SOME remarks Upon a late Popular Piece of Nonsense CALLED Julian the Apostate, etc.  
TOGETHER, With a Particular VINDICATION OF HIS Royal Highness THE DUKE of YORK.  
By some Bold TRUTHS in Answer to a great many Impudent Calumnies raised against HIM, by the Foolish Arguments, False Reasonings and Suppositions, imposed upon the Public from several Scandalous and Seditious Pamphlets; Especially from one more Notorious and generally Virulent than the rest, sometime since Published under the Title of A TORY PLOT, etc.  
By a Lover of Truth, Virtue, and Justice.  

Si fractus Illabatur Orbis  
Impa●idum ferient Ruinae:   Horat. Lib. 3. Ode 3. 
LONDON, Printed for T. Davies, 1682.   

PREFACE TO THE READER.  
THe Pamphlet called A Tory Plot, coming sometime since to my Hands when I was far distant from London, and at a Quiet Retirement, did very much surprise me; and gave me in the midst of my dear Shades and Meadows, often very Melancholy wayward Thoughts. When I read the Matter it contained, Considered the End it aimed it, and reflected on what sort of Creature might probably be the Author of it; I could not forbear Condemning in myself the Vice I know not sometimes how to get rid of, called Ambition: for when I reflected that half a score sheets of Paper, so weakly furnished as I found that Trifle to be, carried popular force enough to shake the Affections of a People towards a Prince, whom they Own so much to as this Thankless Nation does to the Heroic Virtue, Valour, and Sufferings of His Royal Highness; I could not but in some measure prise my own poor Condition, which Fate had placed too low to be worth the Malice of Knaves, and yet in a happiness too finely wrapped up, and couched for the Envy of Fools to find it. I waited much, and expected long an Answer to a Libel, which Reflected so notoriously as that did upon the Government, and struck so impudently at the very being of it. I thought it impossible that in so glorious a Metropolis as that of London, the Centre of all the Arts and Learning of this flourishing Kingdom; so Good and Gracious a King, as our present Just and Merciful Sovereign; so Gallant a Prince, so Unfailing a Friend, and so Kind a Master as his Generous Brother; could ever want Servants, able and ready to take in hand so glorious a Cause, and not suffer so lewd and bare-faced an Affront as that, to the Dignity and Prerogatives of the Crown, as well as the Rights of the Royal Family, to go uncorrected: I thought all this, but I was much deceived: In just Indignation then ●o the Ingratitude or Ignorance of Unprofitable Servants, and in honour to the Authority and Character of that Glorious Monarch, whom it is my greatest Pride that I was born to live a Subject under: I thought it my Duty as an Englishman, and an Honest man, to exert what little Abitities I have (if I have any at all) to do his Cause (either as he is personally or relatively concerned in that saucy Libel) the Justice it deserves. I was ashamed to think that Men who live by the Service and Favour of a Prince, and whose Wellbeing does, or aught to depend entirely upon his; should, when their Bellies are filled every day with his Bread, and their Purses with his Bounty, lay their hands upon their Mouths, or keep them in their Pockets, and neither say or do any thing for his Vindication and Service; but are rather apt to cringe, and bend the Knee to the most insolent of his Enemies; and when they falsely tell him they are his Friends, whisper it in his Ear, for fear some Acquaintance spy whom they know to be in the Train, should hear it. Of this sort are those, who come and bow at his rising in the Morning, and then go to some Rebel Club, and tell the Secrets of the Bedchamber for a Dinner. Of this sort are those, who get Preferments, in the best and most profitable Offices of a Court, and employ the credit of their Master's Service against his Interest in the Country: And of this sort are those, that often divert a Prince's Encouragements and Favour from his Friends, and when the stream of his Goodness is running the right way, turn it aside from the Merit it was aimed at, to flow upon Tools like themselves, whose Bribes have corrupted them; unable and unfit to be Employed, and too unfaithful to be Trusted.  
After having therefore vainly expected some Months an Answer to the  Pamphlet; I took it in hand though late, most for my own Satisfaction, and in Compliance to the desires of some private Friends, that often mourn with me for the Calamities of their afflicted Native Country. And after having finished it, and pleased them (with something they found in it) more than myself; I laid it by, thinking it too late to make it Public, in regard the Credit of the Paper it Corrected seemed to be blown over, and the noise of it utterly forgotten. Besides being in hopes, by the daily Success of the King's Affairs, that some lucid Intervals were coming to ease the Public Madness: I thought it would not be proper to disturb the tender Peace that was brooding over us, by stirring up anew the unruly Storm, that seemed at present to decline to some Calmness.  
But in the midst of these soothing hopes, I was alarmed afresh with another gust from the Old unquiet Corner; and that was the stinking blast of a Deacon, that had long been gripped and in pain with the Business, till out it came rattling with the Title of Julian the Apostate: I read it over, and laid it by, for the use I thought it only deserved; till being accidentally one day at Court, for as little Business as I believe Forty more had there, who seemed nevertheless Fifty times busier than I did; up comes me two mere Motions, with their Politic faces on, a little Worm wriggling behind them, impatient of an approaching Knighthood; near trimmed they were, and their shoes very clean; Sedate their Countenances, and soft their aspect: till one of them of a sudden (gathering his brows over his eyes) cried, How! Julian the Apostate! Ay, says his Companion (with the same dull Grimace) Julian the Apostate: A shrewd Fellow, I'll warrant him! an unanswerable Piece! Things as they stand will never do: Measures must be altered: Bless us, thought I, surely I am in a Trance! and this is one of Don Quevedo's Visions. Can this Fellow be fit to serve in the Palace of a King? Administer in Office to the Mighty Ruler of Three great Kingdoms, and talk at this wretched rate! So I bitten my Lip, turned aside, went home, entered my Closet; and taking Pen, Ink, and Paper, resolved for once to convince a Politician (if by chance he can read) that the Author of Julian the Apostate is not so dreadful a Bugbear, but that a Man of Moderate gifts may answer him, without breaking his Brains, or falling into a Consumption.  
And so having made the following Remarks upon it, and putting of them into such style and order as I thought the Author and the Argument of his Work deserved; it came into my Head that it would not be improper (since it lay useless by me, and that his Royal Highness' Interest and Honour were concerned in one as well as the other,) to Publish the following Vindication of that Prince, which I had written before, in Answer to the Tory Plot, with this Chastisement of an Apostate Deacon, the Author of Julian.  
And I rather chose to call the Answer to the Tory Plot, A Vindication of his Royal Highness, etc. because I found in it, summed up all the Popular and most Current Arguments, that have passed with prejudiced or misinformed People to his disadvantage: and if I have done him and his Cause any Justice, I have my end and reward in it; if I have not, I am sure he is so good and gracious a Prince to forgive my failings, and accept of my good wishes, however ineffectual may prove my Endeavours.  
I am sensible I shall undergo many Censures bitter enough: But let those that think hardly of me for this, first Consider, That I writ according to my Conscience: and hope that those who contend so much for Liberty of Conscience themselves, will not be scandalised at the freedom of mine.  
But what will they say? May be they will say I hope for a Pension; with all my Soul: I should be glad if I had one; or may be they will say, that I look for other Preferment: If they do, they may be in the right still, but may be I am in the wrong; for when I see sometimes how Matters go, and who are in my way, were I to write for Preferment at Court, for aught I know, I have not taken the right side. In a word, as Pilate said when he was mealy-mouthed, and did not think fitting to explain himself to some impertinent Critical Jews, that meant him no good by their Inquisitiveness: What I have written I have written. All honest Men I am sure will make the best of it, and let others make their most of it.  
Farewell.   

SOME remarks Upon a late Popular Piece of Nonsense CALLED Julian the Apostate, etc.  
HAving taken the following Pamphlet of a Tory Plot in hand late for the Reasons be forementioned in the Preface, no sooner had I discomfited that Giant, but up risen another, and a terrible one, a man would think him indeed by his Title, Julian the Apostate in the Devil's Name; Being a short Account of his Life, the Sense of the Primitive Christians about his Succession, and their Behaviour towards him; together with a Comparison of Popery and Paganism. Bless us thought I! What will become of us now! Immediately upon Enquiry, finding him an Enemy, I began to examine how I might Attack him, when to terrify me the more, I find him entrenched within a Preface Six or Eight and twenty Pages deep at least: Now to break in upon this Goliath, overthrew his Bulwark, and make a Rascal of him, would be an Exploit indeed. This I trust may be done, and thus I begin with him.  
The Author of the abovementioned Treatise, 'tis reasonably to be supposed would have the World believe that he has taken a great deal of pains to overthrow the Duke of Tork's Right to Succession; and that he has acquitted himself particularly in it, by exposing a Figure of his own making, which he calls the Picture of Julian the Apostate; and setting it out with an Inscription at the Bottom, which he styles, A Parallel between Paganism, and Popery. An Inscription, truly as much to the purpose, as Sir Patience Ward's Narrative round the Monument: For as that positively Charges the Papists with the Firing of London in Sixty Six, when in the Original Inscription on the West side of it, the whole is Attributed to the Just Judgement of God for their Sins: So this Fellow pretends in the first Part of his Book, by Comparison to throw as much Odium as his Ignorance is capable of, upon an Injured Suffering Prince, by Pleading the Cause of Protestancy against Popery and Paganism, when the whole Tenure and Bulk of his Book is nothing else but an absolute Panegyric upon Julian, and an Apology for Apostasy.  
This may at first, 'tis possible, seem something strange to the Reader that has not Perused the Book now under consideration so cautiously as I have done; But to prove how much a Friend our Author is to Apostasy, be pleased to take him flying in the face of Truth, in this his very Bulwark of a Preface, where he charges many of our late Addressers for offering their Lives and Fortunes, and the last drop of their Blood in the Defence of His Majesty, and the Religion now Established by Law; and by and by promising the same over again to a Popish Successor. This is flying in the face of Truth, and commonly known in speech by the Name of a Lie; for if there be any such thing as a Popish Successor mentioned in one of those Addresses he is so angry withal, I will renounce all Loyalty and Religion in the World, and be as true a Friend to Apostasy and Paganism, as our Author is.  
For he is indeed an Author of an extraordinary Cut, abounding in much popular Nonsense, fain would Scribble to persuade, but it is not his Talon, has taken up abundance of Knotty pieces of Learning upon Trust, by the help of Indices, but wants Sense and common Principles of Literature to distinguish and dispose them to any purpose; Pretends to top a Generation of People upon us for Primitive Christians, which there is not a Deacon in England but can tell him lived in a very latter Century corrupted by Arianism, and instead of the faithful Quotations of History, which ought to have been his Proofs of Matter of fact so long ago Transacted, he foists upon us the outrageous Rhetoric of particular Men's Invectives, that were angry for loss of their Ecclesiastical Dignities. Would it not be a worthy Author hereafter that should quote Hickeringell against Bishops, if there once were Occasion, and persuade Posterity to believe, that because he flew in the face of his Diocesan, that all the Clergy in England were by general consent for throwing off Episcopacy; Because that profligate Fellow took the opportunity of a Licentious Press to Publish his Invectives against the Reverend Fathers that found it convenient to censure and restrain the looseness of his Manners, that so scandalised his Character. But to return to our Preface.  
Says he, All the Sober Men that I have met with, who remain unsatisfied as to a Bill of Exclusion, do nevertheless acknowledge, that a Popish Successor will be a heavy Judgement of God to this Nation, to which we must patiently submit, as we do to all other Calamities: But in the name of Madness, what is all this to us? what have we to do with the noise and buzz of Popish Successor, if our Author will needs Dispute with us about the conveniency or inconveniency of one, let him first prove his Principle, let him first show us his Popish Successor, and convince us demonstratively (as in all Matters of Fact we ought to be) that he is One; and when that is allowed once, we are content to join issue with him; but in the mean time, though apprehending the worst, let us at the utmost but Pray against it, not Rebel upon the pretence of it.  
How foolishly a little farther has he thought himself very shrewd in citing the Example of a Man infected with the Plague? how they are imprisoned and put under a very close Confinement when they have committed no Fault; This indeed, where an unhappy Man comes to be so Infected, aught to be done for the good of the Town or Village; But he is a very vile Christian, That will give his Neighbour an ill Name, and scandalise him with a dangerous Disease, only on purpose to have his House shut up, and a Mark set on him to make him odious to his fellow Citizens, when at Bottom, twenty to one, but he's an honester founder Man, and fairer Dealer than his Accuser. And that this has been the foul Practice used against the Duke of Tork, no Man that reads our Author and his Brethren Pamphletteers of the same slamp, but may be sufficiently satisfied: How has he been Hunted and Hallooed about the World by the cry of Villains roaring out against him, Popery, Plot, Subversion of Government, when their very top Rascal, the Salamanchite himself, swore upon his first Discovery, That his Highness knew nothing of the Matter, but if he could not be drawn over, was to suffer the same Fate with his Brother: Yet as Matters grew riper, and riper, Bills of Recusancy were to be preferred against him, and the aforesaid Villain could swear through a Keyhole that was never transparent. But how much greater Villains must they be that can basely unspirit themselves to Rake in the foul Excrements of Perjury, for dirt to throw continually upon the Innocence of a Prince that may be half of'em never saw, and I am sure none of 'em were ever injured by. What a shame it is that every Prossigate Rogue, whose ill manners, and lewd life have made a Vagabond, should be permitted with Impunity to arraign the Honour and precious Fame of a Prince that has Virtues enough to Atone for all the Sins of his Enemies; nay, and to do it nonsensically too, fulsomly, dully; with hardly true English, and no manner of right reasoning; this is a grievance intolerable. Let me, if I must be defamed, suffer by the Tongue or Pen of a Rascal that has at least some Common sense, that may please me in some measure by his Wit, when he offers at my ruin with his Falsehood, let not my Reputation be choked up with the foul, muddy defluxions of an undistinguishing crudeheaded Blockhead's Brains that shall make me sick with his Nonsense, and only that way disable me from answering his Calumny.  
In short as to our Author in hand, it is very palpable from his Book, that he is either according to vulgar Expression, Very much a Knave, or very much a Fool; and truly upon considering his Writings, I cannot well judge which of those qualities have the Predominancy, for they are both very Powerful in his works, the Records of his Virtues. But I intent fairly to give the World an account what I have observed of those two Excellencies in him, and leave the Reader to judge which Title he has best pretence to.  
To proceed then, Would any but a Knave of the highest form, so far betray his Cause as to call those Primitive Christians, who lived as I mentioned before in a very latter Century, and had already the Heresy of Arrianism crept in amongst 'em? or as he has done afterwards, would boast of his Quotations, that he had not impoverished the Subject, when he has falsely corrupted it, with Fictions of his own, and added such silly Falsehoods as no honest Man durst have done, and any Scholar would have scorned. This I shall prove in what's to follow.  
Again, Who, but as very a Knave would have wrote thus. I cannot own my belief of this as a first Principle, that the Laws of a Man's Country are the measures of all Civil Obedience. I would fain be Informed (might I be so bold as to offer the Question, what it is our Author would obey, if not the Laws of his Country? How vilely does he Cant afterwards upon the Interpretation of Passive Obedience, insinuating as if it were ever taught without regards to Laws: for, there is no Obedience understood in the World, but what is Obedience to some Law or another, All Obedience is to Authority: But Power indeed and Authority may be abstracted, and are in signification abstracted from each other, Power in itself is despotic and unlimitable; but when Law is added to it, than it is softened into Authority, and the yielding to it so qualified, we call Civil Obedience: but the yielding to the force of Power is not understood by the term of Obedience, but that of Submission, and we only submit when we no longer can resist, but we obey when we no longer ought to do it; Passive Submission is an Effect of Necessity, but Passive Obedience is the Effect of Duty. His example therefore of St. Paul is falsely instanced, where he says, he was not for Passive Obedience, in that he pleaded and stood upon his Birthright; for if it were his Birthright he stood upon, that was the Law, and by that Plea he referred and absolutely threw himself upon the Law, which was as much Passive Obedience as the most Patiented man could show: 'Tis an endless Drudgery to answer the confused Cant of an ignorant mischievous Fool, though we are bound to it in Charity to the Public Tranquillity.  
Again, How foolishly has he taken the opportunity to tell us a Story of a Pursuivant, sent illegally to Arrest the Body of a Man to appear before the Judges of an Assize, which Pursuivant was killed in the Action; and says he, The Arrest afterwards was adjudged Tortius, and by consequence the kill of the Pursuivant proved afterwards no Murder: Now all I have to urge in answer to this is, Let my Friend Mr. Topham have a care hereafter how he ventures too boldly into the Country, to drag up honest Gentlemen upon Arbitrary Votes, that have no Authority out of the house they are made in.  
What in the name of Nonsense does he mean by telling us in this place an Impertinent Story, how the Church of England divides her Reverence betwixt the Ancient Fathers, and the first Reformers of the Church? What, or who does he mean by those first Reformers! I fear upon enquiring into the History of our Reformation, (I mean, not that Written by a Noble Doctor that shall be Nameless: but) I mean, That excellent History Written by a Nobleman of Honour (viz. The Lord Herbert of Cherbury) we shall find the first Causes of our Reformation not so Religiously and Conscientiously grounded, how good soever the Effect proved, as it is convenient for us to believe they were: I love and adhere to the Reformation as it is Established by Law withal my heart; but I hate an Ignorant Fellow should with his slovenly Fingers once touch so pure, so nice, and so delicate a piece of Discipline and Gospel Perfection.  
In the next place, let us examine to what purpose he recites to us the Example of Mary Queen of Scots, There are, says he, Worthies enough that were Excluders with a Witness. Rhetorical Numphs! Excluders with a Witness, what an Expression is here? This Grubstreet Vermin is a worthy Off to write Comparisons of Popery and Paganism, truly. But let us see what Excluders with a Witness were they? Oh, says he, such as were for Excluding Mary Queen of Scots, not only from the Succession, but out of the World. I'll warrant him he thinks he has nicked it here. What relation has that Queen's Case to ours? She was under an Accusation of a Conspiracy against the Queen and the Government; nor was ever such thing as a Bill of Exclusion against her thought of: But this Case of hers has been a standing false Argument with all our Blockheadly Pamphletteers to this purpose these Three years: And our present Author who loves Common places so well as to make a whole Book of them, certainly could never miss this, though I must beg leave to take notice to what purpose: Not only from the Succession, but out of the World! How villainously would he here insinuate the Necessity of shedding more Royal Blood, when this miserable Kingdom smells too rank of it already: And for the Case even of that unhappy Queen, It appeared to the eyes of all the World so horrid and profane a Violation of the Rights of Majesty, that the Memory öf it is an Odium upon us all over Christendom to this very day.  
And for the musty Piece of a Journal, which he is pleased to quote for the necessity of Cruelty and Bloodshed, of a Writing as he styles it, Entitled, Reasons to prove the Queen's Majesty bound in Conscience to proceed with Severity in this Case of the late Queen of Scots. By his good leave, I think it no Argument at all to the present purpose, but the Writing itself 
Sir Sim. d'Ewes Journ.  in the quality of its matter Unchristian, and in its manner boyish and frivolous; foolishly Sophistical, without any foundness of Reasoning, or strength in Law: It says in the first place, Every good Prince ought by God's Commandment to punish even with Death, all such as seek to seduce the People of God, from his true Worship unto Superstition and Idolatry; For that offence God hath always most grievously punished, as committed against the first Table; and to prove this, they cite a Text of Scripture of Deut. 13. Now to make that Text of Scripture valid and of force to what we have in hand, we must First have a Law of the Kingdom for the Punishment of Death in that Case. Secondly, That Law of the Kingdom must explain what this Idolatry is. Thirdly, After all, it must be such an Idolatry as that Text of Scripture has expressed, or else the Chapter is quoted to no purpose. As to the first, concerning a Law of the Kingdom for Punishment of Death in that Case, I believe upon Examination we shall find none; for as our Author has justly observed in another place, that Law de Haeretico Comburendo is taken away: Besides, granting there were a Capital Law against the Idolatry mentioned in that Chapter, I question yet (to put the worst of the Case) whether it would reach Popery or no: for if we examine Verse the 6th. of that Chapter, we shall find the Idolatry there mentioned to be explained, for the turning aside to serve other Gods which we have not known, we nor our Fathers. Now I never heard but that the Church of Rome served and adored the very same God that we do, in the Trinity of Persons, and Unity of the Godhead: So that of this sort of Idolatry, at least she does not appear to be guilty. What other Kind (for certainly there are different Kind's) may be laid to her Charge, I could wish some Ingenuous, Conscientious, and Honourable Divine would for the true Information of all honest and truly Religious Children of the Church of England, fairly, and candidly lay down and determine. I am sure the canting, falsifying, and misinterpretation of Scripture, which such Fellows as the Author of this Libel and his Companions use to serve their Malice or other Ends in Seducing and Imposing upon the Ignorance of the Vulgar, tend rather to the bringing Popery in Credit again, than any thing else; and if the Author of The Growth of Popery were alive, to add to that Treatise, I know not where he could raise a better Argument for his Theme, than from those Scribblers, that are suffered to pretend the defence of the best and truest Religion in the World, by the falsest and worst Arguments, that their Ignorance or Immorality can furnish them withal.  
