the Proseucha. 
p. 67  Chap. 17. 4 There associated themselves to Paul and Silas of the worshipping Greeks a great multitude. 
p. 19  — Verse 18.— He seemeth to be a setter forth of strange Gods, because he preached unto them jesus and the Resurrection. 
p. 635  Chap. 18. 22. And he sailed from Ephesus; and when he had landed at Caesarea, having gone up and saluted the Church, he went down to Antioch. 
p. 323  Chap. 24. 16. ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, For this cause do I exercise myself to have always a conscience void of offence toward God and men. 
p. 871   

ROMANS.  Chap. 1. 23. They changed the Glory of the incorruptible God into an Image, etc. 
p. 5  — Verse 25. Who changed the truth of God into a lie, and served the creature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 49  Chap. 8. 20. For the creature was made subject to vanity— Because the creature itself also shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption, into the glorious liberty of the children of God. 
p. 230, & 812  Chap. 9 1.— my Conscience also bearing me witness in the Holy Ghost. 
p. 118  Chap. 11. 11, & 15.— Through their fall Salvation is come unto the Gentiles, for to provoke them to jealousy.— For if the casting away of them be the reconciling of the world— 
p. 455  — Verse 25.— Until the fullness of the Gentiles be come in. 
p. 197  Chap. 16. 5. Salute the Church at their house. 
p. 324   

I CORINTHIANS.  Chap. 4. 1. Let a man so account of us as of the Ministers of Christ— 
p. 25  Chap. 8. 5, 6. Though there be that are called Gods, whether in heaven or in earth; as there be Gods many and Lords many: Yet to us there is but one God, the Father, of whom are all things, and we to him; and but one Lord jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by him. 
p. 628  Chap. 9 14. Even so hath the Lord ordained, that they which preach the Gospel should live of the Gospel. 
p. 77  — Verse 23. This I do for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that I might be partaker thereof with you. 
p. 79  Chap. 10. 3, 4. And they did all ●at the same spiritual me●t, and did all drink the same spiritual drink; For they drank of that spiritual Rock that followed them, and that Rock was Christ. 
p. 245  — Vers. 5. But with many of them God was not well pleased, for they were overthrown in the wilderness. 
p. 255  — Vers. 20. The things which the Gentiles Sacrifice, they sacrifice to Daemons, and not to God.— Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord, and the Cup of Daemons. 
p. 636  — Vers. 21.— Ye cannot be partakers of the Table of the Lord, and the Table of Devils. 
p. 375  — Vers. 31. whether therefore ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God. 
p. 171  Chap. 11. 5. Every woman praying or prophesying with her head uncovered, dishonoureth her head. 
p. 58  — Vers. 10. For this cause ought the woman to have a covering on her head, because of the Angels. 
p. 345, 346  — Vers. 16. But if any man seem to be contentious, we have no such custom, nor the Churches of God. 
p. 61  — Vers. 22. Have ye not houses to eat and drink in? or despise ye the Church of God? 
p. 319  — Vers. 29.— not differencing the Lord's body. 
p. 8  Chap. 13. 5. Charity seeks not her own. 
p. 177  Chap. 15. 23. But every man in his own order: Christ the first-fruits, afterward they that are Christ's, at his coming. 
p. 775, & 802  Chap. 16. 19 See Romans 16. 5 
  

EPHESIANS.  Chap. ●. 2.— the Prince of the power of the Air. 
p. 23, 24  — Vers. 8, 9, 10. By grace ye are saved, through faith— not of works, lest any man should boast. For we are his workmanship, created in Christ jesus unto good works, which God hath before ordained that we should walk in them. 
p. 112, 215  — Vers. 14.— and hath broken down the partition wall between us. 
p. 20   

COLOSSIANS.  Chap. 2. 8, 9 Beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ. For in him dwelleth all the fullness of the Godbeaa bodily; and ye are complete in him. 
p. 628  Chap. 4. 15. See Romans 16. 5. 
  

ay THESSALONIANS.  Chap. 4. 16.— The dead in Christ shall rise first. 
p. 519  — Vers. 17, 18. Afterwards we which are alive and remain shall be caught up together with them in the clouds, to meet the Lord in the Air; and so we shall ever be with the Lord. 
p. 775, 776   

TWO THESSALONIANS.  Chap. 2. 3.— Unless that Apostasy come first. 
p. 625  — Vers. 7.— Only he who now letteth, will let, until he be taken out of the way. 
p. 656  — Vers. 8.— that wicked one whom the Lord shall destroy at the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his coming. 
p. 763   

I TIMOTHY.  Chap. 4. 1. Howbeit the Spirit speaketh expressly, That in the latter times some shall revolt from the Faith, attending to erroneous Spirits, and Doctrines of Daemons. 
p. 623  — Vers. 2. Through the hypocrisy (or feigning) of Liars, having their conscience seared. 
p. 675  — Vers. 3. Forbidding to marry and commanding to abstain from meats. 
p. 688  Chap. 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour; especially they that labour in the word and doctrine. 
p. 70  — Vers. 21.— elect Angels. 
p. 42  Chap. 6. 19 Laying up in store for themselves a good foundation— 
p. 82   

TWO TIMOTHY.  Chap. 2. 19 The foundation of God standeth sure, having this Seal, The Lord knoweth them that are his: And, Let every one that nameth the Name of Christ depart from iniquity. 
p. 82   

TITUS.  Chap. 3. 5.— By the washing of Regeneration, and renewing of the Holy Ghost. 
p. 62   

PHILEMON.  Vers. 1, 2.— To Philemon odr dearly-beloved and fellow-labourer, (And to Apphia our beloved and Archippus our fellow-soldier) and to the Church at thy house. 
p. 324   

HEBREWS.  Chap. 1. 6. And when he bringeth again the first-begotten into the world— 
p. 577  Chap. 2. 5. For unto the Angels hath he not put in subjection the World to come, whereof we speak. 
p. 577  Chap. 9 5.— the Cherubims of glory. 
p. 345  — Vers. 29.— in the end of ages. 
p. 655  Chap. 10. 5.— a Body hast thou prepared me. 
p. 897  — Vers. 25.— as ye see the Day approaching. 
p. 664  — Vers. 29.— and hath counted the blood of the Covenant wherewith he was sanctified, a common thing. 
p. 7  — Vers. 37. For yet a little while, and he that shall come will come, and will not tarry. 
p. 664  Chap. 11. 16.— But now they desire a better country, that is, an heavenly. 
p. 801  Chap. 12. 27. This, Yet once more, signifies the removing of things that are shaken. 
p. 166   

JAMES.  Chap. 5. 3.— Ye have heaped up goods for the last days. 
p. 664  — Vers. 7, 8.— the coming of the Lord. 
p. 708   

I PETER.  Chap. 3. 14, 15. Fear ye not their Fear, nor be in dread thereof. But sanctify the Lord God in your heart— 
p. 9  Chap. 4. 7. The end of all approacheth; Be ye therefore sober, and watch unto prayer. 
p. 664  Chap. 5. 13. The Church that is at Babylon saluteth you. 
p. 76   

TWO PETER.  Chap. 2. 1. But there were false Prophets among the People, even a● there shall be false Teachers among you, who privily shall bring in damnable Heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them. 
p. 238  — Vers. 4. For if God spared not the Angels which sinned, but cast them down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness, to be reserved unto judgement. 
p. 23  — Vers. 6.— making them an Ensample unto those that after should live ungodly. 
p. 33  Chap. 3. from vers. 3. to Vers. 16. 
p. 609, etc.   

I JOHN.  Chap. 1. 9— he is faithful and just to forgive. 
p. 175  Chap. 2. 3. Hereby we do know that we know him, if we keep his Commandments. 
p. 303  — Vers. 18.— Antichrist— many Antichrists. & Chap. 4. 3. 2 Ep. Vers. 7: 
p. 663, & 900   

JUDAS.  Vers. 6. See 2 Peter, 2. 4. 
 Vers. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 914  Vers. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 344   

APOCALYPS.  [Besides several whole Chapters, and parts of Chapters of the Apocalypse explained from pag. 419. to p. 605. and from pag. 905 to the end, there are several passages, explained in some other Treatises in these Volumes.] 
viz.  Chap. 1. 4, 5. Grace be unto you, and peace, from him which is, and which was, and which is to come; and from the seven spirits which are before his throne; and from jesus Christ— 
p. 42  — Vers. 6. And hath made us Kings and Priests unto God and his Father— 
p. 113  Chap. 5. 1. And I saw— a Book— sealed with seven Seals. 
p. 791  Chap. 9 20.— And the rest of the men— repented not of the works of their hands, that they should not worship Daemons, and Idols of gold and silver, and brass and stone, and of wood. 
p. 636  Chap. 11. 7.— The beast that ascends out of the bottomless pit shall make war with them, and overcome and kill them. 
p. 766  — Vers. 9— They shall see their dead bodies three days and un half. 
p. 761  Chap. 13. 7. And it was given unto him to make war with the Saints, and to overcome them. 
p. ●66  Chap. 15. 2.— having the harps of God. 
p. 11  — Vers. 3. 4. And they sing the Song of Moses— and the Song of the Lamb, saying, Great and marvellous are thy works, Lord God Almighty.— Who shall not fear thee, O Lord, and glorify thy Name? for th●n only art holy: therefore all the Nations shall come and worship before thee; for thy Ordinances are made manifest. 
p. 10  Chap. 20. 4, 5.— and they lived and reigned with Christ a 1000 years. But the rest of the dead lived not again until the 1000 years were finished. This is the First resurrection. 
p. 771  Chap. 21. 24. And the Nations of them which are saved shall walk in the light of it. 
p. 772  — Vers. ●6. And they shall bring the glory and honour of the Nations into it. 
p. 72   


