The last FAMOUS SIEGE OF THE CITY OF ROCHEL: TOGETHER WITH THE Edict of Nantes.  
WRITTEN In French by Peter Meruault, a Citizen of Rochel, who was in the City from the beginning of the Siege until the Rendition of it.  
LONDON, Printed for John Wickins at the White Hart over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. 1680.   

THE AUTHORS PREFACE.  
WHEN the Siege of Rochel had its first beginning, I was but in the 20th year of my Age, and having been bred to commerce, wanted the advantage and ornament of Scholarship; yet nevertheless my curiosity prompting me, I made it my business to take notice of what then passed, and my Father being a Member of the Common Council, and as Master of the Artillery exercised the second Charge or Office in the City, I learned from him divers Particulars, which I carefully committed to writing: And though I had at that time nothing less in my thoughts than to compose a Narrative for the Public, yet being cloistered up until the Rendition of the City, I find this Journal complete, even until the end of the Siege, which I kept only for my own particular use, in case the Lord in his mercy should suffer me to survive; from whence it is that this Collection hath ever since lain dormant in my Cabinet, and nothing but the importunity of friends could have carried me beyond my own resolution in exposing it to public view. Neither my Age, my Profession, nor yet the little care I then took in digesting of things (intending them only for myself) can beget in any an expectation of exactness in Form or Style worthy perusal, having nothing more to recommend it than integrity as to matter of Fact, of which those at a distance, as well as those at home, must bear witness, it being a plain Narrative of Counsels and Transactions during the Siege, without any Inferences of my own: In the collecting of which neither Interest, Affection, or Hatred had any influence upon me.  
As this Age is fruitful in great Wits, so these Memoirs may be useful to the Writers of the History of our Times: However, some may haply be glad to understand the Particulars which I have here given an Account of.  
PETER MERUAULT.  
For some Reasons the Author could not publish this Journal sooner, though he had Licence for doing it many years since.   

A PREFACE TO THE READER.  
Reader,  
IT is now fifty one years since the Reformed Religion and Liberty received its great wound in the loss of Rochel, a City in France, once famous for its constant opposition of Rome, and being a safe refuge for the Protestants of that Kingdom, in the frequent Massacres practised by the (more than cruel and brutish) Papists.  
Whoever shall read D' Aubignie's History (not D' Avila's, against which the Reformed excepts as partial) of the Civil Wars of France, writ in or near the time of King Henry iv Grandfather to the present King of England, will find that this City was of great service to that King in all his troubles, as being a Sanctuary to him upon several occasions, constantly taking his part against his Enemies, the Popish and Spanish League and Faction.  
This Henry iv (like a magnanimous and generous Soul) excelling in gratitude and good Nature (tyranny and oppression being the Badges and effects of dissoluteness and cowardice) when by the assistance of the Reformed he was restored to the Crown and Dignity of France, did not unthankfully forget his friends, and persecute them, but as a heroic Prince made them participate of the mercies of God towards him, by giving them (as their Magna Charta) the Edict or Law, Called that of Nantes, with supplementary Articles, by which they are restored in all cases to equal Privileges with the Romanists; for though to do the like by Papists in a Protestant Country would be the certain ruin of that Nation (their faithless bloody Principles, and owning of a Foreign Head being inconsistent with such liberty) yet he knew that nothing could be of more security to his Crown than to cherish those that owned no other Sovereign than their Native Prince, and could have no other Interest than his, as his Successors have since experienced, both of them being indebted to the Reformed for keeping their Crowns upon their heads.  
After several former Edicts or Laws had been no sooner made for the security of the Religion than broke, the reformed Party (who had for their Heads the King of Navarre, and Prince of Condée, besides a multitude of other Grandees) refusing to rely any longer upon Paper Edicts and the word of a King, demanded Cautionary Towns, and had amongst others the City of Rochel given them for one.  
Whilst this excellent Prince, Henry iv lived, his Edict and supplementary Articles hereunto annexed (declarative of many former Edicts) were faithfully observed; but he was no sooner gone than his Successors, losing all gratitude, chose rather to follow the vicious examples of his Predecessors than the virtuous Precedent that he left them, of being true and faithful to Laws and Engagements, for at the importunity of their Bishops (enemies to true piety) setting aside all faith and reverence due to Laws, made perpetual and irrevocable, they took up a severe persecution of the Reformed; from whence arose several Wars, and as many reconciliations; for the innocent Protestants, thirsting after nothing but Peace in the enjoyment of their Laws, were always deluded out of their advantages to rely upon fair promises, and the insignificant word of their King: Until Lewis XIII. having first prepared all Matters, took his opportunity to fall upon this City, the chief Bulwark of the Reformed, which resisted upon the account of their Privileges, as a Cautionary Town, thinking it as lawful to defend their Rights, as for the King to invade them; and how the place was lost appears by the ensuing Journal or History; which shows,  
I. A Miracle (and perhaps beyond example) of Unity, Courage, Constancy, and Resolution, to die rather than outlive their Liberty.  
II. In all the Managers of their defence (as well at home as abroad during the Siege) more of faithfulness, diligence, prudence, readiness of Wit and Parts than peradventure will be found in any History, especially of its bigness.  
The loss of this City was the first decay of the Protestant Cause and Interest in Christendom, and the Original Rise and Foundation of that Greatness in the French Monarchy, which threatens at this day the Liberty of Europe; for so long as Rochel remained in freedom under a Mayor, his Council, and the Common Council of forty eight, annually chosen by themselves, they were so formidable under that Government, that the French could never get forward in suppressing those of the Religion, nor oppressing of their Neighbours, which renders the Spaniard guilty of a great Solecism in Politics, in being assistant in the reducing of this City, as well as Spinola, the Great Spanish General (but a Native of Genova) was in contriving the Digue (a Bank which blocked up the Passage by Sea into Rochel) the means of taking it, which he did at his giving the French King a Visit in his passage to Spain; for though the Author of this History will not take from his own Country the credit of the Invention, the honour of it doth traly belong to Spinola.  
But that you may the better understand how the Reformed in France have been, and still are, dealt with contrary to Law, I have hereunto annexed the several Declarations of Henry iv establishing thereby his Edict and supplementary Articles for their Liberty, making them perpetual and irrevocable, as also the several Declarations of this present French King Lovis XIV. reciting the substance of the Declarations of his Father Lovis XIII. with several Decrees of Council, owning the perpetuity of the Edict of Nants, and confirming them all with this acknowledgement, That he remained fully satisfied with his Subjects of the Reformed Religion, as having given him certain proofs of their affection and fidelity, especially in 1652. the year of his Declaration, when they drew the hatred of the Prince of Condé and his Party upon them for their Loyalty, in adhering to the King, and opposing of the Prince in his then Rebellion. But the King by their help had not long got the Ascendant of his enemies, before holding the Reformed unnecessary, to satisfy the insatiable malice of the Bishops (as appears by their actings, which will in due time be published) he left them to the mercy of the Church, whose mercies are cruelties, and even suffered the Prince of Condé to revenge himself upon them, who, the first year he was restored into favour, demolished all their Churches in the Pais de Gex, near Geneve, and under his Government, which County wanted then little of being entirely of the Reformed Religion.  
Yet, that I may do the former times right, I cannot but observe the Candour and Ingenuity (acknowledged in this History) of the French Ministers of State at the taking of Rochel, who, when some malicious enough (and most likely the Bishop of Manned, employed in the Siege, and others of his Order in France, who never consult truth, but worldly advantage) would have had it assigned in the King's Declaration as a reason of his taking up Arms, that the Rochellers did not only call in the English, but also gave themselves up to them; the than Chancellor caused the Registers of the Mayor and Council of Rochel, the Memorials and Instructions given by them to their Deputies sent into England, and the Treaties made by them with that King, to be all exactly perused and examined, and finding that the said Instructions and Treaties had been always made with a reserve of the fidelity due to the Crown, he would not suffer anything of that nature to be inserted in the King's Declaration, because it did not appear to be true; a piece of honest Morality little practised in these days in France, some Men there having now no other Politics than little tricks, besides lying and dissembling (all easily seen thorough) for which they would be thought great Statists; but Honesty, as King James (who knew enough) used to say, is the best Policy. And to give Richelieu (a Person of vast abilities and clear Parts) his due; His treating with the Rochellers in their greatest distress, seems to have been with more moderation, sincerity, and plainness than is in this Age common or usual among them.  
And now by comparing the present French Kings Persecution of his Reformed Subjects, with his former Declarations, confirming and making perpetual and irrrevocable all Edicts and Lawsmade for their Liberty and Security in the exercise of their Religion, as a reward for their acknowledged fidelity and good service, may and aught to be observed by Protestants how little the Faith and Laws of Popish Princes are to be relied upon, especially in matters of Religion.   

The Contents of this Book.  
I. THE Duke of Buckingham's expedition for the Isle of Ree, and his taking of it.  
II. The Dukes inviting the Rochellers by his Agent Mr. Baker to accept of his assistance, and join Arms with him, and his Manifest delivered to them in the Name of the King of England.  
III. The Duke's being forced to quit the Isle of Ree and return for England.  
iv The Rochellers Negotiations by their Deputies in England with that King, sometimes alone, and sometime in Council, and their several Conferences with the King and Duke.  
V The King of England and the Rochellers Letters one to another, and the Treaty made with the King, with several excellent and pressing Harangues made by their Deputies to the King.  
VI The Earl of Denby's ineffectual Voyage to Rochel with a Naval Fleet, and his Return.  
VII. The Earl of Lindsey's Voyage with a might Naval Strength to Rochel, and returning without attempting any thing, as this History saith.  
VIII. The miraculous patience in the Rochellers, without the least murmuring under a not to be paralleled Famine.  
IX. The Treaty for Rendition of the City made with Cardinal Richelieu.  
X. The Edict of Nantes given by Henry iv of France to those of the Reformed Religion, together with his supplementary Articles for their security and equal liberty with the Papists.  
XI. The Declarations of Henry IU. and of the present King Lovis XIV reciting those of his Father Lovis XIII. making all the Laws in savour of the Protestants perpetual and irrevocable, with several Orders of Council confirming the said Edictrand Arcles.   
1627. July. 
A JOURNAL OF THE LAST SIEGE of the CITY OF ROCHEL: Begun the 20. of July 1627.  


THe Naval Army of the King of Great Britain, commanded by the Duke of Buckingham, High-Admiral of England, appeared first to us upon Tuesday, the 20th of July, 1627. betwixt Eight and Nine in the morning, to the number of Eighteen, or Twenty Sail: they were then believed to be Dunkirkers, lying in wait for a Fleet of Hollanders, laden with Salt, which lay in the Road a la Palisse, and before S. Martin's, (the Principal Town of the Isle of Ré) and ready to set sail for Holland: Upon their nearer approach, they were suspected to be English, and Sixty or Eighty Sail in number; but of this we were out of doubt, when coming before the Fort La Pray, they saluted it 1627. July. fiercely with Canonshot, which they continued that day, and the next, coming to Anchor a la Palisse, before the Point of Sablanceau, one of the Extremities in the Isle of Ré, on that side next Rochel.  
On Wednesday the 21. the Rochellers kept a Fast; and betwixt Sermons there arrived in a Shallop (from the Duke of Buckingham) at the Chain, (which is the entrance by Sea into the City) an English Gentleman, called Baker, desiring to speak with the Mayor (for so the Chief Magistrate was called) and to his Council; who having notice thereof, sent the Sieur Prou Sheriff, and Symond Thevinine Advocate, to acquaint him that they were in their Churches at their Devotions in the Celebration of a Fast, and could not that day give him Audience; upon which he returned not a little discontented.  
The 22. between Nine and Ten in the morning, the Duke of Soubize (followed by Mr. Baker, Agent for the Duke of Buckingham) came to the Gate of S. Nicholas, desiring entrance into the City: The Guard, before the admitting of him, acquainting the Mayor therewith, he immediately repaired thither; and finding him betwixt the two Gates, remonstrated to him the consequence of his coming into the City; entreating of him, if he desired the good and Conservation of Rochel, and the Church of France, to return to the Duke of Buckingham; but the old Duchess of Rohan, his Mother (who was some Months before retired hither) coming to meet her Son, after Salutations and Embraces, took him by the hand, saying with a loud voice, (that she might be heard by the Mayor, and the multitude that were there) My Son, come 1627. July. see your Sister, who is very sick: At which words, without demanding leave of the Mayor, (who found himself surprised, and durst not openly and by force oppose him) he went into the City with her, as did also Mr. Baker, who demanding to be heard in Council, which was held after Dinner, he made this Speech, as followeth:  

Gentlemen,  
I am sent by my Lord, the Duke of Buckingham, High-Admiral of England, to declare to you the Reasons for which (by the Command of the King my Master) he is come to the place where he now is, and in sight of you, accompanied with a Fleet of Ships laden with Soldiers, Artillery, and Ammunition, ready to make a descent, if occasion require.  
It is sufficiently known to the World, how the King of Great Britain, our Master, having Personally by an Adventure very rare, and by a Prudence exceeding much his Age, discovered before, and since his coming to the Crown, the danger ready to fall upon him, and the rest of Christendom, by the Ambition, Fraud, and Power of the House of Austria, hath used all industry to prevent this danger; and that not only by his own Forces, but also by those of his Allies: to which Resolution, as he hath been pressed by almost all Princes and Estates of Christendom; so none hath done it with more vehemency and efficacy than the French King, his Brother-in-law, and his Ministers, not only by Arguments, but also by Promises of Union and Assistance in that Common Cause.  
And to conserve this Mutual Interest against a Common Enemy, or suspected Friend, was the reason why the King our Master hath more desired 1627. July. the Amity and Alliance of France, than of all the World besides, hoping by this means to have the Power to divert the thoughts of this Great King from the ruin of his best Subjects, (those of the Reformed Religion) and humbling the true Enemies of his Estate, who keeps from him so many brave Provinces and Kingdoms, possessed by his Predecessors. In the prosecution of which Design, he was willing to have sacrificed all his Interest for Common Good, and securing of Christendom.  
But his Majesty hath found by too dear experience, that being engaged in a War with Spain, he did not only not receive the favour and assistance of France, which with reason he might have expected, but by expecting it, received more prejudice and hindrances than from Spain itself; and the reason hereof is most apparent, for the grand design of this Estate is to take the advantage of the Engagement of the King our Master with Spain, to ruin and extirpate at the same time those of the Reformed Religion in France; not that his Majesty will believe that this proceeds from the French King his Brother-in-law, or the Queen his Mother, being so great Princes, and so nearly Allied to him; but you, gentlemans, know better than we the Powerful Influences that the Jesuits and Spanish Faction have upon the Councils of France; which are said to be so strong, that even with a high-hand Affairs are often carried against the King himself; and by the force of this Faction proceeded the refusal of a passage to mansfield's Army (raised and furnished in England, 1624.) at the very instant of their departure, contrary to a Solemn Article 1627. July. agreed upon with the French King for their passage; by which refusal, the Liberty of Germany hath been betrayed, and twelve thousand English near totally destroyed.  
The King our Master having interposed his Ambassadors for appeasing the last Wars against those of the Religion, and (with the consent of the French King himself) becoming Guarrantee for the Peace; and that those of the Religion were willing to submit to harder terms than at that time (their Condition considered) they needed to have done, in hopes that the designs of this Estate would turn against their Common Enemies in Italy; by the Power of this Faction, it is nevertheless come to pass, that not only the Confederates of the King in Italy have been abandoned, but the Arms employed there, have since been made use of to reduce you to the extremity of Poverty and Famine; of which I need not say more, than that the Complaints of this City, and all the Body of the Reformed Religion do still continue, the Dukes of Rohan and Soubize having represented them to the King our Master. Finally, when this Faction perceived that all was to no purpose, without prohibiting this City all Trade to Sea, under pretext of an Imaginary Society of Commerce, they have built a number of Ships of War; but doubting that it would be sufficient to their design to fortify themselves at Sea, without at the same time weakening there the King our Master, by an unexampled and unheard of Injustice, in the midst of a full and perfect Peace, and at a time when the King our Master was deeply engaged in War, by which the Assurance and Riches of France increased, they 1627. July. made seizure of 120 Ships of his Subjects, with Artillery, Merchandise, and Mariners; and what other design could they have in it, than to assure themselves of the ruin of this City.  
For these Reasons alleged, and many other of the same nature, the King our Master, the most Religious and Pious Prince in the World, setting aside all other Respects than that of his Conscience, hath a Sympathy of your Sufferings, and his own Honour; and finding himself obliged by Promise to procure the accomplishment of the Articles agreed upon, especially being invited thereunto by my Lords, the Dukes of Rohan and Soubize, in the Name of the whole Body of the Reformed Religion, he hath therefore sent hither my Lord, the Duke of Buckingham, who hath given me in Charge, to make you an Offer in his Name, of a powerful assistance, as well by Land as Sea (in case you resolve to accept of it) for redeeming your Liberty, by joining with you in an actual War, which he will do upon such Conditions, as you yourselves, Gentlemen, and all the World shall acknowledge, that the King our Master hath no Eye to his own advantage, but your good, the vindication of his Honour, and discharge of his Conscience: for his Majesty is far from pursuing any Demands or Pretensions of his own, or to invade the Territories of the French King, his Brother, with whom he desires to come to a perfect Union, so it may be accompanied with the assurance of those in France, who make Profession of the same Religion with himself.  
If it be demanded, how it comes that the King of Great Britain offers at this time Succours to 1627. July. those of the Reformed Religion, and this City, when being formerly earnestly solicited to it, he would not hearken thereunto; I answer, that the King at that time was not obliged by Promise to take care that the Articles agreed upon by the last Peace were observed; besides, that then the Treaties between these two Kingdoms were in their Vigour and Reputation; and that the King our Master had hopes to be as beneficial to you by his Intercession, as by his Arms; for he well understands, that the Church of God is our true Common Country, and therefore hath been very careful in all his Seizures by Sea and Land, to preserve those of the Reformed Religion, and especially this City, from all damage.  
But at present the proceed of this Estate hath put his Majesty out of doubt, as to their designs, and left him at liberty, by having trodden under feet the Reverence due to Public Treaties; and therefore, if you refuse this opportunity, you will hereafter seek it in vain; and in such case, my Lord the Duke of Buckingham hath commanded me to make a Solemn Protestation, before God and Man, that he holds the King his Master in Honour and Conscience fully acquitted from all Engagements, and his Excellency will dispose himself to execute the other Commands which he hath in Charge. God hath in mercy given you the opportunity of making choice of Good or Evil, and I have it in Command to press you to a ready Answer and Declaration, as to which of the two you will make choice of: You ought to consider, that you may at present resolve clearly hereof, as well as with suspension; and that, as to us, each hour of delay will be very prejudicial.   1627. July. 
After this, he presented the Duke of Buckgham's own Manifest, Signed by himself, containing a Declaration of the King of Great Britain's Intentions, as followeth.  

WHat share the Kings of Great Britain have always taken in the Affairs of the Reformed Church of this Kingdom, and with how much Zeal and Care they have laboured their good, is most eminently known to all, the Examples thereof having been as ordinary as the occasions. The present King, my most honoured Lord and Master, had not come therein behind his Predecessors, if his honest and laudable designs, for their good and advantage, had not been perverted to their ruin, by those whose interest it was to have accomplished them: What Advantages hath he refused? what Parties hath he not pursued, that by his Alliance with France he might work the more profitably and powerfully for the restitution of the Churches to their Ancient Liberty and Splendour? And how could we have expected less from so strict an Alliance, and so many reiterated Promises from the Mouth of a Great Prince, than Effects truly Royal and suitable to his Grandeur; but the Issue is so far short of that, that his Majesty, instead of obtaining freedom and security for the Churches, and a general Peace to France, by the reconciliation of those who breathe after nothing but all sort of obedience to their King, under the enjoyment of Edicts, hath met with nothing but the contrary, some having prevailed by the interest they had in those of the Religion, to the deceiving of them, and that not only by dividing them from him, but also by rendering him, if not odious, at least under suspect with them, in perverting the means that he ordained for 1627. July. their good, to an end wholly contrary. Witness the English Vessels, not designed for the extirpation of those of the Religion, express promises having been given not to make use of them to their prejudice, and yet nevertheless they were carried to Rochel, and employed ●n the last Naval Fight against them.  
What can any expect from so puissant a King as the King my Master, for being publicly illuded, than a Resentment equal and proportionable to the injury done him: But he hath had Patience beyond Patience; and whilst he could hope to relieve the Churches by other means, he hath not had recourse to Arms, until being made instrumental of the last Peace upon Conditions disadvantageous enough, which had never been accepted of without the intercession of His Majesty, who interposed His Credit and Interest with the Churches, even with Menaces, for procuring their agreeing to them; for salving the honour of the most Christian King, and giving him assurance, not only of the observance of them, but also of the melioration of the said Conditions, whilst he should remain Caution towards the Churches; but what hath been the issue of all this, nothing but the abuse of his Bounty, and that which His Majesty thought would have been a Remedy to all their Evils, hath it not carried the Churches to almost the last point of ruin? So little it fails, that by the continuation of the Fort before Rochel, (the demolishing whereof was promised) by the violence of the Soldiers, and Garrisons in the said Fort and Isles, as well towards the Inhabitants of the said City, as Strangers, who, instead of being entirely with-drawn, have been daily augmented, and other Forts built, and, by the Commissioners remaining in the said City beyond the time agreed, Cabals have been held; by the means of which Divisions have crept in amongst the Inhabitants, to 1627. July. the opening the Gates to Neighbour Troops, and byother breaches of the Peace, the said City, and in it the whole Church, hath wanted little of drawing its last Breath; and nevertheless his Majesty hath contained himself, and not opposed such great Injuries and Violations of Faith, more than by Complaints and Intercessions, until having had certain advice (confirmed by intercepted Letters) of the great preparations that the most Christian King made for falling upon Rochel; and then his Majesty could not do less than vindicate his honour, by a ready taking Arms against those that had rendered him as a Confederate in their Frauds and Treachery, and to give Testimony of the Integrity and Zeal which he hath always had to the establishment of the Churches, which shall ever be most dear and precious to him above all other things; and that if any shall question whether this is the only end of his Arms, and not rather some particular interest, let him consider the Circumstances of time, and dispositions of his Affairs, and they cannot believe that the King, my Master, hath any design upon France, or can have thoughts of Conquest in a time so disadvantageous. That he hath at present for Enemy one of the most puissant Princes in the World; and that if that had been his design, the Troops which he hath on Foot, upon the same account as these, ready to cross the Seas, if the Churches have need thereof, are but a handful of people in comparison of those that are necessary for the Execution of so high an Enterprise.  
Who will not judge rather (as the truth is) that these Troops are but Auxiliaries, and that the end of them is not other than the sole good of the Churches, which for many Reasons, and some important Considerations, His Majesty finds himself obliged before God and Man to protect and secure. And if it shall be alleged that the King, my Master, takes up Arms upon 1627. July. any other Consideration, as in revenge for detaining and seizing of the Ships, Goods, and Effects of his Subjects at Bordeaux, and other places of this Kingdom, contrary to the manifest Agreement and Treaty between the two Crowns, (which is express in this point) and to the irreparable prejudice: Nay even to the total ruin of Commerce, (in the rapture of which the poor people of this Realm, who cannot retail their Commodities, do not only groan under the Burden of so many Taxes and Impositions, but also under the necessities of Life itself) insomuch, that the apprehension that the King, my Master, hath of the most Christian King's growing Greatness at Sea, hath moved him to this preparation, for the preventing his increasing there, especially being constrained thereunto, as having no hopes of accommodating Affairs. The Answer unto all is this, That whoever will examine the Arrests, Seizures, and Prizes taken on one side and the other, will find that my Master, and his Subjects, have hitherto reaped much more profit by the Rupture, than the French King and his Subjects have done.  
But Secondly, The King, my Master, doth so little value the Increase of the French King's Power at Sea, that when he shall but think fit to give Letters of Mart to his Subjects, he can, by them alone, dissipate all his vain and feeble Attempts, without employing to that end a Royal Navy. And Lastly, If it be said that the King, my Master, hath been necessitated to this Arming, as having no hopes of an Accommodation, the contrary will be sufficiently manifest, to all that will consider the many Solicitations that have been made, as well by their own proper Ministers, as by the Miinisters of other Princes, by their Instigation, to the King, my Master, for an Accommodation; and all this aforesaid bears Testimony for the King my Master, 1627. July. that he hath not been constrained to take Arms for any particular Interest, but solely for defence of the Churches, for whose Liberty and Security he remains responsable. And yet, nevertheless, there are some who are so bold as to insinnate, that his Majesty hath a particular Design, and that he makes use of Religion as a Pretence for forming a Party, that by the means of their Conjunction with his, he may carry on his Design as he hath projected it: But our Religion teacheth us altogether other things; and the Piety of the King, my Master, in which he yields to no man living, will never permit it in him. His Design is the Establishment of the Churches, his Interest is their good, his end their contentment; and this being so, if the Churches desire not his assistance, the beating of these Drums, and displaying of these Colours, shall cease, and the noise of War be buried in silence, for that they appear not otherwise than for your sake, as they have been advanced for your service.  
Given a-Board the Admiral, Wednesday July 21. 1627. Signed. BUCKINGHAM.    

JULY.  
This Manifest being read, the Mayor and his Counsel made answer, that they should advise upon it; and nominate some to confer with him, which they did, making choice of eight of the body of the City, or Common Council; Eight Freemen and two Ministers to hear the business more particularly: who having Consulted the Duke of Soubize, and digested all the affair, made report thereof to the Council.  
1627. July. The same day as these things were transacted at Rochel, being the 22d. the Duke of Buckingham approached with part of his Army to the point of Sablanceau, and under the favour of his Cann on shooting without ceasing, he made a descent of his troops. Monsieur Thoiras who expected him there with 200 Horse, and 8 or 900 Foot, used all his endeavours to hinder his descent, and put the English into such confusion, that a great Number were drowned: Nevertheless the Duke continuing his descent in such sort, that he landed near 3000 men; Monsieur Thoiras was forced to retreat, and the rather because the ships shot upon him with advantage, which obliged him to retire to the next Town called Lafflot, and from thence to the Burrow of St. Martin's, leaving upon the place about 300 foot, and of the horse about 80 among which was found; his Brother Monsieur Restingliers the Baron Navails, Chantail, and Tablier; for which, as also, for the Officers of the infantry, he sent the next morning by a Trumpiter, desiring them of the Duke of Buckingham, who granted his request: And as to the English, this action cost them near 500 men; but above all Monsieur Blancard, a Gentleman of rare merit, who had negotiated all this affair, and was as the soul that moves all the members, insomuch that the English losing him, they found themselves Stripped of their Principal Counsellor.  
The 23d the Council assembled in the City-Hall to hear the report of their Commissioners; It being ordered formerly, that nothing of importance should be resolved upon, which concerned the Church in general, without taking time for knowing their Advice: For acquainting the Duke of Buckingham 1627. July. herewith they appointed the Sieurs Isaac Blandin, Sieur of Herbiers for the Corporation, or Counsel of the City, Gayer Junior for the body of the Citizens, and conformable to this resolution the next morning being the 24. Herbiers and Gayer with the Duke of Saubize, and Mr. Baker, waited upon the Duke in the Isle of Ree.  
At this same time it was proposed in Council by some of Rochel, as also of Maran, to bring upon their own adventure, a great quantity of Corn and Wine into Rochel conditionally, that in case the City had not need thereof for the Public, it should be allowed them to sell at reasonable rates to particular Persons, and in case it should happen that neither the one nor the other, had by reason of a Peace any need, they should transport them whither they should think fit. This proposition was very pleasing to the greatest part of the Council, and judged most profitable for the public good of the City, but some of the principal, who were more concerned in their particular Interest, than was the generality of the people; because they had some Wine to sell, and hoped for a good Vintage, opposed the proposition as to Wines very strongly, alleging that it would be the breach of the Privileges which their Ancestors had religiously preserved from Father to Son, and by this means render the Vines of the Government unprofitable, and so concluded that they should not admit their offer save only as to Corn; The Merchants proposing, Remonstrated hereupon that for two reasons they could not make this contract for Corn alone. The one that they should lose by it without hopes of recompensing their loss, otherwise than by Wine. Secondly, That if they should carry away their 1627. July. Corn without buying Wine, the thing would be subject to suspicion, seeing that in Holland, whither they pretended to send it, had more need of Wine than Corn. In conclusion to engage the City they offered to pay a Crown Custom for every Tun, but notwithstanding all that they could say, the interested prevailed, alleging that the English being powerful at Sea, and near to them, could every hour send them Corn, Wine, and other Provisions and Commodities, more than they wanted, but this obstinate Counsel cost them dear in the end.  
After the descent and Fight made by the Duke of Buckingham in the Isle of Ree, three days passed without any attempt made by either party one upon the other, only Monsieur Thoiras by little Skirmishes kept his enemies in breath, but expecting another Fight, retired to the Burrow of St. Martin's, and from thence into the Citadel with all that he was able to bring thither. The Duke of Buckingham fortified and entrenched himself in the place where he made his descent, as well because he had not the knowledge of the Country, as that he dreaded the Forces of the Isle, which he feared were great, and gathering together to fall upon his people, who had not well recovered their hardship at Sea, and misfortunes at Land: Nevertheless in common opinion, if he had briskly followed Monsieur Thoiras he had carried the Citadel at one of the Gates, which was not finished, where ten or twelve men on breast might have entered, besides that it was ill provided with Victuals and other necessaries, which during this delay they carried day and night thither: and also industriously repaired the weakest parts of the Fortifications.  
1627. July. The 26th the Duke of Buckingham with his Armies of 7 or 8000 Foot, and 100 Horse marched in Battle to St. Martin's; which he possessed himself off, and approaching with in half Musket shot of the Trenches and ditch of the Citadel; did with great diligence in six days, finish his Batteries, and one of them being upon the Haven of the Burrow, put the assieged in great fear, because it lay right upon their Mills, yet nevertheless they found means to defend them.  
Soon after the Duke of Buckingham's descent In the Isle of Re, particular Citizens of Rochel being alured by gain, and the beauty of Jacobus' gold, furnished his Army for their refreshment with all sorts of Provisions; which they continued to do so long, until they left their own City unprovided of Victuals.  
Thursday the 29. it was debated in the Council whether they should send deputies to compliment the Duke of Angoulesme, who lay at Marans, a great Burrough, (about 10 or 12 English Miles from Rochel) many were against it; lest the English should thereby, be discouraged, and there upon leave their Town as a prey to their enemies: But others on the contrary, said, that since they had sentto the Duke of Buckingham Lieutenant to the King of England, with more reason they ought to do the same to the Duke of Angoulesme, Lieutenant to the King, their Sovereign; and that if it were for no other reason, then to give him thanks, for that he had not committed any Act of Hostility against their government: As also to beg leave of him for reaping, and gathering in their Harvest▪ besides, that they might possibly gather from him that which might serve to help forward the peace betwixt 1627. July. the two Kings, which ought to be desired by them above all things, since, whatever the Event of the War might be, Rochel would have cause of fear; from their own King, if he drive out the English, who will consider them as having drawn them thither; and from the English, should they remain Masters of the Isles, because thereby they would have a Bit in their Mouths to curb them as they pleased, if peradventure they did not totally Master them; and therefore it behoved them, whilst in the beginning of the Difference, to endeavour to pacify it; and, by paying their Respects to this Prince, they might open a way to it. In the end, after great Contest, they resolved to send to him, and to that purpose named certain Commissioners, on the behalf both of the Magistracy and Citizens; and on Saturday, the last of the Month, they waited upon him at Maran, where he received them with great Friendship, and sent them back on Monday following, with Promises to suffer them to reap and gather in their Harvest, so long as they remained good French, and not otherwise.  
The 30th, the Sicur de Loudriere crossed the Sea, which is two or three hours' sail, from Rochel to the Isle of Re, with six or seven hundred men, to strengthen the Duke of Buckingham; who some days after commanded all the Papists of the Isle to retire to the Continent, and appointed them Ships to carry them over; which he did from an Opinion, That they gave Intelligence to the Citadel of all that passed in the English Army: Nevertheless he did not oblige the Capuchins that were in St. Martin's to leave their Convent, but provided for their nourishment.   
1627. August. 
AUGUST.  
The 6th day of August the Mayor and Council sent Deputies to the Duke of Buckingham, to desire him not to hinder any more the Vessels and Commodities which would come from the Isle of Re, or other places, to Rochel; all which he agreed unto, and received them very kindly.  
Tuesday the 10th, The Duke of Angoulesme came by break of day, with a Party of Horse and Foot, to the Gates of Rochel, giving a very hot Alarm to the Town, who immediately sent to him to assure him, That they were the King's good Servants, and had no hand in the coming of the English to the Isle of Re: As also, That they were not in conjunction with them. He answered them amicably, so that it was permitted to such of his Servants as would, to come into the City, and buy what Commodities they pleased.  
The same day, after Dinner, the said Duke went with the Sieur Marillot, and Pompee Targon, Engineer, to view the point of Coureil, and all the Coast, without having any shot made at them from the City, there not being yet any Declaration of War on either side.  
The 13th. The said Duke writ to the Mayor and Corporation of the City, That if they should continue to assist the English, he would approach with his Army to the Gates of their City: And as they were in deliberation thereof, he came the next day to Estrce, la Moulinette, Bongrenne, and Coureille, his Army being composed of some Regiments of Navarre, Chaps, lafoy Bergerie, and a Moiety of the Regiments of Guards, with ten Cornets of Cavalry, and a good quantity of Cannon.  
1627. August. At the same time he prohibited, through the whole Government and Land of Aulnis, (for so the Country about Rochel is called) the carrying into Rochel any Wares or Commodities, upon pain of Confiscation, and Corporal Punishment; hindering also the Inhabitants of the City from gathering their Harvest, which shown the Rochellers what they had to expect. They sent the Sieurs Papin and de Foss to the Duke of Buckingham, in the Isle of Re, to desire him to send back the Sieur Loudriere, with the French he carried thither, and obtained their Request of him.  
The 15th, about two or three hours after Midnight, the English took a Bark which came from the Citadel; of those that were in it some were made Prisoners, others leaping into the Water were drowned; as amongst the rest, one Captain Demoriciere of the Isle of Re.  
The same night the Duke of Buckingham, having advice that they had but little Water in the Citadel, and that they were furnished from a Well that was fifteen or twenty Paces from one of their Halfmoons, to cut them off their supply from thence, made an Attempt upon their Half-Moon, but those that kept it behaved themselves with so much resolution as made the English retire with loss; only during this Attacque they employed some to poison the Well, by which they incommoded very much the besieged.  
The 16th, was carried to Rochel their King's Declaration, against all that should join with the English. Upon which, the major part of the King's Officers seeing, that though the Conjunction of the City with them was not yet declared, it was nevertheless in effect done, they left 1627. August. the City, and retired to Maran; whither the King soon after transferred the Court of Justice, and gave his Letters Patents for the same; but those who remained, which were seven in number, continued to administer Justice as former y.  
The same day, with the Evening-tide, came into Rochel eight Barks or Shalloopes from the Isle of Re, in which were the Sieur Loudriere, with the Troops that he had carried thither.  
The 19th. The Sieur Comminges, Captain of a Company of the Regiment of Champagne, and who, in the absence of the Sieur Thoiras, commanded the Fort Lewis, met with some Rochellers, when, after much discourse upon the Affairs of the time, and the descent of the English in the Isle of Re, he remoustrated to them, That if they would carry themselves as good and faithful Subjects to the King, and seek his favour, they would have all sort of Contentment, which he desired them to acquaint the Mayor and his Council with; of which report being made, they sent Deputies to him at his Fort, and he afterwards went to them in the City, where he was heard by the Mayor and his Council, but not agreeing, he returned without doing any thing. Being in the City he visited the Duchess of Rohan, and reasoning with her about the succours of the English, he told her, That the Wine-Harvest was not yet come, and that he would not wish them worse Enemies to fight with than Grapes and new Wine, at which they then laughed, and made slight of it.  
The 20th. The Mayor and his Council observing how the Duke of Angoulesme made the people work at the Moulinette, Bongrenne, and Coureille, for the raising of Forts there, and according to advice 1627. August. they had received, were upon the point of seizing of the Barrovere on the side of Tadon, which was the Suburbs of Rochel, and within Musquet-shot of the Port of S. Nicholas, to the end to raise there also a Fort, and nearer, if they could be suffered. Those of the City resolved to break his design, and hinder him from approaching nearer on that side, by making one without the Gate of S. Nicholas, betwixt the two Mills, which are about the half way between the Port, and the place of the Barrovere: For this end, at eight of the Clock in the Evening, there went out betwixt six or seven hundred Soldiers, and some Inhabitants, who wrought there all night, placing so many Pipes and Barrels there, that by morning they were in a condition of defence, and continued their working some days following without his interrupting of them.  
The 21. the Duke of Buckingham seeing the resolution of the Sieur Thoiras, and the little hopes he had of forcing him otherwise than by Famine, made search throughout the Isle for the Papists that were remaining in it, and brought them before the Citadel, where the Sieur Thoiras received part thereof; but refusing to receive the rest, they were carried over to the Main Land, and set on shore to go whither they pleased.  
In the same time some Soldiers coming out of the Citadel, reported to the Duke of Buckingham, that Corn and Meal began to be scarce with the assieged, that they were reduced to Biscuit and Horseflesh, besides, that the Soldiers were greatly incommoded from the ill weather, and continual Rains; and that they were contriving among themselves some Revolt.  
1627. August. The 28. the Sieur Thoiras finding from day to day necessity pressing him, and that he could not receive any news from the Main, sent three Soldiers, each of them with a Packet of Letters, acquainting the Condition he found himself in, who undertook to carry them: by Swimming, one of the three got to Fort Lewis, another was drowned, and the third not being able to hold out, rendered himself to the English, and gave them advice of all that passed in the Citadel: The Duke of Buckingham understanding their condition, writ to the Sieur Thoiras, endeavouring to show him his necessity, and persuade him to render the Citadel, and all that he held in the Isle, into his hands, with offers of very advantageous and honourable Conditions; but if he would hold out until the last Extremity, he could not then hope for the same. To this Letter the Sieur Thoiras made answer with great civility, yet telling him, that he was not reduced to such straits as he believed; and some days were spent in Compliments, and friendly Correspondence, by Gentlemen sent with Presents from one to the other, which made the Rochellers suspect the Duke, and from thenceforward to despair of taking the Citadel.  
Nevertheless, the Duke gave not over, endeavouring by all means possible, to make himself Master of the place; and to come the sooner to his end, fitted out upon the Water a floating Machine, which played continually with eight Cannon; and by the means of Pinnaces and Barks equipped for War, endeavoured to prevent all succours of Men and Victuals; and further, made a Pallasade of Ship-Masts, and great Cables, kept above water by Vessels, and betwixt the Vessels by Pipes and 1627. Septemb. Barks, and sunk before them many Ships full of Stones; and indeed, he omitted nothing that might entirely shut up that side, which according to the report of several Soldiers, made the Sieur Thoiras and his people very uneasy.   

SEPTEMBER.  
Tuesday the 7th of September, twelve or thirteen Pinnaces, laden with all sort of Provisions, entered the Citadel, having passed the English Army, Pinnaces, Shalloops, and Pallasades, which by Storms the night before had been half broken and bruised; which continuing, obliged those in the Ships of the Pallasade to cut their Cables which tied them together, which happened well to those in the Citadel, who were not able to do any more, and who were so pressed, that had this Succour stayed three days longer, the Sieur Thoiras must have been forced to have delivered the place: but as this was matter of great joy to them, so it was of grief and sorrow to the Duke of Buckingham, who by break of day discharged his Choler by the Mouth of his Cannon upon the Citadel and Pinnaces.  
Friday the 10th, about four or five in the Evening, the Rochellers observing the working at a place over against the two Mills, fired their Cannon upon them, the Fort Lewis answering them in the same kind, which crossed the City, but without doing any harm; so that by this mutual thundering, they declared War one against the other.  
The same day, about eight in the Evening, the Fort Lewis fired three Canonshot with Fire-Bullets, one of which fell in a House full of Hay and 1627. Septemb. Straw, near a Stack of green Wood, which was entirely burnt: At first this new Invention astonished them much, and obliged them to seek remedy against the like.  
The 11th, the Council sitting in the Town-Hall, and the whole Body assembled, Commissioners were ordered to consider upon conditions for the Minting of Money; as also the Mayor and Council were desired to publish a Manifest, and to see to the Articles of Conjunction with the Duke of Buckingham.  
The 12th, the Duke of Buckingham received a Recruit of 2500, by seven Ships and four Flutes. The same day the English took two Barks laden with Provisions and Munition of War for the Citadel, and gave Chase to a Ship which followed the Bark, and pursued her unto the Stuckets or Pallasades.  
The 13th, in the Evening, the Rochellers observing some at work near the House of Coureille, for the raising of a Fort, they played their Cannon upon them. The same day, in the Evening, came from the Isle of Re to Rochel the Sieurs Ashburnham for the Duke of Buckingham, and St. Surin for the Sieur Thoiras, in their way to the King at Paris, from whence Ashburnham (after having conferred with his Majesty) was to go to England, and began their journey the next day: And this was the effect of the Communications , when all believed, the Duke being cheated by St. Surin, he would find this Voyage to no purpose, as it proved.  
The 15th, Monsieur the King's only Brother arrived at Estre, and skirmished his Cavalry with those of Rochel, who after some small loss gave 1627. Septemb. way to those of Monsieur, who pursued them with Horse and Foot unto the very Ditch of the Fort Tadon; but being too far advanced, he lost some of his Cavalry, as well as Infantry; of the first, the Sieur Maricour; of the latter, one Sergeant, and ten or twelve Soldiers, whereas the Rochellers loss was no more than one Citizen, and three or four Soldiers, besides some wounded. The same day, about eight in the Evening, they from the Fort Lewis made five shot with Fire-Bullets upon the City; the Fire took effect in a House near the Townhouse, where there were Faggots, and the cuttings of Vines, but it was extinguished without burning more than the Roof, and part of the Wood  
The 16th, the Mayor made Proclamation through all the Quarters of the City, commanding every one to remove out of their high Chambers, and Garrets, Wood, Hay, Straw, and whatever was subject to fire, and to keep there Oxe-hides, Pales and Tubs of Water, as well to quench the Fire, as to throw upon the Bullets.  
The 17th, a Party of Cavalry sallying out of Rochel some days before upon Adventure, brought into the City a Courier which the King had sent with a Packet to the Duke of Angoulesme, with many Letters for particular Persons in the Army, by which was discovered the King's design of shutting in the Rochellers by Sea with a Bank, and a Naval Army, and enclosing them on the Landside with a strong Line of Communication; and so to gain them by hunger, rather than force, according to the Tenure of that to the Duke of Angoulesme, which is as followeth.  1627. Septemb. 
The French Kings Letter to the Duke of Angoulesme, in the Camp before Rochel.  
COusin, by your dispatch of the seventh of this Month, you have rendered me a particular Account of the Employment you have given the Troops of my Army since your Arrival there, of the Quarters that you have taken about my City of Rochel, of the Works that you have begun, of those that are made, of the men necessary for keeping and preserving them, and opposing the Diversions that the English by Salleys from the Isle of Re may make on the Coast of Poictou and Xaintongue. I understand your advice and sentement, as well for shutting the Channel of the Port of Rochel, as relieving of the Isle of Re; of which having well considered, and of what will be best for my service, after having testified to you the content I receive in seeing so exact, judicious, and faithful an information from that side, and the good liking that I have of the diligence and good Conduct that you have remarkably showed for the advancing my service, I will tell you, that I approve the Quarters that you have taken for my Army, and do desire that for the maintaining them with security, that you order the Captains who command there to retrench, and fortify themselves well, and to keep good Guards; that you continue the order that you have established there for preventing the relieving of Rochel by Land with any sort of Victuals, and do it with extraordinary care and security, without permitting, upon any cause or pretext whatsoever, any contradiction, nor show 1627. Septemb. any favour to such as shall be so bold as to do contrary hereunto; for in this point consists one of the principal Effects of my Army, by which the factious Rochellers may be chastised for their Rebellion, and be constrained to submit themselves to the obedience that they own me.  
I approve also of the Forts and Retrenchments that you are upon at Bongrenne and Moulinette. I will believe that they are near (if not before this done to your hands) in defence; it behoves us to preserve these two Posts, since they are judged necessary: but except you determine making at present the Fort that you have proposed betwixt the Port the Coinge and la Fons, for to ●●● off the Current of the Water which goes to Rochel, or turn to some other Enterprise, I judge it more to purpose that you employ all your labour to the building of the Fort that you have formerly been ordered, over against the Fort Lewis, to the end that it be with all speed in such defence, that neither the Rochellers, nor the English, can hinder the maintaining it, with a number of men necessary for its defence.  
I know, That for the accomplishing these Designs, for conserving your Posts, for hindering on the Landside the going in and out of Rochel, and provide against diversions, it is necessary to maintain a good Army, well paid: That which you propose to me to have about Rochel ought to be 10000 Foot, and 1000 Horse effective, which will be done when the Orders that I have formerly given for the marching and levying of Soldiers have been executed; as you may see by the numbers of the Regiments of Foot that I have sent you.  
1627. Septemb. As to the diversions the Enemy may make on the Coasts of Poictou and Zaintongue, I make reckoning that my Naval Army, which shall be laiden with a good number of Infantry, will serve for succour and security against all the descents which they can make on the Coasts of my Kingdom. I cannot believe that the English, with the few men that the Siege of the Citadel of Re hath left them, dare make a descent, having no Cavalry, nor undertake a new Fortification at this Season; that which is most to be feared, is the surprising of some place, for which cause I find it necessary speedily to augment Garrisons, Victuals, and Ammunition, in all those places that you shall inform me have need, on the Coasts of Poictou and Zaintongue.  
I will not now answer the several ways that are propounded for shutting up and ruining the Port of Rochel, because it is not that which at present is most pressing. In reference to the relieving of the Citadel of Re, and the Fort of Pree, as I have cause to promise myself good success there, from the succour of 13 Pinnaces arrived in the Citadel, the advice whereof is confirmed to me by your last Letter; so (I presume) to employ the means which have been a long time in several places preparing for the refreshing of the said Forts, will I think be sufficient, which I refer to the Bishop of Manned to explain more particularly in my Name, according to the Charge that I have therein given him. Considering that so long as the Citadel of S. Martin can hold, there is no fear of the Fort of Pree; I see no necessity of sending men thither, though there may be of Victuals and Munition, after that the Citadel shall be sufficiently provided.  
1627. Septemb. You may judge better than any one, how many of the Regiments designed for the Army are necessary for your guard, and the advancement of your work, and therefore I desire you to send to them in all places to raise them with all diligence.  
I have well considered the Retinue that you say the Rochellers, (upon the Declaration of War,) are resolved to keep; and how you acknowledge it to proceed more from fear than love or respect; and that you will not spare to act effectually against them, as if they had already declared; all which I approve, since their actions and deportment do sufficiently show their evil intentions, and therefore you may permit those of the Fort Lewis to work upon their Fortifications, since you think fit to make some new ones.  
I am pleased that you have sent some Cavalry to my Brother the Duke of Orleans, and doubt whether he will be with the Army before this Answer; if he be, fail not to communicate this to him, to the end that he be informed of my intentions.  
Furthermore, I commend the care that you have taken to dissipate that Assembly of Nobility at du Parcg's House, that you have seized the Houses of de la Rolandiere and Moric, and that you have secured the other Gentlemen by good Caution: Continue to make my Letters and Declarations of this kind be well observed: I hold it fit to give the Fruits which may be gathered in the neighbouring Villages, belonging only to them that have gone contrary to my Declaration, to my Army (viz.) to the Captains and Officers, which serving in my Troops shall be judged worthy of such gratifications. Above all I pray God, 1627. Septemb. my Cousin, to take you into his holy protection.  
Writ at S. German in Lay, the 13th of September, 1627. Signed Lovys, and underneath, Philipeaux.  
There was also in this Packet the Donation of the Office of Seneschal, or Chief Justice, of the City of Rochel, to the Duke of Angoulesme, with the confiscation of all the Goods, movable and , of the Sieurs of Brille Baudet, and of Angoulins, in form as followeth.  