To be short, this Libel against the Christian Religion; this Julian the Apostate, which has made so much noise in the World, I mean, amongst the Ignorant since its Publication, is so far from being what it would pretend to be, viz. An Argument against the D's Right of Succession, that it is nothing but a downright Alarm to Rebellion; for as an Alarm in War is nothing but a confused Noise and Rattling upon a Drum without any measure, method, or distinction; so this Whole Book from one end to the other, is only an indistinguishable lump of Sedition, thrown out in a confused heap, to amuse and glut the Vulgar withal, without any Arguments raised from any principle, or tending to any end except that of provoking our Swords into one another's Bowels, drowning our Fields in blood, and overwhelming of our Peace for ever.  
How foolishly does he tug and heave at an Argument which his Brains want strength to set a going against that Popular one, as he calls it of our Allegiance sworn to the King, and his Lawful Heirs and Successors; by telling us what some Lawyers (that is to say of his own Set) think of the Matter, No Man can have an Heir while he himself is alive: Which though I think I have confuted in the following Answer to the Tory Plot, yet to come a little nearer him here, If no Man can have an Heir while he himself is alive, how came that distinction to be once urged in Parliament, betwixt Heir Apparent, and Heir Presumptive? The Noble Gentleman that made it understood Law, and I hope, good Mr. Author, you will not accuse so great an Oracle as he has been to your Party of Nonsense; For, if the King can have no Heir while he himselflives, that telling the Duke how he was not Heir Apparent, but Heir Presumptive, was a Nonsensical Distinction to make the best of it, for he ought not according to your Argumment to have allowed that the Duke was so much as Heir Presumptive, but aught to have declared, That the King till he was dead could have no Heir at all; but I suppose he knew where he was, and was wiser. What stuff too is this which follows against another Argument, which he says he has heard fetched from the Common Prayer, (viz.) That no Church of England Man can with a good Conscience be for a Bill of Exclusion, which they say is to the Prejudice of His Royal Highness, because we there Pray, that God would prosper him with all Happiness both here and hereafter.  
To answer which, says he, it would be a Curse either in the mouth or heart of any Protestant, under the name of Happiness; to wish him the Opportunity, invincible Temptation, and a kind of Necessity to Extirpate the best Religion in the World.  
Now does not this Fellow deserve to be pelted and hollowed out of every Society that had but Common Sense? Kind of Necessity! In the Devil's Name, what Conjuration's this! What does he mean by Kind of Necessity? Is not all Necessity the same? Are there any kinds of it? Thou Noddle full of unutterable Nonsense, there are several kinds of Conveniency indeed, but I never heard of kinds of Necessity before, as for Example, I could propose several kinds of Conveniencies for our Author, viz. It were convenient for him to learn Grammar; It were convenient for him to turn an Honest Man; It were convenient for him to get a good Parsonage, etc. But for the First, it may be he is too old or too dull; For the Second, I am afraid he has no Seeds of it in his Nature; For the Third, I am informed he has behaved himself so scandalously in one post already, that he will hardly be trusted in haste with another (I know not what a new Patron may do for him) But it is absolutely necessary for him to Eat in this World; Bread he must have, and he finding that playing the Knave and the Fool is the most agreeable way to his Nature of getting it, has very fairly set up his Trade with a Julian the Apostate. This I take to be an illustrative distinction of Necessity and Conveniency.  
But why, my dear Author (should he ever succeed which may be, I hope, as much as you, that he will not, for I hope the King may outlive him.) But why will he have a Necessity upon him to Extirpate the best Religion in the World? I am afraid my little Mephistophilus may have a Quirk in this, for if by the best Religion in the World, thou meanest Presbytery, Independency, Anabaptism, Brownism, Quakerism, etc. all blended together as they are already in a Faction, or either of them separated from the rest as it is probable thou mayest, my dear Author: verily, I am of thy Opinion. For I think it so absolutely necessary for the too merciful Prince, who possesses the Throne already to do it, That I am afraid and persuaded, They will never let him Rule in Peace so long as there is one of their Priests of Baal left to blow the Trumpets of Sedition, affront the Authority of the Government, and vex the Quiet, and the Peace of his Kingdoms. To Extirpate these false Religions, I think there is a kind of Necessity, as thou callest it; But how the D. should he succeed will have by that a Necessity to Extirpate the Church of England, as by the Law it is Established, is a Riddle I would fain see interpreted; I believe he would find it absolutely necessary for him to do otherwise, I believe he may find it necessary for him to Preserve, maintain, and Indulge that Religion, so essential to the Royal Authority itself, that That, and the Best King fell together: and what sort of Church succeeded, ask Mr. Baxter. The Church of England is a Religion whose interest is so mixed and interwoven, on one hand with the Prerogatives, Authority and Safety of the King; on the other, with the Liberty, Property, Quiet and Ease of the Subject; in short, so much the Golden Chain that ties the Interest of Rule and Obedience together, that I dare pronounce no King can be Happy in England, that does not in all its Interests and nicest Points support it. Nor will it for all the Preface to Julian the Apostate be necessary for any Successor to suffer its Diminution or its least Impair, much less to extirpate and destroy it.  
All this Virulence and bitterness he has expressed in his Preface against the Duke of York. But when he comes to speak of Julian, I desire but the Reader to take notice how favourably he handles him.  
There was, says he, a Law, and an Ancient Law of the Empire (and so great stress was laid upon it, that the breach of it was looked upon as an Offence against the Government and the Empire) that every one should Honour and Worship the Emperor's Statues and Pictures which were set up for that end in Public places. Now (says he) He (meaning his Friend Julian) took advantage of that Law to ensnare them unawares in Heathenish Worship, for he added the Figures of the Heathen Gods to his own Picture, and as Gregory 's words are (this fellow has a great honour for Gregory, as we shall see hereafter) mingled Poison with their meat, abusing their Loyalty to the purposes of Idolatry. Now let us Construe this Gibberish, and see what it signifies.  
If there were a Law of the Empire for the worshipping of the Emperor's Statues and Pictures, than was Idolatry established by Law, for worshipping Statues is no better, and what a Libel has he made upon Christianity; nay, and quoted Gregory for his Author, in telling us, That the Christians thought themselves bound in Loyalty to obey that Law: Or how (though the Pictures of the Heathen Gods were added to the Emperors) was their Loyalty in Danger of being abused? for if those Christians could dispense in Conscience with adoring and worshipping the Emperor's Statues, they might easily have separated their adoration from the Images of the Heathen Gods, and kept their Loyalty as found as ever it was; what stuff is this to be Published in Print! I am afraid the Press has got a Contagion of Nonsense, and will never vent wholesome Sense and sound Reasoning again; for I am fain to write almost as bad Nonsense as he to answer him: as some sort of Poisons are only to be expelled by another.  
But to inquire a little farther, who were they that refused this? why he refers us to St. Gregory again, who he says tells us, Some of the Wiser and more Conscientious found out the Fraud, but they paid for their Sagacity, the Pretence was, that they offended against the Honour of the Emperor; but the Truth was, they came into Danger for the sake of the true King. Was there ever a Libel against Christianity, and an Apology for an Apostate better couched? Here he accuses those Christians of no less than Idolatry and Rebellion at once; of Idolatry, in that they made no scruple of worshipping the Statue of Emperor and of Rebellion in making a foolish evasion to disobey the Law in boggling at Images of the Heathen Gods being present, which they need not have taken any notice of. But at the same time to Compliment Julian, says, They were punished yet in no appearance, for not worshipping the Heathen Images, but for offending the honour of the Emperor; Nevertheless to gloss and varnish over the Business, he calls it indeed a Pretence; and says the truth was, That they came in Danger for the sake of the true King: And what does he mean by the true King now? I'll warrant you no less than King Jesus. Were Venner alive at the Head of his Fifty Madmen once more, each Warrior whereof was to slay his Ten Thousand; this Fellow, I fancy, would make a very good Chaplain to the Troop.  
But the end and scope of all this is, as I find a little after, to shoulder in a Parallel as he thinks of some body else; For, Now, says he, If a Prince puts a Border of Popery (which some say is ten times worse than a Border of Paganism) about his Picture, which we fain would Honour and Reverence, and once did before we saw that unhappy Accident: What shall we say! or what can we do!  
Was there ever any thing so witty as this now? Does not this Fellow deserve to be a Lord's Chaplain? a Character I hear he is lately preferred to for this very Piece. Was there ever any thing so newly Rhetorical! Border of Popery! Put prithee my Dear Deacon under the Rose; why a Border of Popery after all? would it not have sounded as well to have said a Girdle of Popery, or a Shoulder Belt of Popery? besides, it would have been a more lively Image of the thing, if the Shoulder Belt had been Embroidered into the Bargain, as it might have been with Triple Crowns, Beads, Crucifixes, Sir Edmondbury Godfreye's Murders, all the Hieroglyphics of the Raree Show, and at last Arbitrary Power in Capital Letters, at the bottom of all upon the dreadful hangers; this upon reading might have darted dreadful Imagination's into our heads indeed, but Border of Popery! Fie, fie, 'tis mean and little, a Tailor would have made as noble a Metaphor. Then too after all, to finish thy Period with what shall we say! what can we do! 's life, it puts me in mind of Shirley's Part in the Rehearsal, viz. Heigho: Heigh day! I have no more to do, nor more to say! Though if the Laws shall once (as in due time my dear Friend 'tis possible) put a true Protestant English Halter, or a Border of a Pillory about thy Neck: I know very well what the Executioner will do, and all Honest Men will be furnished with something to say.  
I thought here to have done with his Preface, but upon farther Consideration, beg leave to remark upon one Passage more of it, and then go forward with the Bulk of his Libel.  
Speaking of the Divisions of the Church at this time, says this worthy Reverend Author, Now what did the Christians do? Did the Orthodox go and side with Julian to revenge the Injuries which they had received from the Arrians in Constantius' time! Or make use of Julian's favour which he shown in restoring them to crush their Brethren, which differed from them!  
Now let us examine the Matter, and Judge what credit ought to be given to any thing this Fellow says hereafter: First, he here declares Constantius a favourer of Arrianism, one that had Persecuted and Banished the Orthodox Christians; yet afterwards makes him the Hero of his Romance, owns Julian the Favourer, Patron and Restorer of those Orthodox Christians from Banishment, yet would make us believe his Book intentionally Published to his Prejudice, when it will appear upon the whole Matter he hath done all that is possible to give Julian a Character of the most Moral and (setting aside his Defection from the Faith) the more merciful Emperor to the Christians of the two; nay, and has the Impudence moreover to slur the Professors in those times of that most damnable Heresy of Arrianism upon us for Primitive Christians.  
Thus much for the Preface. Thus much for the Bulwark, now for the Giant lodged within, and thus it gins: Julian the Apostate, Chapter the First. A short Account of Julian 's Life; Let it come then in the Name of God, (as a great Man said once of a Hare,) I fear it not.  
This Chapter being a short Account of Julian's Life, we may reasonably suppose, since it is written by one that pretends not to praise him for his Virtues, we shall in it find Matters against him heinous enough to correspond with the odious Title it seems to bear. But if through this whole Chapter we find nothing (saving his Apostasy) laid to his Charge, but what the best and most merciful Prince in Moral Prudence might, nay, aught to have done; I hope the World will be of my Opinion in some measure at least that our Author is not so much his Enemy as in his Preface he pretends to be.  
The first thing then that he says against him, (nay, and he quotes Theodoret for it too) Page the Fourth is, That having a Mind to the Sceptre, and seeking, Fortune-tellers to know whether he should obtain his desire, he met with a Man that promised to foretell him these things, who led him into an Idol Temple, and there initiated him; so that the desire of a Kingdom, stripped this thrice wretched Person of his Piety; and yet the very next Line to prove his Friend Theodoret a Liar, if possible, he calls Gregory to witness, That he had no Piety at that time to lose. Is not this as Friendly an Office as possible to Julian to bring two such Eminent Writers against him as Gregory and Theodoret, contradicting one another in Matter of Fact, and even in very Terms? And to proceed says he, (quoting Gregory still) even before that he was a concealed Pagan, and Disputed with his Brother in favour of the Heathens; when immediately to confound all truth that might hence be urged in this case against his Friend the Apostate, he tells us the very next Page, That nevertheless, the Fathers all agree, that the occasion of Julian 's Revolt from Christianity was from a thirst of Empire, and from consulting his heathenish Gadburies' about it. So that in the first place, we have here Theodoret saying, That by his following Soothsayers, his desire of a Kingdom stripped him of his Piety. Then Gregory telling us, He had at that time no Piety to lose, being a concealed Pagan before; but to close the Dispute at last the consent of the Fathers, that the Occasion of his Revolt from Christianity for all that, was from a thirst of Empire, and consulting his Heathen Gadburies': Now if one should object after all this, That the Fathers never knew or heard of such a Name as Gadbury; why, may be our Author will answer, It is a fine thing to be florid, with all my heart, but has not our Author to his Power afterwards justified Julian's reliance on Astrology, by telling us how St. Austin has fully expressed the Matter in few words, saying, That the same God who gave the Empire to a good Emperor, gave it likewise to Julian; so that for any thing I see, the Gadburies' were very Honest Gadburies', and told him the truth at least, how ill use soever he made of it. I am sure he has proved Julian did not Usurp it as is said afterwards, but that God gave it him.  
Now to sum up this which we have examined, all that I can find it visibly amount to, is, That our Author having a mind nothing should be credited of what he says in his Book against Julian the Apostate, has taken the first opportunity to prove Gregory a Liar, and overthrow his Testimony, that all the Quotations out of him, (which are almost the only, or at least the most material ones he makes use of in the whole) might be esteemed by the Reader of no force, as coming from a prejudiced hand, and one that in the very beginning had forfeited the Truth. I think no man under a kind of Necessity (as our Author has it) to write against Julian in Public, could have treated him underhand more like a Friend.  
Nay, He almost dares bare-faced undertake it; for after all this, as if he feared we might believe there was something in the Matter: to confute the whole, he declares the very next Paragraph, That the World knew nothing of this, no, nor the Emperor himself: Just as if he would put it into our mouths to ask then, how Theodoret, Gregory, and the Fathers came by the Story? or did Julian trust them with it being Errand Christians, and his particular Friends, and so they kept it as a secret from the World and the Emperor, lest it might spoil his Succession? This will not agree with the following Chapter, as we shall see by and by farther. In short, Matters as to this Point are much in the dark, and I am almost at our Author's own pass, of what shall we do? or what can we say? All that I can think of it is, that Nonsense, Incoherency, and a mired understanding are a just Judgement upon a Scribbling Varlet, that has no more Grace than to write against his Conscience.  
The next Account we have of Julian is, That being made Caesar by the Emperor, and sent with an Army against some Northern Barbarians who had invaded France, he proved very successful and routed the Enemy; upon which, having got the hearts of the Common Soldiers by giving them Money, they declared hi● Emperor: Now in all reasonable Conjecture, those Soldiers might make him Emperor even against his Will, or at least without his seeking. For Constantius being a favourer of Arrianism, and having Banished the Orthodox, these Soldiers being (as our Author plainly acknowledges, Page the 8th.) Men Principled in the true Religion might do it for the Interest of that Truth, in hopes he might recall the Orthodox, as he afterwards did. Nevertheless, do but observe how he uses Gregory again upon this occasion, for, having done his best to prove him a Liar before, here he's resolved to make him little better than a Fool too: For, says he, Julian Marching with his Army towards Constantinople. Gregory tells us, (Alas poor Gregory!) That his pretence was, he came to excuse his being made Emperor; but the truth was, to wrest the Empire out of Constantius 's hands, who thereupon waved his Persian Expedition, and advanced with his Army to meet him, but died by the way: else Julian had paid for his Folly. Now what is this, but Covertly to insinuate to us how far Gregory was behind hand in the account of Common sense, to think that so great a Captain as Julian was, would venture to March with a new usurped Authority, uncertain of the hearts of his Army (which he says afterwards he found much difficulty to gain) against a Potent Emperor confirmed in his Authority, beloved by his People, and secure in the midst of the strength of his Empire. What is this, but secretly to call Gregory an Ass to think so, and confirm the Sincerity of Julian's Obedience, in that he came purposely, as he indeed pretended, to deliver up the Authority which he thought he could not hold without Dishonour; what greater Panegyric can a Parson make upon an Apostate?  
Next, says our Author, Page the 8th. Julian having called home the Orthodox Bishops whom Constantius Banished, and thus settled himself in his Throne, and made the Army sure to him, he began to discover his Malice against the Christians: Well, but how? (I dare venture to lose odds, if this double-dealing Deacon does not bring his Friend the Apostate off again presently:) Vous avez, Page the 9 th'. He charged the People, That they should Injure none of the Christians, nor reproach them, nor draw them to Sacrifice against their wills. Was there ever so impudent a Fellow as this Chaplain of my Lord's!  
Nay, so very tender is he of Julian's Reputation in this Point, that when he comes to speak of any ill usage which the Christians received, He does all that possibly can be done to let us understand Julian had not any hand in the Business: As for instances, The Heathens, says he, ran about the streets, and abused the Saints with Scurrility and Mockery, and omitted no sort of reproachful and abusive Language.  
Now this, as our Author has ordered the matter, is so far from reflecting upon Julian, that it utterly clears him of the thing: For he had before charged his People not to reproach them, etc. Nor will his pretence of telling us Julian connived at it serve his turn; for it is well known Kings, and Emperors in those times did not use so to trifle with their Government as to Command their People one thing, and then suffer their Subjects to fly in the face of their Authority, and commit Riots in spite of them.  
But upon enquiry, we shall find this worthy Author had a farther drift, which was to expose Gregory for a Mad man, as he had done before for a Fool and a Lyar. And he goes about it thus:  
After having told us a Story, how the Heathens and Christians used to rail at one another in Streets, much like the Scolding of our Watermen upon the Thames, till at last they came to blows, in which the Christians came by the worst of it, he proceeds to tell us a Story of one Cyril, a Deacon that was killed for being a  over Zealous Fool at Heliopolis, and breaking down many of the Images which were there worshipped: Now I think the Deacon deserved to have his addled Brains beat out as they were for letting his Zeal transport him to the breach of the public Peace and the Laws, I am at this high noon of Christianity for hanging up all zealous disturbers of the public, I am for hanging up those zealous true Protestants of an adjacent County, that lately broke open a Church, threw down the Communion-Table, & defaced the Altar because they thought it an abomination, nay afterwards defiled the public Vessel of Baptism, & tore the Bible the blessed word of God, for the shameful use that followed.  
But to what we proposed, this story of Cynril is followed by another 
Page the 11th.  of Marcus Bishop of Arethusa, who had thrown down a Temple that belonged to the Heathens and built a Christian Church in the stead of it, upon which the people of Arethusa demanding of him to rebuild their Temple, or pay a certain Sum of Money equivalent, he refused and was killed for his pains; nay our Author tells us, they would have compounded with him for one piece of Gold, but he said no.  
