MEMOIRES OF THE Transactions IN SAVOY During This WAR. WHEREIN The Duke of SAVOY's Foul Play with the ALLIES, and His Secret Correspondence with the French King, are fully detected and demonstrated, by Authentic Proofs, and Undeniable Matter of Fact. WITH Remarks upon the Separate Treaty of Savoy with France, and the Present Posture of Affairs with Relation to a General Peace.  

Fas mihi Sabbaudi scelerata resolvere jura;  
Fas odisse virum atque omnia ferre sub auras.   
Made English from the Original.  
LONDON, Printed for M. Gillyflower, W. Freeman, M. Wotton, J. Waltho, and R. Parker. 1697.   

TO THE Right Honourable Charles Lord Spencer.  
My Lord,  
AMbition, the darling Infirmity of all Mankind; but more especially of Writers, has naturally put me upon this bold Attempt of addressing this little Piece to Your Lordship, to the end that whatever the Performance is, my Aim at least might be Commendable. This Motive has brought upon Your Lordship a Trouble which will undoubtedly be followed by many others; yet still it is my peculiar Happiness, of which I am not a little proud, to be the First that pay an early Tribute to Blooming Virtue. Nevertheless, to check my Vanity, it is also my Misfortune, that not having wherewithal of my own Growth, I am forced to tender the Product of a Foreign Country.  
Translators are, as it were, the Nurses of another's Issue, and, like Them, generally contract from their Care a sort of Habitual Tenderness, next to Natural: Yet even this almost Invincible Prejudice, can't so far prevail upon me, as to make me presume to give any Character of our Author to Your Lordship, who are so much Superior to me in Things of this High Importance. Those that move in my low Sphere, are too remote to judge of Objects elevated so high above us: For Matters of the State have as great a Paralax to our View, as those of the Heavens.  
My Lord, You being Heir Apparent, as well to the Wisdom and Virtues, as Estate and Honour of the Ablest Statesman in Europe, are better situated for such Discoveries; and herein Nature has been kinder to Your Lordship, than Fortune, tho' both have not been a little Indulgent. Dignities and Wealth are seldom Companions to good Sense: But we find them all happily reconciled in Your Lordship, tho' at the same time we cannot but allow the Preeminence to Your Judgement.  
This, My Lord, entitles You to judge of this Author's Reflections; and the Advantages You have of a nearer Inspection into the secret Springs and Movements of the Affairs he treats of, enable Your Lordship either to confirm his Truth, or convict him of unsincerity.  
This was another Reason, My Lord, why I referred him to receive his Doom from Your Lordship, either to stand or fall as You approve or disallow. From Your Definitive Sentence there can lie no Appeal, since Nature, Art, and Fortune have all conspired to qualify You with Great Parts, Learning, and Opportunity, which render Your Authority unquestionable.  
My own Performance I only submit to Your Lordship's Candour and Goodness, the rest of Your Noble Qualifications being Enemies to such weak Endeavours: Yet I hope Your Lordships Pardon for my Presumption, as well as Failings, since they only flow from an irresistible Ambition to publish to the World how much I am,  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most Humble, Obedient, and Devoted Servant, JOHN SAVAGE.   

●OOKS lately Printed for M. Gillyflower in Westminster-Hall, W. Freeman, M. Wotton in Fleetstreet, J. Waltho in the Temple, and R. Parker under the Piazza of the Royal Exchange in Cornhill.  
THE Complete Horseman: Discovering the surest Marks of the Beauty, Goodness, and Vices of Horses, and describing the Signs and Causes of their Diseases, and the true Method both of their Preservation and Cure: With Reflections upon the Irregular and Preposterous Use of Bleeding and Purging. Together with the Art of Shooing, and a Description of several Kind's of Shoes, adapted to the various Defects of Bad Feet, and for the Preservation of those that are Good; and the Best Method of Breeding Colts; with Directions to be observed in Backing 'em, and Making their Mouths, etc. By the Sieur de Solleyfell, one of the Heads of the Royal Academy at Paris. The Eighth Edition, reviewed and methodically augmented. Done into English, and adorned with Figures. Folio.  
The Complete Surgeon: or, The whole Art of Surgery explained, in a most familiar Method. Containing an exact Account of its Principles and several Parts, viz. Of the Bones, Muscles, tumors, Ulcers, and Wounds simple and complicated, or those by Gun-shot; as also of Venereal Diseases, the Scurvy, Fractures, Luxations, and all sorts of Chirurgical Operations; together with their proper Bandages and Dress. To which is added, A Chirurgical Dispensatory; showing the Manner how to prepare all such Medicines as are most necessary for a Surgeon, and particularly the Mercurial Panacaea. Written in French by M. le Clerc, Physician in Ordinary, and Privy-Counsellor to the French King; and faithfully translated into English.  
The Art of Preserving and Restoring Health. Explaining the Nature and Causes of the Distempers that afflict Mankind. Also showing, That every Man is, or may be, his own best Physician. To which is added, A Treatise of the most Simple and Effectual Remedies for the Diseases of Men and Women. Written in French by M. Flam●nd M. D. and faithfully translated into English.  
The Roman History, from the Building of the City, to the perfect Settlement of the Empire by Augustus Caesar. Containing the Space of 727 Years. Designed as well for the understanding of the Roman Authors, as the Roman Affairs. The Second Edition, carefully revised, and much improved. By Laurence Echard A. M. of Christ's-College in Cambridge.  
A New Voyage to the Levant: Containing an Account of the most Remarkable Curiosities in Germany, France, Italy, Malta, and Turkey; With Historical Observations relating to the Present and Ancient State of those Countries. By the Sieur du Montalto Done into English, and adorned with Figures.  
Now in the Press, and will be speedily Published.  
OF Wisdom: Three Books. Written Originally in French by the Sieur de Charron; With an Account of the Author. Made English by Mr. Stanhope, late Fellow of King's-College in Cambridge, from the best Edition, corrected and enlarged by the Author, a little before his Death.  
A New Journey thro' a Vast Country lately discovered, extending above Four thousand Miles, between New France and New Mexico in America: With a Description of the Great Lakes, Cataracts, Rivers, Plants, Animals, with the Manners, Customs, and Languages of the several Native Indians, and the Advatages of Commerce with those different Nations, which are thought to reach to the South Seas. The whole illustrated with a Map of the Country and Figures, and Dedicated to His Majesty King William. By M. Hennapin, now Resident in Holland.   

MEMOIRES OF THE TRANSACTIONS IN SAVOY.  
WHen a Man seriously considers upon what Motives Victor Amedeus II. Duke of Savoy embraced the Interest of the most Serene Allies, and entered into a Confederacy with so many August Princes, whose only Aim is the Repose of Christendom, and Security of Europe; he will be under the greatest Surprise imaginable, to hear that His Royal Highness, without any regard to an Alliance solemnly sworn before the Abbot Grimani the Emperor's Minister, should all of a sudden take off the Mask, and forsake a Party which had sacrificed but too much for his Support. This Conduct of his can have no other 'Cause than the pernicicious Counsels of his Cabinet-Ministers, who having been underhand corrupted by the Artifices and vast Sums of Money of the French Court, have undoubtedly occasioned all these Proceed, so very opposite to his true Interest. Those that are best acquainted with his Royal Highness, differ something in his Character: They all agree, he is a Man of Sense and Wit, Active, Generous, and Brave: But some add, he is exceedingly Covetous; which is plain enough by his scraping up above Twenty Millions during this War.  
But who are those that have so well advised his Highness? Is not the Count of Bens, Precedent of the Council of War, one of 'em? And that, as he is a great , full of Design and Dissimulation; One whose more peculiar Character is to be a downright Courtier, since he will freely offer his Service, and show great Kindness to his Visitors, but seldom or never obliges any.  

* After this manner he behaved himself towards the English Ministers, when they visited him; whilst at the same time he made a more hearty Welcome to the Emissaries of France.  He will wait upon People out of his very Doors with the greatest Civility imaginable, which might very well gain him the Repute of a most officious and obliging Person, did not his Hypocrisy glare through his Courtesy, and detect the Malignity of his Intentions.  
After this refined Courtier, comes the Prince of Carignan, his Royal Highness' Uncle, who troubles himself but little with Affairs of State, choosing rather to live like a Stoic than Politician; his Genius confining him wholly to a supine Neglect of all Business and Public Affairs.  
Next comes the Chevalier Ta'en, the Duke's Favourite, who understands the Art of Dissimulation and Flattery so perfectly well, that he easily distinguishes himself to be a Jesuit of some standing. This Person has a great Ascendant over his Royal Highness, insomuch that whatever he says or does cannot fail to meet with Applause. In a word, he is the Apollo of Turin, and his Decisions are listened to as Oracles.  
After him is the Marquis of St. Thomas, Chief Minister for Foreign Affairs. This Person is employed in all Negotiations abroad, and that by reason of his Experience formerly acquired by defending his Matter against the Princes of Italy his Neighbours. He is very proper to improve his Duke's Interests, and also Sincere and Honest, as far as the Italian Politics will give him leave; except that he often promises, but seldom keeps his Word.  
To all these choice Ministers of his Royal Highness' Cabinet, we must yet add Two more, exceedingly considerable, and who are as it were the Soul that informs the whole Body. These are, her Royal Highness the Duchess, and the Marquis of Bagnasque, General of the Duke's Forces. Every body knows the Duchess to be Daughter to the Duke of Orleans, Brother of the French King; and therefore her Inclinations must reasonably be supposed to correspond with her Birth. This is to speak all in a word; so that I have reckoned up more than sufficient to form a good Council. Women have naturally the Gift of Pleasing and Persuading; they are generally subtle and dissembling: Wherefore in this Assembly we may ascribe to her Royal Highness all the Qualities of Medusa's Head, which were to render motionless, or metamorphose into Monsters, such as opposed the Deliberations in favour of France.  
To this Stateswoman we must moreover associate the Duchess Dowager, his Royal Highness' Mother, who has never yet approved herself so truly French as upon this Occasion. However, perhaps rich Presents and dazzling Lovidors have blinded her, and caused her to alter her Opinion with her Condition. But be the Occasion what it will, 'tis certain, she had nosmall share in inclining the Balance, tho' whether to her own Advantage or not, may come hereafter to be questioned. France could never have failed to succeed, since it so prudently made use of Woman's Wit, which generally bears the Bell against all Opposers.  
Two such Female Precedents were not enough for this Council; a third of the other Sex must be added to 'em, a Man who was bold, and of Authority sufficient to put their Resolves in execution. For this Work none was thought so proper as the Marquis of Bagnasque, to whose Honour it may be said that he acquitted himself like a brave Captain; and consequently deserved both Praises and Applauses of all the Court. Nevertheless none stuck so close to him as the the Protestants and English Troops, tho' at the same time he exposed 'em by his secret Intelligences with Marshal Catinat, to a more bloody and cruel Massacre than that of St. Bartholomew. Time that clears all things will discover the rest, and I shall reserve a farther Illustration of it to the Sequel of this Work.  
For the present, I will only add, that this Marquis is very considerable at the Court of Turin, on account of his great Employments which have acquired him an Authority that makes him looked upon as the sole Arbiter both of the Good and Ill there practised. He is his Royal Highness' chief Favourite, General of his Armies, a Knight, Great Master of the Ordnance, and heretofore Governor of Montmellian, now of Coni. Moreover, he has had the Fortune to have all his Orders well executed by his Lieutenant-Generals the Marquesses of Casaly Pianese, Ta'en and Parella, all who have been faithful Abettors in favour of the French Court, and received Pensions and Bribes accordingly. Thus his Royal Highness must needs have been well served by Ministers that have made it their chief Aim to advance the Interest and Glory of France.  
After having thus given a small Sketch of his Royal Highness' chief Favourites, it would not be amiss to say something of his several Ministers that have been sent to the most Serene Allies throughout the whole Course of this War; which to perform accurately, I shall content myself only with affirming, that the Precedent de la Tour, Envoy to his Britannic Majesty, as also to the State's General; and likewise the Count of Turin, Envoy to his Electoral Highness of Bavaria, are both Jesuits, as well as the other Mistress employed to the rest of the Confederates. But here we must except Monsieur Perier Resident at the Emperor's Court, who is indeed the Son of a Banker. He has purchased a great many fair Possessions in Transylvania, and France has supplied him with 400000 Pistoles for that purpose: But you may very well imagine she did not do it for nothing; he no doubt was serviceable to her in his turn. After this we must not wonder if this Prince's Affairs have been so well managed. He could not have pitched upon fit Persons for his Service, nor more proper to bring his Designs about, which nevertheless he has all along endeavoured to conceal from his first pretended Rupture with France.  
But before we come to Particulars of his Highness' Conduce in this War towards the most Serene Allies, let us look into the Causes of his Grievances, which obliged him to declare against a Crown he was tied to by a kind of Gordian Knot; and which France, upon Conclusion of the Peace, represented by Fireworks as an Emblem, to denote to the Allies, that their Conjunction was easy to be dissolved when the Duke of Savoy was once withdrawn.  
We have already made known the Conditions or rather Inclinations of this Duke's Favourites; and we are willing to discharge his Highness and lay the Blame wholly upon those Ministers: Therefore let us dive into his most inmost Recesses, and have so much Charity for him as to believe his Designs were always just, and that he had all the reason in the World to break with France, to deliver himself from a Slavery he had so long undergone.  
The Occasion of his Royal Highness' Engaging against this Crown must then be supposed to be too free himself from a Yoke that was intolerable. His Neighbours the French reduced him to that Condition that he scarce durst rule in his own Palace, but depended so absolutely on that Monarch, that he was even like a Vassal to his Lord; insomuch that upon his least Advances, France was presently upon the Catch to pry into his Conduct, tho' he never meant 'em the least harm. Fatal Law! which always imposes the greatest Respect and Submission upon the Weak. Nay, this Prince's strict Alliance with that Kingdom, by his Marriage with Mademoiselle d Orleans, did but subject him the more to a Power which exacts Obedience from all.  
This Affinity, which he no doubt foresaw to be fatal to him, his Court being always crowded with French, which were as so many Spies set over him to inform their Master of whatever passed in his Councils, influenced him at last with the severest Discontent, and filled him full of secret Alarms and Fears that he might one Day be robbed of his Dukedom in like manner as the Duke of Lorraine had been. We should never have done, if we intended to recount the several Insults made him by the French King, even from his Minority to this Rupture, whereby we may perceive what desperate Hazards Princes run that match into the Royal Family of France.  
If his Royal Highness had thought fit to have listened to the Advice of the Emperor and some Princes of Italy, his Neighbours and faithful Friends, who counselled him to marry one of the Princesses of the House of Newbourg, no doubt he had played his Game better, and followed, his Interest surer: When, on the contrary, he now lies under the greatest Constraint, to be turned and managed at the Pleasure of France; and to do whatever that Imperious Crown thinks fit to command.  
The Alliances of the Princes of the House of Austria with France have cost 'em so dear, that their greatest Possessions are now in danger of devolving to that Crown; and which has been the Occasion of the first Sparks that have, kindled this War in Europe. If therefore his Royal Highness had pleased to benefit himself by these Examples, as many other Princes have done, he would never have consented to this Marriage; and thereupon might the better have secured his Quiet, ascertained the Succession of his Dominions to his rightful Heirs; might have maintained a Neutrality, and procured a strict Alliance with his Imperial Majesty, to whom he has had much greater Obligations than to the French King.  
Moreover, what sufficient Reasons had not his Royal Highness to distrust the Councils of France, after their Designs to out him of his Throne, by filling his Head with Chimerical Thoughts of the Crown of Portugal? The French King had managed this Intrigue so secretly, and his Ministers carried it on with such Dexterity, that they had persuaded the King of Portugal to bestow his Daughter in Marriage on this young Prince: And his Royal Highness was so far assured of the Sincerity of their Intentions, that he had freely consented to it, they having first insinuated to him, that the K. of Portugal being incapable of having more Children, his Crown by such means must infallibly descend to him. Hereupon it was advised necessary for this Duke to go to that Kingdom, abandon his own Dominions, and reside so far distant in Expectation of Don Pedro's Death, that he might be in a more immediate Readiness to ascend his Throne. Whilst this politic Crown fed the Court of Turin with these vain Hopes, it was intended the French King should seize upon his Dominions of Savoy, and unite 'em to his own.  
This Negotiation was so far advanced, that his Royal Highness' Equipage was set forth, and got as far as Grenoble, when the Duchess Dowager his Mother, influenced by the chief Lords of the Court, who all perceived clearly the Designs of France, to deprive this Prince of his Dukedom, did all she could to prevent so fatal a Miscarriage. Nevertheless all her Endeavours would have signified nothing, had not his Subjects with Tears in their Eyes, run in Crowds about his Palace, earnestly imploring their lawful Sovereign not to leave 'em. His Royal Highness at length gave way to their importunate Entreaties, and suffered himself to be won by their just Prayers. Whereupon this Grand Negotiation, which had almost drained the Coffers of France, fell to the Ground on a sudden, and was never resumed after.  
His most Christian Majesty having been thus baffled in his Designs upon Savoy, dissembled his Resentments for some time; till at length he acquainted the Court of Turin by one of his Ministers, that he was extremely sorry, that a Proposal to advance his Royal Highness to the Throne of Portugal should be so vigorously opposed. But since the Duchess his Mother, and preposterous Love of his Subjects, had prevailed against his Endeavours, he was resolved for his part to thank Don Pedro, by his Ambassador, for his kind Compliance with his Request, and leave the Duke to do as he thought fit: And moreover, that if he had but in the least imagined that his Negotiation would not have been accepted, he would never have troubled his Head about it. It has always been the Custom of France to enlarge its Dominions more by Policy than Force, and which has been partly owing to Money, and partly to the Address of its Ministers. This has been a Secret unknown to other Courts of Europe, or, perhaps rather abhorred by 'em.  
But whatever it be, the French King finding it impossible to prevail so far against his Highness, by reason of the Situation of his Country, as to get any Entrance into Italy, to the end that he might strike in with the first Disturbances amongst those Princes, or, at least keep 'em in awe, and infuse Jealousy into 'em, as he has formerly done to the other Princes of Europe his Neighbours; thought best, after this Baffle, to engage the young Duke by another Artifice; and that was to propose to him one of his own Daughters in Marriage. His most Christian Majesty's Interest was yet so good at the Court of Turin, that the Duchess Dowager and his Royal Highness' Council preferred this Proffer of Mademoiselle d'Orleans to others of the Emperor and some Princes of Italy. The Fear of enraging so powerful a Monarch as that of France, and who might prove so dangerous a Neighbour, who had moreover formerly, at the Death of his Royal Highness' Father Charles Emanuel the second, consented to be his Guardian, soon inclined the Council of Turin to accept Mademoiselle d'Orleans before either the Princess of Newburgh or Tuscany. This was a Marriage therefore where Policy and Fear had a greater share than Inclination, and consequently his Royal Highness could not expect but what he has since so often experienced to his cost. Nevertheless what has already happened, is nothing in respect of what in all Probability may hereafter befall him. It may be, his Destiny has reserved a Scourge that shall prove fatal both to him, his Successors, and the general Repose of Italy besides. These are the Presages of such as are well versed in the Politics of these times, and without any farther penetrating into Futurity, for my own part, I dare affirm, that one of these things must inevitably happen, either that France bond its Ambition on this side of Italy, or that she become one Day Mistress of all Savoy.  