Places of Scripture differently read, or pointed, from the ordinary Translation.  GEn. 3. 14. 
pag. 231  12. 6. 
p. 65  15. 9 
p. 371  49. 10. 
p. 36  Exod. 4. 25, 26. 
p. 54  Deut. 33. 2. 
p. 344  1 Chron. 1. 6, 7. 
p. 279  Ezra 1. 10. 
p. 700  Nehem. 13. 6. 
p. 701  Esth. 7. 5. 
p. 116.  Psal. 110. 3. 
p. 115  Prov. 21. 16: 
p. 32  Eccles. 5. 1. 
p. 340, 351  Isa. 9 1. 
p. 101, 456  11. 15, 16. 
p. 529  Dan. 2. 45. 
p. 744, 750  7. 9 
p. 532, 762  12. 
p. 780, 781  24. 
p. 657, 778  9 25. 
p. 697  9 26. 
p. 704  27. 
p. 706, etc.  11. 35, 36, 37, 38, 39 
p. 667, 797  41, 43. 
p. 674  12. 8. 
p. 816  Mal. 4. 6. 
p. 98  Tob. 14. 3, etc. 
p. 579, etc.  1 Macc. 12. 31. 
p. 470  Matt. 11. 25. 
p. 93  19 28. 
p. 85  27. 10. 
p. 786  Mar. 11. 17. 
p. 45  Luke 1. 72. 
p. 801  6. 12. 
p. 67  Acts 2. 5. 
p. 74  42. 
p. 364  46. 
p. 322  5. 3. 
p. 117  16. 13, 16. 
p. 67  17. 4. 
p. 20  24. 16. 
p. 871  1 Cor. 15. 41, 42. 
p. 85  1 Tim. 4. 1, 2, 3. 
p. 623, 624, 675  6. 19 
p. 216  Heb. 2. 6, 8. 
p. 577  2 Pet. 2. 4. 
p. 23  1 john 2. 18, 22. 
p. 900  jude vers. 6. 
p. 23  14. 
p. 344  Rev. 11. 7. 
p. 483, 760  12. 18. vel 13. 1. 
p. 420  13. 1, 2, 3. 
p. 423  14. 
p. 506  4. 1. 
p. 511  5. 
p. 514  8. 
p. 517  15. 4. 
p. 10, 910  17. 8. 
p. 524    

The Second TABLE, containing the Authors quoted in this Edition.  

A  
ABarbenel  
Aben Ezra  
Aberdoniens. Episc.  
R. Abraham Sebah  
Achmetis Oneirocrit.  
Acta Pudentis  
Acta Stephani monachi apud Damascen. & Surium  
Adrichomius  
AElian  
AEmilius Sura ap. Paterc.  
AEschines  
AEschyli interpres  
Ainsworth  
Al●azar  
Aldi N. T. Grac.  
Alstedius  
S. Ambrose  
Ammianus Marcell.  
Andraeas' Caesarieus.  
Bp. Andrews  
Anonymus ap. Cassandr.  
Apollinarius  
Apomasar  
Apuleius  
Aretas  
Arislotle  
Arnobius  
R. Asche  
Asterius  
S. Athanas●us  
Athenaeus  
Athenagoras  
S. Augustine  
Aulus Gellius  
Aurelius Victor  
Aureolus  
Author imperfecti  
Operis in Matthaeum   

B  
BAlduinus  
Bale  
Balsamon  
Baronius  
Barthol. Georgivez  
S. Basil  
Bede  
S. Benedicti Regula  
Benjamin Tudelens'.  
S. Bernard  
Berosus ap. joseph.  
Card. Bessarion ap. Meurs.  
Beza  
Biblioth. Patrum  
Bigneus  
Bishop of Meath  
Blondus Flavius  
Brightman  
Broughton  
Bucer  
Budaeus  
Busbequius  
Buxtors   

C  
CAEsarius  
Callimachus  
Calvin  
Calvisius  
Cambden  
Camerarius  
Cameron  
Canon. Apostol.  
Carmen Argonaut.  
Carpentarius in Platon. Alcinoum  
Casaubonus  
Cassander  
Cassianus  
Castellio  
Catalogus Test. Verit. per Illyricum  
Cato  
Cedrenus  
Celsus ap. Origen.  
Centuriatores  
Chalcocondylas  
Chald. Paraphr.  
Chazkuni Lib. Hebr.  
Chemnitii Examen  
Chronic. Alexandrin.  
Chrysologus  
S. chrysostom  
Cicero  
S. Clemens Alexandr.  
S. Clemens Romanus  
Cocceius  
Codex Complutens.  
Codex Regius 

Concilium  
Carthaginens. 3.  
Chalcedonens.  
Constantinopol.  
Eliberitan.  
Ephesin.  
Gangrenes.  
Hipponens.  
Laodicen.  
Lateranens.  
Nicen. 1. & 2.  
Rhemens'.  
Tr●dentin.    
Constantinus Manasses  
Constitut. Apostol.  
Continuatio Belli sacri  
Cosmas Megalianus  
Dr. Crakenthorp  
C●esias  
Cujacius  
S. Cyprian  
— Ejus Vita per Pontium  
S. Cyrill. 

Alexandr.  
Hierosolym.     

D  
DAmian. a Goes  
Bp. Davenant  
De Dieu  
Diodorus ap. Euseb.  
Diodorus Sic.  
Dion  
S. Dionys. Areopagita  
Dioscorides  
Dounam de Antichristo  
Drusius  
Durant. de Rit. Eccles.   

E  
K. EDward's Catechism  
Elias in Tishbi  
R. Eliezar  
Elmachinus  
Ennius  
Ephrem Syrus  
S. Epiphanius  
Erasmus  
Erpenius  
Euagrius  
Eucherius  
Eunapius  
Eusebius Altkircherus  
Eusebius Caesariens.  
Eusebius Pamph.  
Euslathius  
Eutropius   

F  
FAgius Paulus  
Fasciculus Temporum  
Fasti Siculi  
Festus  
Flacius Illyricus  
Florus  
Forbes  
Forsierus  
Fox Martyrol.  
Fructuosis decret. ap. Gratian.  
Fulleri Miscell.  
Funccius   

G.  
GAius ap. Euseb.  
Galatinus Petrus  
Gelasius Cyzicenus  
Gemara Talmud.  
Geneva Translat.  
Gennadius  
Geograph. Arab.  
Gerhard  
Glassius  
Gothosredus in Tertull.  
Gotthish Missal  
Graserus  
Gratian  
Gregentii Disput. cum Herbano  
S. Greg. 

Nazianzen  
Nyssen    
Gregor. Thaumaturg.  
Gregor. Turonens.  
Grotius  
Gualther. Brutus ap. Fox.   

H  
HEinsius  
Helvicus  
Hemingius  
Hentenius  
Hermes Trismeg.  
Herodian  
Herodotus  
Hesiod  
Hesychius  
S. Hierome  
S. Hilary  
Hypocrates  
Hippolytus  
Homer  
Homilies  
Horace  
Hospinian  
Hyperius   

I  
IAlkut. Lib. Hebr.  
jamblicus  
jeremias Patriarch  
Bp. jewel  
S. Ignatius, Antioch. Episc.  
Ignatius, Antiochen.  
Patriarch. ap. Scalig.  
joannes Curopalata  
joannes de Nicol  
jornandes  
josephus  
joseph. Gorionides  
joseph. Vicecomes  
I●anaus  
Isengrinius 

Isidorus  
Hispalens.  
Pelusiot.    
Isocrates  
juchasin Lib. Hebr.  
R. juda ap. Drusium  
julius Capitol.  
julius' Front.  
junius  
Ivo Carnotens.  
justin hisioric.  
justin Martyr  
juvenal   

K  
R. D. K. Imchi  
Kircheri Concord.   

L  
LActantius  
Lampridius  
Langus interp. justin. M.  
a Lapide  
Latini interpp. N. T.  
Legenda aurea  
Leo magnus  
R. Levi  
Leunclavius  
Lexicon ret. Gr. Lat.  
Linacer  
Lipsius 

Liturgia  
S. Basil●  
S. Chrys●st.  
S. Clementis  
S. jacobi, Hierosol.  
S. Marci, Alexandr.    
Lucan  
Lucian  
Luther  
Lutheranus anonym. de Rebus in noviss. di.  
Lyranus   

M.  
MAcrobius  
Maginus  
Maimonides  
Manuser. Alexandr. in Biblio●h. P●lyglo●t.  
M●r●iali●  
Mart. Heracle●●.  
Marti●● I●xic.  
M●rtyri●● Omeritar●m ap. Bar●n.  
Martyrolug. Roman.  
Masi●s  
Melanch●h●n  
Melchi●r Canus  
M●●der ap. Iust. M.  
Menolog. Graec.  
Methodius  
Meursius  
Micyllus jacob.  
Midrash Te●illim, ●ib. Heb.  
Mincha Chadascha, Lib. Heb.  
Minutius Felix  
Miracles of the B. V. ●n Italian  
Molinaeus  
de Morte Mosis liber  
Bp. Morton  
Moses Bar-Cephas  
R. Mases de Kotsi ap. Drus.  
Munsler   

N.  
R. M. NAchmanides  
Napier  
Nicephorus Callistus  
Nicephorus Gregoras  
Nicetas   

O.  
OEcumenius  
Oenomaus ap. Euseb.  
O●kelos  
Optatus Milevit.  
Ordo Romanus  
Origanus  
Origen  
Orosius  
Ovid   

P.  
PAraeus  
Paterculus  
Paulus Diaconus  
Perionius P.  
Perkins  
Petavius  
Petronius  
Philaslrius  
Philo Biblius  
Philo judaeus  
Philoxeni Glossar  
Picus Mirandula  
P●i●e Avoth, Lib. Heb.  
Piscator  
Pius I.  
Platina  
Plato  
Plautus  
Pliny  
Plinius Secundus  
Plutarch  
Polycrates ap. Euseb.  
Pontanus  
Porphyrius  
Possevinus  
Primasius  
Procopius  
Prudentius  
Psellus  
Ptolemaeus  
Ptolemaei Canon  
Pythagoras   

R.  
REuchlin  
Rhodiginus Cael.  
Rihera  
Rusinus  
Ruper●us   

S.  
R. Saadias'  
Sabellicus  
Salianus  
Samarit. Pentat.  
Sammonicus Serenus ap. Macrob.  
R. Samuel in Gemara  
Sanchuniathon  
Sanderus  
Scaliger joseph.  
Scapula  
Schickard  
Schindler  
Scilix ap. Richerium  
Sebastianus Francus  
Seder Tephilloth Lib. Hebr.  
Sedulius  
Seldeni Marm. Arund.  
Seneca  
Septuag. Interpr.  
Servius in Virgil.  
Sigonius  
Simeon Metaphr.  
Sixtus Senens.  
Sleidan  
Snellius  
Socrates hist. Eccles.  
Solinus  
R. Solomon jarchi  
Sozomen  
A. Spalatensis  
Spartianus  
Stadii Ephemeris 

Stephanus  
He●r.  
Rob.    
Strabo  
Suidas  
Sulpitius Severus  
Sylburgius 

Symbolum  
Athanas.  
Chalcedon.  
Constantinop.  
Nicen.    
Symmachus  
Synesius 

Synodus  
Francofurt.  
Lateran.  
Trullens.  
Turonens.    
Syr. Paraphr.   