Now if this be true, I do not think that this Bishop of Arethusa behaved himself like a conscientious or a wise Bishop. For in the first place he had no right that impowered him to throw down the Temple at all, and might Twenty to one have found many as convenient places to have built his Christian Church in as that was, and have done the public property no Injury neither: Now it may be 'twill be objected, that it was the impulse of his Zeal; to which I answer, I am not for that Zeal that blows up Houses and demolishes Temples, let the pretence be as plausible as it will, we have had enough of such Zeal in England already to our sorrow and our shame: This story our Author urges as instance of the persecution Christianity lay under at that time, where I desire only the Reader to observe he has taken care not to make Julian appear in it at all, he is all along very tenderly careful of Julian's reputation and will rather make one of his Primitive Christian Bishops (as he calls 'em) appear a Fool or a Madman then urge any thing that may reflect too closely upon his favourite Apostate; But for his old acquaintance, Gregory to make him as I said before as much a Madman as is possible: though he citys this instance of Marcus for an example of cruelty and injustice, he tells us Page the 12th. Gregory was of opinion (and he calls it a sharp saying of him) that Marcus justly suffered all this, and deserved to have suffered a great deal more for that he once saved Julian: Methinks now Gregory had a very odd Notion of Justice according to this Argument: but the truth of the matter is, that he is mightily beholding to our Author through his whole book upon all occasions. But now to close this short account which he gives us of the Life of Julian, I desire the Reader to observe if any thing could be more elaborate to raise an Argument in his praise then our Author has been. For whereas he urges (and Quotes one Socrates for it too) how Julian by a Law commanded that the Children of Christians should have no Schooling or Education, lest by this advantage they might be better able to oppose the disputants of the Gentiles, Page the 14th. To oppose and utterly refute this Charge against him he citys Julian 
Page the 14th.  himself declaring (Juliani Ep. 42.) It would be an unjust thing to bar Children which knew not which way to turn themselves, from the right way, and saying expressly, that their Children were not prohibited: But mark the subtlety of the Man how craftily he couches this Apology for Julian, by saying, who would send their Children to Heathen Masters, where they should be principled in Heathenism? And that this Liberty forsooth was one of Julian's Traps wherein consisted the true spirit of his persecution. Now durst our Author have spoken out I fancy he would have told us— Ah, Beloved Julian 'tis true was an Apostate, but indeed a moral man, and a very merciful Prince, he persecuted the Christians 'tis true; but how! Ah Beloved, not with Constables and Militia-men disturbing their Conventicles, not by a Statute of the 35th of Elizabeth, he persecuted them by Indulgency, by Liberty of Conscience; My Beloved, 'twas in that consisted the true spirit of julian's persecution, Julian was a merciful Persecutor but etc. Nothing is plainer if meaning be to be gathered out of words then that this was our Author's drift in what he delivers us concerning the Apostate, how wide soever he pretends to fly and squeak from the matter, the Lapwings Nest is not where the noise is made; yet he has not so closely covered his cheat neither but that a discerning eye may easily discover what I observed before in the beginning of these remarkes, that his whole book from one end to the other, is but a defence of Paganism, and an Apology for Apostasy.  
Thus I have done with this short account of julian's life, wherein I think I have sufficiently discovered and made appear that our Author has been much his friend, and recoun●…d nothing that Julian has done (setting aside his Apostasy) to render his Character odious to any charitable Reader, or to charge him with the least persecution of Christianity through his whole Government, though I should not have taken this way of answering such a Book, or perhaps not meddled with it at all, But that the vile, seditious design and villainous of it provoked me to expose the Ignorance, and Folly of an Arrogant Dunce that would needs be wasting Ink and Paper, without a common portion of Logic to argue from any principle, or raise (though we should be so civil to grant what he knows not how to propose) the least reasonable consequence. The whole Book being but a few chewed scraps, and mammocks of Gregory's choleric invectives, which perhaps he had better have set alone then ever published, and certainly would have done so had he foreseen, what a ridiculous use such a little greecling as this Scribbler would have made of them.  
But because the little peevish insect would fain by its buzz, insinuate into the world that this Impertinent Collection may in some measure bear a Parallel with the present case of a Prince, whom I will not dishonour so much as to name, upon an occasion so unworthy his meanest consideration, I have taken upon me for the rectifying and disabusing of the understandings of a great many poor deluded people, that I am informed have been led away by the speciousness of the pretence, without considering the weight of the argument, to wash off the Guelt from this shining piece of Nonsense show the vile unvaluable dross it is composed of, and let them see what a Knave they have to deal with, for putting such false Metal upon them, and what a Fool he was too, that could counterfeit the Stamp and Coin of sense and honesty no better.  
And to this end, I shall proceed in the Examination of his Second Chapter, which he calls the sense of the Primitive Christians about 
Page t●… 18th.  Julian's Succession.  
Now in a discourse under these contents, A Man would reasonably imagine we were to be treated (considering the end our Author drives at) with an account of some public Acts and Endeavours of the Christians, to obstruct and cut off the Succession of this Julian, we might expect here some precedent for an Act of Exclusion, warranted from a practice of so ancient a standing as that of the Primitive Christians, as our Author calls them, in Constantius' time, though they were indeed Arrians, but instead of that in the very beginning of this Chapter we are told we cannot expect, to read of any endeavours used to prevent this Succession, and to fore-close him upon the score of his Religion. And why? Because says our Author, julian's coming to the Crown a Pagan was a perfect surprise to the World: so that instead of giving us here a Precedent for an Act of Exclusion even in the like case, all he informs us of is, That it was the sense of the Primitive Christians not to fore close, as he calls it, any one upon the score of his Religion, at least before they knew of his defection. Now here is a neat way of arguing this Fellow has, when he would compare and make Parallels, is it not? All I say from hence is, if it were the opinion of the Primitives, I think it ought to be the sense of us that are Christians too, if Religion and Justice be not growing into contempt among us, not to fore-close any man upon the score of his Religion, till we are sure at least (from better Arguments than the malicious insinuations of his Enemies, (whom he has a spirit too Royal and too great to bow to) and the Oaths of perjured profligate Villains) that he has left it.  
But to come as near to the business he would foist upon us as is possible, which is to tell us the sense of the Christians at that time (I'll put the case modestly for him) concerning julian's Succession, The first thing he does in this Chapter, (after a merry frisk or two by way of bob to Addressers in the beginning merely to show the nimble disposition of his parts) is, to give us the most accurate account he can of julian's undoubted and indisputable right to the Empire; and truly to do him Justice it is the only methodical, reasonable & well joined story or discourse in his whole Book. After he has shown us this, bless us! how he seems to extend and raise himself for the force of the blow that is to follow; but let us see how we can bear it.  
After he had summed up the short History of Julian's right to the Empire, he has pleased to express himself thus. If this will not 
Page the 11th.  do, I know not what measures of divine right (speaking you must know very despicably of the Assertors of any such right) will serve their turn, unless they would have a Crown drop from the Clouds. And yet says he, The Fathers had the conscience to set aside such a Title as this: Well, we desire to see how, and that's but reasonable. Why says he, Gregory after Julian was dead, (he very much given to Gregory,) in the very beginning of an Invective calls after Constantius in Heaven, and expostulates the matter with him there. That is to say, after Julian was dead, Gregory calls 
Page the ●2d.  after Constantius who died before him, to pass a Bill of Exclusion and set aside the Apostates Title to the Throne; is it not so? Risum teneatis amici! Now says our worshipful Author at the end of this Quotation, Page the 24th, here is enough to show that Constantius would never have made Julian Caesar, etc. Now I think this as neat a Conclusion as the Argument will bear, I think the point of Succession as handsomely settled, as any serupulous man could in conscience desire: I think our Author has satisfied us, That the Fathers would have set aside julian's Title to secure their Religion, for Gregory says he, called after Constantius about it, when they were both dead and told him, the Apostate ought not to succeed: and that was as well as if all the Fathers had remonstrated to him in his life time. Gregory good man, honest Gregory did all he could in the business he was for shutting the Stable Door according to the Proverb: his wisdom truly was great, but it was something Phrygian.  
Now either the Fathers would have remonstrated to Constantius in his life time against julian's Succession, and forgot to tell us so, or under the Rose our Author doth prevaricate, which in plain English is little better than Lying, or else they deputed Gregory to do it for them, and he like a false Brother, Father, writ invectives in his own name, and got all the honour of Expostulating against Julian's Succession, after he was dead to himself. But to be serious a little, if upon this occasion it be possible.  
And under a great trial of my patience I speak it, This Monster of an Author is so unconscionably dull, and has so little mercy on those that fall under the Condemnation of reading him, that after having thus Quoted Gregory like a Coxcomb to a purpose for which every body that peruses it with the least attention must laugh at and despise him, he cannot forbear glutting us with more Impertinency still, and telling us that the same Father will give us better measure in another place, now this other place is, but another piece of the old Gregorian Invective, As our Author hath translated him; yet I will take pains to transcribe a little of it. I would give our Author, and his friend Gregory as fair play as I can, and thus it runs.  
What have you done, O Divinest Emperor and greatest love of Christ, (for I am fallen to reprehending you, as if you were present 
●ark it ●entle Rea●er I beseech ye.  and in hearing, although I know you to be much above my reproof, being placed with God, and inheriting the glory which is there, and are only gone from hence to Exchange your Kingdom) what strange kind of Council is this which you have taken, who did far excel all other Kings in wisdom and understanding! Thus has our Author Translated it; now I desire the Reader to accept of my Translation upon this Translation, and see if it serve not as well to the purpose. As thus then:  
Hubbubbeo!  
Vat hast dou done noow dou diveenest Imperour and in Create favourship vid 
The Irish howl in this manner over their dead friends Graves and much to this purpose.  Creest gra. for I must make expostulation upon d'ye as if dou didst hear me do dou dost not hear me indeed neider vy voudst dou die I pridee now and leave die Cousin Julian all die Land and Possessions dou voo hadst so much Visdom and Solidity St. Patrick be vid dy sweet shoule vy didst dou make die amongst us! This really to me sounds as reasonably and as much to the purpose as the very other; yet such stuff as this dares this dull Miscreant quote for Arguments, that the Fathers would in Conscience have set aside Julian's Title for the sake of Religion, when he citys nothing to prove his Assertion but two or three scraps of a railing Invective; Published perhaps not unseasonably after Julian's Death as a piece of Ecclesiastical Policy, but signifies nothing to the present use he would make of it: Nor can there indeed be given to the very Tenure of it in general any credit at all: For whereas he says before, That Constantius would not have made Julian Caesar, nor have set up an Enemy of Christ over the Christians, if he had known him to have been such; yet he tells us not three leaves afterwards, Page the 29th. (nay, and he quotes Grogory again for that too) That Constantius made his Excuse both to God and Man for his kindness to Julian, and repent him of it at his last breath: Now if Constantius knew not Julian to be an Apostate, he had no reason for this Repentance; if he did know him to be such, he might perhaps have hindered his Succession, but he did not; which plainly overthrows the use our Author makes of his Friend gregory's Invective, which he says Page the 24th, was enough to show that Constantius never would have made Julian Caesar, etc. as I recited before. In short, this Fellow had got a few Notions in his Head which his watery Brains were too cold to digest, so there they lay heavy till they infected him with that Epidemical Disease which rages of late so fatally amongst us called Pruritus scribendi (i. e.) Scabies soeculi.  
For what Apology can there possibly be made for a Fellow that talks at the rate he does in another place, viz. Page the 27th. where he says (and calls it a Remark of his own wise Noddle too) that the making of Julian a Caesar, was a rash, foolish, inconsiderate, cruel, inhuman action, and fit only for some Devil to advise; when but a little before, Page the 24th. he brings in Gregory Complimenting Constantius, who did that Action, by the glorious Appellations of Divinest Emperor, and greatest Love of Christ. But as I have observed before, he never designed gregory's advantage as to this business in the least; if he did, I am sure he has spoiled it, as bad as the Patron did him, who removed him from his Reader-ship in , to a Rector-ship in Essex, or any where else.  
Now to what purpose our Author has written this Chapter concerning the sense of the Primitive Christian's about Julian's Succession, and how far he has proved the Fathers in Conscience would have set aside his Title, I leave to the Judgement of any  and reasonable understanding, and so beg leave to proceed to his Third Chapter, being an Account of the Christian's behaviour towards Julian in words.  
Well, Now let us see then how they really did use him in their words, 
Page the 33d.  Why says our Author, instead of Julianus, they called him Idolianus, that is to say, they Quibbled upon him; was there ever such stuff as this published before! Nay, says he farther, They called him Pisaeus, and Adonaeus from his worshipping of Jupiter and Adonis: yet this Boyish stuff the foolish Fellow that writes it in the next Page, calls being smart upon Julian, I have an honour for a Jolt headed Deacon that's good at a Jest with all my heart.  
And to show us more and more how he bears a Brain (as some old 
Page the 35th.  Women call it) to convince us throughly how bitter the Christians were upon all occasions against this Emperor in their words and speeches, indeed he quotes us out of Ammianus Marcellinus, how that when he went to the Campaign, some of them wished him a happy Expedition, and a glorious Return (bitter railing, this is very bitter railing!) Now has not this Scribbler ordered this Chapter to as good purpose as he did the last! This is being very severe in their words and speeches. This is being very smart upon him truly.  
Well, but now let us see how Julian revenged himself, and persecuted them for this Treatment, and for it take this Story, Page the 36th. of a Nobleman of Berea.  
This Nobleman, says our Author, having disinherited his Son for Warping 
Page the 36th and 37th.  towards the false Religion. This persecuting Julian promising the Youth to reconcile his Father to him, invited the Magistrates and Chief men of Berea to a Feast, among the rest this young Man and his Father, whom he ordered to sit next himself (very horrid Persecution indeed!) well but what followed: Why about middle of Dinner Julian says to the Father, In my mind it is not Just to force a Man's Judgement against his will: Therefore do not you force your Son against his mind to follow your Opinion; for neither do I force you to follow mine; so that here is Liberty of Conscience still, the true spirit of Julian's Persecution, as our Author observed before. Well, but what said the old Gentleman to all this? why, the Father sharpening his discourse answered, O King, do you speak of this Villain who is hated of God, and has preferred a Lie before the true Religion? Now certainly a Tyrant, and Persecutor, could do no otherwise than command him to be Hanged, Burned or Racked for this at least. Well, what did he do? why says our Author, he put on a Vizard of Meekness, and only replied, Friend leave Railing. Now would not any one that reads this, fairly conclude that the reciter of it was more Julian's Friend than the Nobleman's, and has given a better Character of the Apostate, than the Christian?  
He tells us indeed another blind Story of a Blind Bishop of Chalcedon, 
Page the 38th.  who was very foul mouthed towards Julian, for which he says, he persecuted him grievously afterwards; but the manner he leaves us to find out as well as we can, he being as I think I have justly observed all along, too much a will-wisher to Julian, to deliver any thing that shall not make rather for his Praise, than his Dishonour: And this is really what his Third Chapter amounts to, in an account of what the Christians behaviour was towards Julian in Words; we now come to consider the next, namely the Fourth Chapter, and in that their Actions.  
The first Story whereof is that of Valentinian, which if it redound not as much to Julian's honour, both for his Prudence, Temperance, Justice, 
Page the 39th.  and yet Mercy too, there is no credit to be given to Theodoret, or our Author's quotation of him: But the Reader may please to observe, That Theodoret's Reputation was cleared at the beginning of these Remarks by the consent of the Fathers; though honest gregory's evidence to speak modestly, was not altogether so clear as the Sun.  
And if this Story do prove so much to Julian's advantage, according as it is delivered by our Author, I hope our Author will be so ingenuous the next time he has occasion to appear in Print upon the behalf of Paganism, as fairly to throw off the Hypocrites Cloak, declare to us freely how much he is an Apostates humble Servant, and tell us whose Chaplain he is: And thus it gins.  
Valentinian, being a concealed Christian Colonel of Horse under the Apostate Julian, and waiting upon his Master once in a Procession to the Temple of 
Page the 39th.  Fortune: The Chaplains stood on both sides of the Doors, cleansing with sprinklings those that entered in. But when Colonel Valentinian saw this Holy Water coming near his , he struck the Chaplain with his Fist, 
Page the 40th.  saying, It would not cleanse, but defile him: Now all I can discover out of this first part of the Story is, that Valentinian may be was a very spruce Colonel, and did not love to have his Embroidered Coat used too familiarly: For example, suppose even at home here in our little England, nay, at Whitehall, an Officer newly having bought his Place, going upon his Duty, with a fine Beaver Hat, and a dainty unfullyed white Feather in it, this Hat cocked too à la Francois, and under it a Perruque essenced and Curled in defiance to the smell of Match behind him, under his Chin an exquisite Crevat, made up as dexterously, as if he had done it himself by his own great Rules of Fortification, adorned moreover with a strutting String, that shows the exact Diameter of the Hero's Physiognomy. Upon his Martial Body, a more Martial Coat: Round his fine Wast a heavy Scarff, that loads his feeble bending Loins, and by his doughty, jetting, strutting Side, a little pretty short Sword, that would not hurt a Worm. Suppose him thus with all his fierte about him, Marching in Querpo for the defence of the Court, and the terror of its slovenly Enemies; and grant some Brewer's Dray just rumbling by; the frothy matter working from the Bungholes of the Barrels, and at every jolt, squirting as wonderfully as Sir S' Engine; grant too, that some of it by accident might Contaminate the outside, and better part of this Noble Commander: ought not a well-dressed Centurion upon this occasion to exert himself, show his Indignation of new Ale, and Value for new Clothes? Oh, but our Author will tell me there is difference between the sprinklings of holy Water, and spouting of Yeast: If he does, I confess he will be in the right, and Valentinian was but an impudent unmannerly fellow to offer such an act of Violence in the presence of his Emperor, and against the Sacred Person (for so the Government then esteemed them) of a Priest in the Performance of his Office: But to proceed, what said Julian to all this? Why, Julian seeing what passed, sent him away to a Garrison lying by a Desert, or as our Author quotes St. Austin for the purpose, turned him out of the Guards. Now all I can discover out of this second Part of the Story is, that when this saucy Companion had flown in his Master's face, 
Page the 41st.  he turned him fairly out of his place; but gave him no leave to sell: So that making Money of ill Manners was not in fashion at Julian's Court.  
Nor can Valentinian's being a Christian, and Zealous against the Idolatry of the Pagans in any manner excuse him, for if his Conscience was too squeamish for his Employment, he ought honestly to have quitted his Command, and so have avoided the occasion of either consenting to those Superstitious Idolatrous Ceremonies, or committing a rude Irreverent act in the Presence, and against the Dignity of his Prince, his known Pleasure, and his Laws. For it is false which our Author in several places of his Book endeavours to insinuate, That Christianity at that time was the Established Religion of the Empire: For the Empire at that time being Universal, and of all the World, it cannot be imagined that Christianity then but in its Infancy, could already have prevailed so far as to be confirmed by the general Law of the World, when even in these our times so many Ages since, it has much ado to keep the little ground it has gotten within the narrow bounds of Europe, the lest fourth Part of that Empire which he says it was Established in. Nay if we look but backward to the 8th page in the first Chapter, we shall find our Author himself Acknowledging, (and still Quoting Gregory for it too) that of all this Established Religion, there was indeed above 7000 left that did not bow the Knee to Baal. A Mighty Number to Establish the Religion of the World withal! No, I am afraid the Religion according to Law at that time, was the Religion of the Emperor; and when Valentinian Broke the Laws by affronting of it, Julian (according to our observation in the beginning of this Chapter) did like a Just Prince to punish him, Yet like a Merciful Prince to punish him so mildly. Like a Prudent Prince never farther to Employ or Trust him, Yet like a Temperate Ruler too to Qualify the Passions that probably so great a provocation might raise in him, with knowing well how to apply the Virtue, and Authority of his Laws. And this Praise I think our Author has taken a great deal of pains to give him, by telling the World the Story of Valentinian.  