The French King's Pretensions to this Duchy, and the present Posture of Affairs incline him naturally to that end, and the only shift his Royal Highness seems to have had left, was to have persisted in that just War, in Conjunction with the most Serene Allies. The potent Princes which compose this League, have not been wanting to represent often to him by their Ministers his slippery Proceed whilst he gave ear to the flattering Promises of the common Enemy. His Imperial and Catholic Majesty's Envoys were even tired with proffering their important Reasons which were so capable to undeceive him; but his Royal Highness rather inclined to be seduced by the Emissaries of France, than preserved by the wholesome Advice of the Allies; the Difference between which being, that the Council and Promises of the Confederates were solid and real, when those of France were full of nothing but Venom, Deceit and Chimeras.  
But to search deeper into the Court of Turin, which is, without dispute, one of the most subtle and politic in in Europe; it is asolutely necessary to trace back their first Differences with the French King: After which we intent to follow his Royal Highness Step by Step in his Conduct during this War, as well in regard to the French King as to the most Serene Allies.  
At the beginning of the Year 1690, the French King having resolved to carry the War into Italy, the Duke of Fuensalida Governor of Milan, with all the diligence imaginable, began to raise Troops, fill up Magazines, and repair his Fortifications, to the end that he might be in a Condition to oppose the Progresses of the French, who were then marching towards Italy. But at the same time, what most perplexed this Governor, was the Conduct of the Court of Turin; which was a Riddle so obscure, that even the most refined Politicians were not able to solve it. This gave him more Disturbance than all the Preparations of France. For on one hand he suspected the D. of Savoy to have underhand made a triple Alliance with the French King and D. of Modena to join their Forces together, and fall upon the Milaneze; and on the other, he observed this Prince so very wavering, that he knew not what to think of him: For at the same time that he promised the French King to stand Neuter, he engaged his Word to the Emperor and King of Spain, that he would declare on their side.  
The different Dispositions of his Royal Highness at this Juncture, and his studied Conduct of Affairs, might very well augment the Jealousies and Suspicions of the French King, who began to fear that this Prince might at length play him an Italian Trick. The French therefore, who are generally very wary, made it their chief Business to observe his Actions closely; and having discovered something that seemed to bode 'em no good, his Most Christian Majesty immediately sent him word, That he was not at all satisfied with his Neutrality, but further required the Citadels of Verceil and Turin for Security of his Promise.  
This haughty Message from the French King did not at all discompose the Duke; he was resolved upon an even Temper, the better to carry on his Designs: Therefore he contented himself for the present with only desiring the French King to allow him some Time for an Answer. This pacified the angry Monarch for a while, hoping thereby to obtain from him an exact Neutrality, which was all that he desired, to the end that the French might the more easily enter Italy, and facilitate the Conquest of Milan.  
During this, the Emissaries of France at his Royal Highness' Court discovered another Proceeding, which extremely augmented their Jealousies; and that was, That the Duke was about to forsake their Interest, and engage in that of the Emperor. All the World knows his Royal Highness pretends a Right to the Kingdom of Cyprus, since Lewis the Third, Duke or Savoy, married Charlotte Widow of John King of Portugal, Daughter of John, Son of James Paleologus Emperor of the East, who gave for Portion to his said Daughter Charlotte the Kingdom of Cyprus, in such manner, that this Lewis Duke of Savoy was Crowned King of Cyprus in presence of John de Lusignan King of Cyprus, his Father-in-Law. From thence the Dukes of Savoy have the Title of Royal Highness, and bear an Arched Crown, which the Kings of France, or other Princes of Europe, have never disputed, always giving 'em proportionable Respect; the Emperor only excepted, who would never yet allow them that Regal Character.  
His Royal Highness considering there was now a favourable Opportunity for him, since the Emperor thought fit to engage him by his Ministers to break with France, made use of the Occasion to offer a Million of Florins to his Imperial Majesty, provided he would acknowledge him King of Cyprus, and allow him the same Honours which the King of France and other Princes had always done. His Royal Highness further proposed to his Imperial Majesty, That he would buy the Fiefs which he had got in Savoy and the Republic of Genoa, which properly belonged to the Emperor; for both which he proffered vast Sums of Money, not doubting in the least but such Proposals would be harkened to, at a time especially when the Emperor had so great Occasion for Money to support his Wars against two Puissant Enemies. Nevertheless, his Imperial Majesty at first refused all; but his Royal Highness not being a whit discouraged, was resolved still to manage France, and at the same time to repeat his Requests to the Emperor, till he had obtained what he so much desired.  
This his Negotiation was at length concluded in his favour, and the Emperor was willing to yield to the Duke's Demands, provided the Million of Florins were paid into the Bank of Venice. This Transaction extremely surprised the French Court, insomuch that they conceived a more than ordinary Jealousy that his Royal Highness was entered into a strict Alliance with the House of Austria their Enemy. This they thought would soon appear by a Rupture on the Duke's Side, which would absolutely break their Measures, and exceedingly embroil their Designs on Italy; they having proposed an Amity with his Royal Highness, and a Passage through his Dominions, to be the best Means of dealing with the Milaneze, who they knew would never be strong enough to resist 'em, unless assisted by the Savoyard.  
The Duke of Savoy, who is a great Master in the Art of Hypocrisy, made use of all his Cunning, after having played his own Game, to sweeten the French King; assuring him by his Minister, That he never yet thought of forsaking his most Christian Majesty's Interest, nor attempting any thing which might in the least infringe the inviolable Union betwixt 'em. But nevertheless, these subtle Protestations of his were not capable to dissipate the Jealousies of that Monarch. He had already so well observed the Conduct of the Court of Turin, that he began to treat them as Dissemblers, and their Duke as a Cheat, who on the one side had played on his Most Christian Majesty, and on the other, on the Emperor. Mitchiavel has so well taught his Countrymen, that we may affirm, the Italian Princes are those that understand him best, and know how to make the best use of him.  
It would be proper here to give an Account, before we proceed any further, of an Intrigue concerted some time since between the Emperor and his Royal Highness, and discovered by the French merely by force of Money, which made 'em ever after so very jealous of this Prince's Conduct, that upon his least Advances, his most Christian Majesty was immediately upon his Guard. This is the Relation, which must be supposed to be the more Authentic, as we had it from the best Original. In the Year 1687, a little after the famous League of Ausburg, the Count B— was sent by his Imperial Majesty to the Court of Turin, to propose to his Royal Highness a new Negotiation. His Most Christian Majesty being soon acquainted with it by his Emissaries, immediately writ to his Ambassador resident at that Court about it. Pursuant to which, his Ambassador endeavoured all he could to be present at the Audience of this Minister, and moreover acquainted the Court of Turin, that he absolutely insisted thereupon. His Royal Highness believing he could never have a secret Interview with this Minister, by reason of the constant Attendance of the French Ambassador, resolved to comply with the latter, but withal determined, by a secret Intelligence with the Envoy, to convert all the Embassy into Ceremonies and Compliments.  
When this was done, the Count was exceeding impatient to acquit himself of his true Negotiation, and therefore resolved to go disguised like a Page into the Duke's Chamber, where he soon got an Opportunity to present him with a Writing to sign, which contained some general Propositions; and moreover procured from him a Promise to be at the Carnival at Venice. His Royal Highness resolved to be there at the Time appointed; but to avoid suspicion, gave out, That he designed only to go thither for Diversion; when his true Reason was to confer with the Duke of Bavaria, and some other Princes, about a Confederacy against France.  
Some time after the Count's departure, the Duke made known his intended Journey, when the French Ambassador, fearing some Stratagem, would needs proffer his Service to wait on his Royal Highness, which the Duke endeavoured to divert by all imaginable Means; but finding all fruitless, at last consented to his Request, the better to prevent any Suspicion that Minister might have of him.  
These Princes being at length met at Venice, thought it most proper to treat secretly of the Affairs they came about; and for this purpose had procured a very fit Person, a Monk, to go backwards and forwards among them.  
By these Means an Alliance was soon struck up between the Emperor, the Dukes of Savoy and Bavaria, and some other Sovereign Princes, upon the Foot of the Project concerted at Ausburg. The Treaty being thus signed, the Princes took their Leaves of each other, and went towards their several Homes, after having drank liberally to the Success of an Union they had so luckily engaged in. The Duke of Savoy returned through his Dominions as he came, accompanied by the French Ambassador, who had not so much as quitted him one Moment all the while. His Royal Highness, you must suppose, was not a little tickled with the Success of this Expedition, which nevertheless was of no long continuance; for they had scarce travelled a League, before the French Minister began to reproach him very severely with having contracted a Confederacy with the King his Master's Enemies, which the Duke at first absolutely denied; but the Ambassador immediately thereupon showing him a Copy of the Treaty, you may imagine he remained under the greatest Surprise.  
I don't question but you will be glad to know by what Stratagem this Minister obtained a Paper of this Importance: Why, it was by means of the very Monk we before spoke of; for the Ambassador having observed that Person to go and come often between the Princes, thought it but good Policy to sound him, and at last so far succeeded, that upon paying the promised Sum of 200000 Livres, he obtained a true Copy of the Treaty. We may hereby observe, That nothing can escape the Knowledge of France, since she is willing to give so liberally for her Intelligence. These subtle Proceed of the Duke's caused his Most Christian Majesty ever after to give no great Credit to his Protestations, but always to suspect him of inclining to the Emperor's Interest.  
His Most Christian Majesty looked upon this Treaty of Venice like that of Ausburg, to be a trifling Project, and no ways capable to oppose his Designs: But notwithstanding, he reserved a Resolution to revenge the Treachery played him, upon the first Occasion. But as the League of Ausburg served for a Foundation to that of Venice, so, no doubt, this Treaty of Venice has been a Ground-plot for the Confederacy which has since been contracted with Savoy.  
To return to my Subject: His Most Christian Majesty being but ill satisfied with the Conduce of his Royal Highness, thought it high time not to suffer himself to be blinded any longer by his fair Protestations; and therefore without further delay commanded Monsieur Catinat immediately to pass the Mountains with an Army of above 18000 Men. This General posted away before his Army to Turin, to learn from the Duke's own Mouth, what was hitherto only transmitted by Ministers, the Result of his Resolutions.  
The Approaches of this Army soon alarmed all the Princes of Italy, insomuch that they quickly got together to keep the War out of their own Territories, which was like to rage's so fiercely in their Neighbourhood; or at least to endeavour a Neutrality, if they could not obtain an Accommodation between the two Crowns. Herein the Great Duke of Tuscany was the most earnest; but what engaged him chief, was, the dangerous Sickness of the Dauphiness, hoping that if she died, by obliging France in this Mediation, he might have an Opportunity to get his Daughter accepted in Marriage by the Dauphin.  
The Duke of Fuensalida fearing lest Marshal Catinat's arrival at Turin might alter the Dispositions of that Court, which had already determined to declare in favour of the Emperor, thought his surest way was to provide speedily for his Defence, in case Affairs might ' happen disadvantageous for the Milaneze. He immediately therefore issued out Commissions for new Levies; writ to the Viceroy of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, to send him fresh Recruits; got ready his Magazines, and soon stood upon his Guard, expecting Acts of Hostility every Day from the French.  
Before we proceed further, it will not be amiss to give a short Account of the Rigours used by the Court of France towards his Royal Highness, by insisting peremptorily: on his driving the Vaudois out of his Dominions, for no Reason; and which was one of the principal Motives that engaged the Duke of Savoy to seek after his Liberty, by a timely breaking with that Tyrant. For whenever it pleased this Most Christian King to Command, he must unavoidably Obey, being no better than a Tributary to his Pleasure. Every body knows, his Royal Highness could not easily have been wrought upon to banish such faithful Subjects as the Vaudois, who had so often signallized their Zeal and Courage for both him and his Predecessors: But this Most Christian King, having formed his Design to extirpate the Reformed Religion, not only out of France, but also wherever else he could prevail, corrupted so the Inclinations of this Prince and his Ministers, that his Royal Highness all of a sudden became a Persecutor, in spite of his natural Disposition to the contrary. As soon therefore as this pernicious Practice was begun at Turin, you might there perceive the same cruel Spirit and Politics reign as in France; and his Royal Highness, whatever natural aversion he had for such Barbarities, was forced to yield to the French Example, without so much as enquiring whether his Proceed were just or not.  
The Vaudois had enjoyed an uninterrupted Exercise of their Religion ever since the War with the Genoese, and were never persecuted under the Reign of Charles Emanuel the Second, nor the Regency of the Duchess Dowager, even till the Year 1685; which made them hope they might still have the same Liberty under the present Reign of Victor Amedeus II. and the rather, because they had done him considerable Services against the Mondovite Rebels, which he suppressed merely by their Assistance, in the Year 1684. All these Considerations inclined his Royal Highness to write 'em a very obliging Letter; but the Machinations of the French King, who had resolved to destroy 'em, were so successful at the Court of Turin, that he obtained whatever he pleased, his Royal Highness not daring to refuse one in whose Power it was to force him to obey. The first Proceed therefore of the French Ministers were to require, That the Governor of the Valleys should publish an Edict to forbid all. Strangers inhabiting there. This came out about the end of the end of the Year 1685, and was as a Forerunner to all the Cruelties that were afterwards there practised. But here we may excuse his Royal Highness thus far, that he only consented by a base Condescension to have his Subjects butchered by a Power that consults only his heat of Revenge and Ambition to rule Paramount in all the Courts of Europe.  
After the Expiration of the Edict of Nantes, the Council of France, who vowed the Destruction of the Vaudois, together with the Hugonots, made fresh Motions to the Duke of Savoy, to publish a second Edict against them; which they obtained the 31th of January 1686, and by which the Exercise of their Religion was forbid, under Penalty of their Lives, Confiscation of their Goods, Demolishing of their Temples, and Banishment of their Preachers: And moreover, their Children were to be Baptised, and brought up in the Catholic Religion, at the peril of their Father's being otherwise sent to the Galleys.  
The Vaudois hereupon presented four subsequent Petitions to his Royal Highness, humbly praying to have this Edict revoked; but all to no purpose: for they were likely to be redressed only by Delays. They could not in the least imagine what should induce the Duke of Savoy to treat 'em after so barbarous a manner; never mistrusting the Influence of the French Minister, because they thought themselves secure of his Most Christian Majesty's Protection, he having before declared himself Garrantee of the Patents granted 'em in the Years 1655 and 1664, which he not only procured from his Royal Highness in their favour, but also sent a formidable Army into Piedmont to see 'em performed.  
The Noise these Inhuman Practices made in the World, moved the Protestant Swiss-Cantons to dispatch their Deputies to his Royal Highness, endeavouring to disengage this Prince from his persisting in the Ruin of the Vaudois. These Ministers set forth from Basle in the Year 1686, at the beginning of the Month of March; when being arrived at Turin, and having obtained Audience of his Royal Highness, they insinuated, That the Protestant Cantons, their Masters, were extremely concerned for the cruel Treatment of his Royal Highness' faithful Subjects the Vaudois, and that as well in regard of the Ties of Friendship between them, and Conformity in Religion with them, as in respect of the Liberty of Conscience granted 'em by his Royal Highness in the Years 1655 and 1664, which was altogether the Product of their Mediation; and therefore, as they humbly conceived, the Violation of it must be in prejudice of his Royal Highness' Word and Honour.  
Whatever solid Arguments these Ambassadors could use to undeceive his Royal Highness, and incline him to revoke his Bloody Edict, were still prevented by the Artifices of France, so that they might well have expected this Answer only, That the Duke of Savoy was so strictly engaged to the Most Christian King, that it was not in his power to comply with their Request; nay, tho' his natural Temper was the most averse in the World from persecuting his most faithful Subjects; yet that of France having got the Ascendant both over him and his Council, he was no longer Master of either. This answer you may imagine was but very little to their liking; therefore the Ambassadors thought themselves obliged to present a Memorial to his Royal Highness, wherein among other things, they insinuated, that his Predecessors having engaged their Royal Word to several Sovereigns, and particularly the Protestant Cantons their Masters, that they would never disturb the Repose and Tranquillity of the Vaudois, and that because of their Royal Patents, they had granted 'em, they humbly conceived his Royal Highness could not dispense with those Engagments without violating his Royal Word; and that because these Patents must not be barely looked upon as Tolerations, but rather as perpetual Concessions, Irrevocable, Sacred and Inviolable.  
The Ambassadors enforced these Reasons by many others which related more needy to the Interest and Politics of Savoy; and which might have been capable to have moved him, had not the French King opposed them by others that tended altogether to introduce Fire, Blood and Slaughter into the Dominions of this Prince. Understanding Men have all along clearly perceived, that the chief Aim of France was to weaken the Duke, by ruining the Vaudois, who, for their Valour, were always looked upon as his right Arm; and who, tho' with their small Number were able alone to bafflle the Designs of the French King, and oppose the Incursions of his Troops.  
Many other Protestant Princes likewise writ to his Royal Highness in Favour of the Vaudois; but all without doing any good. This most Christian King had gained so far upon his Inclinations, that even in spite of himself he was forced to yield to the Torrent that bore him down before it, and which at last carried him to a Precipice that foretold no less than the utter Ruin of his Dominions. The Swiss Ambassadors having at length demanded a positive Answer, his Royal Highness caused the Marquis of St. Thomas, one of his Ministers for Foreign Affairs, to acquaint 'em, that he was extremely sorry it was not in his Power to comply with their Master's Request: And the French Minister moreover suggested to him to add, that provided the last Edict was not already put in Execution, he would endeavour to find some Expedient to procure the Vaudois Leave to retire out of his Dominions after that they had disposed of their Possessions.  
We shall pass over in Silence several other Circumstances that relate to this Negotiation, it not being my Purpose to enter into Particulars of the Cruelties exercised against the Vaudois, for which a much larger Volume would not suffice. I think myself only obliged to give an Account hereof the principal Accidents that have been the Occasion of the Differences between the Duke of Savoy and France, from the very Beginning of this War. I shall next proceed to examine the Conduct of his Royal Highness, since his Rupture, as well in regard to the most Serene Allies, as France, even to the Conclusion of the Treaty lately signed by him; by which he is once more reconciled to a Crown that has promised a great deal, but will, no doubt, perform little or nothing.  
We may affirm freely, that this Prince, having been a Slave to the French King so many Years, and groaned so long under a Yoke that other Sovereigns now fight to be secured from, never had a fairer Occasion to release himself than at present, which he would have laid hold on, had he been but the least sensible of his Interest. When a Man makes such Oversights as this, he seldom or never recovery, and perhaps for above these Hundred Years there may not happen a League so puissant and daring as this. There was no other way of withstanding the Greatness of France, but by a Union of so many Princes; that Crown being too formidable to be opposed by a single Force. According to common Opinion, God Almighty only has referred this great Power to himself, who keeps in his hand the Performances of Princes; and who can in an Instant thrust 'em from their Thrones, and deprive 'em both of their Authorities and their Force, whereof this History every where abounds with convincing Examples. This being granted, there is no doubt, but the League of these moil Serene Princes now in War, against France, has been raised by this Almighty Power, to humble the exorbitant Greatness of that Crown; and this will the more plainly appear, if we consider the Motives, that occasioned it, its uninterrupted Continuance for nine Years together, remaining always firm, and not to be shaken by the Attempts and Artifices which France has all along made use of to weaken, confound or divide the Princes which composed it.  