THIS day being the 11. of September, 1627. the King being at S.  in Say, taking into consideration the great and commendable services that the Duke of Angoulesme, Peer of France, hath done him in his Army of Aulins, and the great Expense that he is obliged to be at there, his Majesty hath granted to him, and doth hereby give him the Office of Chief Justice of the City of Rochel, being vacant by the forfeiture of the Sieur Loudriere, who is in possession thereof, but is attainted of High Treason, for bearing Arms, and joining with the English, contrary to the service of his Majesty and this Estate, and have also given to the said Duke all the Goods, movable and , belonging to the Sieurs Brille Baudet and Angoulins, as confiscated for the same Crime, and being at present in the City of Rochel. In Witness of which, his Majesty hath commanded me to expedite to the said Duke all Letters and Provisions necessary, and in the mean time to dispatch this present Brief, which he hath signed with 1627. Septemb. his own hard. Contre-signed by me, Counsellor in his Council of State, and Secretary of his Commands.  
LEWIS, beneath Philipeaux.   
The 19 the English took a Bark laden with Provisions and Munition for the Citadel, where was the Son of the Sieur Saugion, as they had some days before taken, and sunk many others which steered the same course.  
The 22. there went from Rochel seven sail to go to Re, upon whom was made from the Fort Lewis many great shot, but without touching them: In the one was the Sieurs John Gittou Sheriff, formerly Admiral of Rochel, and David Foss Advocate, Deputies from the Mayor and his Counsel to the Duke of Buckingham, to carry him the Articles drawn for their conjunction with him.  
The 22. betwixt two and three, before day, arrived in the Citadel a Bark of about 30 Tuns, laden with all sorts of Provisions, Munition, and Refreshments, upon which the English made many unprofitable Canonshot.  
The 23d. The Sieur Burrowes, Lieutenant General to the Duke of Buckingham, was killed in the Trenches; which, together with the entry of the said Bark, did so irritate the said Duke, that he shot all the morning long, as well from Land as from his Ships, upon the Citadel and Bark: During this Thundering a fatal shot carried out of this World the Sieur Montferrior, Brother of Monsieur Thoiras, in such sort, that this day was a day of great loss to each Party; but above all to 1627. Septemb. the English, in that Monsieur Burrowes was the only man of experience that they had.  
The 27th. The Sieur Ashburneham, who was gone to Paris with the Sieur St. Surin arrived at Rochel with St. Surin in their way to Re, who immediately after his arrival there, was by the Duke sent Prisoner to one of his Frigates, where was already the Son of Sieur Saugeon, because, as he said, of the ill usage that Mr. Ashburnham had met with, but it was believed in revenge, for having been baffled by him.  
The same day, about three in the Afternoon, they began Prayers in the Temple of S. John, to continue every day until the Peace was made.  
The 30th, being Thursday, the English took in the Evening three Barks laden with Victuals and Munition for the Citadel, sunk three others, forced ashore two at Aiguillion, and put the rest to flight, in such sort, that at this time there got none into the Citadel.   

OCTOBER.  
The first of October, the Sieur Thoiras finding himself pressed with all Extremity, and seeing that all his people, as well Soldiers as Volunteers, murmured against him, and made Cabals for treating with the Duke of Buckingham, and to deliver the place to him, to the end to content them, and to gain time, and to amuse the English, he sent the Sieur Montault to the Duke, to know what Conditions he would offer him. The Duke deferring the Treaty until the next morning, after many go and come, it was in the end agreed, that if the Citadel was not relieved by the eighth of the Month, (which was High-water) that both it and the Fort de la Pre should be put into his hands.  
1627. Octob. Thursday night, before Friday the 8th of October, designed for the Rendition, there went forty Barks and Pinnaces from Ollorne▪ laden with Men, and all sorts of Provisions, for the Belly as well as war, whereof 29 got happily into the Citadel, by the favour of a very great North-East-Wind, which blew so hard, and mastered the English Army in such sort, that it could not hinder their passing; save that there were four sunk to the ground by Canonshot. This succour came very seasonably to the Sieur Thoiras; because in the morning, according to Conditions, he ought to have rendered the Citadel.  
The Duke of Buckingham on the contrary was so discontented and discouraged, that, having discharged his Choler with multitude of Canonshot, which broke in pieces fifteen or twenty of these Pinnaces, (but already un-laden) two or three days after he took away his Cannon from his Batteries, and Shipped them, with part of his Men, having taken a resolution to raise the Siege, and to return for England; but the Duke of Soubize, who was near to him, as also the Deputies of Rochel, and the Inhabitants of the Isle, entreating him very earnestly not to abandon them, and offering him whatever was in their Power, which prevailed with him to suspend this Deliberation until the Arrival of Sieur Dolbiere, who he had sent into England, and who put him in hopes of a succour of 6000 Men, which the Earl of Holland would in a few days bring to him, which in some kind restored his Courage, and made him resolve to continue the Siege.  
The 12th. The King arrived, before Rochel, and took his Quarters at Estre, he needed not to inquire 1627. October. whether the Cannon and Muskets made not good Music through all the Quarters of the Army for his welcome.  
The 13th. There were read, in the Council assembled in the Town-Hall, Letters from the Duke of Rohan, writ the 9th and 10th of September, from Nisines to those at Rochel, by which he advised them of the Conjunction, made by those of Languedoc with them and the English.  
The 17th. Seven Barks, laden with Victuals and Munition, with some Companies of Soldiers, got into the Fort Pray, without any Impediment; but the same day a Pinnace going out from the Citadel, was taken by the English Shalloops, who slew the Son of Richardiere, who commanded there, and most part of his Men.  
The 18th. A Ship laden with dry Fish, and some Barks laden with Wine and other things from the Isle of Re, came into Rochel; there were fired at them from the Forts Lewis, Portneuf, and Coureille, 35 Canonshot, without touching any of them.  
The 19th. One called Franc, one of the Messengers to the King's Council, was brought into Rochel by John Farene, a stout and bold Soldier, who took him Prisoner near Lusignan as he rid post with many Letters, and some even from the King himself, writ to several Governors of Provinces, by which he gave advice of the besieging of the Citadel; commanding them to send all the Ships they could, laden with Stones to fill and shut up the Haven of Rochel; as also to have his Naval Army in readiness, upon the first Command, to come before Rochel: And this by Letters dated the 14th of October.  
The same day, and the day following, came from 1627. October. Re to Rochel four or five hundred English, who were quartered in Houses.  
The 24th. The Duke of Soubize writ to the Rochellers, exhorting them to send Deputies to the King of Great Britain; upon which were named the Sieur Jaques David Sheriff, on the behalf of the Common-Hall; Sieur John de Hinsse, on behalf of the Bourgesses; and on behalf of the Church the Sieur Salbert, a Minister, who was in Re, near the Duke of Buckingham.  
The 25th. Before day there came into Rochel, from England, a Ship with 150 Tuns of Corn, as also some Barks laiden with Wine and other Commodities, and entered without any damage, though with the bright of the Moon, and had been shot at thirty or forty times with Cannon from the Fort Lewis, and the Batteries.  
The 26th. The Rochellers published their Manifest, by which they gave an Account of the Causes and Reasons which moved them to join Arms with the King of Great-Brittain; and put at the foot of the same their King's Letter to the Duke of Angoulesme, as also the Oath of Lewis the Eleventh made to Robert Cadiot, Mayor of Rochel, 1472.  
In this Manifest they say, That one of the Conditions of Peace in 1622, which is recited, was the demolishing of the Fort built near the City during the War, as also that accordingly the King had given Letters to their Deputies, Dated the 18th of December, directed to Sieur Arnoult, by which he enjoins him not to delay doing it, but that under divers pretexts he did not only elude the obeying him therein, but on the contrary continued to fortify it; and after his death the Sieur Thoiras did the same more diligently; 1627. Octob. so that neither their Complaints, nor the reiterated Complaints of their Deputies to his Majesty of the breach of Agreements, could produce any effect. That their design in preserving this Fort, and furnishing it so much, appeared sufficiently by the several Enterprises that had been made upon the City. This was the occasion which moved the Duke of Rohan, with whom the Peace of 1622 had been Treated, to take Arms, and give cause to the Duke of Soubize to make an Enterprise upon Blavet, and to assure himself of the Isle of Re and the City, and to join with them; because that though they had not declared, but sent Deputies to the King to obtain the justice of having this Fort demolished, instead of the King's effectual agreeing thereunto, the Marshal Praslin was come against them in Arms, committing Acts of Hostility. That the following Peace, having been made by the Intercession of the Ambassadors of the King of Great Britain, and of the States of Holland, under divers Articles, and above all upon the word of a King, even given to the said Ambassadors in writing, that within six Months the Fort should be demolished, yet nothing of it had been observed: That instead of suffering them to bring back their Goods, the Sieur Thoiras had seized them, and carried away all their Salt, and built a Citadel in the Isle of Re. That instead of reducing the Garrisons to the number agreed upon, they had been increased in such sort, that there was always near eight or ten thousand men round the City. That upon the passages to Maran, and other places, they had built new Forts, which blocked the City, and hindered the bringing in of Corn and Provisions. That the Sieur Thoiras did 1627. Octob. the same by Sea, by the help of Vessels, which he, contrary to the Treaty, had lying in the Road at the head of the Bay.  
That the Sieur Briel, sent as Intendant of the Court of Justice, had committed unheard of Injustice; as the putting a Soldier to death upon suspicion of having broken a Crucifix in time of War, which afterwards was proved false, the Crucifix being found. That contrary to the privileges agreed to with the City by the King, which was not of Grace, but under Covenant given to France; That they charged the City as belonging to the Domane, establishing Offices for taxing the Corn and Wine of the Government, sent Commands to Sieur Thoiras, Governor of the City, to build the said Fort and Citadel. That besides these Injuries done them in particular, those of the Religion, in general, were ill used through the whole Kingdom, and their Edicts violated in all the heads. That hereupon the King of England, who on behalf of the King, was to them Garrantee of the Peace, (which was so little observed) having ineffectually employed his Intercession, resolved upon taking Arms; and having sent his Army into these Quarters, they sent Deputies to the Duke of Angoulesm, who was in Arms so near to them as Maran, to satisfy him by protestation, That they desired to remain inviolable in their Fidelity and Obedience to the King, and to beseech him to intercede with the King for their enjoyment of the last Treaty of Peace. That instead of harkening thereunto, he declared War against them, plundering their Houses, building of Forts too near to them, and committing openly all acts of Hostlity, whilst they yet held themselves 1627. October. in suspense. In the end there fell into their hands the King's Letters to the said Duke, of the 13th of September, where they found the Map of their ruin, and the Order for besieging them both by Sea and Land: That being reduced to this point, they saw themselves forced to take Arms, and to join with the English, praying all their good Countrymen, and all good Kings and Princes to approve of their Design, and to assist them therein, under protestation nevertheless to remain always in the duty of Subjection and Fidelity due to the King; and that they should be ready to submit themselves to him, when it should please him to receive them into his favour, and cause the breach which had been made upon the Edicts to be repaired, and to establish them in their ancient Liberties and Privileges.  
To this Manifest was published an ample Answer, the sum of which was, That if the Treaty a● Montpelier had not in all points been executed, the Rochellers were the cause of it, they having first broken it, in that the Exercise of the Romish Religion ought to have been reestablished fully and peaceably in their City, which they would not suffer when the Commissioners of the King were sent, nor suffer the public practice of the Popish Ceremonies; besides that, the King, by the same Treaty, having ordered the dissolving of the new Order of forty eight Burgesses, they would not do it, adding that, to their other disobedience, which made his Majesty believe that it behoved him to stop that demolishment which they pressed so much for, that they might be at the more liberty for a new Insurrection. That the Armies levied afterwards by the Duke of Rohan, in Languedoc, and the King's Vessels, seized by the Duke of Soubize, 1627. October. at Blavet, were Rebellious Attempts without Example, and that the whole had been agreed with them, who nevertheless was willing to amuse the King with feigned pretences of Loyalty, but he did not think it reasonable to suffer himself to be so deceived by them.  
As to the Treaty of Peace which followed, it was false that Strangers had acted therein as Mediators, that the King had given his word to them, or consented to that Injury of their Master's, being Garrantees to his Subjects, as the Ambassadors of England have since told him. That if after this Treaty the King thought good to build a Citadel in the Isle of Re, and Forts in the Passages from the Isle of Maran, it was no more than what was too apparently necessary for bridling a Rebellious City, who then tampered with the English; and further, that it was contrary to truth, that on that side they had committed any act of Hostility, as all France knows, but that the Passages for going, and coming, and bringing all sorts of Commodities, was free to all. As to the Offices established contrary to their pretended Privileges, and the Commands of the Governor, given to the Sieur Thoiras, that as these Privileges were from the King's Grace, and not as they say, by Covenant, so when they were fallen from their Duty it was most just to revoke them; as in the time of Francis the First, who dissolved their Common-Hall, and gave them a Governor, and never received them to Mercy, until upon their Knees, and with Tears, they all made supplication for Mercy. That the Judgement given against him who broke a Crucifix was judiciously done, upon sufficient Informations. That the Complaints of 1627. Octob. the generality of their Religion, in the rest of the Kingdom, was without Vouchers, and refuted by the free and entire Exercise the King granted them, and his protection under which they lived peaceably. That the Invasions of the English, and their descent in Arms in the Isle of Re made in full Peace, and without any precedent Denunciation of War, was contrary to Justice, and the Law of Nations, which the King will make them repent in the end. That if the Rochellers at first deferred, declaring for them, and sent Deputies to the Duke of Angoulesme, it was in design to gain time, and during that delay to make their Harvest, for the King was most certainly advertised that the coming of the English was agreed upon with them; and though they had not yet in words declared for them, it was done in effect, in receiving Deputies from the Duke of Buckingham, and sending theirs to him, and aiding him every day with Provisions; that so the King had just cause to declare them Guilty of High-Treason, and make them suffer for their Rebellion, and he hopes in the end to make them Examples for it.  
The said day, with the Morning-tide, the Sieurs David and Dehinsse went to the Isle of Re to join with the Sieur Salbret, who was with the Duke of Buckingham, and from thence to go into England, to return that Prince thanks for his Assistance, and to beg the continuance of it, representing to him their State and Condition; with them went to the said Isle of Re, to reside near the person of the Duke of Buckingham, the Sieurs Desherbiers, and Bragneau, for the City-Hall; and Goyer Junier, (a good man and experienced Sea-Captain) for the 1627. Octob. Burgesses, without being prejudiced by any Canonshot, though many were made at them.  
The same day, with the Morning-tide, thirteen Barks, with six or seven hundred men, got into the Fort la Pree, without any Rencounter or Impediment from the English.  
The 27th, with the morning-tide, there went out from Rochel to Re fifteen Sail, as well Pinnaces as Barks, to the end to hinder the passages of those that would go to the Citadel and Fort la Pree; the Enemy made many a Canonshot at them from their Batteries, but without doing them any harm: And the same day, in the morning, two Capuchins were brought in Prisoners, which they sent back after Dinner without offering them any Injury: And the Curriers did likewise bring Prisoner a Spanish Jeweller, who had several precious Stones by him, which caused a Debate in Council whether they should be declared good price; some contradicted it, and particularly the Sieur Vincent, the Minister, who having entertained this man, and found him one of Sense, was for gratifying him, and to manage by him, the beginning of a Treaty with the King of Spain, which he maintained with many Reasons, and expressed great diffidence of the Duke of Buckingham and the English, but his motion was not relished.  
The 28. those of Rochel sent forth nine other Sail, as well Pinnaces as Barks, equipped for War, with three Companies of Infantry, and some Volunteer Gentlemen, which passed in spite of their Batteries, from whence they played upon them with their Cannon, but without effect.  
1627. October. This same day the Sieur Salbert being excused going for England, the Sieur Philip Vincent, one of the City Ministers, was by the Church and City-Hall appointed in his place, and went the same day to the Isle of Re, to join with the other Deputies that were there.  
The 30. about four or five a Clock In the Evening, twelve or thirteen hundred men, commanded by the Sieur Canaples, Master of the Camp to a Regiment of Guards, were shipped at the Plomp for the Fort la Pre, which passing without any obstruction, and having a great Party there on Land, endeavoured to make a descent, but were at first by the English and French, who joined to hinder their Landing (after a long Combat, with the loss of fifty or sixty of those that were furthest advanced on shore) forced to return to their Barks for saving of themselves, in which Retreat many were drowned; nevertheless, the Night coming on, which was so favourable to them, that they found themselves very obscure, they not only finished their descent to the Fort, but even constrained the English to retreat, with the loss of ten or twelve men, and some wounded.   

NOVEMBER.  
The third of Novemb. there came fifteen Barks from the Isle of Re into Rochel, some laden with Wines, others with Commodities, at which was shot sixty or more Canonshot from the Forts and Batteries, without touching any of them. The same day the Sieur Vincent came from the Isle of Re to Rochel, to confer with the Mayor and Council upon some particulars relating to his Voyage for England, and desired a commodious and safe 1627. Novemb. Vessel to be ready to sail with the first.  
The Duke of Buckingham considering the supplies which the King sent to the Fort of la Pre, and foreseeing that the design was to attack him, and that he found himself weak, he resolved upon a final Attempt; and upon the sixth of Novemb. between seven and eight in the morning, he assaulted the Citadel in two places, the French making it on one side, and the English on another. At first they carried all before them, gaining the Ditch, and planting their Ladders against the Wall and Terraces, but their Ladders proving too short, and having to do with people who received them with much resolution, they were in the end, after two hours contest, constrained to retreat, with the loss of many men, besides wounded, which were sent the next day to Rochel to be treated and cured. The same day, about nine and ten a Clock in the Evening, a House in Rochel was fired, near the Belfry, to the Church S. Saviour, where being lodged several combustible Commodities, as Hemp, Flax, and Rosin, & c. it burned so suddenly, that the people in their Shifts were hard put to it to gain the top of the House, and so to save themselves by their next Neighbour's House.  
The seventh Ditto, there went from Rochel to Re nineteen Pinnaces and Barks, in one of which was the Sieur Vincent, who went to join with the other Deputies for England.  
The eighth, the Duke of Buckingham, after this last attempt upon the Citadel, despairing of gaining it, and of being able to stay much longer in the Isle, especially seeing there arrived from day to day considerable succours to come into the Field with, and that his own Army was diminished more 1627. Novemb. than one third part, proceeding from the eating too many Grapes, according to Sieur de Comminges Prophecy, resolved to raise the Siege; and to embark with the more security, ordered his Retreat by the Isle of Lois (which a small Channel of the Sea separates from that of Re) and having made a Bridge for his passage, in case he should be thereunto forced, he marched his Troops, putting in the Rear one of his best Regiments, and Colonel Montjoy with his Cavalry to defend the Infantry, if need were. This Providence was of great use to him, for the Night before his Retreat, (besides the Troops of the King which were already in the Isle) Marshal Scomberg arrived there with three or four thousand Foot, and two or three hundred Horse; and upon the advice of the Duke's retreat, came in such sort thundering upon him, that had not the Rear guard sustained the shock, and defended a long time the Bridge, he had, according to appearance, been totally cut in pieces: But the Army being nimble in embarking, the resistance of these kept them from danger, only this Arreer-guard and Infantry was entirely defeated, and most of the Captains taken Prisoners; as amongst others, Colonel Montjoy, Lord Grey, and Lord Montague: And in this manner did the Duke of Buckingham leave the Isle of Re, three Months and sixteen days after his first entering the same.  
This same day was found in many houses in Rochel little Packets of Powder, with Matches for Tinderboxes well brimstoned, and some Match which had been lighted at one end, which were nevertheless put out without doing any harm. This obliged every one to shut all the Lights to their Cellars, Windows, and dangerous places for fire, and 1627. Novemb. to watch for the apprehending of some of these Boutefeus', and the Night following they took three, whereof one was a Sergeant to a Company, who was as readily hanged in the Castle-yard, as he was lately come into the City.  
The ninth Ditto, betwixt six and seven in the Evening, they made great Bonfires at Estre, Coureille, Bonnegreen, la Moulinette, Follie-Budel, Rousay, Fort Lewis, and in all the Quarters of the Army, with Volleys of Cannon and Musket-shot, crying, Vive le Roy, for the retaking of the Isle of Re from the English, which gave a great Alarm to the Rochellers, who not knowing the cause, for fear of surprise, and of Intelligence held in the City, they remained all night in Arms.  
The twelfth, the Sieur David Vincent, and Dehinse, deputed as aforesaid for England, returned from the English Army to Rochel, about 9 a Clock in the Evening, as did also the Sieur Desherbiers, and brought a Letter from the Duke of Buckingham, which they delivered to the Mayor and his Council, which upon that occasion was extraordinarily assembled in his House; the substance was to counsel them, that whilst he was in the Road to desire a Peace of the King, which as he assured them would be granted according to their own desire; but if otherwise, he offered them the choice of two things (viz.) either to come into their City with two thousand men, or to return for England to procure them a supply of Corn, and all things necessary for a severe Siege, and to return himself with an Army and Forces sufficient for their deliverance.  
The same day they began about ten a Clock in the morning to work at the Mills on the side of Coureille, 1627. Novemb. and prepare Wood to make there a Palisade, which obliged the Rochellers to play with their Cannon upon them with all the power they could to interrupt the work.  
The thirteenth, with the Morning-tide, a Newfoundland Ship, of about fifty or sixty Tun, laden with Green Fish, came on ground upon the Mud, or Ouze, at half Musket shot from the Chain, not having water enough to go in, and upon him was shot from the Fort that day forty Cannon shot, whereof there was but two that came in the Shrouds; and also without killing or wounding any person, and so she entered with the Evening-tide.  
The seventeenth, the Duke of Buckingham, after having laid eight days at Anchor before the Isle Lewis, finding the Wind to favour him, set sail, without expecting an Answer to his Letters from those of Rochel.  
The eighteenth, the Sieurs David, Vincent, and Dehinse, embarking about Noon in a Flyboat, set sail for the Isle Lewis, where they hoped to have found the Duke, and with them went ten Barks with Bread and Water for the English Army, and in one were the Sieurs Tessereau Counsellor, Journault, and Savarit, who went on the behalf of the Rochellers, to desire the Duke of Buckingham to give them some of the Corn, and other Provisions, which he had in abundance aboard his Ships; but being disappointed in not finding of him, they returned to Rochel, whilst the Deputies for England followed the English Army.  
The 21. In the night arrived at Rochel a Pinnace of War with a Prize, laden with Munition-bread for the Troops in the Isle of Re, and Citadel, to the number of fifteen thousand Loaves, which 1627. Novemb. were sold to the people; the white at two Sous, and the rest at one Sous, and six Deniers; and in the passage, one of the Seamen was slain by a Cannon shot.  
The 25. with the Evening-tide arrived at Rochel five Prizes (viz.) two laden with Wood, two with Corn, and one with Munition-bread, at which were made many Cannon shot without touching them.  
The 28. came into Rochel from England Captain Bourgis with 80 English, who made a Company; he reported, that the Earl of Holland was at Sea, upon his Voyage to the Duke of Buckingham in the Isle of Re; but we heard since, that this Earl had been embarked three times, and always driven back by contrary Winds to Plymouth, where the Duke found him, being arrived there the 22. Ditto with our Deputies, who joined with him the 20. without being saluted by the Ships, though it was full day.  
The same day, in the morning, was seen many Pioners working at the Haute Fons in the Garaine de la Ramigere, making of a Fort: The Rochellers played their Cannon at them, and after dinner sallied out by the Port Coinge with seven or eight hundred Foot, and thirty or forty Horse, endeavouring to drive them from thence, but could not, they being defended by many Horse and Foot: The day passed with small Skirmishes, in which was slain one Inhabitant, besides three slightly wounded. The same day some were seen at work upon a Fort beyond the Bridge of Salines, towards Perigny, in a Field called La Follie Baudet, where formerly there had been one.   
1627. Decemb. 
DECEMBER.  
The third of Decemb. were brought into Rochel two Barks which they had taken as they came out of the River of Maran, and found in them Spanish Wine, many Barrels of Raisins, and seven or eight Tun of Corn, with some other Provisions.  
The 14th, betwixt four and five in the Evening, they began to shoot from a new Battery, erected upon the edge of a Bank, 200 paces from the House of Coureille, which came betwixt the two Towers of the Chain: The first Cannon shot cut the Foremast of Captain Bragneau's Ship which lay cross the Haven, without killing or hurting any person.  
The 16th, the Rochellers desired Passports for sending out of Town many Women, and unprofitable Mouths, but was refused it.  
The 17th, shooting from the said Battery, (which we shall hereafter call Royal) there was slain a Man, a Woman, and an Infant.  
The 18th, at Eleven a Clock in the Morning, some Barks of the Besiegers arrived at Coureille, Convoyed by the Galleys of Brovage, who about two or three a Clock after dinner, came very near the Chain, and shot three Cannon shot cross the City, without doing any harm to any person: But receiving advice that the Rochellers would go to Coureille, to take it, or burn it, they returned in the night to Brovage.  
The 25th, a part of the King's Naval Army, to the number of ten or twelve great Ships, some Pinnaces, and the Galley of Brovage, came to Anchor in the Road at the Head of the Bay, and at their arrival discharged all their Cannon, as did 1627. Decemb. also the Fort Lewis, and the Royal Battery, to which the Rochellers answered at the same time from theirs.  
The 26th, betwixt three and four in the Evening, a shot coming from the Royal Battery, killed three Beggars, and hurt two or three more, as they were playing at Cards in a Shop of Planks upon the Key of the great River, over against the opening of the Chain. The next day these Shops were pulled down, that they might not serve any more as a mark, nor cause in the future any more such murders.  
At this time the Bank, which is hereafter called the Digue, advanced much on both sides of the Head of the Bay, and of Coureille, to the end to shut up the going in and out of the Rochellers by Sea, at which they at first laughed, believing that Storms and ill Wether would undo more in one Tide, than they could do in six Months.  
The 28th, men was seen working between Ronsay and Beaulieu (a good Cannon shot from the City) upon a Fort they were making there.  
The 30th, with the Morning-tide came into the City a Bark laden with Bourdeaux Wine, at which many shot was made from the Fort Lewis, and the Royal Battery, but without touching her.    


JANVARY.  
The 3d of January, 1628. there was seen working at the little Festille, for making another Fort there, which obliged the City to play upon them with their Cannon, but without any great success.  
The 6th, there was so great a Storm at Southeast, that the Bank was almost overturned, and 1628. January. the King's Ships which were in the Road at the Head of the Bay so incommoded, that three of them were cast upon the Coast of the Head of the Bay, and of Coureille, where one wanted little of being totally broken in pieces.  
The 8th Ditto, forty Cavaliers being gone from Rochel, by the new Gate, to clear the Street to the new Festille, and thereabouts, met with some Horse of the Assiegers, and worsted them; but Monsieur de Bassompier, with a great Party of Cavalry and Infantry, coming in to their assistance, made them retreat, though without other loss, than of some wounded; in exchange of which, they brought with them three Prisoners into the City. The same day was discovered (by a Soldier sent from the Camp into the City) an Enterprise upon the Fort Tadon, contrived by the Ensign to Captain Salle, who was immediately taken, racked, and hanged the 10th, and his Head set up at the Head or utmost part of the Fort, half a Musket shot from Bongrenne, where for the same cause had, three Weeks or a Month before, been hanged two Soldiers, and one condemned for the Executioner.  
The 12th, some Soldiers brought into Rochel sixty Oxen and Cows, and at the same time saw men working at Miroeil, making of a Fort there.  
The 13th, the Rochellers having in the Morning seen some Barks arrive at Coureille, under the Convoy of some Galleys, and believing they were with Cannon and Warlike Ammunition, (having had advice some days before of their coming) made a Sally by Sea to intercept them; and at the same time another by Land for diverting 1628. January. of Succours; and to this end they did with all diligence equip twelve Shalloops, who finding themselves ready by eight of the Clock in the Evening, furnished with Men, Stones, Granado's, and Fireworks, went out of the Chain, and went by the Coasts of Portneuf to prevent discovery; and having left two of their Shalloops in the midst of the Channel, as well to hinder succours as to snap those that would escape, they fell unexpected upon these Vessels which were at Anchor, under the Fort of Marellac, and at first made themselves Masters of two Galleys, forced the others, and also the Barks to run a-Shore, and killed many of those that were in them; and others, to save themselves, leapt into the Water; but seeing Succours hasting from all parts, and fearing also that if they should stay longer, it being an Ebbing-tide, they should lie dry upon the Sands, they returned with two Galleys to Rochel, having lost in all the Action but four men, and eight wounded. At the same time, whilst this was in execution at Sea, those at Land assaulted the Redoubt of Beautriel, betwixt Bongrenne and the House of Coureille, where there was a Squadron of thirty of John Sac's Regiment, who, after some resistance, were forced and cut in pieces, especially by the English, in Revenge for their Companions which had been killed in the Isle of Re, in such sort, that not above two or three of them were saved, and with the loss of no more than one killed, and three wounded of the Rochellers, and returned to the City with all their Arms, which were given to them that took them.  
The 14th, very early in the morning there was ●●ot from the Royal Battery fifteen or twenty 1628. January. Cannon shot cross the City, without killing or hurting any person, save one rash Soldier, who, mocking those that bowed down, and put themselves under the Covert of the Parapet, tog avoid the danger of the dreadful Thunderings, stood upon the Wall, until his Head was carried away by a great shot.  
The 15th, the Sieur Fequiere was brought Prisoner to Rochel, and put in the Tower of Monreille, near the old Gate Maubec, having been taken as he was crossing from Coureille to another Quarter, accompanied by the Sieur Forest, Lieutenant of Cardinal Richelieu's Guards, who was slain refusing to render himself Prisoner, or take Quarter.  
This night, about two a Clock in the morning, of the 19th Ditto, went out of Rochel the Sieurs Daniel Bragneau, on behalf of the City-Hall; and John Gobert for the Burghers, to go for England, to hasten succours, and to buy Corn and other Provisions for the City, and departed with Ten Sail (viz.) three Men of War, five Pinnaces, and two Fireships, and passed all the Forts, without receiving any damage from the Forts, Batteries, or Men of War, which lay at Anchor at the Head of the Bay; but going out from the Chain, one of the Fireships, through the carelessness of those in her, was so entangled with one of the Men of War, that they were forced to cut her Masts and Cordage, and in that condition turn her a drift, who with the Current was carried to Portneuf, where she gave them a great Alarm, and made them spend many Cannon and Musket shot upon her, until not being answered, no person being aboard, they boarded her with their Shalloops, 1628. January. and run her ashore in the Creek of Portneuf: Besides these ten Sail, ten others had gone out, had they not been hindered by a second intanglement of two Men of War falling foul upon one another in their going from the Chain, and could not be cleared until the Tide was lost, both to themselves and the rest that should have followed them; this fault being imputed to one of the Captains of the Ships, who (as is believed) not desiring the Voyage, did it designedly.  
The 20th, the Rochellers played with their Cannon upon the Digue, of the side of Fort Lewis, to interrupt if possible their work, which notwithstanding they continued.  
The 21th, betwixt two and three a Clock Afternoon, being High-tide, the Palisade of ten or twelve great Ships mured full of Stones, was fixed between Portneuf, and Fort Marilac, on the side of Coureille, half a Cannon shot from the City, whither they brought them under the favour and protection of the Galleys, Men of War, and Galliots of Brovage, the Rochellers Cannon not being able to hinder them; nor by their sallying out with ten Shalloops of War could they effect any thing, but being advanced, were constrained to retreat, the Enemy having made ready all the Cannon of their Batteries, which thundered so furiously upon them, that they could do nothing even against the Men of War; all that they were able to do, being to return with their wounded men.  
The 22th, about nine in the Evening, the Rochellers fell out by the Port of the two Mills with forty Horse, and two or three hundred Foot, besides with a great part of Seamen, and Ship-Carpenters, who with Planks and other materials went 1628. January. to the Palisade, endeavouring to stop the Portholes of the Ships mured full of stones, to the end to bring them within the Chain, or else to a place where they should not offend them; but as they were with Ladders (the Sea being low water) mounting these Ships, they found themselves unexpectedly received with a shower of Musket shot from those that guarded them, which beat down three or four, and made the rest descend faster than they mounted. This gave such a consternation to those that were below to shut the Portholes, the defence being seconded by the numbers which came upon the Arms of the Portneuf and Coureille, that they abandoned all to save themselves by flight; and in such disorder, that they run a great hazard of being all ●ut in pieces, had not the Cavalry, who from their Post saw their bad condition, run to their succour, and charged the Pursuants so briskly, that they made them retreat, even to the Pallisades, killing many upon the place; and amongst the rest, a Captain, who was come from Courcille to their succour. The same day, betwixt four and five a Clock in the Evening, was shot from the Fort de la Fons, upon the City, divers Cannon shot of 32 and 33 pound Bullets, without killing or hurting any person, insomuch that the people seeing the little effect of the Cannon, grew accustomed to them, and did not regard them.  
The 27th, the Rochellers having advice that the King's Naval Fleet, of thirty Men of War, conducted by the Duke of Guise, was a few days before arrived at the Head of the Bay, as also Don Frederwick de Toledo, Admiral of Spain, with 35 or 40 other Men of War, sent out with the 1628. January. Evening-tide three Pinnaces of War, with each their dispatch, for advertising their Deputies in England with the arrival of these several Armadoes; as also that they had made a Palisade cross the Channel with ten or twelve great Ships, to the end that they should diligently seek succours: They carried also Letters to the Estates and Prince of Orange; and notwithstanding all the impediment from sunk Ships, upon which was some Cannon, and all the other Men of War, these Pinnaces passed without difficulty.  
The 28th, arrived at the Camp at Estre Marquis Spinola, whom the King received with all sort of Caresses, shown him the situation of the Camp, the Lines, and the Digue; he spoke throughout (as is reported) with much esteem, and said above all, that the Digne was the only means to take the City by.   

FEBRVARY.  
The 4th of February, they saw from Rochel a Chain carried cross from Coureille to Portneuf, which was supported upon the water by Pipes at a distance one from another by an uncertain interval, having betwixt every two cross pieces of Timber tied and mortused one within another, and in the middle of them a floating Engine, turned by the Britch, or Stern.  
The 8th, the Rochellers sent two light Galliots to England, to hasten the succours, and to represent the condition they were reduced to.  
The 10th, the King went for Paris, after he had been before Rochel four Months, less two days, leaving all the weight of his Affairs, the Principal Authority and Command of his Army, and Title 1628. February of General, with Cardinal Richelieu: the Duke o● Angoulesme, the Marshals of Schomberg and Bascompiere, remaining there also in quality of Lieutenant Generals to his Majesty, under Cardinal Richelieu.  
The 18th, divers other Ships were mured fo● strengthening the Palisade, so that there was reckoned forty or fifty, besides a Machine in the middle of the Digue.  
The 19th, some Horse being gone to Ronsay, t● whet and provoke the Horse that were there upon the Guard, were repulsed, notwithstanding the succours sent them from the City, and the Cannon which did their part, and could not do bette● than leave three or four dead upon the place; and among the rest, one called Forest, who was much lamented, because of his valour, and the service that he had done the City, who was the next day Interred with much honour.  
At this same time Cardinal Richelieu sent ● Trumpeter to Rochel with a Letter, exhorting them to come to a Treaty for Peace, saying, that he had the Order of the King for it, who for the facilitating of it, was retired to Paris, leaving to them the choice of the place for Treaty: It was offered to be at one of their Gates, promising to send thither Monsieur Hallier, or others. The thing was brought into deliberation in the Council of War assembled to that end, but some opposed it with a high hand, carrying it against the Mayor, and the greatest part of the Council, even by threats, to raise the People against them, if they should enter into such a Conference, which (as they said) tended to the ruin of the City: And so this Proposition came to nothing.  
1628. February The 25th and 26th, with the Night-tide risen an impetuous Storm, which broke part of the floating Chain, and some of the mured Ships, sending to the City a quantity of Wood, and cross Timber, and two Piles of the Fessine, or Britch of the Machine: The common people running out to carry away what they could of the Wrack, the Cannon, which played upon them, killed one Maid, hurt some others, and dismounted a Trooper, without doing him any other harm.  
The 29th, in the night, a Galliot was sent from Rochel to England, to hasten the succours, and passed without any obstruction.   

MARCH.  
The 3d of March the Rochellers received a Letter by Land from Sieur David, Vincent, and Dehinse, dated the 4th of February, writ in Ciphers, which imported, that in the Month of March, or April at farthest, the Fleet would be ready to carry them succours of Men, Victuals, and necessary Munitions, which rejoiced much the City throughout; the Letter was as followeth.  
Gentlemen,  
HAving received yours by Sieur de Bausay, we have so pressed the sending Provisions, that Monsieur D●hinse was gone for Plymouth to have managed them, but meeting by the way the Sieur Gorribon, who in his passage towards Britain having met the King's Navy Royal, they believed that the Convoy being weak, they would indubitably be all taken; whereupon returning, we have represented to his Majesty your Condition, and obtained a Promise of a Puissant Naval Army for your succour, in March or April for certain; 1628. March. and in the interim, they will run the adventure of some small Vessels with Corn. Have good courage, for without delay you will be supplied with Men, and all Provisions: Keep in order, and make provisions of Shalloops.  
Messieurs, Your most humble and obedient Servants, 

David.  
Vincent.   London, Feb. 4. 1628.  
At this same time were fixed many Ships in several places of the Digue, besides those there before, and were fastened one to another by great Cables, to hinder the passing of any thing.  
The 6th, there was a skirmish between the Besiegants, and those of the Fort Tadon, without any great loss on one or the other side.  
The 11th, Cardinal Richelieu, the King's Lieutenant General, having (as is said) secret Intelligence with some of Rochel, environed it with 8000 Horse and Foot, bringing a great number of Ladders, Bridges, Petards, a quantity of Cordage and Timber, which were carried in ten Chariots unto Plessis, a ruined House, five or six hundred paces distant from the City, the Night being favourable to him for making his approaches, in that it was very dark and windy; his principal design and Enterprise was to Petar the crazy Port of Salines, which is Maubec, to scale the Bastions of Gabal, to essay by Petards Portneuf, and that of S. Nicholas, to attempt in good earnest the opening of the Chain to break in betwixt the two Forts of Tadon, whilst divers Parties should give false Alarms in 1628. March. divers places, for to divert and divide the Forces of the City; and in this great Expedition, the Marshals Schomberg and Bassompier assisted him, exhorting the Infantry, and giving them assurance, that never any Design had less Adventure in it; that his Majesty had in the City eight or nine hundred Confidents, all good men; and that by the opening the Draw-bridges, by the Petards, and the help of the Ladders, means all well ordered, they should with ease render themselves, and almost in Battaillia, in the middle of the Streets, and places of Arms; that they should presently embrace an entire Felicity and Fortune with her most precious moveables, and that after such a Glory, there would not be any thing more for them to wish. But whilst these fine words flowed with facility, and the Soldier's hearts leapt for joy, all of a sudden they found the Wheel of their design nailed and pinned, without knowing who to attribute it to, except to the Night, which the Cardinal with reason had chosen, as most dark, had brought the Troops and Executors into confusion; or that the variety of so many several parts of the design, might bring an intanglement, or some ill understanding in the Army: whatever it was, that night was spent until daylight, without enterprising any thing, except the viewing the Ports by some bold Soldiers, who knocked there, and at the first Draw-bridge; the Sentinels of the City, who were watchful enough in their places, not hearing any thing of it.  
Cardinal Richelieu seeing his design upon Rochel to fail, the twelfth Ditto in the night, he undertook another upon the Fort Tadon, to try if he could succeed better there; and to that end, he 1628. March. chose the Flower of his Army, which he divide● into three Battalions: In the first were Gentlemen of Companies, as the Forelorn-Hope, which were betwixt 150 and 200, commanded by the Sieurs Marilac and Surdis, Capt. in the Regiments of Guards: The second made the Body of the battle, where Marshal Schomberg commanded in his own Person, and had about eight hundred of the most sprightful, bold, and vigorous Soldiers in the Army, with the Flower of the Gentry▪ The third, which was the greatest, was the Reserve, winged with the Cavalry, without engaging with the others. Thus ordered, they marched without making any noise unto the Head of the Fort Tadon, each Musqueteer having a Cover, that they might not be discovered: but before any thing was enterprised, they sent thirty Soldiers to pass the Sands of the Channel, to see if the Tide were at the lowest, being willing to vex the Court of Guard of Tevaille, and Port of two Mills; and by giving an Alarm on that side, to assure so much the more their Enterprise upon the Fort Tadon, which are almost opposites; they sent a cunning Soldier to the Port of S. Nicholas, to hollow to those that were upon the guard of the Gate, in the name of those of the Fort, that they should not shoot, for some reasons known to him, and advised the same all along the Curtain of the said Fort, that they had a contrary design to act upon the Assiegants, who would come to them all along by the Sea, and that they could not shoot in the confusion of that mixture, but with more prejudice to those of the Fort, than to the Assailants; which advice they received, and was the cause that they fired n●●t, understanding that shooting would 1628. March. give an Alarm to the City. This Evening commanded in the Fort by lot the Sieur Pontlevain, a Gentleman of Xaintonge, who besides his Company, had five others with him, four French, and one English. The Centinel heard a noise upon the Beech of the Seashore, but the Wind being North, hindering his hearing, occasioned him to hearken more attentively on that side, and perceived, as he thought, a great Shadow which floated the height of a man before him, without being able to discern what it should be: nevertheless, he shot his Musket, and by the light of it discovered the Battalions, and saw them already in their approaches. Their Captain seeing himself discovered, marched two of his first Troops by the Sea, as if he would go to the Port S. Nicholas, and advanced betwixt the City and the Fort, over against Gabut, to have the Wind on their backs, (which blew impetuously in the eyes of those of the said Fort) and afterwards having discovered their Match, commanded them with a loud voice the first Attack, to which they submitted, without disputing; and above all, the Gentlemen in the Forelorn-Hope: but they found the Garrison in good condition, and well disposed to receive them, and the Fort less accessible than they thought of. At first, and almost all the time, during the Storm, the Captains of the Fort were resolved not to shoot, because they thought they had no shot to lose, and that they should have occasion enough of exercise in this business, which they saw begun with good Conduct, and believed would be pursued with a long obstinacy: but this, as reasonable as it was, came not to pass; for the first having gone briskly on unto the brink of the Ditch, and having 1628. March. there encountered an Intanglement by the Palisade which was along the Seaside, and were hotly saluted in the Front and Flank by the Musqueteers, and some shot with stones. Marshal Schomberg came himself to charge; but seeing his Soldiers in disorder, retired and went a little aside, where he rallied, as if he intended to have returned, which was that that made those of the Fort spare their shot, reserving them for a second Charge; but the Marshal contented himself with retreating with his dead and wounded men, which was not perceived by the Fort, until he had turned Head for his Retreat, and then they were pinched in the Britch with Cannon shot of stones, as well from the City, as from the Fort, besides with some small shot: The Wind was so great, that not one of the first shot was heard in the City; and it was a surprise upon those of S. Nicholas, to hear that the Alarm should not be given until day, and that the Assailants had not altogether dispaired. The day being come, there was but ten found dead, and some hurt among the Enterprisers, the rest having beegn carried away by their Comrades, as it was afterwards known by some Soldiers who came from the Army to the City, where they reported, that there were eighty or a hundred men slain, and a great many wounded; but as to those in the Fort, there were none either killed or wounded.  
The 14th, the Rochellers held an extraordinary Day of Thanksgiving, in all their Churches, for this Deliverance, with Prayers to God, to continue for the future, his Protection of them.  
The 22th, with the Night-tide, about five a Clock in the Evening, Sieur John David, Captain 1628. March. of a Pinnace of War, coming from England, passed through the whole Naval Army, and all the Ship-Pallisades, taking the side of Portneuf, and came into Rochel without the loss of a man, notwithstanding that about two hundred Cannon shot, and an infinite number of Muskets which were shot at him, as well from the Ships, as all the Batteries; that which put him in most danger in his passage being the Galliots, which pursued him very near the Chain, though he played his Cannon and Murderers at them as they came near to him: However, he arrived safe and sound, only he cast into the water his Packet of Letters, for fear he should have been taken, having been three times in danger, which were found afterwards by those of the Palisade.  
With the same Tide, about six a Clock in the Evening, Captain John Martin, called Sacremore, commanding also a Pinnace of War, passed in the same manner as the other had done, drawing after her a Prize laden with Bourdeaux Wine; but the Sea ebbing, he found not water enough to enter the City; so that his Prize run ashore against the Pallisades, and was presently boarded, and taken by the Galliots; but as to himself, he run in the Owze, or Mud, on the side of the Fort Tadon, within half a Musket shot off the City, from whence by a Shalloop he got into the City, and carried his Packet to the Mayor; at midnight (the Tide being at lowest) those of Coureille came to attack this Vessel, bringing many Ladders to mount her with, as also Wood and Fire to burn her, in case they could not carry her away; but though there were not remaining more than ten men, they defended themselves with so much vigour and courage, that 1628. March. they gave time to those of the City to secure them, and with the Morning-tide to bring her into the Port, having lost in this Combat five men, and three wounded. There was in these two Pinnaces betwixt 25 and 30 Tun of Corn, as well Wheat as Rye, and other Provisions and Refreshments, which belonged to particular persons.  
There was great joy for the entry of these Pinnaces; above all, because of the Packet which the last had preserved, where was the Copies of all the dispatches that the Deputies had to that time writ; and a History of their Negotiation, as followeth.  
Gentlemen,  
WE doubt not but you as well as we are troubled and perplexed touching the English Army, forasmuch as you have neither received the Men, nor the Provisions promised; and by your Envoy, it seems, that the Duke was obliged to have stayed our return; and as this hath administered to us matter of diversity of thoughts, it may also have been the occasion of many discourses amongst you, and possibly of scruples; and therefore we are very glad that this occasion presents itself so to purpose, which we shall make use of for rendering you a particular account both of our Voyage, and what we have done since our arrival in this place. You may without doubt, Gentlemen, remember, that we were all three happily embarked in a small English Pinnace which we brought to you; the Master of which not finding the Fleet hesitated at first whether he should undertake the Voyage, but we encouraged him to it, and he followed our 1628. March. Course from Thursday to Saturday, without hearing any news of the Army, but towards Noon we discovered it towards Vschant, and in the Evening we reached the Rearguard; and so happily, that we re-encountred the Duke's Ship; and so soon as he heard that we were there, appeared upon the Hatches to bid us welcome, without nevertheless obliging us to come aboard. The next day about Noon, when we were near entering into the Narrow Seas, he caused himself to be set aboard our Pinnace, and drawing us apart, told us, that the Wind being come good, his Captains would not lose the opportunity of it; that in the mean time he had given order, that the Corn, Hay, and the other small Vessels, should go to you, but he understood that they had followed the Army, for which at their arrival they should render him an account. And further, that he was come into our Ship, having given order to all the rest of the Fleet to go to Portsmouth, whilst he would go with us to Plymouth, where he hoped to find the Earl of Holland, and the succours designed us, and give such Orders in our affairs, as we should be well content with. Accordingly, on Monday the 22th, we landed at Plymouth, where we met a part of the Fleet, and particularly our French, which were in a most pitiful condition; and the Duke, according to his hopes, met there also the Earl of Holland, with whom having discourse, and read some Letters his Majesty writ to him: He immediately sent for us, and in presence of the said Earl declared, that the Intention of the King his Master was to assist us with lla his Might: that if the succours were not arrived 1628. March. in time, the blame ought not to be imputed otherwise than to the Winds which had failed them three times, (and that the third time was the same day we arrived, but believed that some Vessels would gain your Port) that for the time to come, we should resent the effects of his good will; and for the present, wished us to advise among ourselves of the most pressing necessities: Upon which offer, returning him thanks, we represented Hunger as our most dangerous Enemy at present; and therefore supplicated the Duke to remember the promise that he had made us for Corn, to give order for returning our French, and to add to them two or three hundred English, who suffereth in the present necessity. Upon this we left him, and the same day were visited by Monsieur Dolbier, who entertained us upon the two Heads of our Demand, and upon the last (to wit) the Soldiers, asked if we understood that they should be armed: To which we answered, that nothing was more necessary, the City being very much unprovided of Arms, having lost a great number in their late Rencounters. Upon the other Head, to wit, of Corn, we found ourselves as Merchants upon Thorns, he representing to us some Emence expenses that the King had been at in this Affair, and that he must maintain it in the future: Beside that, he told us, that the Duke had spent more than one hundred thousand pounds Sterling of his own Estate. In brief, to bring it to a Head, he desired to know of us, if we could assure the payment of it. Now though we desired to procure this Easement, and make as if it was sent you freely, nevertheless, 1628. March. fearing that by being obstinate in it, we should lose all; or at least, that things would be so delayed, that it would be very prejudicial to you, we engaged that you should receive, with great Resentment of Obligation, if it would please the Duke to make only the advance, and render it to you at the Head of the Bay, whither you would send to meet it, and give order for payment. We know very well, that this Answer was a trouble to him; yet the next morning he came to our Lodgings, and told us, that as to the Soldiers, the thing was agreed according to our desire; and for the Corn, the Duke had reckoned upon five and twenty thousand pounds, and had established a certain Fond for other 25000 l. to the end to buy Provisions for us, and that we should understand it from his own mouth: And indeed, going after Dinner to try the issue, he confirmed to us the one, and the other; and told us, he would leave the Execution of all to his Vice-Admiral, who was present, and who is his Creature, and one of his Domestics, who he made expressly to remain there to that end, demanding further of us, whether we would have the Ships sent away one after another, as they should be laden, or send away what they could at present, which would come to ten thousand Francs, and send the rest altogether with a Powerful Convoy. And having referred this to his Prudence, the Earl of Holland, who was there, concluded, that the last advice was to be followed: And so it was agreed, that one Ship of two hundred Tun should be at present sent away with so much Corn, and in the same all our French, order being given for the 1628. March. nourishment of them, whilst they waited for a Wind. After this, the Duke told us, he would take Post for Portsmouth, to give Orders about the Army, and cause the English, as we desired, to be dispatched with the first: and in the mean time, that we should go straight to London, where he should not be wanting in all good Offices possible: Upon which the Earl of Holland taking the word, represented with great vehemency how much his Majesty's intentions are for our good, and that we ought not to have any fear of ever being abandoned, and that this was but a beginning of what should be well prosecuted; and that besides the Fleet which he now sends us, he would prepare another, and that we should see the same, if they had any Ships. All was concluded with our returning thanks, and the Duke taking Post as he had said, advised us to remain here a little, to see what diligence would be in performing what they promised us. Yesterday we saw not here any other advancement, than that they provided for the nourishment of our poor French in the absence of the Vice-Admiral; and having this day met with him, we have obtained for our said Countrymen 6 d. Sterl. per day, which is the most the King allows in this place, and which is an honest allowance, sufficient for them to live on, we having put them under the Conduct of Monsieur Savignac Ensign, and Monsieur de la Land, that they together may have an eye upon the Money which shall be distributed to the Soldiers, and see it faithfully done. We cannot conceal from you, that this Ensign hath attacked us with insolent and injurious discourse in the presence of the Duke: As for 1628. March. Corn, we understand, that all possible diligence is used for the lading of it; so that our sojourning here being no longer requisite, we do intent, God willing, to departed to morrow for London, but by different ways; (viz.) two of us by Bristol, where the Ship is, which from the beginning was designed us by the Duke, in which are our Men, Goods and Papers; and the third, which will be Sieur Vincent, by the way of Portsmouth, not to be far from the Duke of Buckingham, and to discourse the Duke of Soubize. In brief, Gentlemen, have, if you please, this confidence in us, that we shall not spare either pains or care for the discharging ourselves, the best we can, of the business you have been pleased to trust us with, and commit unto us, and shall advertise you as oft as we can of whatsoever shall pass. We ought not to omit, that besides the Army embarked with the Earl of Holland, which were three thousand Soldiers, there are six thousand more, which the King hath in pay about this place, not reckoning the Scots, which are assuredly ready, and yet are levying other Troops; so that from all sort of appearance we are made believe, that they do intent to secure us in good earnest, and we hope, that in the mean time, God will fortify you: Some of those who interest themselves in your Affairs, seem to be of Opinion, that you will be abandoned, but we hope you will provide Antidotes against such evil suggestions, for we are confident, that their fears are vain, and that things are in such a condition, as give us cause of hoping well; and therefore retreat not to the harkening to a Peace, which will be ruinous, as without doubt it will be such, 1628. March. if his Majesty intercede not in it: whereas if it please God to bless the good intentions from this side, we shall have wherewith to do well, and such as will not leave more leaven for a following War: There remains yet one thing more to advise you of, that when the first Corn is arrived, that you would be pleased to give order for the ready payment for it, for you cannot but judge of what consequence that will in the future be; and therefore we cannot cease recommending the advantage to you: We will not write you any thing of the price, for having spoken to the Duke about that, he told us, that he intended that yourselves should set it; but possibly these are words of Compliments, upon which we ought not to depend: He reiterated his desire of having you send him Pilots, you may please therefore to advise thereof, as also to keep your promise of sending frequently Pinnaces to us, to inform us of your necessities, and thereby render our Instances the more powerful, by grounding them upon fresh advice, which is so necessary, that we cannot recommend it pressingly enough. We beg it of you again, and refer you to Sieur Faux, the Bearer hereof, to communicate to you what we may have omitted: We will not add more at present, than to address our prayers to him who hath been hitherto your Keeper, that he will still encompass you with his Protection.  
We are, gentlemans, Your most humble, and most obedient Servants, 