The next Instance is, how old Gregory of Nazianzum, our Author's Friend, Gregory's Father, denied Entrance to a Captain of Archers, sent by 
Page the 41st.  the Emperor to take possession of a Church: upon which the Officer withdrew, I suppose according to his Orders too. Now all I can gather from hence is; The old Bishop being refractory, the Emperor in pity proceeded with no farther Violence against him; for it cannot be supposed, that Julian could want force (had he pleased) to have taken the Fortress. Oh but, says our Author) Examine Gregory 's Funeral Speech upon his Father's Death, and you shall find, that had not Julian got out of the Old Gentleman's way, he might have gone away Kicked; Tho this, if truly Quoted, sounds to me rather like a Braggadochio of Gregory for the honour of his Father, than any thing else. (For I cannot believe that an Emperor would go himself in person to storm a poor old doting decrepit Bishop out of a little Parish Church;) yet our Author is very positive in the point, and says, He had much a do to refrain making Soloecisms in the Greek, to avoid the greater Soloecism of An Emperor of the World awed and terrified with the fear of a Kicking. This we are to understand is a merry 
Page the 43d.  Conceit; But our Author, who loves to be sure, gives us a Comment of a certain Metropolitan of Crete upon the place, which being too long to recite here, the Reader at his leisure may peruse, where he will find mention of the Captain of those Archers indeed; but if Julian be named in it, I desire to forfeit my Credit with him for ever. Well but (says our Author) this Metropolitan was a better Grecian than ever I expect to be; But by this he gives us room to observe that he expects to be a Metropolitan, though at least, and surely he deserves it, for writing so noble a History of Primitive Christianity.  
And now says our Author, page the 44th, I know no more than the Pope of Rome what to make of all this, what they meant by it, or upon what Principles these men proceeded, (this is a familiar way of expressing himself, but o my Conscience the man speaks truth.) whether, says he, Old Gregory distinguished, and did not resist Julian, but only the Devil which his Son so often tells us was in him. Ah Friend of mine have a care there; These sorts of distinctions may stand You in ill stead one day: for should you by these distinctions cheat yourself into a share in such a Rebellion, as theirs was who said they fought not against the King but his ill Ministers about him, and then should be hanged for your Logic, what an Advocate would Paganism lose, and what a Chaplain his Lordship!  
But if ever the Deacon our Author were drunk in his life, (which is not a thing impossible, For there is very good Ale in Essex) certainly he had 
Chap. 5. Page the 45th.  taken a Cup, when he wrote the succeeding Chapter concerning the Devotions of his Primitive Arrian Christians about this business. For (says he) when they go to Church and enter upon holy ground, there one may expect to see the flights of their selfdenying and suffering Religion; There one may expect they should lay aside all their animosities, and pray for Julian though he were their enemy. Yes (says he) and so they do the wrong way. (Witty Varlet!) They cannot sing a Psalm but they make his Confusion the burden of it: The Burden of a Psalm is indeed a new expression by which we may perceive our Author is deeply read in Ballad, and what does a man's Learning signify, if he may not have the liberty to show it? But now according to the preparations for the raising of our expectation, we might imagine to find something very extraordinary indeed; As how they met in large Congregations, and with one Heart and Voice Invoked the Fall and Ruin of this Cruel Persecuter; How the whole Church kept Solemn, and at least Weekly, Fasts to humble themselves before the Throne of Mercy, that the Miseries and grievous Sufferings they lay under, might in some measure of time be taken from 'em, But as I have observed before, it is not the Method of this Worthy Author, to perform any thing that he would make us believe: The contents of his Chapters are high and threatening like the Huffing of Cowards; But his Chapters themselves like the fight of Cowards too as much at a distance from the point as is possible. But instead of all this, this Bankrupt-brained Fellow when he has run into our debt almost a whole History, would Compound with us for two ridiculous Stories of a Company of Mad Fellows not unlike our Modern Muggletonians, and a foolish Old Woman that had made herself Head of a Female Consort of sweet Singers. The Stories run thus: 
Page the 46th.  Julian having given the Christians Leave to remove the Bones of one Babylas a Martyr from the place where Apollo's Temple stood: The People that fetched the Cousin went dancing before it and singing David's Psalms, repeating after every Verse, Confounded be all they that Worship graven Images; Upon which Julian Commanded the Leaders of this Dance to be apprehended. Now to examine the meaning of this a little,  
And we shall find it palpably no more, than a Libel upon the Ingratitude of these Christians: for what can be gathered from hence, but that our Author intended to represent Julian a Merciful and Indulgent Prince, and one that proceeded much rather like a Cherisher of Christianity then a destroyer of it: for a Merciless, and Inhuman Persecutor might have Commanded Ministers of his Fury to have digged up the Carcase of the Martyr out of its Quiet grave, and Exposed it with Disgrace and Contumely to the Birds of the Air, and the Beasts of the Field, etc. Instead of this we find him here Commended to us as One that practised Methods much milder, and let the Christians themselves remove the relics of their dead Brother, that all Decent and Pious Ceremony might be used in the performance of it. Well, and how did the Christians thank him for this Indulgence? Why (says our Author) They wished God Confound him for his pains: This is the true Exposition of the Text, this is the plain English of the Story; and if this be not a satire against Christianity, and a Panegyric upon the Apostate, I know not what can be.  
The other Story is this of an Old Woman, one Madam Publia, who had 
Page the 48th.  under her Command a Company of Virgins forsooth (now our Author may call this reverend Lady by what title he pleases, whether a Lady Abbess or Mother of the Maids, no matter, but an old Woman's keeping a Company of Virgins will bear a great many Interpretations.) Well, but in short, according to Theodoret, this ancient Gentlewoman, and her Young Ladies were always singing Praises to God, that's certain; but when the Emperor passed by, they sung their Psalms the louder, accounting him fit to be despised and derided: now which the relative Him, here relates to, whether God or the Emperor (for aught I can guests by his Writings,) may puzzle a Better Grecian or Grammarian than our Author to determine: and if so, the old Woman for all this may be a very wicked old Woman. But to make the best of the case, it seems as often as Julian passed by they Left off the devotion of singing meekly to the Praises of their Creator, and fell a roaring and bawling to affront and provoke the Emperor.  
This seems not very unlike a Nest of Hornets that hum and buzz mighty Musically while they are busy with their harmless honey; but if any thing pass by, though it never disturb 'em, they increase their notes to a hideous cry, and all swarm out to sting and vex it: Though for the credit of her Profession, I hope this old Woman's Ladies were not every way like Hornets; that is, I hope they had no stings in their Tails, how sharp soever their Tongues were. But to return to the matter. What return did Julian make for these Indignities?  
Why as to the first: A Leader of the Dance, One Theodorus, being apprehended and put to rack; (and here we have our true Protestant Author clenching his Nail with a Popish Miracle) being asked if he felt any pain? answered, he felt a little: but there stood by him a certain Youth, who all the while wiped off his sweat with a very white linen cloth, and often poured cold water upon him which so delighted him, that he was sorry when he was taken off from the Rack; Quis haec recitando, temperet à Risu? Now all I say to this is, that one Miracle may be as good as another; and if this be true, I know not why we should doubt of St. Dennis' Carrying his head so far as it is said he did after it was cut quite off; or a great many others which (when ever they fit his humour of scribbling) I suppose our Author won't boggle at delivering for Orthodox, for all his Comparison between Popery and Paganism.  
As for Old Mrs. Publia when she received chastisement for her insolence to the Emperor, Odds fish she showed herself a Woman of spirit, and 
Page the 49th.  gave him as good as he brought, ay marry did she; she shot at him, says our Author: Well, but how did she shoot at him? why, she plied him with her small shot of Spiritual Songs, as she used to do.  
And this is a very hopeful account of our Author's Fifth Chapter, concerning the Devotions of the Christians; namely, how a few Madmen and an Old Woman turned the Praises of God into Curses upon the Emperor: For which indeed we are told a Story of one Theodorus' being racked for it, but with a Popish Lie tacked to the end of it, that we might be sure not to believe it; for it is the only instance of Julian's Cruelty we have hitherto met with through the whole Book; and our Author had spoiled his main 
* Viz. The Apology for his Apostare.  design, if he had not seasoned it with an improbability which he was morally certain no body could give credit to.  
And thus in the next place we shall survey his Sixth Chapter, and what he says concerning their Prayers and Tears.  
And truly upon the strictest Enquiry I could make, I cannot find that 
Page the 52d.  he says any thing of them at all. He recites indeed several fragments of Devotions penned in the Plural number, as if they had been the Prayers of 
Page the 53d.  Congregations; but tells us afterwards how Gregory says they were his former Thoughts and Cries to God: So that (says our Author himself) it is possible they were his own private Devotions: but concludes however very Learnedly from thence, That it is evident the public Devotions of the Christians ran in the same strain. Now how it is evident because they were Gregory's private Devotions, that therefore they must be the Public Prayers of the Church too, I cannot for my heart discover: But the Scribbler has all along a particular way of arguing which I perceive satisfies himself, how much soever in the dark it leaves his Readers. And all that I can find for my life that this Chapter amounts to, is, that it was thought to be much for old Gregory's honour that he helped to Pray Julian to death; whence all the conclusion I can raise is, That our Author has done his utmost to make 
Page the 40th.  Gregory's Prayers no other then like the Enchantments of a Witch; for Praying People to death is at best but a holier kind of Witchcraft; and if our Author thinks to bring that Practice into fashion in these our days of Devotion, I would not give him nine pence for his Project; for I am confident the secret of it is Quite lost, and irrecoverable; And dare swear (referring myself, were it possible, to all the Bills of Mortality for these 600 Years and upwards) that there has not been one man Prayed to death since the Conquest: This perhaps some men may think a bold Proposition, but I'll stand to it. And more than that, upon examining the Seventh Chapter how Julian came by his End, I'll hold an even wager he was not Prayed to death neither.  
For says our Author in the very first Paragraph of this Chapter, After Julian had Reigned about Nineteen Months being in Persia, and his Army 
Page the 56th.  suddenly attaqued by the Enemy, he made such haste from place to place to Relieve those Troops which were most hotly Engaged, that he forgot his Armour; and while he thus exposed himself, was struck with a Horseman's Spear which pierced his side, and stuck in the bottom of his Liver, of which Wound about Midnight he died. So that by this it is apparent he was not Prayed to death, whatever our Author was pleased to say before, but is very remarkable through the whole Book, that he generally has a way of changing his Opinion with his Chapter; neither do we find in any Histories mention made that Julian vomited any crooked Pins or Needles, or Balls of hair before he died; which if old Gregory and Madam Publia had bewitched and prayed him to death, he must certainly have done. Yet let not any one think that I too forcibly detort and wrest the sense of our Author here, for he says himself Page the 66th, That these Christians sometimes said all their Prayers backward to fetch down Vengeance upon his head. Which according to the Opinion of Learned Writers upon that Subject, is a great part and ceremony used in the Enchantments of Witches. But are we sure after all this, that Julian was killed by the Dart of a Persian? No, for says our Author, One Callistus who was then in Julian 's 
Page the 59th.  Service, and has given us the History of that War, says it was a Daemon that did it. Now this I must Confess is apt to lead one's opinion back again, and make a man believe there was a little Incantation and Sorcery used in the business; but I am resolved to the Contrary, and let our Author do his Worst, he shall never root it in my faith, that two such Eminent Primitive Christians as Old Gregory of Nazianzum, and Publia the Mother of an Antiochian Bishop, would give their Souls to the Devil for the destruction of any Body. Besides, the Prince of Darkness (our Author may know I believe) is a Politic Prince, and would not easily be wheadled withal to destroy one who was in a way of doing him such Service, as Julian might have done, by utterly extirpating the Religion of Salvation, and giving Hell title to all the Souls of Mankind.  
In few words, as to this Chapter concerning Julian's death, I defy any any body who is not otherways satisfied of the matter, to make any right judgement out of it what manner of death he died, or whether indeed he ever died at all: for first Mr. Author tells us he was killed by a Dart from a Persian Horseman; then he tells us that it was not a Persian who did it, but a certain Devil incognito that road Volunteer in the Army o' purpose: And last of all, to Confound and Entangle the matter utterly, tells us, how one Libanius a Sophist Insinuates in his Writings, That 
Page the 60th.  he who killed Julian was a Christian. Now according to the common weight of reports, the main of the thing itself, upon the whole matter may be a Lie: for commonly when we hear a Story delivered so many several ways, we suspend our belief, and give no credit to it in General, at all; so that for aught we know, Julian the Apostate may be living to this very hour, nay Conversant (as Nabuchadnezzar once among the Beasts,) with many worthy true Protestants and others here in England, where having forgot the past glories of his Empire, and contenting himself with the solitary pleasures of Brandy and Mundungus, (still preserving his name) has Condescended to the humble office of transcribing and publishing dull Libels and Lampoons, for worse fools to own, than the blockheads that make 'em.  
In the next place as to the usage of Julian's memory: this precious Author has thought Convenient to write a whole Chapter, how they (that is to say, by Gregory their representative in an Invective) called him Herod, 
Page the 63d.  Judas, Traitor, Murderer, etc. till after all, they Lodged him in Hell, and there they left him: which I say was very charitably done, and so farewell poor Julian: Only I must desire to remind our Author of a mighty mistake he has made in matter of truth; for whereas towards the beginning of his Book, page the 14th, in the short account of Julian's Life, he says that some of the Fathers write, that he would suffer no Christian Masters to teach; but make no mention at all of his forbidding the Youth to learn. In this (viz.) the 7th Chapter, and Page the 56th, rather than lose the credit of a Miracle, as he calls it, he makes bold to give all those Fathers the Lie, and declares, That the News of Julian 's Death was Conveyed 
Page the 56th, and 57th.  to some of the Christians by Miracle; for there was a Christian Schoolmaster at that time at Antioch, and he being asked in derision what the Carpenter's Son was doing, being, filled with Divine Grace, says our Author, 
Another Popish Miracle of our true Protestant Authors.  replied, He is making a Coffin. A very heavenly Speech, truly: and the Schoolmaster was a Wagg I'll warrant him, as well as a Schoolmaster.  
This is the Sum total of the Account our Author has given us of the Sense of the Primitive Christians about Julian's Succession, and their behaviour towards him; where I think it is sufficiently Evident, That his whole drift and design has been (as much as in him lay) to strike at the very root of Christianity, by exposing the weakness, false dealing, and ingratitude of a few intemperate Zealots, under the name and title of Primitive Christians: and cha●ging other principal Members of the Church, at that time, with no less Crimes than Witchcraft, and Murder; While Julian all along, is represented the most Indulgent, forbearing, temperate and patiented Prince, that ever winked and turned aside at the Effrontive Insolences of an unruly people whom his heart pitied; and that this was his drift, will more largely appear in the following Chapter, Being our Authors own reflections upon the behaviour of these Christians: and here indeed (speaking for himself, and not having occasion to Quote Gregory foe often,) we may more particularly distinguish the spirit of the Man; for he cannot help showing us his thoughts fairly and 
Page the 65th.  clearly upon the matter; but says in the very first line of this Chapter, (and so onward for a whole leaf together, which I shall epitomise as well as I can,) That Julian's persecution was but a Flea-biting to what the Christians formerly had felt, that the case of the discarded Schoolmasters, Physicians, and Soldiers, was the greatest severity of all Julians Edicts: that Julian, to speak properly, was rather a Tempter then a Persecutor; and one who wrought upon men's Covetousness & Ambition more than their fear; and that whatsoever he ever designed against the Christians, was far short of what other Emperors had executed. Is not this an Apology for Julian now! is not this making 
Page the 66th.  him the most equally dealing and Indulgent Prince that ever reigned! if the Reader is not so satisfied, let him but carry his Eyes a very little farther, and observe how he treats and justifies those Christians and their proceed. For yet says he, (notwithstanding all this) how do the Christians Treat this Emperor! One would take them 
Page Ib.  to be the Apostates, one while reproaching him, ruffling with him, and vexing every vein in his Royal heart; another while saying all their Prayers backward, and calling down vengeance upon his head; After that, dancing and leaping for joy at his death, and insulting over his memory: but for the name of Christians, he had better have fallen amongst Barbarians, And yet (says our Author farther) he often would mildly put them in mind of their christianity too: But they call him by the bloodiest names of the Devil, for taking advantages of the Christian doctrine in this particular, which says, we must not avenge our 
Page the 67th.  selves, nor render evil for evil, etc. Now let any unprejudiced Readers but peruse these two Characters seriously (Viz. that first of Julian, and this after it of the Christians) and thence Judge who set this noble Author to work, and the cause he writes for, Judge which he has done the best service to, by the feats of his triumphing Pen; whether Christianity or Apostasy, God or the Devil.  
Nor ought his telling us, that christianity was then the Established Religion of the Empire, at all, to prevail upon our belief, till he bring better Arguments for it then those I before observed, of the mighty number of Seven Thousand, that did not bow the Knee to Baal: Christianity was indeed a Tolerated Religion of the Empire, increased and got strength under the Patronage and Protection of those Christian Emperors before Julian: but that it was ever Constituted or Commanded by their Laws, to be received as the universal Religion of their Dominions, is a secret, which I am afraid our Author's Learning will hardly yet a while, from any Histories discover to the World. For though those Emperors were Christians themselves, we do not find, (from any thing at least that our Author informs us except we will take his own bare word for the matter) that they ever began a general tirpation of Heathenism, or Commanded universal Baptism over all their World: They made no Laws for bringing Nations under the same Discipline of one Christian Church, which had it been a Religion established by Law, must and would certainly have been done: But whether it were, or were not, signifies little, or nothing to my present purpose, it being only my design in these remarks, to let the World see, how falsely they are dealt withal by a Scribbler, that pretends to write a satire upon an Apostate, when he has taken all the care that's possible, to vindicate and defend him: which as he has done sufficiently in contradicting the truth, so has he been as Industrious for it in contadicting himself too: for when he comes, as he 
Page the 71st.  calls it, to sum up all in a word, he tells us, that the first Christians suffered indeed according to the Laws of their Country; whereas those under Julian were persecuted contrary to Law, who did not fairly enact sanguinary Laws against them, but put them to death upon sham's and pretended Crimcs. Now how this agrees with what our Author told us before, in Page the 66th, let the Reader look back, and he will soon be satisfied: for there he tells us Julian's persecution was but a Flea-biting to what the Christians formerly felt; That he good man wrought upon men's covetousness more than their fear: yet here, Page the 71st he was a Cruel Murderer and butter to death. Nay upon pretended Crimes too, what credit ought to be given to so impudent a Fellow as this, who will rather give himself the Lie, then use the memory of an Enemy to God, and a reviler of his Blessed Son, as it deserves! yet this is he whom a true Protestant party (as they call themselves) cry up for a Libel written against their Christianity; and a most Religious Zealous Pious Lord has chosen for his Chaplain.  
And these indeed are the reflections of our Author upon the behaviour of the Christians against Julian; with this Title had he charged his dreadful Murdering piece of all the Ninth Chapter. But finding that it would not go off so, has primed it with a new one of passive obedience, which may more properly be called, an Appendix to his Preface: for it is a solution of the case, how far we ought to be obedient to a Popish Prince.  
Now though it be palpable enough at what head he Aims his odious Title; And though I own myself a naturally devoted Servant, to that Illustrious Heroick Virtuous Sufferer, whom I never could be convinced (by any proof or the strickest enquiry I could yet make, (barring public suspicion) deserved that denomination: yet here, Abstracting the case from the Person, I am contented for once to take the frivolous discourse in hand, as this trifling Author has stated it, and see what damage according to his Arguments, are likely to accrue from a Popish Prince, (granting there could be such a thing) to the Established Religion of these Kingdoms.  
After which (allowing the esteem our Author's party have for the service he has done them) if it appear from his own Arguments to the contrary, that our Religion, according to its Establishment, in its inward perfect purity of doctrine, and it's outward defence and bulwark of the Law, be so confirmed, that (if it forsake not its own strength) nothing at home can shake or disturb it, much less persecute it: I think it were but Reason, (if Peace and Truth, (according to their pretensions) be the things they so much labour for:) that they henceforth return into the Arms of the Church, the obedience to the Law, renounce their Pharisaical pride of separation, and let the People of England be once more fellow Christians and fellow Subjects.  