T.  
TAcitus 

Talmud  
Babylon.  
Hierosolym.    
Talmudici Doctores 

Targum  
Hierosol.  
jonathan    
R. Tedacus Levi  
Terence  
Tertullian  
Thaddei Conscio ap. Euseb.  
Theocritus justus Laweni  
Theodoret  
Theodori Hymnus ap. Baron.  
Theodotion  
Theophanes  
Theophili Alexander. Edict. ap. Balsam.  
Theophilus Antiochenus  
Theophylact.  
Theosterictus ap. Surium  
Thuanus  
Thucydides  
Tilenus  
Tractatus de Antichr. ap. Perrin in Hist. walden's.  
Trebellius Poll●o  
Tremelius  
Trithemius   

V.  
VArro  
Vatablus  
Vedelius  
Vegetius  
Venantius Fortunatus  
Vergerius  
Versio Vulgata Lat.  
Viega  
Villalpandus  
Vincentius histor.  
Virgil  
Vopiscus  
Uranius ap. Stephan. Byzant.  
Urspergensis  
Usserius Armach. Episc.   

W.  
WAserus Caspar  
Willet   

X.  
XEnophon  
Xiphiline   

Z.  
ZAga Zabo  
Zeno Veronens.  
Zonara's  
Zosimus    

The Third Table, containing the Hebrew, Chaldee, and Greek words explained.  
The Hebrew and Chaldee words explained.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The chief of the Sanhedrin. 
p. 184, 762  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes used for King. 
p. 833  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what. 
p. 19  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Tabernacle of meeting, why so called. 
p. 343  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
p. 183  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 4. 26. 
p. 54  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
p. 341  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify Hehind as well as After. 
p. 778  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 10. 5. 
p. 272  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Levit. 18. 18. 
p. 669  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
p. 65  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the land of Canaan. 
p. 816  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fire-offering, what. 
p. 290  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Trespass-offering, what. 
p. 287   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
p. 119  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 2. 44. 
p. 754  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jud. 12. 7. 
p. 755  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A covenant, so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To eat. 
p. 370  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To bless, hath a threefold notion in Scripture. 
p. 83  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a Gift or Present. 
Ibid.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify both nuncium & nuncii praemium. 
p. 79  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what. 
p. 458. 183   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To reproach or blaspheme, is put for Idolatry. 
P. 502  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezek. 38. 2. 
p. 281  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Gen. 3. 14. is Breast, not Belly. 
231, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, what Proselyte● were so called. 
19  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Another sort of Proselytes. 
20   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Holy of Holies so called. 
Pag. 393  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Word put for Thing. 
465  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fear put for God. 
9   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esai. 9 1. mis-translated. 
Pag. 102  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 12. 3. 
87  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how it differs from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
402, 860  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esai. 9 1. mis-translated. 
101, 102   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 26.  
Pag. 704   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The bloody Sacrifice, how it differs from Mincha. 
Pag. 287  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jos. 10. 19 Deuter. 25. 18. 
909   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 23. 16. why Pentecost so called. 
Pag. 269  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
485  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sin-offering, what. 
287  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put for Strength and an Army. 
499  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 68 11. 
594, 757  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tranfire & Mutari. 
615  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used actively and passively. 
181  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Paralip. 4. 9 
479  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 24. 
700  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
123  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To reproach or blaspheam is put for Idolatry. 
502  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 28. 19 
184  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 4. 25. 
53, 54  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly Gener. 
53   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put for Idolatry. 
Pag. 626   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Day put for a long time. 
Pag. 772, 892  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
762  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 75. 9 
518  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies both motum à loco and in locum. 
347  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an heeler: why jacob so called. 
226  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 49. 10. 
36  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Thigh. To come out of his Thigh, what. 
35  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies any Stay in a place. 
75   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both Quoniam and Ideo. 
Pag. 701, 910  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly Nurus. 
53  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
11, 910, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 27. 
707  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cherub, whence so called. 
567  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 26. 
704   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 11. 38. 
Pag. 669  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Sam. 19 24. 
347  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
202  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 132. 7. 
393  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why so called. 
178  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bread or Food signify omnia vitae subsidiae. 
689  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prov. 30. 8. 
124  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
ibid.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 percutere foedus: whence that phrase. 
372  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 104. 19 
492  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
506  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
171   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 74. 7. 
Pag. 69  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Death put for the Plague. 
446  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The second death, what. 
913  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
614  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 49. 10. 
35  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezek. 24. 16. 
668  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esth. 7. 5. 
116  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
170  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Manna. 
245  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Meat-offering, what. 
287, 358  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mahuzzim, Dan. 11. 38. 
669  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To revolt put for Idolatry. 
625  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 27. 
706  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify both poenam & culpam. 
911   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To despise, provoke, blaspheme, is put for Idolatry. 
502  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esai. 26. 19 
578  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 24. 
697  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 11. 37. 
668   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 8. 2. why rendered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Pag. 39  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
536, 705  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
474  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 26. 
507  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 110. 3. 
115  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
60  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idols, why so called. 
268  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Foundation, and a Bond, or a Bill of contract. 
82  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Facere is both to do, and to sacrifice. 
674   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paraclete. 
Pag 496  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (to which answers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) 
Page 614  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alms why so called. 
80, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rock, a Title given to God. 
670  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 4. 25. 
52  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To melt, and To resi●e. 
615   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Holy, what it imports, 
Page 6, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The ●ast, why Arabia so called. 
467  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how it differs from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
402. 860  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Levit. 19 24. why the Heave-offering so called 
288  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coetus Gigamum, why Hell was so called. 
32  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Voices sign●●. Thunder. 
458  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apocal 12. 10. why Satan is so called. 
496  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Corban, what. 
286   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 485  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 25. 
700  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 7. 9 mis-translated. 
762  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
206   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signif. ●evens of days, not of years. 
Page 599  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signi●. the Supreme Poner. 
35  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 25. 
700  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shiloh. why Christ was so called. 
35  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shechinah, what. 
343  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peace. 
94  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peace-offerings, what. 
287  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heaven and Earth put for the World. 
613  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To hear, and To obey. 
351  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eccles. 5. 1. 
347  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idols. 
707  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 10. 13. 
42   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the habitable Earth. 
Page 196  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idols. 
707  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wave-offerings, what. 
288  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Dragon. 
493  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heave-offerings, what. 
288, 513  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 9 25. 
709    

The Greek Words explained.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 470  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 42  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 391  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 384, 391  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 516  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 358  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 39, 40  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 907  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 515  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 246, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 518  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 331  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 60, 324  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 15  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peccatum & Sacrif. pro peccato. 
p. 910  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 122, 123  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 824  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 900  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 322  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 519  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 513  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 625  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 522  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 43  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 288  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 909   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro quibusvis Summatibus. 
p. 711, 911  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 708  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 501, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 389  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 689  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 391, etc.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 752  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 279, 283  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 59   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 29, 627, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 29, 30  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 29  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 30  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 635  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 488, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 638  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 23  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 444, 918  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 345, 346  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 610  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 635  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 26, 27  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 8, 402  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 626, 634  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 80  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 10, 913  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 914  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 344  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 171  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 915  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 361  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Exercitus & robur. 
p. 499  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 321   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 468  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 473  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 78  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro loco. 
p. 319, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 80, 176  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 14, 93  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 519  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 566, 569  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 915  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 119  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 474  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 614  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 476, 676  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 30  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 915  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 506  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 93  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 775  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 125  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 801  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 907  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 266  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 166  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 652, 663, 664  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 653  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 609  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Bonum nuncium, & boni nuncii praemium. 
p. 78, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pl. 
p. 79  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 93  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 83  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 293  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 287, 360   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Apocal. 4.) 
page 757, 594   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 551  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 912   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro Peste. 
Page 446  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 913  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 82  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 20  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 517  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 287, 289, 360  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 361, 364  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 290, 358  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 390, 391, 397, 479  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 376  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 77   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 180, 479, 824  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 342   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 causalis, etc. Pag. 91, 506. ordinativa. 
p. 753  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 364  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 366  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 495, 496  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 74  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 678  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 181  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 11, 910  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 14, 182  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 7  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 70, 71, 151  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 96  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 911  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 24  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 7  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 15  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 360  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
p. 328, 336   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 510  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
26  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
183  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
615  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
12   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 283  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
170  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
331  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
377  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
20  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
107, 618  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
354  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
584  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
344   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 337  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
527  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
272  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
117   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 causaliter. 
Page 70  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
75  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
322  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
324  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
705  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
196, 197, 577  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
517, 518  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
490, 908  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
537  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
372  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
399, 823  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
21  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
483, 596, 760  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
577  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ideo. 
766  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
118  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
118, 119   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 40  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
424, 478, 560, 906  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
500  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
664  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
49  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
240  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
615  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
45  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
118  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
125  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
485, 915  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
575  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
713  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
12  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
626  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
48, 49  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
908  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, durare. 
502  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
801  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
912  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
27, 70  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
72  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
331  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro Loco oratio●is. 
66, 67  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
501  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
361  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
615   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 63  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
465  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
909   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 269  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
20  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
23  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
448  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
323  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
613, etc. 617, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
331  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
287  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
914  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
897  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
255   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 23  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
916  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro mercede. 
910  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
21  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
446  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
72, 73  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
648  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
68  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
332  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro Epulo. 
387  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
474   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 26  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
321, 322  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
33  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
331  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
652, etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
91   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 912  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
9  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
21  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
458   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
PaSge 398  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
269  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
387  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
443  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
518  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
468   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 117  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cadaver. 
909   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Page 492  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
473     

The Fourth Table of Things, or the chief Matters contained in this Edition.  