Notwithstanding these mighty Efforts, and continued Dissensions which this most Christian King has endeavoured to sow in almost all the Courts of Europe, they have nevertheless been so far from weakening them, that they have rather contributed towards a more firm and lading Alliance, which all the Confederates have unanimously resolved to carry on, except Savoy only, who may be justly reproached hereafter by all Princes for so base a Compliance with a Monarch that is already above half ruined.  
But before we go any farther, let us first see, what this Prince has freely promised to the most Serene Allies, and more particularly to the Emperor, King of England, and United Provinces, which are to be considered as the chief Actors in the League. In order whereunto, I shall oblige the Reader with a true Copy of the Treaty that his Royal Highness made with the Emperor, and which was presented him by the Abbot Grimani to be signed; which is as follows:  
HIS Imperial Majesty being sensibly moved with the late reiterated Menaces of the French King towards his Royal Highness, which so visibly tend to oppress him; As likewise considering the Inviolable Friendship his Royal Highness professes for his said Imperial Majesty: Also having moreover understood, that his most Christian Majesty had caused an Army to enter into the Territories of the said Duke, to oblige him to give up two of his Chief Fortresses, as likewise to furnish) him with 2000 Foot and Two Regiments of Dragoons, to assist him in an Invasion upon Milan; his Imperial Majesty has thought himself obliged to secure a Prince that has always approved himself an unshaken Wellwisher to the Empire. Whereupon he has herewith sent the Sieur Abbot Vincent Grimani, with express Orders and full Power to Negotiate, Treat, and Agree with his said Royal Highness, in an Alliance that may as well serve to strengthen his Imperial Majesty's Affairs, as to secure those of his Royal Highness against the future Attempts of France. And for this purpose his most Serene Highness Victor Amedeus the Second, Duke of Savoy, and the aforesaid Sieur Abbot Grimani, do Article as follows.  
I. His Most Serene Highness obliges himself for the future not to enter into any Treaty of Alliance with the Most Christian King, without Consent of the Emperor: But to remain always under a good Correspondence with his Imperial Majesty, as a faithful Prince of the Empire.  
II. That he will never Act hut in Conjunction with his Imperial Majesty, or some other of the Allies.  
III. That he will always employ his Forces against France or its Adherents.  
On the other Part, the Abbot Grimani, in the Name of His Imperial Majesty and the Empire, promises,  
I. That his Imperial Majesty will not enter into any Truce or Treaty of Peace with France, without his Royal Highness' being therein comprised.  
II. That the Emperor will so manage Matters, that the Governor of Milan shall always employ his Forces to preserve the Dominions of his Royal Highness: As likewise, That the Spanish Fleet shall endeavour to secure the Town and County of Nice.  
III. That his Imperial Majesty will forthwith send 6000 of his best Troops, to be joined with those of his Royal Highness, and which his said Imperial Majesty engages to maintain, without expecting they should have their Winter-Quarters in Piedmont.  
iv That his Imperial Majesty will use all his Endeavours to cause the Vaudois, French Refugies, and the 8000 Men which the Marquis of Borgomainero, Ambassador from Spain, had promised should go to Piedmont, should join the Troops of his Royal Highness, the Emperor and Governor of Milan consenting, he might make use of 'em at his pleasure.  
V That the Emperor and his Allies would endeavour to repossess his Royal Highness, either by Force or Treaty, of Pignerol, without any Pretence upon Montferrat for so doing; his Imperial Majesty being willing to renounce all Title thereunto, the ancient Treaties notwithstanding.  
VI And lastly, His Imperial Majesty will pretend no Right to any Conquest on that fide of France, but gives full liberty to his Royal Highness and the Governor of Milan to agree between 'em about it.  
This Treaty was Signed the Fourth of June, 1690; and the Abbot Grimani promised to get it Ratified from Vienna in a Month.  
We may observe by the first Article, That his Royal Highness promises and agrees by a solemn Oath, not to enter into any Treaty either of Peace or Truce, with the Most Christian King, without the Emperor's Conlent; but to remain always under a good Correspondence with his Imperial Majesty, as a faithful Prince of the Empire. But where is now the Performance of this solemn Promise? What is become of all these serious Engagements, which ought to have been so Sacred and Inviolable? Have not they been lately dispensed with by an unheard-of Baseness? It must be acknowledged, that by this Conduct his Royal Highness has unpardonably affronted the Emperor, abused the most Serene Allies, and moreover been the greatest of Enemies to himself, by sacrificing both his Dominions and his Liberty to the deceitful Promises of France; by which means he will not fail to incur the severest Indignation of so many Potent Princes he has betrayed, and from whom he has received so many repeated Obligations.  
By the second Article his Royal Highness promises to act altogether in Conjunction with the Emperor and the other Allies. But we can be confident here by convincing Proofs, which we shall make appear more at large hereafter, that his Royal Highness has had several secret Intelligences with Frame, throughout the whole Course of this War; and that he has been so far from acting in conjunction with the most Serene Allies, according to his solemn Promise, that he has all along underhand favoured the Erterprises of the French King; and therein his Conduct has been the more faulty, as he has always endeavoured to approve his Sincerity and  by his Envoys and other Ministers; but which we are now sensible had no other Aim than to get out of us the Drift of our Designs, which he forthwith sent to France. This has been the Occasion, in a great measure, that the Arms of the most Serene Allies have made so little Progress in Flanders, Germany, and elsewhere, because the French King being informed of all our Proceed, took his Measures, and made his Advances accordingly; insomuch that his Forces were almost always superior in Number to ours, which baffled our Designs either to Besiege any Place, or give Battle: And if the glorious Undertaking of the Siege of Namur succeeded so well, we may ascribe it chief to the Duke of Savoy's knowing nothing of it, being managed wholly by the King of England, with so great Circumspection and Prudence, that that Action alone deceived the Vigilance of France.  
The Conduce of his Royal Highness during these late Years, has been so little conformable to an honest Meaning, that in full Congress many Ministers of the Allies have been obliged to reproach his Envoy, Monsieur de la Tour, That his Master did not proceed according to Justice: But this Envoy being a Man of Parts, and able to defend his Prince's Proceed, had always an Excuse ready at hand; so that whilst he fed the Court of England, and die other Allies, with his Master's mighty Projects, his Royal Highness, by a secret Correspondence, did his Business with France, and moreover drained great Sums of Money from both Parties. Understanding Men daily observed, That this Credulity of ours would be no small Obstacle to a General Peace, which we nevertheless pretend to force France to a Compliance with: But the End has shown, that the Italians are better Proficients in the Art of Deceiving, than others; and that sooner or later we always repent placing too much Confidence in those People.  
The third Article provides, That his Royal Highness shall always employ his Forces against France or its Adherents, together with those of the Allies. But this Article will appear to have been no less violated on the Part of his Royal Highness, than the former: For those that Commanded the Auxiliary Troops in Italy, being Men of nice Discernment, and distinguished Merit, having made it their Business to pry into the Conduct and Proceed of this Prince, have been Eye-witnesses of all his Intelligences with Monsieur Catinat, and have acquainted us. That his Royal Highness was so far from acting in Conjunction with the most Serene Allies, that he apparently made it his Business to spare his own Troops, and to expose those of the Confederates to the greateft Dangers. For in one Battle his Royal Highness' Generals, having private Intelligence with the French, delayed till they were ready to pour down upon the Imperialists and Protestants with their superior Numbers, whilst the Savoyards only looked on, or else betaking themselves to flight, abandoned the English Troops to the Mercy of their Enemies. The like Practice has been generally observed in all the Skirmishes or Battles in Italy; insomuch that by these fatal Treacherries several brave and experienced Generals of the Allies have been inhumanely butchered, without Savoy's taking any care to remedy an Abuse that was the ruin of those that were only capable to make head against Frame, and secure his Royal Highness s Dominions.  
After having spoken of the Engagements the Duke of Savoy had with the Emperor, and which ought eternally to have united him to the House of Austria; let us come to the strict Alliance he had contracted with the King of England: And hereof we cannot give you a more signal Proof than the specious Harangue made to his Britannic Majesty by his tricking Envoy the Precedent de la Tour, which is as follows.  
SIR,  
HIS Royal Highness congratulates Your Majesty's glorious Access to a Throne due to Your Birth, merited by Your Virtue, and maintained by Your Valour. Providence ordained it for Your Sacred Head, for the Accomplishment of Heavens Designs from all Eternity: That Providence which, after a long forbearance, raises up Chosen Instruments to suppress Violence, and protect Justice. The wonderful Beginnings of Your Reign are assured Presages of the Blessings which Heaven is preparing for the Integrity of Your Intentions, which have no other Aim than to restore this flourishing Kingdom to that Grandeur which it anciently enjoyed, and to break off those Chains under the weight of which all Europe at present groans. This magnanimous Design, so worthy the Hero of our Age, soon filled his Royal Highness with unspeakable Joy, tho' he were constrained to keep it undisclosed for a time in the Privacies of his Heart; and if afterwards he could not forbear to let it break forth, the Obligation for that Happiness is due to Your Majesty, who has at length inspired him with Hopes of Liberty, after so in any Years of Servitude.  
My Words, Sir, and the Treaty which I have already signed at the Hague with Your Majesty's Envoy, but faintly express my Master's passionate Desires to unite himself to Your Majesty by an inviolable Devotion to Your Service. The Honour which he has of being one that appertains to Your Majesty, has knit the first Knot of this Union; and the Protection You grant him with so much Generosity, has brought it to the perfection of being indissolvable. These are the sincere Sentiments of his Royal Highness, with which I dare not presume to intermix any thing of my own: For how ardent soever my Zeal may be, how profound soever my Veneration of Your Majesty's Glory, I know not how better to express it than by a silent Respect and Admiration.  
Can there be any thing more to the purpose, better studied, and more eloquent, than this Harangue? His Royal Highness seems to insinuate, he will always be governed by his Britannic Majesty, to whom he solemnly vows eternal Friendship, and for whom he expresses the greatest Veneration imaginable: A Prince whom he acknowledges God has raised to the Crown of England to break off the Chains of Europe, and more particularly to free him from a Slavery which he had groaned under so many Years. His Royal Highness, I say, professes so entire a Respect for the King of England, that he seems to think of nothing more than Revenge and Hostility against France; insomuch that to hear him speak, you would believe he were the most zealous of all the League.  
But here we must observe, That his Royal Highness did not a little dissemble, when he dictated this Speech to his Envoy; and, for my part, I am of opinion, that a Man cannot have extraordinary Principles, that can so easily digest Hypocrisy and Treachery. Methinks a bare regard to ones Honour, of which every Man ought to be tender, especially Sovereign Princes, might have been a sufficient Check to such an inglorious Action, which is rather the result of a mean and dastardly Soul, than a brave and noble.  
Whatever it be, certain it is, that this Prince, whom all Europe looked upon with admiration, having taken off the Mask of Hypocrisy, shows us a quite different Face from what his Ministers, more Jesuits than Ambassadors, had represented him.  
When we seriously reflect upon the Particulars of his Royal Highness' Conduct during this War, we may observe how many different Stratagems he has made use of to blind the Confederates, discover their secret Designs, therewithal speedily to inform France; and lastly, to drain this latter, and more openly the former, of vast Sums of Money, with which lie has all along filled his Coffers. This Passion thus prevailing over his Highness, makes us look upon his Treachery as the Fruits of a sordid Avarice and base Policy, by which he has servilely complied with France, and withal endeavoured to sacrifice the Interest of the most Serene Allies, as likewise the Common Safety of Europe, whatever his Minister de la Tour might say to the contrary. I believe this is his truest Character, tho' that Envoy and the rest of his Fraternity have endeavoured to lull the Allies, by representing their Master as another Caesar or Alexander, abounding with Zeal, Constancy, and Bravery, and who would sooner choose to die a thousand times, than act any thing that should be in the least contrary to the Interest of the most August Alliance he had engaged in.  
However Matters go, these flattering Ministers will never be able to excuse their Matter's Conduct. We are but too well acquainted with the Occasion of it, tho' one would think a Prince should have consulted his Honour and Conscience, before he attempted any thing at least that might have prejudiced those that had so generously afforded him Protection, at a time especially when he stood in so great need of it.  
We have already seen the Precedent de la Tour's Speech to the King of England, whereby his Royal Highness promises to enter into a strict Alliance with his Britannic Majesty and the other Confederates. Now let us come to that of the Marquis de Govon, his Highness' Envoy extraordinary to King James, the Sixth of September last.  
SIR,  
HIS Royal Highness is at length happily reconciled to his most Christian Majesty against whom he bade rashly taken up Arms, tho' he has all along received sincere Proofs of his Majesty's Protection. The strict Leagues his noble Ancestors have heretofore had with France, and the more exact Alliance his Royal Highness has contracted by his Marriage, have but the more disjoined him from the Interest of that Kingdom. This Union which ought to have been the most inviolable, we have lately seen interrupted by the Artifices of his most Christian Majesty's and your Majesty's Enemies; to whom his Royal Highness has been hitherto so weak as to give ear. His Royal Highness therefore humbly begs your Majesty would, please to pardon his past Conduct, so very contrary to his sincere Desires to re-establish your Majesty upon your Thrones. The Injustice and Oppression of your Enemies, Sir, have caused his most Christian Majesty to engage in this War. God Almighty has hitherto favoured his Attempts, because they are just; and 'tis also to be hoped he will lend the like Attention to your Majesty's Petition. His Royal Highness, for his part, will contribute all in his Power thereunto, who likewise flatters himself, that this Treaty lately signed with his most Christian Majesty, may be a Means to divide those Princes (whose Union will infallibly oppose your Majesty's Retum to your Dominions) which may facilitate a general Peace, the first Effects of which will undoubtedly be your Majesty's Re-establishment on your Throne. This has been the Occasion, Sir, of his Royal Highness' withdrawing from the Allies, and which he hopes will be thought fully to answer his Promises to your Majesty's Ministers, sent to solicit him in that behalf. This he would have performed sooner, but your Majesty may be informed from the most Christian King, what Reasons inclined him to the contrary. These, Sir, an the sincere Protestations of his Royal Highness, which he will endeavour to make appear by his continued Prayers for the Prosperity of your Sacred Majesty.  
We may find by this Harangue that his Royal Highness thinks fit to dissemble no longer. He has now performed his Bargain. His Minister the Marquis of Govon has given a true Copy of his Inclinations; and, no doubt he had the same Sentiments when the subtle de la Tour pronounced his studied Harangue; but than you must suppose he had not sufficiently fleeced the Allies. Let us observe therefore there is something exceeding singular in the two different Characters which these Ministers represent: One congratulates King William upon his glorious Access to the Throne, while the other flatters King James with a Prospect of his Restauration. But to show farther how exceedingly the Duke of Savoy has both slighted and abused his Alliance with so many Serene Princes, notwithstanding their repeated Kindnesses towards him, we must here examine into his Conduct during the whole War in Italy, the Particulars of which will be so much the more Authentic, as we have all along sufficient Proofs of what we affirm; and I am pretty well assured that all who are acquainted with the Court of Turin, will be ready to subscribe to what I say. 'Tis not upon Account of Hatred or Partiality that I undertake herein to undeceive the Public in an Affair that the Precedent de la Tour took so much Pains to conceal from the Court of England and States General, during his Residence at the Hague.  
I know very well that he made it his chief Business to influence the Confederates, that whatever Account they might have of his Matter's partial Proceed, it came altogether from the Malice of certain Jacobites, whose end was to render his Royal Highness suspected, that they might thereby the better occasion a Disunion, which they imagined would prove fatal to the League. He likewise endeavoured to prove the most discerning of our Friends to be French Enissari●s, whilst he played his own part under a counterfeit Sincerity, fed the Credulity of the Allies with fair hopes, and by that means at length he obtained whatever he could desire; whilst his politic Matter was carrying on his Designs, which at last concluded in a Treaty with the French King. Nothing sure can be more base than this Practice: But let us proceed to Particulars.  
You must know in the first Place, that in all the Councils of War held at Turin, from the very first Campagn, down to the last, the Duke of Savoy and his Ministers would never admit any of those of the Allies, but whom they thought fit; and exclude the best affected, such as the Protestant Generals, and other wise Officers, who might otherwise have been able to baffle their Designs, and detect their Treacheries. Whence it comes to pass, that all the Resolutions taken in those Councils of War, have been in favour of the Enemy. To this may be added, the Antipathy that was all along observable betwixt the Generals of his Royal Highness and those of the Allies; witness the repeated Insults and bloody Outrages the Marquesses of Bagnasque and Parella offered to those Officers of the Allies who had best signalised themselves upon every Occasion, and this by reason of their so loyally adhering to their. Master's Interest, who had entrusted 'em with the Command of their Forces.  
Secondly, the slow Proceed of the Court of Turin were partial, the Italian Generals never caring to be in the Field, till they had given sufficient time to Catinat to rally his Army, and receive Recruits which were sent him from several Parts of France. Hence it comes, that he was always first in Action, and possessed himself of the most advantageous Posts: for being superior in Number, and having the Field at liberty, he might very easily effect whatever he undertook, they never offering to oppose him till he had done his Business, or at least, was in a fair way to do it. I pass by the frequent Intelligences by Spies between the Generals, that nothing might be acted but by common Content.  
In the third Place, the Care the Court of Turin took to establish Magazines and Markets where the French were permitted to come and buy whatever Subsistence they had occasion for, at a time, especially when most of their Provinces were reduced to the extremest Want; and, which ought to be looked upon as a just Scourge sent by God to humble that haughty Power. This Want, I say, must necessarily have forced the French forthwith to have repassed the Mountains, had not his Royal Highness and his Council timely provided for their Relief, by causing all sorts of Commodities to be brought from Milan and other parts of Italy, to regale their Enemy's Army. This was all done in Sight of the Allies; and whenever any Complaints were made, the Senate of Turin was dumb, or answered only by Riddles, after the Italian Manner. All this while his Royal Highness crowded his Coffers with French Lonid'ors; and Marshal Catinat, who knew well his Temper, was not at all sparing of 'em.  
The Honour of France, and Preservation of an Army, which was just then ready to perish, gave way for no Parsimony. I mention nothing but what is notoriously known; and I appeal to the Generals of the most Serene Allies, who then commanded in Italy, if they have not been Eye-witnesses of all I affirm.  
But let us proceed to other Practices, which are no less remarkable than the former. In the fifth Place, let us observe the Permission that his Royal Highness gave to some Fellows disguised like Peasants, and sent incognito by Catinat to subborn and list the Protestant Soldiers of die Regiments of Miremont and Montauban, whom they intended to carry off to the French Army, to the end that by their Disertion the King of England's Forces might be so much the more weakened and their own augmented. This, no doubt, was with design to favour the French King; who, if he could but get those Protestant Enemies into his Power, thought himself secure of his Project, by the Intelligence he all along had with his Royal Highness. This Relation is so much the less to be questioned, as it was verified by the Surprisal of several of these disguised Traitors by the Officers of these Regiments, who taking 'em in the very Act, after having debauched above five and twenty Soldiers, immediately complained of 'em to his Royal Highness, who remitting 'em to a Council of War, the Officers went away very well satisfied, believing they would be punished according to the Enormity of their Crimes: But, would you think it? instead of doing so exemplary a Piece of Justice, they quite contrary assisted 'em in their Escape. Of all which, to comply with the Reader's Curiosity, we will give the several Particulars.  