If then (as our Author says, Page 73d.) We have our Religion settled by 
Page the 73d.  such Laws as cannot be altered without our own Consent, what need he in the next page have asked the foolish Question, Whether or no we are to go to Mass to Morrow or have our Throats out? If, as he says, there can be no 
Page the 75th.  need of passive obedience for our Religion, but by our own Treachery to it, in parting with those good Laws which protect it, and in agreeing to such as shall destroy it; why all these noises and clamours? why these alarms among us? why these outcries of approaching Persecution and imminent Popery? If the Laws of the Kingdom absolutely and entirely tend (as certainly they do) to the maintenance of the established Church, and the rooting out the Superstitious Religion of Rome, and if there be no power in England Civil or Military, but what merely depends upon the Authority of those Laws, and cannot move without it, where are those dangers we so foolishly affright ourselves withal? or whence can they arise? From within ourselves I am sure they cannot, except Popery be to grow upon us out of the Earth, like Mushrooms in a Night, or gather over our heads like a thick Cloud in the Air, and rain down a shower of Armed Papists in ready Rank and File, to overrun and destroy us ere we can think of our defence.  
Popish black bills, 'tis true, have been sent to a Rendezvous by the Post, but never more heard of: An Army of Pilgrims too were Landed, but to no purpose neither; Yet these things were in a time, when we had a dangerous Plot ready to discharge itself among us, but now the Paymaster of the Imaginary Army to be raised for the use of that Plot, is gone into another World, the rest of the Principal Officers under a close Imprisonment, and like to lie there; Nay all their Commissions lost too, and not somuch as one cipher of Father Oliva's to show for the business; What grounds are there for our Fears now? Are not all the Popish Nobility in the Kingdom excluded from their Votes in the House of Lords? Or can any Man be a Member of the Lower House who does not take the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, Test, and Sacrament according to the Church of England? And are not these Two Houses the great Council of the Kingdom, who are to prepare by Votes all manner of Instruments, for the preservation of our Safety and Religion, and Confirmation of our Rights, to be passed into Laws by the Royal Assent? And can there in a Government and Church thus Established, thus Fortified, be fears of Popery or Persecution from itself! No, were there but another Test to pass through the Kingdom against Separation and Schism, as there is against Popery, I think then even our own Treachery to our Religion were impossible to be supposed, in parting with those good Laws which should protect it: I believe then the 35th of Elizabeth would no more be struck at, but put in due Execution; Rebels, and Mutineers reduced and made obedient to the Government and Laws; Mechanics kept to their Shops, and not suffered to turn their Warehouses into Nurseries of false Doctrine, Profaneness, Blasphemy and Rebellion. And since as our Author says, it would be Treachery to part with those good Laws which protect our Religion, They who would Abolish this Law are not, 'tis to be feared, so true Sons of the Church as they ought to be, by Leaving so wide a gap for all manner of Confusion to enter in at, and rend the peaceful Bowels of their Mother. No, Let us banish those needless Fears, that serve for nothing but to perplex the sweetest Peace, that ever a happy Nation was blest withal; and avoid those Enemies of our Prosperity that would promote them. Let all true Sons of the Established Church resolve by Loyalty to their Prince, Obedience to his Authority, Mutual Love, Charity, and entire Union, amongst and towards one another; to maintain, and defend it: resolve to stand by and preserve the Laws that support it, from the annoyance both of its right, and lefthand Enemies; let us resolve this and be Quiet: and if we do so, we shall be Quiet, to the Confusion of our Author, and those mischievous creeping Caterpillars his Party.  
Nay since there are good Laws for the protecting of our Religion against its Enemies, the Schismatical fanatics, as well as Papists and Others; the best way certainly of protecting it, is, by putting those good Laws in Execution, nay to the utmost Extent, and improvement of them if possible: and for this too, (to give our Author one Quotation for his whole Book-ful) let Bracton be my security, Nay the very place too where Mr. Deacon is pleased to Quote him himself upon this occasion: (viz. Libro 1. Cap. 2.) in these words; Leges cum fuerint approbatae consensu utentium, et Sacramento Regum Confirmatae, Mutari non possunt, nec destrui, sine communi consensu & consilio eorum omnia, Quorum Consilio & consensu fuerunt promulgatae. That is to say, that since the Laws have been approved by the consent of those for whose use and benefit they were made, and Confirmed by our Kings; They cannot be changed, nor destroyed, without the Common consent and advice of all those, by whose Advice and Consent they were first set forth: So far our Author. But had he pleased to have carried his Eye a line farther, he might have found this added; Quoth in meliùs tamen converti possunt, etiam sine eorum Consensu, Quia non destruitur quod in melius Commutatur; i. e. That for all this, nevertheless they may be improved at the discretion of the Prince, even without such Consent, since nothing can be said to be destroyed, which is changed for the better. Which all makes good my aforementioned Assertion, That for the preservation of our Religion, the Laws ought to be put in Execution, with the utmost Rigour, and (when the King shall think fitting) in so good a Cause, they ought, if possible, to be stretched and improved too: For Laws being the Instruments, put into the hands and power of a●…ing, wherewith to Govern and Protect his People; those Instruments are to be used at his own discretion certainly; And a good Father of his Country cannot but think himself obliged, to give them their utmost and severest reach for the suppressing and reducing of Contumacious stubborn impudent Mutineers and Rebels; as well as sometimes in Goodness to abate their Rigour, when he finds an object that may deserve his Mercy.  
Our Author might have found out this as well as I now: But I suppose he may be one of those that are for clipping the King's Prerogative, and for that end would serve all those Authors so too that defend and assert it. And indeed I observe in all their Writings, that it is much the practice of the Advocates for that Party, (whenever they have an Occasion to show their Reading, & Quote a poor Author that never intended them any Kindness,) to snip, pair and shave him down just to their purpose, so clap him upon the Margin of their Pamphlet, in hopes to Cobble up their false Arguments with defaced and mangled truth, and make them pass for Veritable Doctrine.  
And indeed I cannot tell all along what to make of this giddyheaded Author I am to handle: He turns, and shifts, and dodges, and never keeps one Course: He pretends to treat of passive Obedience, but never tells us what passive Obedience is: discourses from no principle in the world; nor gives us any definition of his Theme: and indeed upon due consideration it were unreasonable to expect it of him, for had he ever read Ethics, he would have learned more honesty then to have published such a Book He first tells us in a word, That we are secured so well by our 
Page the 75th.  Laws, that passive Obedience must (except by our own treachery) be for ever unpracticable amongst us: yet wastes Twenty or Thirty Pages more to scare us with the dangers of its doctrine, which he says, 'Tis true can never 
Page the 78th.  discover its malignity under his Majesty's gracious Reign, which God prolong and prosper, who has been pleased to give the Nation the security of his Coronation Oath, etc. But in case we should fall under a Popish Successor, than this Bloody Doctrine will have the Opportunity to show its self in its own Colours, and we may then see, and it may be feel the sting of it.  
Now here really it is very hard to forbear laughing most outrageously at this Fellow and his Canting, but that I correct and keep my spleen under in a pure principle of charity, for fear lest I mistake his frenzy for his folly. The King has been pleased to give us the security of his Coronation Oath, Quotha! but in case we should fall under a Popish Successor!— Well, what then? Must not he give us the Security of his Coronation Oath too? Yes, my dear Author, that he must, and I believe Thou mayst be satisfied it will be his Interest to keep it too, except thou canst think him so blind to his own good, as to hazard the involving of his Nation in blood, shaking and endangering of his Throne for ever, and all for the great advantage he may propose to himself, of bringing in the Power of a Tyrannical Clergy, to Impoverish his People, lessen his Revenues, and weaken his Authority.  
Oh but (says our Author) I suppose that a Popish Successor being in possession, and so a lawful Magistrate, will persecute Protestant's. 
Page the 79th.   
To which I answer; I desire to know, which way he will persecute Protestant's: will he persecute them with the Laws? No. They are of the Protestant side. If he will raise a Popish Army and bring in Popery with Drum and Trumpet, I humbly desire to know where he will beat up his Drums for them, and how the Popish Officers will make their Interests in the Country when they are to raise them: or what Popish Towns will give 'em Quarters till they come to their Rendezvous: Or which way this Popish Successor will get a Popish Parliament, to give him Protestant Money, to pay this Popish Army: all these things will be necessary: For let the Romish Religion be never so much in the matter, your Musqueteers and Pikemen will have a certain Protestant principle of point d' Argent, point de Swiss: Though after all it would be a damnable surprise at last, if our Author should have a Project at the end of all this, to conceal his Politics till this Popish Successor Comes, and so prefer himself to his Privy Council by a trick he has in the bottom of his Budget, for the bringing in Popery in a peaceable way, and enslaving the Nation without a farthings Cost or a moment's trouble: that I must confess would be something new, and not unpretty. Marry but (says the 
Page Ib.  Gentleman farther) if he does not persecute Heretics with fire and sword, he lies at the Pope's Mercy to have his Kingdom taken away from him: Indeed Mr. Author, and that's a very weighty Consideration; But do you think in your Conscience that he will part with it so! Truly a deep foresight into politic Consequences is a great blessing to one that is to write much upon Supposes; Though if a man might be so bold as to put in a word with you, really it seems unto me, (Noble Sir Poll.) that you do please to speak of more than need be done: for if you dare to Engage this Popish Successor (after you have established your Interest by your project from bringing in his Religion) to let us poor Protestants live in Peace and Quietness, as I believe you may; I'll Engage the Pope shall be very favourable to him, and for a very small Quitrent let him keep the Copyhold of his Kingdom: Bless us, how things will be managed when the Reader of Covent Garden comes to be a primiere Minister, and I Ambassador Extraordinary to his Holiness! but till that time comes I can foresee no fear of a Popish Persecution, nor very great danger of the Pope's disposing of these Three Kingdoms.  
Well, but what are we to think now, if, as our Author says, into the 
Page Ib.  bargain, that besides the danger of being dethroned by the Pope if he does not persecute Protestants, he runs also the hazard of being served as the Two Henry 's of France were? Why truly nothing is Impossible: but we hope it is not altogether so probable, that a King should be stabbed in a Protestant Country, for not persecuting its Religion: let him keep the Enemies of the Church from hurting the Protestants, and certainly the Protestants will be able to keep their Enemies from hurting of him; or the Pope from taking away his Kingdom either: 100000 Protestants will be too hard for all the Pope's Bulls in Christendom. This Policy I believe Any Successor (let his private Persuasion be what it will) may find very necessary in England, and Twenty to One be wise enough to practise it too: for Henry the Fourth of France, it is very observable, was not Killed by Ravillac till he left the Protestant Religion, and encouraged Popery; had he kept it under still, and Established the Reformed above it, it is an even wager but he might have died in his Bed, and been gathered to his Fathers in Peace. Besides, it is not absurd to imagine, that it was not so much an Ecclesiastical as a Temporal Policy, which sent the Villainous Dagger to that Brave Prince's Heart.  
But our Author has indeed a most extraordinary Rule of Policy of his own, and we may perceive it plainly enough by that which follows: For, says he, Let things fall as they will, though some persons may be so happy as to think he will not persecute, yet every body must grant that he may persecute, that the thing is Possible.  
Now from this hour, Thou most Confounded Author, do I declare Immortal enmity with thee; nor will ever be Ambassador to the Pope, nor shalt thou be ever a Minister of State. It is possible in the Devil's name that a Popish Successor may persecute! And is this the Mouse that thy Mountain of a Book has brought forth at last? and aught a Bill of Exclusion to pass for this, because Thou sayest it is possible that a Popish Successor may persecute? hadst Thou stuck to thy first Argument, That our Religion can never be in a condition of Persecution, but by our own Treachery to it, in parting with those good Laws which protect it, and in agreeing to such as shall destroy it; hadst Thou kept to that Foundation, thou mightest indeed have raised some discourse of Reason: but that the possibility that an evil may happen, is sufficient for any reasonable men to raise their fears of it upon; or a lawful cause to use unnatural and unequal means to prevent it, is an opinion I would gladly see thee put in practice; It is not impossible, but that thou mayest come to be a Slave in the Turkish Galleys one day, and compelled to live a wretched painful life for several miserable years together: why dost thou not generously hang thyself for a remedy against it! for such an accident may happen to thee, the thing is possible. Or if since it is possible that a Popish Successor may persecute, that it would be therefore just and reasonable to exclude him, why thou vile blunderer, it is possible too (if that be all) that a Protestant Successor may persecute as well as a Popish one: that a Protestant Successor may turn Papist: it is possible that the best Prince may change his Nature and turn a Tyrant, neither of these accidents but are possible in Nature, & so by thy Argument all Heirs to the Crown ought to be therefore Excluded, and no more Kings reign over us because 'tis possible they may one way or other prove persecutors: & I am very much afraid indeed that's the vile false consequence thou wouldst dispute for: But to come closer to thee in thy rule of possibility, it is not impossible but that such a Parliament may come as to Vote a Bill for the rooting out of our Religion, and Establishing Popery or a Worse in its place: were it therefore reasonable to pass a Law that never any more Parliaments should Sat in England, nay as thou hast stated it, it really carries the more specious pretence of danger of the two: for it being impossible, that our Religion in its lawful Establishment, can be peaceably altered, (if any way) by any other means then an Act of Parliament; the King too being but one man, and the Parliament many, it is more reasonable that the opinions of the many, should sway the will or inclination of one, then that the will of one should overrule the opinions and inclinations of the many: since therefore it is impossible, that any Successor can lawfully violate the Protestant Religion, but by the concurrence and consent of a Parliament; All thy Argument amounts to, is, Take away Parliaments, and our Religion in law is safe. For ever the Nation is beholding to thee for thy parts: and by the service thou art fit to do the State by thy Policy, we may guests what the Church may hope from thy Divinity.  
Well, but after all says our Author, Since it is possible that a Popish Successor may persecute, it is even high time that we look about us, and see what we have to trust to. The Gospel doth not so much as allow any means when we cannot escape by Flight, betwixt denying and dying for the Earth: Well, but by what Law must we die? By none, says our Author, that I know, but Parasites, Sycophants and Murderers may.  
Now I dare venture to hold this Author of ours Fifty pound to a shilling, that amongst all his Noble acquaintance, there is not one Parasite, Sycopham, or Murderer, that knows any more Law for it, than he does himself. But Rhetoric is a fine thing, and a man that has the gift of it, can no more stop a Trope when its coming, than a Dutchman a belch; 'tis a great case now and then to a writer, and aught to be allowed him.  
But now I must beg leave to be a little more serious with my worthy Author, and take him to task with a severe scrutiny. What have we here, Page the 82d ! There is no Authority upon Earth above the Law! 
Page the 82d.  If our Author means by this, that the King is subject to the Law, I know not what they may amount to; and think it were but fit that he should explain himself. But to take the words in their bare, and unprejudiced signification: I say there is an Authority in the King, which is an Authority above the Law: And I think too it will be easy naturally to prove it. For whatsoever derives its virtue from another Authority, is Inferior to that Authority whence it is derived; and therefore the Law being the King's Creature, made and informed with that force which it bears, by the King's proper Fiat, and Royal Stamp: the Authority of such a Law is but derivative, a Child begotten by the parent power natu●urally in the King, and consequently inferior and subject to that first power, as much as a Child is naturally to a Father. Besides the Law being (as I said before) not other than an Instrument in the hands of the King, wherewith he is to govern and protect his people; certainly the weapon is not equal to the Arm that wields it. For as a Sword is but a dead thing of its self, its edge and point of no use at all, but as it is enforced and directed by the hand of him that bears it: so equally the Law, can exercise no Authority merely of itself at all, but as it is managed and put in motion, by the preeminent and superintendent power in the King: so that there is certainly an original Fountain of Natural Authority in the King, above the mechanical instrumental Authority of the Laws.  
Nor will it be sufficient that our Author Quotes Bracton's Opinion in the case, to make his Argument irrefragable at all; For though Bracton 
Page the 83d.  indeed was a very good Lawyer, we are not by any means to allow him infallible: especially in a case which is evidently false. For whereas he says indeed (as our Author hath cited him) that Rex debet esse sub lege Quia lex facit Regem, I cannot by any means allow of his Proposition; since the Law does not make the King, but the King the Laws. For if we look back to the original power of our Kings, as it is derived from the Norman Conquest, we shall find that Conqueror was not made King by the Law, but by the Sword; nay after he had Vanquished us, imposed too his own Norman Laws in a great measure upon us: as is sufficiently probable from the absolete French Language which they are to this day written in. So that Bracton is in the wrong to say the Law makes the King, for the Race of our present Monarch is derived from that very Conqueror, who cut out his way to his Throne with his Sword, and by that Power set up such Laws, as he himself thought sitting; and what Laws have passed since, have been made Laws by the succeeding Kings after him, and not the Kings made by the Laws. For our King's reign, and hold their Crowns by the right of that Conquest still, which cannot be altered till they themselves willingly resign it, and take up a new Royalty upon new Conditions, and then indeed (as Bracton says) The Law may make the King, and the King ought to be under the Law.  
Yet this does not hinder, but that (as our Author says) Page the 
Page the 84th.  84th, a Popish Successor can have no Authority to exercise any illegal cruelty upon Protestants. And if so, certainly there is therefore much the less fear of him: By much less therefore ought we wilfully to rend and tear the present happiness we now may live in, and be blest withal; by separating ourselves into unreasonable Factions, for fear of a danger which is but wildly possible, and (in all consideration of our present condition as we are fenced and defended by the best constituted Laws in the World, except our own Treachery or folly destroy them) utterly improbable: for if (as our Author says after) that bad Princes are hardly ever known to stoop so low as to be Executioners themselves of their own cruelty; if we are out of our pain (as he says) as to that difficulty, I cannot by 
Page the 85th.  any means admit of his second scruple, that under a Popish Successor the lives of all Protestants shall lie at the mercy of every Justice of Peace, Constable, or Tythingman, who shall have Catholic Zeal enough to destroy them. For this my dear Poll is filthy prevaricating: let us still keep our ground, and be true to our Laws, this of all absurdities is impossible to happen. For the Law has provided, that no man shall henceforth bear any of those offices, but approved and known Protestants, such as must take the Sacrament, Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Test to enable them for their employments, and till those good preserving Laws are abrogated by our own Treachery, it is in our own choice to be as happy as we would be, even under the very reign of a Popish Successor.  
And whereas our Author (to show what a Courageous Author he is) rouses himself, and setting his Arms a Cymbo, cries, Page the 87th, That though we cannot hinder Papists from being Idolaters. we will endeavour to keep them from being our Murderers: I must beg leave to tell him as a friend, he might have spared his Breath, to cool his Pottage; for the 
Page the 88th.  Laws will do that business well enough, without his help. Nor can there be any petty Popish Officers (as he does his weak endeavour maliciously to insinuate) under a Popish Successor, to be absolute Emperors, and have the power of life and death; for as I observed before, the Law has taken care, that no Papist shall henceforth bear Office in this Kingdom; And this Scribbler, before he had entangled himself in this Argument, should have found out a flaw where our Laws were liable to be invaded and broken, if he intended to have persuaded us we were not safe under their shelter. In short I am weary of moiling in the heavy road of his Nonsense; long to get rid of him and shake myself clean: lest by farther endeavouring to answer a Fool according to his folly, I become like unto him. For he pretends to write History, which he is able to bring to no definite Conclusion: and strains at a discourse, yet lays us down no principles. Sometimes indeed he has a great disposition to a jest: but performs it as Awkardly, as I have seen a Jack-pudding show feats of Activity: who when you would think his heels were charged with a miracle, comes squobb upon his breech, and looks like the Author of Julian the Apostate. And thus I have done with this Ninth Chapter, being Reflections upon the Behaviour of his Primitive Arrian Christians, and his opinion of passive Obedience.  
And now his next Chapter being, as he styles it, a Comparison of Popery and Paganism: If the Reader expect I should say any thing to that, I must fairly tell him the truth. I was so worryed with the foregoing part of the Book, that I could find in my heart to read but two leaves of it: wherein if our Author would resolve me two scruples, I should take it as a favour first; That whereas he says, Page the 100, That Bishop Ridley said the Church of Rome was a babylon Beast, and Whore, a devilish Drab, and a stinking Strumpet: I desire to be satisfied how the Reverend Father came to know, whether a Strumpet stunk or no: Secondly, That he having Quoted part of a Homily in the next page to prove, that the Scripture calls the Romish Church a harlot, I humbly beg to be satisfied, how she could be harlot when the Scripture was written, and when yet it is evident she had not lost her maidenhead?  