David,  
Vincent,  
Dehinse.   Plymouth, Novemb. 25. 1627. 1628. March.  
When it shall please you to write, be pleased to direct your Letters to Monsieur Host.  
Another Letter of the Deputies of Rochel, to their Superiors.  
Gentlemen,  
THis is our third since our arrival in this Isle. We writ from Plymouth the 24th passed, and from Bristol eight or ten days after, without troubling you with the repetition of what we have desired for you: We shall now give you an account of what we have since done here, where we arrived the sixth Current; we addressed ourselves to the Duke, who received us with demonstration of most particular goodwill and kindness, and the same hour he was the means of our Audience by his Majesty, to whom having had the Honour to pay our Respects, Monsieur David returned him most humble thanks for concerning himself upon the account of our Oppression, representing to him how much it was aggravated since he had showed his kindness to us, adding then a most earnest Supplication for a ready and powerful assistance of you: We read in the Countenance of his Majesty the gracious Answer which he made us, amounting in sum to assure us, that though the success had not answered his good Intentions, he would nevertheless continue to assist us to the making our Cause his own; adding, that he should make the Errors committed in what had been done, Advertisements to him for the time to come: The Duke being present, and hearing what the King 1628. March. said to us, as he had introduced us, so in like manner he brought us back. Some days following we spent in waiting upon the Privy Council, amongst whom there were some that received us with great humanity, and assured us, that the Inclinations of his Majesty were so carried out for us, that we needed no Intercessors; and amongst the rest, one said, that his Discourses by day, and Dreams in the Night, were nothing but of our Affairs; and another Principal Person added, that he would rather lose his Crown, than not to make good his word to us. These Complimental Visits did not so take up our time, but we applied ourselves to the most Essential of our Affairs, and judging that the sending of Corn was most to be pressed, we addressed ourselves for that to the Duke, especially for that we understood that the Order given at Plymouth was to our great grief revoked; but thereunto he answered, that since his arrival in this place, they had found Corn much cheaper here, and in far greater quantity, than in other places, which had made him change his Order; saying further, that from that time they had with diligence industriously applied themselves to the buying of it; and by our continual solicitation since, it is in such forwardness, that a great quantity of Corn is ready, wanting nothing but Vessels, which we must hire, and agree for the Fraight, but we know not yet what Convoy they will give us; the Wind being contrary, hath kept some in Plymouth, which they did design to that purpose: Nevertheless, we are assured of some, and in all appearance will be ready in a few days to set sail, if God give an opportunity: With the 1628. March. Corn you will receive, besides French, four or five hundred English Soldiers which we have procured, with order for paying of them; as also of those that you have already, both for the time passed, and to come. So soon as we are over this business, we shall press the other Heads, contained in the Memorials, which you gave us in Charge; but the importance of this would not suffer us to traverse any other Proposition. Moreover, it is the good pleasure of his Majesty, not to limit himself in his assistance with Provisions, but gives us hope of a plentiful supply which is preparing, and for which the City of London hath lately furnished him with 12000 l. but we cannot think that they will be ready before the Spring. The Duke of Soubize, who arrived here a day after us, improves all his power, being exceeding well received by his Majesty, and in singular good intelligence with the Duke; so that he contributes not a little to our Affairs, in which we also interest him with us, as in a Cause which is common to us all: That which confirms us in the hopes that they will in good earnest embrace our defence, is the Answer that they have given lately to the King of Denmark's Ambassador, who offers a Mediation for the Accommodation of the two Crowns, & particularly desires a more puissant assistance at Sea; but without in any kind touching this Proposition, they gave him only for answer, that his Majesty would continue to him, as he hath hitherto done, all the assistance promised; and when he hath need of Ships▪ he can be accommodated therewith by the King of Swede, and the States, who have their Commerce in the Baltic. You see, Sirs, the present condition of 1628. March. your Affairs, and we shall not be wanting in advertising you of the Progress, as we also beseech you frequently to impart to us the particulars of your Condition, even by Express Pinnaces, it being so absolutely necessary, that we cannot forbear reiterating our Supplications herein. We have received yours of the 24th passed, and do perceive what order you say you have given for payment of the English with you, which we have made use of, according to what you have thereof writ us. The Proceed of the Captains are very much disliked, but yours such, as give great satisfaction: The said Captains will receive the King's Commands when the Corn shall be dispatched, which possibly will not be to the contentment of them all; in the mean time, it will not be displeasing, that you oblige them to keep to their Duty. We have heretofore writ to you, touching the Ship of Monsieur le Mayor, taken by the English, and carried to Bristol, and how they would have condemned her, and were upon the point to have done it, alleging divers reasons for it; above a●l, the Deposition made of the Equipage, in which the Mayor hath very little share; but we have so solicited the Duke, that by his Authority, as High-Admiral, he hath suspended Proceed for this Week, and we shall endeavour all we can to procure an entire deliverance; but we beseech you, that for the future, the desire of protecting others, may not endanger the losing of our own, and not to give any Passport which may render others suspicious, for here they are very exact. We shall add, for the closing of this, that having some days passed seen the Ambassador of Holland● 1028. March. who is a Person most affectionate for us, we understand from him, that the States had resolved to send Ambassadors to the two Kings, to endeavour an Agreement; and that they were to departed the 25th of Novemb. which none can hinder, if they have not changed their resolution; if they pass this way, they will discover here whether their Inclinations are disposed for a real accomplishment of those things you were promised by the Peace: Time will show us the success of this Enterprise; in the mean time, we pray God that by this, or any other way, we may arrive at a Peace in effect, as well as in name, and that there may not be hid under her Ashes matter for a new Quarrel: whatever it be, we are assured, that if any Propositions thereof be made, you will do us the favour to advertise us readily of it, and that you will not take any Resolutions without his Majesty; otherwise, if they hear any thing on this side to the contrary, it will entirely ruin your Affairs. We will not trouble you further, than to assure you, that we are both by Duty and Affection,  
Messieurs, Your most humble, and most obedient Servants, 

David,  
Vincent,  
Dehinse.   London, Decemb. 25. 1627.  
POSTSCRIPT.  
Messieurs,  
WE advised you by ours from Plymouth, that whether we apprehended the Intention of the 1628. March. Duke aright or not, it is certainly in show for the providing of Corn, which shall be sent you; and we 〈◊〉 reiterate our advice (if you please) to make good and ready payment for it, lest otherwise they should sen● you hereafter no more.  
Gentlemen,  
WE sent you a Copy of the substance of this by the Sieur Pepin, one of our Fellow Citizens, who parted this day from this City, taking his way by Dover, for the lading his Bark with Wheat, and other Commodities for Rochel; and though he reckons to set sail with the first Wind, we judge it necessary to send you this by Plymouth, yet have nothing to add, save that we are assured, that the Corn the Duke should send to your City, is lading with all diligence, together with a great quantity of Biscuit, Beer, Beef, Pork Salted, Cheese, Butter, and other Commodities; and that all (God willing) will be ready to sail by the end of this Month, at the furthest, under a puissant Convoy of Ships of War. These are from, Scile of France.  
London, January 7. 1628. Messieurs, Yours, etc.  
Gentlemen,  
WE have by all our former given you an account of our Negotiations since we arrived here, and of the diligence we have used to procure the sending of Provisions to you; if the effects have not appeared to you so soon as we have desired, and your necessities required, it is not from want of affection on this side, and much less of our solicitation, but from the difficulty of getting Ships in those places where the Corn was to be laden, and contrary Winds for sending them from the 1628. March. places where they were hired, to the Ports where they were to take in their lading. But the Sieur Bossay, being arrived from you the sixteenth Current, we have made such pressing Instances, that a resolution is taken to send away what is ready, that it may be to you an Earnest and Assurance of the rest. And to confirm you further, his Majesty and his Council finds it necessary, that one of us should make a journey to you, to inform you particularly of the good intentions they have here for you, and of the preparations that they are making for your assistance. Though each of us desire to take this Voyage, we have agreed upon Monsieur Dehinse, our Colleague, and yesterday we went with him to take his leave of his Majesty; he will tell you the good words that we then had, which were such, as we think it our duty to give you in his own terms: (viz.) Receive not this as a Succour, but as a small Refreshment, to give Life and Courage to your City, until the season of the year will permit a more powerful assistance to be sent you: Assure yourselves, that I will assist you in such measure, as I will procure you a good Peace from the King of France, or oblige those that encompass you to retire: Nay, assure your City, that I will never abandon you. Whereupon the Duke undertaking to speak, told us, you see, Messieurs, you have the Word of a King for this; and all the rest Sieur Dehinse will illustrate to you more particularly, having with him the Request we presented to the Council the fourteenth present, as well as the Project betwixt his Majesty and us, which hath been since agreed upon. If at first you apprehend that we superfluously dilate and discourse, Sieur Dehinse will give you the Reasons and Motives for it; as also the necessity we have had to make use of the uttermost power you have given us. In the mean time you may 1628. March. be assured, that so far as we can judge, they have 〈◊〉 here other than sincere intentions. We promise ourselves, that receiving this beginning of assistance with all sort of gratitude, you will establish so good an order for the ready sale, and consequently sure payment of the Provision, which shall be sent you, as will encourage all others to supply you hereafter. For ●● parts, we shall continue to labour to prevent your being in any want, and to execute, so far as is in o● power, all that you have by your Instructions given ●● in Charge. We beseech you further, that for our necessary assistance you will speedily return to us Monsie●● Dehinse, who informing us of your Condition, wi●● contribute much to the hastening of the Preparations▪ and it will be needful, that every three Weeks, or Mon●● at least, you send one to us. We refer you to Monsieur Dehinse, to tell you the advantage that we have made of Monsieur de Bossays arrival, and to testify his worthy acquitting the hazardous Commission that you have given him; and now there remains nothing, save our prayers to God, to fortify you, and to pour out his Blessing upon the Justice of your Arms, until we i● the end obtain a good Peace: And this is the Prayers of those that are,  
Messieurs, Your most humble, and most obedient Servants, 

David.  
Vincent.   London, Jan. 29. 1628.  
Gentlemen,  
IF the two last we sent by Land, since the arrival of Sieur Gorribon, are come to your hands, they will acquaint you with the substance of what we shall more particularly hereby inform you: Our 1628. March. instant solicitations having in the end obtained a Convoy of Corn, Biscuit, Beer, Flesh, and other Provisions, and judging it necessary that one of us should accompany it, Monsieur Dehinse went hence to that end, the thirtieth passed, and is the Messenger of the good words his Majesty hath given us, according as we have mentioned in those we have sent you by him: But having the same day met Sieur Gorribon, he informed us of the success of his Voyage, which he had been constrained to take by Sea, and how he met at the height of Bell-Isle the Naval Army, who assuredly intended to go to you; but they judging that the Men of War ordered for the security of this Convoy, could not prevent its falling into the hands of those who block you up, they returned hither with the Sieur Gorribon, who gave us yours dated Decemb. 30. We went immediately to the Duke, and by his means presented a new Request to the Council, representing your extremity; and that if you were not with all speed relieved, you would be lost without recovery. This gave a hot Alarm; and the Admiralty sent us word, that assuredly they should, within six Weeks, set out a Fleet puissant enough to shock those that are in your Road; and in the mean time, since your necessities are so great, they were resolved to lad with all diligence the Provisions in small Ships, for to send them you under the favour of a good Wind, that they may pass by stealth. This is the advice that we sent you by Land by two several Messengers, who went hence the fourth Current: Since this, all our employment hath been to solicit the speedy dispatching of the Provisions, for which we have obtained a promise; and that the 1628. March. Earl of Denby, the Duke's Brother-in-law, should with all diligence go to Plymouth, to give necessary orders for the same. Whilst these things were in doing, Monsieur David delivered us yours of the 24th passed, and informed us of your Condition by word of mouth, having arrived here the seventh in the Evening. In the Morning we waited upon the Duke, and delivered him a Letter as from you, which was one of your signed Blanks, and after Dinner we were conducted by him, and the Duke of Soubize, to his Majesty, to whom we presented yours, which we seconded with new and most instant supplications, and in terms which shown a vehement Emotion: His Answer was, that he had prevented our Demands, for that orders for all that we desired was given. After which, he having enquired of us the particular Estate of the City, and being answered by us according as you had particularly writ, touching the Propositions which had been made you, and your Answer, he said, it was done like honest men; and he assured, for his part, he would never forsake you▪ Much contented with these good words we passed away the day following, expecting some effects, and the next day we waited upon the Duke, begging of him, that the departure of his Brother-in-law might not be longer deferred; but the Duchess, his Lady, being in Labour, we could not come to speak with him: but understanding, in the Evening, that she was happily delivered of a Son, we took occasion, in the morning, to go and testify the share we took, and that which we knew you would take in his Joy; in which having evidenced a particular satisfaction, 1628. March. he assured us, that without doubt his Brother-in-law would departed next morning, which is to day; and that a Resolution was taken, to Convoy by Men of War, all the small Vessels laden with Provisions, conducting them to the height of Bayonne, and there wait a good Wind to make all pass at once: And to that end, they expected that we should furnish them with good Pilots, they having put them in hopes at Plymouth, that we should send them some thither. Upon this, we again assured the same, and that Sieur Dehinse should to that end go to Plymouth, and if need were, should embark himself with the Earl of Denby, to assist him with his advice, as there should be occasion, not judging that at present he would sail directly to your City. This he seemed to accept of, as very agreeable, and accordingly Sieur Dehinse hath prepared to departed to morrow, and will write you more particularly of the success of the Voyage. In the mean time, we commit this to the care of Captain David, to the end, that if he come first to you, as he hopes by the assistance of God to do, you may be informed of the Progress we have been able to make hitherto; he will tell you by word of mouth the good words we have from his Majesty, having carried him with us when we went to deliver him yours; the thing we have only in doubt is, whether the Fleet can be ready in the time they put you in hopes of: But we assure ourselves, that if you can be refreshed with Victuals, you may well patiented yourselves some Weeks, in expectation from hence: However it is, it seems by all that we can see, that it is in good earnest that they embrace your Affairs; and 1628. March. because it requires an Immense Expense, they have resolved of having a Parliament the seventeenth of March next, from whom they hope for good on your behalf: In the mean time they assure us, that they have at present a Fond for the the War; and that it need not be feared, but the Parliament will provide for us. Yesterday we were with the Duke, ●aving communicated to him yours for Holland, he was of advice, not only to send them; but further, that one of us should go thither, and take the occasion of going with Monsieur Dolbier, who his Majesty sends thither, as well to buy a quantity of Arms, and some Horse, as to oblige the States to join with him for your defence. Upon this we are agreed that Sieur Vincent, who hath Acquaintance there, shall undertake this Voyage; and besides the Instructions that you have given us, we have given him others that are new, whereof we send you a Copy, having conceived them so, as you will find by the advice of the Duke; and Sieur Vincent hath prepared himself to part hence to morrow. In the mean time, we expect to morrow Messieurs Bragneau, and Gobert, who we hear is landed at Falmouth, and comes hither by Land: We shall consult together what each of us ought to do for the execution of the Commission you are pleased to give us; and we desire you to believe, that we shall apply ourselves thereunto with the most assiduity and vigilance that is possible; and that we are most extremely and sensibly troubled, that we are not able to advance your Affairs more advantageously. But we have had a double obstruction, the one natural to those of this Climate, the other the great difficulty they 1628. March. have had to get Money, not but the Country abounds in it, but because it is not sought by the ordinary Forms. As to the good affection of the people in general, it seems hitherto (as we can certainly assure you) as much as we can desire. We shall not fail to write you diligently, each of us, from the place where we are going to be scattered; and in the mean time, we jointly assure you, how much we are,  
London, Feb. 11. 1628. Messieurs, Your most humble, and most obedient Servants, 

David,  
Vincent,  
Dehinse.    
Gentlemen,  
THe same day we writ to you last, the Sieur Bragneau 
Another Letter from the Deputies to the Rochellers.  and Gobert arrived, and brought us all yours, and expressed abundantly your necessities, which we together represented to the Duke, with supplications to hasten the effects of his Majesty's promises, and accordingly he dispatched a Courier to have all things in readiness, and ordered, that Monsieur Bragneau, and Dehinse, shall be gone to morrow to establish such orders as shall be judged necessary; it is that which they dispose themselves unto, and will not fail, when they shall be at Plymouth, to write you largely of all they shall do there: We refer all to them, and we shall each in his Province labour to do what shall be for your Affairs, and pray to God that the success may be as we desire. We shall reiterate here what we have many times said in our former (to wit) that the Duke not finding at Plymouth the Corn, as he hoped, and not finding him in condition to execute that which we have 1628. March. proposed on his part, as to relieving us upon their Charge, the fear we had that insisting upon having them of gift, would have obstructed all, hindered our pressing the execution of that promise; we only requested him to make the advance, and that you will reimburse them from thence. There are some particular Merchants which have laden that which goes to you; and as it is the hope of Gain that induceth them to it, we assure ourselves, that your Prudence knows well to judge how much it is of import, that they be contented by you, that others may thereby be obliged to undertake the same. The Wind having stayed Sieur Vincent, he is yet here, and therefore can assure you how much it is that we are all,  
London, Feb. 14. 1628. Messieurs, Your most humble and most obedient Servants, 

David,  
Vincent,  
Dehinse.    

A Relation touching the Negotiation of the Deputies of Rochel in England, since the Contents of their Letter of Decemb. 25.  
THe third of January, 1628. my Lord Montjoy, and the rest who had been taken Prisoners in the Isle of Re, arrived at London, being conducted by the Sieur de Meaux, who presented them to the Queen, from the Queen her Mother, who had obtained of the King the sending of them without Ransom, and boasted of the courteous Entertainment which they had received, even that they had been defrayed through the Kingdom: 1628. March The Gentleman that brought them (who is a witty man) negotiated with the Principal of the Council, for a Treaty of Accommodation, for which the Ambassadors of Denmark had formerly made some Overtures; we observed, that he gave them frequent Visits, and that accordingly they took a sudden resolution to go to France, where we discovered they had a design to pursue that Negotiation.  
Upon this we had our double fears, one that these Propositions of Accommodation was but an Artifice for retarding the preparations, the consequence of which we saw from the smallness of the Provisions that we knew was in the City: The other, that in case a Treaty should be agreed on in earnest, it would be to our disadvantage; in that it was unlikely, that after the disgrace at Re, the English would be under the necessary consideration of leaping into that Port and Citadel, which their Arms could not batter; and therefore, upon these grounds, we resolved to endeavour to divert the Duke from harkening thereunto.  
When we sought an opportunity to discourse the Duke in this matter, he preventing it, told us, the eleventh of this Month, that he apprehended very well to what end the courteous deportment of the French tended, that not to give place to them in courtesy, his Majesty would also send back the French Prisoners, which should be conducted by Monsieur Dolbier. In the mean time, that we should esteem ourselves entirely assured (and give the like to those of Rochel) that they would not come upon any thing which shall tend to a Treaty, until that by some notable Exploit they should put themselves into a condition to do 1628. March. it advantageously, both for them and us; that if in France they have any other belief, it cannot but be advantageous to us, because they may thereupon abate; whereas on the contrary, as to them, they would redouble their diligence.  
It was not a little satisfaction to us to hear him speak in this manner; and above all, when the next day he made us an Overture, to present us to the Council, and to express our just fears with earnestness, that upon the noise which might be scattered of an Accommodation, our Common Affairs might receive prejudice. And thus we have given you a Narrative of the discourse itself.  
The 13th, we carried him our Memorial, which having approved, he rendezvoused us next day in his Chamber, where about four in the Evening he came to us himself, and brought us into the Council; but before he did it, he held a discourse which filled us full of thoughts, advertising us not to be astonished, if any should inquire what we had to offer to his Majesty in consideration of our demanding his assistance; and above all, what assurance we could give the King, if he should engage himself in our further assistance, that the City should not be carried to a particular Treaty: As to himself, he was far from any such thoughts; yet nevertheless, to serve us the more profitably, he desired to know of us what he should say to them, in case they should propose any such thing; and above all, what judgement we should make of an Over●ure for the City to send hither a certain number of Children, of the most considerable Families, which being treated Honourably at the King's Charge, should serve as Hostages for the Faith of the City.  
1628. March. This Proposition, notwithstanding the Duke's Artifice, was of a very ill relish to us, and fearing that a sudden Answer could not be so well framed, as that it would not prejudice us, whether in being too reserved, which might disgust them, and retard the sending of succours, or in yielding too much beyond our Instructions, in such sort, as we should be disowned. We told him in general, that we could give all assurance that Rochel would never deny any reasonable Overtures, for giving all just contentment to his Majesty therein; but as to that which was upon particulars, we most humbly besought him, that as it had pleased him to command us to couch our desires in writing, that it would likewise please him, to let us be answered in the same manner; to the end, that agreeing among ourselves upon that which hath been proposed to us, that which we have to say may be the better digested.  
Having testified his approbation hereof, he led us from thence into the Guilded Chamber, where the King was in full Council; before whom having kneeled, and by his Command standing up, Monsieur David represented in brief, that which we had more at large done in writing, which accordingly he presented.  
The King having taken it, gave it us again, and commanded us to read it to him, which we did with a loud and distinct voice, to the end that all might hear it, and was of this Tenure.  
The Deputies of the City of Rochel to his mo●t Serene Majesty, having had formerly some advice, that he silently treated for an Accommodation betwixt the two Crowns, in which the Ambassadors of the King of Denmark laboured, and finding 1628. March. themselves confirmed in this belief, by the sending a Gentleman as Envoy from France, under pretext of conducting some Prisoners, who hath divers times had conference thereupon with the Lords of the Council, and hath also had close Conferences with the Ambassadors of Denmark; and that in prosecution thereof they went readily to Paris, they have thought it their duty most humbly to supplicate his Majesty to give them Audience, to the end they may give him and the Lords of the Council, to understand what they believe is their necessary duty to represent upon this occasion.  
First, they find themselves obliged to acknowledge they have already had the Honour to render to his Majesty their most humble thanks; and desire now to reiterate the same, for that it hath pleased him, from his own good and proper motion, to hold it incumbent upon him to make good to them his Royal Word, in reference to the Articles of Peace, which the King their Sovereign had agreed with him concerning them in the year 1626. and for the execution of the same, had sent upon their Coasts a puissant Army, under the Conduct of his great Admiral, in the Month of July 1st.  
A● his Majesty in this assistance hath made his Piety and Generosity appear to all the World, and th● entire confidence that may be put in his Royal Word, by all those to whom he gives it, so we hold it indubitable, that he will be pleased to make it seen by us, how happily they are protected, whom he undertakes to defend with his Arms; and that as they are invincible, so his Prudence cannot be circumvented by any Artifice.  
1628. March. Hereupon they supplicate him, in all humility, to consider what is the true end that those propose to themselves, who manage these Overtures, and bring in debate the Propositions for a Treaty.  
It is true, that Peace is desirable above all things, and the City, for which they act, have an ardent passion for it, especially being but newly delivered from the miseries of two Wars successively.  
But the question is, whether the present conjuncture considered, that which is proposed is the true means to arrive at it; and whether, in the contrary, there is not cause to fear, that it is a snare extended for their ruin; which (if it please not his Majesty to provide against) they see it most inevitable, making no doubt but this Negotiation draws with it these necessary consequences.  
First, That though it may not slacken the true and good affection of his Majesty, whereof they have an entire confidence, yet it may at least the diligence of my Lords, his Ministers, in their preparations for their succours, considering that the Treaty coming towards a conclusion, the intercessors for it will not (without doubt) be wanting, in designingly giving all imaginable hopes, which out of frugality may retard preparations; and now the least delay will be their ruin, considering the condition in which they find themselves.  
Secondly, The news of Treating being noised, will certainly keep at home those who prepare themselves to take Horse so soon as the Spring appears, there being nothing more imprudent, than to put on Harness, when Peace is ready to be made.  
Thirdly, The bruit of a Treaty will endanger 1628. March. the dissipating the Duke of Rohan's Troops, Experience having always showed, that Forces of the nature of his, composed of Volunteers without pay, are easily scattered by any hopes of Accommodation, every one being impatient of returning home to his own house.  
Fourthly, The worst is, that during this delay, those who besiege their City, will with ease build all their Forts, and finish their Line on the Land side, assemble their Naval Army, which is not yet in a good condition; they will work at the Digue (or Bank) which they have begun, without losing one moment, and at shutting the passage by Sea, and inaccessibly imbarrass their Haven: The Provisions which remained in the City, after their furnishing his Majesty's Army, will be presently consumed. In brief, the Affairs are in such a state, that the opportunity of relieving them being passed, all the Forces of Europe will not be able to do any thing, and then consequently, the Treaty now proposed will vanish; his Majesty will be derided, and the City which hath engaged with him, will necessarily be forced to render, and submit to the rage of a Victorious and irritated Master.  
As his Majesty knows well how to judge of the validity of these Reasons and Consequences, so they supplicate him in all humility, that notwithstanding all the practices that may have been used to the contrary, he will provide that there may be no slackening, in any kind, of the necessary diligence for preparing the relief which it hath pleased him to promise them: And since the Convoy of Men and Victuals is almost ready, by the great care that the Duke of Buckingham High-Admiral hath taken, it would please him to command the whole Navy 1628. March. to set sail with the very first, in expectation 〈◊〉 his Majesty may by his Forces do some 〈◊〉 worthy of the puissance of so great a 〈◊〉, and oblige those to think seriously of a good 〈◊〉, who at present have no intentions 〈◊〉 it.  
This is word for word as we read it; and we 〈◊〉 that the King, at the word 〈◊〉 smiled, looking upon the Precedent of the 〈◊〉 who was on his right hand, and the Duke 〈◊〉 was next to him, and said something to them 〈◊〉 English which we could not hear, but by his 〈◊〉 we apprehended, that he declared his 〈◊〉 to it. As to all the rest, both he and the 〈◊〉 heard it very attentively, and commanded us 〈◊〉 deliver our Writing to my Lord Conway, Secretary of State, the King promising us to 〈◊〉 of it: Then we took our leave with a Serene ●ountenance, without having any of the Propositions made at that time to us, which the Duke had 〈◊〉 of.  
The 16th, which was the Lord's day, we devoted 〈◊〉 his service, and the next morning waited upon 〈◊〉 Duke as he rise, who told us, that he, and 〈◊〉 more of the Council, were nominated for commissioners, to make a Formal Treaty with us 〈◊〉 the Name of his Majesty, which would serve to publish to all the World such a Union between ●im and us, as would put them out of hopes of his abandoning us, or that we should leave him by a separate Accommodation: But after this, he came again to the Proposition that he had before made 〈◊〉, and told us, that we were to consider what we could on our parts propound, the better to secure his Majesty, and to oblige him to the great expense 1628. March. that he must be at, by undertaking in go● earnest our defence.  
To this demand, we judged it safer to interrogate, than to answer, and told him, that the inanite disproportion betwixt us, and so great an● puissant a Monarch considered, we could not ha●● so much temerity as to believe, that we had a●● thing to offer worthy of him, or to put in balance with the glory of so great and generous an action as that will be of relieving us; that great King● are in this the Image of God, who doth good to them from whom he can receive nothing: Nevertheless, if there were any thing wherein we could testify to him our entire acknowledgement, and to assure him of the sincerity of our intentions, in never making a separate Treaty, we should harken to it with all respect.  
Upon this, with difficulty enough, and in words sufficiently confused, as a man who had something to say which he would not express, he touched upon two things: First, that which he had before opened, touching some Children to send hither as Hostages: Secondly, that in case of necessity, we would engage ourselves to give retreat to the King's Sea Forces, as well as Land; and added, that he had desired to confer with us hereupon, before our Conference with the Commissioners; to the end, that before them, there might be nothing to debate of, which might be of prejudice to us.  
We answered, that since his Majesty had freely offered, that we should draw a Conceit for a Treaty, we would thereupon discourse the matter among ourselves, frame the Articles, and communicate them to him with all speed; which he approved 1628. March. of, and promised to send to us after Dinner Monsieur de Vie, his Secretary.  
When we were withdrawn, to commune among ourselves, we all agreed, that the Duke's two O●ertures were dangerous, and a snare, extended against our liberty; and as to the Hostages, that that would be grievous to our Fellow-Citizens, to see themselves bereft of their Children sent to breath in a strange Air, and to be bound by such dear Pledges. And as to the other, that the consequence of that seemed more great, and the danger more eminent, since that if they had any thoughts of seizing us, they will have no more to do, than under a colour of seeking retreat, enter the Forts, and so force the City to return to their Ancient Yoke; and that if such an unhappiness should befall us, our City would be an eternal Theatre of War, in that the King would never receive us into his favour: But that which was most to be feared was, that the Yoke of their Domination would be too hard to submit willingly unto; and therefore if we must lose our Liberty, right Reason obliges us to remain under our true and legitimate Master, and seek, whilst we may, to make our Conditions with him: but since this was the last remedy, we ought in prudence to prevent the reducing us to such a Condition, and at present to temporize and avoid these Propositions, so far as was possible, without discontenting them; but if they insisted upon it at a time so important, as was the present relieving of the City, we must not retard it, by rejecting what they demanded, but agree to all, referring it to the City, who afterwards will ratify so much thereof, as they shall judge necessary for their security.  
1628. March. Being all three of this Sentiment, according in all our actions we have been most unanimous we took Pen and Ink, and framed the Project fo● a Treaty, to the end that the Articles for th● same being agreed on by us, and put in writings we might barter more securely in our Communication, whether with the Duke's Secretary, or with the Commissioners; and having long enough conferred together on the matter, we gave him this Conceit.   

The Treaty between the most glorious Prince Charles by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, and the Mayor, Sheriffs, Peers, Burghers, and Inhabitants of the City of Rochel, their Deputies subscribing for them.  
THe Deputies of the City of Rochel, provided with full and ample Power, being at present with his most Serene Majesty, and having most humbly supplicated him to take and receive those of the City of Rochel under his Protection and Safeguard, and to make them sensible of the effects, by an assistance worthy of his Majesty, by the means of which they may be delivered from the oppression they now lie under, and be restored to the favour of their Prince, the most Christian King, and to the enjoyment of an assured Peace; and his most Serene Majesty inclining favourably to this Request, hath granted them his Protection, and accordingly the Articles following have been reciprocally stipulated.  
First, As to the said Rochellers, they promise all the aid and favour that is to them possible, for the advancement and happy success of the Arms of 1628. March. his most Serene Majesty, in equipping as many Men of War as is possible for them, for favouring the Sea Army of his Majesty in all their undertake, as in furnishing experienced Pilots for their Neighbour Coasts, and the blocking up of Rivers, in providing for those in their City his Majesty shall give orders to, appointing Magazines and proper places for Storehouses for all sort of Provisions, if it be judged necessary, in receiving Vessels which Storms may constrain to put into their Harbour, or shall be thrust thither by some other necessity, that even in case all the Army of his Majesty should be thereunto pressed, to give them retreat and shelter, and provide for their security.  
Secondly, The said Rochellers will not hearken to any particular Accommodation, nor embrace any Treaty of Peace whatsoever, save with the good liking and entire consent of his Majesty.  
Thirdly, If it shall hereafter happen that any Enterprise shall be made on the behalf of France upon the Estates of his Majesty, because of the said assistance, the which he now offers them, they will declare themselves in his favour, and will divert, with all their power, all designs to his prejudice.  
Fourthly, For the assurance of this, the said Deputies, from this time forward, do promise it in the name of the said Rochellers, and obligeth themselves to cause these Articles to be ratified with a solemn Oath, as well by the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Peers of the Common Hall, as also by all the Burghers and Inhabitants extraordinarily assembled to that end.  
Fifthly, As to his most Serene Majesty, he promiseth 1628. March. in the word of a King, to secure them at his own proper Cost and Charges, both by Sea and Land, according to his Royal Puissance, until he hath freed them from the Forts that are as well in the Isle of Re, as about their City, and procured them a Peace; and to that end, he will henceforward arm pvissantly against the Spring, to execute something worthy of his Majesty, using means to divert the designs that are against the City, and oblige the Troops that are about the City to retreat, until by the happy success it shall please God to give to his Arms, it shall be entirely delivered.  
Sixthly, His Majesty, during all the time that the War shall continue, shall assist the said City with such a number of Soldiers of his Subjects, as it shall judge necessary for its Guard, the said Soldiers being paid by his Majesty.  
Seventhly, His Majesty shall permit, as well to his Subjects, as to the Inhabitants of the said City, to lad in all his Territories all ProvisIons of which it hath need, and cause Authentic Patents to be dispatched, and sent to all the Ports and Havens, to the end, that by virtue thereof, without any other Passports, Merchants may freely buy in their Cargazons, and not be troubled in their transportation of them.  
Eighthly, That from this time forward, his Majesty shall cause to be sent away, with a sufficient Convoy, the Corn, and other Provisions, which by his Command is already laden, for to be sent with all speed to the said City, to be distributed there at an honest price.  
Ninthly, To ease the poverty of the City, and to help its most pressing necessities, his Majesty 1628. March. shall permit a Collection in all his Estates, and at present establish such order as is necessary for that.  
Tenthly, There having been heretofore certain Articles of Treaty compiled betwixt the Duke of Buckingham, High-Admiral of England, and the said Rochellers; to some of which the said Lord Admiral did agree, with the good liking of his Majesty, and referred the rest to a more particular Conference: From henceforward his Majesty doth agree to, and holds for good and valuable, those that the said Admiral hath allowed of; and as to the rest, he will with the first examine them, and give the said Rochellers such just contentment therein, as they can expect.  
Eleventhly and lastly, In case it happens that his Majesty shall come hereafter to a Treaty of Peace with the most Christian King, the said Rochellers shall be thereunto called by his Majesty; and no Treaty shall be concluded, without stipulation expressly for their Privileges and Immunities, according to the Memorials they shall give in to his Majesty, who obligeth himself further, to be Garrantee for the said Treaty.  


David,  
Vincent,  
Dehinse.     
With these Articles thus compiled, we expected the Secretary of the Duke, but he came neither this day, nor the next; so that the nineteenth, we went with them to the Duke, who kept them to consider of at leisure, and promised that he would confer upon them with the Commissioners, and send for us.  
1628. March. Being returned home, we found his Secretary there, who seemed very sorry for his delay, and made multitude of business his excuse; but for our parts, we were well pleased that he had not seen us, desiring rather to communicate with the Master, than Servant.  
We waited until the 22th, and seeing then that he did not send for us, we sought an occasion to present ourselves to him; but he prevented us, by sending us word, that he was employed in the urgent Affairs of the King, though the truth was, that he avoided Meeting us, upon a difficulty that he and the other Commissioners made of the fifth Article of our Treaty, which he would have changed; but nevertheless, desired not to enter thereupon into a contest with us.  
The means that he chose, was to send his Secretary to the Duke of Soubize, whom he acquainted, that the terms upon which we desired that the King would oblige himself to us, had something of too much strictness; and therefore desired him to be a means of bringing us, to qualify and receive them in these terms; (viz.) That his Majesty, being moved with the good affections which he hath always had for the Churches, and particularly for the City of Rochel, he promised in the Faith and Word of a King, to give them all convenient assistance, unto the obtaining of a good and firm Peace.  
The Duke of Soubize, having hereupon conferred with us, we received great displeasure from this change; and fearing that he avoided coming, from some doubt they had of not being able to obtain a Peace which would deliver us from our Fetters, and above all, from that Fort for which they had undertaken the War; yet nevertheless, we 1628. March. judged it not fit to show the least backwardness to the Treaty; for we polished our Articles, and so carried them the 27th ditto, corrected to the Duke, who receiving them of us, and reading them in our presence, made show of approving them; and told us, that without further Communication with the Commissioners, of whom he stood not in need, all being agreed unto, carried them to the King, presented them to the Council, and assured us, that we should have all contentment.  
Leaving him, it was matter of great joy to us, that the Duke took no more notice of Hostages, or receiving the Armies into the City; and that without being obliged to any debate with the Commissioners, our Articles were received.  
The 28th ditto, receiving advice that there was a competent quantity of Provisions at Plymouth, we waited upon the Duke, to beg of him, that the Earl of Denby might departed the next day; and that the Sieur Dehinse, our Colleague, might, according as it was agreed upon, accompany him in his Voyage, and have the honour to receive the Commands of the King, and his own.  
He carried us immediately to the King, who received us with these Expressions; I understand that the Earl of Denby will set sail without delay; take not that which he carries at present for a succour, it is but for a refreshment, to the end to give courage to your City, until time will permit a more puissant assistance. And after a little pause, for fear that the word Time would not be taken by us according to his intention; I mean, said he, the season, and so soon as the Spring shall be come: To which having returned him most humble thanks, he said yet further; Be assured, that I will assist you so powerfully, 1628. March. as shall obtain you a good Peace. The Duke added, that all War was for arriving at Peace; and that his Majesty in speaking, intended none but such a one as was good: To which having answered, that we should receive from his Majesty such a Peace as himself should esteem reasonable and good: I had rather, said he, it should be ill for me, than for you; for for me I can always contend it; but as to you, you will be totally lost. After these words, Sieur Dehinse bowing himself to receive his Commands; Assure (said he to him) those of Rochel, that I will not abandon them: Upon which the Duke told us, you see, Gentlemen, you have the Word of a King. As to your Articles that you communicated to me yesterday, the King likes them well, and goes now to have them ratified in Council, and cause the Confirmation thereof to be delivered to you.  
Very much contented with these good words, we withdrew, and the next morning heard that the Earl of Denby prepared for Plymouth, which obliged Sieur Dehinse, our Colleague, to begin his journey thither.  
What passed since on the occasion of Sieur Gorribon's arrival, which occasioned the retarding the sending of the Provisions, is contained in our Letter of the eleventh of February.  
This is the Contents of the Packet which Captain Sacremore delivered the Mayor, and his Council, by which they had a full account of all the proceed of their Deputies, and commended the diligence and care they had had of sending them divers Duplicates of their Packets, to the end that one might come to hands, if the other should miscarry, as it fell out.  
The 24th ditto was cast in Rochel four Pieces of 1628. March. Cannon, two of 28 pound Ball, and the other two of 10 pound Ball; of which there were but three good, one of the greatest miscarrying by the Mould not being well dry.  
The 30th, the Mayor, Sheriffs, Counsellors, Peers, Burghers, and Soldiers, being assembled in the City-Hall, swore and promised to keep the Treaty which their Deputies had made with the King of England, for their protection and safeguard, which they did without disowning their Fidelity and Obedience that they owed to the most Christian King, their Natural Lord and Sovereign.   

APRIL.  
The first of April, 1628. arrived at Rochel a young man, one Vivier, servant to Sieur Vincent, dispatched by him from Holland (where following the order that was given him he passed) to give account of the Negotiation of his Master for procuring some relief of Victuals and Munition for the City; and delivered to the Mayor this Letter, dated the sixth of March, of this Tenure, in Ciphers.  
Sieur Vincent's Letter from Holland to the Rochellers, dated March 6. New Style, 1628.  
Gentlemen,  
BEsides two men that I have sent you from this Country, this third follows, to give you an account how I left Affairs in England, and how it is with me here: I may tell you, that there they dispose themselves to relieve you with great Forces, both by Sea and Land, and have resolved to furnish you with 1628. April. Provisions; and to further it, Messieurs, Bragneau and Dehinse were set forward from London to Plymouth, the 14th passed, and the Earl of Denby was speedily to follow them. I hope you have e'er this received something from thence: I came from London the 17th with Monsieur Dolbier, who came hither to buy Arms and Horses, and arrived the 21th in Zealand, where I stayed eight days, for to dispose some particular persons to the lading of Corn to send to you, which having put in order, I hope you will find the effects thereof, and that there will go from thence to you 150 Tun: I am here where I spoke yesterday with the Prince of Orange, who received me very well; and I am not without hopes, that we shall underhand receive from hence some assistance, at least of Money. I hope to make a great Cargaison at Amsterdam, whither I shall presently go, having already disposed by Letters many Merchants to enter upon it. Above all, I believe that it is of greatest import to you, to have advice, and not to spare Money in Messengers, but send them frequently, that of many, one at least may come to you. I have given a hundred Livres to this Man; and I pray, if he acquit himself well of his promise, deal honestly with him: I am,  
gentlemans, Your most humble and most obedient Deputy and Servant, Ph. Vincent.  
The hopes that men had of the speedy arrival of the Earl of Denby, according to these Letters, rejoiced greatly the Rochellers.  
1628. April. The 8th, in the night, the Battery Royal, and the Forts Lovys, Meroeil (called S. Esprite, which had never yet shot) and la Fons, shot Fire-Bullets, from nine in the Evening, until four in the Morning, without killing or hurting any Person, or setting any House on fire, being prevented by the care they took, having set Sentinels in the Steeples, who as soon as the Bullet was fallen, gave notice of the place, whither men went to search for it with a Hook of Iron, made expressly for that end, with which they easily seized them, and carried them into the Street; otherwise their burning was such, that letting them lie never so little, they would presently set the Floor of the Rooms on fire, which are ordinarily of Fir; and it was found, that in a little time they would pierce three Stories.  
The 10th, the Mayor having had advice that the Besiegers mined in the first Houses of de la Fons, at five hundred paces from the City, they sallied out from the Port Coin, with two Companies of Foot, and fifteen or twenty Horse, to know the truth. At first they sent out eight Horse, and a Party of fifteen Soldiers, conducted by a Sergeant, to discover what force there was, whilst the rest stole along, under Covert of the great high way, until they came to the Houses, of which they hoped to render themselves Masters; but the succours which came to their relief from the next Forts forced them to retire, and the greatest part of them to put themselves into the Mill-Houses and Arbours, at three hundred paces from the Counterscarp, whither the others came presently to skirmish, and though few enough to draw them into the Ambuscade which they had 1628. April. laid for them, at a hundred paces from thence, in a low bottom of the Highway; it was without effect, they maintaining themselves in their Fort, until succours coming from the City, enabled them to retire: Of those without, a Sergeant was wounded to death with a shot of a Firelock cross the Body, and was interred at the Port Coin: of those within, a Soldier was slightly wounded in the Leg. This Sally not discovering what they had a desire to know, the Mayor, at all adventure, caused the making of a Mine in the middle of the Trench, from the said Port unto the Bulwark.  
The 12th, at night, or about four or five a Clock next morning, a Fire-Bullet coming from the Port Lovis, set one of the Houses of the Hospital on fire, which being full of Hay and Straw, was hard to extinguish; and there was one man slain, and another hurt with a Canonshot from the Fort Lovis, which discharged twenty times during the Fire; the Hospital nevertheless received no damage, by reason of succours which were diligent.  
The 15th, in the night, a Fire-Bullet coming from the Royal Battery, killed one going the Round, as he went from the Court of Guard of the Port Coin, to that of the Bastion of the great Coney Warren.  
The 17th, in the morning, by break of day, the Mayor caused to sally out by the Port Coin, twenty five Horse, and five Companies of Insantry, with some Volunteers, to discover if the Besiegers continued to work, as was said, at the first House de la Fons, but they found not any body there, nor any appearance of working.  
1628. April. The 19th, in the night, those of de la fons came to raise and demolish to the ground some of the Houses of the Mills near the City, which were half broke, and from thence set three Mills on fire, nearest to the City, from which there went up a very high flame in the Air, which made those of the Forts Lovis, Miroet, and the Royal Battery believe, that the Fire was in many Houses within, and occasioned them to shoot all the rest of the night with Fire-bullets, and others, cross the City: This was nevertheless without killing or wounding any person, though there was shot that night a hundred sixty five Canonshot.  
The 23th, about two or three a Clock in the Afternoon, the King arrived the second time before Rochel, having kept his Easter at Surgres: for his welcome, they discharged three times the Cannon round the Batteries and Ships, and above all, there were many Fire-bullets shot against the City; and in the Evening the same Music was heard, without other effect, than the breaking the Roofs of some Houses. His Majesty had been absent from the tenth of February, to the three and twentieth of April, that is two Months and thirteen days.  
The 24th, came to the Port of Coin a Drum and two Trumpets, to know if those of the City would receive a Herald, in case the King would send one to them; but they made no Answer, forasmuch as that they knew not yet that his Majesty was in the Camp. The same day, about eleven a Clock, a Fire-bullet from the Royal Battery, set fire on a House full of Hay and Straw, before the Steeple of S. Bartholomew, joining to the great School, which is one of the Magazines of the City; 1628. April. and this House was almost all burnt, without damaging the Magazine; as well because the walls were good, and very thick on that side, as because there was great endeavours for extinguishing it with Oxe-Hides, and other such like things.   