Marshal Catinat every Market-day sent a Piemonteze, disguised like a Peasant, into the Protestants Winter-Quarters, where this Traitor was wont to debauch by Money or fair Promises, about twenty five or thirty at a time, and send 'em by Night with a Guide to Pignerol. Herewith the Officers of these Regiments being at length informed, by means of some Deserters, who had been taken, resolved to pretend to be lifted themselves, that they might the better discover the Villain, who took upon him to list. For this Purpose they put on their common Soldiers Clothes, and by means of one of those Deserters who had been taken, they were conducted to the counterfeit Peasant's Quarters, who receiving 'em with a great deal of Joy, immediately gave them Money, and told 'em the Names of the Regiments, and Captains that waited for 'em at Pignerol. The Day of their Departure being come, the Peasant promised to go along with 'em; when they being between twenty and thirty in all, as well Officers as Soldiers, began to set forward; But their Piemonteze Captain was soon surprised by a Present of Irons being brought him to carry him before the Governor, who promised the severest Justice on so villainous a Design. Some time after fix Officers of the fame Regiments went and polled themselves in the Nighttime, in a Place where they knew the Deserters must needs pass, with design to discover more of these Villains, who were sent to seduce their Men to the Enemy. For this purpose they got up into several Trees, that they might keep themselves the better from being discovered. Whilst they lay thus concealed, there came a Peasant from the Town, whom they presently seized, and diving into his Pockets, found a Letter from the Governor, in whose Hands they had left the first Traitor. This Letter was an Answer to one of the Duke of Savoy's, whereby he gave his Highness to understand, that according to his Commands, he would continue Matters so, that the Piemonteze Prisoner should escape without having any harm done him. The Peasant upon demand who gave him that Letter, answered, it was the Governor himself; which sufficiently laid open the secret Intellegences the Court of Turin had with the Enemy, in order to ruin the Protestant Regiments. The Original of this Letter is still to be seen in my Lord Galloway's Hands, as a Monument of the Treachery and Baseness of the Generals and other Officers of his Royal Highness.  
His Royal Highness saw all this with his own Eyes; nothing escaped his Knowledge. Nevertheless every thing was passed by in profound Silence, and neglect. The poor Officers only of these Regiments, might murmur and complain, as long as they pleased, to see themselves in a fair way to be ruined by these repeated Desertions. To this Remark we may farther add the Design his Royal Highness had to sell these Regiments by an usurped Authority to the Venetians to go and serve in the Morea, which they must undoubtedly have yielded to, had not they so vigorously opposed those Proposals, affirming they belonged only to his Britannic Majesty, in whose Power it was alone to dispose of 'em in that Nature. These Matters being thus transacled in the Sight of all Europe, shall his Royal Highness' flattering Ministers for the future dare to boast their Master's Sincerity without a just Reproach? But let us proceed to the other Treacheries.  
In the sixth Place comes the Conduct of his Royal Highness towards several French Refugees; who being obliged to pass through this Prince's Army, instead of receiving them civilly, as he ought to have done; on the contrary he caused 'em all to be arrested; and moreover ordered them to be bound Hand and Foot, and sent to Marshal Cannot as Deserters from his Army; and this altho' several Letters were writ him from France, that they had never been in any Service; but were the Sons of several rich Merchants, whom their Fathers thought fit to send out of that Kingdom. I believe there was never the like Cruelty thought on; and, which, sufficiently demonstrates, how little his Royal Highness seemed to value the King of England, who had all along declared himself their Protector, whilst his Earnestness to comply with France was thereby unquestionably made appear. Of this Action I myself was an Eye-witness, as well as all the Officers of the Auxiliary Forces.  
In the seventh Place, the Court of Turin every Year received the French Fashions, by rich Presents from the King of France and Monsieur, to the Duke of Savoy and his Duchess, insomuch that there was a continual Concourse of Courriers between France and Turin, which showed the strict Union between the two Crowns in spite of all the Well-meaning pretended to the Allies.  
In the eighth Place, his Royal Highness s Conduct in besieging Guillestre and Ambroa in Dauphinè, before he had made himself Master of Brianzon, where the French had their chief Magazines, as well as neglecting several other Polls to favour his Retreat, and cut off that of Monsieur Catinat, visibly prove his Royal Highness had all along Intelligence with the French, and that they two played their Game by Confederacy, which those Officers in the Army who had least Experience could easily discover. The deceased Marshal Schomberg of happy Memory was therewithal more than ordinarily affected. He observed all their Proceed; but they were altogether out of his Power to redress. The Italian Junto governed all, and provided his Royal Highness did but amuse the Confederacy with his imaginary Conquests and Eruptions into France, he had leisure enough to receive Money on both sides.  
In the ninth Place, upon his Royal Highness' entering Dauphinè, whereas he ought to have taken care that Count Schomberg, who commanded a separate Army, which daily increased by the Protestants which joined him from all Provinces of France, might not want Provisions, he not only suffered 'em to want Provisions, but also necessary Ammunition, for fear that Body mighty become more powerful than that which his Highness commanded, and which consequently might have proceeded farther than his private Intelligence with France would give leave; which obliged him to go no farther than Gap, his bare entering Dauphinè being sufficient to blind the Allies, and drain their Purses. Hereupon the Protestants under Count Schomberg's Conduct, not being able to subsist, were forced to disperse, which was the true Reason of the small Progress of the Confederates Arms in Dauphinè.  
There was also another Passage, which manifestly proves the Duke of Savoy's Intelligence with France, which was, that his Royal Highness apprehending the Confederate Forces might grow too potent, and overrun France, which was not at all conducing to his purpose, suddenly feigned a Relapse of his Illness by the Smallpox; of which, 'tis certain he was perfectly well in eight Days, intending this supposed Indisposition to be an Excuse for his Retreat, when he might have taken Grenoble, the Capital City of Dauphinè, and thence proceeded with his victorious Arms as far as Lions; and at the same time made so considerable a Diversion, that it would have been easy for the Allies to have taken some important Place, or at least to have entered that Kingdom either by way of Flanders, the Franche Comte, or County of Luxembourg.  
The most considerable Officers in our Army, under the Command of Count Schomberg, assure us unanimously, that this was the only Opportunity to have brought France to reasonable Terms, provided the Duke of Savoy had but done his Part. This Campagne would have forced the French King to whatever Conditions we could have desired, and moreover might have produced an honourable and lasting Peace. He was like to be attacked then on his weak Side, and that Army might have marched into the very Heart of his Kingdom, without his being able to oppose 'em in the least, unless he would have exposed the other Side, which would have been but the same thing. But we find the Duke of Savoy thought fit to stop their Proceed by several Policies; one of which was, by suffering the poor Protestants, under the Command of Count Schomberg, to perish with Hunger, the Remainder of which were forced to disperse in search of Sustenance, having not seen a morsel of Bread for eight days together. Thus we may see, that those who have always assured us that the Duke of Savoy shuffled with the Allies, spoke true, as we have since found by experience. But what is more remarkable, is, that this Prince, notwithstanding the many juggling Parts he has played, yet pretends to have done the League many considerable Services. These his Ministers endeavour to explain, by persuading us, that their Master's chief Aim was all along a General Peace. But after all has been said, I leave to any rational Man to judge, if the Allies would do prudently to depend any farther upon such a Mediator. But let us proceed to what follows, that we may know what they and their Master were able to do, had they been but rightly disposed.  
We have just now observed, That his Royal Highness found means to stop the Progress of the Arms of the Allies; but we forgot to add, how he managed his own Troops, and those of the Emperor commanded by his Generals, who acted all along in Confederacy with Catinat, in a Pair repugnant to all the Rules of good Policy, and which was extremely exclaimed against by Marshal Schomberg, but to no purpose. This was to lay all in Blood and Ashes, and make more Ravage and Havoc in less than three Months, than the Tartars and Turks do in many Campagns together by their Incursions. This Conduct of his was directly contrary to that of Count Schomberg, whose Method was to conquer rather by Goodness and Clemency, than Rigour and Cruelty; by which means he drew to his Army an infinite number of People from all Provinces of France, and might have performed something very considerable, had they not been basely prevented. But here the Protestants, not being able to conceive the Duke entered France out of any kindness to them, when they saw him burn their Houses, and plunder their Goods, by which he reduced 'em all to Beggary and Misery, soon forsook his Army, joined the Militia against him, and from Friends became irreconcilable Enemies to the Allies.  
Another Practice of the Duke's upon the like Occasion, broke all the Measures of Monsieur Schomberg, which was to march towards the Rhone, and approach the Sevenes, with design to fortify himself there all the Winter, and by those means kindle an an intestine War, which would infallibly have been fatal to France. This Affair was concerted with a great deal of Prudence, and afterwards put in practice, one would think, with as much Caution, tho' it proved quite to the contrary: For Monsieur Schomberg having sent several Officers, disguised like Peasants, among the Malcontents, got a Promise from 'em, That they would rife the first opportunity; which Secret he immediately entrusted to the Duke of Savoy, who almost as soon revealed it to the Court of France; so that when it was expected the Protestants should be up in Arms, they were all of a sudden clapped up and secured, and this by reason his Royal Highness had sent their Names to the French King.  
Monsieur Chanlais was at the Court of Turin, with no other Design than to penetrate into those of the Allies, which his Royal Highness communicated to him: And when Complaints were made to that Prince for suffering such a suspected Man near him, he answered, That he was sent from the French King to make him Proposals towards an Accommodation, which he had always rejected as injurious to his Honour, and the sincere desire he ever had to remain strictly united to the most Serene Allies; and by this Shame he eluded the just Suspicions that were entertained of his foul Play. In fine, his Highness was so indifferent about the Design of penetrating into the Heart of France, that Count Schomberg and the Officers of his Party did openly complain of it: But his Highness had a mind to sacrifice, is it were out of a Frolic, the Interest of the Allies; and was well enough pleased, provided he might follow the Directions of the Court of France; that being all the Advantage he aimed at in this great Expedition, since which things always went worse and worse.  
When the Allies entered Dauphine, and possessed themselves of Guillistre, they made there 2500 Irishmen Prisoners. What did his Highness do with them? He sent them to Piedmont, and a great part of them made their escape by the way, through his own Orders, and returned into France: The rest of them were sent to the Blockade before Casal. All the World knows what care France had taken to send Provisions into that Place, which was reduced to great Straits for want of them. The Irish being now before Casal, and the General that commanded the Blockade being a good Savoyard, he suffered them to go into the Place, according to the secret Orders he had from his Highness; so that France got still some Advantage by her seeming Losses. At the Surrender of Casal, it was articled. That all the Cannon should be carried away. This was put in execution: But what did his Highness do with it? He removed it from Casal, to send it to Pignerol. Several Pieces of that Artillery having been stopped by the Confederate Troops, who saw them file off towards Pignerol, his Highness sent presently Orders to let them go; and by night those Pieces were carried to a certain Post within three Hours March of Pignerol, where the French came to fetch them. Moreover, the Generals of the Auxiliary Troops knew very well that the Siege of Casal was never undertaken with his Highness' Consent; and if after much Debate, that Siege was at last resolved upon, 'twas because it was observed that his Highness' Design was only to amuse a great part of the Confederate Troops with a Blockade, lest they should be employed elsewhere against France, whose Interest he has favoured all along.  
We may also relate in this place, as an undeniable Proof of his Highness' juggling with France, the frequent Indispositions he pretended when any thing was to be done against that Crown. Upon these Occasions he was benumb d and frozen, always sick, there was nothing ready, he wanted all things, he had no Money, because he was not paid, said his Ministers. But his private Treaty with the French King is scarce concluded, but he presently takes off his perfidious Mask: Then he is all Fire, full of Courage and Bravery; he is in perfect Health; in short, there's nothing wanting to besiege Valance: He is the first in viewing the Works, and encouraging the French Soldiers by his own Example: He confers with Monsieur Catinat about the Means of possessing himself of all the Milanese, and putting all the neighbouring States under Contribution; and does more, in some measure, against the Allies in less than six Weeks time, than he had done against France during six Campagns of open War. Was there ever such a foul, dissembling, tricking Conduct as this is?  
Let us proceed to the Bombarding of Pignerol. The Emperor and King of Great Britain had several times writ to his Highness to lay Siege to that important Fortress, both for his private Interest, and the Honour of the Confederates: And in order to it, they had taken care to provide him with all Necessaries for that Expedition. But his Highness still juggling with the French King, tricked the most Serene Allies upon this occasion, as he had done upon all other; and changes the Project of a Siege, unanimously resolved upon by all the Generals, into a pitiful Bombardment: For the greatest part of the Bombs being full of Sand, burst in the Air, without any effect; and his Highness' Engineers did not understand one another, because Orders were ill given. In short, this Enteprize miscarried, as others had done, because the least of the Court of Turns, Thoughts were to make any Conquest upon France.  
In fine, we may add to all these Transactions, the premeditated Design of his Royal Highness' Generals, of destroying all the Protestants that served in his Army, without exception, by exposing them to inevitable Danger, as they did at the Battle of Stafarde, and in all other Rencounters. What passed in the Camp of Dement is still an undeniable Proof of it; witness the Complaints that were made to his Highness by the Marquis of Montauban and the Baron of Bearn. That Prince's Indifference in an Affair of the greatest consequence, made him still excuse his Generals, and lay the blame upon those whose only aim was to maintain the Interest of the Allies, and vindicate the injured Honour of the King of England, by convincing vincing his Highness by Authentic Proofs and undeniable matter of Fact, that his Generals betrayed him, and favoured the Designs of Marshal de Catinat, by the secret Intelligence they had with him. But his Highness was so far from disowning the Conduct of his Generals, that he rather authorised it, since they did nothing without his Consent and private Orders.  
The Marquis of Montauban and the Baron of Bearn, who have given signal Proofs of their Bravery upon all Occasions, took these Treacheries so much to heart, that they were at last forced to engage in a Quarrel, which had been of sad Consequence to the Marquis of Bagnasque, had that General had Courage enough to have decided the Controversy by the Sword, when he was challenged from the Marquis of Montauban, by the Baron of Bearn, who brought him the Parole of Honour.  
We shall briefly relate what passed upon this Occasion; both because 'tis a curious Story that will serve to make the World perfectly acquainted with the Genius of the Court of Turin, and and the Cowardice of his Highness' Generals; and at the same time to make the Eulogy of the Conduct of the Marquis of Montauban, and the Baron of Bearn, the full of which was Colonel of a Regiment of Protestants, and the other Major of a Brigade. The glorious Proofs these two Officers have given of their Merit, have gained them much Reputation in Italy; and the Bravery of the Baron of Bearn, who is born of an illustrious Family in France, has upon this Occasion justly deserved the Applauses of all the Offices of the Auxiliary Troops of the Confederates; the Particulars of which are as follows.  
The Marquis of Bagnasque, chief Favourite to the Duke of Savoy, and first General of his Forces, resolved by his Highness' Consent to rid himself of all the Protestants; and having tried several ways to destroy them, which proved all ineffectual, through the Prudence and Wisdom of their Commanders, endeavoured at last to put his detestable Design in Execution, by separating them from the rest of the Army. This happened at the Camp of Demont, where the innocent Blood of so many brave Men was to be spilt by as barbarous and cruel a Slaughter as ever was the Bloody Massacre of St. Bartholomew.  
The only Regiments of Protestants that were then in the Army, were those of Lillemarais and Montauban, commanded by the Marquis of Montauban. These two Regiments were therefore separated from the rest of his Highness' Troops, by the Orders of General Bagnasque, to their great Surprise and Astonishment at a thing so unusual and barbarous. The Night being over, the Officers of those Regiments perceived at Break of Day General Bagnasque, at the Head of fourscore Officers, making towards them with their Pistols ready cocked in their Hands. They were followed by a great Detatchment of choice Men to support them. Bagnasque went presently up to Monsieur de Montauban, with design to shoot him, which was to be a Signal for his Highness' Troops, who were in order of Battle, to make a Discharge upon the two Regiments of Protestants. But the Marquis of Montauban's Prudence secured the Lives of his Men; because instead of making any Show of standing upon his Defence, which was all that General Bagnasque desired, the better to excuse himself and colour his Treachery, he was contented openly to protest against the Violence done him, and said he would make his Complaints to the Duke of Savoy, and to his Master the King of Great Britain; adding, that this was a Violation of the Right of Nations, and an Abuse offered to the Honour of his Master, of which he would be revenged.  
General Bagnasque who thought the Protestants would have fired upon his Men, was quite out of Countenance by this unexpected Conduct, and returned to his Army mad with the Sting of the Disappointment. The Marquis of Montaubau highly resented this Violence, and the abusive Language Bagnasque gave him, to provoke him to make Resistance, which he could not do at that time, without exposing his Men to he cruelly slaughtered at the first Discharge, since Bagnasque's Party was above 100 to one: Therefore he prudently dissembled his Resentment for the present, expecting a favourable Opportunity to be revenged.  
The Marquis of Montauban being come to the Court of Turin, made his Complaints to his Royal Highness, and gave him the Particulars of the Treachery and Barbarity of his General. The Duke of Savoy was so far from espousing the Quarrel of oppress d Innocence, that on the contrary he excused Bagnasque, and made appear, in the Sequel of this Affair, that he authorised all that his General had done; to the great Dissatisfaction of all the Officers of the Auxiliary Troops, who highly commended the Marquis of Montauban's Prudence upon this Occasion.  
The Marquis of Montauban resolved at last to revenge the Abuse offered him, by his own Sword, and challenge General Bagnasque. He could not put this Design in Execution as long as he was in the Service; because Bagnasque commanded in chief under his Royal Highness all the Auxiliary Troops. Having consulted with several Officers of Merit, his Friends, he at last took the Resolution to lay down his Commission, and went immediately to his Highness to make him a Compliment, and take his Leave of him, pretending a Design of retiring into Holland. After this first Step, he stayed some Days in Turin, in order to challenge General Bagnasque; who having a Hint given him of it, his Cowardice made him keep within doors; and by this Precaution baffled the Vigilance of the Marquis of Montauban, and broke his Measures. In the mean time he had taken his Leave of the Duke of Savoy; and the Fear of being arrested, if his Design should be discovered to his Highness, made him use a Stratagem, both to get Bagnasque out of his House, and secure himself against being surprised. In order to that, he applied himself to the Baron of Bearn, and concerted with him what he ought to do in his Absence.  
The Baron of Bearn, who always made it a Point of Honour to lay hold of any Opportunity, where either he can serve a Friend, or signalise his Courage, took readily upon him this Negotiation, which required no less Prudence than Secrecy to bring it about, as will appear in the Sequel of this Discourse.  