But whether he has done Paganism right, or Popery wrong in this Chapter, is not my business to Examine: who am not concerned for the honour of either of them, being born and educated in the Church of England as it is Established by Law, and in that Church hope to die; and yet fear not Martyrdom for it neither, under the Reign of any Popish Successor.  
FINIS.   

Semper ego Auditor tantum? OR A VINDICATION OF HIS Royal Highness THE Duke of YORK, etc.  
ONe might in Charity have thought, That those Peaceable People as they call themselves, and Whigs as every Body else calls 'em, after so many Defeats as their Seditious Projects, and Models of Rebellion have met withal after it was almost Visible, that the particular care of Providence had guarded our Gracious King and the best part of his Loyal Subjects, from being Murdered and Enslaved by them, and the Heads of their Faction; for the Design was no better. A man might at least have reasonably imagined they would in Policy for a season have been Quiet; But they are a Generation of People that no Condescension or Indulgence of a Prince can oblige, nor no warning from God, but Plague, Pestilence, or Famine, reform. For not being content privately to have drawn a horrid Scheme of Seizing, Deposing, or Murdering of our Good and Gracious Sovereign, (whom God for ever Protect from their Bloody and Rebellious hands) for the enslaving every Loyal and true Subject to the Monarchical Government, under the Tyranny of a second Rump Parliament, chopped out into several Committees for the Sequestration of Honest men's Estates into their own Pockets; but now they have the Impudence fairly to tell the World what it was they meant, couching it under the specious Title of a Tory Plot; which foolish, sawey, and very dull, though malicious Pamphlet, I the rather think fit in this place to take notice of, because it has so much the resemblance of another called, No Protestant Plot; That by the deformity and weakness of the Ricketty Brats, their old debilitated ●ather must be the same.  
And the best way of examining that Pamphlet, as I conceive, is to take it as it lies before us in its Natural confusion, so fairly to work with it in the lump together, see what it weighs, and leave it afterwards to the World to judge what it is worth.  
This Pamphlet then in the first place is composed of about Six Sheets of Paper, filled with a morly conceited Preface, and a familiar Treatise concerning the Rise, Growth, and Discovery of a Popish Plot; from thence, the Legality, Equity, and Expediency of a Bill of Exclusion; a Cursory and Plausible Account of the Parliaments Proceed at Oxford; a saucy Censure of His majesty's Declaration after the Dissolution of that Parliament, and the Addresses of the whole Kingdom in Loyal and Dutiful Thanks for that condescending and fatherly Declaration; and to wind up the Business at last, a short Apology for the Doctrines of Calvin, compared with those of Ignatius Loyola; a Vindication of St. Stephen College, the true Protestant Joiner; a Justification of the late Treasonable Association, and the Ignoramus Juries that would not find it so, grounded upon that passed into an Act in the Reign of Q. Elizabeth; and a Protestation at the bottom of all, who it is that shall not Reign over the mighty, Author of this doughty Pamphlet.  
To proceed therefore with all the Cand●●r and fairness imaginable, I shall in the first place inquire how far by his own Arguments he has proved the Rise, Growth, and Discovery of a Popish Plot, the Legality, Equity, and Expediency of a Bill of Exclusion, how far the Parliaments Proceed at Oxford stand by him Justified, or His majesty's Dissolution of it, and Declaration after it Condemned; I shall Compare the Doctrines of Calvin and his Followers, with those of Ignatius Loyola, and leave the World to Judge whose are the Lest; then inquire how far St. College ought to be Vindicated; the late Treasonable Association and Ignoramus Jurymen justified in relation to that passed into an Act in the Reign of Q. Elizabeth, and upon his Protestation who shall not hereafter Reign over him, make as fair a Conclusion as I can, what sort of Prince and Government he desires to be a Subject under.  
This done, I shall beg leave to offer some reasonable Conjectures to Public consideration, whether or no our Author has, as he calls it, discovered a Tory Plot, or has not Positively and most Learnedly Confirmed the truth and certainty of a Whiggist Conspiracy, carried on for these many years together, and couched under the most plausible Pretences of maintaining the Protestant Religion, our Property and Privileges, and securing the Subject from Arbitrary Government, etc. when upon the whole Matter, nothing has been aimed at but the Dissolution of the Monarchy, the Destruction of our Excellent Religion, as now Established by Law; the rending and ruining of our Properties, and leaving us no Privileges at all, and instead of securing good Subjects from Arbitrary Government, the bringing of us under the most odious and insupportable Tyranny that ever Athens knew, or Rome grouned under. 'Tis time now to speak Truth or never; I will do it, and the Devil and Rebels bear the shame of it.  
In the first place then for his Merry Preface, which I had almost forgot; He tells us there, that It is the undoubted Privilege of Parliament, That none should be questioned out of it, for any thing spoken or transacted in it: That's false: For should any man say in Parliament he would Kill the King, he shall be questioned for it out of it, and I hope Hanged too; and all, I humbly conceive no breach of Privilege neither: But our Noble Author to show how fit an Advocate he is for his Party, will needs be at it, and Juggle in his very Preface, which should be his Apology: None shall be questioned out of Parliament, for any thing spoken or transacted in it! That is, None shall be liable to the Law for what he says in Parliament, provided he keep the bounds of Privilege, which I humbly conceive is limited, notwithstanding the late new started Doctrines, That they are the only Judges of it themselves; why else do they desire the Continuation of their Privileges every new Sessions by their Speaker? The King is the Judge of those Provileges then, for how can any Man grant what is fitting, that is not supposed the Judge what is so? Though therefore none be liable to the Law for what he says in Parliament, provided he keep the bounds of Privilege; yet I hope any Corporation that sends up a Member to Serve for them in Parliament, being sensible that that Member has abused or not discharged his Trust, by proceeding unwarrantably in his Station, running into a faction to do nothing the King desires of them, to vex him with Bills for Disinheriting a dearest Brother, with a thousand other Contrivances to perplex the good of the Kingdom, and Embroil rather than Settle it: I hope such a Corporation, in an honest sense how they have been misrepresented by the Servant, that they have sent to the King, may have liberty to censure the Proceed of such an unfaithful Servant, and to Vindicate themselves too by any humble Address to His Majesty, to assert their constant and loyal Adherence to his Government; and if need be, Abhorrence of any Transactions either of their own Servant, or any else, that would grow their Master, tending to the Disturbance or Dissolution of it.  
Oh, But have a care, says the Preface a little farther, when His Majesty shall say to those dry Bones, Live, and they shall stand upon their feet, they will be the fittest to declare their resentments, etc.  
Now do but mark this facetious Gentleman, rather than lose his Jest, what will he not do? Just now he was Pleading the reverence and deference due to the Memory of the Parliament, and here he scurrilously calls ●●m a Company of dry Bones, can there be any thing more Profane than that! the dry Bones of a dead Carcase commonly stink in the Nostrils of the living, a very civil Metaphor. and a great Compliment to the Representatives of a Nation truly: Oh but look to it, they will be fittest to declare their resentments. I hope it will never come to that, that we of the Country, who send up Members to Serve for us in the great Convocation of the Kingdom shall stand in awe of the Power we trust 'em withal: I hope they are to sit there for our good and our peace, not for our terror: But more of this hereafter. And now  
To the first part of his Pamphlet, let us see how far he has proved the rise, growth and discovery of a Popish Plot: Have at it.  
He says, If the declaration of the common or public Judgement be not a competent ground for us to settle our belief upon, he knows not what can be supposed to be; for if ever the King be infallible, he would the readiliest expect him to be so when he has the concurrent Advice and Consent of the whole Nation. Nay he says there is infinitely greater cause for conforming our belief to the Opinion of the King, Lords and Commons in a matter of fact throughly examined, then to obey the Laws they make.  
To this I answer: That King, Lords and Commons are not nor can be infallible. As they are Men, they are liable to errors, and may be deceived in matters of Opinion, by the imperfections of their humane Nature in matters of fact, by the false Informations of Perjured and profligate Villains who are to swear for bread, and have no longer hopes to eat, than their Evidence is useful: For could any Government or Authority upon Earth be Infallible, one might as well as another, and Consequently our Author would make a good Argument for the Church of Rome: and the Pope in Cathedrà may with as much reason pretend to be Infallible, as any Prince in Christendom in his Senate: I hope our Pamphleteer is a better Protestant then this Argument amounts to. Granting then that King, Lords and Commons are not Infallible, he has not yet by his argument proved the rise, growth and discovery of a Popish Plott. But now he comes to supposing; well, let us see what he supposes.  
Supposing, says he, that the aforesaid Resolves and Proclamations were not made nor issued without the maturest deliberation and fullest assurance of the truth of those Testimonies and Evidence that occasioned them, it cannot be reputed too great credulity to believe that Popery was to be introduced by those Means and Methods that the Discoverers of the Plot attested: very good.  
Here he supposes that the aforesaid Resolves and Proclamations were not without the fullest assurance of the truth of the Evidence: and yet not three lines farther he tells us, that as to Scotland and Ireland in which the Design was laid as well as in England, Affairs have been so managed, that it is still as to us kept in a great manner secret. Was then that Vote of the House of Commons that there was a Popish Plott in Ireland as well as here, made upon the maturest deliberation and fullest assurance, when affairs have been so managed that it is yet a Secret? why was this Fellow trusted with Pen and Ink!  
Well, but now look too't, now let us look about us. He has been but tuning his Instrument all this while, now he's resolved to tickle it away indeed: as for Example; Old sturdy England being, as he says, a Nation always Jealous of their Rights and Liberties, it was despaired, that she would be wheedled to put on the Roman Yoke, and therefore there was no hopes of bringing that about but by force (The Author of this Book must be some Jesuited bewhiggifyed and privy to all their Counsels, he could never give so round an account what they thought else.) And now, says he, there wanted a plausible pretence to get up an Army, (Politic Worm!) and therefore (that we may Epitomise his long-winded Impertinent story) he tells us, there was a Shame War proposed with the French, and the Parliament induced to comply with the design; (he makes a very Worthy Parliament of it the mean while; For if a Sham-War were to be imposed upon the Nation, he makes the Parliaments as guilty of the Imposture as any Minister of State he would pretend to blacken;) Then he goes on, how An Army of 30000 men was appointed to be raised, and a Tax levied for their Pay. Well, and they were paid as far as the Tax would go, and what harm done?  
Oh but a Peace being Concluded at Nimeguen, this Army that was got together by one Sessions of Parliament, was hardly got dissolved by two; And all things rightly examined, was not that One Sessions too soon? for presently after the Disbanding of that Army, 'tis very memorable and observable what Rebellion broke out in Scotland, and how it was timed; and as for the many Papists which he would insinuate were thrust into that Army, it is a most notorious Lie; for those Papists that were in it, were only some few Officers that came home upon the King's Proclamation with the Duke of Monmouth's Regiment out of France; and they too were cashiered their Commands long before the Peace made, or the Disbanding of the Army was thought of; and how this Army, as he suggests, was probably to be made use of in carrying on of the Popish Plot, may be gathered, if I mistake not, from an Information Oats once gave in, That the Officers of it were all to be Murdered in a Night by the Popish Party, to render the Army useless for any Service against them. Then besides this Open Force, says he, there was Listed underhand a greater, of which Oats 's Narrative acquaints us with the chief Officers. So the Noble Dr. did with Commissions too, but the Devil a one was ever yet produced for us to see; nor, as I have been told, did the Dr. himself know one of these principal Officers he has made bold to mention (viz. My Lord Arundel of Warder) when he very lately did see him; but that worthy Divine is something apt to be troubled with dimness of sight, when overstrained with swearing, as some Privy Councillors in being can bear him witness.  
In the next place to his Malicious and Impudent Suggestion, That the succeeding Parliament after the Long Parliament, were by their sudden Dissolution prevented from bringing those to their Trials which the Former had committed.  
I answer, and the whole Kingdom must testify with me, It is most scandalously false. For had they so intended, they sat time enough to have brought six times the Number to their Trial. No, the face of things began to look then another way; The Popish Plott seemed like a Card turned up Trumpets, only to be played upon a hard Push when any Trick they aimed at was like to be lost. As for Example; When the King would not give up the E. of D. to be torn in pieces, trump with the Popish Plot, that will fetch it or nothing immediately; New Dangers of Popery are Apprehended, and there is a Young Plot in the Belly of the Old One. But at last when that Lord had rendered up himself, and desired a speedy Trial, difficulties and perplexities were started about Joining Issue: then immediately there arises a squobble about Privileges, An Endless confused Riddle which no body  yet could tell the meaning of; but not a grain of Justice weighed out all this while, but the course of it stopped, and the Nation kept in suspense, terror and perplexity with almost every man's hand at his Neighbour's Throat, and all for a punctilio: Justice, I doubt, was not what the prevailing Faction at that time Aimed at: For (as I promised before) I will speak Truth, A prevailing and a dangerous Faction were in that Parliament, and will be in every Parliament, 'tis to be feared, so long as Schismatics and Make-bates are tolerated in their Insolences by Wilful blindness or scarfulness of Magistrates that should suppress them, and enabled to carry so great a sway in Elections, as to return frequently so many Old Rebels against the last King, to sit in the House of Commons, only to rail and bandy Factions for the Ruin of this. No, the Popish Lords in the Tower were to be well husbanded, and that Parliament was Dissolved, not that they should not bring those Lords to Trial, but because they would not.  
Having shot this Bolt, Now he runs on his Story to several Worthy Peers Petitioning for the Sitting of a Third Parliament: whereof by the way, let us take notice, the E. of Hunt. was One, who having since discovered the foulness of the main design at the bottom, has avoided the Infection, returned home into the Favour and Service of his King, and Safety of his Honour.  
And as that Petition was followed by Others of a more tumultuous nature, so the reflections our Author makes upon 'em, are, to deal plainly, as Impertinent as they were: for he says, That his Majesty was possessed by some about him, that such Petitioning was tumultuous, and that at the same time little Emissaries were ordered to discourage it; amongst the rest, Sir George Jeoffries here in the City. Prithee, Brother Pamphletteer, why little Emissaries? Sir George Jeoffries is a Gentleman, and was at that time Recorder of London, and, as I conceive, under that character not so very unproper to advise the City how far in Loyalty, Obedience to the Law and good Manners they ought to preserve their Duty, Respect and Deference to their Sovereign and his Commands: and for all that quoted scrap of the Parliaments Address against him, wherein they accuse him for Informing the City of London, that such manner of Proceed might hazard the Forfeiture of their Charter; I suppose it had been never the Worse for that Wise City to have taken his Counsel, and have saved perhaps the trouble, which a small Instrument, Entitled, Quo Warranto, lately got amongst them, may put them to. But it is the way of hireling Scribblers for that Party nowadays to Quote Votes, Resolves and Addresses of the House of Commons for Laws, forsooth, as if we were no longer to respect the Statutes of the Realm for our Guide, but buy a pennyworth of Votes every day, and consult out of them how far we are to yield Obedience to Edicts of so great an Authority as a Kings, who is over us in all Causes, next under God, the Supreme Head and Governor.  
For he is at the same rate again as to the Anti-Petitions, as he calls emor Abhorrencies, that were by many of the Loyal part of the Kingdom presented to his Majesty in a just resentment and detestation of the former Undutiful and Irreverent Proceed of their fellow Subjects; which as it was at that time the most seasonable and honestest course that good Subjects could take to clear and signalise their Respect and Fidelity to a Prince nosed and affronted by the Insolent and Vile behaviour of a dangerous and unruly Faction: So I cannot but with Horror remember the Tyrannical and Oppressive Authority which the House of Commons durst usurp afterwards over their fellow-Subjects; how many of us were persecuted by their Bandogs and Pursuivants? how many, that knew not so well the Charter of their Liberty, were forced to yield obedience to their Unwarrantable and Peremptory Votes, Led in Captivity shamefully several Miles through their Native Countries up to London, committed to Illegal and Chargeable Prisons, harassed with Arbitrary Fines or Censures, brought on their Knees, forced to undergo the basest forms of Submission unworthy the honour of the English Liberty; and all by an Usurping Unwarrantable power whom they had never offended, and against whom no offence lay! I hope we shall feel the scourge of such a Tyranny no more.  
But to return to our Author, who after having recited part of an Address made by the House of Commons against that Honourable, Wise and never to be forgotten Patriot the Earl of Hallifax (for the Fellow loves a scrap of Parliament business better than a dull Pedant ends of Latin) resolves to come to the Point, as he calls it in his Preface, And now, says He, the Parliament according to direction of his Majesty, Vigorously Prosecute the Plot; That's good News indeed; Let us see how: Why he tells us, First as for themselves, they by way of Address declare their Resolution to Preserve and Support the King's Person and Government, and the Protestant Religion. Well, how did they keep their words? Why, the Author gives us to understand, that As to the Plot, they appoint a Committee to take an abstract of the Journals of both Houses as to matters relating to it, upon which they resolve that the D. of York 's being a Papist, etc. has given the greatest Encouragement to the present Designs and Conspiracies against the King and Protestant Religion; that is, according to the King's Directions to prosecute the Plot, they resolve to persecute his Brother. For methinks it's but an odd way of proceeding, to resolve any Man is a Papist, before they know whether it be so or no: at this rate they might have resolved all the City was blown up, though we did see one house tumble: for the Cases are parallel; and in spite of all Calumnies thrown on that most Illustrious Prince and Dutifullest of Subjects, it was never proved that he was reconciled to the Church of Rome yet; nor does the absenting himself from our Church at all evince it: for by that Argument he may be as well a Protestant Dissenter, for aught they know, as any thing else. But as to the latter part of their Resolve, (viz.) That the presumption of his being so, has given the greatest Encouragement to the present Designs against the King and Protestant Religion. I agree with 'em: for it is visible enough 'tis upon that Basis the Schismatic and Fanatical Party have grounded all their hopes of spoiling the King of his most Essential Prerogatives, of destroying the whole Beauty and Order of the Established Church, of collecting together a Treasonable and Rebellious Association for fettering up the Power of the King, raising an Army to be Commanded by Creatures of their Own, and to obey their Authority for the Enslaving the Kingdom, rooting out of the Monarchy, and setting up Confusion. Now let all Reasonable Men observe how far our Scribe has proved the Rise, Growth and Discovery of a Popish Plot; I will not deny that such a Plot might have been; but for all our Sophister's arguments, it is at best but a Plot presumptive, and no Plot apparent.  
But upon this Resolve our Author is pleased to remind us of a Bill of Exclusion brought in, which the Lords thought fit to reject; upon which, says he, a Committee of the whole House make two more Resolves, First, That so long as the Papists have any Hopes of the D. of York 's succeeding to the Crown; King, Religion and all are in an apparent danger of being destroyed. The second, That the House for Bringing in a Bill of Association for the King's Defence, and for general Safety, And for preventing the Duke of York or any Papist from succeeding to the Crown, this is called prosecuting the Plot. And here by the way it will not be amiss in a word or two, to take notice of the latter part of this second Resolve, (viz.) Or any Papist from succeeding to the Crown: Whence I observe, Either this Resolve was Impertinent, or it was necessary: If there were no reason after the Exclusion of the Duke to fear any Popish Successor, this Resolve was Impertinent: If it were necessary, there must be reason to apprehend such a Successor. Now who could this be! The Prince of Orange! Is he a Papist? No, but if need be, there may rise up an Evidence or two to swear him one. For it is to be proved by very Unquestionable Witnesses, That Dr. Oats once upon a time in great freedom of speech, and arguing very hotly for the Bill of Exclusion, being interrogated, If that should pass, Who he thought fit to succeed, Whether the P. of Orange, or not; was pleased to express him No; he was a Canary-Bird, he would have no Orange: but if the Duke were once Excluded, he had half a Dozen sheets of Paper to present to the Consideration of the Parliament for settling of the Government, or to that purpose. A very pretty Condition we were at that time running into: at this rate his Reverence need but have sworn all the Royal Line out of their Pretensions, and the business had been done. Methinks it would not have been Unworthy the Wisdom of a Parliament, if once they that had taken the Succession off from one hinge, to have sixth it upon another at least, and not have left the Door open for all manner of Confusion to have been let in upon us at the discretion of a swearing Salamancha Dr. and as many Disciples as he could have picked up out of Jails and Reggary to have born record with him: And this granted, let us in the next place examine how far our Author hath evinced the Legality, Equity, and Expediency of a Bill of Exclusion.  