A  
Pag.  THE A. B. C. of Prophecy. 
743  Abomination of desolation. 
708  Abraham's offering of Isaac the Key for understanding the Sacrifices of the Law. 
111, 112  Achmetes his Onirocritica, of what use towards the clearing of the Prophetic style. 
451, etc.  Adam's Sin was a kind of Sacrilege, 123. Four aggravations of his Sin. 
222  Affections. See Passions. 
 Affliction, the fitrestrime to glorify God in, 
189  Ahab. The way of Ahab, what. 
243  Air, the mansion of Evil spirits. 
23, 24  Albigenses, their Piety and Sufferings. 
503, etc. 517, 722, etc.  Alms, no arbitrary thing, 81. why God requires them, 170. they are to be joined with Prayer, 167. how prevalent they are with God, 169. they are a fit acknowledgement of God's being the Lord and Giver of all, 171, etc. according to our works of Charity and Mercy shall be our last doom. 
81  Alstedius his four Epocha's of the 1260 days (Apocal. 11.) examined. 
600, etc.  Altar, the name given to the H. Table by the Ancients, 383. the same with Holy Table, 389. the Altar of the true God called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of an Idol or false God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 391. anciently but one Altar in a Church and in one Diocese, 326. whether it may be called Sulium Christi, 824. anciently it was the place where the Prayers of the Church were offered to God. 
844, 363, 819  America. The first Gentile inhabitants and the late Christian plantations there. 
800  Ananias, his Sin was Sacrilege, 116. how this Sacrilege is described, 117. the aggravations of it. 
118, 119  Angels. The conceit of Dionys. Areopag. of 9 orders, groundless, 40. Angels present in the jewish Temple and our Churches, 344, etc. their presence an argument for a reverend behaviour there, 346. where they keep their station, there is God's Shechinah or special Presence, 343, etc. Angels are in Scripture put for those over whom they preside, 459, 471, 495, 514, 527. Good Angels not envious at the advancement of man's nature by Christ, 90. nor grieve at the good of others. 
91  See more in Archangels. 
 Antiochus Epiphanes not meant by the Little Horn in Daniel, 733, 753. the Calamity under him for 2300 evenings and mornings (Dan. 8. 14.) whence it is to be reckoned. 
659  Antichrist meant by the Little Horn in Dan. 8. 10. 714. how he is a Counter-Christ, and his Coming a counter-resemblance of Christ's Coming, 647. The Saracen and Turk not the Great An●ichrist, 644, etc. who primarily meant by the Antichrist and the many Antichrists in S. John's Epist. 
664, 900  Apocalypse is Daniel explicate, as Daniel is Apocalypsis Contracta, 787. the subject matter of it, 756. it contains the Fares of the Church till Christ's second Coming, 440, 917, 918. it is properly the Prophecy of the Church of the Gentiles, 575, 880. a particular argument for the Divinity of the Apocalypse, 853. the authority of it doubted of by whom, 602. the admirably prophecy in Scripture. 
582  Apostasy implies a Revolt from God and Christ by Idolatry, 625. where it was expressly foretold in the Old Testament, 666. it was to be a general one, 648. but not such an absolute one as wholly to renounce Christ, 645, etc. 651. the two man Apostasies of Israel in Ieroboam's and Ahab's days describe d, 
242  The Apostles age, when ●ended. 
360  To appear before the Lord, what, 260. all the Males of the jews to appear b●fore the Lord thrice a year, but the Women were exempted, and why. 
261  Ara and Altar how they differ. 
392  Archangels their number Seven, proved from Scripture and Tradition, 40, etc. 908. represented by the seven Lamps in the Temple, 833, etc. their Office twofold. 
43  Assurance, not a Cause or Instrument, but a Consequent of justification, 309, 310. Obedience is the way to Assurance. 
310  Astrology, the Author's judgement of it. 
601   

B  BAalim, what, and whence so called. 
630  Babel's Tower, the confusion and number of the Languages there. 
275, etc.  Babylon (in the Apocalypse) is Rome Pseudo-Christian, 523, etc. not New Rome or Constantinople, 922. why called the Great City, 484, 912. and the Great Whore, 523, 643. what's meant by her Golden Cup, and the Name in her forehead, 525. the twofold ruin of Babylon. 
489  Baptism called by the Ancients Signaculum, God's Seal or Mark, 511. from what Analogy Water was used in Baptism to be a sign of Regeneration or the New birth, 63. that by Water in Baptism is figured the H. Spirit, not the Blood of Christ. 
62. 63  Baptisteries were anciently without the Church. 
330  Bath Kol, God's Oracle and Answer from Heaven accompanied with Thunder. 
458, etc.  Beasts in the Prophetic style signify States and Kingdoms, 780. the seven Heads of the Beast have a double signification, 524, 922. the Beast with Ten Horns, what, 498, 499. the Beast with Two Horns, what. 
505  Blasphemy is put for Idolatry. 
502, 503  To Bless hath a threefold notion in Scripture. 
83  Blessing sometimes in Scripture signifieth a Gift or Present. 
ibid.  Body, when a dead Body begins to corrupt 
52  Bread signifies sometimes in Scripture all necessaries of life. 
689  Breaking of Bread put for the Communion of the Eucharist. 
322  Breastplace of judgement, why so called 
184  The Bride's making herself ready for the marriage of the Lamb. 
912  Burnt-offering, what, and why offered daily. 287. it had annexed to it a Meat-offering and Drink-offering, and was accompanied with Peace-offerings. 
371   

C  TO be Called is To be. 
445, 465  Calling of the Gentiles. See Gentiles. 
 Canaan, or Palestine, divided into three Provinces, 100 its Husbandry and Harvests, 297. its Breed of cattle in the Spring and at Autumn, ibid. this Land was promised to be given for an inheritance to Abraham, Isaac and jacob, and not to their Seed only, 801, etc. a figure of Heaven, 249, etc. the jews cast out of their own Land by the Romans, who yet used not to carry other Nations captive; what implied thereby. 
250  Captivity. The three chief Captivities or Dispersions of the jews, 75, 76. Three steps or degrees of the Babylonish Captivity. 
659  Catholic Epistles. See General Ep. 
 Cerri●i, why madmen were so called. 
29, 30  Changing of Times and Laws, what it implies in SS. 
737  Cherub and Cherubin, whence so called, 567. their form, 917. why the Curtains of the Tabernacle and Walls of the Temple were filled with pictures of Cherubims. 
345  Chiliasme. See Millennium. 
 Christ, his solemn Preaching began not till john Baptist had done his, and why, 97. his Death and Resurrection foretold in the Law, Prophets and Psalms, 50. 51. his Universal Kingdom and the Glorious state of his Church is yet to come, 196, etc. He is to be received whole, not only as Priest, but as King, 308. He is given to us for an Example of life, 157. How he is to be imitated. 
158  The Christian Sacrifice. See Sacrifice. 
 The true Church of Christ never wholly extinguished, 649. in what sense it was either Visible or Invisible under Antichrist. 
136, 137, 649, etc.  Churches or Places for worship in the first Century, 323. in the second Century, 326, in the third, 329. Reasons to prove this, 333. Objections answered from p. 334 to 339. at first the sacred meetings were in some Vpper-rooms set apart for Religious uses, 321, 322. Salute the Church at his House, how to be understood, 324. That Christians had such Places for Sacred worship, was known to the Gentiles, 332. To erect and set apart Places for Divine worship, is from the instinct of Nature, 340, etc. A Land without such Places for Religion was counted unclean, 341. Churches are to be magnificent and decently adorned. 
406, 407, 408  Circumcision, the Verba solennia used therein. 
53, 54  Clean Heart, See Heart. 
 Clergy, Clerus, why so called, 15, 182. Their obligation to a special demeanour and differing kind of conversation from the La●ety. 
15, 181, 182  Clouds. Christ's Coming in the Clouds, whence the phrase is borrowed. 
754, 764, 788  Coenaculum Zion or Church of Zion, what. 
321  Comet, not mentioned in Scripture, but implied in other expressions. 
28  Coming of Christ spoken of indefinitely in the Old Testament, without that distinction of First and Second Coming more clearly expressed in the New● 
98, 611.  His First Coming was at the time prefixed in Dan. 105. His Second Coming shall have an Harbinger as well as the First, 98, 99 Whence S. Paul learned to confute the Thessalonians false fear of the day of Christ's Coming to judgement to be near at hand. 
758, 763  Coming of Christ sometimes in Scripture implies the destruction of jerusalem and the jewish State. 
701  Commemoration twofold in the Eucharist, 373. how this Commemoration is made to God. 
377  Competency twofold, 125. a Competency only to be prayed for, 128. it is the best and safest condition. 
129  Confession of Faith should not be long nor obscure, 871. a Fundamental Confession how it may be framed, 873. Some Politic considerations against such a Confession examined, 875. See more in Fundamentals. 
 Constagration of the World, whether it implies an utter abolition. 
614, 615, 617  Congruity. How the Rule of Congruity is observed by God in his dealings with man, 81. How it is the Reason and Rule of several Duties God requires at our hands. 
95  Conscience. A good Conscience compared to a Feast in three respects, 163. a Scared Conscience, what, 678. it is the worst estate of the Soul, 162, 163. how Gods Law alone binds the Conscience. 
208, 209  Consecrate. See Dedicate. 
 Constantinople not meant by the mystical Babylon (in Apocal. 17.) 912, when and how it was taken by the Turk. 
474  Co●rition, what; the two parts or degrees thereof. 
108  Conversion, the parts or degrees thereof. 
109  Corban (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) what, 96. more particularly described with the two parts thereof, 287. it was called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Is●●h or Fire-offering, 286. the most Holy Offering. 
286, 287  Cornelius a Proselyte, and of what sort of Proselytes. 
165  Covenant twofold, of Works and of Grace, 251, etc. the open and the secret or hidden Covenant under the Law, 251. Covenant of Grace the same for substance under the Law and Gospel. 
250, etc.  Covenants. The Universal Custom of mankind to contract, and confirm Covenants by eating and drinking together. 
370  Covetous men, their great folly. 
131  Council of Constantinople endeavoured to be wronged by foisting in two Canons for Saint-worship, 685. falsely said to be against the words [Saint] and [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] 686. the First Nicene Councils Testimony touching the Kingdom of Christ, 813. a foul Story made use of in the Second Nicene Council in behalf of Image-worship, 687. Council of Trent added more Articles to the Creed. 
874  Courts of the Temple● the Inner and Outer Courts, what they signify, 587, 588. the Times of both not coincident, 586, 587. the Outmost Court or Court of the Gentiles. 
20  The Creature how subject to vanity and bondage, 230, 812. the Creatures were made and are to be used not only for the Service of the Body, but of the Soul. 
195  S. Cyprian, a fabulous story touching the manner of his conversion, 681. his opinion about Chiliasme. 
837   