Eight Days were passed after the Marquis of Montauban's Departure, before the Baron of Bearn could put his Design in Execution; because General Bagnasque kept still within doors. At last his Spies came to tell him one Morning, that Bagnasque designed to go to Mass, and that his Coach was ready at his Door. The Baron of Bearn without losing time, went straight to that General's House; and being come into the Court, he saw Bagnasque in his Coach. The Baron of Bearn kept at a distance, for fear of interrupting the Conversation of a Lady that was then at the Boot speaking to the General.  
Assoon as the Lady was gone, he came near the Coach, opened the Boot, and desired the General Bagnasque to oblige him so far as to come out of his Coach for a Moment, and go to a Corner of his Court, having something to communicate to him. Bagnasque came out of the Coach, leaning on the Baron of Bearn's Hand; because he was troubled with the Gout; and going a little aside, the Baron of Bearn spoke to him thus: Sir, I have the more willingly took upon me a Commission the Marquis of Montauban has given me, because he has to do with a Person whose Virtue and Merit equal the great Reputation he has in the World He has desire d me to tell you, that he expects Satisfaction for the Abuses offered him in the Camp of Demont, at the Head of the Troops of the King of England. And for that purpose he leaves to you to appoint the time, to choose your own Arms, the Number of those that are to fight, and the way of Fight, either on Foot or on Horseback; and only reserves to himself the Choice of the Place, which must be out of his Royal Highness' Dominions; because he has took his leave of him; and disires he should know nothing of it.  
The Marquis of Bagnasque extremely surprised at this unexpected Compliment, answered with his natural Haughtiness; Monsieur de Montauban will not fight, I am sure: He'll never come to the Place. Sir, return d the Baron of Bearn, I bring you the Parole of Honour from the Marquis of Montauban, and I will answer for it. Surely he will never fight, replied General Bagnasque in a higher Tone; and if Monsieur de Montauban thinks himself injured, let him demand Satisfaction himself. Sir, returned the Baron, Such Words do not only wrong those that send these fort of Compliments, but offend at the same time the Honour of those that make them. And clapping his Hand to his Sword, he told the General, Sir, You must resolve quickly; for I shall not leave you till I have a positive Answer; And if you won't have to do with the Marquis of Montauban, you must have to do with me. To this the Marquis of Bagnasque answered to the Baron, Sir, I will fight with Pistols on Herseback: As for the Place, I cannot appoint it at present. But Sir, replied the Baron, The Marquis of Montauban being out of his Highness' Dominions, I must go and give him an Account of what I have done. Sir, returned Bagnasque, I will write you word about it whereover you are. By this time they perceived Monsieur Chamousset, Governor of the Citadel of Turin, who came to see General Bagnasque; and the Baron of Bearn told the General, Sir, let as talk of other Things, and keep this Affair secret among ourselves. They presently changed their Discourse, and Monsieur Chamousset being come up to them, they talked about the new Arms that were to be given to the King of England's Troops next Campagn, and other indifferent Things.  
Bagnasque having took Coach again, the Baron of Bearn stayed so long with Chamousset till the General was gone a good way the Street, for fear he should tell him what had passed betwixt them: And immediately after the Baron took Post: to acquaint the Marquis of Montanban with his Negotiation, expecting a Letter from General Bagnasque about the Place of Assignation. The Baron of Bearn being informed from Turin, that Bagnasque, in stead of being as good as his Word, had been so imprudent as to make this Affair public; and that, upon his acquainting his Wife with it, she had had a Miscarriage; and that these Reports were spread all over Turin, and even come to his Highness' Ears; was so incensed against Bagnasque, that he resolved to return incognito to Turin, to force him to keep his Promise.  
You must know, that after the Baron of Bearn's departure, Bagnasque had sent for all his Relations, and having acquainted them with what had passed, they consulted together how to secure the Reputation of the General, and baffle the Pursuits of Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn. After a long Conference, they thought it convenient to send to Monsieur Duprè, a Colonel in the Imperial Troops, to know of him whether in Germany an Inferior Officer, who thought himself injured by his General, had right to Challenge him? Colonel Duprà, who is an old Officer, told them, he had, provided the offended Officer took his time, when the General was not at the Head of the Troops under his Command. These Gentlemen reported to Monsieur de Bagnasque and his Relations, Monsieur Dupre's Answer, which was not satisfactory, because they did not tell Duprè who the Challenge had been sent to, thinking the Colonel would have expressed himself quite mother way, upon consideration of Monsieur Bagnasque's Quality; so that they were sent back to Monsieur Dupré, with a Charge to give him the Particulars of the whole Affair, and tell him the Names of those that had made the Challenge, and him the Challenge was made to.  
Colonel Dupré was at that time in his Chamber, troubled with the Gout, and sitting in an Arm-Chair. His Lieutenant-Colonel and several other Officers were come to make him a Visit, when Bagnasque's Relations entered the Room, and said aloud before all the Company, That when they asked Monsieur Dupré's Advice, they had forgot to acquaint him, that the Challenge in question was sent to Bagnasque by the Baron of Bearn, from the Marquis of Montauban. Monsieur Dupré made answer, That those Gentlemen were Men of Quality, Honour, and Merit; and besides, that being in a Service different from that of the General's, the time of his Command being over, they had right to demand Satisfaction by the Sword, of the Injuries that had been offered them. The Lieutenant-Colonel backed his Sentiments, and said, That it was the common Practice in Germany, and almost every where else; That Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn were brave and honourable Officers in the Army, and that Monsieur de Bagnasque ought not to refuse them the Satisfaction they demanded of him.  
The Baron of Bearn finding by all these Proceed, that General Bagnasque made a Fool of him, and designed to shuffle off his Promise, bend his Thoughts upon the Means of entering Turin without being known; which was no easy matter, because the Guards were doubled at the City-Gates, and no Person admitted in, without being first examined. In order to this Design, he put on a Livery, and under that Disguise baffled the Vigilance of the Guards, and went incognito to a Jew-Merchant, who lived four Houses from that of General Bagnasque's, where he stayed, waiting for the General's going out. And as his Window looked into the Court of Bagnasque's House, one Morning having perceived his Coach at the Door, he got himself ready, and ordered a Sergeant of Montauban's Regiment, who had accompanied him disguised under a Peasant's Habit, to observe all that passed, and that in case the General's Men came to their Master's Relief, he should draw upon them and fight them.  
General Bagnasque having took Coach at his Door, went into the Street; when the Baron of Bearn making straight up to him, and striking the Horses with his Cane, stopped them short, opened the Boot, and thrust himself into the Coach. The General was in the greatest Surprise imaginable at the sight of the Baron of Bearn: Sir, said the Baron to him, I expect you shall make good your Promise; our Affair is now public, and one of us is no Man of Honour. At that, he took Bagnasque by the Arm, to get him out of the Coach, and force him to draw. That General having opened his Coat, told him, Sir, I will fight with Pistols on Horseback. We must have Seconds, and Judges of the Combat. I ll fight Monsieur de Montauban; and as for you, Sir, I have a very gailant Gentleman, who will find you sufficient Play. Sir, (replied the Baron of Bearn) I am glad you take care of your own Security: When the Gentleman you design for me, shall have any Business with me, I am confident it will never injure his Reputation. In the mean time, what Day do you appoint for the Performance of your Promise? Sir, (answered General Bagnasque) Count Serval my Nephew is going to be married; the Wedding will be kept at Verceil: I am to be at it, and for that purpose I'll set out from this Place on Twelfthday Eve, and the next day I'll be at Verceil, where we'll fight. You may depend upon it, and acquaint the Marquis of Montauban with it, that he may be ready against that Time.  
The Baron of Bearn took his leave of General Bagnasque, and having beforehand hired Post-horses at the three Gates of the City, he mounted the first that he could come at, and went to Carignan through a By-way, for fear of being surprised; for about half an Hour after his departure, Bagnasque ordered the Gates of the City to be shut, in order to arrest him, according to his Highness' Command. Several Horsemen were immediately sent up and down the Country; but the Baron of Bearn baited but one moment at Carignan, and went Post to Milan, where the Marquis of Montauban stayed for him. At his arrival he gave him the Particulars of this second Challenge.  
These two Gentlemen had now no other Thoughts than to get their Arms ready against the appointed day; and because Monsieur de Bagnasque had demanded Judges of the Fight, they pitched upon Colonel Beetsleer, a Grison by Birth, who was in the Service of the King of Spain. They could not choose a Person of greater Merit, nor one that General Bagnasque ought to be less jealous of. Colonel Beetsleer accepted of their Proposal like a Gentleman: He told them, he would not only be a Spectator of the Fight, but also account it an Honour to draw his Sword in their Quarrel. They returned him their Thanks, and desired him only to do them the Honour to be present as Judge of the Fight, which he very generously granted.  
One day the Baron of Bearn going out of Monsieur Beetsleers House, perceived the Marquis Daix, Lieutenant in the Guards of his Royal Highness, who was come Post from Turin. He went presently to the Marquis of Montauban, to confer with him about what they had to do: For the Marquis Daix had brought Orders, which his Royal Highness had obtained from Monsieur de Leganez Governor of the Milanese, who happened to be then at Turin, to arrest them: And while the Marquis Daix enquired for the House of Monsieur Louvigny, who commanded in Milan in the absence of Monsieur de Leganez, to put his Orders in execution, Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn, having first discoursed with Colonel Beetsleer, resolved to take Post, and leave Milan with all expedition.  
To put the change upon the Marquis Daix, and baffle the Design of his Journey, they hired a Calash, which they gave to their Servants, ordering them to go before, and make as if they designed for Casal; but to come to meet them at Verceil by some by-way or other. The Marquis Daix being deluded by this Artifice, went Post to Casal, with design to prevail with the Governor of that Place to arrest them there. In the mean time the Marquis of Montauban and the Baron of Bearn, having desired Colonel Beetsleer to follow them, repaired to the Borough of Verceil, the Place of Assignation. They arrived there seven days before, and stayed till seven days after the time appointed by Monsieur Bagnasque: But that General broke his Promise, and never came to the Place. Messieurs de Montaubon and de Bearn entered an Act of their Appearance and Stay, and took Certificates of the Parson and Magistrates of the Place; and seeing all their Endeavours were eluded by the Cowardice of Monsieur de Bagnasque, the Marquis of Montauban resolved at last to go for Holland, and the Baron of Bearn to return to Turin, with design to fight Bagnasque wherever he could meet him, and revenge the Contempt, and Breach of his Promise.  
It is to be observed by the By, That if Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn had been arrested at Milan by the Marquis Daix, Bagnasque, to secure his Honour, had resolved to go to the appointed Place, whilst his Relations would have given out in Turin, That Messieurs de Montauban and de Bearn were Cowards, who had broke the Appointment. At last Bagnasque's Friends, considering that the General was not safe, and that the Baron of Bearn, who had stopped him in his own Coach in the middle of Turin, would sooner or later surprise him a third time, thought it convenient to use all means to make away with so dangerous an Enemy; and for that purpose, they gave Two hundred Pistols to Ten or Twelve Soldiers to murder him.  
Some of these villainous Wretches having communicated their detestable Design to some of their Comerades of the Regiment of Montauban, these gave Information of it to their Officers, who presently notified it to the Baron of Bearn. The Hatred and Resentment of Bagnasque did not stop here: The Marquesses of Pianese, Caral, Ta'en, and Perella, all four related to that General, had several Conferences upon that Affair. The Safety of Bagnasque's Person, (who besides the great Places he had both in the Army and at Court, was also his Royal Highness' Favourite) was so dear to them, that they used all their Endeavours with his Royal Highness to get an Order to put Bagnasque under arrest; both to make his Family easy, and break the Designs of the Baron of Bearn, who would have attacked him wherever he could have met him.  
His Royal Highness espoused the Quarrel of his General so warmly, that he prevailed with my Lord Galloway to deprive the Baron of all his Employments, notwithstanding the Remonstrances of Monsieur Lilemarais, who wrote to his Lordship, that Matters could not be carried to that extremity, without doing him the greatest Injustice in the World; since the Baron of Bearn was acknowledged by all the Army to be a brave Officer, who always had discharged his Duty with Honour, and who, besides that, was distinguished by his Quality, as being extracted from one of the noblest Families in France. But all this was to no purpose; for Bagnasque's Cowardice, and the great Interest he had at Court, still prevailed upon all other Considerations.  
However, his Royal Highness being satisfied of the Valour and Merit of the Baron of Bearn, resolved at last to desire my Lord Galloway to make him advantageous Offers from him, upon condition that he would renounce the Marquis of Montauban's Interest, and forget what had passed between him and General Bagnasque. The Baron of Bearn answered, That he acted not in this Affair out of any private Interest, but only because the Honour of the King of England was at stake, since General Bagnasque had abused his Troops, and their Commander the Marquis of Montauban; and that for his part, he had rather sacrifice all his Employments, than abandon his Friend's Cause.  
My Lord Galloway ordered him, by his Royal Highness' Command, to be under Arrest, and told him, That the present Juncture of Affairs exacted from him that Complaisance for his Royal Highness. The Baron of Bearn protested against the Injustice done him, and put himself under the Protection of the Confederate Princes. Monsieur de Varennes General of the Troops of Brandenburg, Monsieur Vander-Meer Minister of the States, and several other Men of Note, being now concerned in this Affair, my Lord Galloway prevailed with his Highness to have the Baron of Bearn released from his Confinement. Thus being at liberty, he at last left Turin, and went into Holland, to give His Majesty of Great Britain an Account of all that had passed in this Affair. Before his departure, his Highness desired my Lord Galloway to offer him a Regiment, if he would go and serve the Venetians; and upon his refusal, he offered him Money, and Letters of Recommendation to the King of England. He answered, That he returned his Royal Highness Thanks for the Offers made him upon so hard Terms; That if my Lord Galloway was pleased to give him Letters for his Britannic Majesty, he would gladly accept of them; but as for those of his Highness, he had no occasion for them; and that the only Favour he expected from him, was to order the Payment of the Arrears due to him. The Duke of Savoy seeing that all these Offers were not able to shake his Resolution, or make him betray his Honour, spoke no more about that Affair. Only my Lord Galloway and Monsieur Vander-Meer gave him Letters; the first, for the King; and the other, for the States of the United Provinces.  
You have in this short History a faithful Picture of the Ministers of the Court of Savoy, of the Genius and Inclinations of his Highness' Generals; and in fine, of the shuffling Conduct of that Prince with respect to the Troops of the Allies. We say nothing here but what is notoriously known; and if we would recount all the Treacheries we have seen with our own Eyes, we should swell up this Discourse to a great Volume. However, we would have the World know, that it was not for want of his Highness' Endeavours, if all the Confederate Troops were not sacrificed to the French; and that nothing but the Prudence and Wisdom of the Generals that commanded them, has saved them from his premeditated Designs of destroying them.  
After that, I leave to the Confederates to judge, whether, at this time, they ought to look upon the Duke of Savoy as a well-affected Prince, who never had aught but the Interest of the Confederacy in prospect, as his Ministers are pleased to insinuate it; or as a sworn and irreconcilable Enemy, the more dangerous, in that he has been acquainted with all that passed in the Closet of the Confederate Princes, both to serve his own Ends, and those of the Common Enemy.  
Cautions may be used against the Surprises of an open and declared Enemy; but 'tis a very hard matter to prevent being cheated by a Confederate Prince, who proclaims his Friendship and the Sincerity of his Intentions in all the Courts of Europe, by his flattering Ministers; and who, at the bottom, is no better than a dissembling Shuffler. Honesty is now a days a Cloak for every Body; and the greatest Cheats in the World are still industriously careful to be accounted Honest. I confess, 'tis impossible to read any Man's Thoughts: But however, one might have known by all the Actions of the Duke of Savoy, and the repeated Informations that have been given to the Confederates, that he kept Intelligence with France: Yet at this very time there are some People that can hardly believe it; which is much the same thing, as if a Man should first shut his Eyes, and then maintain, that it is Night at Noonday. This pernicious Supineness and Carelessness is now the Cause of the ill Dispositions towards the Conclusion of a General Peace.  
Haughty and ambitious France fancies to have done much, by winning over the Duke of Savoy to her Interest: She hopes by that to shake the Constancy of the other Princes, draw off some of the weakest by the Example of his Royal Highness, offering them great Advantages; and after she has engaged these, she reckons upon the Division of the Heads of the Confederacy, who will at last grow weary of a War that does but exhaust their Riches. But we may assure the French Council, that they are in a mighty Error in this Point, and that they entertain themselves with empty chimerical Hopes, since the Heads of the Confederacy who have supplied the Duke of Savoy with all the Necessaries for the Diversion he promised to make, but did not perform, are fully resolved to take such Measures for the future, as never to be cheated again by any of their Allies; and besides, never to make a Peace with France, but upon such Terms as they have agreed amongst themselves: And whatever France may imagine, they shall not want for Money: Two or three Campagns more do not signify much; and then we may see who shall have the better on't.▪ 'tis enough we are very well informed of the Forces of that Crown, and what she's able to do, being so exhausted as she is, and having left no Stone unturned to procure a Peace. The only thing the Confederates seem now to be concerned for, is the Perfidiousness of the Duke of Savoy, who has most basely betrayed them; this they take more to heart, than all the imaginary Advantages France expects to draw from it.  
By all this we may safely conclude, that when the Duke of Savoy entered into the Alliance, he had no other Aim in prospect, than to favour the Designs of France, under the specious Pretence of some Discontents against that Crown. The Mask is now turned up; and we have evidently discovered, that he has acted in combination with France during all the War of Italy. Now these are the Fruits which the French King and Duke of Savoy expected to reap from their secret Intelligence. First, The Duke of Savoy hoped to get considerably, by emptying the Purses of so many Allies who must have recourse to him, to get an easy Passage into France, and by that means effect as much in one Campagn, as could be performed in the Process of a long War. The French King likewise thought it no less for his advantage, than the Duke his Confederate; because this Prince crying out for Help, the Confederates would be sure to send him a great number of Auxiliaries, with vast Sums of Money, to maintain and keep up a Diversion, which was looked upon as the only way to bring France to reasonable Terms; and these were as many Enemies from which the French King freed himself in Flanders and Germany, while Monsieur de Catinat, his General, kept them at a Bay with a Handful of Men, who had never been able to stand before them, had not the Duke of Savoy juggled with him.  
The French King cunningly improving the Diversion he obliged the Confederates to make in Italy through the Duke of Savoy's means, pursued his Conquests in Flanders and on the Rhine. He won Battles, and took strong Places, under the Conduct of the Mareschals of Luxemburg and de Lorge, to whom he always sent the Choice of his Men, whereas he only gave Monsieur Catinat new-raised raw Soldiers, or Irishmen, because he went upon sure grounds, and that this was sufficient to entertain a War on that Side.  
Another great Reason prevailed with the French King, which extremely favoured his Designs towards the Ruin of the other Confederate Princes; and which was never found out, till the Ill was grown past Remedy. This was, that the Duke of Savoy declaring himself for the Confederates, and at the same time keeping his Intelligence with France, the Ministers of the Duke would be still welcome in all the Courts of the Allied Princes, and that under colour of a Common Concern, he would be made privy to all the Secrets, and be acquainted with their strong and weak Side, which he would discover to the French King. 'Tis for that reason that the Duke of Savoy sent none but choice Wits (and most of them Jesuits, as being the most subtle and intriguing) to reside with the Confederate Princes. Those Ministers have extremely well discharged their Duty; for it has been observed, that every Post the Court of France had certain and precise Informations of all that passed in the Congress, in the Councils of War, and all other Consultations. Hence it is, that the French King and his Generals were always upon their Guard; and whatever the Allies undertook, the French expected them behind good Retrenchments, provided with all Necessaries to make their Designs miscarry.  