And this I shall do with the strictest yet most sincere and impartial scrutiny that I can: As first, Our Author says, For the Legality of it, he could never hear of more than two things opposed; The one, That Kings holding their Crowns by right of Primogeniture, it is against the Law of Nature to put by the next Heir. The other, That it is against the Oath of Allegiance.  
To which I answer, That I must beg the Gentleman's Pardon, if I cannot in this point believe him; for I am apt to be persuaded he may have heard that it is against the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom, against the express Law and Word of God in his Scripture; that it is against the common Pact or Covenant whereby we live in Peace and Unity with one another, whereby we Originally consented and mutually obliged ourselves to that Excellent Form of Government we are Ruled by and Preserved under against that Principal and Sacred Rule by which every Man's Meum & Tuum is distinguished. I am persuaded our Author may have heard all this; and that it is so, I am persuaded it will not be very difficult to prove neither.  
For that it is against the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom, will appear in that it is against the Public Safety, which I take to be the Fundamental Law: and it is against the public Safety, in that it is against the very Being of the Government. Now by the Being of the Government, I understand the Ancient Hereditary Monarchy; and whatsoever tends to the dissolution of that, is against the Being of the Government: any Bill or Act therefore for excluding a next Heir, tends absolutely to the dissolution of the Ancient Hereditary Monarchy, in that it puts it in a mere state of Election: for the very Act of Excluding one Heir, imports the Election of another. As for example, when an Act of Parliament is passed for the disinheriting the Heir of an Entailed Estate, it is not made an Act for the Excluding such or such an Heir; But for cutting off the original Entail: And the passing a Law for disinheriting the Heir to the Crown, cannot be made an Act of Exclusion; for Magna Charta says no Heir shall be spoiled of his Inheritance, but it must be made an Act of Dissolution and cutting off the Entail of the Crown, the very Law by which the Heir holds his Right of Inheritance; which would be utterly destructive of the Being of the Government, and consequently Public Safety: for should an Act be made to disinherit the Heir of an Entailed Estate without cutting off the original Entail, the Act would be void in itself and of no force, because against the Fundamental Statute of Magna Charta: But the cutting off the Entail removes all manner of Right to Inheritance, and leaves the present Possessor at liberty of choosing what and how many Heirs he shall think fitting. I hope the Ancient Inheritance of the Imperial Crown of England shall never be so Violated.  
It is also against the Express Word of God in his Scriptures, which says, speaking of the Law of Inheritances, thus, If a man die and have 
Numb. Cap. 27. Vers. 8.  no Son, then shall ye cause his Inheritance to pass unto his Daughter; And if he have no Daughter, than ye shall ye give his Inheritance unto his Brethren; And if he have no Brethren, than ye shall give his Inheritance unto his Father's Brethren; And if his Father have no Brethren, then shall ye give his Inheritance unto his Kinsman that is next to him of his Family, and he shall possess it, and it shall be unto the Children of Israel a Statute of Judgement. Can there be any thing more positive than this? Here we have the absolute Command of God for the Lineal Successions of one Heir in default of another down through a whole Generation; nay, He calls it too a Statute of Judgement, an unalterable Statute, a Statute upon no conditions to be Violated: and surely we are not Wiser or Juster than the Almighty Author of both Wisdom and Justice.  
Moreover, in another place of speaking the Rights of the Firstborn, it is said, that When it shall be that a Father maketh his Sons to inherit that 
Deut. Ch. 21. Vers. 16.  which he hath, that he may not make the Son of the beloved, firstborn, before the Son of the hated, which is indeed the firstborn: But he shall acknowledge the Son of the hated for the firstborn, by giving him a double portion of all that he hath; for he is the beginning of his strength, the right of the firstborn is his. So that however merry our noble Author be pleased to make himself with the Right of Primogeniture, it was a Sacred Law pronounced from the Oracle of God, and by no succeeding Ordinance that ever I read or heard of yet repealed. But let us Examine in the next place those Arguments he produces against the Right of Primogeniture.  
He has indeed upon this occasion proceeded in a most extraordinary way of Argumentation, which is by ask of Questions; which to oblige him, I will recapitulate here and answer as well as I can by Questions too, and leave the Reader to Judge whose are most reasonable. As first then says he against the Right of Primogeniture:  
Quest. In how many Kingdoms has Force and Violence, and the longest Sword settled an Absolute Monarchy?  
Answ. Must therefore we go together by the Ears to Unsettle this Excellent One?  
Quest. How oft has that York been shaked off, and the Government turned into a Free State?  
Answ. Must therefore we Rebel again, as we did about 40 Years ago, to become Slaves to the Tyranny of our fellow-Subjects, and at last the Rod of an Usurper?  
Quest. How many different Models of both Monarchies and States are there at this day in the World? etc.  
Answ. Must therefore we never rest contented with the Best of Governments, because there are so many Worse in the World to make choice of?  
And yet, says he, none of these Governments, but are or aught to be submitted to for the Lords sake.  
To which I answer, That therefore it is a Sin to alter or endeavour in any point to Violate such a Government. Now the Alteration of Succession would be a great Violation of the Rights of this present Ancient and Established Monarchy, consequently against the Constitution of the Government, and therefore sinful, in that it ought to be submitted to for the Lords sake, as our Author has been pleased to remind us. But to our Questions again, (viz.)  
Quest. What shall we say of Gods giving the Kingdom of Israel to Saul of the Tribe of Benjamin the Youngest of Jacob 's Sons, or to David, the Youngest of his Father's Sons, and of the Tribe of Judah, while none of Reuben's offspring ever sat upon the Throne?  
Answ. To which I answer: Though God had promised Abraham to make of him a great Nation, that was not yet accomplished at the death of his Grandson Jacob, who was at best but as a private man, died in Egypt, where his Posterity afterwards remained in Captivity, and under that Bondage multiplied to a People till they were led out of it by Moses, who established them into a Nation, and was their Lawgiver: besides, when Jacob died and blessed his Sons, He upbraided Reuben of the Sin he had committed, and told him, Unstable as water, thou shalt not excel, because thou wentest up to thy Father's bed, than defiledst thou it. Besides, as I said 
Genesis Ch. 49. 1. 4.  before, Israel were not then a Nation till God brought 'em by the hand of Moses out of Egypt; but when the Miracles were begun for the redeeming of the chosen People from Bondage, than the Lord spoke unto Moses and Aaron in the Land of Egypt, and the Passeover was instituted; then they began to be a Nation of Men, and Modelled into Government, Marched and Encamped under the Command of Moses, till they were led through the Red Sea into the Wilderness, than they fought with Amalek and vanquished: After which Moses harkening to the advice of Jethro his Father-in-Law, Chose able Men out of Israel who Judged the People at all seasons; the hard Causes they brought unto Moses, but every small matter they Judged themselves; so that Moses was their Supreme Judge and Lawgiver, till he Led them out of the Plains of Moab, to the Top of Pisgah, where the Lord shown him all the Land of Gilead unto Dan, and all Nepthali and the Land of Ephraim, etc. And said unto him, This is the Land which I swore unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob, saying, I will give it unto thy seed; but Moses was not suffered to go over thither, but died in the Land of Moab. Moses thus dead, Joshua, by the appointment of God, succeeded him as Judge over Israel. After Joshua's death we read, that they forsook the Lord and served Baal, and that the Anger of God was hot against Israel; nevertheless the Lord raised up Judges and was with the Judge, and delivered them out of the hands of their Enemies; but when the Judge was dead, they returned to Corruption again, till the Lord left them to be proved by the 5. Lords of the Philistims, and all the Canaanites, etc. among whom they dwelled, and who were to prove Israel, to know whether they would hearken to the Commandments of the Lord; but they did Evil, and were sold into the hand of the King of Mesopotamia, whom they served Eight Years: but upon their Cry to God, he raised up a Deliverer one Othneil, who governed them 40 years; to him succeeded Ehud; after him was Shamgar, till renewing their sins they again were sold to Jabin King of Canaan; delivered afterwards and restored by Deborah, under whom they had rest 40 years: After her God raised up Gideon or Jerubbaal, who delivered them from the Midianites; after him his Son Abimelech was made by them King. Abimelech being dead, there risen up to defend Israel, Jola; after him Jair, and in this manner were they governed by Judges till the time of Samuel; And he in his age made his Sons Judges over Israel, who walked not in his ways, but turned aside after lucre, took Bribes and perverted Judgement, upon which the Elders gathered together, and demanded a King of Samuel to govern them like other Nations.  
This King was Saul, Chosen by God himself: there was the absolute Command of God for the Anointing him King over Israel; Neither was there any Succession cut off, for Reuben had no right ever of it: and the original of Kingly Power in Israel by God's appointment began in Saul. So that Kingly Power (as much a jest as they make of the matter, appears plainly by this to be originally Jure Divino.) Were Power grounded in the People, Abimelech's race who before was chosen King by the People must have succeeded, but it did not; and the first Successive Monarchy that ever was Established in Israel was Jure Divino by God's own Law, and confirmed by Promise to David, but our Author desires to know, How came David afterwards to Reign? How came the Crown translated from Benjamin to Judah? Why was it not continued in the Tribe?  
Would our Author give himself to read the Scripture sometimes, he would write honester Pamphlets, and ask more pertinent Questions, for the Kingdom was never Established upon Saul, for having transgressed the Commandment of God by a profane Sacrifice; Samuel told him he had done foolishly, for he had not kept the Commandment of God, for God would have established his Kingdom else upon Israel for ever, but that now he had sought a man after his own heart, which was David: So by this it appears, that though Saul himself was King, the Kingdom was never confirmed or promised to his Seed. And therefore the translating of it to David of the Tribe of Judah, is no Argument for the cutting off a Succession established for so many Ages as this Ancient Monarchy of England has been. But here's arisen another Question  
Quest. How came David to put Adonijah by the Throne, and seat Solomon in it?  
Asnw. Why, did Adonijah Rebel and usurp the Kingdom from his Father while he was yet alive? Did the Duke of York ever Rebel; nay, did he ever murmur against the King his Brother? Have not the King's Commands been always Sacred to him? what Dangers has he refused? what Exile not chosen when the King gave his Decree for it? though had it been in his Nature, he might like a rebellious Absolom, have stood upon terms of Privilege too; but while one chose rather to be a stiffnecked Duke, than a beloved Son, He chose rather to be a dutiful Brother than a stubborn Subject. Neither was the Right of Succession to the Throne of David by any Law settled upon the Elder, and besides the Rebellious Usurpation of Adonijah, David had before sworn that Solomon should Reign after him, and sit upon the Throne in his stead; so that in the first place, here was not Entail of Succession violated, though Rebellion (if any thing) might have warranted it. But in our Law even in case the Heir to the Crown should Rebel, though he should be attainted of Treason to incapacitate him of Succession, this would not do if his Head stood upon his Shoulders neither; for the Descent of the Crown upon that, cures even an Attainder. But a Bill of Exclusion is a new-sangled thing, that never was heard of before, inconsistent in itself, tending both in Law and Reason to nothing else but embroiling us into general Confusion, and utterly exterminating the very foundation of the Monarchy. Thus far I hope we have sufficiently overthrown the legality of a Bill of Exclusion; insomuch that no such thing can be passed in Law without taking the whole frame of the Government to pieces, and setting up a new one: But the Arguments our Author urges, which such a Bill is not against the Oath of Allegiance, and the Consequences he deduces from them, are indeed very considerable. First, He tells 'tis Nonsense to affirm, that any one is a Man's Heir or Successor while himself lives. Then I say, the Oath of Allegiance is against common sense; and by Sir F. W's Argument in the House against Expedients Void therefore in itself, and of no force; for if an Act of Parliament against common sense be in itself Void, certainly any Oath against common sense instituted by Act of Parliament is so too: But why is it Nonsense to affirm, That any one is a Man's Heir or Successor while himself lives! Because, says he, the Successor Commences such only at his Predecessor's Death: which by the way, seems to me much the more Nonsense of the two; for every Successor to the Crown, at the instant of his Predecessor's Death, De Jure, becomes no longer Successor, but very Possessor, though not confirmed so De facto till his Coronation; so that to do the Oath of Allegiance Justice, it is no Nonsensical Oath, for all our Author's Nonsensical Argument; but an Oath that obliges every true Subject to Adhere to the King and his Lawful Successors, and whosoever go about by any unlawful Act (as we have proved one of Exclusion must be) to deprive the Duke of York of his Right to Succession, does it against the Oath of Allegiance, and is no better than perjured. But now all the Question is, says our Scribbler, whether such a particular man has so unalterable right to such a ones Heir, that no crime Can forfeit that Right, nor no Power annul it: To which I answer, as he himself hath taught me; Force and Violence, and the longest Sword may annul any thing; but the Business he would bring in here, is the forfeiting Crime, which what it is in our present case, we should better have known; He says, If the hasty Dissolution of so many Parliaments, and a Noli Prosequi had not hindered; and so he proceeds to make a Fiction of Case (and indeed it is a Substantial Fiction) by his old way of supposing. Now let us once more see what he supposes; for by this suppose, he pretends to resolve the Query, what the forfeiting Crime is in our present Case. Very good, Suppose, says he, him that expects to be Heir, perverted from the Protestant to the Popish Religion; Now out of this Suppose, we are if we think fit to suppose again, that he means the Duke of York, and then we are to let him know, 'tis but a malicious at best, and no charitable Supposition, and till there are better grounds than any the Public have been informed of yet to six it upon, I shall grant no such Supposition at all, In the next place, says he, Suppose his Principal Servant, and greatest Confident, bragging of the apparent likelihood of rooting out this pestilent Northern Heresy, and of the Zeal of his Master in the Cause, etc. Now we are sure, and need not suppose that by this Servant and Confident is signified Coleman; and therefore I must tell, he is pleased to suppose what I believe himself and almost every body else knows to be a false thing; for Coleman was none of his Principal Servant or Confident, but Cashiered the Service of his Highness' Family many years since; and I have been told, the reason why he was discharged the Office of Secretary to the Duchess, was for that he stood suspected even then of being too busy with Matters of an ill kind, though they were not particularised or proved against him; and if so, good Mr. Pamphletteer, what becomes of your Suppose? But to proceed, Supposing all this says he, We can hardly imagine a Crime to be blacker. Then what? Then a suspicion of designing the Subversion of the Established Religion, and in it of the Government; A very pretty point our Author has brought his Business to: He has proved the Lawfulness of the Bill of Exclusion, because he is pleased to suppose, and suspect that the Duke may design the Subversion of the Religion and Government; is any man to suffer by the Law of England for Suspicion? Surely not: Then certainly the Excluding the Duke from his Inheritance upon bare Suspicion, is not altogether so legal as our Author would have the World think it is. But the man is a little reasonable for all that; for about four Lines afterwards, says he, Now let us consider, (introth and I think it is time of all Conscience) well, but what shall we consider! Let us consider, says he, whether a Parliament have not Power to inflict such a Punishment on such Offences: with all my heart: It is, says he, from the Laws Enacted by Parliament, that such an Act has such a Punishment awarded to it: This, as he has expressed it is Nonsense, and as he means it is false, for no Laws are Enacted by Parliament, all Laws are Enacted by the King in Parliament; and though he go on to tell us, that Felonies are by the Law Punished by Death, as well as Murder; yet till he show us a Law that any man shall be Hanged for Suspicion of Felony or Murder, he seems to have considered to very little purpose, and his Suppose is in as bad a condition as e'er it was. 'Tis very well worth any man's observation how the Champions for this Cause manage Matters, they writ incessantly, but such crude and indigested stuff comes daily from, as visibly discovers what an unhealthful condition it is in. Now is our Author vomiting up a lump of confused Notions for the Mobile to lap at, and that is forsooth what a Parliament can do: and first indeed he is a little civil, and will vouchsafe to join the King with them, and pray let us see to what purpose: They, says he, can Attaint any man, or take off the Attainder, as they see good: I hope though, good Mr. Author, it must be for sufficient cause shown that they shall proceed to Attaint any Man, or else by your leave they violate the Great Charter of England, and whatsoever does so, is Destructive of the Being of the Government, Destructive of Public Safety, Destructive of the general Liberty; either let the great Charter be the Rule and Standard our Parliaments are to govern their Votes & Acts by, or let us burn and cancel it for ever: Our Law says, It is unalterable, and whoever Votes or Consents to any thing against the tenure and holding of that Charter, I may presume to say is little better than a betrayer of the Public Good, and an Enemy to the Kingdom: The People of England hold their Liberties and Properties by virtue of Magna Charta, nothing can alter it, and whatsoever does so, call it an Act of Parliament, or what you please may be imposed upon our Obedience by Power, but it is Void of itself, Tyrannical, and against the great and Sacred Right delivered us down through so many Ages, by our Fathers from one Generation to another. It would argue as much impertinence as he is guilty of himself, to recount the many absurdities he has urged on this occasion; as the instances of Legitimation and Illegitimation of Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth, both which were made in their turns Illegitimate, and yet both were Legitimate when they came to succeed, and would not any Body that reads this judge our Author deserved a blue Coat and a Muckender for urging their Cases as Instances what the Parliament can do in such Cases, when neither of the Acts passed against those Princesses stood good. But what he says afterwards, deserves Sugar Plumbs or nothing, now we are beholden to him or never; for he comes to the Point and says in a word, That the two Houses have an absolute Dominion over the Lives, Liberties and Estates of any Subject in the Kingdom; why now we see what the Gentleman would be at, here he speaks home, The two Houses abstractedly have an Absolute Dominion, etc. Tush, no matter for the King, he is no body God knows, when our Author would show his Law: We have had instances (says he) of Queens being Beheaded, and who is nearlier related to the King than she that is one with him (Oh brave Boys) who nearer allied to the Privileges of the Crown than she that has had it set upon her head? Why this is hearty now, And if such a one (says he further) may be brought to the Scaffold, and die the deserved Death of a Traitor, no man can argue the High Court that condemned her to die, of Injustice. This is as plain as the Nose in ones face, it would have cost Thee but a little more Ink and Paper Friend to have told us we have had an instance too of a Blessed King brought to the Scaffold, Condemned by a High Court to a High Court of Justice, as they called themselves: Thou mightst have urged this as well as hinted it so plausibly, the Parallel was indeed finely spun, we might easily see what it Tallied to: but thou mightest to show the boldness of thy Skill have steered a little nearer the Quicksand, just raised upon the Surface of it: 'twould have shown thee a fit Fellow indeed to Vindicate the Disheriting an Heir to the Crown, Overthrowing a Monarchy, and confounding the Safety of thy fellow-Creatures and Subjects. Thus has our Author taken a great deal of pains to overthrow the Right of Primogeniture by Arguments that overthrow themselves, To justify an Act of Exclusion would be no Violation of our Oath of Allegiance, when it is absolutely against the tenure, express words and meaning of it, asked Questions to as little purpose as he has raised Arguments; and so much as he says for the Legality of the Fact.  
Now as to the Equity of it, never was any thing more profoundly dull than he: It is, says he, an Act of the greatest Equity and Justice in the World. One would think now after so Dogmatical a Proposition he would do us reason, and make his words good, and he goes about it very learnedly truly; for he is at his Ifs and Supposes again in a trice: If (says he) he that pretends to the Succession be a Person that is already engaged in a Design to alter the Government, that by the accursed tye of his deluded Conscience, and the destructive Principles of his Religion has given certain notice that he thinks himself obliged to Extirpate the Religion Established, and to persecute the resolved Adherers to it to the Death; what in the whole World is more equitable, and moderately Just, then that this Person should be incapacitated from doing all this evil, by preventing his Accession to the Throne, which he will thus Defile with Blood, and Profane with damnable Heresy? Which I answer thus: If he that pretends to the Succession be a Person that never was engaged in any Design to alter the Government, but has through the whole course of his life to this day endeavoured by the hazard of his life for the public Service when ever called to it, by the most absolute Obedience and patiented Sufferings of the best Patriot and dutifullest Subject contributed to Defence and Preservation of the Government from ruin, if from the testimony of a good and tender Conscience he has given certain assurance that he will ever to his Power maintain the Religion Established and defend the Adherers to it; (as the Letter from Scotland to the Archbishop of Canterbury sufficiently testifies the Duke of York has done) what in the whole World more unequal or impiously unjust, then that this Person should be incapacitated from doing all this good, by cutting off his Succession to a Throne, which he may in all likelihood adorn with so much Mercy and Honour, with the Defence of the best Religion (I mean the Church of England as now Established) in the World. And so much for the equity of the Fact.  