D  DAEmoniacks were Lunatics or Madmen. 
29, 30  Damon's (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 1 Tim. 4. 1.) not always taken in Scripture for Evil Spirits, 634, 635. but sometimes for the Deified Souls of men deceased, according to the notion of the Gentiles Theology, 629, etc. Damon's were supposed to be a middle sort of divine Powers, Mediators and Agents between the Gods and men, 627, etc. the same with Dii Animales, Penates, Lares, Manii Dii, 631. the way of worshipping them by Images, Pillars, or Columns, 632, 633. their worship promoted by lying miracles, 680. the Gentiles Theology of Daemons revived and resembled by an Idolatrous sort of Christians. 
634  Daily Bread, what meant thereby. 
86  Dan, why not mentioned among the Twelve Tribes (in Apocal. 7.) 
455, 456  daniel's LXX Weeks explained, 697, etc. the purport of them, 697. his Prophecy reaches to Christ's Second Coming, 787. whether he understood his own Visions. 
788  Day signifies sometimes in Scripture a long time. 
86, 772  Days. The 1260 Days (in Apocal. 11.) are to be taken for Years, proved by five Reasons, 598. when they begin and end, 600 the 1290 and 1335 Days (in Dan. 12.) are so many Years, 720, junius and Broughton, who interpret them of so many Days, confuted, 117, etc. their Epocha, 720, 602. the purport and scope of those two Numbers, 719, 834. the Events answerable to the Prophecy, 720, etc. why the fuller Discovery of Antichrist was not to be till toward the end of the Eleventh Century. 
723  Dead body. See Body. 
 Death. What meant by the Second Death. 
913  Dedicate. Things dedicated unto God how unalienable. 
120, 121  Deliration, two kinds of it. 
29  Devil, why called The Prince of the power of the Air, 23. and The accuser of the brethren, 496. why he took the Serpent's shape, 223, etc. he assaults us where we are weakest, 226. That the Devil durst not blaspheme God before the Coming of Christ, was an ancient Tenet of some Fathers. 
24  Diluvium ignis (in Iren●us) 
611  Discalceation, a Rite used at their coming into Sacred Places by the jews and mahometans; 348. and by the Ab●ssine Christians. 
349  Double honour. See Honour. 
 Dying unto Sin, what. 
107   

E  EAdem est ratio Loci & Temporis, vindicared and explained. 
860  Eagle the Ensign of the Roman Empire. 
492  The Earth is in the Politic World (according to the Prophetic style) the Peasantry or Vulgus hominum. 
616  Earthquake, what it means in the Prophetic style. 
919  East, Churches anciently built towards it, 330. of worshipping towards i● the practice os Antiquity, 397. By the East is sometimes in Scripture meant Arabia, 
467  Ecclesiastical Persons. See Clergy and Ministers. 
 Edom in the Rabinical Comments is interpreted Rome; with an account of some such passages expunged by the Romanists. 
902, 903  Elders, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the word used sometimes in the Old Testament for Civil Magistrates, 72. in the New for Church-Officers, 70, etc. no ground (in 1 Tim. 5. 17.) for Lay-Elders in the Church, 70, etc. under this name of Elders are sometimes included ‛ Deacons, 71. the 24 Elders (in Apocal. 4.) who meant thereby, and why they are said to be crowned. 
439  Elements, why called (in Gal. 4.) weak and beggarly Elements. 
250  An Elias to be the harbinger of Christ's Second Coming. 
98, etc.  The Encamping of Israel in the wilderness described, and how it is (in Apocal. 4.) alluded to. 
619  Encanstum, Ink of a purple colour appropriate to the use of Kings, etc. 
11  End of the world. That the Apostles were not so mistaken as to believe it would be in their days, proved against Baronius and others. 
665  Enemy and Avenger (in Psal. 8.) meant of the Devil. 
38  Envy, the Image of the Devil. 
90  Ephraim, why he (and ‛ Dan) not mentioned among the Twelve Tribes (in Apocal. 7.) 
455, 456  Epiphanius his observable Gloss upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (in 1 Tim. 4. 1.) 
636  Ehtnicism, when and by what degrees it fell in the Roman Empire. 
195  Encharist. That Christ is offered there not Hypostatically, but Commemoratively only, proved from ancient Liturgies and Fathers, 376, etc. See Christian Sacrifice. 
 Evensong, its antiquity enquired into. 
840   

F  FAith. A threefold Faith, 214. Saving Faith described, 154, 155. no True Saving Faith that is without fruits of Obedience. 
156  Fast; why the jews used to fast upon the 4, 5, and 10 months. 
890  Fear is sometimes in Scripture put for God. 
9  Feasts. The three solemn Feasts, (viz. the Passeover, Pentecost and F. of Tabernacles,) 265. That they were both Commemorative and Figurative, 265, 266. the Presents and Offerings at these Feasts. 
268, etc.  Fire-offering, why so called. 
290  First Sinner ●any kind most severely punished by God. 
122  Foedus percutere, ferire; whence the phrase. 
371  Fonts. See Baptisteri●s. 
 Food convenient (in Prov. 30.) what meant thereby. 
124, 125  Footstool. God's Footstool, what. 
393  Forgiveness of injuries, the necessity thereof proved by four arguments. 
95, etc.  Form of Prayer. See Prayer. 
 Fullness of the Gentiles, what. 
139, 197  Fundamentals, their Ratio and distinguishing Character fit to be enquired into and stated, 868, 873. the reason why men are shy of doing this, 868, 869. Lutherans and Calvenists differ not in Fundamentals, 866, 876. and therefore should tolerate each other, 866, 875. Two sorts of Fundamental Articles, viz. Fundamentals of Salvation and Fundamentals of Ecclesiastical communion, 869. a farther explication or Fundamentals of Salvation, 870, 871. The way of determining Fundamentals should be short, easy and evident, 871. Fundamenta Theologicarum veritatum not the same with Fundamenta Salutis. 
872  Furlongs, 1600. (in Apocal. 14, 20.) what may seen● to be meant thereby. 
593   

G.  GAlilee described, 130. Galilee of the Gentiles, why so called, ibid. Galilee the most despised part of Palestine, 102. Christ●s ordinary residence was in Galilee. 100 and this was according to Prophecy. 
101  Gehenna, when and how it came to signify Hell. 
31  General, or Catholic, Epistles, why so called. 
663  Gentiles, Calling of the Gentiles twofold, and at distant times, 139, 453. etc. their first Calling, 164. they are God's surrogated Israel, and represented (in the Apocalypse) under the notion of Israelites or jews, 454. Why the Apostles were at first so ignorant that the Gospel was to be preached to the Gentiles. 
77  Gerizim, The Temple at mount Gerizim built by whom, and why. 
48  Glory, when it refers to God, what it signifies, 92. To Glorify or give glory unto God, what. 
92  Goats set en Christ's left hand, what meant thereby. 
841  God, How the Understanding and Will ascend to God by the Scale of the Creatures. 
191, 192  Gods House, the condition and property of it, 340, etc. the manner of God's presence therein, 343, etc. Vindicated twice by Christ from profanation. 
44  Gods, To serve other Gods is sometimes meant Politically, for being servants to such as served them. 
668  Gog and Magog in the Apocalypse, his conjecture touching them, 574. not the same with Gog in Ezekiel, 605. where Gog was prophesied of before Ezekiel, 796. why prophesied of by Micah (in chap. 5.) under the name of the Assyrian. 
796, 797  Cospel, the description of it, 110. this description explained, 112. the Gospel's antiquity, 110. the gradual discoveries of it under the Old Testament, 111. how it includes Repentance. 
113  Goths, when they received the Christian Faith 
842  Gothick Liturgy, its antiquity. 
ibid.  Grebner's Prophecy censured. 
878  Greek and Eastern Church's opposition against image-worship, and Saint-worship, when it began, and how long it lasted. 
683, etc.  Greek Kingdom not extended in the holy account beyond Antiochus Epiphanes. 
749, 797  Gregentius (a Christian Bishop) his famous dispute with Herbanu● a jew, with the issue thereof. 
767   

H.  HAdes, the place of separate Souls. 
605  Hail, what it signifies in the Prophetic Style. 
460  Hallowed, See Sanctified. 
 Harvest, a twofold signification thereof in the Prophets. 
520  Mr. Haydock's ingenious conjecture about the form of the 7 Sealed Book, applauded by Mr. Mede. 
791  Heart, Cleanness or Purity of Heart, what, 200. an effectual means to this is the apprehension of God's presence, 201. Loyalty of Heart to God, what, 202. Perfect Heart, what, ibid. Sincerity of Heart what, 204. why and how the Heart is to be kept and guarded with all diligence, 199, 200. From the pure and sincere Heart are the issues of Spiritual life, 204. Five issues of Spiritual life. 
205  Heave-offering, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) described and distinguished. 
288  Heaven is sometimes in Scripture put for God, 102, 103. where in Scripture God was first styled The God of Heaven, and why, 90. Heaven in the Political world what it signifies according to the Prophetic Style. 
615, 616  Heavens, 3 Heavens mentioned in Scripture, 614. the Sublunary Heavens only shall suffer in the great Constagration. 
615.  Hebrew Text of the Old Testament, the differences between it and the LXX, the various readings, etc. 785, 805, etc. 808. Lud. de Dien's judgement of the Keri and Ketif. 
806, 807  Hell, why called Coetus Rephaim. 32. and the Lake of fire and brimstone, 33. and Gehenna. 
31  Heresies brought into the Church privily. 
240  Hierom his unequal relating the opinions of his adversaries, 602, 836, 899. why he never mentions justin Martyr, where he speaks of the Chiliasts 
813  High priests going into the most Holy place, what it figured. 
639  Hills. See Mountains. 
 Holiness twofold, 1 Original, Absolute and Essential in God; 2 Derived or Relative in the things which are his, 8. a threefold notion of Holiness; 1 Essential Holiness, 2 Holiness of Integrity, 3 Relative Holiness, 823. Things relatively holy under the Gospel, 11, & 399. Objections answered. 
400, 401  See more in Sanctity. 
 Holy one of Israel, why God is so called. 
8  holidays, the observing of them nor forbidden by the fourth Commandment. 
267  Honour sometimes signifies Reward, or Maintenance, 
72.  See Double Honour. 
 Horn, The Little Horn (in Dan. 7.) is not Antiochus Epiphanes, 737. but Antichrist, 714. according to the sense of the ancient Fathers, 656, 657, how the Little Horn rose up behind the Ten Horns. 
778  Host of Heaven twofold, 1 Visible, the Stars; 2 Invisible, the Angels, 90. The Lord of Hosts, why God is so called. 
ibid.  House of God. See God's House. 
 Humility or Lowliness described, 
158  Humblest nature and condition fittest for Religion. 
159  Hysteropotmi, who. 
64   