To this also aught to be imputed the inconsiderable Successes of the Bombardments, and other Enterprises of the Confederate Fleet upon the French Coasts: For the Precedent de la Tour, who resided at the Court of England during the Winter, never came back but to acquaint the Duke his Master (as this did the French King) with all the Designs that were to be put in execution the next Campagn.  
There's still another Reason that has much contributed to induce the Duke of Savoy to play Jack of Both Sides during this War; which is, That his Dominions being very poor, and several of his Subjects forced through Necessity to beg their Bread in most Countries of Europe, he hoped by the War of Italy to draw with the Auxiliary Troops of the Confederates, a great part of their Moneys: Which indeed has made his People very rich, and filled his Coffers so, that at this time he may be said to be one of the richest Princes of Christendom in ready Cash. This Money was not all got by the Confederates; France has also brought in her Share, since 'tis her Gold only that has dazzled this Prince and his Ministers. But the French King little cares how much he gives, so he may compass his Ends, and gratify his Ambition. That Monarch expressed his Thoughts very plainly about that Matter: For being one day at dinner when News was brought him that the Treaty was at last concluded with the Duke of Savoy, he said before all the Company, That the Peace of Italy had cost him dear; but he was sure a general Peace would make him amends for all the Sums he had disbursed. These Words need neither Explanation nor Comment; therefore let's return to our Subject.  
When the Duke of Savoy declared for the Allies against France, he hoped to reap by it an Advantage no less considerable than all the rest, since it nearly concerns his Honour and private Interest. For since the Death of his Predecessor Charles Emanuel II. he had lived an obscure retired Life, that little became a Sovereign Prince, who takes Place among Crowned Heads, altho' his Revenues be in no manner answerable to that high Dignity. Therefore it was now high time for him to make himself talked of in the World, to illustrate his Reign by some great Action, and eternize his Memory by some surprising Event. His Temper and Inclinations did naturally lead him to it: For, to give every one his Due, he is a Man of Courage, and wants nothing that can make a great Warrior. All these Reasons prompted him to take upon him that Part which we have seen him act ever since the beginning of the War. By this means he designed to make his Friendship and Alliance courted by all the Princes in Europe, and become, as it were, the Umpire and Arbitrator of the General Peace.  
Another thing which the Duke of Savoy aimed at, was to lay such great Obligations upon France, (at a Juncture when she was exposed to a World of Enemies, that had conspired her Ruin) as would engage the French King not to treat him as a Petty Prince, as he did before, and to have more Regard and Esteem for him for the future. As for the French King, besides the Advantages he designed to draw from his Royal Highness' Secret Alliance, which was to bring the Confederates to a General Peace, he has still had another Artifice in prospect, which neither the Duke nor his Council ever thought of, and which will prove fatal to his Dominions and Liberty. For by engaging him to side with the Allies, and betray them afterwards, he draws upon him their irreconcilable Hatred: And the Confederates have all the Reason in the World to treat him for the future as an ambidextrous Shuffler, and refuse him their Assistance, when France, after a Peace is concluded, shall go to strip him of his Dominions, as she did the Duke of Lorraine, and several other Princes who had done her almost the like Services.  
It is not the first time that the Dukes of Savoy have lost their Dominions, as appears by the Quarrels which Charles Emanuel, Grandfather to his Royal Highness had with King Henry III. and Henry iv of France. Henry III. being in War against a powerful League, Charles Emanuel did much the same as Victor Amedeus his Successor has done in our Days. Me entertained great Hopes of enlarging his Fortune if he should improve that Opportunity, to declare himself against France; and accordingly in the Year 1588., he joined his Arms to those of the Enemies of Henry III. and having form a powerful Party, of which he made himself Chief, he entered Provence, surprised the Cities of Marseilles and Arles; and was so puffed up with these Successes, that he coined a Medal to eternize his Memory; where he was represented under the Emblem of a Centaurus trampling upon a Crown, with this Motto, OPPORTUNE, Seasonably; meaning that he could not have a more seasonable Opportunity to humble France. He paid dear for this Bravado; for in the Year 1600, Henry iv having pacified the Troubles and Commotions that distracted France, and had given Occasion to Charles Emanuel to form great Designs against that Crown, resolved to be revenged of him; and having bend the Stress of the War towards Italy, made himself Master of the greatest Part of Savoy and Piedmont. And to be even with the Duke, he coined a Medal, where he was seen in the Figure of Hercules beating down with his Club the proud Centaurus, with this Latin Motto, OPPORTUNIUS; that is, More Seasonably and Successfully. After the Conquest of Savoy and Piedmont, Henry iv at the Entreaty of Pope Clement VIII. was at last prevailed upon to be reconciled with the distressed Duke; tho' it was the Opinion of all the Politicians of those Times, that Henry IU. aught to have kept Savoy and Piedmont, both to chastise the inconsiderate Rashness of that Prince, and have a free and open Way to enter Italy whenever he pleased. This is the Advice that Cardinal d'Ossat, one of the greatest Statesmen in those Days gave Henry IU. But upon this Occasion that Monarch showed more Generosity than Policy, and restored Charles Emanuel to all his Dominions.  
One might now very well ask Victor Amedeus II. who broke with France in a Conjuncture of time, much like that when Charles Emanuel declared himself against Henry III. that is, when all Europe armed against her, and attacked her on the four Corners of the Kingdom. One might, I say, ask that Prince, who is now at last reconciled with the French King, through the Mediation of the Pope and the other Princes of Italy, what Security France gives him to put his Dominions out of Danger? Will not the French King after a general Peace is concluded, have the fairest Opportunity in the World to strip him of them? Shall he want Pretences for that Purpose? And is not the Duke of Savoy's Conduct at the first Breaking out of the War of Italy a sufficient one, since he alone has carried the Firebrand of War into France by the Irruption into Dauphine? All these Proceed will furnish new Matter of Discord and Division, which in time will kindle a greater Fire, and revive the old Pretensions of the French King to the Dukedom of Savoy, Principality of Piedmont, and County of Nice.  
Savoy was annexed to the Crown of France, about twelve hundred Years ago. This happened in the Reign of King Clovis, who got it by way of Conquest from Gundebald King of Burgundy; because this Prince had embraced the Party of Alaric King of the Goths, who waged War against France, Clovis incensed against Gundebald, turned him out of his Dominions, and reduced him to live on a small Pension the rest of his Life. This unfortunate Prince being dead, his Dominions fell for ever to the Crown of France by the Decease of Clotildis, Sister to Gundebald, and Wife to Clovis, to whom they belonged by Legal Right after her Brother's Death. So that this Princess dying without Issue, they were appropriated to the Crown of France, although Savoy had several times been given by way of Appenage to the second and third Sons, till the Emperor Charles the Bald presented Bozon, Count of Arles with the ancient Kingdom of Burgundy, to which he joined Savoy to be holden for ever by by Fealty and Homage from the Emperor of Germany.  
The Kingom of Arles was of no long Duration, and had but four or five Kings, the last of which named Rodolphus, being dead without Issue, Humbert of Morienne, who then was Governor of Savoy, was vested with it by the Emperor Conradus the Salic. He was succeeded by Amedeus his Son, from whom is derived the present Family of Savoy; which is the more illustrious and ancient, because Humbert was descended from the Dukes of Saxony.  
However the Crown of France maintains , that the vesting of those Dominions had no legal Foundation: First, because the Empire ought to return hereditarily to the House of France, after the Decease of Charles the Burley, the last Emperor of the Carlovingian Race, upon whom Conradus the Salic had usurped it. Besides this, France produceth another Title to Savoy; which is, that it was annexed to it a long time before the Erection of the Empire; and therefore ought now to be accounted a part of its Demesnes. To all these Claims to Savoy, France adds still a new one; which is derived from Lovise of Savoy Mother to Francis I. King of France, and Daughter to Philip VII. Duke of Savoy; who at his Marriage with Margaret of Bourbon, had stipulated that their Children should succeed one another in the Duchy and all its Dependencies.  
Philip had two Children by Margaret, viz. Philibert and Lovise; Philibert being dead, Lovise his Sister claimed the Succession; but because there was still two Male-childrens by a second Marriage, viz. Charles and the Duke of Nemours, who by the Prerogative of their Sex set up their Title to the Duchy, Lovise was postponed, and Charles made himself Master of Savoy, with the Consent of the States of the Country. After all these several intestine Quarrels, Savoy was again disturbed by the War Francis I. made in Italy. This Prince having entered that Duchy with a formidable Army, reduced it to his Obedience in a very little time. The Conquest of the Principality of Piedmont and County of Nice soon followed that of Savoy; all which cost Francis I. but one Campagn. By this means Charles was entirely dispossessed of his Dominions, and had not one Foot of Ground left him.  
Francis I. and Henry II. his Successor, were Masters of them for about twenty four Years; that is, till the Peace of Chateau in Cambresis was concluded in 1559, whereby King Henry yielded to Spain above 400 Towns and 198 Garrisoned Fortresses, among which were comprised all those of Savoy and Piedmont, except Turin, Viniers, Villeneuve, Ast, Chevas and Pignerol, which Charles IX. and Henry III. at last restored to the Duke.  
However, as it is most certain that the French King never stints his Pretensions, nor regards the Treaties made by his Predecessors, he will be sure to revive in due time the Title he has to Savoy; which is like to be as soon as a general Peace is concluded. So that the present Duke of Savoy may be said to be like those that are born to be unhappy: For he never moves a Step to favour the Designs of France, but he draws towards the Brink of a Precipice.  
Several Reasons engage the French King to set up anew his Title to Savoy as soon as a general Peace is concluded. First or all, the new Right he gets by the Marriage of the young Duchess of Savoy, the Duke's eldest Daughter, with the Duke of Burgundy; because in case the Issue Male fail, that Princess becomes presumptive Heir of all the Dominions of Victor Amedeus II. her Father. And 'tis certain the Court of France did much depend upon that, although its Ministers have endeavoured to give another Turn to the Eagerness the French King has showed in courting the Duke. 'Tis a Truth acknowledged by all Politicians, that the chief way the French King has used to enlarge his Dominions, has always been by Marriages, since he seldom or never concluded a Treaty of Peace, but he had a Prince or a Princess of the Blood to bestow upon his Enemies, in order to make them subservient to his Designs. But as soon as the Deferences and Respects usually paid to new-married People, are over, France always speaks to another Tune, and will have her own at any rate. So that the Duke of Savoy may take his Measures accordingly: And I will be a false Prophet, if the Match he has lately concluded with the Duke of Burgundy do not prove fatal to his Liberty, and the Tranquillity of his Dominions. The second Reason that will induce the French King to pick a Quarrel with the Duke of Savoy, is, that he never forgives Injuries that are offered him; and if he seems now to court and flatter him, 'tis only to draw him the better to the Trap he lays for him. 'Tis certain the French King will never pardon his declaring himself against him, and taking up Arms to favour the Designs of his Enemies: And the first Business of this Monarch's Revenge, will be to enslave him. All the Submissions his Royal Highness will then use, such as to go to France in Person (as did the Doge of Genoa some Years ago) to express his Sorrow for embracing the Confederacy; all these respectful Steps, I say, will serve but to increase the Contempt France has for a Prince that can do her no Hurt.  
The third Motive that will engage France not to have any regard for the Duke of Savoy after the Conclusion of a general Peace, is the great Passion she ever had to have no other Boundaries than the Alps on the Side of Italy. Therefore we ought to look upon the Restitution of the important Place and Fortress of Pignerol as a fallacious Chimaera, and a Decoy of the French King's to bring the Duke of Savoy to a Negotiation of Peace; well knowing that this Prince being once disarmed, and deprived of all the Supplies of the Confederates, it will bean easy matter to make him submit to what Terms he pleases. So that his Highness' Safety did entirely depend upon the Support of the Confederate Princes.  
Having briefly related the several Claims of the French King to Savoy, and the several Motives, which will infallibly induce him to revive them as soon as he is rid of all his Enemies; we shall now speak to the Wrong his Royal Highness has done the Allies, after they have been so kind to him as to share with him, the Honour of bringing to reasonable Terms a Monarch, who from the beginning of his Reign has meditated the Slavery of all Europe. But what makes the Duke of Savoy's Conduct the more inexcusable, is, that by undoing himself, he had a mind to involve all the Confederates in the same Ruin, and blast, as it were in one Moment all the Fruits that were to be gathered from nine Campaigns, which have cost the Allied Princes the Blood of their most faithful Subjects, and their own Toils and Labours, not to mention the vast Treasure that has been spent to maintain and carry on the War.  
The Duke of Savoy's late Conduct in putting himself at the Head of a French Army, to hasten the Reduction of Valence (which had been followed by the entire Conquest of the Milanese) is but too plain a Proof of what he aims at; and of the secret Correspondence he has had all along with France, in order to betray the Allies: To which may be added, his being so busy in hastening the Emperor and King of Spain to accept of a Neutrality, without giving the Negotia●●●s Time to consider of and examine so important an Affair, so that his only end was to force all the Allies to agree to the general Peace, which France courts with so much Impatience, and which she had never brought about if it had not been for Duke of Savoy. 'Tis upon that Account that the French King has had so much regard for the Court of Turin; because he had been long acquainted with the Genius and weak Side of his Royal Highness, which is to be entirely governed by Interest.  
Therefore we must not wonder if the Gold of France has been more powerful with the Duke of Savoy than the Honour he would have got by standing it out at a Juncture of Affairs, which would infallibly have ruined France, and procured great Advantages to all the Confederates, not to speak of a solid and lasting Peace that would have ensued. I do not doubt but the French King's Intrigues have been favoured upon this Occasion, by the unanimous Concurrence of the Princes of Italy. The War in that Country filled them with Fears and Jealousies, and kept 'em extremely subject, by reason of the Contributions they were obliged to pay to the Auxiliary Troops. This Constraint, and the other Disorders which are the inseparable Attendants of War, have engaged 'em to join their Instances with the earnest Endeavours of the French King, and all together have undoubtedly much contributed to make the Duke of Savoy take a course so directly opposite to his Interest.  
His Royal Highness' Ministers do openly complain, that the Confederates have not performed what they promised to the Duke their Master; That he wanted Men and Money at a time when his Dominions lay exposed as a Prey to a powerful Army encamped at the Gates of Turin, with full Resolution to bombard it, if the Duke did not presently accept of the French King's Offers: That his Highness having considered the imminent Danger of losing all in one Moment, was forced to prefer the Repose and Safety of his People to all the private Advantages he might have got by making a longer Resistance; which amount to no more than the Honour of not forsaking a Party whose Interest it was to prolong the War, thereby to force the French King to make more advantageous Offers than those he had already made: And that in this case his Highness wrongs himself more than the Confederates.  
To this we answer, That the Allies are very well informed of the true Motives that have prevailed with his Highness upon this Occasion, since all the Intrigue was juggled with the French King at our Lady of Lorettoes.  
This pious Journey of the Court of Turin, was only designed to draw the Preliminaries of a Treaty which his Highness & his Ministers have been so careful of keeping secret from the Allies.  
'Tis well known, that his Highness through the Mediation of the Pope's Nuntio, and some Princes of Italy, entered into Articles with France, and agreed with the French King's Plenipotentiaries upon all the Steps he was to make to cheat the Confederates.  
According to this Project the French King promised to reinforce considerably his Army in Italy, to give Orders to Monsieur Catinat to be early in the Field, and prevent thereby the Arrival of the Auxiliary Troops which the Emperor and the other Confederate Princes sent to his Assistance: That Monsieur Catinat should go and incamp before the Gates of Turin, threatening to bombard that capital City, and lay it in Ashes in less than 24 Hours, unless his Highness prevented the impending Storm by a speedy Reconciliation with the French King upon the Terms he offered him. That by this means his Highness would be excused, and his Conduct seem less suspicious and  to the Allies.  
It was no hard matter for the Generals that commanded the Auxiliary Troops of the Confederates in Italy to penetrate into the Designs of the Court of Turin, by reason of the little Care his Highness took of making himself Master of such Posts as might have made Monsieur Catinat's Designs miscarry. On the contrary, one might have read his secret Joy in his Face: For he knew very well that there was nothing to be feared from the great Preparations of the French. Yet the better to colour his Play, he caused all the Ladies, and the Lords unfit for War, to go out of Turin. On the other side, it was given out in the French Army, that they only waited for the heavy Cannon and Bomb-Waggons from Pignerol. But this Artillery and Ammunition was still coming; and that Slowness, so unusual with the French, especially in important Expeditions, is an undeniable Proof that the Court of Turin juggled, and acted in Combination with France, to baffle the Confederates. In the mean time the French King's Emissaries went to and fro from the Court of Turin to Monsieur Catinat; and all that to put the Change upon the Confederates, and cover the foul Play and Treachery of his Royal Highness.  
We should never have dons, if we did relate all the Artifices that have been used to carry on this important Negotiation, which was looked upon by France, as the great Wheel that is to set all the Springs going a towards a general Peace.  
Let's now come to the private Treaty his Royal Highness has lately concluded. By that Treaty the French King promises him,  

I. The Restitution of the important Fortress of Pignerol, upon condition that its Fortifications shall be razed at a general Peace.  
II. To give him four Millions of Livres in ready Money, to be paid on the same Day the Treaty is ratified.  
III. The Restitution of Nice, Montmelian and other Places, conquered upon his Royal Highness by the Arms of the most Christian King, from the beginning of the War to this present time.  
iv To match the young Duchess of Savoy, his eldest Daughter, with his Highness the Duke of Burgundy.  
V That the Princess shall have Honours paid her as Duchess of Burgundy, and in that Quality shall take place at the Court of France, of the Princesses of the Blood.  
VI That upon the Confederates refusing a Neutrality in Italy, his most Christian Majesty engages to join his Forces to those of his Royal Highness towards the Conquest of the Milanese.  
VII. That after the Reduction of that Duchy the most Christian King shall put it into the Hands of his Royal Highness, to enjoy it for ever, without demanding any thing for the Expenses of that Expedition, and to secure him in the Possession of it, by protecting him against the Arms of the House of Austria.  
VIII. That he renounces for ever all the Rights and Claims which he and his Predecessors have had to the Dukedom of Savoy, Principality of Piedmont, and County of Nice.  
IX. That in case the War continue in Italy by the Refusal of the Neutrality, the most Christian King will lend him his Forces for the Conquest of Geneva: That if the Neutrality be accepted, that Expedition shall be reserved till after the general Peace.   
His Royal Highness, on his Part, promises to the French King, 

I. To renounce the Confederacy, and join himself for ever with the Crown of France: To act unanimously with the Most Christian King, in all that can make their Union lasting, and their Alliance inviolable for the future.  
II. That he shall never give his Consent to the Restoration of the Vaudois; and that he shall repeal all the Edicts by which he had lately granted them the free Exercise of their Religion, and their Return to the Valleys.  