And as to the expediency of it, he is driven very hard, for he is forced to quote the Saying, as he is himself pleased to term it, of a bad Man, (viz.) It is expedient that one man die for the People. Where by the way, I cannot but take notice, that to the best of my remembrance I have read a Printed Sermon Preached upon this very Text just before the Murder of the late King, 'tis an unlucky Observation, but our Author must Pardon me: and now he subjoins that he would not blaspheme his Saviour with comparing the Person now under consideration to him, nor would I have the Person now under consideration be Condemned by an Injustice equal to that used against our Saviour neither; that is, by the Testimonies of false Witnesses, and the Outcries of a Jewish Rabble, when there is no fault found in him: But this Point of Expediency our Author thinks not fit to insist much upon, but refers us with a Compliment to the Character of a Popish Successor, whose pretended Author under favour, may in time, as it is humbly supposed, for that noble Treatise, and some other freedoms of Speeches he has taken in Taverns, and elsewhere, come to leave his foul Ears upon a Pillory: And now, I think, we have done with the main part of our Pamphlet, (viz.) The Legality, Equity, and Expediency of a Bill of Exclusion. I shall now proceed to examine what Justice our Author has done the Cause he espouses, how far the Proceed of the two last Parliaments stand by him justified, or His majesty's Dissolution of them, and Declaration after it, Condemned. And so forward.  
As to the First, I have in some measure spoken already, but since our Scribbler has thought fit to stir up the Embers yet farther, I cannot but take notice. And here all the World are desired to observe too with what impudent Falsehood he has recited the Business & Case of Fitz-Harris: First, he says of that Libel, That it was a Sham-Plot contrived in the Name of the Non-Conformists, and was to be Printed and sent about by the Penny Post to the Protesting Lords, and the leading Men of the House of Commons, etc. who were to be taken up as soon as they had it, upon hopes that upon search it might be found about 'em: In answer to this, it is impossible not to speak the truth; and in short the truth is thus: The Authority and Credit of a Popish Plot beginning in the Opinion of all reasonable, and equally judging men to decline: I mean in the horrid Circumstances of it, as of Pistolling, Stabbing, Poisoning of the King (no body knows which,) and Massacring the People: With the credit of this declined likewise the Interest and Authority of a Faction who had raised themselves at this Conjuncture under the Name of true Protestants forsooth (casting by that a slight of Corruption upon the Established Church) to a condition of capitulating for whatsoever their Destructive Principles, and desire of change persuaded them was for their Advantage, towards the overthrow of Monarchy & Episcopacy, for setting up Presbytery and Anarchy. It appeared by this, that the credit of the King's Danger of being assassinated by the Papists, & the Interest of the Republican Faction were Equilibrious, and depended merely upon the weight of each other; that is to say, the Credit of the Plot could not subsist, but as it was to be fomented by the Authority of the Republican Faction, nor the Authority of that Faction maintain itself, except the credit of the Popish Plot were in every of its parts supported, this was the Case then, and upon this Principle they proceeded: No sooner was the 〈◊〉 Discovery of the Popish Plot made, by an Instrument of their own, a Renegado Deacon, that since has usurped the Title of Dr. the Offspring of a Notorious Anabaptist, and himself at this present under most Vile Suspicions of wanting the Blessed Sacrament of Baptism, a Fellow that has renounced the Church of England, and has since been a Professor of Popery itself, and almost all the Heresies in the World besides; I say, no sooner was this 〈◊〉 Discovery thus made, but immediately renouncing all manner of Obedience to the Laws Ecclesiastical or Civil: The Trumpets of Sedition were blown aloud in all Quarters of the Kingdom by Rascally, Canting, Whining, Bawling Hypocrites, that call themselves Preachers of the Word, I warrant you: Not an empty Cask could be set out for sweetening at a Tavern Door, but whip it was spirited away to some adjacent Meetinghouse or other to make a Pulpit of; where it vented worse Sophisticated Doctrine than ever it had done Wine before: Nothing was heard in those Assemblies, but Tribulation, Martyrdom, Persecution, and Popery, Popery. Immediately upon this and the Calling of a New Parliament, the Zealous Sisters were tongued with Guinneys at Elections to keep their Cuckolds true to The Good Old Cause, and its Interest; not an old Rebel or Son of one hardly in any County, but perked up for a Member, and Preached in some Market-house or another, to draw in Knaves and Fools to choose him their Representative. As many of this Gang as could be were thus foisted in, and made Members of the House, whereas it is too apparent they became (to use our Author's own terms) Leading Men (I cannot stifle the Truth, for it will out) Nor is it at all to be wondered, that at the first starting of such a Discovery, the thoughts of Murdering the best, most merciful, and justest of Kings; the Destruction of the most Christian and best Disciplined Church in the World; the Subversion of the equalest and best constituted Government that ever a happy People lived under; it is not, I say, to be admired that such thoughts as these should have very deep Impressions upon the Souls of the honest loyal Subjects, and true Englishmen, as doubtless the best part of that Parliament were, and therefore more easily to be led away, as I doubt not but a great many of them have since found themselves to have been by the specious pretences, how corrupt soever the ends were of those Leading Men: For Immediately the Game was started, and all the cry was presently, Ill Ministers, Arbitrary Council, and fear of Arbitrary Power; the Army then on foot must with all speed be Disbanded, though there never appeared to be more need of one, if all the Dangers that were Sworn and Voted had been true; yet no sooner was this Army gone, but instead of a Popish Insurrection in England, we had a whigs Rebellion in Scotland, and Swords were once more drawn for Presbytery and the Covenant. That over, and the Moors appearing with a formidable Army before Tangier, when a Supply was Demanded for the Preservation of that Garrison, the great Security of our Mediterranean Trade, none could be granted till Grievances were Redressed forsooth; and what was the Redressing of those Grievances, but cutting off the Duke of York from the Succession; turning out all Officers of Trust about the King, and putting in such in their Places as the Parliament should approve of, Reforming the Militia, and as Sir W. C. was telling us plainly if his Mouth had not been stopped, the Fleet too; and putting both into such hands as a Committee, I suppose to be appointed by the Leading Men at that time for that purpose should have thought fitting, very fine! and this was all called Prosecuting of the Popish Plot, though not one, except Coleman, was ever brought to Justice all this while for the Conspiracy, but a few tattered wand'ring Priests, that were hunted, catcht and Hanged up to flesh the Rabble withal: We were fed up and kept in heart indeed by strange Reports of mighty Discoveries made by the Committee of Secrecy, who had Power given 'em to Examine Persons, Papers, and Records, sat for two years and upwards, brooding over the Business till it was boasted, That if Oats and all his Brother Evidences were Dead and Rotten, they had proof enough to Condemn all the Lords in the Tower, and the rest of the Papists then in Custody for the Plot, though when all came to all, no Lord was brought to his Trial but the Lord Stafford, and he too (had not Turbervil (by what means I shall not here inquire) been found out long after for a Witness) for aught I perceive by the Printed Trial, might have had his Head upon his Shoulders to this day: In short, the Popish Plot was never hearty Prosecuted by the Parliament. The Leading Men at that time seemed to have other business; The Evidences a pack of Profligate Fellows rak't out of Goals and Dungeons, boasted some of them they had Plot enough yet to hold these Seven years: The King instead of being secured from the Danger of his Enemies, was only teized with Addresses to Pass an Act for the Disinheriting of his Dearest Brother, was tugged and almost every day wrestled with for some Limb of his Prerogative or another, and no Money was to be given him for Defraying the necessary Charges of the Government till he would consent to such unreasonable Demands as the Leading Men, I mean, the Faction thought fit at that Conjuncture to make him. And all this was still called, Prosecuting of the Popish Plot. Nay, so very high ran this Presumptuous Tide, that in an Address made by the Commons in Answer to the King's Message concerning Tangier, it almost came to Threats; for as I remember towards the latter end of that Address, mention was made of Endangering the very Being of the Monarchy itself; as who should say, Sir, Give us what we Ask, or in plain terms we'll Rebel. This was still Prosecuting of the Popish Plot, till at the last, when all their hopes lay in the King's, and they were resolved, but upon their own terms, not to supply them, out comes a Paper of Votes, one whereof was, That whosoever should offer to raise any Money by way of Loan upon the King's Revenues or otherwise, should be deemed a Betrayer of the Public Safety, and I know not what other furious madness to this purpose; as if the King were to be Voted into a worse condition than any Subject he has, and not be able to borrow, if any of his Loyal People think fit to lend it him. This, and some other Proceed much of the same Nature, awakened the sleepy Understandings of a great many, who by the Public Buz had been charmed almost to a Lethargy, the Popish Plot began to appear little better than a stalking Horse for the Faction to poach by: The Arbitrary Proceed of the House of Commons over the Liberties of their Fellow Subjects, grew Intolerable unreasonable, illegal, and burdensome: Immediately the Mischiefs hatched in 41 began to be revived in the Mouths and Memories of a great many People, who to this day felt the smart of them, and dreaded the like Tyranny and Oppression again, till every day the credit of the Popish began more and more to break away, and the Workings of the Faction seen through it, something plainly. This too as they are a wary Generation, they themselves perceived, and therefore thought it high time to new vamp up the decaying Plot, and the Meal Tub Stratagem, which brought in Dangerfield, having succeeded so well, Since a new Evidence was wanting, nothing so plausible as a design of the like Nature to introduce Mr. Fitz-Harris. Thus than they lay their Heads together, and this is agreed upon. The King must be Libelled right or wrong: why! because it is Ad Populum; for the vilest Natures are always best taken with Slander and Scandal, and apt to believe the worst things of those which are above them; so the Foundation of the Business is laid, viz. the Libel; but now to build upon this Foundation, that is, to fix this Libel upon the Loyal Party, (for by this time the Guelphs and the Gibelines began to be distinguished) there lay the difficulty, and a difficult Point indeed it proved; for when it was brought to that, that Mr. Fitz-Harris, who was to be the Discoverer, asked his Pardon, His Majesty was better advised than to give it him, except he would desire it by telling honest Truths, which was not in the Gentleman's Instructions at that time; so he went to Newgate, and the Design was all entangled: But when the hopes of the Godly Party was got into Limbo, Bless us how they busled! how was he visited by Sir R. C. and Sir G. T. to take his Examination as they called it; but whether they came to inform themselves, or him, that's yet a Question; for Matters were carried very privately. This worthy Gentleman or Captain being brought to Westminster towards his Trial, for you know all our Discoverers are or should be Doctors or Captains, as Dr. Oates, Dr. Tongue, Dr. Lower, Capt. Bedlow, Capt. Dangerfield, Capt. Wilkinson, and so forth; this Captain then, as I said, being brought to Westminster in order to his Trial, it was just like the roasting of a Cat alive; for as upon that occasion, all the Cats in the Neighbourhood will come and squale, bristle, and scratch for the rescue of their Companion; so all the Evidences were alarmed here. The Dr. of Salamancha, like a great Boar Puss came in the Van, and roared most hideously, the rest ran about the place, whether with their tails an end, I know not, sputtering, wawing and spitting too abominably. Then and by these his Brethren was put into his hand his Plea, of standing Impeached by the House of Commons, and ought not therefore to be tried by any Inferior Jurisdiction, which Impeachment by this appears in all Moral probability hastened, as it was by the Leading Men, to have been made much rather to obstruct the safety of the King, in not permitting a Traitor to be brought to Justice, than any thing else; a Vote having passed the Lower House, upon the Lords refusing to receive the said Impeachment, That to try Mr. Fitz-Harris in any Inferior Court, was a Violation of their Privilege, and against the Constitution of Parliaments; and this too was Prosecuting of the Popish Plot, this was bringing Traitors to Justice; upon which let us reason a little.  
If Mr. Fitz-Harris were Guilty of the highest Treason in the World, as certainly he was, and by such apparent Proofs, that it was impossible he could escape Justice in any Court in England, what need was there at that time for his being Impeached in Parliament who had so much business already of a higher Nature before them, as the farther Enquiry into the Popish Plot, as to which the greatest part of the Kingdom are yet in the dark, the bringing of those Lords Impeached already to their Trials who had laid so long under a close and burdensome Imprisonment, that it is a shame to the English Liberty we so much boast of all over the World? What Necessity was there for the House of Commons to engage themselves in such a Tedious Business as a Parliamentary Process must be, against so inconsiderable a Creature as Fitz-Harris, who was already a Prisoner by Warrant from the Council, and looked for every day to be brought to Trial by the ordinary course of Justice? There must be something in this business more than ordinary: and what this something was, easily appears by the many Tricks and Circumventions used at his Trial to Impede the Proceed; as first his own Plea, upon the Vote , tried and in Law overruled, so as it is apparent from thence, that Vote was Illegal and against Justice: Secondly, the endeavouring to save him, by setting him up (even at the time that he stood Arraigned for the basest Traitor) for a new Evidence. For this we may thank that worthy Grand-Jury, who immediately upon his single Deposition in those shameful Circumstances, thought fit at a venture to find a Bill of Murder against the Earl of Danby, and yet upon the hearing of several unquestionable Witnesses, one of the same stamp, resumed Ignoramus upon Colledge's Indictment. From this I say it is apparent (whatever the meaning of the business was) that the Impeaching this Fellow in Parliament, tended naturally rather to obstruct the Safety of the King, in not permitting such a Traitor to be brought to the speediest Justice, than any thing else; and by what Hands, what Party the Treason he Died for was set on foot, is sufficiently evident from his last dying Confession, written by his own Hand, and delivered to Dr. Hawkins the worthy Minister of the Tower, and to the said Doctor's farther Relation of it delivered to the World in Print, I refer the Reader.  
Next as to His majesty's Declaration after Dissolving of the Parliament, which sticks so much in our Gentleman's Stomach, Wherein he gave assurance that he would call frequent Parliaments, etc. by our Author's good leave, according to a late distinction of a Brother Blockhead of his, they are not the many, but the few that long for the performance of the first promise: The many and best part of the People rest well assured of the performance, do not long nor are clamorous for it: They are satisfied the King may keep his word of using frequent Parliaments, without the calling a New one once a Quarter; 'tis convenient as matters go, that the King so time his Affairs, as to get a Parliament that will mind his and his People's Interest, and not be carried away by the Factious Designs and Intrigues of Leading Men any more: I am ashamed so Great and Honourable Assembly as an English House of Commons, should not be so Wise too as not suffer any such Name as a Leading Man amongst 'em: One would Imagine that in such a high Convention chosen out the whole Kingdom, every one should have Wisdom and Reason enough of his own to guide his Opinion by, and not run and Baa like a silly Sheep after the Low-Bell of another's Cant. And this arises most commonly from the choosing Men to be our Representatives in Parliament, that are hardly of years of Discretion to take care of themselves, sending Boys that have not yet worn the School-brand out of their Buttocks, to sit and consult upon the good of the Nation (allow Things of 18 or 19 to make Speeches in a Senate-House, before they know how to make a Theme, what a Shame is this? Methinks we ought to choose for the great Convocation of the Kingdom, Men qualified with the best Brains as well as best Estates among us; Men of the best Understanding and Experience, and those too fortified with Principles of Honour and Virtue, not giddyheaded Boys unable yet to look after their own Estates, and therefore very unfit Guardians of the Properties of their Neighbours, who when they come into the House, for want of Judgement to distinguish betwixt Good and Evil, hunt with the loudest Cry, add to the Noise, and by Noise carry the Business; I mean such Business as the Leading Men think fit to set on foot, and that is commonly Faction: Now by the Leading Men, I understand either those grey Foxes who are well skilled in the ways and Methods that brought on our late Confusions, and hope by the same means for their own private ends to embroil us again; or discontented Spirits, who (by the ill Example of others that have gained their Point by the same means) hope by running against the King, and broaching Popular Grievances to be bought off by Preferments: These are for the most part Practising Lawyers, which in Reason however Custom has prevailed, ought no more to be admitted into Parliaments, than Butchers into Juries. For, Can it be reasonably supposed those should endeavour the making good Laws in the Parliament House, that are to live by the breaches of 'em in Westminster-Hall? No, they will be sure not to work strong in one place for fear of spoiling their Trading in another; I would indeed have good Lawyers, that is, Men who understand the Constitution of the Government, sit in the House with all my heart, but methinks, they should be such as had left off the Practice of Law, were to preserve the Estates they had already gotten by compiling sound Laws, and not such as were to raise themselves Fortunes by by picking flaws in brittle ones.  
For my part so long as I live, I will never give my Voice for the Election of a Practising Lawyer, for it is to the sway with such and their Accomplices who aim at Disorder have born in the late Parliaments, that we own for the most part our present Differences and Distempers: upon the cursed hopes whereof was raised that never to be forgotten mischief which threatened us, I mean, a Treasonable Association, the form of which was lately found in the E. of Sh. Closet, and of which almost the whole Kingdom have Loyally professed their Detestation and Abhorrence.  
As for the censure our silly Pamphletteer has passed upon those Abhorrers, I think it not worth the wasting of Ink and Paper to remark upon it, he having been only very dully Pert upon the occasion, recited part of a great many honest Addresses, and railed most foolishly upon the Tenure of them, to as much purpose, as if one should expose the beautifullest Picture in the World, and ask the Company if they ever saw any thing so ugly? would not that be a notable Jest? Just such a merry Monster is our Author.  
But as to his qualifying of this  horrid Association, by comparing it to that Passed into an Act in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, it is so obvious, so notorious a piece of Falsehood, that it would be a Jest to go about to confute it, his being much troubled any one should prefer Ignatius' Doctrine before Calvin's, I think indeed reasonable; for they are so very much alike, they ought never to be distinguished. But having overthrown the Bulk of his Pamphlet, I think it not worth my while to rake in the Rubbish, but beg leave to make one concluding Observation, (viz.) To what end was there such striving and struggling to get the Bill of Exclusion? Is there so very great a disproportion in the Age of the King and his Brother, that His Majesty must necessarily die first? I think, and I hope not: Methinks there arises in Mora● Conjecture a very ill-natured Consequence upon this, that is to say▪ The eager pursuit of a Bill of Exclusion, looks not so honestly as 〈◊〉 was pretended to be done. For considering a Vote once Passed th● House, That if His Majesty shall come by any Violent Death, which Go● forbidden, they will revenge it to the utmost upon the Papist. Methinks 〈◊〉 looks as if the Bill had been Passed, His Majesty might easily ha● been taken off, and the whole Design turned upon the Unfortuna●● Duke, which the Multitude would easily have swallowed in Supposition of his being a Papist, and he too that way, have been made Sacrifice to the general fury in this broil; what Government, what Usurpation might not have been broached? And this I observe one of the probable Effects that might have followed a Bill for his Exclusion. Secondly, That whereas we have heretofore been Alarmed with mighty Noises of French Pensioners. I think it would be very seasonable (considering the late vast Returns of Money from France) to inquire who those French Pensioners have been or are; whether such as have fomented our Differences at home, which is certainly the Interest of our Enemies abroad; or those that have endeavoured to Preserve the Government and Kingdom in Peace and Tranquillity; whether the Party who in all their Intelligences and Pamphlets, are now courting the French King for a hopeful true Protestant one, likeliest to adhere to him when ever he thinks fit to cast an Eye this way; or those who would once have made War upon him, and obstructed the Growth of his formidable greatness, could Money have been granted for maintaining the Honour and Charges of such a War; but this is a Point will most properly be enquired into, when the Natural History of our present Divisions shall come to be Written, and then too we may give perhaps a guess at what sort of Prince or Government this our Author and his Party desire to be Subjects under; whether or no it be our Present, Good, Gracious, Merciful, Just, Long-suffering King, whom Heaven in its Mercy for ever Preserve from the Cursed Bloody Hands of Hypocrites his Enemies.  
Amen.  
FINIS.