I.  IAcob, the reason of his name, 
226  japhets Sons. 5 Rules to find out their original seats after the dispersion of Babel, 275. 5 other Rules. 
277  javan the Father of the Grecians. 
278  Idolatry and Sacrilege near allied, 17. the main Character of the Christian Apostasy, 643. the Church of Israel Idolatrous, though she renounced not altogether the true God, 645, etc. 651. Idolatry is a denying of the Lord that bought them. 
244  Idols in Scripture called Lies, 49. and Abominations, 
514, 707  Iehoiakim's years disposed according to the Events in Scripture, 889. jehoiakim not carried captive into Babylon. 
Pag. 890  Ieremy's Prophecies not digested in order. 
834  jews had a Second tender of Christ, and upon their refusing it were cast off, 164, though some of them believed, yet the Body or Nation of the jews rejected Christ, and was therefore, rejected, 750. the manner and external means of their Conversion to be by Vision and Voice from Heaven, 761. This argued from the manner of S. Paul's Conversion, 761, 891. and from the story of a miraculous conversion of many jews, as a Praeludium to their General Conversion, 767. why God gave the jews peculiar Rites and Observations. 
181  Ignatius his Epistles. 
327  Images were at first made for Daemons to dwell in, etc. 
632  Image-worship brought in and promoted by lying stories, 687. the great Opposition in the Greek and Eastern Churches against it, for the space of 120 years. 
683, etc.  Impotency pretended doth not excuse us from our duty. 
308  john Baptist a forerunner of Christ, in his Nativity, Preaching and Suffering. 
97  Isaac a Type of Christ. 
50, 51  Islands not taken always in Scripture for Countries encompassed by the Sea, 272. Countries divided from the jews by Sea, were called Islands, ibid. etc. what they signify (in the Apocalypse) according to the Prophetic style. 
450  judgement, The description of the Great judgement, when Christ shall sit on his Throne, 841. a farther description of the Great Day of judgement, 762, etc. whence Christ and his Apostles received that term, 754. the precise time thereof not to be known, 
895.   

K.  KEri and Kerif. See Hebrew Text, King or Kingdom sometimes in Scripture put for any State or Polity, 667, 711, 911. Kings of the East (in Apocal. 16. 12.) who are meant thereby. 
529  Kingdom of God or Heaven sometimes in Scripture signifies the Kingdom of Messiah, 103. why it is so called, 104. whence the jews gave this term to the Kingdom of Messiah, 103. a twofold state of Christ's Kingdom, 104, the first state thereof called Regnum Lapidis, the second Regnum Montis, 743. the Time designed and prefixed for the coming and beginning of Christ's Kingdom, 104. it was to be set up in the Times of the Fourth Kingdom, 745, 754, etc. That the Kingdom of Christ and the Saints (in Dan. 7.) is the same with that of 1000 years (in Apocal. 20.) 763. a twofold Kingdom, one whereby Christ reigns in his Saints, the other whereby they reign with him. 
573  Kingdoms, 4 Kingdoms (represented by Nebuchaduezzars Image of 4 sundry metals, Dan. 2. and by 4 Beasts, Dan. 7.) the purport of them, 743, etc. why these 4 are singled out, 712, 713. That the Fourth is the Roman, proved by 3 Arguments, from p. 712, to 716. That these 4 Kingdoms are a Prophetical Chronology and the Great Calendar of Times. 
654  The Kiss of Peace, why so called. 
96  Kissing of the Pax, what● 
ibid.   

L.  LActantius vindicated from the Antichiliasts. 
812, 836  Lake of Fire and Brimstone, why Hell so described. 
33  Lamps, That the 7 Lamps in the Temple signified the 7 Archangels. 
833   
Larvati, why Madmen so called. 
29  Last hour or time, the End of all, are meant of the End of the jewish State and Service, and not of the End of the World. 
664  Last times, a twofold acception of them in Scripture, 652. That the times of the Fourth Beast, or Roman Kingdom are the Last times, 654, etc. their Epocha or beginning, 656. their duration and length. 
655  Latter times of the Last times are the times of the Apostasy under Antichrist. 
653, 655   
Law, may be considered either 1 as a Rule, or 2 as a Covenant of works: how Believers are not under the Law, 114, In what respects the Law is dissolved or not dissolved by Christ, 12: How God's Law alone binds the conscience, 
208, 209  Lawenus his Stricture in Clavem Apocal. 541. the occasion of his writing them, 783. his way of interpreting the Apocalyps, 754, 782. a full answer to his Stricture. 
550  Lawgiver, why Christ so called in Genes. 49. and what is meant by that phrase, Lawgiver from between his feet. 
35  Lay-Elders, See Elders. 
 Legends, Fabulous Legends their grosseness, and the design of them. 
678, 681, etc.  Levi, what the name signifies, 178. why Levi was chosen for the Priesthood, 179, 180. why called God's Holy one, 180, 181. his Favoured one. 
181  Locusts, what they signify in the Prophetic style, 
467, etc.  Lordsday, why observed by Christians, 57 a Testimony for it out of Euse●ius. 
851  Lords-prayer twice delivered by Christ, 2. intended not only for a Pattern, but a Form of Prayer. 
ibid.  Lords-supper. See Christian Sacrifice. 
 Lying unto the Holy Ghost, what is meant thereby. 
118   

M.  MAgog. See Gog. 
 Mahuzzim, (in Dan. 11.) the word signifies Fortresses, Bulwarks, Protectors, Guardians, etc. That Saints and their Relics were so called at the beginning of Saint-worship. 
673, etc.  Manna, why so called, 245. how it differed from the Apothecaries or the Arabian Manna, 245, 246. how it was Spiritual meat and a Type of Christ. 
247  Mark, To have the Mark of the Beast in the right hand or in the forehead (Apocal. 〈◊〉) what it means. 
509, 511  Marriage, the Roman laws for it discountenanced by Constantine, 672. Prohibition of Marriage a character of Monastic profession. 
688  Martyrs, their privilege to ri●e first, 604, 771, 775. their Reign misinterpreted to an Idolatrous sense, 759, why Christians anciently kept their assemblies at their Monuments, 
679.  Martyrium Omeritarum. 
768  Mass, Reasons against the lurching Sacrifice of the Mass, wherein the Priest receives alone, 253, 254. In the Mass the ancient Offering of Praise is turned into an Offering of Expiation, 293. How the Oblation of the ancient Church differed from that in the Mass, 295. The Blasphemous Oblation in the Mass justly taken away, 376. That the ancient Church never intended any Hypostatical oblation of Christ. 
376, etc.  Meat put in Scripture for all necessaries of life, 689. Abstinence from meats a character of Monastic profession. 
688  Meekness in the Scripture-use is of a larger signification than in Ethics. 
161  Melancholia and Mania, how they differ. 
29  Memorial, why that which was burned upon the Altar was so called. 
342  Memorial of God's Name, what. 
341  Merit, the word abused, and in what sense tolerable. 
176  Messiah the Prince (in Dan. 9) meant only of Christ. 
700  Methodius (Bishop of Tyre) a passage out of him touching the Millennium. 
843  Michael (in Apocal. 12.) who. 
495  Middle estate, or a Competency, the best and safest condition. 
129  Millennium, or the 1000 years' Reign of Christ, not to be understood in any gross carnal sense, 603, 836, 837. to be asserted modestly and warily, so as not to clash with any Catholic Tenet of the Christian Faith, 603. to be propounded generally, not particulatim seu modatim, 571. a General description of it, 603. no necessity of asserting Christ's visible converse upon Earth, Ibid. this Opinion of Regnum Christi & Sanctorum was universally held by the whole Orthodox Christian Church in the Age immediately following the Apostles, 771. a passage out of justin Martyr to this purpose vindicated, which had been corrupted, as other passages to the like purpose were expunged out of Sulpitius Severus, Victorinus Petau. and others of the same judgement, 533, 534. nor was it anciently denied but by Heretics and such as denied the Apocalypse, 534, 602. Other Testimonies for it, as out of the Council of Nice, 813. and a Carechism set forth in K. Edward the sixth his Reign, 813, 815. That this Millennium follows upon the expiring of Antichrist's reign, 603. this clearly proved by the Synchronisms, 429. That the 1000 years of Satan's being bound began not at Constantine, 427, 880. S. Hierome's misrepresentation of the sense of the more ancient Fathers detected, 899. Doubtful whether Cerinthus held any part of this Opinion, though in a wrong sense. 
900  Mincha, what, 357, 826. in marg. The Purity of the Christian Mincha explained in three particulars. 
358, 359  Minister, how the word is sometimes used improperly, 27, 517. Four Solecisms from the improper use thereof, ibid., Ministers are not the people's Ministers, but God's, 26. and are maintained out of God's revenue, 77, 78, 120. their maintenance is not of the nature of Alms, 73. To make provision for God's Ministers and Worship, a work highly pleasing to God. 
174  Miracles. No noise of Miracles done by Relics of Martyrs in the first 300 years after Christ, 679, 680. The design of the pretended Miracles in after-ages. 
681, etc.  Monks and Friars the chief promoters of Saint-worship, 690, 691. and of Image-worship, 691. The two characters of Monastic professors, 688. a third character, 689. Monkisn poverty no point of Piety. 
126, etc.  Months. The 42 Months (in Apocal. 11. 2. the same with 1260 Days in vers. 3.) are to be taken for Months of years, and are more than three single years and an half, 598. their beginning and ending, 600. why the profaning of the holy City by the Gentiles and the continuing of the Beast is numbered by Months, (Apocal. 11. 2. ch. 13. 5.) but the Prophesying of the Witnesses and the Woman's abode in the Wilderness, by Days, (ch. 11. 3. ch. 12. 6.) 
481, 492  Moses, the Rites and Ordinances of Moses observed for some time after Christ's ascension by the Apostles and believing jews. 
841  Mountains and Hills, what they signify in the Prophetic style. 
135, 462  Mountains and Islands. 
450   