III. That he will use his Mediation to bring the Allies to a General Peace.    
Let us examine these Articles, and see whether his Royal Highness ought at this time to depend upon the Word of a Monarch who never scrupled to violate the Treaties he had concluded with the other Princes of Europe, without any Exception.  
We must consider, in the first place, That when the French King consents to restore Pignerol, he does as much as give the Key of his Kingdom (on the Side of the Alps) to keep, to the Duke of Savoy, and loses for ever all the Advantages he had, by that importent Place, upon all the Princes of Italy. By that means he leaves the Province of Dauphinê exposed to the Eruptions of his Enemies, and confirms the staggering Liberty of all the Princes beyond the Alps, who were before as it were bridled up by Casal and Pignerol. To this we may add, That by that Restitution he sacrifices all the Resentments, which for some late Years have occasioned the Quarrels he has had with the Court of Rome, during the Papacy of Innocent XI. with the Republic of Genoa, and some other States of Italy.  
If the French King be sincere in the Restitution of Pignerol, the Duke of Savoy has all the reason in the World to be satisfied with the Generosity of France, and not to grudge all the Complaisance he has had for that Crown. And indeed, 'tis a great matter for his Highness to get so importent a Place as Pignerol. Besides, the French King does not stay till he be compelled to it by force of Arms: He makes this voluntary Present to his Royal Highness, even at a time when his Forces are so much superior in Italy, and that he is in a condition to strip the Duke of all his Territories, by the taking of Turin, the Capital City of his Dominions.  
'Tis a great matter, I say, for the Duke of Savoy to get Pignerol: But after we have taken a View of what the French King gives to his Highness, let's see what he reserves to himself. He consents to the Restitution of Pignerol, I grant it; but then this is to be at a General Peace, and after all its Fortifications are razed to the Ground. By these two Reservations the French King plainly shows, First, That what he aimed at, was to engage the Duke of Savoy to use his utmost Endeavours to hasten a General Peace: Secondly, That when he restores this Place dismantled, 'tis only with design to re-take it whenever he pleases: So that at best the Duke of Savoy is like to enjoy it but for some small time; and perhaps Ten Months after the General Peace is concluded, the French King will order his Troops to clear the Place.  
To be convinced of this, we must observe, That in all Treaties of Peace, the French King never offers to restore any strong Place, but on condition of razing the Fortifications; which shows his Double-dealing, his want of Sincerity, and his secret Desire of making himself Master of them as soon as he has gained his present Ends, which are chief, to disarm his Enemies, while he keeps on foot a numerous Army of welldisciplined experienceed Soldiers, when the other Princes disband theirs. 'Tis well-known by experience, that France can raise again the Fortifications of a Place in very few Months, and that often with little Expense, because he not only makes use of his own Soldiers, but also of the Inhabitants of the Place, and their Money to boot: Witness the Fortifications of most of the Fortresses in Flanders, which have been built with the vast Sums that he got by Contributions. All that the French King provides for his Share, are Engineers, good Order, and Diligence; as for Materials and Money, the poor Inhabitant is always obliged to find them.  
This Consideration makes the French King value so little the Restoration of a strong Place, provided its Fortifications be demolished, without which lie would never consent to it. His End therefore in restoring Pignerol, was to cast a Mist before the Duke of Savoy's Eyes, and decoy him to break all the Engagements he was entered into with the Confederates: But when he has brought his Designs about, he will retake it the more easily, because its Fortifications will then be razed, which he shall never want either for Money, Men, or Materials to rebuild. Besides, what use can the Duke of Savoy make of Pignerol, when dismantled? Will that hinder the French King from having a free Passage to enter his Dominions upon the first Quarrel? Or, is his Country the more secure by it? Not at all: Therefore 'tis evidently plain, that the French has had no other Design than to delude the Duke of Savoy, and at the same time lay a Trap for the Confederates, the sooner to bring them to treat of a General Peace.  
After all, what does the French King give more to that Prince, than what he had already offered in the first Proposals of Peace he made to the Allies? But the Design of the Confederates was to oblige France to surrender Pignerol into the Hands of the Duke of Savoy, in the Condition it was at that time, and would never hear of its being razed. Nevertheless, his Royal Highness accepts of it as such, and thinks it a good Bargain to get it in any Condition the French King is pleased to restore it to him. But he may judge by this first Step, of the Sincerity of the French King's Promises; and since that Monarch deludes him in this Article, he must expect no better in all the rest. Therefore he loses more by abandoning the Confederacy, than he gets by entering into a Private Treaty, to the prejudice of his own Interest, and the Contempt of so many Princes, who had never harkened to a Peace, without procuring to him the Restitution of all his Places, with new Advantages, which would have secured for ever his Repose and Liberty, rendered his Condition more Honourable, and justified his Conduct.  
Let's come to the Second Article. The French King promises to pay Four Millions of Livres upon the Ratification of the Treaty. 'Tis likely the French King will be as good as his Word, as to those Four Millions, let Money be never so scarce in France, as well as elsewhere, since this great Negotiation could never have been brought about without the Ready. The Reason of it is, that the Duke of Savoy is certainly the most covetous Prince in Europe; and that's the weak Side by which the Ministers of France have crept into his Favour, and have been so much considered at the Court of Turin. Through the means of their Lovidors they have been made privy to the most secret Consultations and Resolves of the Cabinet-Council, and have at last brought things to that pass they are now at. The French King little matters what he spends, provided he bring his Designs about. The first Rule of his Politics is, to stick at no Cost to triumph over his Enemies; and therefore he has been willing enough to part with those Four Millions: 'Tis Money he has lent upon Usury, of which he expects a Cent. per Cent. Interest. But it is now the Confederates Part to take their Measures accordingly, and look to their Private Interests. The French King, as we said before, explained himself openly upon that Matter, and did not stick to say, That a General Peace will make him amends for the Charges he has been at for the Peace of Italy.  
But if nothing but Money could satisfy the Duke of Savoy, and engage him to be true to the Confederacy, I wonder he, or his Ministers, did not give a Hint of it to the Allies; for, I am sure, they would have given him Satisfaction in an Affair which was of so great consequence to them, and have attempted any thing that had appeared possible, to give him more than ever France designs or promised to give. To this, the French King's Partisans will answer, That it was a very difficult matter for the Confederates to pay so great a Sum to the Duke, since there still remains Four Millions five hundred thousand Livres due to him. To which I reply, That these Arrears had long since been paid, had not his Highness' Conduct given sufficient Reasons to suspect his juggling with France. The King of England has had several Informations of his Foul-play a long while ago; and if he did not take notice of it, 'tis because it was hoped he might by amicable Means be kept from a Design that will certainly be his Ruin.  
By the third Article the French King promises to restore to the Duke of Savoy, Nice, Montmelian, and in general all the Places conquered during this War: which Restitution is the least thing he could have expelled at a General Peace. But those that have had a watchful Eye over his Highness' Conduct, do assure us, that Nice was yielded up to the French by his Orders; and that the Governor of that Place, the better to cover his Foul-play, found a way to blow up the Magazine, and spread at the same time a Report, That this was effected by the French Bombs; whereas it was nothing but the result of his Treachery, and of the secret Intelligence betwixt the French King and his Royal Highness.  
The Reduction of the important Fortress of Montmelian was owing to the same Destiny as that of Nice; and the French had never made themselves Masters of it, but for the secret Orders his Highness gave to the Marquis of Bagnasque its Governor. The vigorous Resistance of Coni deceived both his Highness and the French; and it must be wholly ascribed to the Bravery of Monsieur Julien, and the French Protestants who defended the Place. 'Tis well known, that his Highness, to be revenged of it, instead of recompensing the Merit of so many gallant Men, who signalised themselves in the Defence of that Place, did, by an unheard-of Barbarity, keep them from the Preferments that fell to them of Course; which enraged Monsieur Julien, and some other Officers, to that degree, that they quitted his Highness' Service, and went over to that of France. The French King presently made Monsieur Julien a Lieutenant-General, and advanced the other Officers proportionably to their Merit.  
By what followed, it is plain, that his Highness' Design in abusing those Officers, was only to be rid of them, because they were looked upon at the Court of Turin as an Obstacle that broke all the Measures the Duke of Savoy had taken with the French King. One may see, by all these Proceed, how careful the Duke was to please the French King in all things, and to act in combination with him, to impose upon the Allies. This Conduct has constantly been observed in Italy during all the Campagns, from the beginning of the War to this present time: Therefore the small Progress of the Confederate Forces is not to be wondered at, since the only thing his Royal Highness aimed at, was to amuse them, and favour the Designs of France by this Diversion.  
There's all the Justice in the World for the French King to restore all the Places he has taken from the Duke of Savoy, since he did deposit them in trust into his Hands, till there was a Peace. The French King now keeps his Promise, and so far his Highness has reason to be satisfied. The Affairs have succeeded according to the Projects they had concerted together; and the French King is mightily obliged to the Duke for playing his part so well. But Time will show whether his Highness ought always to have the same Thoughts of the French King's Honesty, who has made him a Property upon this Occasion, just as he formerly did Cardinal Furstemberg, to compass his grand Designs, which are now a Riddle to the Court of Turin, but which will be accomplished when the general Peace is concluded.  
To this we may add, that his Highness ought not to have been in such haste to conclude a private Treaty with France, upon Consideration of the Advantages he gets by it. The most serene Allies would have procured to him the Restitution of all his Places; and France had already offered it to them: So that his Highness would have made a more Honourable Treaty, and contributed besides to the Conclusion of a solid and lasting general Peace, both for him and all the Confederates; whereas by his late Proceed he raises the Hopes of the common Enemy, violates his Promise and the Oaths he had sworn to the Allies.  
Let us now proceed to the Marriage of the young Princess of Savoy with the Duke of Burgundy. This Match has dazzled the Duke of Savoy and his Ministers, and aught to be looked upon as the greatest Artifice of the Council of France, to bring that Prince to a separate Peace. And indeed it is much for a Prince of his Degree to have his Daughter married to the Duke of Burgundy, the first Son of France, and presumptive Heir to the Crown, not to mention the Heroical Virtues that shine in that young Prince, to the Admiration of all the Court.  
According to the general Course of human Life, this young Duke is like to sit one Day on the Throne. Nay, perhaps the Crown is reserved for him, preferable to the Dolphin his Father: and therefore his Highness may reasonably flatter himself to see his Daughter Queen of France.  
And here we must acknowledge the French King's Council to be composed of most wise and judicious Politicians; and admire how fortunate that Monarch is in all his Undertake; and how skilful and subtle his Ministers are in bringing about their Negotiations.  
The Restitution of the Places taken from the Duke of Savoy, was too little to engage that Prince: And on the other hand, the French King could not without his Assistance make a Breach to the Union of the Confederate Princes, and thereby compass his Aim, which is a general Peace. Now what could they have offered him, that looks more glorious, more fair, and more alluring than this Match? Nothing in the World. Several Millions of Money, and the other Advantages the French King proposed to the Duke, had been ineffectual, and nothing less than this Alliance was ever able to induce him to sacrifice the solemn Engagements he had with the most serene Allies.  
France was ever happy in her Alliances; and 'tis to the Matches of the Princes and Princesses of the Blood into the House of Austria, and some other Princely Families of Europe, that she owes that supreme Degree of Grandeur and Power, at which we see her arrived in our Days: And on the contrary, 'tis by those Matches that Spain is now in a declining Condition. This being first laid as a Principle, there's no question but that the same Considerations have prevailed with the French King to propose a Marriage between the Duke of Burgundy and his Highness' Daughter. For over and above the private Advantages he hopes to get by it towards a general Peace, he has still further Designs unknown to the Court of Turin, which are undoubtedly to lay the Foundations of several new Pretensions and Claims to the Dominions of his Royal Highness, which will be set up in due season, in case the Duke should die without Issue Male. It is his Highness' Ministers Part to frame their Measures accordingly; and if they be at present French by Inclination, they may very well be so one Day by Duty. 'Tis to no purpose to allege that the Court of Turin has obviated that Inconvenience, by causing the Duke of Burgundy to renounce the Succession to the Duke of Savoy's Dominions, in case of no Issue Male. The Experience of what passed betwixt the French King and the late King of Spain on the Account of the Marriage of Maria Theresa, does fully evince by the Quarrels that have kindled the present War, how little one may depend upon such Renunciations. The Kings of France seldom keep their Word after the Ratification of a Treaty; since we see the present French King has broke all the Oaths he made at his Marriage. 'Tis upon that score that all the Princes of Europe have at this time undertook a War to protect the Crown of Spain in her lawful Rights, against the Attempts, Usurpations and double Dealing of the French King; and does not the Duke of Savoy expose himself by this Match to the same Quarrels, and the Danger of losing his Dominions?  
What could Spain do (in the weak Condition she is now in) without the Support of the Confederate Princes? Had she not been stripped by this time of the best part of her Dominions? And when France shall attack the Duke of Savoy upon the same Account, will that Prince be able to resist him with his own Forces? Must he not then call the most serene Allies to his Assistance, whose Interest he now basely forsakes, in contempt of that Alliance he had so earnestly courted?  
I am persuaded, that if the Court of Turin had duly considered the sad Consequences that may attend the Marriage of the young Princess of Savoy, his Royal Highness would not have been in such haste to consent to it; since in all probability this Match will cost him dear, and be fatal to his Liberty and the Repose of his Subjects. But rather he would have made it his Business to entertain the friendly Engagements he was in with the Allies, upon Consideration of their powerful Protection, upon which he might have depended for present and future Advantages.  
In fine, the French King, to make this Alliance look the more glorious and glittering to the Court of Turin, ordered the Honour's due to a Duchess of Burgundy, to be paid to the Princess of Savoy at her Arrival at the Court of France. Yet before he went so far, he caused the Book of the Ceremonies of the Crown to be turned over: And as it was found that the Daughter of Maximilian the Emperor, had the Honours of Dolphiness paid her in France, under the Reign of Lewis XI. tho' she never had been such; because the ceremonial Book says in explicit Terms, that those Honours were not paid to her as Daughter to the Emperor, but as Dolphiness designed: And so the Case being the same, the French King resolved to look upon the Princess of Savoy as his Granddaughter; and ordered that at her Arrival at the Bridge of Beauvoisin, she should be received as such; and that none but the Duchess of Lude should have the Privilege of sitting before her.  
We see by all this what mighty care the French King has taken to have this Marriage liked at the Court of Turin. The Princess of Savoy is far from being handsome: But the Duke of Burgundy is an accomplished Prince. Assoon as the March was agreed upon, they presented that Princess' Picture to the Duke, ask him how he did like her; She's handsome enough to give a Peace to Italy, returned agreeably that young Prince. The French King and all the Court did extremely commend this witty and judicious Repartee, which, by the by, was a tart Jest upon all the Artifices which France has used to draw off the Duke of Savoy from the Confederacy, and engage him to make a separate Peace.  
'Twould be an endless Work nicely to examine the secret Springs which the French Council have set a going at the Courts of Rome, and of all the other Princes of Italy to bring this Negotiation about. There are no Tricks, no Fetches, that they have not employed; not to mention the vast Sums they have given to corrupt his Royal Highness' Favourite Ministers, who by their shameful Avarice, have at last prevailed with him to consent to an Alliance that will make him a Slave for ever, and cost him the infallible Loss of his Dominions.  
It is provided by the sixth Article, that in case the Allies do not agree to a Neutrality in Italy, the French King and the Duke of Savoy will join their Forces together in order to conquer the Milanese: And this, on the Duke's part, is the highest Degree of Treachery imaginable. If that Prince had only been contented to forsake the Interest of the most serene Allies, and to receive underhand those Sums of Money that France has remitted to him, he might now in some measure excuse himself, by publishing to the World, that he could not refuse the Advantageous Offers made to him without betraying his own Interest, and opposing his good Fortune.  
But his Royal Highness does not confine himself within those Bounds; For with one Hand he receives Money of the Confederates, and with the other of France; and moreover plots and contrives with the common Enemy the Ruin of his best Friends and Allies; and makes his Market of their Liberty and his own. He puts himself at the Head of the French Forces; and in the same Campagn is General of two powerful contrary Armies. Was there ever so singular, and at the same time so perfidious a Conduct as this is? But what can engage this Prince in this foul Play. That Question is answered in this Article—, the Hopes of conquering the Milanese. The French King tells him by his Ministers, what Title he has to that Duchy, which he looks upon as a Dependency from the Crown of France, upon the Account of the Marriage of Lowis of Orleans, Son to Charles V, King of France, with Valentina Galeas, Daughter to John Galeas Duke of Milan, who claimed the Succession to that Duchy by the Decease of her two Brothers, who left no Issue.  
By this Artifice the French King has cunningly insinuated himself into the Court of Turin; and while he entertains the Duke of Savoy with the Chimerical Hopes of conquering the Duchy of Milan, he makes him a Property to his Designs, which are the Neutrality in Italy. By that means the French King frees himself from a most burdensome and expensive War, which perplexed him more than all the Armies he keeps in Flanders and on the Rhine; and gives besides a fatal Blow to the Union of the Confederate Princes. This Event on one side raises the Honour and Hopes of the French King; and on the other makes the Duke of Savoy's Conduct for ever odious to the Allies.  
There's no Question but the Ministers of France did give his Royal Highness to understand, that the Milanese would infallibly fall a Prey to him; because, said they, there was little Probability of the Allies ever consenting to a Neutrality; and by this Decoy they have drawn in this credulous Prince, while the Court of France was very well persuaded that the Affairs would turn a contrary way. To put still the Change upon him, and delude him the better, the French King promises him by the seventh Article, that after the Reduction of that Duchy, it shall be put into his Highness' Hands, by him to be enjoyed for ever, without demanding any thing for the Expenses of this Expedition; and his most Christian Majesty engages himself besides to protect him in the peaceful Enjoyment of i●, against the Arms of the House of Austria.  
When a Man seriously reflects upon all the sine Promises of the French King, to engage his Royal Highness, he will not be much surprised at the small Precaution the Council of Turin have used in so important an Affair. To hear the French Ministers speak, 'twas but entering the Milanese to make an entire Conquest of it. They reckon upon it as a thing already done: and to dazzle his Royal Highness, they ●●●tter him with their Protection against the House of Austria, they promise to secure him in the Enjoyment of it for ever; and over and above all this, their Generosity goes so far, as to be at all the Changes of this Expedition, of which the French King makes a Present to his Royal Highness.  
The French King was ever liberal of fallacious Promises. He might as well have promised to the Duke of Savoy the Conquest of all Italy, as he has done that of the Milanese. If his Royal Highness be so credulous as to depend upon his Word, he'll soon be Master of all the Princes beyond the Alps. But time will make it appear that nothing can be more Chimerical than those Projects. This, as well as the preceding Articles, have been kept very secret by the Council of France; because they have been looked upon as the chief Springs to engage the Duke of of Savoy, by the Hopes of becoming the greatest Prince of Italy. Ambition and a Desire of enlarging one's Power was ever a natural Passion in all Sovereigns; and I doubt not but France has done more at the Court of Turin by this Artifice, than by all the other Stratagems he has there employed.  