MAY.  
The 2d of May was Elected Mayor, in place of John Godfrey, Esq Sieur Richard John Guitton, Esq the same who had been Admiral for the Rochellers in the Wars of 1621. and 1625.  
The 4th ditto, there was found on the Coast of St. Nicholas a little Box of Deal-boards, very tight and close, in which was a Note or Billet, advertising the Rochellers to look to themselves, for that in a few days they would be attacked in several places, and principally at the Chain, and Fort of Tadon; and that there would be thrown into the City great quantity of Fireworks, which made them double their Guards, and be in a ready posture.  
The eleventh, about two or three in the Afternoon, the English Army, Commanded by the Earl of Denby (Brother-in-law to the Duke of Buckingham) appeared at the entry between the Isle of Re, and the Main Land, composed of eleven of the King's Ships, thirty or forty lesser Men of War, and as many other Vessels, laden with Corn, and Provisions, and about four or five a Clock in the Evening came to Anchor at the Head of the Bay: At his arrival, the Army of the King, which was in the Road, put themselves under the Covert of of the Digue, and Batteries, at the Points of Coureille; and the Head of the Bay, which the King had made there on purpose to batter in the said Road, 1628. May. and hinder the Ships which would pass for ●rrying Provisions into Rochel: These Batteries 〈◊〉 so incommode the English Army (and amongst others the Admiral, who had moved nearest to 〈◊〉 Land) that in the Evening he disanchored, to 〈◊〉 more at large, and out of the reach of the ●annon of the said Batteries.  
The 14th, the Sieurs Bragneau and Gobert, Deputies for Rochel and all the French Captains, see●●g that the Earl of Denby and his Council did ●ot endeavour to force the Pallisades, for making ●is way with relief into Rochel, and that time was ●pent without doing any thing, they presented to ●im, and his Council, a Writing signed by them ●oth, by which they supplicated them to put in execution the Commands that the King their Master had given them; which was, so soon as he ●hould arrive before Rochel, to force the entry of ●he succours sent thither; and told them, that to effect the same, it was necessary:  
1. To furnish the French Barks, wherein was Victuals, with a sufficient number of Soldiers, for defending them against the Pinnaces and Galliots which kept the Pallisades.  
2. That each Fireship ought to have, beside his Shalloop, a good great Boat, well armed and equipped with men, to defend them against the Impediments which they might meet with in their execution.  
3. That all the English Ships, as well those of his Majesty, as others, ought by their Command to advance to the Pallisades, that with the French Men of War they might make the Besiegants retire; and in doing of that, make way for the passage of the Ships into the City, as well French as English, laden with Victuals.  
1628. May. And the better to encourage them, they promised, by virtue of their Commission, as well in their own private names, as in the name of the City, that in case they should by this Enterprise come to lose any Ships, the just value thereof should be paid to the King, or to those whose loss it should be: And further, that being got into the City, if they could not come out, their Expenses should be born at the charge of the Public.  
This Writing being presented to the Earl, and his Council, and the Deputies having livelily represented by word of mouth all they could to animate them, they answered, that their Commission was not to Fight, but that it was only to conduct them to the place where they were, to the end that their presence might facilitate their entry into Rochel, if it were to be done: That having executed their Order, they were resolved to set sail on Thursday in the Evening, to return for England; and the rather, because they were advertised, that there would suddenly come upon these Coasts a Naval Fleet from Spain to fight them, which they would avoid, because they would not hazard the losing any of the King's Ships.  
The English being obstinate in this resolution, the Sieurs Bragneau and Gobert, considering in what danger Rochel was, dispatched immediately one called Vidault, the same Evening, to advertise the Rochellers thereof, in a little Skiff that the Earl of Denby gave them, and furnished him with two Letters, one that he was to cast into the water over against the Palisade, which contained chief, that the Rochellers were not to be astonished, if on Thursday in the Evening they saw the Fleet set sail, for that they had therein no other design, 1628. May. than after having been at Bell Isle, to meet a part of their Fleet which Storms and ill Wether had divided from the Body, to return the more powerful, to secure them with the peril of their ●ives; and the other altogether contrary, and most true, to advertise their Fellow-Citizens of ●he little and no affection or good will at all, that the English Army had to relieve them, and of the resolution they had taken to set sail for England on Thursday in the Evening, notwithstanding all the Prayers and Remonstrances that they could make for Fight, or at least for remaining in the Road some time, to the end, that whilst it should be there at hand, the Rochellers might have re●course to the Bounty and Clemency of their Prince for Grace, instead of a total ruin, as this retreat would import. Things being thus, they advised them thereof, to the end that they might see, that as long as the Navy remained with them, they had not sought the Clemency of the King, or essayed to make their Agreement.  
The same Evening the said Vidault got into the City at eleven at night, having passed without Impediments, crossing the Men of War, and Pallisades, and setting a good face on it, filled all the City with good hopes, and told wonders of the resolution of the English; but to the Mayor represented particularly the true state of things, and delivered him his Letter.  
The same hour the Mayor assembled the Council of War, and before reading of the Letter, he made them all take a solemn Oath of secrecy, as to the Contents of it, and then communicated it unto them; and after that, called in Vidault, who informed them of all that passed in the English 1628. May. Army. Hereupon they resolved not to lose time; and before it was too late, to seek the King's Grace, under the best Conditions they could, and in such sort, as they should not know it came from them; and as they were in pain how to govern themselves in it, they concluded they could not better do it, than by making use of Sieur de la Leu, who some days before had desired permission to retire out of the City, and had obtained a safe Conduct of the King for it; and gave order to John Godfrey, Esq and Sieur du Richard, to go to him, and desire him, in their names, to accept the Commission; which Sieur Godfrey did the next morning, going to Sieur de la Leu, who accepted of it, and agreed, that if there were any hopes on the King's side to obtain a Peace under good Conditions, he would within a day send a Trumpet, if under passable, and not too advangeous, a Drum; and if he could not obtain anything, he would not send either one, or the other; but when he had run the adventure of losing his life, he returned to the City, giving them an account of what he had done.  
This being agreed upon, and reported by the said Godfrey to the Mayor, and Council of War, they ordered that de la Leu should go from the City on Tuesday morning, by six a Clock, whilst people were at Church, that he might not be observed by any person, fearing that if they saw him go out, his Enemies would stir up the people against him, to do him some mischief; and in the mean time to make show of good news, and gave out, that there should be given a Chain of Gold to the said Vidault, to the end, that that being reported in the King's Camp, the management of 1628. May. that they had projected might be the more advantageously acted.  
Before the Mayor dismissed the Council, he made them all take an Oath upon the Bible, that they would not either directly or indirectly buy any Provisions whilst the English Army should be at the Head of the Bay, fearing that that would discover to the people, that the said English Army (finding themselves too weak to force the Digue, and enter the City with relief) would retire, and leave them as a Prey; and thereby not only hinder the Treaty which they desired to have by the means of Sieur de la Leu, but even put all the City into a Consternation.  
On Tuesday, at the hour designed, the Sieur de la Leu went away unobserved, save by a very few, and about three in the Evening (whether it was from his Intercession, as he had promised, or from other cause, is not known) a Trumpet presented himself at the Fort Tadon, but one of the Captains that commanded there, caused them to shoot at him, without suffering him to finish his sounding, or a Drummer his beating, whose Drum he broke; nor did they advertise the Mayor of their coming, he and many others being full of wrath against the Mayor, and Council, for not communicating to them the Letter, nor tell them why they had sent Sieur de la Leu out of the Town; they came even so high, as to accuse them of designing by him to make a particular Peace for themselves, and abandon the rest to the mercy and discretion of their Enemies, insomuch, that they were constrained to insinuate something of the Letter to some of the most enraged, for they cried, that they believed that Godfrey had done it, and that 1628. May. it was signed by Bragneau and Gobert, before their departure; and that it was an Artifice to destroy them, to save themselves: But Thursday in the Evening, when the English Army set sail, it appeared but too soon what the Letter was, and that those Opiniastres had prejudiced themselves by their too much curiosity, and little confidence in them that laboured more for their good, than for their own; whereof some repent, and acknowledged their fault, when it was more than time.  
So soon as the said Vidault was come into Rochel, the Mayor caused Signals by Fire to be made from the Towers of S. Nicholas, of the Chain, and from the Lantern, to advertise the English Army of his arrival; and in the morning, they fixed Ensigns upon the said Towers, which were to remain there until the English Army should return into England.  
The 15th, the English sent a Fireship, full of Fireworks, in the fashion of Petards, into the King's Fleet, to set fire on them; but taking fire before its time, the Fireship, and those that were in it, perished miserably, without any being saved.  
The 18th, betwixt two and three a Clock Afternoon, the English Fleet set sail for England, having been eight days in the Road, at the Head of the Bay, without making any attempt, or Essaying to send any relief into Rochel, which greatly dejected the Rochellers, and put them in great pain and perplexity; nevertheless they resolved to suffer the greatest Extremity, before they would render, and to that end, bought one of another all sorts of Provisions; and that they might hold out the longer, retrenched their Ordinary to the moiety of that which they had accustomed to eat; 1628. May. and above all, the Bread, which they began now to weigh.  

This following is a Relation composed by the Sieur Gobert.  
THe same day that the English Army set sail, the Sieur Bragneau and Gobert 〈◊〉 ●n the morning the assembling of all the French Captains aboard Sieur Bragneau, and upon the reso●●tion that the English Fleet had taken to set sail fo● E●gland, without being prevailed with to the contrary, by all the Remonstrances, Prayers, and Supplications that they could make to give th●m their assistance, for facilitating the entry of the Ships into Rochel with relief, it was judged necessary, and was agreed upon, with the unanimous consent of all, that the Sieur Gobert should presently take the Pinnace of Captain Guillet, to carry him with all diligence into England, to represent un o● the King the small endeavours that his Naval Army had made, and the eminent danger that it l●ft Rochel in, to the end that it might please his Majesty to remedy it: Sieur Gobert accepted of it, and the Wind being favourable, arrived the 22th present at the Isle of Wight; from thence he went to Portsmouth and took Post for London, where being, arrived, he immediately waited upon the Duke of Soubize, to whom having given an account of what had passed in his Voyage, and of the return of the English Fleet, without having done any thing, they went together to carry the ill news to the Duke of Buckingham, who seemed to resent it very much, and carried them presently to the King, to whom Sieur Gobert giving a particular Relation of all, 1628. May. he was thereat very much concerned, and enquired what was the cause of his Fleet making so speedy a return, before having first fought, and relieved Rochel: And then taking Sieur Gobert by the hand, ●ed him to a Window, and leaning upon his shoulder, weeping, reiterated to him the same demand, in these words, What cause have my people had to retreat, and to abandon this poor City? To which he answered, that he knew none, save a Panic Fear which seized them, upon an uncertain noise of a Spanish Naval Fleet ready to come to those Coasts of France, and the fear they had of running the adventure of losing their Ships. His Majesty at this being moved more than before, stepping three or four paces back said, What, are my Ships made to fear, and not to hazard themselves in Fight? and immediately commanded the Duke of Buckingham to call the ●ouncil, which was presently done, where Sieur Gobert being called, and enquired of what day the Fle●t arrived before Rochel, what Fight it had been constrained to make, how many slain, and what damage it had received there: He declared, that the Fleet arrived before the City the Eleventh, and for Fights they had had none, the King of Frances Fleet retreating near the Digue; but that only from the Land, and the Points which advanceth, the Admiral had received from the Batteries which are there a Canonshot, without so much as hurting any Person: Upon which, the King and Council resolved to dispatch a Gentleman, with Sieur Gobert, in the same Vessel that brought him, to the English Fleet, wherever it should be, with express Command to the Earl of Denby, to return, and come to Anchor in the Road of Rochel, and to expect there the Aid that he was 1628. May. further preparing for the City; and at the same time commanded the Sieur Gobert to write a Letter to those of Rochel, advising them, not to be astonished at the retreat of his Fleet without doing any thing, for that he would prepare them a puissant succour, which he assured them would relieve them. In brief, that he would lose the Moiety of his Kingdom, rather than suffer them to perish; which Sieur Gobert did write, in the presence of all the Council: and the King having signed it, it was sent by an Express to those of the City. After which, the abovesaid Gentleman, and Gobert, took Post for Portsmouth, where being arrived, they embarked in the said Pinnace, endeavouring to meet the English Fleet, as they did, the fourth day after their departure from Portsmouth, on the Coast of Cornwall, but for the most part already dissipated, there not being more than four or five Men of War with the Admiral, all the rest being retired to the nearest Harbours in England; nevertheless they went aboard the Admiral, and presented to the Earl of Denby the Packet they had to him from the King and Council, and the Commands of his Majesty to return to the Coast of France: To which he answered, that that was altogether impossible for him to do, because his Fleet was dissipated, and his Victuals for the most part consumed; and continuing his course, he came to Anchor betwixt the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth.   
The English Fleet thus retreated, and the Rochellers notwithstanding resolving to stand out, they made choice of Sieur Grosetiere, a Gentleman of Poictue, to go into England, to advertise the King of Great Britain, and their Deputies, of their condition 1628. May. and necessities, and hasten relief. He parted the 21th, and was the Messenger of this Letter.  
The Rochellers Letter to the King of Great Britain, dated the 28th of May, 1628.  
SIR;  
WE are assured that the Image of our Miseries have prevented our Complaints, and that your Serene Majesty having a sensible impression of them in your Spirit, these cannot fail of a favourable Audience from a Heart so generous and great as yours: Sir, you have vowed us your Grace, and promised us Deliverance; you have also taken Arms, to force them to keep the Public Faith of Treaties, that they have deposited with you; but your People, Sir, have abandoned us, contrary to your Magnanimous and most faithful Instructions, your General not daring to breathe near, nor look upon the danger of the glorious execution of your Sacred Word. What sort of Excess or Prodigy can it be, that hath ●o conspired against the Dignity of your Name, and the Condition of our poor Country? Sir, we speak to you with Tears in our Eyes, glasp●d Hands, Hearts struck thorough with many Wounds, whilst we have the Honour of remaining under the condition of your Protection. When things were well with us, we despised the Counsel of our Friends; and, if we may so express it, the Respects of our Native Country, even until all is lost; let us find at least (if you please) Sir, in your Justice, that which we have now no more means of recovering 1628. May. by the Clemency of the King our Sovereign. God hath furnished us yet with life and vigour enough, though with Wounds altogether fresh and bleeding, to expect your relief, yet one Month more: Let your Majesty second this Miracle, and to your Immortal Glory see us raised, and the Churches of this Kingdom restored, who without your aid cannot expect less than the stroke of the Knife that iss held so near our Throats. Behold, Sir, our most humble and most ardent Supplications, or to express it better in one word, it is our Testament, which we shall leave written upon your Throne, before Heaven and Earth, for a Memorial to Posterity, of the most strange and memorable Desolation that an Innocent people ever suffered; the incomparable occasion whereof, may ever serve to sum up the Might and Puissance of a great King, as you. Pardon, Sir, to Women, little Children, Mothers and Fathers, dragged together to the same punishment, if they cannot speak at this time but with cutting words, the face of dying persons is always frightful, but the anguish of Death shall never make us deny to be for all this, your Serene Majesties,  
Rochel, May 18. 1628. SIR, Most humble and most obedient Servants, the Mayor, Sheriffs, Councillors, Peers, Burghers, and Inhabitants of Rochel; and for all Guitton, Mayor.   
1628. June. 
JUNE.  
The first of June, in the night, the Rochellers sent out two Shalloops, one full of Fireworks, and the other a Fireship, to blow up some of the Vessels of the Palisade, to the end to make way for the Galliots which they were to send into England; but having set fire too soon, one, wherein were the Fireworks, flew in pieces, before her arrival at the Palisade, and the other run ashore toward Portneuf, which obliged the Galliots to return into the City.  
The same day, about six or seven in the morning, the Sieur Tallement came into Rochel, as well about some Affairs of his own, as to sound the Rochellers, if they would come to a Treaty; but making no advance in it, returned in the Evening.  
The same day the Sieur Grandzy, Colonel of a Regiment of light Horse, came to the Port Coin, demanding to speak with the Mayor, or with some on his behalf: Immediately the Sieurs Pro●, Pierre Toupet, Defos, and Mosquay, were nominated by the Council, to whom he offered, on the behalf of Monsieur Bassompier (as having Power from the King) to do all he could for procuring them a good Peace; they answered him, speaking in the Name of all the Body, and following their Instructions, that they desired to remain under the Obedience they own the King, but that they could do nothing before they had communicated it to their Deputies in England, the Duke of Rohan, and the Churches; so that after returning most humble thanks to Monsieur Bassompier, they supplicated him to mediate for them to the King 1628. June. for necessary Passports, and in the mean time permission for some competent Provisions to come into the City, that during the Negotiation, they might spare their Magazines. After this Answer he parted, promising to return the next day in the morning, to bring them an Answer; which he also did, and declared to them, that the King would not receive their Propositions, but that his will was, that they should submit to an Entire Obedience; to which it was told him, that the City could not understand that, and that they would rather expect such Event as it should please God to give them; and so they separated.  
The 7th, with the Night-tide, betwixt ten and eleven in the Evening, the Rochellers sent out a Galliot to cross the Palisade; which he found impossible for him to do, because those of the Pollisade kept good Guards with their Galliots, and pursued him unto the Haven, making a great many Canonshot at him.  
The 10th, in the morning, at the opening of the Port S. Nicholas, entered the Sieur de la Land du Lac, coming from England, bringing a Letter from the King of Great Britain, signed Charles Rex, dated the 19th of May, old stile; directed to the Mayor, Sheriffs, Peers, Burghers, and Inhabitants of the City of Rochel, without having any from their Deputies, which caused great jealousy in the Rochellers, they not being able to believe that the King had writ, because their Deputies, who were near his Person, did not advise of it; by which Letter he gave them an assurance of a puissant succour within a few days, and of his good will towards them, and concern for them, exhorting them to be of good courage; and that in a short 1628. June. time they should ●e● themselves delivered. The Letter is as followeth.  
Gentlemen,  
BE not discomforted, though my Fleet be returned, hold out unto the last, for I am resolved that all my Fleet she'll perish rather than you should not be relieved, and to this end I have countermanded it, and have s●nt Ships to make them change their design that they had taken to come back: I shall shortly send you some number of Ships to reinforce it, and with the help of God, the success will be happy for your Deliverance.  
May 19 N. Stile. Your good Friend, CHARLES R.  
A Messieurs les Maire, Eschevin, etc.  
The 15th, the Rochellers writ this Letter to their Deputies in England, as well to let them understand th●ir necessity's, as to cause them to hasten the succours.  
A Letter from the Rochellers to their Deputies in England.  
Gentlemen,  
This is the seventh since our last perplexity; and is to press you, being on our parts strangely pressed, and almost oppressed even to that degree, that our total loss seems not far off, if you come not readily to relieve us: We have Provisions but for one Month, to reckon 1628. June. from this day, notwithstanding the best order that we can take: there is already many Families in horrible extremity, and who live only of Herbs, yet nevertheless, we hope by the help of God, to draw out our lives until the middle of July; and do you raise Arguments from hence, for your pressing with diligence and importunity, without end, his Serene Majesty, from whom (notwithstanding our extreme necessity, and the Artifice which men have used) it hath not been in any kind possible to divide us. Some days passed they made us new Invitations to Treat, but having demanded Pass▪ ports for sending to his Majesty, and the Duke of Rohan, upon the refusal thereof the Treaty is broke. Fail not to represent this to him, as also the confidence that we put in his Royal Word, which next to God is our only support. We promise ourselves as much his relief, as we know the facility to it is certain; and if the Earl of Denby had desired it, he had infallibly carried away the Palisade: Now our fear is, that if they there delay, they will not here be guilty of neglect, but finish the Digue by Mason's work: If the Count had stayed, he had famished the King's Camp, and maintained in us a strong hope, as also the Affairs of the Duke of Rohan in great Reputation; you know how to make your Conjectures. To conclude, Gentlemen, we send you these words of Consolation, that God in mercy hath revived us more than ever in this Common Calamity, we being all resolved to expect speedily from you an assured Life, or to take Death patiently, rather than survive the loss of 1628. June. our Religion, Country, and the butchery of our Families. These are from,  
Messieurs, Your most affectionate servants, the Mayor, Sheriffs, Councillors, Peers and Burghers, and for all, Guitton, Mayor. Rochel, June 5. 1628.  
This Week some Soldiers killed Horses, and sold the Flesh for Beef, at ten or eleven Sols the pound; but being discovered, they were imprisoned for it, because they were not then reduced to eat such Meat, having yet Beef, Mutton, and Poultry, which they sold publicly.  
The ●1th, in the morning, there came to Rochel from England a Soldier called lafoy Paillette, bringing a Letter from the King of Great Britain, dated the ●7th of May, old stile, sealed with the Arms of England, subscribed, Your good Friend, Charles R. and another from our Deputies, writ at Plymouth, the ninth of June, the tenure of which confirmed that of Sieur de la Land du Lac; as also did that brought by another Gentleman, called S. Martin, who arrived the 24th, about eleven or twelve in the Evening, sealed with the King's Seal, and red Wax, subscribed your good Friend, Charles R. which is as followeth.  
Gentlemen,  
I Have been troubled to hear that my Fleet was upon the point of returning, without answering my Commands, which was, to force the entry of your Provisions, 1628. June. whatever came of it, and have given new Orders to return into your Road, and not stir, until it hath relieved you with Victuals, or that I have sent them an additional strength, for which I have caused men to work with all diligence: Be assured that I will never abandon you, and that I will employ all the force of my Kingdom for your deliverance, until it please God to bless me with giving you an assured Peace.  
Given at our Palace of Westminster, May 27. 1628. old stile. Gentlemen, Your good Friend, CHARLES R.  
During this time, the Digue was made by Stonework every day stronger than other, and was advanced in such sort on both sides, that there remained but a little Channel to shut, where passed the Current of the Tide; and this Channel was filled from one end to the other with Vessels and Engines: besides that, there was before the Digue a Palisade of floating Vessels, anchored and tied one to another by great Cables, and Chains of Iron, which rose and fell with the Sea, as it came in, and went out, with many Engines and Candlesticks, (an Engine called so, because made in the form of a Candlestick,) to the end that their intanglement might render the access more difficult and perilous for those that would undertake to force it, and enter Rochel.  
At this time died in the City the Sieur de Loudriere, of a Burning Fever, and was honourably interred, according as his Rank and Quality of Chief Justice required.   
1628. July. 
JULY.  
About the end of this Month, and beginning of July, they began to kill Horses, Asses, Mules, Dogs, Cats, and other such Creatures, the F●●●h of which was sold for ten and eleven Sols the pound: that of Horseflesh was above all savoury, there being little difference betwixt it and Se●f. In the mean time, the Famine so increased, every one reserving to themselves their Provisions, that the greatest part were in great want, and Bread failing, they had recourse to Brazil Sugar, Dregs, Colworts Frigased, with a little Tallow, and such other nourishment: A little before, and above a● when the English shown themselves at the Head of the Bay, in the Month of May, the Mayor and h●s Council caused more than two hundred Hogsheads of Pilchers, which were a little spoiled, ●o be cast away, for fear they should bring a Contagion in the City, believing they should have ●o need of them, succours being at their Gates; but in this necessity, they would have been of ●reat use: for want of other Victuals, the people scattered themselves upon the Fens, where t●e Salt-pans were, to make War with Eels and other little Fishes, and on the Coast to fish for Cockles, and after that eat all sorts of Herbs, as Purslain, Savage, Sampire, water caltrop's, good and bad, boiling them in two or three waters▪ to take away the bitterness and ill taste and filled themselves with them. In the end, they sell on Leather Hides, and every thing that they could steep and boil, and cutting them into little morsels, they sold them in the Tripe-Market, making Frigases of them, with a little Tallow and Water in the 1628. July. Stewing-pan; others did it with Jelly and Sugar: from this time the Famine increased exceedingly.  
Besides other Evils with which the City found itself pressed, ill Diet begot in many a Disease in the Mouth which caused the Gums to rot, a shortness of breath, the Jaws black, and by little and little killed those that were infected with it, being such, or very near it, as they call the Scurvy, which is but too well known to those that make long Voyages by Sea, when their Victuals corrupt. At first there was many died of this Disease; but a Physician of the City, called Mathias Goyer, a knowing and experienced man in his Art, advised a Remedy which they had used in another sickness successfully, and found the same as to this: It was Mustard in Herbs, of which the Hillocks in the Fens afforded as great quantities as was needful, the which they bruised in a Mortar, and mingled it with White-Wine, and gave the quantity of an ordinary Glass thereof in the morning fasting; and though this Medicine neither wrought by Stool, or Urinal, or caused any other effects which appeared, it nevertheless healed infallibly in eight or ten days. At first some would have concealed this Remedy for the Physician's profit, as indeed it was enough to have made him rich; but he said he would not make the Public Calamity the means of his inrichment; and that, since God as by Inspiration had discovered this secret to him, he would give the Receipt of it gratis to every one, as he also did, and therein merited much from the Public, and saved the lives of a multitude of people. As to the Gout, Gravel, and other such sicknesses, there was then none heard of.  
The second of July was seen on the side of Estre, 1628. July. and from de la Lieu, many Horse and Foot in Battle, which troubled much the Rochellers; but in the Evening they knew it was the mustering of the Army.  
The eighth, there came to the Port of Coin a Drum, which brought a Letter to the Mayor from Cardinal Richelieu, demanding the Rendition of the City. Those that were at the Guard made scruple of receiving it; but having advertised the Mayor of it, he came accompanied with those of his Council, to whom he read the Letter; and then said with a loud voice to the Drummer (to the end that all those that were there might understand the Answer he gave) That they were not upon the point of Rendering or Treating, and that they had Provisions beyond what they were made believe; besides, that within eight or fifteen days they hoped to be relieved both by Sea and Land from England, and that they had no other Answer to give.  
The 10th, John du Mont, called lafoy Rose, a Native of Bourdeaux, being well known in the City, where he had a long time sojourned, but had been gone from thence some years for ill behaviour, being come from the Camp, was Convicted of a Conspiracy; and besides that he had been suspected from his arrival, there was a Letter writ from Mantaubon to the Duchess of Rohan giving advice to seize his Person; which being done, they found about him a Table-Book which Convicted him: They stuck not to give him the ordinary and extraordinary Rack, to know if he had not Complices, but he accused no body; yet upon the Gibbet exhorted the Rochellers very much, not to rely upon any Promises or Capitulations that might be proposed to them, telling them, that he knew they 1628. July. would not be kept, and that their ruin was determined, whatever it cost, which occasioned the death of many people.  
The 14th, with the Evening-tide, and betwixt two and three after Dinner, the Digue was beat upon with a very great and impetuous South-East-wind, in such sort, as it was almost totally overturned, the Ships walled up, removed from their place, the Engines and Bridges broken to pieces, and part of the Wrack drive within the Chain, with a Bark of 25 or 30 Tun, which greatly rejoiced the Rochellers, and kept them in good hopes, that thence forward the like Storms, and ill weather, would undo more in one Tide, than they could remake in many Months.  
The same day an Artisan, called Pierre du Bourg, fled hither some years since for refuge, was hanged in the Castle-yard, for holding Intelligence with the Besiegers, and was discovered by his own Son of eleven or twelve years old, whose Innocency he made use of to carry his Letters to a certain place, whither those without came for them. Upon the Rack he accused divers Inhabitants, but at the Gibbet confessed, that the torment of the Rack made him say more than he knew, and that they were Innocent of that which he had laid to their Charge: This saved them, otherwise they had run the same Adventure as he, their Process being already well advanced.  
The 24th, the Deputies in England seeing that the preparations that were made for the relief of Rochel went but slowly forward, made to the King sitting in his Council a free and pressing Harangue, by Sieur Vincent, as followeth.  
1628. July. 
The Harangue of Sieur Vincent to the King of Great Britain, drawn out of Sieur Vincent's own Journal.  
JULY. SIR,  
THe griefs and sorrows which oblige us to ●o ●ll the Ears of your Majesty, and to reiterate them so often, aught to be most extreme: Behold us now, Sir, at your Feet, to wash them with our Tears, and we wish we do not in a little time come to sigh out our last breath with the news of the dissolution of our poor City. We know not, Sir, how to conceal it, the sense we have of its being at its last gasp, puts us into despair, seeing that the succours which your Majesty hath made us hope would be ready, hath been deferred from day to day, for many Weeks together. Sir, the City of Rochel did by us beg of you to receive them into your Protection, and you as solemnly agreed to it, and since that they have had at divers times all the assurances possible, as well from your own mouth, as the Hand of your Majesty, that you would never abandon them; and accordingly, by a Miracle of Constancy, they have held out hitherto (a whole year) contending with the horrors of a most ghastful Famine, that they might thereby give leisure to your Majesty to send them the succours you pleased to promise them; and thus constant were they, even when all Europe believed they ought to have despaired, in that after having had relief, as they thought, several days in their sight, it returned without effecting or attempting any thing: and though our Enemies 1628. July. have taken occasion from thence to make them divers Propositions of Accommodation, which the extremity of their necessities seemed to counsel the harkening unto, yet they chose rather to run the hazard of their perpetual destruction, than to be wanting in the least to the promises that we had sworn for them to your Majesty, or to show the least diffidence of yours. After all this, Sir, shall it be recorded in the History of your Reign, that they perished in your hands, without reaping any other fruit of the good will your Majesty hath professed towards them, or of the assurance they have therein relied upon, than the rendering them irreconcilable to their King, from whom otherwise they might have found Grace. Pardon, Sir, this, from a People that finds themselves upon the Threshold of their Sepulchers, if they cannot avoid sighs that may be undecent in your presence. It is ordinary with those that are near their end, to finish their lives with groans; and such will be our case, if after the precedent neglects, there follows the least delay. In the Name of God, Sir, whilst there is yet resting to us any Breath, and before we totally expire, command that your succours be hastened to our assistance; and provided that diligence be yet used, we will remain Caution to your Majesty, with the peril of our Heads, that they will arrive time enough to save us. And as to the impossibility that some will suggest to be in it, permit us, we beseech you, Sir, to tell you freely, that that Opinion proceeds either from fear, or want of affection; and that besides the contrary Report that some unsuspected have made, thereof to your Majesty. It is not tobe thought that our City, 1628. July. who is within sight of the Digue, and Palisade, and Carriage of her Cannon, would send time after time to beg your assistance, if they knew it would be unprofitable to them; and having every day offers of advantageous Conditions to Treat upon, if they would hearken to it for themselves alone, they could be so imprudent as to neglect the opportunity. But we are ready, if it please your Majesty to permit it, to take upon us the first Adventure of the execution, to the end to justify the sincerity of our proceed to all the World; and that it may not be imputed to us, that we are prodigal of the blood of your Majesty's Subjects to ill purpose, or that we will spare our own: No, Sir, there is no impossibility in the case, as is feigned; but the only cause of our fears proceeds from the continual neglects from one day to another, and from one Week to the next, which make our hopes recoil. After thereturn of your Fleet, we comforted ourselves with the promise that was made us from your Majesty, that it should set sail again within fifteen days; and when more than twenty were passed, they added thereunto fourteen: After that, divers other neglects, in such sort, as make up now two Months complete. Good God, Sir, time seems long with them that have not Bread; we know well the good Inclinations that your Majesty hath for us; as also we have had most certain proofs of the Duke of Buckingham (your High-Admiral) passionate applying himself for us, and the same of the Lords of your Council; but shall we not be excusable, if seeing the effects crossed by delays, we entertain jealousies that your Majesty is not well served, and that there is some hidden 1628. July. hand which obstructs that which the zeal of others endeavour to advance. It is ordinary with men in misery to be suspicious, and possibly we are injuriously so; and indeed we do not know any person upon whom to determine our diffidence, nor do we intent the calling to mind any thing that is passed; for for ever, Sir, may that remain buried in perpetual Oblivion: and as for the time to come, let those at least to whom your Majesty shall give your Commands, answer your kindness to us with their affection and diligence, in putting your Fleet to Sea without any more delay, for delivering us out of the Jaws of Death. If upon this occasion, Sir, you discern those that serve you faithfully from others (if there be any such) let your Majesty hold it indisputable (if it please you) that all those, who under any pretext whatsoever, shall counsel the least neglect, do it from an evil intention, there being none that are ignorant of the horrible necessities of our City, and that one day of delay may be its ruin: Have consideration thereof, Sir, we beseech you, by the tears and pitiful cries of more than twelve thousand languishing Souls, whom Hunger devours, and who are all ready to perish by the interest of more than a Million of others, who without doubt will see themselves buried under our Ruins, and will find the Knife at their Throats the next day after we are lost: By the glory of your Sceptre, under the Sanctuary of which we are come to put ourselves, and which it hath pleased you to tender us for our security; by the Magnificent Title of Defender of the Faith, which obligeth your Majesty to relieve those that are oppressed out of a hatred to it: In ●ine, by the Faith and Word of a King, which it 1628. July. hath pleased you in grace and favour to engage to us; Permit not, Sir, our Innocent Blood to reflect upon your Crown, to slain it, to Ages that shall succeed you, and at present to cry against your Majesty before God and Men. This is that, Sir, which our Consciences, and the duty we own to our afflicted Fellow-Citizens obligeth us to represent again unto your Majesty, in whose Charity, Magnanimity, Piety, and inviolable Fidelity we have such confidence, that we assure ourselves you will take this in good part, and into convenient consideration. And now, seeing that all our supplications tend to the making your Fleet (without delay) set sail, and that to that end your presence at Portsmouth is so absolutely necessary, that without it we can scarce hope for any success, we are forced to take the boldness to supplicate in all humility the putting in execution the resolution you have taken to go thither: And now, Sir, we fall upon our knees before your Majesty, with most ardent prayers and cries to God, that it will please him to make us find more and more favour in your sight; and that even we who now supplicate you, and are come to render to you our most humble acknowledgement, as our Great Deliverer, from whom, after God, we hold our goods, honours, and lives, may have cause to leave the memory of our Deliverance to our Children, to the end they may Celebrate it after us.  
The 27th of July, the Duchess of Rohan caused two of her Coach-Horses to be killed, as well for her own eating, as for the nourishment of her Family: besides (her necessity, whereof she was sensible) it was an example to others to suffer the utmost extremity, rather than to render the City.  
1628. July. At this time the necessity, which was horrible, obliged divers to seek ways and means to pass the Line, others to scatter themselves in Vineyards, to gather even but Verges, Grapes, and some to render themselves willingly. It was now published in the Camp, upon pain of death, not to suffer them to approach the Line, nor to take Prisoners any that should come out of Rochel, but by Musquet-shot force them to return within their Counterscarp and Ports, from whence many were killed, choosing rather to finish their lives by a Musquet-Bullet, than to return home to die there miserably of Famine: And many Women and Maids of the common people, going into the Vineyards, were violated, and beaten with Forks, and shafts of Halberds; then stripped as naked as when they came from the Wombs of their Mothers, and so sent back to the City; and in this sort I have seen some return: But to meet them, other Women went to carry them Gard-robes, and Cloaks to cover their nakedness.    

AUGUST.  
The third of August the Sieur Fequiere (who had been Prisoner in the Tower of Moureil seven or eight Months) acquainted the Mayor by his Guards, that he desired to speak with him, or some from him, to the end to see if there were no way for coming to an Accommodation, or Treaty of Peace. He immediately sent the Sieurs Viette and Defos, who having heard his Propositions, made presently report thereof to the Mayor, and his Council; but they found it in many things very difficult, and above all, who they should depute towards the King, which they judged of too great 1628. Aug. consequence, for fear that the noise of a Treaty being spread, it should hinder their relief: besides that, la Rose's words at his death, for not trusting to Articles, had made great impressions upon the spirits of men; and so the thing went no further.  
The eighth of August, upon▪ a Remonstrance made the day before by Sieur Paul Mervault, Master of the Artillery, to the Mayor and Council of War, that he found no Bullets in the Magazine for Culverines' and Bastards, and that to undertake to cast more (as they had done three Months before) was time and money lost, for that they knew not the secret of the Mould. It was published through all the parts of the City, that all those that had Bullets proper for the said Pieces, should bring them to the Master of the Artillery, who should pay for them seven Livres ten Scus per quintal, which furnished the said Pieces in some small kind, because those that had any brought them to him. The same day divers Seamen of the City went over to the Camp, being debauched, and had been sent into the City to pervert them. This caused the Mayor to proclaim through the several quarters of the City, that all Seamen that should be taken going to the Camp, should be immediately hanged upon the place; and after this we heard not of any that went away.  
The ninth of August, the Sieur Ferriere, Councillor, who commanded that day as Captain at the Port of Coin, as also with him Sieur Desmartes went very early in the morning, as if they walked out, and rendered themselves to the Fort Beaulieu: Those that were on the Guard at the said 1628. Aug. Port, perceiving them near the Fort, could not do other than make some shot at them, but did not touch them. The cause of their retreat was this, the Sieur de la Tourvert, Son of Sieur de Fleura, a Gentleman of Augoumois, was killed in a particular Quarrel in the Castle yard, as he walked there: The Lieutenant Criminal, upon the complaint made to him thereof, decreed the taking of the Body, and judging the case; but the Mayor, and Council of War, being advertised thereof, would have the Cognisance of the business, because both the Murdered and Murderer were people drawn thither by the War, and Siege. Upon this they contested, and each made their Party; but the Mayor prevailing, the Assistant of the Judge Criminal, with three or four others of the Seat of Justice, gave a secret Sentence against him, and the Council of War condemned them in twelve thousand Livres penalty, payable by any one of them for the whole, his remedy reserved against the others. Of this Sentence, there were four Exemplifications to remain by each one of them, shut up and hid in a place the most secret they could devise, reserving the execution unto the relief or change of the condition of the City. It came to pass some time after, that the Assistant upon some suspicion (though nevertheless could not be proved) was made Prisoner, and his Papers seized, among which was found this Sentence, which was the thing that moved these two Councillors to leave the City; but it wanted little of bringing them into a Burning Fever; for being presented to the King's Council, it made ill for them, for that being Officers they remained in the City, from whence it was concluded 1628. Aug. that they came away from necessity, and not from affection to the service of the King; so that they ran a great hazard of not having the relief that Monsieur Thoiras had promised them: but having a great kindness for Monsieur Desmartes, he obtained of Cardinal Richelieu the referring of them to the Marshal Schomberg, who some time after took their Parol. As to the fourth Judge, who was John Ogier, Sieur of Moriniers, he left not the City, finding himself supported by a number of Friends and Soldiers, whom he had commanded as Campmaster of a Regiment, insomuch that without difficulty he made his agreement; and as to the Assistant Criminal, he remained in Prison until the reduction of the City.  

This following Narrative is taken out of the Relation of Sieur Veronneau.  
THe tenth of August, the Sieur de la Fitte (Serjeant-Major to Meilleraye's Regiment) together with Sieur de Delos, (Lieutenant of a Company in the same Regiment) sent out between eight and nine in the morning a Drum, who demanded, on the behalf of two Gentlemen, without naming them, if they might have half an hours discourse with Sieur de la Gout, Honorary Advocate to the King, and Sieur Peter Toupet. The Guard of Maubec, who received the Drum, brought him to the Mayor's House, where the Council was assembled, and the Drummer having told them the cause of his coming, they demanded of the Sieur de la Gout, and Toupet, who those were that enquired after them, and if they knew 1628. Aug. what they desired of them. The one and the other finding themselves surprised by this question, asked leave to go and see who it was, and speak to them; and to the end that the Council might be informed of all that might be said and done, during their discourse, they chose from among themselves, of the Council, Benjamin Veronneau Advocate, to assist at the said Conference; which being begun with embracements, made particularly by the said Sieur de la Fit of the said de la Gout, and Toupet, with whom he had had long acquaintance, Sieur de la Fit began to speak in this sort: Gentlemen, the King being most well informed of your Fidelity towards him, and that you have the Flower de Luce's so impressed upon your hearts, that you have rejected all the Propositions that men could make you, for shaking off his Dominion, to serve another Prince, is the sole subject of our Message. Cardinal Richelieu, who knoweth that I have some Acquaintance in your City, hath commanded me to endeavour to confer with some of you upon the subject of your misery, to the end to prevent your ruin, which you seem to affect, by not seeking to your Prince (who is altogether good) for his Grace, when he would never refuse it you, if you humble yourselves to him: He knows that your Famine is great, that your Houses are already full of dead Bodies for want of Bread, that the voice of dying persons sounds in your Streets, and that those that have been most provident are not furnished until the first of September; it is your duty to save rather those that are remaining, than to lose them, because they which remain are the most considerable; scarcity begun with the lowest sort, most subject to Rebellion; he had rather have your Hearts, than your Walls; and be assured, that if you are once reduced to his 1628. Aug. service, you will not any more departed from it. You believe, or suspect, that the King will take away your Religion, and that the Cardinal will persuade the banishing it the Kingdom; you are mistaken, the King would be most easy, would you have confidence in him, and desires to win you with sweetness, without using violence. The experience of times passed doth sufficiently demonstrate to France, that Religion is not to be planted with the Sword, and that it's God alone that inclines the Heart, and illuminates the Understanding with his knowledge. Think of it then whilst there is time, and perish not, expecting Bread from England; those People think not of you, and if they should have a desire to secure you, they will not now be able to do it: The King hath a powerful Sea-Army to destroy all the force they can bring, and the Digue is in such a condition, that the English will not dare to hazard the breaking of it with their Ships: I pray you, gentlemans, have pity of yourselves.  
This Discourse being received with Applause by the aforesaid Sieurs de la Gout, Toupet, and Veronneau, after a short Discourse full of Thanks, they acknowledged their desire of entering into the favour of their Prince, and that they were come thither to hear the Propositions and Overtures that would be made, that they might report them to the Council, and of their own good Intentions, they might assure his Majesty, the Cardinal, and the Lords of the Council; and most earnestly entreated the said Sieurs de la Fit, and de Delos, to impart to them the Propositions: To which they answered; they could not do that, having no order therein; but if the Inhabitants of the City would enter into a Treaty, it behoved them to do it with the Cardinal, who would be at the Fort de la Fons 1628. Aug. when they should desire it; and that he might be near at hand, if they would give security for his coming within the Portcullis of the Port Coin, he would not refuse it; provided, that as caution for his Person, they would give a competent number of the most qualified Citizens to remain as Hostages, during the said Treaty: And after this, the said Sieurs de la Fit, and de Delos, delivered divers Propositions, but, as they said, without Commission. The first was, that since the Rochellers would not upon any account whatever renounce their obedience to France, according as they had testified to those that would have drawn them to it, they ought to cherish the Honour of their Prince, and treating with him, give some marks of their submission to his Majesty: That Subjects ought not (in any time) to think to treat with their King as Equals, especially when he sees them at the last gasp. You ought to think of some Overtures which may content both Parties, such as may evidence the humility of the Rochellers, and advance the glory of their Prince; they should of themselves demolish the Bastion of the Port Coin, which being done, the King will retire without entering the City with any of his Army, either by that way, or any other. To which was replied by Messieur de la Gout, Toupet, and Veronneau, that if all the inhabitants of the City would have as much confidence as they in the bounty of the King, and word of his Principal Ministers, their Proposition might be received; but that the City being composed of persons timorous and fearful, they had no hopes of persuading them that they could be in security against the Army that besieged them, after there should be such a breach in their Walls, 1628. Aug. and begged of them not to believe that they could be so simple, as to make such a Proposition, and much less to make it valid, and strengthen it, by alleging their reasons. After this, the said Sieurs came to a second Overture, which was, that the King should enter the City with two hundred persons by the Port Coin, without going into the Streets; and going along the Ramparts, return by the Port S. Nicholas. This second, as more sweet, was better harkened unto, yet nevertheless not received by the Sieurs de la Gout, Toupet, and Veronneau, who relying upon the knowledge they had of the said Inhabitants, replied, that to demand the entry of the King alone, were as much as to demand the entry of all his Army; for that there is not one in the City, who seeing his Majesty in it, would not think rather to humble themselves before him, and to beg his pardon, than to give order that there should but two hundred persons come in, when upon such an occasion there may be some Lords with the King, who against his good intentions, exceeding the promise given, would do that which he in no wise would have done, persuading the people that they could not have any security in their diffidence of him. This Exception being also judged reasonable, they came to a third Overture, which was, that in all cases to show, as well to the Kingdom, as to Strangers, that the King had the advantage of his Subjects of Rochel, they would demolish one of the three Towers upon the Haven of the City unto the height only of the Walls. This Proposition was found so moderate, that the Sieurs de la Gout, Toupet, and Veronneau answered, that if his Majesty would, be content with the demolishing of all the three Towers, 1628. Aug. and would solely depend thereupon, they would submit thereunto, without expecting more. After this Conference, which was three hours at least, both Parties retired, resolving to report each to their Principals, what had passed in this Interview, endeavouring to bring things to an Accommodation, and to engage in a Treaty. And indeed the Sieurs de la Gout, Toupet, and Veronneau, having in general made report to the Council, (who continued sitting, expecting them) they approved of what had passed, and appointed after Dinner to consider thereof; when after having heard more particularly from the Sieurs de la Gout, Toupet, and Veronneau, what had been propounded, and their Answers, they resolved of engaging in a Treaty; but the manner of it was found so greatly difficult, that in the end, by plurality of Voices, they deferred it some days, to give every one time to consider with himself of the best and convenientest method and means.  
The day after, by order of the Council of War, Sieur Paul Mervalt caused to be put upon the Ports, and the Detachments from the Port Coin, and upon the Casements of the said Ports, upon the Port and Hearse, or Portcullis of Maubec, upon the Ports and Bridge of S. Nicholas, and of the two Mills, 230 great Bullets of Battery, that in case of any attempts to scale the Walls, to cast down upon them that should storm them.  
The 16th of August, betwixt two and three a Clock in the Afternoon, came within a Musquet-shot of the Port Coin a Herald with two Trumpets, to summon the Rochellers to render themselves to the King, to whom no answer was given.   1628. Aug. 
The 21th ditto in the night, the Rochellers sent out by Land a Messenger with this Letter to their Deputies in England; as followeth.  
Gentlemen,  
WE earnestly entreat you not to lose any time, for Famine presseth us. You know we have been long without receiving any relief: the Digue is the most facile in the middle, having nothing there but floating Vessels, and some Engines: The Enemy's Navy consists but in thirty great Ships, the others being small: they have also one Galley and about thirty Shalloops, but ill equipped, not having in all six hundred Seamen. To facilitate the passage, our Fireships are good, and the others for the Mire are better: some men with Hatchets to cut are necessary: We believe you will be courageous in undertaking the execution of the Commands of the King of Great Britain; after God all depends upon you: Be assured, that for our parts we shall do our duty, who are,  
Rochel, Aug. 20. 1628. Gentlemen, Your most affectionate Servants, the Mayor, Sheriffs, Councillors, and Peers of the City of Rochel; and for all, Guitton, Mayor. The Superscription, Messieurs, David, Vincent, Bragneau, Dehinse, and Gobert.  
The 22th the Rochellers received advice, that the Sieur Grossetiere (who had been taken returning from England, whither he was sent to hasten succours) 1628. Aug. had been carried to the King's Camp, to be proceeded against by way of Process; whereupon, besides that from the first news of the taking him, they had writ to the Camp, demanding the having him treated as a Prisoner of War, and to be used in his Quarters, as had been hitherto practised by one to another, declaring, that they should do the same to the Sieur Fiquere, their Prisoner, as they should do to others belonging to them. They writ also to Cardinal Richelieu by a Drummer, who found him at Chatiliers Barlot, whither he was gone for change of Air, because of the Contagion that was in the Army, and delivered him this Letter following.  
The Rochellers Letter to Cardinal Richelieu, in favour of Grossetiere.  
My Lord,  
IT is some time since we understood the taking of the Sieur Grossetiere, a Gentleman gone from hence in the employment of this City, under our Commissions, who passing through one of the Provinces of this Kingdom, was taken, arrested, and brought into the King's Army. We immediately writ thereof to one of the Generals, relying upon the Common Right of War, and of the quarter that hath been always given hitherto by the one to the other; but we now hear this morning, that they pretend to draw up Process against him, and deliver him over to the Court of Justice, to condemn him to Death, as if he were accused of some Crime, as a man without Authority, at which we are most justly concerned, he not having undertaken either Voyage, or any action since this War, but with Commission from us, by which he hath been Authorised: It is therefore 1628. Aug. that we address ourselves finally to you, my Lord, who knows perfectly the intentions of the King, and to manage them with most excellent prudence, and by your Authority to keep men within bounds, contrary to the natural heat of particular persons, to the end to supplicate your Greatness, that the said Sieur Grossetiere may not meet with any evil treatment, who hath not in his Comportment done any thing to be spoke against, having had our Order and Commission for all his Transactions, according as we now certify you; and let it please you, that we dare from your bounty promise ourselves, that by the present Messenger, who is an Express, you will let us know that this Address will not be fruitless, and that you will cure us of the perplexity we are in upon this occasion, and of all troublesome Events which may proceed from this Occurrence. Above all, we remain,  
Rochel, Aug. 22. 1628. Monseigneur, Your most humble and most obedient Servants, the Mayor, Sheriffs, Councillors, Peers, Burghers, and Inhabitants of the City of Rochel, Guitton, Mayor.  
Cardinal Richelieu's Answer to the Rochellers by the same Messenger that carried theirs.  
Gentlemen,  
IAm sorry that your Actions beg not the favour you desire from the bounty of the King, rather than your words; but I am greatly astonished, that hindering 1628. Aug. all the City where you are from receiving the effects of his Majesty's mercy, you seek it upon a particular account, wherein the generality of your Citizens have not any interest; you are not in a state or condition to treat as Equals with your Master, and to desire it is Criminal: Nevertheless, not to augment by this way the number of your faults, I do not know what is the King's pleasure (whose Bounty is infinite) upon the subject of Grossetiere: But this I know, that he cannot receive any punishment that is not less than his demerits. It is your duty to keep those that are in the City, where you are, within the Circuit of your Walls, his Majesty being resolved not to suffer any longer that his Soldiers pass the Line towards Rochel, nor those of Rochel approach the same bounds, and pass unpunished: I advertise you hereof, to the end that none of you be taken by inadvertency. In the mean time, I pray you believe, that I have with passion desired that you may give me cause to evidence my affection, and that I am very glad of an occasion to let you know that I am,  
From Chastellier, Aug. 23. 1628. Gentlemen, Your affectionate Servant, Cardinal Richelieu.  
The 24th ditto, the Rochellers sent a Letter to their Deputies in England of this Tenure.  
Gentlemen,  
WE have expected three Months ago the effects of the excellent Letters that we received from the King of England, but we do not hear by what disaster it is that we remain here miserable, without seeing 1628. Aug. any succours appear: Our Soldiers can do no more, they die of Famine in the Streets, and all our Families are frightened with groans, sighs, indigency, and uncertainties; nevertheless, we shall hold out until the last day: But in the Name of God stay not longer, or we shall perish.  
Rochel, Aug. 24. 1628. Yours, etc.  
The 26th ditto, about eight or nine a Clock in the Evening, the Rochellers sent out by Land an Inhabitant of the City, called Beron, a Watchmaker, as a Messenger into England, to hasten their relief; but being in the King's Quarters at Estre, he was discovered, and as soon taken; and having found by him a Billet in his Doublet behind, betwixt the shoulders, where he had hid it, they condemned him to be hanged, as they did also two others, who went out at the same time.   