N  NAme written in their foreheads, (in Apocal. 14. 1.) what meant thereby. 
511  Name of God. Hereby is meant 1 God himself. 2. what is his by a peculiar right, 4, 5. God's Name to be called upon a thing, what is imports, 5. God's Name how it is sanctified or hallowed, 9 how it is profaned or polluted. 
14  Names of men (in Apocal. 11. 13.) what. 
489, 490  Nations or Gentiles put in the Apocalypse for the Apostate or false Christians. 
574, 908  Nazarites, their Vow and Law abrogated by the Apostles, and therefore no ground for Monkish orders. 
128  Nebuchadnezzar's Vision of an Image of Gold, Silver, Brass and Iron, explained. 
104, 105, 743, 744  New Heavens and New Earth, what meant thereby. 
613  New jerusalem, what meant thereby. 
772, 877, 914  Nicene Council. See Council. 
 Noah. The seven Precepts of the sons of Noah, 19 these Precepts were briefly included in the Apostles decision at the Council in jerusalem, (Acts 15.) 165. whether the observation of the Sabbath-day was included in any of these Precepts, 20. The division of the Earth by Noah's Sons was not confused, but orderly. 
274  Number of the Beast [666] why he differs from Monsieur Testara's conjecture about it, 795. Mr. Potter's Discourse upon it highly approved by him. 
877  Numbers of Times, when Definite and Indefinite. 
597, 656  Numbers Distributive or Divisive wanting in the Hebrew Text, and how supplied. 
700   

O  OBedience to Gods Commands the best protection against dangers, 262. a more necessary and acceptable duty than Sacrifice, 351, etc. Three qualifications of true Obedience; 1 Cordial, 2 Resolved, 3 Universal. 
310  Offerings were either Eucharistical, or Euctical and V●tal, 285. a description of these, 289. They are due to God naturally and perpetually, 286. That they were not Typical and Ceremonial, but Moral in their end and nature, proved by four arguments, 288, 289. That they are required of Christians, 291. the three degrees or parts thereof. 
290  Offerings and Sacrifices wherein they differ. 
369  The two Olive-branches (in Zech. 4.) explained. 
833  Oracles. The Heathen Oracles began to cease at the birth of Christ. 
193, 194  Oratories. See Proseucha's. 
  

P.  PAlestine, See Canaan. 
 Passions, 4 Rules for the governing of them. 
227  S. Paul's Conversion a Type of the calling of the jews. 
891  Peace on Earth, (Luke 2.) what is meant thereby. 
93, 94  Peace-offerings and other Sacrifices were to be eaten before the third day and why. 
51  Penitents, 5 degrees of them according to the discipline of the ancient Church. 
331  Pentecost, why called the Feast of Weeks, 265. and of harvest, 269. why the Gospel was first published, and in such a miraculous way at Pentecost, 76. That those First Converts to the Christian Faith at Pentecost were not Gentiles, but jews. 
74, 75  Perfect Heart. See Heart. 
 Perjury upon Theft a more dangerous Sin in the jewish State. 
133  Persecutions, Which were the greatest and longest of the 10 Persecutions. 
334  S. Peter, his Second Epistle why and by whom questioned. 
612  Pillars and Images why at first erected. 
632  The Pontifical Stole and Title first refused by the Emperor Gratian. 
601  Poverty, its dangers and evils. 
132, 133  Prayer, why God requires it of us, 170. why not always heard, 168. how God often hears our Prayers, when we think he doth not, 169. A set Form of Prayer proved to be lawful, 2. Objections against set Forms answered, 3, 4. To be prayed to in Heaven, and to present our Prayers to God, is a Right and Privilege proper to Christ, 639. and that Christ purchased it by his death. 
640  Presents, The Oriental Custom to bring Presents to their Kings. 
115  Priesthood, why confined to one Tribe only under the Law. 
178, 179  Prophecies so foretell things to come, as yet to instruct the present Church. 
285  Prophesying hath a fourfold sense in Scripture, 58. in what sense it is attributed to Women. 
58, 59  A Prophet's Reward is a special and eminent Reward. 
87  Prophetical Schemes familiar and usual to the Eastern Nations. 
616, 759  Proselytes, two sorts of them, 1 Proselytes of the Covenant or Righteousness, 2. Proselytes of the Gate, 19, 20. these are called (in the Acts) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Worshippers, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those that fear God, 20, 21. why there were more of this sort of Proselytes, 21, 22. how these became so ready for the Gospel and Faith of Christ. 
22  Proseuchae or Places of Prayer, their use among the jews, and how they differed from Synagogues, 66, 67. where they are mentioned in Scripture, 67. their Antiquities. 
68, 69  Prosperity is apt to make men forget God, 130. the reason of it. 
131  Protestants, the way of procuring peace among them. 
866, to pag. 875  Providence, The method of Divine Providence to usher in the Exaltation of his Saints with some great Calamity foregoing it. 
760  Psalms, The Book of Psalms contains set Forms of Prayer and Praise. 
2, 3  Punishments are either Temporal or Eternal. Eternal are inflicted on the Sinner only, Temporal either on the Sinner's Person or Posterity, 141. The end of Temporal punishments, what, ibid. why God remits not Temporal punishments here, where the Sin is forgiven● 142. the Ends why God defers punishments, 142, 143. God sometimes brands the punishment with the Stamp of the Sin, 144, 229, 829. Conformity between the Sin and the Punishment in 4 particulars. 
144, etc.  Pure Heart. See Heart. 
 Purity of the Primitive Church, how long it lasted. 
588  Purple, Purple colour, or To wear Purple was an Imperial or Royal privilege. 
11, 911   

R.  THE Rapture of those alive at Christ's coming into the Air. 
776  Rechabites, what they were, and why they lived in Tents 
127  Regeneration, the 2 parts of it, 106. how figured by Baptism. 
63  Reign of Christ. See Millennium. 
 Religion and Honesty not to be severed. 
219  Relics. See Miracles. 
 Counterfeit Relics. 
691  Renovation of the World, different opinions of the jews touching it, 610. and some Excerpta out of the Father's concerning the same. 
618  Rent, A twofold Rent or Tribute owing to God, Tithes and Alms. 
171  Repentance, what it is, 107. it implies more than a Sorrow for Sin, ibid. the 2 parts of it. 
107, 108  Rephaim, the Giants or men of the old world. 
32  Responsories, their antiquity. 
60  Restitution, the necessity of it. 
211, 112  Resurrection, Christ's proof of the Resurrection from Exod. 3. 6. explained, 801. On what Text the jewish Church built her faith of the Resurrection, 797, 880. How they proved it out of the Law, against the Sadduces, 801, 579. The First Resurrection is to be taken literally, as well as the Second, 572. this farther proved by 4 arguments, 770, 771. the ground of that Prayer for the dead, ut partem haberent in Resurrectione prima, 771, 842. To grant a Particular Resurrection before the General, is against no article of Faith. 
604  Returning to the Lord, what. 
210  Revelation, 4 kinds of Divine revelation. 
183  Reward, That there are different degrees of Reward in the Life to come, proved from Scripture, 84, 85. Objections answered, 85, 86. 'tis lawful to do good works intuitu mercedis. 
176, 177  Riches, when they are Blessings, when not, 129. their danger, 131, 132. Rich men to defraud the poor, an heinous Sin. 
134  Righteousness sometimes in Scripture signifies Bounty or Alms. 
80  Rivers, what they signify in the Prophetic Style. 
459  Rock sometimes in Scripture put for God, 670. Rock in the wilderness how it followed the Israelites, 246. how it was a Sign of Christ, 248. Two Rocks in the wilderness, and which was meant. 
246  Rome. See Babylon. 
 Roman and Greek Church, how they may be said not to err in Fundamentalibus Fidei articulis. 
862  Roman Empire, that it is the Fourth Kingdom in Daniel, proved by 3 arguments, 712, etc. this was also believed by the ancient jews and Fathers, 736. the contrary opinion was first broached by Porphyry an Heathen and Enemy of Christianity, 743. the Fates of the Roman Empire not so particularly and distinctly revealed to Daniel as to S. john, 736, 7●7. why the ancient Christians prayed for the continuance of the Roman Empire, 656. the 3 main degrees of its Ruin, 
658, etc.  Romans, how they charmed or called the Gods from any City, when they besieged it. 
672   