Let's come to the VIIIth Article. The most Christian King renounces for ever all the Rights and Pretensions he and his Predecessors had to the Dukedom of Savoy, the Principality of Piedmont, and County of Nice. One can so little depend upon such sort of Renunciations, that the Experience of this Age has taught all the Princes of Europe, that the French King observes Treaties no longer than they serve his Interest: For if after the Ratification is signed, his Conncil do but suggest to him a new way of extending his Power and Dominions, nothing is able to stop him. He then only consults his Favourite-Policy, and knows no other Rule besides his Ambition, to which there's no prescribing of just Bounds; because he is still too powerful. The stronger docs ever give Laws to the weaker. And since the French King is not yet redueed by the united Forces of the most powerful Princes in Europe, we must necessarily conclude, that he has not yet chunged his Maxims.  
In the Year 1640, there was a Book printed at Madrid, and writ by a Spanish Plenipotentiary, entitled, Successos principales de la Monarchia de l' Espania el Anno 1639. wherein the Author, by a kind of Prophetical Spirit, said, that the French King took the way to arrive at the Empire: That his Predecessors had showed it him by the taking of Mets, Toul and Verdun: That Lewis XIII. had followed them, by making himself Master of Alsatia and Lorraine: That if Lewis XIV. could but take Thionville, he would seize upon Luxemberg, complete the Conquest of the Duchy of Burgundy, lay the Palatinate open and without Defence, and would make himself absolute in all the Country of Treves, and all the ancient Austrasia. His Prophecy went still further: He added, that by the Conquest of Thionville, that Monarch would make the three Catholic Electors his Subjects: That Spain would lose Flanders, the Empire and Cities of Germany their Liberty, and the Germane Princes their Dominions.  
This Prophecy had certainly been accomplished, had the Confederate Princes any longer delayed to put a Stop to the Designs of the French King.  
However we may say, that 'tis by the Violation of Treaties that he has laid the Foundation of that overgrown Power, which one might justly call the Tyrant of Europe, and which has an absolute Sway in almost all Courts.  
After so many living Examples, and repeated Experience of the small Credit that can be given to the French King's Word, we may safely conclude, that his late Renunciation to the Dominions of his Royal Highness, will not be of long Continuance.  
The ninth Article whereby the French King engages and promises to assist the Duke of Savoy, in order to reduce the City of Geneva, was never made public, through Reasons of State and Policy; as well as several others which have secretly been agreed upon by the French King and the Duke of Savoy. Time will clear this great Mystery. However it is certain that France for these many Years past has meditated the Ruin of that City. The Protestant Religion, which is professed there, is the chief Reason of these two Prince's Hatred against it. Besides, the good Successes the French King has had in extinguishing the Reformed Religion in France, give him the Hopes to bring it under his Subjection after a general Peace is concluded. This grand Design had by this time been accomplished, had he not feared a Rupture with the Swissers, who have declared themselves Protectors of it. He has already but too many Enemies upon his Back; and therefore it is convenient for him to dissemble and temporize till he has decided the Quarrels he has with the Allied Princes. In the mean time he has taken all the necessary Measures for that Purpose, and the French Resident at Geneva, is an ill Omen to the Safety and Liberty of that Republic, since he only lives there to know their weak and strong Sides, and observe all that passes, which he presently acquaints his Master withal.  
But when all is done, perhaps the French King promises more to the Duke, than he is able to perform. 'Tis not the first time he has been out in his Projects. The Face of Affairs does often change in a moment; and a small Disappointment may make his Designs miscarry. But let us suppose that the French will make himself Master of Geneva; what Security can his Royal Highness have that he will put it into his Hands, and punctually perform all his Promises? I do not know any Body would take upon him that Guarranty. The French King's Honesty in those sort of Matters is now become so slippery and suspicious, that it is more likely he would keep that Conquest for himself, than resign it to the Duke. Let us therefore conclude, That this Article is just as those that went before, that is, imaginary and chimerical. The French King will never want for colourable Pretences to call back his Word, and keep his Promises to the Duke no farther than he has a mind to  
Thus having examined the Treaty of Peace concluded betwixt the French King and Victor Amedeus II. Duke of Savoy; let's now consider the Consequences of that Peace: And first let us begin with its solemn Publication at Paris, on the Tenth of September, 1696.  
BE it known to all, That a good, firm, stable, and solid Peace, with an entire and sincere Friendship and Reconciliation, has been made and agreed upon between the Most High, Most Excellent, and Most Mighty Prince LEWIS by the Grace of God, of FRANCE and NAVARRE King, our Sovereign Lord; and the Most High and Mighty Prince VICTOR AMEDEUS the Second, Duke of SAVOY; their Vassals, Subjects, and Servants, in all their Kingdoms, Dominions, Countries, Lands, and Lordships of their Obedience. That the said Peace is general betwixt them and their said Vassals and Subjects; and that, by virtue of the same, it is lawful for them to go and come, to return and sojourn in all the Places of the said Kingdoms, Dominions, and Countries; to Trade and Merchandise, hold Correspondence and Communication one with another, in all manner of Freedom and Security, as well by Land as by Sea, and on Rivers and other Waters, on this side and that side the Mountains, and in the same manner as it has and aught to have been done in time of good, sincere, and amicable Peace, such as it has pleased the Divine Goodness to grant unto the said Lords, Kings, and Dukes of Savoy, their People and Subjects. Which to maintain and entertain, it is most expressly forbidden to all Persons, by what Quality or Title soever dignified or distinguished, to undertake, attempt, or innovate any thing to it contrary or p●judicial, upon pain of being severely punished, as Infringers of Peace, and Disturbers if the Public Repose. Given at Oar Court at Versailles the Eighth day of September, 1696.  


Signed, LEWIS.  
And a little lower, Phelypeaux, etc.    
This Peace, as you see, was published at Paris with all the Pomp and Solemnity that usually attend those great Events in which France has a more than ordinary Concern: And there's no doubt but she has affected to show an uncommon Magnificence in this, thereby to dazzle the Confederate Princes, and make the Success of a Negotiation, which she looks upon as the Foundation of a General Peace, sound high in all the Courts of Europe. The French King's Policy is good enough, as to that matter: He loses nothing by crying up and proclaiming whatever he does and undertakes; but often draws a great deal of Good from a false Show, and so turns both his good and bad Successes to his own advantage. According to this Maxim, it is observable, That during this War, when he has lost a Battle or a Town, or suffered any other Damage, he has caused Public rejoicings to be made, and ordered his Generals and Governors of Towns to discharge their Artillery, as if he had won a signal Victory over his Enemies. This Conduct, tho' a little unsincere, has brought great Advantages to him.  
First, By that means he has dazzled his Subjects, and kept them in Obedience, by flattering them with imaginary Successes; and has received from them, at the same time, all the necessary Subsidies to answer the vast Charges of a burdensome War. Secondly, He thereby has confirmed the staggering Fidelity of the Conquered Nations. In fine, He has raised the drooping Spirits of the Soldiers that fought under his Generals, and has, as we say, set a good Face on a bad Game: Witness the extravagant Rejoices made at Paris after the Battle of the Boyne, upon the false Report of the Death of the King of England, those that were made after the loss of a Fight at Sea, and generally in all the Rencounters where the French King's Arms were worsted. But we may freely say, That all the Parade and Ostentation of the Court of France, upon the score of the Peace of Italy, will be so far from making any Impression upon the most Serene Allies, to engage them to agree the sooner to a General Peace, that it will rather beget in them the Resolution of carrying on the War more vigorously than ever. Their Interest has no relation with that of the Duke of Savoy; and if that Prince has been willing to undo himself, and sacrifice his Dominions and Liberty out of a Frolic, the Confederate Princes will not make his Conduct the Standard of Theirs. They have taken up Arms to make a solid and lasting Peace, and will not lay them down upon any other Terms.  
The general Publication of that Peace was followed by a Letter directed to the Archbishop of Paris, in order to have Te Deum sung as a Thanksgiving; wherein the French King gives us a true Idea of the Motives upon which he has acted during this War. There the Language and Genius of the Court of France are expressed in their genuine and natural Colours. That Piece being already made public, we shall dispense with inserting it here; and tho' it deserve to be examined at large, we will content ourselves with making some few particular Reflections upon it, and so conclude. The Court of France never publishes Pieces of that importance, before they are maturely studied, and have past the Censure of his most able Ministers. In a word, This is a Draught in Little of the vast Designs and most secret Thoughts of the French King.  
That Monarch gins with the Motives that have induced him to take up Arms, which are to defend Religion and Vindicate the Injured Majesty of KINGS. This Declaration is agreeable to that he made before, in all the Manifesto's he published before the Rupture. And therefore we may conclude, That the Council of France have long before studied the Artifices they now employ to break the Union of the Confederate Princes. Those Artifices are so much the more dangerous, as they strike at the most sensible Part of Civil Society, that is to say, Religion, and the Majesty of Kings. As to the first, All Sovereign States are naturally very tender of the Religion they profess; the Catholic Princes, of their Religion; and the Protestant Princes, of theirs: But to hear the French King speak, one would think him the Only Defender of the Roman Catholic Religion, and that the Emperor, the King of Spain, and the other Catholic Princes, whose Zeal is unquestionable, have abandoned its Interest.  
If the French King should spread abroad such Discourses in an unknown Country, remote from our Continent, and among a barbarous People, ignorant of the Transactions of Europe for these Fifty Years past, especially since the Death of Cardinal Mazarin, 'tis certain he might impose upon their Credulity: But what can be more absurd and extravagant, than to publish now all those Impostures before the face of all Christendom, to which he has been a Scourge and a Persecutor? Witness the Quarrels he had with the Court of Rome, under the Pontificate of Innocent XI. If that Pious Pope had not opposed all the Extravagancies of the Court of France, were not we like to see the Church rend and torn by a more cruel and monstrous Schism, than ever the Persecutions of the most dreadful Heathen Tyrants have been? There's no need of renewing here the Remembrance of those Ills that have made all Christendom to groan; they are too fresh to be forgotten: Let us be contented to say, That the French King is so unsincere upon that Point, that all the Confederate Princes are fully convinced that Religion has the least share in his undertaking the present War. 'Tis well known also, that it is upon another Motive, that he has suppressed the Reformed Religion in France. This last Step aught to be looked upon as a secret Spring to make himself a surer Way to the Universal Monarchy; since we see he has in a manner done more mischief to the Catholic than Protestant Princes. This is a dangerous Decoy, and a secret Warning to the Catholic Princes, who are in Confederacy with the Protestant, not to give ear to the Artifices of France, whose aim is to disunite them, and, by that means, invade their Dominions and Liberty.  
The Duke of Savoy, as we have seen of late, has begun to make a Breach in that Alliance: The Ministers of France, like deceitful Sirens, have drawn him into dangerous Snares, by their sweet enchanting Voice. The fair and specious Pretence of Religion has put all the Courts of Italy in motion, and by that means the French King was reconciled to the Court of Rome, which was before his mortal Enemy. He could not have pitched upon a surer way to further his Designs, than by pretending, as he does at this time, that he acts out of a Zeal for Religion: By that means he casts a Mist before the Eyes of all the Catholic Princes; and insinuates himself into all Courts. But what will become of the Dominions of so many Sovereigns, if once divided from the Alliance of the Protestant Princes? Since we now see that their Safety and mutual Preservation wholly depends upon that Alliance. We still repeat it here: Let not the Duke of Savoy's Example ever shake this sacred Union; for this is the only thing the French King aims at, and the Hinges upon which all his Designs turn. All Princes are for their Share in an Affair that concerns every one in particular, and all in general.  
The present War is not upon the account of Religion: 'Tis only France that says so, to impose upon the Confederates, and disunite them. 'Tis plain, the French King endeavours to persuade the Catholic Princes, that the only Cause which has brought this War upon him, is the implacable Hatred of the Protestant Princes against him, for persecuting his Protestant Subjects; which is both false and ridiculous: For if the French King had designed nothing but the pretended Extirpation of Heresy, never had the present War been kindled in Europe; because the different Interests of the Protestant Princes were so far from uniting them in a Cause which was so just in itself, that they rather seemed to divide them still the more.  
'Tis therefore to no purpose that the French King makes use of the Cloak of Religion, to cover a Conduce which every one knows to have no other than Temporal Motives; such as are the Violation of all Treaties, the Usurpation of his Neighbours Dominions, the Ruin of the House of Austria, the Protecting of the Turk, his Designs upon England, by supporting the late King James, his Attempts upon the Princes and States beyond the Alps, the Slavery of all Europe, and, in a word, the accomplishing of his grand Masterpiece, the Universal Monarchy. After so many cruel and treacherous Attempts, after so many Reasons of Complaint given to the Confederates, and after the repeated Experiences they have had of the French King's Double-dealing and Foul-play, how can they now believe he is sincere, when he tells us, That he had no other Aim than the Defence and Protection of Religion.  
Let's now pass to the Majesty of Kings, of which the French King declares himself Defender and Protector. For these Nine Years past, says that Monarch, he maintains the War against a Conspiracy of all Europe. Upon what account? To defend Religion, and Vindicate the Majesty of Kings: Nothing can be more Great, more Glorious, and more Noble, than such a Design. That Monarch employs all his Forces, exhausts his Treasures, and sacrifices his People and Subjects, and all this to vindicate the Majesty of Kings. We must confess the French King's Zeal to be very great, his Projects magnanimous and pious, in a word; worthy of the First Monarch of Christendom. King James is to be accounted Happy for being under the Protection of France, provided this Protection be Sincere, and the French King do not play foul upon this Occasion, as he has done heretofore in several Quarrels betwixt Christian Princes. He has often been seen to espouse the Interest of the one, by forsaking the Party of the other for whom he had declared himself, and do such Work as has ruined both in the Conclusion.  
So that in all Quarrels he alone has got something by them: He never keeps such a stir, and takes so much pains for nothing; and whenever he does any great Service, 'tis always upon condition, that the private Advantages he shall draw from it, will be proportionable to his Labour. According to this Principle, if the French King could make a Peace with the Allies upon such easy Terms as he desires, the Majesty of Kings, which he pretends to vindicate, would soon be forgotten; I had almost said, sacrificed; for, what will he not do, when his Interest lies at stake? Nothing can be more singular than the Zeal and Ardour the French King pretends for King James' Interest: All the World are informed, how the pernicious Counsels of France have been the Cause of the Misfortunes and Fall of that Prince. 'Tis France that has raised him to the Throne, by secret and underhand Practices, unknown to most People to this very day; and it may be said, That France has made him lose his Crown, by putting him upon such violent Methods as have rendered him odious to his Subjects, whose Ruin he had contrived, if God Almighty had not snatched them from the impending Danger by a miraculous Revolution. The French King's Zeal and Generality deserve to be commended: He endeavours to restore a Prince he has been the Ruin of, and this he calls, Vindicating the Majesty of Kings; for which he sacrifices the Majesty of all other Monarches in Christendom. Who can be so credulous, as to think his Conduct sincere upon this Occasion? And is it possible the French King can strain those fine Sentiments of Commiseration for an unfortunate Prince, so high, as not to scruple to declare War against all Europe, to vindicate that pretended Majesty of Kings?  
We may rather say, that he has quite another thing in Prospect, and that he only uses the Majesty of Kings as a Pretence to colour a bad Cause, further his grand Designs, weaken the Confederacy by the Ruin of the Forces of the Crown of England, and weary the Allies by the Tediousness of the War; still keeping his old Maxims and Inclinations, which would soon revive more fierce than ever, if he could clap up a bad Peace with the Confederate Princes. Those are the true Motives that prevail with the French King to vindicate the pretended Majesty of Kings, which he makes sound so high in all the Courts of Christendom.  
'Tis upon that Account that he defiles himself with all manner of Crimes. Wicked Attempts, Plots, Treacheries and Murders, are nothing to him.  
If by this means the French King pretends to vindicate the Majesty of Kings, he must own his Cause to be very bad; and that the Upshot of all the Honour that will accrue to him upon this score, will be no more than a monstrous Parallel of what has been practised by those Heathen Princes that have been the Execration of their Age. This Conduct ought to make all Christendom to tremble, since the Court of France is so far from disowning it, that they rather seem to authorise it openly by the villainous Assassins' they send over to England. If this be the way whereby the French. King endeavours to arrive at a general Peace, we must confess that it will cost dear to all Europe, and that all Honesty is banished from the World.  
The French King having acquainted the World with the Motives that made him undertake the present War, exalts the Progresses wherewith God Almighty has blessed his Designs and prospered his Erterprises. To hear him speak, his Arms have always been triumphant and victorious; and all the Advantages the Allies have had during this war, are to be counted for nothing, and France alone has all the Honour of it. We do not wonder at this Haughtiness: We know well enough this is the Language of the Court of France. That Crown is so used to those Expressions, that unless she be entirely pulled down, and stripped of her best Possessions, she never will own her Losses; and perhaps then too she will still keep up her Pride. Glory must at any rate go before all her Erterprises. The French Nation alone knows  how to command and make war, and all other Nations are ignorant and fit for nothing but to obey her proud Domination.  
Yet for all this, the Confederates carried the very first Campagn three important Fortresses on the Rhine. These Conquests were followed by a Victory won at Wallcour, by the Defeat of the best of French Kings Troops. Although this Fight was not general, the Advantages the Allies had in it gained them as much Honour as ever the French got in the Battles they won under the Conduct of the Marshal of Luxemburg; And during this Campagn the Confederate Arms were triumphant wherever▪ they fought. The Irruption into Dauphine, under the Conduct of the Duke of Savoy, and the Sea-Fight that was fought betwixt the French and Confederate Fleet, do also deserve to be reckoned among the Advantages got by the Confederates. The Siege of Namur, where France had the Shame to see the Triumph of the Arms of the Allies, is too memorable to be passed over in Silence. This only Conquest eclipses all the Victories of which the French King now brags with so much Pride, since his united Forces were not able to prevent it; and that in spite of the Presence of a Marshal of France, who got into the Place, supported by an Army within, and another without, as numerous as ever France had: Since, I say, all these Precautions have had no other Effect than to hasten the taking of that Fortress, and heighten the Honour of the Allies: If after all these Advantages, the French King gives it out, that he always was superior, it must be confessed, that he makes Fools of all the Nations of Europe who have been Spectators of 'em; and affronts besides the Honour of so many generous and brave Princes who have signalised themselves in 'em. All those prosperous Successes that have waited on my Arms, says the French King, have been the more grateful to me, as that I flattered myself they might conduce to a Peace. The Allies do freely own, that France has been prosperous in her Undertake; but they hope also that they have a Right to have the Advantages they got over that Crown taken notice of; and they cannot hear without a just Resentment those Discourses which the French publish to the World, to rob them of the Honour they have gained in this War at the Expense of their Blood, and Loss of their best Subjects and bravest Generals. All these Considerations ought to engage the Council of France to speak another Language. Although the Duke of Savoy have deserted 'em, their Union will not be the less inviolable for it; and France has no great reason to boast so much of her Superiority. A cross Accident is able to make her lose all the Advantages she pretends to draw from the Peace of Italy: Therefore she ought to have more Regard for the Allies than she has hitherto expressed; and by a just Condescension prevent the dubious Fortune of War, and hasten the Conclusion of an honourable and lasting Peace.  
FINIS.