SEPTEMBER.  
The 4th of September, the Sieur Arnault, Master of the Camp of the Carrabines of the King, came on behalf of his Majesty to the Port de Coin, to speak to them, making his pretence to be the desire of treating for the exchange of Sieur Fequiere, his Brother-in-law, with the Sieur Grossetiere. Immediately there was sent thither, on behalf of the Mayor and his Council, the Sieurs de Fiefmignou and Riffault, for the Common-Hall, and Defos and Moquay for the Burghers, carrying also with them the Sieur Fiquiere. They remained with him in Conference from eight in the morning, until one in the afternoon, and continued 1628. Septemb. the same Conference the ninth, as also the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth following: and in the end, after these long Debates, it was decreed, that the next day in the morning there should be Deputies sent to Cardinal Richelieu, and to that end were nominated Sieurs Riffault, and Journault, who after having had Passports of the King, went to wait upon the Cardinal at Ronsay, with whom they conferred until the Evening, and then returned to their City, with hopes of obtaining their Peace under Conditions good enough; but the coming of two Natives of the City (viz.) Mesnier and Beaumond, who arrived the same day from England, caused the breaking off of the Treaty, by the assurances they gave that the English Army would be on this Coast with the first favourable weather; the Letter which they delivered to the Mayor being as followeth.  
The Deputies Letter to the Rochellers.  
Gentlemen,  
GOD is our Witness of the anguish of our hearts for the miseries that you suffer, and men shall be the same of our continual endeavours and intercessions with his Majesty, and the Lords of the Council, for hastening your assistance: Hitherto we have been so unhappy, that notwithstanding the excellent inclinations that they have here, and the particular good Offices that the Duke hath done us, we have met with nothing but cross upon cross, ever since the departure of Monsieur Grossetiere, insomuch that their good will cannot be seconded with the diligence promised by them, and which is necessary 1628. Septemb. for you. On the Lord's day there arrived with us the Brother of the deceased Forest with your Letters, the abovesaid Grossetiere having not judged it fit for him to charge himself with them. We cannot tell you how much we have been troubled, finding that which we have ever justly feared: we have always foretold your extreme necessities; to morrow we will present to the Duke that which you have addressed to him, and by his means to his Majesty that which you have writ to him, and read also to them that which you have been pleased to write to us, though they speak enough of it themselves; for so it is, that the Duke of Soubize, and we, do accompany them with the most instant supplications that is possible for us, and with abundance of tears, who show great trouble at the excess of our grief; and his Majesty showing himself extraordinarily concerned, caused at the same time the assembling of his Principal Officers, to dispatch them to the Havens where the preparations were made. In brief, he established all necessary Orders for to make them diligent, and indeed they have the three last days since advanced very much, in such sort, as we have now great hopes, that within fifteen days at furthest, the Fleet will set sail, if God give a favourable season. It goes so well furnished of all things necessary, with so much resolution, carrying a Command so express from his Majesty, to conquer or die, that we hope (by the help of God) for all happy success. In the mean time, because contrary Winds may happen, his Majesty hath thought good, besides six which have been dispatched by us since the return of the Earl of Denby, to send 1628. Septemb. you back this Messenger, to the end, that if the season prove unfavourable, and retards your succours, you shall remain assured, that with the first fair wind you shall not fail of it. Seeing then that things are in this condition, in the Name of God, Gentlemen, continue the Miracles of your Constancy: we know that your necessities cannot be other than frightful, representing to ourselves our Children, who with yours cry out of Hunger; we eat scarce a morsel, that we water not with our tears; but do you retrench all Nutriture, and even to our Children (God knows nevertheless how dear they are to us) and to all such as are not capable of applying themselves to the Common Defence, make of Extreme Necessity a Virtue, in expectation that God will Crown it with his Deliverance. We writ you this with eyes bathed with tears, desiring nothing more than to be with you to bear a part of your Miseries, as we have done of Prosperity: But since the Providence of God hath disposed otherwise of us, we beseech you to have this confidence in our Fidelity, that we shall not spare any labour, until God in his mercy make us to see this work conducted to his end, and your Consolation, and to the confusion of the Enemies of God, and yours. It remains resolved, that one of us will embark with them in the Fleet, but we are in contestation which of us it shall be, each desiring it with passion. We shall yield nevertheless to reason, seeing that we judge it necessary that one of us remain here, and shall agree amicably in this, as we have always done in all other things, after we have weighed that which shall seem most profitable to us: In the 1628. Septemb. mean time we join with you in prayers to God, that he will uphold you by his Power, according as hitherto he hath done; and as we are assured, that all Europe hath at this time their eyes upon you, as an example of the greatest courage and generosity that can be heard of, so that you will continue, in such sort, as Posterity shall also admire you, for not having bowed under the greatest necessity, having surmounted things the most insurmountable. This is the desire and firm assurance of those who are so long as they shall have the least breath of life,  
Gentlemen, Your most humble and most obedient Servants and Deputies, 

J. David,  
Ph. Vincent.   London, July 14. 1628.  
The Sieur Dehinse is at Plymouth, as also the Sieurs Bragneau and Gobert at Portsmouth, where they labour in your business.  
Gentlemen,  
WE add these lines, to tell you in behalf of the Duke, that in case it fall out, that if the first Assault be not accompanied with success, that he hopes you will not doubt but he will make a second, a third, and so on, until he perish, or that he hath relieved you: In the mean time he expects, that if the Wind is such as he can serve you, or in case it turns, and is against him, that you think favourably of him. You must not spare to do on your side all that is possible with your Fireships; we doubt not of your establishing 1628. Septemb. so good order, that the Enemy shall have no opportunity of surprising you, as of old the Turks did a place in the Morea, which they gained after a long Siege, whilst the people imprudently ran to the Haven, where they received relief.  
The 12th of August, betwixt two and three a Clock Afternoon, Bouffard, Sieur of Magdeleine, entered a Horseback into Rochel by the Seaside, but not without running adventure three times of being taken by the King's Horse, who pursued him all along the shore from Portneuf, until very near the Port of two Mills, carrying news to the Rochellers, that the English Army was shipped, and ready to sail with the first good wind to come to their relief.  
The 20th of August, in the night, the Heavens was seen from ten or eleven in the Evening, until break of day, all on fire, and Lightnings in such manner, as made it as clear as in full day, without any noise or thundering in the Air: Some reported to have seen on the Sea-coast an Apparition, like men, fight one with another: Afterwards it was noised through the City, that at midnight there appeared in the Heavens, over the Digue, a Naval Fleet, where after a great Combat there was a breach made, which gave passage to the Ships; the wise gave no heed to this, but the common people comforted themselves with it; whatever it was, this night had something extraordinary, which caused the inflammation of the Air in such a manner, as occasioned a great Alarm in the City, and that all run to the places of Arms, and Court of Guards, where they remained until day, upon the fear of those Phantasms which the Watch took for men.  
1628. Septemb. The 28th of August, an Inhabitant, called John Mattin, came into Rochel from England, bringing a Letter from the Deputies, advising that the Army was put to Sea, and was on this side the Channel, and that it had come sooner, had not the death of the Duke of Buckingham, who was killed at Portsmouth by a Lieutenant, hindered it; the History of whose Death, because he was a great Lord, and the first Author of this War, I have inserted here, with the circumstances of it, having extracted it from the Journals of one of the Deputies who was in England, and since his return hath given me a Narrative of it.  

An Extract of the Journal of Sieur Vincent.  
THe 26th of September, 1628. being at Portsmouth, where the preparations for the Naval Army were preparing with all diligence, the Duke of Buckingham sent for us early in the morning, and communicated to us some Letters received from the King's Camp before Rochel; by which they gave him advice, that the City had then received a notable refreshment of Victuals, and particularly fifty or sixty Oxen: We answered, that these reports were scattered artificially to retard our relief, and that except Oxen could fly, it was impossible that the News could be true. The Duke of Soubize came in at the very instant of time, and confirmed the same that I had said, beseeching him not to slacken upon this noise his good affections and diligence in our Affairs: He promised us that there should not be one moment of delay; but however, he continued the news, and intended himself to carry it to the King, who 1628. Septemb. was four miles from thence; and thereupon he got a slight Breakfast, and going from the Table, he was presented with a certain Platform for a Building, by a Captain of a very little stature, and viewing of it, went towards the door, where the Tapestry being held up for him, he stayed some time looking upon, and considering the Platform. In this place, and at this instant, there came up a certain young man, a Lieutenant of a Company, who over the shoulder of the said Captain stabbed him with a Knife at one blow in the Stomach, and so retired into the Crowd: The Duke laid presently his hand upon his Sword, and pursued him the length of the Antichamber, pronouncing these words, Ha' Dog, thou hast killed me: Then finding himself to faint, let fall his Sword, and pulled out the Knife himself, which he who stabbed him had left in his Body. As soon as it had taken wind, he fell upon the ground, and being lifted up by his Servants, was laid along upon a Table to make the blood come from him, which came out at his mouth, and then he gave no more any sign of life. This was so sudden, as one can scarce imagine. We being in the Chamber, at the door where he was stabbed, there rise a report that the French had killed the Duke: The noise and confusion which was in the Crowd, being amongst his Train, put us into a most great Alarm, every one laying their hands upon their Swords, crying and demanding who it was, and we had assuredly run a great Adventure, had not he who committed the Murder, seeing others wrongfully accused, accused himself, declaring with a loud voice, that it was he. Whereupon being seized, and interrogated upon the cause which 1628. Septemb. had moved him to this action, he answered, that they would find it in the Crown of his Hat, where (presuming that he should be killed upon the place) he had hid them; and there they found a Writing, the substance whereof was, that the Duke having been declared by Vote of Parliament (a Copy of which he recited) an Enemy to the State, his Life, by the Laws of the Kingdom, was exposed as a prey; and to this public injury he joined another, as to his own particular, (viz.) in that for advancing his own Favourites, he had twice prevented him of a Captains Command, when it was his due; so that he believed he had a right to revenge by that Stab both himself and the Public: And as he had committed this to writing, he continued afterwards to declare the same by word of mouth, that having killed a Public Enemy, he was authorised therein by the Laws of the Land; and other Confession than this they had no way to draw from him, the Rack not being permitted in England. But to return to the Duke, so soon as he was expired, all the great Crowd which filled his House, went away by little and little, and returning thither two hours after, I found the Body extended in a Corner of the Room upon a miserable old Mat, and guarded solely by one Valet de Chambre: And this opposed to the splendour in which we saw him in the morning, having about him all the gallantest Nobility of the Kingdom, and the Principal Captains of the Army, presenteth to us a sad document of the vanity and inconstancy of the fading things of this World. The News was carried presently to the King, who was in his Chapel at that days service. When they told it him in his Ear, he stirred 1628. Septemb. not from his place, nor enquired after any particulars of it, which was taken for a Testimony of the great Reverence he carried to the Place and Action, which he would not trouble; only as a mark of a grand Emotion, they observed the blood to come into his face, which became as black as a Hat. Prayers being ended, he enquired after the Fact, sent to condole the Widow, and assured her, that the Offices of the Father should be preserved for the Son; and sent us word also, that this accident should not in any kind divert his good will and kindness, giving us order to acquaint our City with the same.  
This was the end of this great Lord raised by King James, and had all the Power under the present King his Son; who having put him upon amplifying the Rights of his Royalty beyond what the Laws of England seem to permit, he had drawn upon him the hatred of all the Kingdom, as appeared during his life, and much more after his death, in that they would at a great rate have redeemed the life of him that had assassinated him.  
The 27th of Septemb. new Style, about seven or eight in the Evening, the Land-Forces, and all the Batteries, made a Consort with Cannon and Musquet-shot, mixed with an infinite number of Fireworks, and cries of Vive le Roy, which continued above an hour and a half in Celebration of the King's Nativity.  
The 28th of Septemb. arrived in Rochel a Gentleman called Champ Flewry, from the English Army, with two Letters in Ciphers, the one from the Duke of Soubize to the Duchess his Mother, and another from the Deputies to the Mayor, 1628. Septemb. and Body of the City, assuring them, that before day was gone, they would see the English Fleet arrived; and about four or five in the Evening, a great Party of the same appeared at the entering into the Road, betwixt the Island and the Main, and came to Anchor in the great Road of S. Martin, and a la Palisse, expecting those of the Fleet which were behind.  
The 30th ditto, it came to the Head of the Bay, being joined in the morning with a Squadron, as it was in the Evening with another, which came in by Antioch, and so joined altogether.  
In the mean time, those of the Camp remained not idle, but put themselves in a posture of powerfully resisting the English, and wrought diligently day and night to reinforce anew the Digue and Pallisade, by sinking of Ships, raising of Batteries, placing of Candlesticks and Engines, furnishing the Ships with Men and Ammunition, and guarding the Coasts with Horse and Foot. In brief, they omitted nothing that could be done upon this occasion.    

OCTOBER.  
The second of Octob. new Style, the Rochellers seeing their succours at the Head of the Bay, sent by Land the Sieur de la Land du Lac, to acquaint them with the extremities that they were reduced unto, and how the Digue was composed, and the places where they might pass it.  
The same day in the Evening the Rochellers received a Letter from their Deputies in England, as followeth.  1628. October. 
The Deputies Letter to the Rochellers.  
Gentlemen,  
THe Fleet being scattered at Sea, and not being able to re-assemble until Saturday in the Evening, you have seen that the Wether since hath been improper for them, but rest assured, that they will take the first opportunity, and that all are so disposed to do well, that they will not departed before they have, with God's assistance, relieved you. This is the Resolution of his Majesty, the Intention of the General, all the Captains, and Soldiers; remain therefore most assured hereof.  
From the Road in the Head of the Bay, Octob. 1. 1628. Gentlemen, Yours, etc.  
The third of Octob. new Style, about seven or eight in the morning, the English Army, Commanded by the Earl of Linsey, set sail, and seemed to give order to advance betwixt the two Points, but stayed there two hours, with some light approaches on each side, but nevertheless without coming to blows; nor did they any thing more, than discharge many Canonshot, and send some Fireships, without any effect, and after this retired, to the great trouble of the Rochellers, who believed they ought to have done better, for they had already, in their hopes, swallowed the Provisions brought them by the Fleet.  
During this shadow of Attacque, the Rochellers discharged many Canonshot from their Steeples, Towers, and Batteries on that side, of which it 1628. October. was reported in the Evening, that one shot from the Tower of S. Nicholas, killed four Persons of Quality on the side of Coureille: In the City was also killed with one shot, coming from the Galley, the Sieur Gedeon Mignonneau.  
The fourth of Octob. the English Army returned a second time, as if it intended to attack the Army of the King, but did no more than the day before, discharge some Canonshot, and set six of their Fireships on fire; but being a Calm, and the Wind at North, they effected nothing, but burnt behind the Points of the Head of the Bay, and Coureille, unto the Plain of Angulin. This saddened the hearts of the Rochellers greatly, and took from them (by their ill beginning) almost all hopes of being delivered by this Army.  
The seventh, the Sieur Paul Mervault caused to be cast in Rochel four Culverines', one whereof failed, the other three proving good.  
The same day the King sent a Gentleman into the City, to know if they would come to any Treaty of Peace; but he returned the next day without doing any thing, the Rochellers refusing all particular Treaties, and making again the forementioned difficulty of knowing how to address to the King.  
The eighth ditto, the English Army made a Signal, accompanied with a Canonshot, upon the arrival of Sieur de la Land du Lac, which the Rochellers answered with the contrary Signal, of a Fire upon the Tower at the Chain, and with a Canonshot.  
The eighth ditto, there came into Rochel three Soldiers, called Chardevine, lafoy Verdue, and la Paillette, coming from the English Army, with 1628. October. each a Letter, which they delivered to the Mayor, being of this Tenure.  
The Deputies (aboard the Duke of Soubize) their Letter to the Rochellers.  
Gentlemen,  
WE have given you already advice of our coming, and of our firm resolutions to relieve you; we send this, to reiterate the assurances we have before given you, and to tell you, that though the Skirmishes of Tuesday and Wednesday had no effect, you ought not to be discouraged, but to hold yourselves assured, that with the help of God we will not departed from hence, before you are either saved, or we destroyed. We have, with God's help, force sufficient to make us hope well, and see his bounty in your speedy deliverance; if you can help us therein, we do certainly conclude that you will not be sparing in it: If you have any advice to give us touching the Palisade, and the manner of attacking it, endeavour to let us know it; in the mean time, we pray God to fortify you: The Duke of Soubize, who will subscribe this, salutes you, and desires you to let this be as well for the Duchess his Mother, as for you. We are,  
From aboard the Duke of Soubize, Octob. 6. 1628. Gentlemen, Your most humble and most obedient Servants and Deputies, 

Soubize.  
Ph. Vincent,  
J. Dehinse,  
D. Bragneau,  
J. Gobert.    1628. October. 
Besides this Letter, the Messenger that brought it, told Wonders of the Preparations that were made against the next High-tide; and above all, that they had three Ships to use as a Mine to blow up the Digue with, in each of which there were many thousands of Powder, from which they expected great effect for breaking the Digue, and entirely opening the passage.  
This caused some particular persons (fore-judging that with the said High-water Victuals would come into the City) to make on the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth, a public sale of Corn, Biscuit, and all sorts of Provisions; and there was found one amongst others, who had forty Bushels of Corn, and as many of Wheat, ten Quintals of Biscuit, twelve Bushels of Beans, and as many of Pease, six Bushels of Fitches, one Bale of Rice, twelve Quintals of dried Fish of Virginia, and six Barrels of Butter. As this did well with many, so it killed a great many others, whose Stomaches being debilitated by ill nourishment, and the little that they had in a long time eaten, were left without heat for digestion, in such sort, that having eaten greedily, they fainted away, as I have seen many.  
The 14th ditto, with the Evening-tide, the English Army made a Signal of Fire, upon the arrival of a Soldier that the Mayor had sent, upon which the Rochellers made immediately another in the Tower of the Chain, and from the Lantern.  
The 15th ditto, in the night, came into Rochel a Soldier, who reported, that my Lord Montague was come into the Camp to treat of a Peace with the King; and after having been well received of his Majesty, and Cardinal Richelieu, he was returned 1628. October. thence into the English Army: He said also, so, that a Canonshot from the Steeple of S. Bartholomew fell in the Fort Lovis, over against the King, who having at that time the said Montague with him, they were by it covered with dust, which was the cause that betwixt three and four a Clock in the Evening, there was many Canonshot discharged from the said Fort against the City: And this accident obliged the Rochellers to redouble their Prayers every day at their Sermons, for the preservation of his Majesty from all evil.  
At this time, the Mayor and his Council seeing that the Springtide was passed, without the English Army attempting any thing, the weather having been always very calm, so that they could not hope for relief sooner than with the next Springtide, assembled the Council in the Townhouse, to the end to consider how to govern themselves for the time to come. Amongst other things they ordained, that there should be established in all the Companies of the City, Commissioners to make search in all Houses to see what Corn there was, or other Provisions, and to leave thereof, in each House where any was found, for fifteen days, or three Weeks at the most, and to take the rest to distribute to those that had none. The search being made, there was found in all but 150 Bushels of Corn of all Grain, each having done of themselves, at the arrival of the English, what now the Council would do, and helped their Parents and Friends with what they had over, expecting nothing less than to see the English Fleet a Month in the Road without doing any thing.  
This little Corn that was found, was reserved 1628. October. for the nourishment of the Soldiers, who with the inhabitants were like Anatomies, and by little and little died away. And it is most observable what befell two English Soldiers, who finding that they could do no more, went together to the House of a Joiner, to bespeak each their Cousin for the next day by eight in the morning: he at first refused it, believing they mocked him, as thinking himself more wasted with Famine than the Soldiers; have you not strength, said they, to work? and pressing of him, and paying him in advance, the gain made him undertake it; and before them, and in their presence, began to work, and finished these two Coffins, and came at the time they appointed with them, when he saw the same Evening one die, and the other the next day, betwixt ten and eleven in the morning.  
The 17th of October, the Sieur Arnault came to the Port S. Nicholas to Parley; there were nominated to hear him the Sieurs Viette, Riffault, Journault, and Mocquay: he returned the next day, and conferred long with them, but could not conclude any thing.  
The 18th, in the morning, the Mayor and Council sent out Chardevine to go to the English Army; but as he would have passed the Line, he received a Musquet-shot in his shoulder, which obliged him to return to the City.  
The 19th, in the morning before day, the Mayor's Lodgings were set on fire, and he had run an adventure of being burnt, had it not been that one that passed that way discovered it, crying, Fire, Fire, which brought together the Neighbourhood, who quenched it readily, before it had time to burn more than part of the doors, and 1628. October. blacken the Planks of the Shop: It was believed that this proceeded from some Inhabitants, who despairing of relief, desired the rendition of the Town.  
Now the Famine increased dreadfully, nothing being left, the greatest number having in three months' time not known what Bread was, nor any thing of ordinary Provisions; Flesh of Horses, Asses, Mules, Dogs, Cats, Rats and Mice, were all eaten up; there was no more Herbs or Snails left in the Fields, so that their recourse was to Leather, Hides of Oxen, skins of Sheep, Cinnamon, Cassia, Liquorish out of Apothecary's Shops, Flemish Colewort frigased, Bread of Straw made with a little Sugar, Flower of Roots, Irish Powder, Jelly of the skins of Beasts and Sheep, Horns of Deer beaten to Powder, old Buff-Coats, soles of Shoes, Boots, Aprons of Leather, Belts for Swords, old Pockets, Leather Points, Parchment, Wood beaten in a Mortar, Plaster, Earth, Dung (which I have seen with my eyes) Carrion, and Bones that the Dogs had gnawn, and indeed all that came in their sight, though such food gave rather death than sustenance, or prolongation of life, from whence there passed not a day that there died not two or three hundred, or more persons, in such sort, that not only the Churchyards, but even the Houses, Streets, and outparts of the City, were in a little time filled with dead bodies, without having other Sepulchers than the places where they fell, the living not having so much strength as to throw them into the Ditch, even many went to die in the Church yards.  
During these Calamities and Miseries, some, who having reserved hidden Provision, sold them 1628. October. underhand at an excessive price, to wit, the Peck of Corn (which is the eighth part of the Bushel of the City) for the sum of two hundred Livers, which is twelve pound ten shillings Starling; a Biscuit, which scarce weighed seven or eight ounces, for ten or twelve Crowns, which is forty five or fifty four shillings Starling; a Calf a thousand Livers, which is seventy five pound Starling, with some reserve for the seller; a Sheep, from three to five hundred Livers, at eighteen pence Starling the Liver, and all the rest, after the same rate; and yet they thought themselves happy, who by the Intercession of Friends, could get any thing at these Rates. In the mean time, it was a marvellous thing, that the necessities being such, and the Mortality so great, there was no Confederation or grumbling in the City, neither by the common people, nor others, to oblige the Mayor and his Council to Capitulate, but all suffer themselves to be led to their deaths without complaints and murmuring, testifying their satisfaction and contentment, which shows the great influence that Religion and Liberty have upon the spirits of men. As to those without, I mean the King's Army, it was also marvellous, that having advice of the lamentable and frightful necessity, and the extreme feebleness that the place was reduced unto, they never attempted the Storming of it, when it was impossible for them within to have resisted, having no strength left them, not so much as to traverse their Cannon, or to Toll their Great Bell for the Sermon; and when they set their Guards, they found often half of them dead in the morning; and the like by their Sentinels, in so much, that many Nights passed, without 1628. October. having any persons in the greatest part of the Courts of Guard, so that the least attempt had carried the City; but God looked upon us in mercy, and prepared the King to exercise towards us the Wonders and Miracles of his Mercy and Clemency.  
During the horror of this Famine, as there was Examples of Cruelty, there was also many of great Charity, in a free and voluntary distribution of their Over-plus, as others had done of their Plenty, for enriching of themselves; and especially Sieur Thinault, a Merchant, and one of my Uncles, called Sieur Duprat, who having in their House a most great quantity of Wheat, and other Corn, sold not one grain, but distributed it to those whom they judged to be in want, for to repay them only when God should restore them to peace and ability.  
Others there were who distributed Charity so in secret, as the Authors thereof were never discovered; and amongst others, I had knowledge of one which seems to me most remarkable: Le Sieur de la Gout, a Honorary Advocate to the King, had a Sister, Widow to a Merchant called Prosni, who being a very religious and charitable Woman, when the Famine begun to be more sharp than ordinary, assisted freely the Poor; her Sister-in-law, Wife to the Sieur de la Gout, being of another humour, reproved her for it, ask her in choler, what she would do when she had given all away; to which she answered, My Sister, the Lord will provide for me. The Famine increasing, and the Siege continuing, this poor Widow, who had four Children, finding herself in a straight, having no Provisions at all left, went to 1628. October. her Sister for relief; but instead of comforting her, she reproached her, telling her, she had provided well to be so reduced with all her great Faith, and fair words, that the Lord will provide for me; and that in good time he would provide for her. This poor Woman's Heart was wounded with these words, and returning to her House much troubled, resolved to take death patiently: Being come home, her Children met her with great joy, as formerly they used to do, but now told her, that a Man, whom they did not know, it being late, knocked at the door, and as soon as it was opened, threw in a Sack of Wheat of about a Bushel (which is near two English Bushels) and then went readily away, without saying any thing to them: This poor Woman, though hardly able to believe her own eyes, went presently out of doors, and with the greatest speed she could (in her famished condition) run to her Sister-in-law, and told her with a strong voice, as soon as she saw her, My Sister, the Lord hath provided for me; and then returned, without discoursing further with her. By the means of this unexpected relief, coming so opportunely, she spun out the time until the King's entrance, and never knew to whom she was obliged for this good and merciful act.  
The 21th ditto, betwixt seven and eight a Clock in the Evening, the King's Naval Army sent four Fireships against the English Fleet, which obliged some Ships to cut their Cables, but others defended themselves, and turned them aside, by the help of their Dragontins' and Shalloops.  
The 23th ditto, with the morning-tide, the English Army set sail, coming to the Palisade, and 1628. October. behind the Point of Coureille, but without making any attempt, contented themselves with making some unprofitable Canonshot.  
The 25th in the night, the Mayor's House was again set on fire with dry branches cut from Fir-trees, well prepared with Sulphur, Pitch, Turpentine, and other combustible things, but it was presently discovered, and as soon extinguished: And further, the same night, two hours before day, twenty or thirty Soldiers set fire on the Port of Coin, but those that were on the Guard at the said Port, put it out immediately.  
The 26th, there came by Land into Rochel a Gentleman from the English Army, who brought three Letters, one from the Duke of Soubize to the Duchess of Rohan his Mother, the other two from Sieur Vincent; the one to the Mayor in particular, and the other to the Body of the City in general, by which they gave advice of all that passed in the said English Army; and above all, that my Lord Montague having communicated with Cardinal Richelieu for a Treaty of Peace, was gone Post for England, from whence they expected him every day; and intimated, that in the mean time they would procure a Passport for two of themselves (their Deputies) to go to the King's Camp to communicate with them, and from thence to go to them in the City, to the end that at the arrival of the said Montague, all things might be disposed to a good Peace; and that the General charged them to give this advice, and that in the mean time he was resolved to attempt against the Digue, if the weather would serve▪  
The same day this Gentleman was sent back to the English Army with Letters in Ciphers, which 1628. October. expressed the great and last extremity of the City, conjuring them, if they would relieve it, to do it within a Week at furthest, otherwise they should be forced to render to any conditions.  
Immediately after this Gent. was sent back with his dispatch to the English Army, the Mayor assembled the Council in the Town House, to consider of what was necessary to be done, and after mature consideration of the matter contained in the abovesaid Letters, the report of the said Gentleman, the miserable condition to which they were reduced, the great and extreme necessities which pressed them, their great feebleness, such as they were not sufficient, nor capable to resist the least assault their Enemies should make, and the little or no appearance of being relieved by the English, who had been there a Month with folded Arms, they concluded, that it was in vain to expect any longer relief from the English, or also from their Treaty, for that they should be all dead before their Negotiator would return; and therefore, upon the whole, they resolved to apply themselves to the King for his grace and mercy.  
For that end, they took occasion from a Letter that the Sieur Arnault had writ that day to the Sieur Fequiere, by the Drummer who brought him his Victuals, which represented to them the strength of the Digue, and the little hopes they had of relief from the English, and that a good Peace would be better for them got, by sending to the King to receive them into his Grace. The said Sieur Fequiere having communicated his Letter to the Mayor, they prayed him in his Answer to Sieur Arnault, to advise him to come the next morning to the City, and they would confer with him.  
1628. October. The said Sieur Fequiere accepted most willingly this Commission, and presently writ accordingly.  
Now I hold myself obliged in duty to impart unto the Public a Narrative which came from Cardinal Richelieu's own particular Family, a little after the rendition, which is believed to have been composed either by one of his Secretaries, or possibly by himself, which may very well serve to illustrate that which follows, touching the Conditions granted the Rochellers, and show the manner and grounds upon which they were granted; the Tenor of which is as followeth.  
Cardinal Richelieu understanding by Letters from Sieur Fequiere to Sieur Arnault his Brother-in-law, that the Rochellers desired Passports to seek his Majesty's Grace (which he was pleased with) his first care was to give the King ready advice thereof, who received it with great joy, and immediately did the Cardinal the Honour to go to him to Sousay, where he assembled the Council, for to deliberate upon some Conditions under which they would receive the City, notwithstanding their obstinacy in their Rebellion.  
All agreed, that they had merited a most rigorous Chastisement, and that they ought to make them a Signal Example to all those of the Kingdom, which might for the time to come have a thought of opposing the will of the King, and making Revolts or Commotions in the Estate.  
But when it came to be debated, though all agreed, that the King might in Justice take the severest way, yet whether that would be most for his Grandeur and Glory, and most agreeable to the true Maxims of State, they were divided into 1628. October. three different Opinions; some for the ●igour of Justice, others that the King should take this occasion to signalise his Clemency; and a t●●●d sort, were for a middle way betwixt both, that after the punishing some of the greatest Mutineers, to show Grace to the rest.  
The Cardinal gathering the sense of one and the other, without giving his Opinion, represented all to the King, to the end that he should make a decision thereof; yet nevertheless tempered his discourse so, as his inclinations might thereby appear.  
Beginning with those who were for making the City an Example of Justice, he said, their advice was very well fortified, and possible that none can be rendered more deserving punishment, considering her obstinacy, the trouble it hath a long time given his Majesty, and that the Ruins of no place which the King hath demolished to the Foundations, cry higher for teaching the people obedience to their Sovereigns that this; and that there is no Ramparts secure against Rebellion.  
As to those which held the middle Opinion, he extolled their Reasons, and said, that in such Rencounters, the punishment of the most Culpable was an awe upon Mutineers, and the pardoning others shown the bounty of the Prince, and hindered the obstinacy of a Community in like cases, as is ordinary with those that despair not of mercy, of which the Rochellers was even then an Example.  
But when he came to the advice of those that concluded for a General Pardon, he enlarged and insisted very much upon their Reasons: And first, he represented, as most considerable, that which 1628. October. they had supposed, that possibly there was never so Illustrious an occasion as this presented to any Prince, to signalise his Clemency, which is the virtue by which Kings approach nearest to God, whose Image they are most in well doing, giving life, and not in destroying and exterminating it: Further, that the more culpable that Rochel was, and had given the King cause of great irritation, the more it would make his Magnanimity appear, in after overcoming the City with his Invincible Arms, reducing it to a naked submission to him, to surmount himself in pardoning it; in doing of which, the Celebrated Name of this City would proclaim his Glory throughout the World, and transmit it to Posterity, showing him throughout as an incomparable Prince, be it in conquering, or in the moderate use of his Victories.  
In the second place, he weighed the Reasons they had alleged, drawn from Rochel itself, who though it was culpable beyond what they could say, nevertheless the lives of so many thousands as their faults had cost, were sufficient Victims to the Justice of his Majesty, and interceded for the remainder of the miserable People which might be left, which may be judged of by those that are every day seen as Anatomies and Phantasms about the Line; and indeed, true Images of Death, the sight only whereof doth suffice to disarm his Majesty of all revenge, and though he had had a design to triumph over and consume them, to change all his Irritation and Thundering into pity.  
He added, that it seemed good that they should also consider of what had been alleged, and that though their Crimes were most great, and without 1628. October. excuse, yet they had not committed that offence which ought to exclude the people from all hopes of mercy, as if they had shaken off the Authority of their Sovereign, and submitted to another Sceptre: Indeed factious spirits made use of the danger of his Majesty's forcing their Religion, to deceive them into the adhering to the Arms of England, for the preserving of their Privileges; but his Majesty knows, that the Rochellers made use only of that pretence to the English, and that there were other reasons which carried them to the undertaking of this War, for that he was perfectly informed that the Rochellers never intended to give themselves up to them; which he knew as well by divers of his Servants which he had secretly in the City, as from his Confidents which he maintained in England, who had constantly writ him, that though they had every way assaulted the Fidelity of their Deputies, and deferred relief, to oblige them to offer themselves to them, they would never hearken to it; and the perfect Confirmation of this they received by the Packet, which one of their Pinnaces, coming from England, threw into the water, when at the passing of the Digue they thought they should be taken: Their Treaty made with the King of England, and all their Negotiations being deciphered, it appeared, that though the English had highly Courted them, for getting Conditions to the prejudice of this Crown, they would never be brought to it; and defended themselves therein, with all the constancy and firmness that their condition could bear: And therefore, though they are most Culpable, yet since they have preserved their hearts and affections for France, it seems to invite his 1628. October. Majesty to mercy, and not to use them as such who would have shaken off the Yoke of the Monarchy, and offered the hand to another Master.  
In the third place, he insisted much upon reason of State, upon which this advice was founded, and pressed the present Constitution of Affairs, to require that his Majesty by a Signal example of Clemency, and an exact Capitulation, mutually agreed upon, should endeavour to overcome the Arms of the Duke of Rohan, and other rebellious Cities, who had all their eyes upon Rochel, for according to the usage that they shall meet with, they will conclude as to themselves: suppose then that his Majesty exercising rigour towards them, he makes the least paltry Town stand out a Siege, and obstinately resist unto the last, were it not better to grant an absolute Pardon to this City, whereby he may dispose the rest to beg the Clemency of his Majesty, who by this means will in a little time see all his Country in peace, and may then pursue his designs against the Spaniards Invasion of his Allies.  
He added that which themselves had also alleged, that though in all appearance the Rochellers were not able to do any more, yet nevertheless he was not to believe, that they had deferred treating until the last morsel; and that as they had been three Months deceived in their Opinion, that they still could not hold out any longer, it may be that those that have the major Vote, and who fear their Heads, may prevail for hindering the rendition, and hold out yet some time, and the least delay is of great consequence, the Affairs of Italy being very pressing. Above 1628. October. all, it behoves us much to consider, that my Lord Montague, who was gone into England, was expected back every day with the allowance of his King for the rendition of the City; and it will be infinitely more for his Majesty's glory, to receive his Subjects into Grace, upon their repentance and voluntary submission to his Commands, than at the Intercession of a Stranger Prince; and therefore it imported them very much to prevent the said Montague, to the end, that at his arrival he might find his Majesty Triumphant in the place of his glorious Conquest; and that they might not be obliged in Contests, which otherwise they may have with him, touching the Conditions of this rendition, and to engage in a further War with England, when their Affairs require the contrary, the making of Peace with them.  
This was the substance of that which Cardinal Richelieu represented to his Majesty, who declared, that having well weighed all circumstances, he would deceive those of Rochel, in giving them cause to bless his entry into the City, and commanded that they should have all the assurances possible given them for their Lives, Goods, and Religion; and that forgetting all their faults, they should be treated as his other Subjects, provided they remained faithful for the time to come; but that he intended to demolish all their Walls, for taking from them the means of rendering themselves at any other time miserable, and that they should not speak any more of their Privileges, which had hitherto inflamed them unto so high a degree.  
This is the Contents of the  Piece, which I esteem worthy to be inserted in this 1628. October. place, it serving to clear the Articles which were afterwards agreed to Rochel.  
The 27th, the Mayor and Council being assembled, those that had been sent to the Sieur Fequiere reported, that he thought it necesiary for reaping the fruit of his Intercession, which they had desired that they should nominate some with whom he might communicate before the arrival of his Brother-in-law, who would not stay, as he hoped; which being approved of, they deputed to him the Sieurs Viette, Riffault, Mocquay, and Charles de la Coste.  
The same day, about ten in the morning, Sieur Arnault presented himself with Passports for the Deputies, if they would send any; and the four , being chosen, went with him to the Cardinal Richelieu, who after hearing them, told them, that he had no Commission from the King to treat with his Subjects of the City of Rochel, but only to hear their Propositions and Demands: Nevertheless, that he would not cease to intercede for them to his Majesty, to procure them their Lives, Religion, and Estates; but as to their Privileges, and form of Government, his Majesty would reserve that in his own Power: not that he would put Soldiers into the City, nor make a Citadel, but rather demolish the fortifications, and that in a day or two at furthest they should return the same to him, or other Conditions to accept of; and besides, that he gave them this Answer by word of mouth, he gave it them also in writing, in a little Note.  
Being come back, the Mayor and Council ordered that the Bell of the City-House should be tolled the next day, being October 28. at seven in the 1628. October. morning, to the end that they might resolve upon these offers; and being assembled in the Hall of the City, and having heard the report of the Deputies, according to the tenure of the said Note or Billet, they resolved to receive the best Conditions of Peace that they could get; and to that end was named the Sieurs d'Angoulin., and de la Gout, to agree with the abovesaid Deputies upon the Articles.  
Having composed the Articles, and shown them to the Council, the Deputies went from the City betwixt three and four in the Evening, and came to Sausay to wait upon Cardinal Richelieu, who deferred them till the next morning, but in the interim caused them to be well treated, both as to Bed, and Board.  
The next morning (being the 29th) they were called before him, finding him with my Lords the Keepers of the Seal, Marshal Schomberg, and other Lords of the Council, and presented to him their Propositions and Demands; upon which he told them, that the King was pleased, of pure grace, to grant them their Lives, Estates, and Liberty of Conscience; but as to that Head which imported the treating in general for all those of their Party, that it did not behoove them to meddle with any thing but what concerned themselves only, according as the French in the English Army treated for themselves apart: and the better to persuade them to it, he shown them the Deputies from the English Fleet, but without permitting them to speak together. In the end, after many Contests, and above all, about liberty of the exercise of their Religion within the City, they agreed upon Articles of Peace, under the Conditions as followeth.  

1628. October. The Mayor, Sheriffs, Peers, Burghers, and Inhabitants of the City of Rochel, represented by John Berne, Esq Sieur d'Angoulin, Esq and Sheriff, Peter Viette, Daniel de la Gout, James Riffault, Peers, Elie Mocquay, and Charles de la Coste Burghers; having the Commission of Deputies from the Body of the said City, acknowledging the great faults that they have committed, not only in resisting the just will and pleasure of the King, as they have a long time done, in not submitting to him, and opening of the Gates of Rochel, as they were obliged; but further, in adhering to Strangers who have taken Arms against this State, do supplicate with all humility his Majesty to pardon them the Crimes which they have committed, in governing themselves in this manner, and to receive for satisfaction thereof the obedience which they desire at present to render to him, opening the Gates of the City, which they will actually deliver into his hands, to dispose thereof as it shall please him, and to prescribe to them such manner of living as he shall think most proper for the time to come, without other Conditions than such as it shall please his Majesty in bounty to give them, which they implore with humility, beseeching him to treat them as his Subjects, who will hereafter live and die in the most perfect obedience that hath ever been rendered to any Sovereign.  
The King, having regard to the repentance of his Subjects, the Inhabitants of the City of Rochel, and to their Protestations, of living for the time to come, as they are obliged by their Birth; and that they will the thirtieth of October give Evidence thereof, by opening the Gates of the said City of Rochel, and deliver the City up to his Majesty, for him to dispose thereof, as shall seem good unto him, hath commanded, and given in charge to the Sieurs Marillac, and du Halier, 1628. October. Marshals de Camp of his Armies, to promise them in his Name, as followeth.  
First, The pardon of their Faults and Rebellions committed since the last Commotion, with all security for their Lives, and the exercise of the Reformed Religion in Rochel.  
Secondly, That they shall be established in all their Estates, movable and , of what nature soever they be, notwithstanding all Condemnations, Gifts, and Confiscations which may have been made by reason of Rebellion, except the enjoying the Revenue of their Lands, their Movables, Woods that have been cut, and Debts which have been actually and without fraud hither to received.  
Thirdly, That all Soldiers, Subjects of the King, who are at this time in the City of Rochel, though not Burghers or Inhabitants of the said City, shall of grace enjoy what is above expressed; and the Heads, Captains, and Gentlemen, shall go out of the City with their Swords by their sides, and the Soldiers with white Staves in their hands, after the Names and Surnames of every one, and their Oaths is taken never to bear Arms more against the service of his Majesty, upon pain of forfeiting the present Grace: And as to the Captains and Soldiers that are English, who are in the said City, they shall, if it please his Majesty, be conducted by Sea into England, without any prejudice done to them.  
Fourthly, The said Rochellers, as well Inhabitants as Soldiers, shall be discharged of all acts of Hostility in general whatever, Negotiations in strange Countries, and of all others, without being proceeded against for any of them, except such as are excepted for their execrableness by the Edicts, and such as may concern the Person of the King.  
1628. October. Fifthly, In like manner the said Rochellers shall remain discharged for casting of Cannon, minting of Money, seizing and taking of Money, as well belonging to the King, as ecclesiastics, and others in the said City, together with Contributions ordained for the maintenance of Soldiers, decreed against the absent, and even constrained by the demolition of their houses, and of all other employments, in things abovesaid in the said City.  
Sixthly, All the Inhabitants and Soldiers shall, in like manner, remain discharged of all Judgements, Sentences and Decrees, which possibly may have been given against them for their Rebellion, during these troubles.  
Seventhly, That all Judgements, as well Civil as Criminal, given in the Councils held extraordinarily in the said City, the Judges and Commissaries who have assisted therein, shall not therefore be proceeded against, nor even for the particular profits received by Prizes, or Spoils; and above all, silence herein is imposed upon the Attorney General, and his Substitutes.  
Eighthly, That the Judgements, Amercements, Condemnations, Suspensions, and Interdictions given by the Chief Judges, as well against the Mayors of the said City, as those that assisted them, shall remain null and void, as if they had never been; And also, in like manner, the proceed made against any of the said Judges shall remain null and void, and none of those that have been employed on either side shall be molested.  
Ninthly, The Judgement for the death of Tourvert shall remain null, and those who are therewith charged by the said Judgement, shall not for that cause be troubled.  
Tenthly, That all the Contents abovesaid shall be 1628. October. ratified by the Mayor, Sheriffs, Peers, Burghers, and Inhabitants of the said City, and the said Ratification thereof shall be delivered this day by two a Clock after Dinner, in good and authentic form: After which, the King will be pleased to deliver to the said Deputies Patents of Declaration, which shall approve and ratify the abovesaid Articles.  
Eleventhly, The said Ratification being delivered, the Gates of the City shall be opened, and put into the hands of such as it shall please his Majesty to appoint, to the end that after this he may make his entry in person, when, and in such manner as shall please him; his Majesty promising in bounty to cause such order ●t the entry and quartering of the Soldiers in the said City, that no Inhabitants, Women or Children, shall receive any prejudice either in person or goods.  
Acted and Ordained in the Castle of Sausay, the twenty ninth of Octob. 1628. Signed, 