S.  SAbbath, why God commanded the jews to observe it, 55, 56. why one day in Seven, and that the Seventh day was to be kept, 56. when that Seventh day began to be kept for a Sabbath by the jews, 56, 57 The Sabbatical year was sacred unto God. 
123  Sackcloth and Ashes why used in humiliation. 
160  Sacrament is a Sign of assuring, 247. Sacraments, both the old and new, carry in them the image of Christ, 248. jewish Sacraments how they were the same with ours, and wherein they differed, 249. what the jews apprehended to be meant by them, 250. Unworthy receiving of them, twofold, 256. the heinousness and da●ger thereof, 257, 258. the practice of the ancient Church in the offering of Praise and Prayer at the Sacrament. 
293, etc.  Sacred Things, 4 kinds of them, and how to be used, 14, 15. That to use them as becomes things Sacred, opens not a way for Idolatry. 
18  Sacrifice defined, 370. How a Sacrifice differs from an Oblation or Offering, 362. The Christian Sacrifice defined, 356. How the Eucharist is a Sacrifice, 369, 850. That it is only a Commemorative Sacrifice, 376, etc. That it is an Oblation, proved from Antiquity, 360, etc. an Oblation of Praise and Prayer, 362, etc. That this Oblation is made through Christ commemorated in the Bread and Wine, 365, etc. it is Oblatio Foederalis, 370. and Epulum Foederale, 372. that herein God was the Convivator, and man the Conviva, 370, 372. That Bread and Wine were were first offered to God to agnize him the Lord of the Creature. 
373, 374, etc.  Sacrifices under the Law, the several kinds of them explained, 286, etc. they were Rites of address to God, 365, 379. That they were Foederal Feasts wherein God and men did Feast together in token of amity and friendship, proved by 4 arguments, 371. what was God's Mess or Portion therein, ibid. Sacrifices were not appointed in the Law for all kinds of Sins, 353. Sacrifices are in Scripture disparaged in respect of Obedience, as being not required by God antecedently, absolutely and primarily, 352, 353. The antiquity or Sacrificing. 
352  Sacrilege is a Sin against God, and a breach of the First Table rather than the Second, 120. the heinousness of this Sin, 122. Examples of the punishment thereof, 123. Sacrilege and Idolatry are near allied. 
17  Saint-worship when it began, 662, 679. it began with Monkery, 690. how it crept unawares into the Church, 641, etc. it was promoted by lying Miracles, 679, etc. by fabulous Legends, 681, etc. by counterfeit Writings, 687. it is derogatory to Christ. 
639, etc.  Samaritan Pentateuch, wherein it differs from the Hebrew as to Chronology. 
895  Samaritans, their Original, 48. their Worship. 
49  Sanctuary at Sichem, what it was. 
65, 66  To Sanctify hath a double sense, 1 To consecrate, 2 To use things Sacred as becomes their Sanctity, 
7, 402  To Sanctify God and his Name, what. 
9, etc.  To be Sanctified is either 1 To be made holy, or 2 To be used as such. 
6  Sanctity, the nature or true notion of it is Discrimination or Distinction from other things by way of preeminence. 
6, etc.  Saracens, their strange successes, and propagation of Mahometism, in a short time. 
468  Sceptre signifies any Power or Majesty of Government under what name soever, 35. when it departed from judah. 
35  Schism, the evil and danger of it. 
876  Scripture, The Holy Scripture is not to be kept in an unknown tongue, 190. whether the silence of Scripture be an argument sufficient to conclude against matter of fact, 840. an account of some Idioms, or Forms of speech in Scripture, 
161, and 347, 349, 380, 285, and 352  Sea, what it signifies in the Prophetic style. 
462  The Sealing of the 144000 (in Apocal. 7.) what it means. 
584  Seed of the Woman, meant of Christ's person and Christ mystical. 
236  Serpent, why the Devil took this shape, 223, 289. the Curse was pronounced upon both the Serpent and the Devil, 229. what kind of Serpent was accursed, 230. how God could in justice punish the brute Serpent, 229, 230, his Curse was, To go upon his Breast, and not only on his Belly, 231, 232. as also To feed on dust, 233, 234. Enmity between Man and the Serpent, 234. The Serpent's Seed meant of the Devil and wicked men. 236. The Serpent's Head or Headship is Principatus mortis. 
237  Set Forms. See Prayer. 
 Seven eyes of the Lord are the seven Archangels. 
41, 43  Seven Heads of the Beast signify both 7 Hi●s and 7 Successions of different sorts of Governors. 
524  Seven Seals (in Apocal. 6.) what is meant thereby. 
441, 917, etc.  Seven Trumpets. See Trumpets. 
 Seven Vials. See Vials. 
 Seventy Weeks. See daniel's Weeks. 
 Seventy years. See Years. 
 Shechinah, or Gods special presence in a place, is where the Angels keep their station. 
343, etc.  Sheep set at Christ's right hand. 
841  Shiloh, the name of Messiah, 34, it signifies a Peacemaker. 
35  Silence in holy offices was a point of Religion. 
458  Simeon Metaphrastes his fabulous Legends, 682, etc. his design therein. 
683, etc.  Sin compared in Scripture to an Heavy Burden, in respect of the Weight of Punishment and of Loathsomeness, 151. the reason of Sins Loathsomeness, 152. Conformity between the Sin and Punishment in 4 particulars, 144. the heinousness of a Sin to be estimated from the heart's election, 350. Commission of one Sin makes way for another, 135. what it is to forsake Sin, 207. Rules to know whether our purpose to forsake Sin be real. 
152, 153  Sin-offering, what. 
287  Sincerity of Heart, what it is, how it may be known and attained. 
217, 218  Sitting at God's right hand, what it signifies, 638, 639. that it is a privilege appropriate to Christ. 
ibid.  Some, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the word doth not always in Scripture imply a small number. 
648, etc.  Socinian Tenets censured. 
869, 883  Son of man, whence Christ is so called. 
764, 788  Spirit sometimes in Scripture signifies Doctrine. 
626  Spirit and truth. See Worship in spirit and truth. 
 Spirits Good or Evil, how they appear and converse with men. 
223, 224  Spiritual blessings were veiled in Earthly Promises under the Law. 
249, 250  Stealing is either by Force or by Fraud both forbidden in the 8 Commandment, 132. See more in Theft. 
 Sun, Moon and Stars, what they are (according to the Prophetic style) in the Political world. 
449, 450, 466, 615  Synagogues, how they differed from Proseucha's, 66. their antiquity. 
839  Synchronisms, what, 491. their usefulness. 
431, 581   

T.  TAbernack of meetings so called from God's meeting there with men, 343. Feast of Tabernacles, wherein it was a Figure of Christ, 266. how it was neglected to be kept from Iosua's time to Nehemiah's, 268. what this Omission may seem to imply. 
268  Table, sometimes in Scripture put for Epulum or the Meat itself, 386. Table of the Lord (in 1 Cor. 10.) why so called, 375. the name Table not used in any Ecclesiastical Writer before 200 years after Christ, 860. Table and Altar, how they differ, 389, Holy Table, Name and Thing. 
844  Temple, what the Gentiles Notion of a Temple was, 335, 336. why the primitive Christians for the most part abstained from the name Temple, 
336, 337  Temple at jerusalem, it's 3 Courts in our Saviour's time. 44, 45. it was the Third or Gentiles Court that was profaned by the jews and undicated by our Saviour, 45, 46. This Temple is called in Scripture God's Throne, 438, 439, 917. In what respects it was a Type of Christ. 
48, 407, 263  Temples of the Heathen, why they are said by the ancient Fathers to be nothing else but the Sepulchers of dead men. 
633  Ten Horns signify (in Dan. and the Apocal.) Ten Kingdoms into which the Roman Empire was shivered, 661. that they belong to the Seventh or Uppermost Head of the Beast. 
499, 737  Ten Kings. See Ten Horns. 
 Teraphim, what they were, and how they answered to Vrim and Thummim. 
183  Terumah or Heave-offering defined, 288, the Terumoth or Heave-offerings were either First-fruits, or Tithes, or Fr●e-will-offerings. 
290  Theft, in no case lawful, 133. the trial of it in doubtful cases was in the jewish Polity by the party's Oath: Hence Perjury and Theft are forbidden together in Scripture. 
133  Three Kings whom the Little Horn should depress to advance himself. 
779  Throne, to be taken up to God's Throne, what. 
494  Thummim. See Vrim. 
 Thunder. See Bath Kol. 
 Time, Times and half a Time, what, 497, 656, 744. Times of the Gentiles, 753. Times put for Things done in time. 
737  Tithes, How the question of the due of Tithes is to be stated. 
120  Tituls, why Houses, and Churches were so called. 
5, 327, 328  Tobit's prophecy of the jews Captivity and Restauration explained. 
579  Transubstantiation promoted by lying Miracles. 
688  Trees, what they signify in the Prophetic style. 
460  Trespass-offering, how it differed from the Sin-offering. 
287  Tribes, why the 12 Tribes are (in Apocal 7.) reckoned in a different order than elsewhere in Scripture. 
455, etc.  Tribute. See Rent. 
 Trumpets, Seven Trumpets, their meaning. 
595  Turks, why described (in Apocal. 9) by the army of Horsemen. 
473  Twelve, why each of the 24 Courses or Quires of Singers in the Temple consisted of Twelve. 
3  Typical speeches often true in the Type and Antitype, 285. when what is attributed to the Type, belongs to the thing typified 
468   

V.  VEspers. See Evensong. 
 Vials. Seven Vials, their meaning 585, 923. the agreement between the 7 Vials and 7 Trumpets. 
585  Vintage, what it means in the Propherick style. 
521, etc.  Visions Apocalyptick whether represented in the Seven-sealed Book to be seen or to be read by S. john. 
787  An Unrepentant Sinner is an Insidel. 
153  Unworthy receiving. See Sacraments. 
 Vows, The 3 Vows common to all Monks, viz. Vow of Chastity, Poverty, and Abstaining from meats: the Fourth View, viz. of Obedience, not common to all, nor so old. 
689  Vrim and Thummim, what they signify, 183. they were a Divine Oracle, ibid. the Matter thereof, and the Manner of enquiring thereby, 184, 185. How Vrim and Thummim did typisie something in Christ. 
185, 186   

W.  WAldenses. See Albigenses. 
 White, To walk in white, To be clothed with white raiment, what meant thereby in the Apocalypse. 
909  Whore and Whoredom meant (according to the Prophetic style) of Idolatry, 645, 646. Who of Babylon in Apocal. 17. why this Vision only of all the Apocalyptick Visions is expounded by the Angel, 432, 582. why she is said to have a golden cup in her hand, and her Name written in her forehead. 
525  Wilderness, Israel's being in the Wilderness and the Church's abode in the Wilderness compared. 
906, 907  Wing signifies (in Dan. 9) an Army: the fitness of the word to signify thus, 707. Wing of abominations is an Army of Idolarrous Gentiles, ibid. How the Roman Army was the Army of Messiah. 
708  Witnesses, why Two and in sackcloth, 480, 481. the two Wars of the Beast against them, 765. their Slaughter how far it extends, 760, 761. their Death and Resurrection how to be understood. 
484  Women, Why the Corinthian women are reproved for being unveiled or uncovered in the Church, 61. how they are said to prophesy. 
58, 59  Works, Good Works, 3 qualifications of them, 217, etc. 3 Reasons for the necessity of them, 215, etc. God rewards our Works out of his mercy, not for any merit in them. 
175  World, Heaven and Earth put (according to the Hebrew idiom) for World, 613. That the World should last 7000 years, and the Seventh Thousand be the Beatum Milleunium, was an ancient Tradition of the jews, 892. World sometimes in Scripture put for the Roman Empire. 
705  Worship, External worship required in the Gospel, 47. Four Reasons for it, 349, 350. The jews worshipped versus Locum praesentiae, 394. That such Worshipping is not the same with worshipping God by an Image, 395 To worship God in spirit and truth, what, 47. 48. The Worship directed to God is Incommunicable; and why. 
638, 639   

Y.  years, That the Antichristian Times are more than 3 single Years and an half, proved by 5 Reasons, 598. The 70 years' Captivity of the jews in Babylon whence to be reckoned. 
658   

Z.  ZAchary, The 9, 10 and 11 Chapters in his Book seem to befit Ieremy's time better. 
786, 833, etc.  Zebach or The bloody Sacrifice defined. 
287  Zipporah deferred not the circumcision of her child out of any aversation of that Rite, 52. her words in Exod. 4. 25. vindicated from the common misconstruction. 
53, etc.    

ERRATA.  
Page 481. line 3. read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 790. l. 14. for Page r. Figure. pag. 495. l. 10. r. Angelo. pag. 496. l. antepenult. r. legibus. pag. 498. l. 1. r. crudelitate. l. 41. r. Caesarum imperium.   

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The Profitableness of Piety, opened in an Assize Sermon preached at Dorchester; by Richard West, D. D. in 4ᵒ new.  
A Sermon preached at the Funeral of the Honourable the Lady Farmor; by john Dobson, B. D. Fellow of St. Marry Magdalen-Colledge in Oxon. in 4ᵒ new.  
THE END.   

 

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

 
* 2 Tim. 2. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inter multos testes. Vide Notas B.   

  

  

  

  

 
* Vid. Socratem l. 4. c. 27