Lowis de Mavillac,  
John Berne,  
Peter Viette,  
Riffault,  
de la Gout,  
de la Coste,  
and Mocquay.     
At the same time the Deputies which were with the English Fleet, and sent by them, made their Treaty apart, after that for the City was concluded; and because that their management being secret, and their arrival in the Camp unexpected, many have had a desire to know the particular Transactions. I have taken care to inform myself thereof, and believe it my duty to impart it to the Public, as a thing belonging to this History, which follows word for word, as it hath been communicated to me, extracted from the 1628. October. Journals of Sieur Vincent, whereof I have seen the Original.  
The seventh of Octob. 1628. a Shalloop coming from the King's Army, and staying in the middle of the way, called lafoy Pallice, with a white Flag, demanded to communicate with the Deputies of Rochel, and the French.  
By the permission of the English General, the Sieur Forin, Deputy for the Duke of Rohan, with some others, and Mr. Montague (who was since made Abbot of Pontoise in France) went aboard the Shalloop, where they found the Sieur Treillebois, one of the King's Captains, and one that made profession of the Reformed Religion, with the Sieur Lisle, Adjutant-Major in the same Army, who made Propositions to all the French in the English Army, to retire, and seek the King's Grace and Pardon, assuring them, that he would receive them to mercy, and would like it, if they should intercede with him for the City of Rochel: upon which they broke, only Montague making himself known, desired the  Treillebois to present his service to Cardinal Richelieu.  
The thirteenth, there returned four English who had been taken Prisoners by the King's Ships, and who applauded the good entertainment that had been given them; and said, that they had it in charge from Cardinal Richelieu to tell the Sieur Montague, that he took his Salutations in good part, and gave him assurance of all good entertainment, in case he would confer with him; and from thence should hope for good success for the two Crowns.  
The next day, being the 14th ditto, the Council 1628. October. was assembled, to which was called the Duke of Soubize, and the Deputies for Rochel: The Sieur Montague proposed it as necessary, to make a thorough discovery of the Digue, taking occasion from the invitation that had been made him the day before to go into the King's Camp, and carrying with him an Engineer, he brought back from thence all new assurances.  
The Deputies cried out against that Proposition, showing, that nothing but mischief could from thence arrive them, since that so soon as the least noise should be spread in the Army of a Treaty, they ought not to hope any more that that courage which was already enough damped, would afterwards resolve to fight: And as to the design of discovering the Digue, that those who should do it, were at least as crafty as those who will not show themselves, except in places most perplexed; and that their report about the Digue would not serve for any thing save the breeding of a Consternation, and dispondency in the Soldiers.  
Notwithstanding this opposition, Montague was resolved to make the Voyage with a Germane Engineer; and presently parting, returned the same day, reporting, that Cardinal Richelieu had received him well, and made Propositions concerning the general good of Christendom, upon which he had charged them to confer with the General.  
The 15th ditto, Montague returned to the King's Camp, which putting the Deputies into an Alarm, they went aboard the General, representing to him the evil consequences of such Communication; to which he answered, that there should be nothing done to their prejudice.  
The 19th, Montague returned with his Engineer, 1628. October. and reported, as was before prophesied, that the Digue was altogether inforceable, and that Cardinal Richelieu had made him Propositions, by the means of which Rochel might hope for a reasonable treatment, and the two Crowns a good Peace betwixt them; upon which occasion it was necessary for him to go Post into England, to communicate to the King what he had in charge.  
The Deputies hereupon said, that they saw now the effects of what they formerly foresaw, that Rochel was not in a condition to expect a Voyage from England, since they knew her frightful necessity; and though they had formerly reported that the Digue was inforceable, yet they ought to have essayed to force it; and above all, to have made show of employing one Ship, at least, as a Mine, who having double the powder of those that were employed at the Pallisades at Antwerp, would make a passage sufficient, if the Digue were double the strength. In brief, they omitted nothing of what they judged might be said for breaking this design.  
It was notwithstanding resolved, that Montague should take Post, promising to return within fifteen days at the furthest, with promises nevertheless made by the General to the Deputies, that if the Wind did but serve, they should spare no Attempt.  
The 21th, the General sent for Sieur Vincent, and told him, that God seemed to fight from Heaven against the passionate desire he had to do some generous execution for the relief of Rochel; that since his arrival, there had slipped away 22 days, the Calms, or contrary Winds, having all that time prevented the attempting of the Digue; 1628. October. that the Principal of his Army seemed to have little affection for the Enterprise, having agreed in opinion, that it was not executable; that from the Head the Malady had infected the Body, in such sort, that he observed throughout in his Army, a great coldness; yet notwithstanding that, he had spared nothing, nor would, of that which depended on him, for coming to the end of his Enterprise; but to provide against all Events, and supposing that the Season might continue unfavourable, he judged it best to advise the Rochellers to commence a Treaty, that they may be disposed thereto against the arrival of Montague, when all things would be prepared for a good Accommodation, if there be not other means for relieving it.  
The Sieur Vincent communicated this with the Duke of Soubize, and the other Deputies, who jointly concluded, that it was absolutely necessary to acquaint those of Rochel herewith, and to remember them of the instance that the Sieur Treillebois had formerly made them, telling them, that they (their Deputies) were resolved to intercede with the King for his Grace, and endeavour to bring them (their Fellow-Citizens) to it, that they may owe it to his Bounty, rather than to the Intercession of Strangers, and believed that it would be grateful to have Communication thereof with him, and that it behoved them to seek the means. This they made known to the English General, of whom having had the approbation, they dispatched a Prisoner, called Farnon, belonging to the said Treillebois, to whom they writ this Letter.  1628. October. 
The Letter writ by the Deputies in the English Army, to Sieur Treillebois, a Captain in the King's Army.  
SIR,  
SInce your Conference with the Sieurs Forin and Montague, the last having been in his Majesty's Camp, and had Conference with Cardinal Richelieu upon the means of an Accommodation betwixt the two Crowns, by which may be procured the good of the General Affairs of Christendom, and in particular the ease of our poor C●t●, the extreme desire that we have to contribute (to our utmost ability) to so good a work, causeth us who are here for Rochel, to become Suitors to the General of this Army, for his Approbation of our most humble supplication to his Majesty, to grant us a Passport from hence, to communicate with such as it shall please him to command, which we have obtained of the General; so that if his Majesty find himself in like manner disposed, and that it is agreeable to him, that to this end some of us come to his Camp, there is great reason to believe that good will come of it; there remains nothing, save that we find a way to make known our desire, and know his pleasure. Now we believe we should do you wrong (seeing that your affection carried you to be before us, by your invitation to the same thing for which we now act) if we had employed the Intercession of anyother. We address ourselves now to you, to the end that it may please you to manage this by such ways, as in your wisdom and prudence you shall think best. We mention not the names of those we shall choose for the Voyage, for it behoves us to leave them in blank: But upon our word you may give yours, that we acknowledge ourselves desirous 1628. October. of Peace, having hearts truly French. As to the form of the Passports, it is superfluous to desire them, such as those as shall go under the Faith of them, may be in full assurance of having an entire liberty of going and coming. This, and all the rest which can concern this Affair, we refer to your great care, and expect your Answer by the Sieur Farnon, for whom we have procured liberty to bring us thither, after the delivery of this to you. We will not hold you longer, than to desire God that it would please him to calm these Storms which hath so long exercised France, our dear Country, and to establish there a firm Peace, by the means of which we may serve it, obey our King and Prince, and deceive the Enemies of the Crown in the hopes which they may have conceived. In our particular we are,  
In the Road at the Head of the Bay, Octob. 22. 1628. Monsieur, Vos, etc.  
The Prisoner was dispatched the two and twentieth with this Letter: Captain Forant brought a Ship, about two hundred Tun, well equipped for War, who without resistance was suffered to take him aboard, where there commanded one Poyane of the Religion, but long suspected; and where was also a Gentleman, called Beaurepair. Having presented these to the General, it was found fit to arrest Poyane; and as to the other, being acquainted, that from the beginning he had things of great consequence to impart, which required secrecy, they heard him in particular.  
He declared there, that being come from Spain, where he was Prisoner for his Religion, they had 1628. October. stipulated with him to be serviceable to the King, upon occasion, as his Majesty shall find fit to employ him; that having promised any thing to free himself from danger, and the misery he was under, they had associated him with Poyane, to come into the English Army, under pretext of serving the Party; and that he had order with the first opportune occasion by night to entangle himself with the General's Ship, or with that of the Duke of Soubize; and that saving themselves in a Shalloop, should set the Powder on fire; and to the end to gain the more credit, his order was to offer his service even to carry Letters into Rochel, and to bring back Answers, in which they would facilitate to him the means of going and coming, without taking notice of him, until he had acted the design.  
Having well deduced the whole by steps, in conclusion he said, that the other had the intention of those that sent him, and he his own; and that his chief Obligation being to his Conscience, and his Religion, he had been willing to declare from the first what they had stipulated with him, and the design of Poyane, to the end it might be prevented. And further, that if they judged it to purpose to manage for their advantage what was designed against them, he was ready (keeping the thing secret) to go into the King's Camp, feigning always to be well intentioned, and to gain belief in what he pretended, he offered to carry their Letters to Rochel, and to bring other back, and to execute all faithfully, and acquaint those of Rochel with the truth, and what they should desire him to impart to them, and bring them back again the estate and condition of the City.  
1628. October. Having heard his Propositions, though he seemed to the Deputies to speak with ingenuity, yet nevertheless they thought there was no reason to confide much in one that had dealt so double, and that it might be a triple Treason: But notwithstanding, all things maturely considered, and reducing things to a point, they judged it convenient to serve themselves in all Adventures, managing things in such sort, that if he should cheat them, and follow the directions of those who first employed him, their Deputies might make their advantage by it, which was to maintain a Communication betwixt them and the City, and prepare things for the Accommodation projected.  
Having thus agreed among themselves, and having communicated it to the General, they gave him two Letters; one without Ciphers, which he might show to the Lords the Ministers, being accommodated to that which they desired they should know, and the other in a most difficult cipher, and such as never any of their intercepted Letters, whereof there was many, could be deciphered; by which they expressed the true Foundation of their Intentions, with charge to the Messenger not to show them at Court, but deliver them only to the Mayor: And further, in the second Letter, the Duke of Soubize sent one to the Duchess of Rohan, his Mother, of the same Tenure; all three, which were trusted with this Man, are as followeth.  1628. October. 
The Letter not in Ciphers from Sieur Vincent, to the Messieurs of Rochel.  
Gentlemen,  
SInce the coming of Sieur la Land du Lac, whereof we have advertised you by the Signals agreed upon, we have not sent any to you, because that which Chardevine delivered you, contained all that we had to tell you, since that the obstinate Calms and contrary Winds hath hindered us from attempting any thing; hut nevertheless they have not slackened their firm resolution of relieving you, whatever it cost them: If it may be by a Treaty, rather than by the Effusion of Blood, you and we shall have cause to praise God. We hear there are some Reciprocal Inclinations for this, and the Conference between the Cardinal, and Monsieur Montague, and his Voyage with a Passport for England, seems to promise the effect: For our part, we endeavour it here; we sought yesterday a way for obtaining, if it can be, a Passport, to the end that two of us might go to the Camp of his Majesty; which if it be granted, and that we discover that they will treat freely with us, we will endeavour to get leave to visit and confer with you, to inform you of all, to the end that you may thereupon take your Resolutions. In the mean time we will not dissemble the fears we have, that by Conferences they may lay snares to surprise you, and lull us asleep. Your diligence will in the first place remedy it; and on this side, you may rely upon our care, in as much as it is seconded by the good intentions of the General. For the rest, we refer you to this Gentleman, conformable to that ; and upon the assurance that he hath given us to be able to go and come, we hope he will report to us at 1628. October. large your condition. And now we pray God to continue to you the Miracle of your patience, until it shall please him to deliver you altogether. Gentlemen, your most humble and most obedient Servants, in behalf of all your Deputies to the King of Great Britain, in the absence of Sieurs Bragneau, Dehinse, and Gobert, who are in another Ship, to whom we cannot give advice of this occasion.  
Ph. Vincent, from aboard the Duke of Soubize, Octob. 13. 1628.  
Since the writing of this, there hath been a Skirmish which you may have seen; it cost not the life of any of our men, but the liberty of many Captains, for not having carried themselves, others being substituted in their places to do better: Be not discouraged, but be assured, that if God please, they will labour with all affection and diligence to relieve you; and that the Errors passed are of Learning to them for the time to come.  
The other Letter in cipher, from Sieur Vincent to the Mayor in particular, was as followeth.  
Monsieur,  
BEsides the general Letter, I writ this to you in particular, to which, though it is not signed by any but myself, you may please, nevertheless, to give an entire belief to it; because that what the Duke of Soubize writeth to the Duchess of Rohan, his Mother, will confirm to you the Contents: The one, and the other, is to testify to you our extreme fears from the Voyage of Sieur Montague to England, there being great appearance, that he hath agreed upon some things with the Cardinal to our prejudice, and that he is 1628. October. gone thither to get the King of Great Britain's consent thereunto. Besides this, we find ourselves under another trouble which is greater, to wit, that we observe too visibly a great coldness in many, from a belief which they would impress upon themselves, that it is impossible to force the Digue. Against these two Evils, which are extreme, we would with all our might provide some Remedies: And as to the first, the Duke of Soubize hath writ effectually to the said King, and I most particularly to Monsieur David; and that which gives us hope that they will not advance any thing against us on that side, is, that knowing the true generous Inclinations of that Prince, we cannot think that any thing is capable to turn him from that which he hath so often promised us, except that Montague officiously foretelling, that if we do not relieve you before his return, your extremities cannot wait for him; so that we must either save you speedily, or you will be for ever lost. Our greatest labour is to keep up the spirits of the people from fainting, among whom there are many, who for to palliate their Cowardice, allegeth the fear of want of Victuals, as also the Sickness that is begun in several Ships. Contrary to this, we endeavour all we can to fortify the General, who as to himself is most well disposed, and promiseth us always, that with the first favourable Wind he will do what is possible to finish the Enterprise. In like manner the Earl of Morton, who is Vice-Admiral, and the Principal Captains, promise us marvels, and there passeth not an hour that we do not solicit them, especially the Duke of Soubize applies himself therein with an extraordinary affection and assiduity; nevertheless, he and we fear, that those upon whom depends the next execution, will not second the good intentions of their Captains, but do as ill as they did in the second attack; 1628. October. and that whilst time slips away, it will cost us our ruin. And thus thinking it entirely necessary to have two Cords to our Ark, and seeing that Montague hath opened the way to a Treaty, it is adviseable to try what is to be done on that side; and therefore after having engaged the General by a most solemn promise, that he will keep his word, for giving way to it, when God shall present the occasion, we dispatched yesterday a Prisoner to Monsieur Treillebois, (who had heretofore invited us to seek the King, assuring us, that he would receive you into favour) to whom we have writ, that if he will procure for us a Pass port, two of us will go to the Camp to confer with such as his Majesty shall appoint, and contribute what in us lies for the gaining a good Accommodation. We expect an Answer to our Letter; and if this Passport be granted us, our design is to hear what will be proposed to us, and without rejecting or approving any thing, carry ourselves so, that they may give us Passports for to go and confer with you. This is the true condition of our Affairs, which I assure myself will cause great perplexity in you; but in my Opinion, all that you can do at present is, to write pressingly to the General, and represent the indignity it will be to him, if after you have so long languished, and seen the greatest part of your Fellow-Citizens die of famine, in the expectation of so often reiterated promises from his Majesty, which he was come to execute, he should either return without having employed the Power that he was furnished with, for relieving you, or be a means of an Accommodation, when they have put the Knife to your Throats. When you shall please to write us, I beseech you to express very particularly your state and condition, and above all, how long you can yet hold out, we assuring you, that we will manage it with all imaginable discretion, 1628. October. and omit nothing that is possible for conducting this affair to a happy end, notwithstanding the difficulties that is found in it. The Lord bless all to us, the grief that I have for your miseries, will testify for me the endeavours that I have made for preventing them, and if my life would serve to remedy them, I should most cheerfully lay it down: I hope, nevertheless, that in the end the Divine Bounty will look upon us in pity, and that I shall have the comfort to return thanks with you, and to assure you of the affection that I have for you, who am,  
From aboard the Duke of Soubize, Octob. 23. 1628. Monsieur, Your most humble, and most obedient Servant, Ph. Vincent.  
The Letter in Ciphers, from the Duke of Soubize, to the Duchess of Rohan, his Mother.  
My Dear Mother,  
THe Enclosed expresseth particularly our whole and true state and condition; it is addressed to you, to the end that having deciphered it, you may please to deliver it to the Mayor, and confer with him upon the Contents, and management of them, as much as the importance of the thing requireth: Remain still, Madam, (if you please) assured, that we shall leave nothing unattempted, and that we hope, however it is at present with us, that the Lord will in his mercy save us: I believe you make no doubt of the extreme displeasure I am cast under by the difficulties we have here met with, from him who hath engaged us in so prodigious negligence or linger; but it behoves us to bend under that which 1628. October. God hath ordained, and to move him by our prayers, who I assure myself will hear them; and that he will yet in mercy give me the opportunity to embrace you, as being,  
My Dear Mother, Your most humble and most obedient Son, Soubize.  
This Gentleman being dispatched with these Letters, and necessary Instructions, went to the King's Camp, where they debated, whether he should go to Rochel or no; but in the end it was carried for going; and the 26th he went thither, where, according as he had promised, he delivered all the Letters which he was trusted with, and the 27th carried an Answer back to the English Army, where he remained till after the reduction of the City, and hath not since returned into France, at least that any knows of; from whence one may gather, that he had some doubt with himself, whether he had not served the Deputies more faithfully, than those to whom he was first engaged.  
What effects these Letters produced when delivered, belongs to the History of the carriage of the Citizens within the Town; whatever it was, the same day they were communicated with the Sieur de Fequiere (who they kept Prisoner) to manage the Treaty of Peace, which a little after was brought to perfection, and signed the 29th following.  
The Deputies which were in the English Army seeing the weather favourable (after which they 1628. October. had so long groaned, was at last come) the Wind being fair, and that the English were contented to make show of setting sail, and yet but at a distance to fire their Cannon, they were more and more confirmed in their thoughts, that it was high time to save the City, if by a Treaty they could do it; and besides the , of whom they were in diffidence, dispatched two others to carry the same advice.  
The 24th ditto they received Passports, under the Faith of which Sieur Vincent and Bragneau went the next morning in a Shalloop to the half way, to de la palace, to confer with the Sieurs Treillebois and Lisle, with whom they spoke in conformity to the Letter written at first, and promised, if it pleased his Majesty to give them Passports for Rochel, they would do what was possible for them to dispose their Fellow-Citizens to seek his Grace, rather than to come to extremity; and told them in their ear, that though the English would not consent unto a Treaty except by their Intercession, they should not be wanting by inducements to persuade their Fellow-Citizens to have recourse rather to his Majesty directly, as judging it would be more agreeable to him, than by engaging Strangers in it.  
The Passports from the King's Camp being arrived for two of their Deputies, the English General, and Duke of Soubize, judged it most convenient to commit that Employment, the 26th ditto, to the Sieurs Vincent and Gobert, to whom the General gave this Passport:  

WE have permitted to the Sieurs Vincent and Gobert, Deputies for Rochel, to go by 1628. October. Shalloop to confer with the French; and in case that they have brought them a Pass port, to transport themselves to the French Kings Camp.  
From aboard our Ship the Admiral, Octob. 26. 1628. LINDSEY.   
By Virtue of this Passport, the  Vincent and Cobert went to confer with the same persons with whom they had already communicated, who waited for them in the same place, and the same Evening conducted them aboard of Monsieur de Valencey Admiral, who received them very kindly, and treated them very splendidly.  
The 27th, being next day, early in the morning a Carrots met them, and carried them to Sausay, accompanied by the abovesaid persons, who presented them at eight in the morning to Monsieur the Cardinal.  
They told him at their Entry, that having the Honour to present themselves before him, it was not without confusion, to see those with whom they were Parties; nevertheless they were emboldened in it, by their Consciences bearing them witness, that they had kept their hearts firm and true to France, though amongst Strangers; for even as the Fish keeps their sweetness in a salt Element, upon which they swim, to give witness of themselves; in the like kind, as soon as they understood that there was an Overture to treat amicably, they rather than by effusion of blood sought means to communicate with his Grandeur, and to offer themselves to his Majesty, to be employed to their Fellow-Citizens for bringing them to give him contentment, in acknowledging their Errors, supplicating him the Cardinal to procure 1628. October. them his Majesty's Grace, as well as them who had the honour to speak to him, and believe that they walked herein with all candour and clearness, and possibly not unprofitably for the service of his Majesty.  
He answered, that what they said for themselves, did not surmount theirs or their Fellow-Citizens faults, which they confessed to be great; but the bounty of the King was yet greater for pardoning of them, to whom he would freely employ his Intercession, if on their part they would return to their duty; and thereupon he demanded of them, what assurance they had of those of Rochel, which gave them hopes of being able to bring them to a submission.  
They replied, that they had not yet communicated with them thereupon, but if it would please his Majesty to suffer them to go to confer with them, they believed they should be able to lay before them such pertinent Reasons, as they durst confidently hope would bring them to the consideration thereof.  
The Cardinal desiring that they would give him some light, they told him, that not having any subtlety, but to proceed with all simplicity, they would speak to him with all freedom, and to him above all others, as to one not to be imposed upon, and on whom all our hope or fear depended; and would therefore tell him, that having followed the Instructions of those that sent them, they had not been any way wanting in endeavouring relief, in the greatest measure and readiness that was possible for them, but that in their Solicitations they had found it a misery to expect it from Strangers, who lay not to heart the interest 1628. October. of those that they engage, except their own be equally in it, and are seldom faithful to them; that having studied more than a year the intentions the English had for them, they were still as ignorant of it as the first day: It is true, they gave us abundance of good words, but as to effects, they had found them all such, as if their design was to lose Rochel; and in this an infinite of Circumstances concurred, that the reason of their engaging in Arms, was for the gathering in their Harvest, having then put their Sickles into the Corn, and that which made the want of their Harvest the more bitter was, that the English had drawn from them great quantities of their Provisions when they were in Re, which seemed a second means to come infallibly to their end; that having so often promised to send them Corn, in way of returns they would never do it, although their Deputies solicited them Evening and Morning for it, and that it was most easy for them to have done it; that having sent a Relief in the Month of May last, it came to no other end than to make a show, returning without making the least attempt, and without even suffering the French, which they had in their Ships, to do it, who offered to run the Adventure, and give Hostages as caution for payment for their Ships. Indeed, they had at last prepared a brave Army, and brought it within their sight, but was so late in it, as they seemed to design that Rochel, whose necessities they knew should render before they could be there, and since their arrival, it seems, that they came thither but for their own affairs with the King, and capitulating the reduction of the Town. Indeed they had puissant means, and particularly three Ships to Mine, 1628. October. which they protested they would employ, and promised better success, than at the Stuccade or Palisade at Antwerp; but all was but words without effect, and our Deputies seeing the going and coming of Montague to treat, knew from the English themselves, that they had sent him into England to have that King's allowance; and considering all these circumstances, they concluded, that since they spoke of a Treaty, it would be much more agreeable to the King, as also to their Fellow-Citizens, to receive Grace from his own hand, than from that of a Stranger Prince, who had been so ill a Garrantee to them of the last Peace: And that upon these considerations, they had sought by those ways known to the Cardinal, the means of speaking to him for obtaining of his Majesty by his favour the liberty of waiting upon him, and open to him all their hearts, and to endeavour also (as they hoped) to impress upon him their resolutions of leaving all thoughts of the English, and instead of letting themselves die upon the expectation of their promises, they would return to their duty, in seeking the Grace of the King, where they should find that, which the relief of the others put them in danger of losing, adding, that God seemed to fight for him from Heaven, having given him all weathers to his own desire, both in building of the Digue, and hindering what the English could do there.  
The Cardinal being profoundly attentive to all this discourse, commended the good intentions which they gave testimony of, and said, that they took the right way, in having recourse directly to the grace of his Majesty, which will be better and more surely granted them, than if a Foreign 1628. October. Prince should be interested in it: but he further demanded, what caution they could give for their serving his Majesty, as they promised.  
They answered, that they would give two good Assurances; one, that the Interest of those for whom they acted required it; the other, that being two Deputies, one should remain (if it pleased the King) as caution with his Head, for the fidelity of his Companion, excepting only the success.  
The Cardinal said, that he hoped that his Majesty would trust them, and approve of the Project designed by them to this end; and to give them light in what they were to treat of, he told them his intentions touching them, that he would not conceal from them, that the Affairs of Italy pressed his Majesty, and to such a point, that days to him were years; and that he would buy them at a dear rate; that those of Rochel had given him to understand, that they had yet enough for three full Months: If so, he would give them a blank Paper to write their own Conditions; but if they were not able to hold out longer, it was not reasonable that obdurate obstinacy should have such Conditions as a free and voluntary submission; and propounded in the first place, that his Majesty should send Commissioners into the City, with whom their Deputies should be joined, to examine their Provisions, and to make a faithful report thereof, reiterating, that if they had to hold out three Months, they should grant them such Capitulations as themselves should desire; but if extreme necessity forced them to render, it was but just to do it upon discretion.  
In reply to this, they supplicated him not to 1628. October. render them Messengers to their Fellow-Citizens of such bad news, and said, that the Expedient in searching what Victuals was remaining was impracticable, as to a true discovery thereby, because in times of necessity particular persons hid and lock them up, as the treasure of their lives, so that there may be for three Months, and beyond, and yet impossible to make it appear; as upon the review in the Month of May, there was not found more than for one Month, notwithstanding that it is now near six Months since: Besides that, a reckoning aught to be made of all that the Sea brings, of Fish and Cockles, of all the Herbs that the ground produceth, of all the Skins, Soles, Parchments, and generally of all that hath any juice or moisture, from which by the ingenious preparations of men Hunger can receive any nourishment: And though all this is not sufficient to maintain the whole number for three Months, yet reserving the Victuals for those that shall be capable to resist, leaving others as a prey to Famine, it may be able to pass beyond even that term: they told him, they knew there would never want persons, who to render themselves acceptable, would perpetually bring news, that they are ready to render from day to day, and that they knew such news had been entertained this four Months, by which the vanity of it had appeared; but the uncertainty herein may much better be judged of by their being yet as hardened as ever, and it could not rationally be thought, that they could be so imprudent, as having no Victuals, to suffer themselves to be reduced to the last point, before making Conditions, or thinking of Capitulating: And all this considered, he said, as their 1628. October. Deputy, he most humbly supplicated, that they might be made the Messengers of his Majesty's Grace, to the end that they may be the better able to value it for his service, and to consider it for the good of those for whom they have to do, seeing by experience, that when they cannot live, they know how to die: Upon which Sieur Vincent, who spoke, could not contain himself from weeping.  
The Cardinal made hereunto answer, that the representation merited consideration, and that he would the same day go to his Majesty, and hoped to procure his approbation for their going to their Fellow-Citizens, according as they had propounded.  
The Deputies returning him thanks, added, that they hoped that his Majesty would consider, that though the Crimes of their Fellow-Citizens were most great, and that they would not pretend to excuse them no more than themselves; nevertheless, the Flower de Luce's, which have always remained entire upon their Gates and Walls, were yet more in their hearts, and that they had always conserved them there; and that because they shown themselves deaf to divers Propositions, by which the English would have detached their Fidelity from this Crown, they had so long retarded their succours, and suffered them to languish. He answered with a benign Countenance, and that which evidenced his Approbation of what they said: We know, said the Cardinal, that what you say is true, and it is the only door left you to enter by into the favour of the King your Sovereign.  
Parting thus from him, they hoped that a permission 1628. October. for going into the City would have been given them; but the same day in the Afternoon ●hey were surprised with the news brought them, ●hat there was arrived at Sausay (the same place where they were) Deputies from Rochel, to treat of Conditions for surrendry of the City.  
This made them, the Deputies from the English Army presume, that the City having received their Letters of the twenty third, they agreed with them, that it was to no purpose to expect any thing from the English by force of Arms, and for what was of Treaty, that they had the same consideration as they had had; that it would be of more advantage and security to them, to seek by themselves the favour of his Majesty, than by the Intercession of any so little agreeable, as one might judge that of the English would be; and approving altogether their Counsels, they regretted only, that having writ them, that they would endeavour a Passport for going to them, they had not expected the effect, for that it had been better that they should have sought it for them, rather than themselves, which administered jealousy of a great extremity.  
As these Deputies reasoned thus one with another, the other Deputies from the City were with the Cardinal, and other Ministers of State, treating for Conditions; who to obtain the better, endeavoured to give jealousy of the English succours; upon which it was told them, that they abused themselves in relying upon them, and that the English having lost all hopes of doing any thing for their relief, had sent their own Deputies to manage a particular Treaty for them, without speaking of Rochel: And when they made difficulty 1628. October. of believing that the Deputies from the English Army were there, they were sent for, and shown to them in the Council-Chamber, where they saluted and embraced one another, but without being permitted to confer together; only the Cardinal told the new Deputies, that he could not but observe how greatly their City was obliged to their old Deputies, their Fellow-Citizens (which he had showed to them) for their abundant affection, for that in treating for them, they could not come upon their Condition without tears, interceding for them with excessive earnestness; and after this he obliged them to withdraw.  
When they were apart they all agreed that the Cardinal had dealt with them with more Art than was common, in making them, the several Deputies from the City and English Army, to see one another without suffering them to speak together, that so he might make use of their several Discourses to each Party, as might best serve his turn. But however, finding that their last Letters to the City had been delivered, by which they had acquainted them how they had managed a Passport for going to them, they concluded that the Council of the City could not be wanting in advertising their Deputies sent to Court with the Effects of their Letters, that they might thereby apprehend the cause of their coming thither: Besides, there were some of their Company, who, upon all occasions, came to see them, and particularly they found means to speak with Sieur de Lisle, who without making show of it, had always had his Eye upon them, and coming to them, told them, That the City-Deputies were advised that they were there upon their Accounts, to endeavour 1628. October. the Conclusion of a Treaty for the City, and that by the inducement of the English themselves, who though they were frequent in continual promises for attempting what was possible for their relief; they nevertheless saw no reason to expect much from them, nor upon that account to interrupt the Treaty; only it behoved them to manage it with setting as good a Face on the matter as they could for obtaining the better Conditions.  
These Deputies from the City, being returned thither the same day, went again the next day and concluded the Rendition under the Articles which they esteemed good, or to express it better, such as they could obtain without, that the other come from the English Army having any part in them, or that it was then possible for them to know the truth of what they were agreed upon.  
The Deputies from the English Army knowing in general that the Treaty was concluded without making any mention of them, because the King would not suffer it, they supplicated the Cardinal to procure them also the Grace of his Majesty; and to the French in the English Army, and in general to all those which the Commotions had forced either into England, or other Countries, which he promised them; and having ordered them to treat thereof with Monsieur Chateauneuf, in the end they obtained the Declaration of 29. Octob. importing, That the King pardoned them for all things passed, permitting them to come again into their Havens, even with the Prizes that they had taken; for that they should enjoy the same Grace as his other Subjects, with free exercise of their Religion, giving them all their Goods, except the Fruits received, and Debts confiscated 1628. October. and actually paid, allowing three months to those of Re and Rochel who were in England for returning to enjoy the same Grace.  
The Keys of the City being brought to the King the 29. and his Troops entering the 30. it was agreed among the said Deputies, That the Sieur Gobert should go to the City, and Sieur Vincent to the English, to whom having carried this ill news, the General expressed his great dislike of it, and the more because Montague, having used the diligence he promised, was returned, and had brought all necessary Orders for the Treaty, to which the English had very willingly consented, but were desirous to have had all to pass through their hands.  
Montague upon the whole was very angry that his run had been unprofitable, and fell upon Sieur Vincent in full Council for rendering of the City, blaming their impatience, and accusing them of having ill requited the King of England's good will towards them.  
The Sieur Vincent answered him, That he would force a man wounded with grief to tear it from his Bosom; and told him, That as to his poor Country, in behalf of which he durst so unjustly accuse him, it was he, and such as he, that by their secret Conspiracies had reduced it to the miserable condition wherein it now was: That he did not speak of his serene Majesty of England, whose Intentions he knew had always been for saving of this poor City; nor did he intent the present General, of whose sincerity and goodwill he desired to be very cautious; but as to Montague, and others of his Faction, who underhand had been nourished by him, they had always 1628. October. crossed the best and most generous designs, and that by their delays from day to day in England they hindered the Succours from parting in time, and have continued the same Practices since the departure and arrival of the Fleet, by spreading discouraging reports of the Digue, which had abated the courage of the men, and have since obstinately hindered in Council the employing of the Vessels which were for the Mine, and which was the only means of opening the Digue: That he in particular had lost them all by his obstinate Communication with the other Party, though they spared not to remonstrate the consequence thereof, and that after the Army appeared to treat there was no more hopes left for them, each desiring rather to have the Quarrel decided by Composition, without danger to him, than by fight, where he might be slain. That having then these just reproaches against him, it ill became him to complain of those that he had ruined, and was the cause of all whereof he accuseth them. It was notorious to all that the City had given proof of a miraculous and not to be paralleled Constancy, and were left by them to die by thousands; for expecting the performance of the word of their King, their Master, and the relief that he had promised them; that the Succours arriving after so long expectation they saw them remain a whole Month making such feeble Attaques as seemed to be in jest, leaving Famine to finish her last spoils, adventuring the City to be taken away by their first Attaque, as considering their feebleness and small number it had indubitable been, had the Enemy made the least Attempt; That if in the end they did capitulate they knew 1628. October. it to be after they saw their last Morsel, and after they knew that Montague had designed their reduction, and was gone to consert it in England, from whence it was to be doubted whether he could return so soon as he promised. Hereupon they resolved (since it behoved them to render, and not to act any longer as they had done) to accept a Capitulation, which at least would conserve their lives. Sieur Vincent called Heaven and Earth, and all honest men that were present, to witness if it were not unjust and inhuman to lay the blame of this occasion upon them, thereby to ravish them of the sole Consolation left them in their misery, and so to leave nothing und one that might aggravate their sufferings, instead of endeavouring to defend them who have witnessed a Constancy, which Posterity will think a Prodigy, or hardly believe it.  
The General, who carried fair to Sieur Vincent, acknowledged the truth of that which he said; and, seeing him transported with grief, stayed the Discourse, and restrained Montague, who, in great passion, demanded reparation for this discourse, and so left the Company.  
This passing, the 31. Octob. the Sieur Vincent, conferring the same day with the Duke of Soubize, and the other Rochel-Deputies who remained there, touching the French in the English Army, and what course they should take: They agreed that it was best to assemble them, and communicate the stipulations for them, to the end that those that would might lay hold of the Grace which was obtained for them; and acquainted the General with it, who approved of it, declaring that having no Commands from his Majesty but for their 1628. October. good and ease, if they esteemed it best for them to return home, he would not hinder it; and accordingly being aboard, Captain Bragneau, Sieur Vincent, made known to them what had passed, causing the King's Declaration to be read to them, which they had obtained in their favour, adding what he had understood from the General, as to that which concerned them, to the end they might participate with them.  
This was the cause of a long Contestation among them, some inclining to return, and others said, they could not trust to the promises that had been made.  
Sieur Vincent's advice being thereupon desired, he represented to them, that considering the different Sentiments which he found them in, he could not judge it in his power to satisfy all: That it was true, that those who shown diffidence, wanted not apparent reason for it; but in his opinion there was more than enough to assure him, that the Treaty had been made by the Intercession of the Cardinal, who was very jealous of his word, that fear of it ought to proceed from some great profit which would redound from the breach of it, as there can be none at all for Rochel, with its Privileges, being now given up as the price of our Lives, Estates, and Liberty; those remaining in the Ruins are not other ways considered, than as other private persons of the Religion in the Villages of Bries; that an evil Treatment is not to be feared, but with reason to expect favour, seeing Montauban and the other Cities hold out; yet so, that the usage of Rochel will be a Precedent of hope or fear to them. As to himself, they knew that he would be well received if he returned into England, 1628. October. and would find advantageous means of subsisting there; but he believed it to be his duty, in Charity to his Fellow-Citizens, to submit to the same Conditions with them; and that with more reason they, to whom he spoke, aught to do the same, who returning into a strange Country, would be reduced to Alms, and lose their Estates on this side; but concluded that each was to do as he should think best, but it seemed to him, that those that should return for England, would follow ill counsel.  
The greatest part yielding to these Reasons, resolved to take the benefit of the Declaration; but the next morning, the first of November, there were some that changed their minds: That which passed aboard Captain Bragneau, being come to the knowledge of the English, some represented to the General, that if they parted with the French, they should be▪ so weakened, as not to be able to execute the Enterprises they designed, amongst which there was one upon Brovage not to be acted until their return, when they shall have need of their Conduct all along the Coast, even unto the Channel, or Narrow Seas, because they had more knowledge therein than they had: Above all, that it would concern the Honour of their King, that being under his Banner, they should make a Treaty without him, nor ought they to ratify it, but leave the thing entire to his Majesty.  
The Council being assembled, it was hereupon resolved to carry all the French, and even the Sieur Vincent, to give an account to the King of what he had done in the Treaty.  
The General having sent for him aboard, acquainted him with it; to which he answered, that 1628. October. if they detained them, they should protest against the Violence; and that besides their general complaint for not relieving them, but suffering their City to perish, they had done them this particular injustice, to expose their Estates as a Prey to those who henceforward would have them in their disposition: That the City of which they were, and for which they had acted, not being any more but lost, through want of being relieved in time by his Majesty, the Treaty made with him had no more place; and that without doubt it would be to him more agreeable that they retired without noise, than to see before his eyes the sad Objects which would reproach him with the ruins of their poor Country, by being engaged with him in Arms. As to him in particular, if he had no regard but to himself, he knew he should have the King's savour, and that which would be much better for him, than what he could hope for from a desolate City, where he foresaw he should suffer greatly, and see Spies upon him in his future employment, and upon the least suspicion, in danger of his life; but he prayed him to consider the Cords that obliged him to his Fellow-Citizens, who having cherished him in their prosperity, he should be unworthy and treacherous if he forsook them in their adversity: Above all, that being one of their Pastors, he should never forget, and especially not in this great Shock, to do all that he could (according to the ability God had given him) for to help to sustain and comfort them under their misfortunes. In the end, those that had given the advice to carry him back, found it not (as is probable) for their Interest to do it, because if once he should have had the Honour to speak to the 1628. October. King, he might happily have informed divers particulars which would not have been to their advantage.  
The General heard this discourse with attention, and having communicated it with the Duke of Soubize, and Monsieur de Laval, retracted the first advice of carrying back all the Vessels, and restrained it to some particulars, and among others, to that of Captain Bragneau; and then gave a Shalloop to Sieur Vincent, of whom the General and Chief Officers took an amicable leave; and so he was brought the second of November to the Chain cross the Digue: some also of the French Vessels put here and there into Havens, whilst the rest were obliged to follow the English, who set sail on Saturday the fourth in the Evening. And now upon the whole, thus hath been the Commencement, thus the Progress, thus the unfruitful issue of the Deputation of Sieur Vincent, and the others; and thus also the management of the Treaty of Peace.  
Having transcribed this, as aforesaid, out of the Journal of Sieur Vincent, I thought it my duty to insert it here.  
To continue this History; after the Articles for the rendition of the City was signed by both Parties, the Deputies returned into the Town to have them approved of; and to that end the Council was assembled in the Common Hall, where was called first the Nobless, the Heads of the Soldiers, the Burghers and Inhabitants, and there the Deputies gave an account of all their management, and told them, that all which they could obtain was contained in the Articles, which they caused to be read to them; that truly they had 1628. October. done what was possible for comprehending the Duchess of Rohan within the Treaty, but that the Ministers would not upon any terms harken to that, telling them, that without their concerning themselves in it, his Majesty would do therein what was convenient, he acknowledging her to have the Honour to be his Kinswoman, that they had insisted unto the last for comprehending the Sieur Grossetiere, but that they also rejected it, and declared outright, that if they would stick upon that Article, they might return; and that his Majesty, who shown them grace, would advise upon what he further should agree to; that they had essayed the same for the Deputies in England, and the French which were in the English Ships, but they did also silence them upon that point, and said, that his Majesty would not be pleased, that after their faults confessed, and in the condition they now were reduced to, they should make any Demand beyond what he had of his own free Grace granted them; that having been forced to receive the conditions as they were brought, there was one of them conceived to be already wholly broke, in that the exercise of Religion granted, was without specifying it to be meant in the City; upon which having desired an Explanation, they refused to give it, but declaring resolutely and plainly, that they could not conclude any thing, nor return into the City without that Article; and remaining firm for it, they in the end obtained it.  
After this, they approved with one Voice all their Negotiation, only some objected, that the Preamble to the Articles seemed rude; and above all, in the word Crime, which was there inserted; 1628. October. but others replied, that it was not for them to cavil at words, and that in truth all resistance of a Sovereign by Arms in his own Country, passeth for a Crime: And further, that to weigh impartially the terms of the Preface, they seem to import something of softness, in that there are divers degrees of Crimes, and that his Majesty doth not attribute to them the greatest Crime, but restrains it, as in calling it only, A Fault in having resisted his Will, in not opening their Gates, and in having adhered to Strangers: Whereas to resist, is less than to have been charged with complotting for the withdrawing from under the obedience of the Crown, as some passionate persons would have accused them of: And likewise to charge them with adhering to Strangers, was less than to have charged them with having invited, or sought to give themselves voluntarily up to them, of which their Calumniators would have defamed them: So that his Majesty in his Expressions had washed them from those spots, as willing to give them cause to rely upon him, who considered them as his Subjects, because though they had sailed, they had nevertheless been right at bottom, and kept their hearts for him, and accordingly he had treated them; that to render themselves worthy, they ought to accept of his Grace, without bartering for more than it pleaseth him to offer them.  
After the mature consideration of this wise advice, every one unanimously ratified the Articles as the Deputies had brought them, and joined to the present Deputies, the Sieurs Andrew Trouppet, Prou, Beaupreau, Huet, Godfrey, and Prevast, Junior, to go altogether to carry the Ratification 1628. October. to the King, who they found at la Leu, betwixt two and three in the Afternoon, and kneeling down before him, Sieur de la Gout, in the Name of the City and Deputies, spoke as followeth.  

SIR,  
THose who have a long time been shut up in dark Prisons, when they come abroad, cannot without being dazzled behold the light of the Sun; so also we having been a long time shut up within the enclosure of our Walls, coming now to appear before your Majesty, we cannot support the splendour of it without obscurity, and some horror of our faults passed, which augmenteth our confusion; but nevertheless, the Bounty of your Majesty, of which we have so often had the experience, and have now fresh resentments, give us the boldness to prostrate ourselves at your feet to obtain pardon, though our frequent relapses into the same Crimes can give us no hopes, other than by the sole consideration of our present resentment, and our extreme passion, for giving testimony to your Majesty, that you shall not have henceforward any Subjects more faithful and obedient than we. This Protestation that we now make you is from your City of Rochel, in which King Henry the Great, your Father, (the honour of whose amity and kindness we can never lose the memory) did always find a great affection to his service, they having had the honour to serve him at other times in his Retreats and Residence. The City protesteth to your Majesty all Fidelity and Obedience, the execution whereof taking away the remembrance of our Rebellions, they hope your Bounty, after you have given them your pardon, will in grace and favour 1628. October. lose the memory thereof, since we are resolved to live and die henceforward in the obedience that we acknowledge to owe you, and do vow to your Majesty there shall not be hereafter any Subjects and Servants more faithful and affectionate to your service, than those of the City of Rochel.   
The King made answer in these words, I pray God that what you say be from your hearts, and not from the necessity you are reduced unto: I am not ignorant that you have been always very malicious and mutinous, and have deserved a severe Chastisement, but I will return good for evil. I pardon you your Rebellions; be for the time to come good and faithful Subjects to me, and I will be to you a good Prince; and if your actions be conformable to the Protestations you make me, I will keep my Promise with you.  
They excused to him the Mayors not coming with them, to render to him in Person his most humble submission and homage, saying, that according to Custom he was to remain in the City, to receive his Majesty there, and either cause a piece of the Wall to be beaten down, or take down one of the Gates, according as it should please his Majesty to order his Entry: All which being pleasing to the King, he sent them back well content.  
Being returned into the City, the same Evening they delivered the Articles, sealed with the Great Seal, to the Mayor and Council, and told them, that the King had assured them, that all that he had granted them should be effectually kept, and that the would not do wrong to any person, nor s●ffer the Honour of Women or Maids to be violated; 1628. October. and that he would cause to be observed so good order among the Soldiers, that they should be therewith content: And further commanded, that they should assemble in the morning the Nobless, Captains, Officers and Soldiers, as well French as English, to be ready at eight in the morning to go out of the City, according to the Capitulations, because at nine a Clock the Regiment of Guards, and that of Swisseses should enter; and said further, that he understood that every one of the City was to carry their Arms into the Town-Hall.  
The thirtieth, in the morning, all was without delay executed, but it was a great astonishment to the King's Troops, to see the remainder of twelve Companies of French Soldiers, which they raised in the beginning of the Siege, reduced to sixty; and betwixt four and five hundred, which the Duke of Buckingham left, reduced to sixty two men; the first took part where they pleased, without being blamed, and the others were conducted to the English Army.  
The same day, about nine in the morning, the Duke of Angoulesme, the Marshal Schomberg, and the Sieur Marillac entered, with a moiety of the Regiment of Guards, and that of Swisseses, by the Gate de Coin, of which they took possession, as also of all the other Ports, places of Arms, Towers, Ramparts, Cannons, Magazines, and Munition, placing Guards and Sentinels in all the Corners and principal Streets; and at the same time (as had been done in the Camp) made Proclamation throughout the City, by the King, and the Duke of Espernon, Colonel of the French Infantry, 1628. October. prohibiting all Soldiers for quitting their Ranks, Posts, and Courts of Guard, to go into any House, or touch the Honour of any Woman or Maid, upon pain of being hanged and strangled: They possessed themselves also of the Fort Tadon, into which was put two Regiments to guard it.  
The same day, all the Quarters being marked in the City, Cardinal Richelieu, accompanied with many Lords, and Nobless, made his Entry about two a Clock after Dinner, and having caused a quantity of Victuals and Ammunition-Bread to be brought, he distributed them gratis, and published through the Streets, by sound of Drum, that every one that was in want should fetch them, for he had so much pity and compassion towards the Soldiers, in seeing the Inhabitants Anatomies, and half dead, that in passing through the Streets they cast into their Arms Ammunition-Bread, whose Throats they would the day before have cut: indeed there was so good order established, that there was no abuse committed, or offence given to any person.  
At the Cardinal's entrance the Mayor would have saluted him, but he would not permit it, and commanded to have those discharged who marched before him with Halberds, and to lay down the Function of Mayor.  
The 31th, the Cardinal commanded from the Camp some pioneers to inter the Dead which were in Houses, and other places of the City.   
1628. Novemb. 
NOVEMBER.  
The first of November, betwixt two and three a Clock after Dinner, the King made his Entry by the Port de Coin, mounted upon a brave Horse, accompanied by the Cardinal, and many Lords and Nobless, with the Gens d' Arms, and Musquetee●s of his Guard, and the remaining Companies of the Regiment of Guards, and that of Switz; and without the Gate there was fifty or sixty of the principal of the City, who observing the directions of the Marshal Schomberg, fell on their knees as he passed, crying, Vive le Roy & Misericord▪ the people doing the same in the City, whilst all the Guns from the Forts and Ships, as also from the City, made themselves to be heard. The King's descent was at S. Margaret's Church, where after hearing Vespers, and the Sermon of Father Souffran, he retired in the Evening to la Leu, but returning the next morning, laid in the City.  
It was observed, that the King at his Entry seeing the poor Inhabitants as Anatomies, who with pain and trouble, for want of strength, had done him honour, he had compassion for them, even to the shedding of tears.  
The third of November, profession was made in Rochel, the King with all the Court assisting, the Windows being full of people, and above all of Rochellers desirous to see his Majesty, of whose Entry being very jealous, they found him contrary to what they feared, and considered him as a good Angel come to deliver them from the deep Abyss of their misery, and from the Jaws of Death.  
The King after his entry into the City, commanded 1628. Novemb. the last Mayor, the Sieurs Salbert and Polinier, Ministers, and about ten others, as well of the Corpse of the City, as Burghers, to leave the City, and to absent for six Months; which was done by a mere Verbal Command.  
The fourth and fifth, they ranged in the Castle-yard all the Cannon of the City, as also of the Forts and Digue, and Quarters of the Camp, in order to the conveying them from thence to Brovage, and other places, as was done some days after.  
The same day, about four in the Evening, the English Fleet, after having been a Month and six days in the Road, and seen from thence the reduction of Rochel to the obedience of the King, set sail to carry the news of it for England, and carried with them a great Party of French.  
The sixth, seventh and eighth of this Month was so great a Storm at Southeast, and with such violence, that the Digue in many places, and above all upon the Coast of Portneuf, was so shaken, the Engines and Candlesticks so broken and removed, that a Flemish Ship of two hundred Tuns, laden with Victuals for the relief of the City, which had stayed at the Head of the Bay, being driven by the impetuosity of the Storm, ru● on shore, having passed the Digue with little difficulty, which we observed as the Lords particular protection of the affairs of his Majesty, since had this Storm come eight days sooner, the City had been relieved.  
Some days after the King went to Port the Coin, to see a Mine sprung which they had made at a Piece detached from the said Port, to the end, that according as this should succeed, they might 1628. Novemb. deal with the new, as well as ancient Walls of the City, having ordered the demolishing of all its fortifications; and this Mine succeeded well.  
The sixteenth, the Keeper of the Seal sent for the Registers of the Council, and made a strict search into the Memoires and Instructions given the Deputies the City had sent to the King of England, and of the Treaties made by them with the said Prince, and found that the said Instructions and Treaty had always been with the reservation of their Fidelity which they ought to the Crown. It was said that this search was made, that they might the better know how to frame the King's Declaration, which was soon after published; and that some were of opinion, that in the Preamble of it the King should allege for cause of his Arms, that Rochel had not only called in the English, but also given themselves up to them; but the said Keeper of the Seal refused it, not judging it honest or convenient, except they could make the truth of it appear; whereas by all the Inquest that they could make, as well as by those Public Records finding the contrary, the Declaration touched not at all thereupon: But he gave order, that as well the said Registers, as all the other Instruments, should be carried to Paris, to the Chamber of Accounts, where they still are.  
The eighteenth was published through the ordinary Quarters of the City the Declaration of the King, establishing the Order which he would have observed by the same; he dissolves and abolisheth the Common-Councel of the City, and all her Privileges, as the Dignity of Mayor, the Prevote or ordinary Jurisdiction of the City, uniting 1628. Novemb. them to the Chief Justiceship, with an Intendant of Justice, reducing the five Parishes to three, assigning to every Cure three hundred Livers, upon the Revenue of the Town-House; the said Hall, together with all other Edifices and common places, being united to the Kings Demain, discharged those of the City in general of all acts of Hostility whatever, Negotiations in Foreign Countries, and of all other acts, without being liable to prosecution for the same, saving in cases execrable, excepted by the Edicts or Laws, and such as may concern the Person of the King; and in like manner discharge them for casting of Guns and Cannon, Minting of Money, seizing and taking of Money, as well belonging to the ecclesiastics as the King, together with the levying of Soldiers, and constraint used against the absent, even by demolishing of their Houses, willing that the exercise of the Religion to the Inhabitants which make profession thereof be left free to them within the City, with prohibition nevertheless to all others of the said Religion, for coming to live there, if they had not dwelled there before the descent of the English; that the Taxes of the City shall, in favour of Trade, be limited to four thousand Livers; that the fortifications, both new and old, shall be demolished and razed, even with the ground, except from the Port of S. Nicholas, to the Tower of the Lantern joining to the Port of two Mills, which is on the side of the Sea; and that the Policy be administered by two Councillors, and four Burgesses, which the King shall every year make.  
This Order being established, the King with all 1628. Novemb. his Court, and a great number of Lords and Nobless, took Horse the nineteenth for Paris, betwixt seven and eight in the morning, and left Monsieur de Vignolles with four Regiments (to wit) those the Chaps, du Plessis Praulin, Castlebayrd, and la Meilleraye, to remain there until the demolition of the fortifications were finished: The King's second Residence here was six Months twenty five days: he held the City besieged, from the fourteenth of August, 1627. when the Duke of Angoulesme took up his Quarters at Estre, until the thirtieth of October, 1628. that the Marshal Schomberg and Marilac made their Entry, being one year, two months, and sixteen days. And thus ended the Siege of this so long Celebrated City of Rochel, which for the space of about seventy years had given France so much exercise, and drawn the Eyes of the greatest part of Christendom upon them.     

THE EDICT OR STATUTE Granted by Henry the Fourth of France to those of the Reformed Religion of that Kingdom for the free Exercise of their Consciences in matters of their Religion, & c. called the Edict of Nantes, because Enacted at that City, with the King's Declaration upon the precedent Edicts of Pacification.  

HENRY by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre, To all present and to come, Greeteth.  
Among the infinite mercies that God hath pleased to bestow upon us, that most signal and remarkable is, his having given us power and strength not to yield to the dreadful Troubles, Confusions, and Disorders, which were found at our coming to this Kingdom, divided into so many Parties and Factions, that the most legitimate was almost the least, enabling us with constancy, in such manner to oppose the storm, as in the end to surmount it, reducing this Estate to peace and rest; for which to him alone be given the honour and glory, and us the grace to acknowledge our obligation, in having our labours made use of for the accomplishing so good a work, in which it hath been visible to all, that we have not only done what was our duty, and in our power, but something more than at another time, would (peradventure) have been agreeable to the Dignity we now hold; as in not having had more care, than to have many times so freely exposed our own life. And in this great concurrence of weighty and perilous Affairs, not being able to compose all at one and the same time, we have chosen this Order. First to undertake those who were not to be suppressed but by force, and rather to remit and suspend others for some time, who might be dealt with by reason and justice: for for the general differences among our good Subjects, and the particular evils of the soundest parts of the State, we judged might be easily cured, after the principal cause (the continuation of the Civil Wars) was taken away, in which we have, by the blessing of God, well and happily succeeded, all Hostility and Wars through the Kingdom being now ceased, and we hope he will also prosper us in our other affairs, which remain to be composed, and that by this means we shall arrive at the Establishment of a good Peace, with tranquillity and rest, (which hath ever been the end of all our vows and intentions) as all the reward we desire or expect for so much pain and trouble, as we have taken in the whole course of our life. Amongst our said affairs (towards which it behoves us to have patience) one of the principal hath been, the many complaints we have received from divers of our Provinces and Catholic Cities, for that the exercise of the Catholic Religion was not universally reestablished, as is provided by Edicts or Statutes heretofore made for the Pacification of the troubles arising from Religion; as also the Supplications and Remonstrances which have been made to us by our Subjects of the Reformed Religion, as well upon the execution of what hath been granted them by the said former Laws, as that they desire to have some addition for the exercise of their Religion, the liberty of their Consciences, and the security of their Persons and Fortunes: presuming to have just reasons for desiring some enlargement of Articles, as not being without great apprehensions, because their ruin hath been the principal pretext and original foundation of the late Wars, Troubles, and Commotions. Now not to burden us with too much business at once, as also that the fury of War was not compatible with the Establishment of Laws, how good soever they might be, we have hitherto deferred from time to time giving remedy herein. But now that it hath pleased God to give us a beginning of enjoying some rest, we think we cannot employ ourselves better, than to apply to that which may tend to the glory and service of his holy Name, and to provide that he may be adored and prayed unto by all our Subjects: and if it hath not yet pleased him to permit it to be in one and the same Form of Religion, that it may at the least be with one and the same intention, and with such Rules as may prevent amongst them all trouble or tumults: and that we and this Kingdom may always conserve the glorious Title of most Christian, which hath been by so much merit so long since acquired: and by the same means take away the cause of mischief and trouble, which may happen from the actions of Religion, which of all others are most prevalent and penetrating. For this cause, acknowledging this affair to be of the greatest importance, and worthy of the best consideration, after having considered the Papers of Complaints of our Catholic Subjects, and having also permitted to our Subjects of the Reformed Religion to assemble themselves by Deputies, for framing their complaints, and making a Collection of all their Remonstrances; and having thereupon conferred divers times with them, viewing the precedent Laws, we have upon the whole judged it necessary to give to all our said Subjects one general Law, clear, pure, and absolute, by which they shall be regulated in all differences which have heretofore risen among them, or may hereafter rise, wherewith the one and other may be contented, being framed according as the time requires: and having had no other regard in this deliberation, than solely the zeal we have to the service of God, praying that he would henceforward render to all our said Subjects a durable and established Peace. Upon which we implore and expect from his Divine bounty the same protection and favour, as he hath always visibly bestowed upon this Kingdom from our Birth, during the many years we have attained unto, and give our said Subjects the grace to understand, that in the observation of this our Ordinance consisteth (after that which is their duty towards God and us) the principal foundation of their union, concord, tranquillity, rest, and the re-establishment of all this Estate in its first splendour, opulency, and strength. As on our part we promise to cause all to be exactly observed, without suffering any contradiction. And for these causes, having with the advice of the Princes of our Blood, other Princes and Officers of our Crown, and other great and eminent Persons of our Council of State, being near us, well and diligently weighed and considered all this affair: WE HAVE by this Edict or Statute perpetual and irrevocable said, declared, and ordained, saying, declaring, and ordaining;  

I.  
That the memory of all things passed on the one part and the other, since the beginning of the month of March 1585. until our coming to the Crown, and also during the other precedent troubles, and the occasion of the same, shall remain extinguished and suppressed, as things that had never been. And it shall not be lawful or permitted to our Attorney's General, nor other person or persons whatsoever, public or private, in any time, or for any occasion whatsoever it may be, to make mention thereof, Process or prosecution in any Courts or Jurisdiction whatsoever.   

II.  
We prohibit to all our Subjects of what state or condition soever they be, to renew the memory thereof, to attaque, resent, injure, or provoke one the other by reproaches for what is passed, under any pretext or cause whatsoever, by disputing, contesting, quarrelling, reviling, or offending by factious words; but to contain themselves and live peaceably together as brethren, friends, and fellow Citizens, upon penalty for acting to the contrary, to be punished as breakers of the peace, and disturbers of the public quiet.   

III.  
We Ordain, That the Catholic Religion shall be restored and reestablished in all places and quarters of this Kingdom and Country under our obedience, and where the exercise of the same hath been intermitted, to be there again peaceably and freely exercised without any trouble or impediment. Most expressly prohibiting all persons of what state, quality, or condition soever, upon the penalties , not to trouble, molest, or disquiet the ecclesiastics in the Celebration of Divine Service, enjoying and receiving of Tithes, the Fruits and Revenues of their Benefices, and all other Rights and Duties belonging to them: and we command, that all those who during the troubles have invaded Churches, Houses, Goods, and Revenues belonging to the said ecclesiastics, and those who detain and possess them, do deliver over to them the entire possession thereof with a peaceable enjoyment, and with such Rights, Liberties, and Security as they had before they were disseized. Most expressly forbidding to those of the Reformed Religion, to preach or exercise their said Religion in the Churches, Houses, and Habitations of the said ecclesiastics.   

iv  
It shall be in the choice of the said ecclesiastics to buy the Houses and Structures built upon their ground in profane places, and made use of against their wills during the troubles, or compel the Possessors of the said Buildings to buy the ground, according to the estimation that shall be made by skilful persons, agreed upon by both Parties: and to come the better to an agreement, the Judges of the place shall provide such for them, except the said Possessors will try the Title to whom the places in question belong. And where the said ecclesiastics shall compel the Possessors to buy the ground, the Purchase-money, if of estimation, shall not be put in their hands, but shall remain charged in the Possessors hands, to make profit thereof at 5. per Cent. until it shall be employed to the profit of the Church: which shall be done within a year. And after that time, if the Purchaser will not continue any longer the Money at the said Interest, he shall be discharged thereof by consigning the money to a responsible person, with the Authority of the Justice. And for such places as are sacred, advice shall be given therein by the Commissioners who shall be ordained for the execution of the present Edict, for which we shall provide.   

V  
Nevertheless the ground and foundations of places used for the reparation and fortification of Cities and places in our Kingdom, and the materials employed therein, may not be sold nor taken away by the ecclesiastics, or other persons public or private, until the said reparations and sortifications shall by our Order be demolished.   

VI  
And not to leave any occasion of trouble and difference among our Subjects, We have permitted and do permit to those of the Reformed Religion, to live and dwell in all the Cities and places of this our Kingdom and Countries under our obedience, without being inquired after, vexed, molested, or compelled to do any thing in Religion, contrary to their Conscience, nor by reason of the same be searched after in houses or places where they live, they comporting themselves in other things as is contained in this our present Edict or Statute.   

VII.  
We also permit to all Lords, Gentlemen, and other persons, as well Inhabitants as others, making profession of the Reformed Religion, having in our Kingdom and Countries under our obedience High Justice as Chief Lord (as in Normandy) be it in propriety or usage, in whole, moiety, or third part, to have in such of their houses of the said High Justice or Fiefs, as abovesaid (which they shall be obliged to nominate for their principal residence to our Bailiffs and Chief Justice each in their Jurisdiction) the exercise of the said Religion as long as they are resident there, and in their absence, their Wives, or Families, or part of the same. And though the right of Justice or whole Fief be controverted, nevertheless the exercise of the said Religion shall be allowed there, provided that the abovesaid be in actual possession of the said High Justice, though our Attorney General be a Party. We permitting them also to have the said exercise in their other houses of High Justice or Fiefs abovesaid, so long as they shall be present, and not otherwise: And all, as well for them, their Families and Subjects, as others that shall go thither.   

VIII.  
In houses that are Fiefs, where those of the said Religion have not High Justice, there the said exercise of the Reformed Religion shall not be permitted, save only to their own families. Yet nevertheless if other persons, to the number of thirty, besides their families, shall be there upon the occasion of Christen, visits of their friends, or otherwise, our meaning is, that in such case they shall not be molested: Provided also that the said houses be not within Cities, Boroughs, or Villages belonging to any Catholic Lord (save to us) having High Justice, in which the said Catholic Lords have their houses. For in such cases those of the said Religion shall not hold the said exercise in the said Cities, Boroughs, or Villages, except by permission and leave of the said Lords High Justices.   

IX.  
We permit also to those of the said Religion to hold and continue the exercise of the same in all the Cities and places under our obedience, where it hath by them been established and made public by many and divers times, in the year 1586. and in 1597. until the end of the month of August, notwithstanding all Decrees and Judgements whatsoever to the contrary.   

X.  
In like manner the said exercise may be established and reestablished in all the Cities and places where it hath been established, or aught to be by the Statute of Pacification made in the year 1577 the particular Articles and Conferences of Nerac and Fleix, without hindering the said Establishment in places of Domain granted by the said Statute, Articles, and Conferences for the places of Bailiwicks, or which shall be hereafter, though they have since been alienated to Catholics, o● shall be in the future. Not understanding nevertheless that the said exercise may be reestablished in places of the said Domain, which have been heretofore possessed by those of the said Reform Religion, which hath been done in consideration of their persons, or because of the Privilege o● Fiefs, if the said Fiefs are found at present possessed by persons of the said Catholic Religion.   

XI.  
Furthermore, in each ancient Bailiwick, Jurisdiction and Government holding place of a Bailiwick with an immediate Appeal (without mediation) to the Parliament, We ordain that in the Suburbs of a City, besides that which hath been agreed to them by the said Statute, particular Articles, and Conferences; and where it is not a City, in a Borough or Village, the exercise of the said Reform Religion may be publicly held for all such as will come, though the said Bailiwicks, chief Jurisdictions, and Governments have many places where the said Exercise is established, except and be excepted the Bailiwicks new created by the present Edict or Law, the Cities in which are Archbishops and Bishops, where nevertheless those of the said Reform Religion are not for that reason deprived of having power to demand and nominate for the said Exercise certain Boroughs and Villages near the said Cities: except also the Signories belonging to the ecclesiastics, in which we do not understand that the second place of Bailiwicks may be established, those being excepted and reserved. We understanding under the name of ancient Bailiwicks, such as were in the time of hedeceased King Henry our most honoured Lord and Father-in-law, held for Bailiwicks, Chief Justiceships, and Governments appealing without intercession to our said Courts▪   

XII.  
We do not understand by this present Statute to derogate from the Laws and Agreements heretofore made for the reduction of any Prince, Lord, Gentleman, or Catholic City under our obedience, in that which concerns the exercise of the said Religion, the which Laws and Records shall be kept and observed upon that account, according as shall be contained in the Instructions given the Commissioners for the execution of the present Edict or Law.   

XIII.  
We prohibit most expressly to all those of the said Religion, to hold any exercise of the same, as well by Ministers preaching, discipling of Pupils, or public Instruction of Children, as other ways, in this our Kingdom or Countries under our obedience, in that which concerns Religion, except in the places permitted and granted by the present Edict or Law.   

XIV.  
As also not to exercise the said Religion in our Court, nor in our Territories and Countries beyond the Mountains, nor in our City of Paris, nor within five leagues of the said City: nevertheless those of the said Religion dwelling in the said Lands and Countries beyond the Mountains, and in our said City, and within five leagues about the same, shall not be searched after in their houses, nor constrained to do any thing in Religion against their Consciences, comporting themselves in all other things according as is contained in our present Edict or Law.   

XV.  
Nor also shall hold public exercise of the said Religion in the Armies, except in the Quarters of the principal Commanders, who make profession of the same, except nevertheless where the Quarters of our Person shall be.   

XVI.  
Following the second Article of the Conference of Nerac, We grant to those of the said Religion▪ power to build places for the exercise of the same in Cities and places where it is granted to them, and that those shall be rendered to them which they have heretofore built, or the foundations of the same in the condition as they are at present, even in places where the said exercise was not permitted to them, except they are converted into another nature of building: In which case, there shall be given to them by the Possessors of the said Buildings, other houses and places of the same value that they were before they were built, or the just estimation of the same, according to the judgement of experienced persons, saving to the said Proprietors and Possessors their trial at Law to whom they shall belong.   

XVII.  
We prohibit all Preachers, Readers, and others who speak in public, to use any words, discourse or Propositions tending to excite the people to Sedition; and we enjoin them to contain and comport themselves modestly, and to say nothing which shall not be for the instruction and edification of the Auditors, and maintaining the peace and tranquillity established by us in our said Kingdom, upon the penalties mentioned in the precedent Statutes. Expressly enjoining our Attorney's Generals and their Substitutes to inform against them that are contrary hereunto, upon the penalty of answering therefore, and the loss of their Office.   

XVIII.  
Forbidding also to our Subjects, of what quality and condition soever they be, to take away by force or inducement, against the will of their Parents, the Children of the said Religion, to baptise or confirm them in the Catholic Church: as also we forbidden the same to those of the said Reform Religion upon pain of being exemplarily punished.   

XIX.  
Those of the said Reform Religion shall not be at all constrained, nor remain obliged by reason of Abjurations, Promises, and Oaths, which they have heretofore made, or by Caution given concerning the practice of the said Religion, nor shall therefore be molested or prosecuted in any sort whatsoever.   

XX.  
They shall also be obliged to keep and observe the Festivals of the Catholic Church, and shall not on the same days work, sell, or keep open Shop, nor likewise the Artisans shall not work out of their Shops in their chambers or houses privately on the said Festivals, and other days forbidden, of any Trade, the noise whereof may be heard without by those that pass by, or by the Neighbours: the searching after which shall notwithstanding be made by none but by the Officers of Justice.   

XXI.  
Books concerning the said Reformed Religion shall not be printed or sold publicly, save in the Cities and places where the public exercise of the said Religion is permitted. And for the other Books which shall be printed in other Cities, they shall be viewed and visited by our Theological Officers, as is directed by our Ordinances. Forbidding most expressly the printing, publishing, and selling of all Books, Libels, and Writings defamatory, upon the penalties contained in our Ordinances, enjoining all our Judges and Officers to seize the same.   

XXII.  
We Ordain, That there shall not be made any difference or distinction upon the account of the said Religion, in receiving Scholars to be instructed in the Universities, Colleges, or Schools, nor of the sick and poor into Hospitals, Sick-houses, and public Almshouses.   

XXIII.  
Those of the Reformed Religion shall be obliged to observe the Laws of the Catholic Church received in this our Kingdom, as to Marriages and Contracts, and to contract in the degrees of Consanguinity and Affinity.   

XXIV.  
In like manner those of the said Religion shall pay the Rights of Entry, as is accustomed for Offices unto which they shall be chosen, without being constrained to observe or assist in any Ceremonies contrary to their said Religion: and being called to take an Oath, shall not be obliged to do it otherwise than by holding up the hand, swearing and promising in the Name of God to say all the truth: nor shall they be dispensed with for the Oath by them taken in passing Contracts and Obligations.   

XXV.  
We Will and Ordain, That all those of the Reformed Religion, and others who have followed their Party, of what state, quality, or condition soever they be, shall be obliged and constrained by all due and reasonable ways, and under the penalties contained in the said Edict or Statute relating thereunto, to pay Tithes to the Curates, and other ecclesiastics, and to all others to whom they shall appertain, according to the usage and custom of the places.   

XXVI.  
Disinheritations or Privations, be it by disposition in life-time or Testamentary, made from hatred only, or for Religion sake, shall have no place neither for the time passed or to come among our Subjects.   

XXVII.  
To the end to reunite so much the better the minds and good will of our Subjects, as is our intention, and to take away all complaints for the future, We declare all those who make or shall make profession of the said Reform Religion, to be capable of holding and exercising all Estates, Dignities, Offices, and public Charges whatsoever, Royal, Signioral, or of Cities of our Kingdom, Countries, Lands, and Lordships under our obedience, notwithstanding all Oaths to the contrary, and to be indifferently admitted and received into the same, and our Court of Parliament and other Judges shall content themselves with informing and enquiring after the Lives, Manners, Religion, and honest Conversation of those that are or shall be preferred to such Offices, as well of the one Religion as the other, without taking other Oath of them than for the good and faithful service of the King in the exercise of their Office, and to keep the Ordinances, as they have been observed in all times. Also vacancies happening of such of the said Estates, Charges, and Offices as shall be in our disposition, they shall be provided by us indifferently, and without distinction of persons, as that which tends to the union of our Subjects. Understanding likewise that those of the Reformed Religion may be admitted and received into all Councils, Deliberations, Assemblies, and Functions depending upon the abovesaid things, without being rejected or hindered the enjoyment thereof by reason of the said Religion.   

XXVIII.  
We ordain for the Interment of the Dead of the said Religion throughout the Cities and places of this Kingdom, that there shall in each place be provided for them by our Officers and Magistrates, and by the Commissioners that we shall depute for the execution of our present Edict or Statute, a place the most commodious that can be: and the Burying-places which they have had heretofore, and whereof they have by the troubles been deprived, shall be restored unto them, except they be found to be converted into Buildings of what quality or kind soever it be, in which case a compensation shall be made another way.   

XXIX.  
We enjoin most expressly our Officers to look to it, that no scandal be given in the said Interments: and they shall be obliged within fifteen days after request made, to provide those of the said Religion with convenient places for Sepulchers, without delay, upon penalty of five hundred Crowns in their own proper and private names. And it is also forbidden, as well to the said Officers as to all others, to exact any thing for the conduct of the said dead bodies upon penalty of extortion.   

XXX.  
To the end that Justice be given and administered to our Subjects, without any suspicion, hatred or favour, as being one of the principal means for the maintaining Peace and Concord; We have Ordained and do Ordain, That in our Court of Parliament of Paris shall be established a Chamber composed of a Precedent and sixteen Councillors of the said Parliament, which shall be Called and Entitled the Chamber of Edict, and shall take cognisance not only of the Causes and Process of those of the said Reform Religion which shall be within the Jurisdiction of the said Court; but also of the Appeals of our Parliaments of Normandy and Bretagne, according to the Jurisdiction which shall hereafter be given to it by this present Edict or Statute, and that until in each of the said Parliaments there shall be established a Chamber for rendering Justice upon the place. We Ordain also, That of four Offices of Councillors in our said Parliament, remaining of the last erection which hath by us been made, there shall be presently provided and received in the said Parliament, four of the said Reform Religion sufficient and capable, which shall be distributed; (to wit) the first into the Chamber of Edicts, and the other three in like manner shall be received in the three Chambers of Inquests; and besides, the two first Offices of Councillors of the said Courts, which shall come to be vacant by death, shall be supplied by two of the Reformed Religion, and the same distributed also in the two their Chambers of Inquests.   

XXXI.  
Besides the Chamber heretofore established at Castres', for Appeals from our Parliament of Tholouse, which shall be continued in the estate it is, We have for the same reasons Ordained, and We do Ordain, That in each of our Parliaments of Grenoble and Bourdeaux, there shall be in like manner established a Chamber, composed of two Precedents, one a Catholic, and the other of the Reformed Religion, and twelve Councillors, whereof six shall be Catholics, and the other six of the said Religion; which Catholic President and Councillors shall be by us chosen and taken out of the body of our said Courts. And as to those of the Religion, there shall be made a new Creation of one Precedent and six Councillors for the Parliament of Bourdeaux, and one Precedent and three Councillors for that of Grenoble, which with the three Councillors of the said Religion, which are at present in the said Parliament, shall be employed in the said Chamber of Dauphine. And the said Officers shall be Created by a new Creation, with the same Salaries, Honours, Authorities, and Preeminencies, as the others of the said Courts. And the said seat of the said Chamber of Bourdeaux shall be in the said City of Bourdeaux, or at Nerac, and that of Dauphine at Grenoble.   

XXXII.  
The Chamber of Dauphine shall take Cognizance of the causes of those of the Reformed Religion within the Jurisdiction of our Parliament of Provence, without having need of letters of Evocation, or Appeal, or other Provisions, than in our Chancery of Dauphine: As also those of the said Religion of Normandy and Bretagne shall not be obliged to take letters of Evocation or Appeal, nor other Provision than in our Chancery of Paris.   

XXXIII.  
Our Subjects of the Reformed Religion of the Parliament of Burgundy, shall have the choice to plead in the Chamber ordained in the Parliament of Paris, or in those of Dauphine: And shall not be obliged to take Letters of Evocation or Appeal nor other Provisions than in the said Chanceries of Paris or Dauphine, according as they shall make choice.   

XXXIV.  
All the said several Chambers composed as is said, shall have Cognizance, and by decree shall judge in Sovereignty and last Appeal exclusive to all others, the Process and Differences that are already, or shall arise, in which those of the Reformed Religion are or shall be parties, principals or guarentees, in demanding or defending in all matters as well Civil as Criminal, if demanded before contestation in the Cause, and commencing of the Suit, whether the process be by Writing or verbal appellation; excepting nevertheless all Customs belonging to Benefices and the possessors of tenths, not enfeoffed, the Ecclesiastical Patrons and their Suits for their rights and duties, and the demains of the Church; all which shall be tried and judged in the Courts of Parliament exclusive to the said Chambers of Edict. As also we will and require that as to judging and deciding the criminal process which may happen betwixt the said ecclesiastics and those of the Reformed Religion, that if the ecclesiastics are Defendant, in such Case the Cognizance and Judgement of criminal process shall belong to our Sovereign Courts distinct as to the said Chamber; and where the Ecclesiastick● shall be 〈◊〉, and one of the Reformed Religion Defendant, the Cognizance and Judgement of Criminal process shall belong in last appeal to the said Chambers established. And we acknowledge also the said Chambers in time of Vacations for matters attributed by the Edicts and Ordinances to belong to the said Chambers established for times of Vacation, each within his Jurisdiction.   

XXXV.  
The Chamber of Grenoble shall be from henceforward united and incorporated into the body of the said Court of Parliament, and the Precedent and Councillors of the Reformed Religion shall be called Precedent and Councillors of the said Court, and hold the rank and number of the same: And to this end shall be first distributed through the other Chambers, and then drawn from them to be employed and serve in that which we now ordain of new; with Condition nevertheless, that they shall assist and have voice and session in all the deliberations which the Chamber assembled shall have, and shall enjoy the same Salary, Authority and Pre-eminence which the other Precedents and Councillors of the said Court do enjoy.   

XXXVI.  
We Will and Ordain, That the said Chamber of Castres' and Bourdeaux be United and Incorporated in the same Parliaments, in the same manner and form as the others: and when need shall require, and that the Causes which have moved us to make this establishment shall cease, and shall not have any more place among our Subjects; then shall the Precedents and Councillors of the same of the said Reform Religion be held for Precedents and Councillors of the said Courts.   

XXXVII.  
There shall also be a new Creation or Erection in the Chamber ordained for the Parliament of Bourdeaux, of two Substitutes for our Procurators, or Attorneys and Advocate's General, whereof one shall be Catholic, and the other of the Reformed Religion, which shall have the said Offices with competent Salaries.   

XXXVIII.  
These Substitutes shall not assume other qualities than that of Substitutes; and when the Chambers or Courts ordained for the Parliaments of Tholouse and Bourdeaux, shall be United and Incorporated to the said Parliaments, the said Substitutes shall have the Office of Councillors in the same.   

XXXIX.  
The dispatches of the Chancery of Bourdeaux shall be perused in the presence of two Councillors of the same Chamber, whereof one shall be a Catholic, and the other of the Reformed Religion. In the absence of one of the Masters of Request of our Palace, one of the Notaries and Secretaries of the said Court of Parliament of Bourdeaux, shall be Resident in the place where the said Chamber shall be established, or else one of the ordinary Secretaries of the Chancery to sign the dispatches of the said Chancery.   

XL.  
We Will and Ordain, That in the said Chamber of Bourdeaux, there shall be two Commissioners of the Register of the said Parliament, the one Civil and the other Criminal, who shall exercise their Offices by our Commissions, and shall be called Commissioners to the Register Civil and Criminal; but nevertheless shall not be revoked by the Registers of the Parliament, yet shall be accountable for the profits of the Offices to the said Registers, which Commissioners shall be Salaried by the said Registers as the said Chambers shall think fit to appoint. There shall be ordained some Catholic Messengers, who shall be taken in the said Court or elsewhere, according to our pleasure; besides which there shall also be two de novo freely chosen of the Reformed Religion: and all the said Messengers, or Doorkeepers, shall be regulated by the said Chamber or Court, as well in the exercise of their Offices as in the Profits or Fees which they shall take. There shall also be a Commission dispatched for payment of Salaries and receiving of Amerciaments of the said Court, which shall be such as we shall please to appoint. If the said Chamber shall be established in other place than the said City, the Commission heretofore agreed for paying the Salaries of the Chamber of Castres', shall go out in its full and entire effect, and there shall be joined to the said Office the Commission for the Receipt of the Amerciaments of the said Court.   

XLI.  
There shall be provided good and sufficient Assignations for the Salaries of the Officers of the Chambers ordained by this Edict.   

XLII.  
The Precedents Councillors, and other Catholic Officers of the said Chambers or Courts, shall be continued so long as we shall see it to be for our service, and the good of our Subjects: And in dismissing any of them others shall be admitted in their places, before their departure, they having no power during their service to departed, or be absent from the said Chambers, without the leave of the same, which shall be judged of according to the Ordinance.   

XLIII.  
The said Chambers or Courts Mypartis, shall be established within six months, during which (if the establishment shall be so long in doing) the Process Commenced, and to be Commenced, where those of the Religion shall be parties within the Jurisdiction of our Parliaments of Paris, Roven, Dyon, and Rennes, shall be presently removed to the Chamber or Court established at Paris by virtue of the Edict of 1577. or else to the great Council at the Election of those of the said Religion if they require it: and those which shall be of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, to the Chamber or Court Established at Castres', or to the said grand Council at their Election, and those which shall be of Provence to the Parliament of Grenoble. And if the said Chambers, or Courts, are not established within three months after the presentation of our Edict, that Parliament which shall make refusal thereof, shall be prohibited the Cognizance and Judgement of the Causes of those of the Religion.   

XLIV.  
The Process not yet judged, depending in the said Courts of Parliaments and great Council of the quality abovesaid, shall be sent back in what estate soever they be, to the said Chambers or Courts, each within his Jurisdiction, if one of the parties of the Religion require it within four months after the Establishment of the same; and as to those which shall be discontinued, and are not in condition of being judged, those of the said Religion shall be obliged to make declaration upon the first intimation and signification to them of the prosecution, and the time passed shall not be understood to require the dismission.   

XLV.  
The said Chambers (or Courts) of Grenoble, and Bourdeaux, as also that of Castres', shall keep the forms and stile of Parliaments, where the Jurisdiction of the same shall be established, and shall judge by equal numbers of the one and the other Religion, if the parties consent not to the contrary.   

XLVI.  
All the Judges to whom the address shall be made for execution of Decrees, Commissions of the said Chambers, and Patents obtained in Chanceries for the same, together with all the Messengers and Sergeants, shall be obliged to put them in execution, and the said Messengers and Sergeants shall do all acts throughout our Kingdom, without demanding a Placet, or peremptory Warrant, upon penalty of suspension of their Estates, and of the Expenses, Damages and Interests of the parties, the Cognizance whereof shall belong to the said Chambers.   

XLVII.  
No removal of Causes shall be allowed to any whereof the Cognizance is attributed to the said Chambers, except in Cases of Ordinance, the removal by which shall be made to the next Chamber established according to our Edict. And the dividing of the Process of the said Chambers shall be judged by the nearest, observing the proportion and forms of the said Chambers, where the Process shall be proceeded upon; except the Chamber of Edict in our Parliament of Paris, where the Process divided shall be distributed in the same Chamber by the Judges, which shall be by us named by our particular Letters Patents for that effect, if the parties had not rather wait the removing of the said Chamber. And happening that one and the same Process be divided in all the Chambers, Myparty, or half one Religion, half th' other, the division shall be sent to the Chamber of Paris.   

XLVIII.  
The refusal that shall be proposed against the Precedents and Councillors of the Chambers, half one Religion, and half th' other, called the Court of Edict, may be judged by the number of six, to which number the parties shall be obliged to restrain themselves, otherwise they shall be passed over without having regard to the said refusal.   

XLIX.  
The examinations of the Precedents and Councillors newly erected in the said Chambers of Edict, Mypartis, shall be made in our Privy Council, or by the said Chambers each in his Precinct, when they shall be a sufficient number; and nevertheless the Oath accustomed shall be by them taken in the Courts where the said Chambers shall be established, and upon refusal, in our Privy Council: except those of the Chamber of Languedoc, in which they shall take Oath before ou● Chancellor, or in the same Chamber.   

L.  
We Will and Ordain, That the reception of our Officers of the said Religion, be judged in the said Chambers half Papists and half of the Reformed Religion by plurality of voices, as is accustomed in other Courts, without being needful that the opinions surpass two thirds, following the Ordinance which for the same Cause is abrogated.   

LI.  
There shall be made in the said Chambers Mypartis, the propositions, deliberations and resolutions which shall appertain to the public peace, and for the particular State and Policy of the Cities where the same Chambers shall be.   

LII.  
The Article for the Jurisdiction of the said Chambers ordained by the present Edict, shall be followed and observed according to its form and tenure, even in that which concerns the execution or breach of our Edict, when those of the Religion shall be parties.   

LIII.  
The King's subordinate Officers, or others whereof the reception belongeth to our Courts of Parliaments, if they be of the Reformed Religion, they may be examined and received in the said Chambers, viz. those under the Jurisdiction of the Parliaments of Paris, Normandy, and Bretagne in the said Chambers of Paris; those of Dauphine and Provence, in the Chamber of Grenoble; those of Bourgondy in the said Chamber of Paris, or Dauphine, at their choice; those under the Jurisdiction of Tholouse, in the Chamber of Castres'; and those of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, in the Chamber of Guyenne; without that others may oppose themselves against their reception, and render themselves parties, as our Procurators' General and their Substitutes, and those enjoying the said Offices: yet nevertheless the accustomed Oath shall be by them taken in the Courts of Parliaments, who shall not take any Cognizance of the said receptions; and in refusal of the said Parliaments, the said Officers shall take the Oath in the said Chambers; after which so taken they shall be obliged to present by a Messenger or Notary, the Act of their Reception, to the Register of the said Courts of Parliaments, and to leave a Copy thereof examined by the said Register; who is enjoined to Register the said Acts, upon penalty of all the Expense, Damage and Interest of the parties; and the said Registers refusing to do it, shall suffer the said Officers to report the Act of the said Summons, dispatched by the said Messengers, or Notaries, and cause the same to be enregistered in the Register-Office of their said Jurisdiction, for to have recourse thereunto when need shall be, upon penalty of Nullity of their Proceed and Judgements. And as to the Officers, whereof the Reception hath not been accustomed to be made in our said Parliaments, in case those to whom it belongs shall refuse to proceed to the said Examination and Reception, than the said Officers shall repair to the said Chambers for to be there provided as it shall appertain.   

LIV.  
The Officers of the said Reform Religion, who shall hereafter be appointed to serve in the body of our said Courts of Parliaments, Grand Council, Chambers of Accounts, Courts of Aids, Officers of the General Treasuries of France, and other Officers of the Exchequer, shall be examined and received in places where they have been accustomed; and in case of refusal or denying of Justice, they shall be appointed by our Privy Council.   

LV.  
The Reception of our Officers made in the Chamber heretofore established at Castres', shall remain valid notwithstanding all Decrees and Ordinances to the contrary. And shall be also valid, the Reception of Judges, Councillors, Assistants, and other Officers of the said Religion made in our Privy Council, or by Commissioners by us Ordained in case of the refusal of our Courts of Parliaments, Courts of Aids, and Chambers of Accounts, even as if they were done in the said Courts and Chambers, and by the other Judges to whom the Reception belongeth: And their Salaries shall be allowed them by the Chambers of Accounts without difficulty; and if any have been put out, they shall be reestablished without need of any other command than the present Edict, and without that the said Officer shall be obliged to show any other Reception, notwithstanding all Decrees given to the contrary which shall remain null and of none effect.   

LVI.  
In the mean time until the Charges of the Justice of the said Chambers can be defrayed by Amerciaments, there shall be provided by us by valuable assignations sufficient for maintaining the said Charges, without expecting to do it by the goods of the condemned.   

LVII.  
The Precedents and Councillors of the Reformed Religion heretofore received in our Court of Parliament of Dauphine, and in the Chamber of Edict incorporated in the same, shall continue and have their Session and Orders for the same; that is to say, the Precedents, as they have enjoyed, and do enjoy at present, and the Councillors, according to the Decrees and provisions that they have therefore obtained in our Privy Council.   

LVIII.  
We declare all Sentences, Judgements, Procedures, Seizures, Sales, and Decrees made and given against those of the Reformed Religion, as well living as dead, from the death of the deceased King Henry TWO▪ our most honoured Lord and Father-in-law, upon the occasion of the said Religion, tumults and troubles since happening, as also the execution of the same Judgements and Decrees, from henceforward canceled, revoked, and annulled, and the same we cancel, revoke, and annul. And we ordain, that they shall be razed and taken out of the Registers Office of the Courts, as well sovereign as inferior: And we will and require also to be taken away and defaced all Marks, Footsteps, and Monuments of the said Executions, Books, and Acts Defamatory, against their Persons, Memory and Posterity, and that the places which have been for that occasion demolished or razed, be rendered in such condition as they now are to the proprietors of the same, to enjoy and dispose at their pleasure. And generally we cancel, revoke and null all proceed and informations made for any enterprise whatsoever, pretended crimes of high Treason, and others: notwithstanding the procedures, Decrees, and Judgements containing reunion, Incorporation, and Confiscation: and we further will and command, that those of the Reformed Religion▪ and others that have followed their Party, and their Heirs, re-enter really and actually into the possession of all and each of their Goods.   

LIX.  
All Proceed, Judgements, and Decrees given during the troubles against those of the Religion who have born Arms, or are retired out of our Kingdom, or within the same into Cities and Countries by them held, or for any other cause as well as for Religion and the troubles; together with all Non-suiting of Causes, Prescriptions as well legal, conditional, as customary, seizing of Fiefs fallen during the troubles, by hindering legitimate Proceeding, shall be esteemed as not done or happening; And such we have declared and do declare, and the same we have and do annihilate and make void, without admitting any satisfaction therefore: but they shall be restored to their former condition, notwithstanding the Decrees and Execution of the same; and the Possessions thereof shall be rendered to them, out of which they were upon this account disseised. And this, as above, shall have like place, upon the account of those that have followed the Party of those of the Religion, or who have been absent from our Kingdom upon the occasion of the troubles. And for the young Children of Persons of Quality abovesaid, who died during the troubles, We restore the Parties into the same condition as they were formerly, without refunding the expense, or being obliged for the Amerciaments: not understanding nevertheless, that the Judgements given by the Chief Judges, or other inferior Judges against those of the Religion, or who have followed their Party, shall remain null, if they have been given by Judges sitting in Cities by them held, which was to them of free access.   

LX.  
The Decrees given in our Court of Parliament, in matters whereof the cognizance belongs to the Chambers or Courts ordained by the Edict in the year 1577. and Articles of Nerac and Flex, into which Courts the Parties have not proceeded voluntarily, but have been forced to allege and propose declinatory ends, and which Decrees have been given by default or foreclusion, as well in Civil as Criminal matters, notwithstanding which allegations the said Parties have been constrained to go on, shall be in like manner null and of no value. And as to the Decrees given against those of the Religion, who have proceeded voluntarily, and without having proposed ends declinatory, those Decrees shall remain without prejudice for the execution of the same: yet nevertheless permitting them, if it seem good to them, to bring by Petition their Cause before the Chamber ordained by the present Edict, without that the elapsing the time appointed by the Ordinances shall be to their prejudice: and until the said Chambers and Chanceries for the same shall be established, verbal appellations, or in writing interposed by those of the Religion before Judges, Registers, or Commissioners, Executors of Decrees and Judgements, shall have like effect as if they were by Command from the King.   

LXI.  
In all Inquiries which shall be made for what cause soever in matters Civil, if the Inquisitor or Commissioner be a Chatholick, the Parties shall be obliged to convene an assistant, and where they will not do it, there shall be taken from the Office by the said Inquisitor or Commissioner one who shall be of the Religion, and the same shall be practised when the Commissioner or Inquisitor shall be of the said Religion for an assistant who shall be a Catholic.   

LXII.  
We Will and Ordain, That our Judges may take Cognizance of the Validity of Testaments, in which those of the Religion may have an interest if they require it; and the appellations from the said Judgements, may be brought to the said Chambers ordained for the Process of those of the Religion; notwithstanding all Customs to the contrary, even those of Bretagne.   

LXIII.  
To obviate all differences which may arise betwixt our Courts of Parliaments, and the Chambers of the same Courts, ordained by our present Edict, there shall be made by us a good and ample Reglement, betwixt the said Courts and Chambers, and such as those of the Religion shall enjoy entirely from the said Edict, the which Reglement shall be verified in our Courts of Parliaments, and kept and observed without having regard to precedents.   

LXIV.  
We inhibit and forbid all our Courts, Sovereign and others of this Realm, the taking Cognizance, and judging the Civil, or Criminal Process of those of the Religion; the Cognizance of which is attributed by our Edict to the Chambers of Edict; provided that the appeal thereunto be demanded, as is said in the 40. Article going before.   

LXV.  
We also Will and Command, for the present, and until we have otherwise therein ordained, that in all Process commenced, or to be commenced, where those of the Religion are Plaintiffs or Defendants, Parties principals or Garantees in matters Civil, in which our Officers and Chief Courts of Justice have power to judge without Appeal, that it shall be permitted to them to except against two of the Chamber, where the Process ought to be judged, who shall forbear Judgement of the same; and without having the Cause expressed, shall be obliged to withdraw, notwithstanding the Ordinance by which the Judges ought not to be excepted against without cause shown, and shall have further right to except against others upon showing cause. And in matters Criminal, in which also the said Court of Justice and others of the King's subordinate Judges do judge without Appeal, those of the Religion may except against three of the said Judges without showing cause. And the Provosts of the Mareschalsie of France, Vice-Bailiffs, Vice-Presidents, Lieutenants of the short Robe, and other Officers of the like quality shall judge according to the Ordinances and Reglements heretofore given upon the account of Vagabonds. And as to the Household charged and accused by the Provosts, if they are of the said Religion, they may require that three of the said Judges, who might have cognizance thereof, do abstain from the Judgement of their Process, and they shall be obliged to abstain therefrom without having cause shown, except where the Process is to be judged, there shall be found to the number of two in Civil, and three in Criminal Causes of the Religion, in which case it shall not be lawful to except without cause shown: and this shall be reciprocal in the like cases, as above, to the Catholics upon the account of Appeals from the Judges, where those of the Religion are the greater number; Not understanding nevertheless that the Chief Justice, Provosts of the Mareschalsies, Vice-Bailiffs, Vice-Stewards, and others who judge without Appeal, take by virtue of this that is said, cognizance of the past troubles. And as to crimes and excess happening by other occasions than the troubles since the beginning of March 1585. until the end of 1597. in case they take cognizance thereof, We will that an Appeal be suffered from their Judgement to the Chamber ordained by the present Edict: as shall be practised in like manner for the Catholics and Confederates, where those of the Religion are Parties.   

LXVI.  
We Will and Ordain also, That henceforward in all Instructions other than Informations of Criminal Process in the Chief Justice's Court of Tholose, Carcassonne, Rovergue, Loragais, Beziers, Montpellier, and Nimes, the Magistrate or Commissary deputed for the said Instruction, if he is a Catholic, shall be obliged to take an Associate who is of the Religion, whereof the Parties shall agree; or where they cannot agree, one of the Office of the said Religion shall be taken by the abovesaid Magistrate or Commissioner: as in like manner, if the said Magistrate or Commissioner is of the Religion, he shall be obliged in the same manner, as abovesaid, to take an Associate a Catholic.   

LXVII.  
When it shall be a question of making a Criminal Process by the Provosts of the Mareschalsies or their Lieutenants, against some of the Religion a Housekeeper who is charged and accused of a crime belonging to the Provost, or subject to the Jurisdiction of a Provost, the said Provosts or their Lieutenants, if they are Catholics, shall be obliged to call to the Instruction of the said Process an Associate of the Religion: which Associate shall also assist at the Judgement of the difference, and in the definitive Judgement of the said Process: which difference shall not be judged otherwise than by the next Presidial Court assembled with the principal Officers of the said Court which shall be found upon the place, upon penalty of Nullity, except the accused should require to have the difference judged in the Chambers ordained by the present Edict: In which case upon the account of the Housekeepers in the Provinces of Guyenne, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné, the Substitutes of our Procurators' General in the said Chambers, shall at the request of the said Housekeepers, cause to be brought into the same the charges and informations made against them, to know and judge if the Causes are triable before the Provost or not, that according to the quality of the Crimes they may by the Chamber be sent back to the ordinary, or judged triable by the Provost, as shall be found reasonable by the Contents of our present Edict: and the Presidial Judges, Provosts of the Mareschalsie, Vice-Bailiffs, Vice-Stewards, and others who judge without Appeal shall be obliged respectively to obey and satisfy the Commands of the said Chambers, as they use to do to the said Parliaments, upon penalty of the loss of their Estates.   

LXVIII.  
The Outcries for Sale of Inheritances, and giving notice thereof by warning pasted or chalked according to order, shall be done in places and at hours usual, if possible, following our Ordinances, or else in public Markets, if in the place where the Land lies there is a Market place; and where there shall be none, in the next Market within the Jurisdiction of the Court where Judgement ought to be given: and the fixing of the notice shall be upon the Posts of the said Marketplace, and at the entry of the Assembly of the said place; and this Order being observed, the notice shall be good and valid, and pass beyond the interposition of the Sentence or Decree, as to any Nullity which might be alleged upon this account.   

LXIX.  
All Titles, Papers, Instructions, and Documents which have been taken, shall be restored by both Parties to those to whom they belong, though the said Papers, or the Castles and houses in which they were kept, have been taken and seized by special Commission from the last deceased King, our most honoured Lord and Brother-in-law, or from us, or by the Command of the Governors and Lieutenant's General of our Provinces, or by the Authority of the Heads of the other Party, or under what pretext soever it shall be.   

LXX.  
The Children of those that are retired out of our Kingdom since the death of Henry II. our Father-in-law, by reason of Religion and Troubles, though the said Children are born out of the Kingdom, shall be held for true French and Inhabitants: And we have declared and do declare, That it is lawful for such at any time within ten years after the publication of this present Edict, to come and dwell in this Kingdom without being needful to take Letters Patents of Naturalisation, or any other provision from us than this present Edict, notwithstanding all Ordinances to the contrary touching Children born in Foreign Countries.   

LXXI.  
Those of the Reformed Religion, and others who have followed their Party, who have before the Troubles taken to farm any Office, or other Domain, Gabel, foreign Imposition, or other Rights appertaining unto us, which they could not enjoy by reason of the Troubles, shall remain discharged, and we discharge them of what they have not received of our Finances, and of what they have without fraud paid otherwise than in to the Receipts of our Exchequer, notwithstanding all their obligation given thereupon.   

LXXII.  
All Places, Cities, and Provinces of our Kingdom, Countries, Lands, and Lordships under our obedience, shall use and enjoy the same Privileges, Immunities, Liberties, Franchises, Fayrs, Markets, Jurisdictions, and Courts of Justice, which they did before the Troubles begun 1585. and others preceding, notwithstanding all Patents to the contrary, and translation of any of the Seats of Justice, provided they have been done only by occasion of the Troubles, which Courts or Seats of Justice shall be restored to the Cities and places where they have been formerly.   

LXXIII.  
If there be any Prisoners who are yet kept by Authority of Justice, or otherwise, in Galleys, by reason of the Troubles, o● of the said Religion, they shall be released and set in full liberty.   

LXXIV.  
Those of the Religion shall never hereafter be charged and oppressed with any Charge ordinary or extraordinary more than the Catholics, and according to their abilities and Trades: and the Parties who shall pretend to be overcharged above their ability may appeal to the Judges to whom the cognizance belongs, and all our Subjects as well Catholic as of the Reformed Religion, shall be indifferently discharged of all charges which have been imposed by one and the other part, during the troubles, upon those that were on the contrary party, and not consenting, as also of debts created and not paid, and expenses made without consent of the same, without nevertheless having power to recover the Revenue which should have been employed to the payment of the said charges.   

LXXV.  
We do not also understand, that those of the Religion, and others who have followed their party, nor the Catholics who dwell in Cities and places kept and employed by them, and who have contributed to them, shall be prosecuted for the payment of Tailles, Aids, Grants, Fifteen, Taillon, Utensils, Reparations, and other Impositions and Subsidies fallen due and imposed during the troubles happening before and until our coming to the Crown, be it by the Edicts, Commands of the deceased Kings our Predecessors, or by the advice and deliberation of Governors and Estates of Provinces, Courts of Parliament, and others, whereof we have discharged and do discharge them; prohibiting the Treasurer's General of France and of our Finances, Receivers General and particular, their Commissioners and Agents, and other Intendants and Commissaries of our said Finances, to prosecute them, molest, disquiet directly or indirectly, in any kind whatsoever.   

LXXVI.  
All Generals, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Officers, Common Councils of Cities and Commonalties, and all others who have aided and succoured them, their Wives, Heirs, and Successors, shall remain quitted and discharged of all Money, which have been by them and their order taken and levied, as well the King's Money, to what Sum soever it may amount, as of Cities and Communities, and particular Rents, Revenues, Plate, Sale of movable Goods, Ecclesiastic, and other Woods of a high growth, be it of Domains or otherwise, Amerciaments, Booty, Ransoms, or other kind of Money taken by them, occasioned by the troubles begun in the month of March 1585. and other precedent troubles, until our coming to the Crown, so that they or those that have by them been employed in the levying of the said Money, or that they have given or furnished by their orders, shall not be therefore any ways prosecuted at present, or for the time to come: and shall remain acquitted, as well themselves, as their Commissaries, for the management and administration of the said Money, reporting all thereof discharged within four months after the publication of the present Edict made in our Parliament of Paris, Acquittances being duly dispatched for the Heads of those of the Religion, or for those that had been commissioned for the auditing and balancing of the Accounts, or for the Communities of Cities who have had command and charge during the said troubles, and all the said Heads of the Reformed Religion, and others who have followed their party (as if they were particularly expressed and specified) since the death of Henry II. our Father-in-law, shall in like manner remain acquitted and discharged of all Acts of Hostility, Levies, and Conduct of Soldiers, minting and valuing of Money (done by order of the said chief Commanders) casting and taking of Ordnance and Ammunition, compounding of Powder and Saltpetre, Prizes, Fortifications, dismantling and demolishing of Cities, Castles, Boroughs, and Villages, Enterprises upon the same, burning and demolishing of Churches and houses, establishing of Judicatures, Judgements, and Executions of the same, be it in Civil or Criminal matters, Policy and Reglement made amongst themselves, Voyages for Intelligence, Negotiations, Treaties, and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Communities, the introduction of the said Strangers into Cities and other places of our Kingdom, and generally of all that hath been done, executed, and negotiated during the said troubles, since, as aforesaid, the death of Henry II. our Father-in-law.   

LXXVII.  
Those of the said Religion shall also remain dischanged of all General and Provincial Assemblies by them made and held, as well at Nantes as since in other places, until this present time; as also of Councils by them established and ordained by Provinces, Declarations, Ordinances, and Reglements made by the said Assemblies and Councils, establishment and augmentation of Garrisons, assembling and taking of Soldiers, levying and taking of our Money, be it from the Receivers General or particular Collectors of Parishes, or otherwise, in what manner soever, Seizures of Salt, continuation or erection of Taxes, Tolls, and Receipts of the same at Royan, and upon the Rivers of Charant, Garonne, Rosne, and Dordonne, arming and fight by Sea, and all accidents and excess happening upon forcing the payment of Taxes, Tolls, and other Money by fortifying of Cities, Castles, and Places, Impositions of Money and day-works, Receipts of the same Money, displacing of our Receivers, Farmers, and other Officers, establishing others in their places, and of all Leagues, Dispatches, and Negotiations made as well within as without the Kingdom: And in general of all that hath been done, deliberated, written, and ordained by the said Assembly and Council, so that those who have given their advice, signed, executed, caused to sign and execute the said Ordinances, Reglements, and Deliberations, shall not be prosecuted, or their Wives, Heirs, and Successors, now and for the time to come, though the particulars thereof be not amply declared. And above all perpetual silence is hereby commanded to our Procurators' General and their Substitutes, and all those who may pretend to an interest therein, in whatsoever fashion or manner it may be, notwithstanding all Decrees, Sentences, Judgements, Informations, and Procedures made to the contrary.   

LXXVIII.  
We further approve, allow, and authorise the Accounts which have been heard, balanced, and examined by the Deputies of the said Assembly▪ Willing and requiring that the same together with the Acquittances and Pieces which have been rendered by the Accomptants, be carried into our Chamber of Accounts at Paris, three months after the publication of this present Edict, and put into the hands of our Procurator General, to be kept with the Books and Registers of our Chamber, to have there recourse to them as often as shall be needful, and they shall not be subject to a● review, nor the Accomptants held in any kind liable to appearance o● correction, except in case of omission of Receipts or false Acquittances: and we hereby impose silence upon our Procurator General, for the overplus that shall be found wanting, or for not observing of formalities: Prohibiting to our Accomptants, as well of Paris as of other Provinces, where they are established, to take any cognizance thereof in any sort or manner whatsoever.   

LXXIX.  
And as to the Accounts which have not yet been rendered, We Will and Ordain that the same be heard, balanced, and examined by the Commissaries, who shall by us be deputed thereunto, who without difficulty shall pass and allow all the parcels paid by the said Accomptants, by virtue of the Ordinances of the said Assembly, or others having power.   

LXXX.  
All Collectors, Receivers, Farmers, and all others, shall remain well and duly discharged of all the Sums of Money which have been paid to the said Commissioners of the said Assembly, of what nature soever they be, until the last day of this month. And we Will and Command, that all be passed and allowed in the Accounts, which Accounts they shall give into our Chambers of Accounts, purely and simply by virtue of the Acquittances which shall be brought; and if any shall hereafter be delivered, they shall remain null, and those who shall accept or deliver them, shall be condemned in the penalty of forgery. And where there shall be any Accounts already given in, upon which there shall have intervened any raisings or additions, we do hereby take away the same, and re-establish the Parties entirely, by virtue of these Presents, without being needful to have particular Patents, or any other thing than an Extract of this present Article.   

LXXXI.  
The Governors, Captains, Consuls, and Persons Commissioned to recover Money for paying Garrisons held by those of the Religion, to whom our Receivers and Collectors of Parishes have furnished by Loan upon their Credits and Obligations, whether by constraint, or in obedience to the commandment of the Treasurer's General, and the Money necessary for the entertaining of the said Garrisons, until the concurrence of the State which we dispatched in the beginning of 1596. and augmentations since agreed unto by us, shall be held acquitted and discharged of all that which hath been paid for the effect abovesaid, though by the said Cedules and Obligations no mention hath been thereof made, which shall be to them rendered as null. And to satisfy therein the Treasurer's General in each Generality, the particular Treasurers of our Tailles shall give their Acquittances to the said Collectors; and the Receivers General shall give their Acquittances to the particular Receivers: and for the discharge of the Receivers General, the Sums whereof they should have given account, as is said, shall be endorsed upon the Commissions levied by the Treasurer of the Expenses, under the name of Treasurer's General for the extraordinaries of our Wars, for the payment of the said Garrisons. And where the said Commissions shall not amount to as much as the establishment and augmentations of our Army did in 1596. We ordain, That to supply the same, there shall be dispatched new Commissions for what is necessary for the discharge of our Accomptants, and restitution of the said promises and obligations, in such sort as there shall not for the time to come be any thing demanded thereof from those that shall have made them, and that all Patents of Ratifications which shall be necessary for the discharge of Accomptants, shall be dispatched by virtue of this present Article.   

LXXXII.  
Those also of the said Religion shall departed and desist henceforward from all Practices, Negotiations, and Intelligences, as well within as without our Kingdom; and the said Assemblies and Councils established within the Provinces, shall readily separate; and also all the Leagues and Associations made or to be made under what pretext soever, to the prejudice of our present Edict, shall be canceled and annulled, as we do cancel and annul them; prohibiting most expressly to all our Subjects to make henceforward any Assessments or Levies of Money, Fortifications, enrolments of men, Congregations, and Assemblies other than such, as are permitted by our present Edict, and without Arms: And we do prohibit and forbidden them to do the contrary upon the penalty of being severely punished as Contemners and Breakers of our Commands and Ordinances.   

LXXXIII.  
All Prizes which have been taken by Sea during the troubles, by virtue of the leave and allowance given, and those which have been made by Land, upon those of the contrary Party, and which have been judged by the Judges and Commissioners of the Admiralty, or by the Heads of those of the Religion, or their Council, shall remain extinguished under the benefit of our present Edict, without making any prosecution; the Captains or others who have made the said Prizes, their Securities; Judges, Officers, Wives, and Heirs, shall not be prosecuted nor molested in any sort whatsoever, notwithstanding all the Decrees of our Privy Council and Parliaments, of all Letters of Mart and Seizures depending and not judged of, We will and require that there be made a full and entire discharge of all Suits arising therefrom.   

LXXXIV.  
In like manner there shall not be any prosecution of those of the Religion for the oppositions and obstructions which they have given formerly, and since the troubles, in the execution of Decrees and Judgements given for the re-establishment of the Catholic Religion in divers places of this Kingdom.   

LXXXV.  
And as to what hath been done, or taken during the troubles out of the way of Hostility, or by Hostility against the public or particular Rules of the Heads or Commonalties of the Provinces which they commanded, there shall be no prosecution by way of Justice.   

LXXXVI.  
Forasmuch that whereas that which hath been done against the Rules of one Party or the other is indifferently excepted and reserved from the general abolition contained in our present Edict, and is liable to be inquired after or prosecuted, yet nevertheless no Soldier shall be troubled, whence may arise the renewing of troubles; and for this cause, We will and ordain, that execrable Cases shall only be excepted out of the said abolition: as ravishing and forcing of Women and Maids, Burn, Murders, Robberies, Treachery, and lying in wait or ambush, out of the way of Hostility, and for private revenge, against the duty of War, breaking of Passports and Safeguards, with Murders and Pillages without command from those of the Religion, or those that have followed the Party of their Generals who have had Authority over them, founded upon particular occasions which have moved them to ordain and command it.   

LXXXVII.  
We Ordain also, That punishment be inflicted for crimes and offences committed betwixt persons of the same Party, if acts not commanded by the Heads of one Party or the other by necessity of Law and order of War. And as to the levying and exacting of Money, bearing of Arms, and other Exploits of War done by private Authority and without allowance, the parties guilty thereof shall be prosecuted by way of Justice.   

LXXXVIII.  
The Cities dismantled during the troubles, may with our permission be re-edified and repaired by the Inhabitants at their costs and charges, and the provisions granted heretofore upon that account shall hold and have place.   

LXXXIX.  
We Ordain, and our will and pleasure is, that all Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, and others of what quality and condition soever of the Reformed Religion, and others who have followed their Party, shall enter and be effectually conserved in the enjoyment of all and each of their Goods, Rights, Titles, and actions, notwithstanding the Judgements following thereupon during the said troubles, and by reason of the same; which Decrees, Seizures, Judgements, and all that shall follow thereupon we have to this end declared, and we do declare them null and of no effect and value.   

XC.  
The Acquisitions that those of the Reformed Religion, and others which have followed their Party, have made by the Authority of the deceased Kings our Predecessors or others, for the Immovables belonging to the Church, shall not have any place or effect; but we Ordain, and our pleasure is, That the ecclesiastics re-enter immediately, and without delay be conserved in the possession and enjoyment really and actually of the said Goods so alienated, without being obliged to pay the Purchase-money which to this effect we have canceled and revoked as null, without remedy for the Purchasers to have against the Generals, etc. by the authority of which the said Goods have been sold. Yet nevertheless for the reimbursement of the Money by them truly and without fraud disbursed, our Letters Patents of permission shall be dispatched to those of the Religion, to interpose and equalise the bare Sums that the said Purchases cost, the Purchasers not being allowed to bring any Action for their damages and interest for want of enjoyment, but shall content themselves with the reimbursement of the Money by them furnished for the price of the Acquisitions, accounting for the price of the fruits received, in case that the said Sale should be found to be made at an under rate.   

XCI.  
To the end that as well our Justices and Officers as our other Subjects be clearly and with all certainty advertised of our will and intentions, and for taking away all ambiguity and doubt which may arise from the variety of former Edicts, Articles, secret Letters Patents, Declarations, Modifications, Restrictions, Interpretations, Decrees, and Registers, as also all secrets as well as other deliberations heretofore by us or the Kings our Predecessors, made in our Courts of Parliaments or other ways, concerning the said Reformed Religion, and the troubles happening in our said Kingdom, we have declared and do hereby declare them to be of no value and effect: And as to the derogatory part therein contained, we have by this our Edict abrogated, and we do abrogate, and from henceforward we cancel, revoke, and annul them. Declaring expressly, that our will and pleasure is, That this our Edict be firmly and inviolably kept and observed, as well by our Justices and Officers, as other Subjects, without hesitation, or having any regard at all to that which may be contrary or derogatory to the same.   

XCII.  
And for the greater assurance of the keeping and observing what we herein desire, We will and ordain, and it is our pleasure, That all the Governors and Lieutenant's General of our Provinces, Bailiffs, Chief Justices, and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of our said Kingdom immediately after the receipt of this same Edict, do bind themselves by Oath to keep and cause to be kept and observed each in their district: as shall also the Majors, Sheriffs, principal Magistrates, Consuls, and Jurates of Cities either annual or perpetual. Enjoining likewise our Bailiffs, Chief Justices, or their Lieutenants, and other Judges to make the principal Inhabitants of the said Cities, as well of the one Religion as the other, to swear to the keeping and observing of this present Edict immediately after the Publication thereof: And taking all those of the said Cities under our protection, command that one and the other respectively shall either answer for the opposition that shall be made to this our said Edict within the said Cities by the inhabitants thereof, or else to present and deliver over to Justice the said opposers.  
We Will and Command our wellbeloved the People holding our Courts of Parliaments, Chambers of Accounts, and Courts of Aids, that immediately after the receipt of this present E●ict they cause all things to cease, and upon penalty of Nullity of the Acts which they shall otherwise do, to take the like Oath, as above, and to publish and register our said Edict in our said Courts according to the form and tenor of the same, purely and simply, without using any Modifications, Restrictions, Declarations, or secret Registers, or expecting any other Order or Command from us▪ and we do require our Procurators' General to pursue immediately and without delay the said Publication hereof.  
We give in Command to the said People of our Courts of Parliaments, Chambers of our Courts, and Courts of our Aids, Bailiffs, Chief Justices, Provosts, and other our Justices and Officers to whom it appertains, and to their Lieutenants, that they cause to be read, published, and enregistered this our present Edict and Ordinance in their Courts and Jurisdictions, and the same keep and observe punctually, and the Contents of the same to cause to be enjoyed and used fully and peaceably by all those to whom it shall belong, ceasing and making to cease all troubles and obstructions to the contrary. For such is our pleasure: And in Witness hereof we have signed these Presents with our own Hand; and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable for ever, we have caused to put and endorse our Seal to the same.   
Given at Nantes in the month of April in the Year of Grace 1598. and of our Reign the ninth. Signed, HENRY. And underneath, the King being in Council, FORGET. And on the side, VISA. 
This VISA signifies the Lord Chancellor's perusal.  Sealed with the Great Seal of green Wax upon a red and green String of Silk.  
Read, published, and registered, the King's Procurator or Attorney General hearing and consenting to it,  
in the Parliament of Paris, the 25th of February, 1599 Signed, VOYSIN.  
Read, published, and enregistered in the Chamber of Accounts, the King's Procurator General hearing and consenting,  
the last day of March, 1599 Signed, DE LA FONTAINE.  
Read, published, and registered, the King's Procurator General hearing and consenting,  
at Paris in the Court of Aids, the 30th of April 1599 Signed, BERNARD.   

PARTICULAR ARTICLES Extracted from the General which the King hath granted to those of the Reformed Religion, and which his Majesty would not have comprised in the said General, nor in the Edict which hath been made and framed for the same. Given at Nantes in the Month of April 1598.  
And yet nevertheless His Majesty hath agreed that they shall be entirely accomplished and observed altogether as fully as the Contents of the said Edict. And to that end they shall be registered in his Courts of Parliament and in other places where it shall be needful, and all necessary Declarations, Provisions, and Patents shall be therefore dispatched.  

THE FIRST ARTICLE.  
THE sixth Article of the said Edict touching Liberty of Conscience and permission to all the Subjects of his Majesty, to live and dwell in this Kingdom, and the Countries under his obedience, shall have place, and be observed according to its form and tenor, and as well for the Ministers and Pedagogues, as all other Professors and Masters of School, and generally for those who are and shall be of the said Religion, whether Inhabitants only, or others, so long as they comport themselves according as is contained in the said Edict.   

II.  
Nor may those of the said Religion be constrained to contribute to the reparation or building of Churches, Chapels, or the Houses of Priests, nor to the buying of Sacerdotal Ornaments, Lights, Casting of Bells, Consecrated Bread, Rights of Convents or Fraternities, Rents of Houses for Priests or Friars to dwell in, and the like, if they are not obliged thereunto by foundations, endowments, or other disposition made by them, or the Founders and Predecessors.   

III.  
They shall not also be constrained to hang and adorn the outside of their houses upon Festival days, as is ordained; but suffer them only to be hung and adorned by the Authority of the Officers of the place, without that those of the Religion shall contribute any thing upon that account.   

iv  
Nor in like manner shall those of the Reformed Religion be obliged to receive exhortation, when they shall be sick or near death by Condemnation of Justice, or otherwise, from other than from the same Religion; and they may be visited and comforted by their Ministers, without being therefore troubled: and as to those that shall be condemned by Justice, the said Ministers may in like manner visit and comfort them, and visiting them in the Prisons may pray by them there: and out of the said Prisons may assist and comfort them, without praying in public, except in places where the said public Exercise is by the said Edict permitted to them.   

V  
It shall be lawful to those of the said Religion to have public exercise of the same at Pimpoul, and for Dieppe in the Suburbs of Pouler; and the said places of Pimpoul and Pouler shall be ordained for places of Bailiwicks. As to Sancerre, the said exercise shall be continued, as at present, except for the establishing it within the said City, the Inhabitants do make the consent of the Lord of the place to appear to them that shall be appointed by the Commissaries which his Majesty shall depute for the execution of the Edict. The said Commissioners shall provide for those of the said Religion in the Cities of Chaalons upon Marne, Vascy, and French Vitry, permitting them the said exercise within the said Cities or Suburbs of the same during War, if they cannot with safety ●njoy the same in places where they ought to have it by the said Edict. And the said free and public exercise shall be also reestablished within the City of Montagnac in low Languedoc.   

VI  
Upon the Article making mention of the Bailiwicks, it hath been declared and agreed as followeth. First, that for the establishment of the exercise of the said Religion in two places in each Bailiwick, chief Jurisdiction, and Government, those of the Religion shall name two Cities, in the Suburbs of which the said exercise shall be established by the Commissaries which his Majesty shall depute for the execution of the Edict. And where it shall not be judged convenient by them, those of the Religion shall name two or three Market-Towns or Villages near the said Cities, for each of the same, whereof the said Commissioners shall choose one: And if by Hostility, contagion or other lawful impediment, it cannot be continued in the said place, there shall be given to them others for the time that that obstruction shall continue. Secondly, that in the Government of Picardy there shall not be appointed more than two Cities, in the Suburbs of which those of the Religion may have the exercise of the same for all the Bailiwicks, chief Seats of Justice and Governments which depend thereon: and where it shall not be judged convenient to establish it in the said Cities, there shall be given them two commodious Market-Towns or Villages. Thirdly, for the great extent of the chief Jurisdiction of Provence and Bailiwick of Vienna, His Majesty doth agree, that there shall be in each of the said Bailiwicks and chief Jurisdictions, a third place, whereof the Choice and Nomination shall be as above, for establishing the exercise of the said Religion, besides the other places where it is already established.   

VII.  
That which is agreed by the said Article for the exercise of the said Religion, shall have place in the Territories which appertained to the deceased Queen-mother of his Majesty, and in the Bailiwicks of Beaujolois.   

VIII.  
Besides the two places agreed for the exercise of the said Religion by the particular Articles of 1577. in the Isles of Marenne and Oleron, shall be given to them two others for the conveniency of the said Inhabitants, (viz.) one for all the Isles of Marenne, and another for the Isle of Oleron.   

IX.  
The provisions granted by his Majesty for the exercise of the said Religion in the City of Mets, shall go forth in their full and entire effect.   

X.  
His said Majesty willeth and intendeth, that the twenty seventh Article of his Edict touching the admission of those of the said Religion to Offices and Dignities be observed and kept according to its form and tenor, notwithstanding the Edicts and Agreements heretofore made for the reduction of any Catholic Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and Cities under his obedience, the which shall not have place to the prejudice of those of the said Religion in that which concerns the exercise of the same: And the said exercise shall be regulated according as is contained by the Articles which follow, and according to the same shall be framed the Instructions for the Commissioners which his Majesty shall depute for the execution of his Edict, according as is contained in the same.   

XI.  
According to the Edict made by his Majesty for the reduction of the Duke of Guyse, the exercise of the Reformed Religion may not be made nor established in the Cities and Suburbs of Reims, Rocroy, St. Disier, Guyse, Joinville, Montcornet, and Ardannes.   

XII.  
Nor shall also be made in other places about the said Cities and places forbidden by the Edict 1577.   

XIII.  
And to take away all ambiguity which may arise upon the word [in and about] his Majesty declares his meaning to be of places which are within the Bailiwick of the said Cities, in which places the exercise of the said Religion is not to be established, except permitted by the Edict 1577.   

XIV.  
And for as much as by the same the said Religion was generally permitted in Fiefs possessed by those of the said Religion, without excepting the Circuit belonging to Fiefs: his said Majesty doth declare, that the same permission shall have place even in Fiefs which shall be within those held by those of the said Religion, according to the import of his Edict given at Nantes.   

XV.  
According also to the Edict made for the reduction of the Marshal de la Chastre, in each of the Bailiwicks of Orleans and Bourges there shall be but one place for the exercise of the said Religion, yet nevertheless it may be continued in the places where it is permitted to them to continue by the said Edict of Nantes.   

XVI.  
The permission to preach in Fiefs shall in like manner have place in the said Bailiwicks, according to the form directed by the said Edict of Nantes.   

XVII.  
The Edict made for the reduction of the Marshal de Bois-Dauphin, shall be in like manner observed, and the said exercise may not be practised in Cities, Suburbs, and places brought by him to the Service of his Majesty: and as to the Circuits about and belonging to the said places, there the Edict of 1577. shall be observed even in houses of Fiefs, according to the import of the said Edict of Nantes.   

XVIII.  
There shall be no exercise of the said Religion in Cities, Suburbs, and Castle of Morlays, according to the Edict made upon the reduction of the said City, and the Edict of 77. shall be observed in the Jurisdiction of the same, even for Fiefs, according to the Edict of Nantes.   

XIX.  
According to the Edict for the reduction of Quinpercorintin, there shall not be any exercise of the said Religion in all the Bishopric of Cornoaille.   

XX.  
According also to the Edict made for the reduction of Beauvais, there shall not be any exercise of the said Religion in the said City of Beauvais, nor within three leagues of it. But it may nevertheless be established in the rest of the Bailiwick in places permitted by the Edict of 77. even in houses of Fiefs, as the Edict of Nantes imports.   

XXI.  
And for as much as the Edict made for the reduction of the deceased Admiral de Villars is but provisional, until the King shall order otherwise, his Majesty willeth and understandeth, that notwithstanding the same his Edict of Nantes shall have place for the Cities and Jurisdictions brought under his obedience by the said Admiral, as the other places of his Kingdom.   

XXII.  
According to the Edict made for the reduction of the Duke of Joyeuse, the exercise of the said Religion shall not be in the City of Tholose, the Suburbs of the same, nor within four Leagues of it, nor nearer than are the Cities of Villemur, Carman, and the Isle of Jordan.   

XXIII.  
Nor shall it be restored in the Cities of Dalet, Fiac, Auriac, and Montesquiou, upon Condition nevertheless that if any of the said Religion in the said Cities, do sue to have a place for the exercise of the same, there shall be given them by the Commissioners which His Majesty shall depute for the execution of this Edict, or by the Officers of the places assigned for each of the said Cities, a commodious place, and of safe access, which shall not be above a League from the said Cities.   

XXIV.  
The said Exercise shall be established, according as is contained by the Edict of Nantes, within the Jurisdiction of the Court of Parliament of Tholose, except nevertheless in the Bailiwicks, or Chief Jurisdictions, whereof the Seat of Justice hath been brought back to the obedience of the King by the said Duke of Joyeuse, in which case the Edict of 77. shall have place: His said Majesty understanding nevertheless, that the said Exercise may be continued in Places of the said Bailiwicks, or Chief Jurisdictions, where it was at the time of the said reduction, and that the granting of the same in houses of Fiefs, hath place in the same Bailiwicks and Chief Jurisdictions, according as is contained by the said Edict of Nantes.   

XXV.  
The Edict made for the reduction of the City of Dijon shall be observed, and following the same there shall be no other exercise of Religion, than that of the Catholics, in the said City or Suburbs of the same, nor within four Leagues of it.   

XXVI.  
The Edict made for the reduction of the Duke of Mayenne, shall in like manner be observed, and accordingly there shall be no exercise of the Reformed Religion in the Cities of Chaalon, Seure, and Soissons or Bailiwicks of the said Chaalon, nor within two Leagues of Soissons, during the time of six Years, to begin from the Month of January 1596. After which time the Edict of Nantes shall be there observed, as in other Places of this Kingdom.   

XXVII.  
It shall be permitted to those of the Religion, of what Quality soever they be, to inhabit, go and come freely in the City of Lions and other Cities and Places of the Government of Lyonnois, notwithstanding all prohibitions made to the contrary by the Syndics and Sheriffs of the said City of Lions, and confirmed by His Majesty.   

XXVIII.  
There shall not be ordered more than one place in a Bailiwick, for the exercise of the said Religion in all the Chief Jurisdictions of Poitiers, besides those where it is at present established, and as to the Fiefs, they shall follow the Edict of Nantes. And the said exercise shall be continued in the City of Chauvigny.   

XXIX.  
The said exercise shall not be established within the Cities of Again and Perigueux, though by the Edict of 77. it may be there.   

XXX.  
There shall not be more than two places in the Bailiwick for the exercise of the said Religion in all the Government of Picardy, as hath been said before, and the two said places shall not be given within the Jurisdiction of the Bailiwick and Government, reserved by the Edicts made for the reduction of Amiens, Peronne, and Abbeville, but the said exercise may nevertheless be made in houses of Fiefs, throughout all the said Government of Picardy, according as it is contained in the said Edict of Nantes.   

XXXI.  
There shall not be any exercise of the said Religion made in the City or Suburbs of Sens, and there shall not be ordered more than one place in the Bailiwick for the said exercise in all the Jurisdiction of the Bailiwick; without prejudice nevertheless to the permission granted for the houses of Fiefs, which shall have place according to the Edict of Nantes.   

XXXII.  
In like manner there shall not be the said exercise practised in the City or Suburbs of Nantes, nor there shall not be any place ordered in the Bailiwick for the said exercise within three Leagues of the said City, but nevertheless in Houses of Fiefs it may be practised, according to the said Edict of Nantes.   

XXXIII.  
His Majesty wills and intends that his said Edict of Nantes be observed henceforward in that which concerns the said Religion, in the places where, by the said Edicts or Agreements made for the reduction of any Catholic Princes, Lords▪ gentlemans and Cities, it was forbidden by provision so long as until it was otherwise ordered. And as to those where the said prohibition is limited to a certain time, the time being expired it shall not have any more force.   

XXXIV.  
There shall be given to those of the Religion a place for the City, Provostship and Viscounty of Paris, within five Leagues at most, in which they may have public exercise of the same.   

XXXV.  
In all places where the exercise of the said Religion shall be publicly practised, they may assemble the People also by the Sound of a Bell, and do all Acts and Functions belonging as well to the exercise of the said Religion, as to the regulating of discipline, as in holding Consistories, Conferences, Synods provincional and National by the permission of His Majesty.   

XXXVI.  
The Ministers, Elders, and Deacons of the said Religion shall not be constrained to answer in Courts of Justice in quality as a Witness for things that shall be revealed in their Consistory, when they shall pass Ecclesiastical Censures, except for things concerning the Person of the King, or the conservation of his State.   

XXXVII.  
It shall be lawful for those of the said Religion, who live in the Country, to go to the exercise of the same in Cities, Suburbs, and other places where it shall be publicly established.   

XXXVIII.  
Those of the said Religion may not keep public Schools, except in Cities and Places where the public exercise of the same is permitted them, and the provisions which have heretofore been granted to them for the erecting and keeping of Colleges, shall be verified when it shall be needful, and issued out with full and entire power.   

XXXIX.  
It shall be lawful for Fathers making profession of the said Religion, to provide their Children such Tutors as shall seem good unto them, and to substitute one or more by Testament, Codicils, or other declaration passed before Notaries, or in writing signed by their hands, whilst the Laws received in this Kingdom, the Ordinances and Customs of places are in force and virtue, for gifts and provisions for Tutors and Curators.   

XL.  
For the Marriages of Priests, and Religious Persons who have been heretofore Contracted, his said Majesty for many good considerations will not, nor doth not intent that they be searched after, or therefore molested; and in these cases he imposeth silence to his Procurators' General, and, other Officers of the same. But his said Majesty declares nevertheless, that he understands that the Children issue of the said Marriages, may inherit only Movables, Acquests, Conquests, and Immovables of their Fathers and Mothers; and for want of such Children, the Kindred most near, and qualified to succeed, and the Testaments, Donations and other dispositions made, or to make by persons of the said quality, for Goods, movable Acquests, and Conquests , are declared good and valuable: But his said Majesty will not nevertheless, that the said Men and Women professing Religious lives, may come to any Succession directly or collaterally, but may only take the Goods which have been left them, or shall be left them by Testament, Donations, or other Dispositions, except nevertheless those of the said Successions direct or collateral: and as to those who shall have made profession before the age appointed by the Ordinances of Orleans and Blois, the said Ordinances shall be followed and observed in that which regards the said Successions, and the tenor of the said Ordinances, each according to the time that they have had place.   

XLI.  
His said Majesty will not also, that those of the said Religion, who have heretofore contracted or shall hereafter contract Marriage in the third or fourth degree, may be therefore molested, nor the validity of the said contracts called in question, nor likewise the Succession taken away, nor the Children born or to be born of the same, to be quarrelled with; and as to the Marriages that may be already contracted in the second degree, or of the second or third, amongst those of the said Religion, applying themselves to his said Majesty, those who shall be of the said quality, and shall have contracted Marriage in such degree, there shall be given them such provisions as shall be necessary for them, to the end that they shall not be inquired after, nor molested, nor the Succession quarrelled at, nor their Children troubled about it.   

XLII.  
For to judge of the Validity of Marriages made and contracted by those of the Reformed Religion, and to decide if they are lawful; if he of the said Religion be Defendant, in that Case the Judge Royal shall have Cognizance of the said Marriage; and when he shall be the Plaintiff, and the Defendant a Catholic, the Cognizance thereof shall belong to the Official, and Judge Ecclesiastic, and if both parties are of the said Reform Religion, the Cognizance shall belong to the King's Judges: His Majesty wills that in regard of the said Marriages, and differences which shall arise from the same, the Judges Ecclesiastic and Royal, together with the Chamber established by his Edict, shall have Cognizance respectively thereof.   

XLIII.  
The Donations and Legacies made and to make, be it by disposition of Money by the last Will and Testament at death, or during life, for the maintenance of Ministers, Doctors, Scholars and the Poor of the said Reform Religion and other pious uses, shall be valid, and shall issue out in their full and entire effect, notwithstanding all Judgements, Decrees and other things to the contrary; without prejudice nevertheless of the rights of his Majesty, and others; in case that the said Legacies and Donations fall to one that is dead, all actions and prosecutions necessary for the enjoying of the said Legacies, pious uses, and other rights, shall be made by the Procurator in the name of the body, or Commonalty of those of the Church, or Commonalty of the said Religion, who shall have Interest; and if it is found that heretofore there hath been a Disposition of the said Donations and Legacies, otherwise than is contained by the said Article, there shall not be any restitution other than what is found without having the property altered.   

XLIV.  
His said Majesty permits to those of the said Religion, to assemble before the Judge Royal, and by his Authority to levy equally upon themselves such sums of money as he shall judge necessary to be employed for defraying the charges of their Synods, and entertaining of those who perform the duties in the exercise of their Religion, of which they shall give an account to the said Judge Royal, for him to keep the Copy thereof, which shall be sent by the said Judge Royal from six months to six months to his said Majesty, or to his Chancellor, and the Taxes and Impositions for the said money may be distrained, notwithstanding any opposition and appellation whatsoever.   

XLV.  
The Ministers of the said Religion shall be exempt from going upon the Guards and Rounds, and quartering of Soldiers, and other Assessments, or gathering of Tailles together from Tutorships, Curators and Commissions for the keeping Goods seized by authority of Justice.   

XLVI.  
In case that the Officers of his Majesty do not provide convenient places for the Sepulchers of those of the said Religion, within the time appointed by the Edict, after demand made, and that there is delay and remissness in the thing, it shall be lawful for those of the said Religion, to Inter their dead in the burying places of the Catholics, in Cities and places where they are in possession to do it, until they are otherwise provided. And as to the interment of the poor of those of the said Religion heretofore used in the Churchyards of the said Catholics, in whatsoever place, or City that it is, his Majesty doth not understand that there shall therefore be any search, or prosecution for the same, and it shall be enjoined to his Officers to defend them in it; and in reference to the City of Paris, besides the two Churchyards, that those of the said Religion have there at present (to wit) that of the Trinity, and that of St. Germains, there shall be given them a third place commodious for the said Sepulchers in the Suburbs of St. Honoré or St. Denys.   

XLVII.  
The Precedents and Catholic Councillors, who shall serve in the Chamber ordained for the Parliament of Paris, shall be chosen by his Majesty upon the Register of the Officers of Parliament, and there shall be therein employed Persons just, peaceable, and moderate.   

XLVIII.  
The Councillors of the said Reform Religion, who shall serve in the said Chambers, shall assist if it please them in the process which shall be decided by Commissioners, and shall have there a deliberative Voice, without having part of the Money consigned, except when by Order and Prerogative of their reception they ought to assist therein.   

XLIX.  
The ancientest Precedent of the Chambers Myparties, shall preside at the hearing of Causes, and in his absence the Second, and shall make distribution of the process of the two Precedents conjunctively or alternatively, by month or by week.   

L.  
Upon the Vacation of Offices, whereof those of the Religion are, or should be, provided in the said Chambers of Edict, they shall be furnished with persons capable, who shall have attestations from the Synod or Assembly whereunto they belong, that they are honest men, and of the same Religion.   

LI.  
The abolition agreed to with those of the said Reform Religion, by the 74 Article of the said Edict, shall be valid for the taking the moneys belonging to the King, be it by breaking open of Chests, or otherwise, even in reference to those who took it away upon the River of Charente, though it had been destinated and assigned to particular uses.   

LII.  
The 46 Article of the secret Articles, made in the Year 1577. touching the City and Archbishopric of Avinion, and County of Veniss, together with the Treaty made at Nismes, shall be observed according to form and tenor, and there shall not be any Letters of Mart by virtue of the said Article and Treaties, given then by Letters Patents from the King, sealed with his great Seal. Nevertheless, those who desire it may obtain them by virtue of the present Article, and without other Commission by the King's Judges, who shall inform of the Breach of Covenants, denying of Justice, and the iniquity of Judgements, proposed by those who shall desire to obtain the said Letters, and shall send them with their advice enclosed and sealed to his Majesty, for him to order therein as shall seem reasonable to him.   

LIII.  
His Majesty willeth and agreeth that Master Nicholas Grimoult be reestablished and maintained in the title and possession of the Offices of Lieutenant General Civil and Ancient, and Lieutenant General Criminal in the Bailiwick of Alencon, notwithstanding the resignation by him made to Master John Marguerit, reception of the same, and the provision obtained by Master William Bernard of the Office of Lieutenant General, Civil and Criminal, in the Court of Justice at Exmes, and the Decrees in the Privy-Council against the said Marguerit, the Resignee, during the troubles in the Years 1586, 1587., 1588., by which Master Nicholas Barbier is maintained in the Rights and Prerogatives of Lieutenant General ancient in the said Bailiwick, and the said Bernard in the said Office of Lieutenant at Exmes, the which his Majesty hath canceled and annulled and all others to the contrary. And besides his said Majesty for certain good Considerations, hath agreed and ordained, That the said Grimoult shall reimburse within three months the said Barbier the money that he is out to the parties casually for the Office of Lieutenant General, Civil and Criminal, in the Viscounty of Alencon, and of fifty Crowns for Charges: Enjoyining to this end the baily of Perche, or his Lieutenant at Montaigne, to make the reimbursement; or else that the said Barbier refusing or delaying to receive it, his said Majesty hath forbidden the said Barbier, as also the said Bernard, after the presentation of this present Article, to act more in the exercise of the said Offices upon penalty of Forgery; and to send this same Grimoult to the enjoyment of those Offices and Rights appertaining thereunto. And in so doing the processes which were depending in his Majesty's Privy-Council, betwixt the said Grimoult, Barbier, and Bernard, shall remain terminated and extinguished, his Majesty prohibiting the Parliaments and all other Courts to take Cognizance thereof, and the said parties any further prosecution therein. And besides, his Majesty chargeth himself to reimburse the said Bernard a thousand Crowns, casually paid to the parties for the same Office, and with sixty Crowns for the Gold Mark and Charges: Having for this effect presently ordained good and sufficient assignation for recovering of the same, which shall be speedily done at the Charges of the said Grimoult.   

LIV.  
His said Majesty will write to his Ambassadors to solicit and treat for all his Subjects, even for those of the Reformed Religion, that they may not be prosecuted for their Consciences, nor subject to the Inquisition, in going, coming, sojourning, negotiating, and trafficking through all Foreign Countries of the Allies and Confederates of this Crown, provided they offend not against the polity of the Country where they shall be.   

LV.  
All those of the Reformed Religion, who remain titular of Benefices, shall be obliged to resign them within six months to Catholic Persons. And those who have promises of Pensions upon the said Benefices shall have them paid, and the payment of the said Pensions continued, and those that own the said Pensions shall be constrained to pay them the Arrears, if there be any, provided that they have actually enjoyed the profits of the same Benefices, except nevertheless the Arrears which fell due during the troubles.   

LVI.  
His Majesty will not that there be any search made after the Receipts of any Impositions which have been levied at Royan by virtue of any Contract made with the Sieur of Kendal, and other Acts for continuation of the same, his Majesty approving, and making valid the said Contract, for the time that it was in force according to its contents until the 8th of May next.   

LVII.  
The excesses happening in the person of Armand Courtines, in the City of Milan, in the year 1587. and of John Rames, and Peter Singuret, together with the proceed against them, by the Consuls of the said Milan, shall remain abolished and extinguished by the benefit of the Edict, without being lawful for their Widows, Heirs or the Procurators' General of his Majesty, their Substitutes, or other persons whatsoever to mention the same, make inquiry thereof, or prosecute, notwithstanding the Decree given in the Chamber at Castres' the tenth of March last, to which there shall be no regard, for that they shall remain null, and of none effect; as also all the Informations and Proceed made on one part and the other.   

LVIII.  
All Prosecutions, Proceed, Sentences, Judgements and Decrees, given as well against the deceased Sieur de la Nove, as against the Steur Odet de la Nove his Son, since their restraints and imprisonments in Flanders, happening in the months of May 1580. and of November 1584. during their continual employment in the Wars, and service of the King, shall remain canceled and annulled, and all that consequently followed the same, shall be received in defence of them, and the said de la Nove's shall be restored to the same condition as they were in before the said Judgements and Decrees, without being obliged to refund the expenses, or assign the payment of the Penalty, or Fines if they have incurred any; nor shall men allege against them any Nonsuit, or Prescription during the said time.   
Done by the King, being in his Council at Nantes, the last day of April 1598. Signed, HENRY. And below, FORGET. And Sealed with the great Seal of yellow Wax.  
HENRY by the grace of God King of France and Navarre, To our trusty and wellbeloved the members of our Court of Parliament at Paris Greeteth.  
Besides, and above the Articles contained in our Edict, made and granted in the present month concerning the Reformed Religion, we have yet farther Granted some Particulars, which we did not esteem necessary to comprehend in the said Edict, and which nevertheless we will and require that they be observed, and have the same effect as if they were therein comprised, and to that end that they be Read and Enregistered in the Offices of our Court of Parliament, to have recourse thereunto when it shall be needful, and the Case require it. For this Cause we Will, Command, and most expressly Enjoin, That these Articles Signed by our own Hand hereunto annexed, under the Counter-Seal of our Chancery, you shall enter in the Registers of our said Court; and cause the same to be observed in all points, in the same manner as it is, and aught to be in our said Edict. For such is our will and pleasure.  
Given at Nantes, the last of April 1598. and of our Reign the ninth. Signed, by the King in Council, FORGET. And Sealed with the great Seal of yellow Wax, with a single Label.   

A DECLARATION  
By the present French King, Lewis the XIV. in favour of his Subjects of the Reformed Religion, confirming the Edicts of Pacification, Declaration, Reglements, and Articles heretofore granted them. Dated at Paris, the 8th of July 1643. and Verified in Parliament the 3d of August 1643. Printed at Paris 1644. with the King's Licence.  
LOVIS, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre; To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting.  
The deceased King, our most honoured Lord and Father, acknowledging that the most necessary and effectual means for the preservation of peace in this Kingdom, consisted in suffering his Subjects of the Reformed Religion, to live under the benefit of his Edicts, and defending them in the free exercise of their Religion, he had a particular care to prevent, by such ways as he judged suitable to his Authority, the troubling, or disquieting of them in the said Exercise. Having to that effect, immediately after his coming to the Crown, confirmed the said Edicts, by his Letters Patents in form of a Declaration, dated the 22th of May 1610. to the end that he might thereby so much the more oblige his Subjects, of the said Religion, to a dutiful obedience. And to follow his example, and imitate him in his bounty, we will give them a testimony of ours, and treat them as favourably as is possible, if they shall render themselves worthy thereof, by the continuation of their fidelity, and obedience towards us (as they have protested they will) and never withdraw from us. This makes us to hope that comporting as good and Loyal Subjects, and living in that Union and Concord, which is requisite for the good of our Service, we may as it is our greatest desire, with Divine assistance, and under the prudent and wise administration of the Queen Regent our most honoured Dame and Mother, whose good and sincere intentions are known to every one, make all our Subjects, as well Catholics as of the said Reform Religion, to be sensible of our affection towards them, and of our desire of maintaining them in a firm and assured peace. We do therefore hereby give you to understand, That we for these reasons, and upon the most humble supplication on the behalf of our said Subjects of the Reformed Religion, after having brought this affair into deliberation in the presence of our most honoured Dame and Mother the Queen Regent; We by her advice, together with that of our most dear and beloved Uncle the Duke of Orleans, and of our most dear and beloved Cousin the Prince of Conde, first Prince of our blood, Dukes, Peers, and Officers of our Crown, and many eminent persons of our Council, have said and declared, and we do say and declare by these presents, signed with our Hand, that it is our will and pleasure, That our Subjects making profession of the Reformed Religion enjoy, and have the free and entire exercise of the said Religion, according to the said Edicts, Declarations, and Rules made upon this account, without being troubled or inquieted in any sort or manner whatsoever. The which Edicts, remaining as well good as perpetual, we have de novo so far as is or shall be needful confirmed them, and we do by these presents confirm them; willing and commanding the opposers of the same, to be punished and chastised as disturbers of the public Peace. And we command our well beloved the members of our Courts of Parliament, Chambers, or Courts of Edict, Bailiffs, Chief Justices, their Lieutenants, and other our Officers to whom it shall belong, each in his place, that he cause these presents to be Enregistered, Read and Published where need shall be, and all the contents thereof to be received, kept, and observed according to their form and tenor; and inasmuch as there may be need of these presents in many and sundry places, we will and require that, two Copies duly examined by one of our well beloved Counsellors and Secretaries, faith be given to them as to the Original: For such is our pleasure. In witness of which we have caused our Seal to be put to these presents.  
Given at Paris the 8th day of July 1643. and of our Reign the first. Signed, LOVIS. And upon the fold, the King and Queen Regent his Mother being present, Signed, PHILIPPEAUX. And Sealed with a double Label, with the great Seal of yellow wax.  
Read, published and enregistered in the Registers of the same, requiring the Procurator General of the King, to execute it according to its form and tenor, and to send examined Copies to the Bailiwicks, Chief Jurisdictions of this Circuit to be there in like manner read, published, Registered and executed with diligence, by the Substitutes of the said Procurator General, who are enjoined and obliged to the execution of the same, and to certify the Court within a month of having done it.  
At Paris in Parliament the 3d of August, 1643. Signed, GVYET.   

THE DECLARATION  
Of King Lovis XIV. of France, confirming the Privileges granted to his Subjects of the Reformed Religion. Given at St.  in Say the 21th of May, 1652.  
LOVIS, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre; To all to whom these Present shall come, greeting;  
The deceased King, our most honoured Lord and Father, acknowledging that one of the most necessary things for conserving Peace in this Kingdom, consisted in maintaining his Subjects of the Reformed Religion in the full and entire enjoyment of the Edicts or Laws made in their favour, and to suffer them to enjoy the free exercise of their Religion; He had a most particular care to prevent by all convenient means the troubling them in the enjoyment of the Liberties, Prerogatives, and Privileges granted them by the said Edicts; Having to that effect, immediately after his coming to the Crown by Letters Patents of the 22th of May 1610. and since his Majority by his Declaration of the 10th of November, 1615. declared and required that the said Edicts should be executed, to the end to give to his said Subjects so much the more reason to keep within the bounds of their duty; and after the example of so great a Prince, and to imitate him in his Bounty, we have resolved to do the like, having from the same motives and Considerations by our Declaration of the 8th of July 1643. willed and ordained that our Subjects of the Reformed Religion shall enjoy all the Concessions, Privileges, and Advantages, especially of the free and entire exercise of their said Religion, according to the Edicts, Declarations, and Reglements made in favour of them upon that Subject. And forasmuch as our said Subjects of the Reformed Religion have given us certain testimonies of their affection and fidelity, especially in our present Affairs, from whence we remain most satisfied; We therefore give you to understand, That We for these reasons, and upon the most humble supplications which have been made us in behalf of our Subjects of the Reformed Religion, and after having brought this Affair into deliberation in our Council, We being present, We, from the advice of the same, and from Our certain Knowledge and Royal Authority, have said, declared, ordained, saying, declaring, and ordaining that our Will and Pleasure is, That our said Subjects of the Reformed Religion be maintained and kept; as certainly we will maintain and keep them in the full and entire enjoyment of the said Edict of Nantes, other Edicts, Declarations, Decrees, Rules, Articles, and Breviates expedited & dispatched in their favour, registered in Parliaments & Chambers of Edict, especially in the free and public exercise of the said Religion in all the places where it hath been granted by the same, notwithstanding all Patents and Decrees, as well of our Council as by our Sovereign Courts or other Judicatures, to the contrary; willing and requiring that the Opposers of our said Edicts be punished and chastised as Disturbers of the public Quiet. And therefore we command and require our well beloved the members of our Courts of Parliaments, Chambers of Edicts, Bailiffs, Chief Justices, their Lieutenants, and other our Officers, each in his place, as it belongeth to him, That they cause the said Presents to be enregistered, read, and published where it shall be needful, and all the Contents to be kept, observed, and maintained according to their Form and Tenor; And forasmuch as there may be need of these Presents in many and sundry places, We will and require, That to the Copies thereof, duly examined by one of our wellbeloved Counsellors and Secretaries, faith be as well given as to the present Original; for such is our Will and Pleasure: In testimony of which, we have caused our Seal to be put to these Presents.  
Given at St.  in Say the 21th day of May, in the Year of Grace 1652, and of our Reign the tenth. Signed, LOVIS. And under the King, PHILIPPEAUX. And sealed with the Great Seal.   


EXTRACT OF THE Registers of the Council of State.  
UPon that which is represented to the King being in Council, by the General Deputy of his Subjects of the Reformed Relion, because of the poverty of the Inhabitants of divers places making profession of the said Religion, and of the want of the money which hath formerly been granted them for the maintenance of their Ministers in Consideration of the Tenths which they pay to the ecclesiastics, they are constrained to cause one and the same Minister to preach in several places, where the exercise of the said Reform Religion is permitted, which they call annexed places: Now though they do not any thing herein which is not permitted them by the Edicts; So it is that divers Decrees in the Council of his Majesty have been made, which prohibit the said Ministers to preach in other places than those of their habitation, which causeth great trouble and vexation to them, for which it being necessary to provide, his Majesty being in Council, hath ordained, and doth ordain, That the exercise of the said Reform Religion may be publicly practised by one and the same Minister in divers places, in which the said exercise is permitted by the Edicts, and no where else, notwithstanding all Decrees given to the contrary, which his Majesty hath canceled, and revoked as contrary to the Edicts. And his Majesty prohibits all his Officers and Subjects, even to the ecclesiastics, to trouble those of the Reformed Religion in their enjoyments of the said Edicts. Done in the Council of State of the King; his Majesty being there.  
Held at St Germains in Say the 21th of May, 1652. Signed, PHILIPPEAUX.   

LOVIS, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre: To our first messenger or Sergeant upon this request greeteth;  
We command thee, and do command thee by these Presents, signed with our hand, That the Decrees of our Council of State, whereof the Extract is here annexed under the Contra-Seal of our Chancellor, thou signify to all to whom it shall belong, to the end they may not pretend ignorance thereof, and defer obedience thereunto: and further cause them to defend the Contents hereof, and all other acts and things requisite and necessary for the execution of the said Decree; and we give thee power, Commission, and especial Command herein, without demanding other permission; Willing, that to the Copies examined of the said Decree, and of the said Presents, faith be given as to the Originals, for such is our pleasure.  
Given at St Germains in Say May 21. 1652, and of our Reign the tenth. Signed LOVIS, PHILIPPEAUX. by the King in Council.  
Examined with the Original  
by me Councillor, Secretary of the King, and of his Finances.    

EXTRACT OF THE Registers of the Council of State.  

THE King being willing that his Subjects of the Reformed Religion should enjoy what his Majesty had granted them by his answer to the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Aticles of the Paper presented to him the 17th of this present month of May, by the Deputy General of his said Subjects, concerning the Consulship, and Charges or Offices Politic of the Cities and Places there named; His Majesty being in his Council, conformable to the answer of the said Paper, hath ordained, and doth ordain, That the Decrees of the abovesaid Council of the 18th of March, and 11th of April last, for an equal Division of the Charges of the Consuls, and others thereupon depending, given in favour of his Subjects of the City of Montpellier, making profession of the Reformed Religion, shall be executed according to their Form and Tenor. And as to Sommieres, Ginac, Lunch, Montagnac, Bariac, Bagnols, Bedarrieux, Florensac, Vendemain, Pignan, St. Andre, Aimargu●s, and Mogmo, It his Majesty's Will and Pleasure that in the next Elections, and others following upon the days accustomed, the Consulships and Offices thereon depending, shall in like manner be equally divided in the said places, provided there is no immemorial possession or Capitulations to the contrary, according to the Declaration of the 19 of October, 1631. and conformable to the same, His Majesty ordaineth, That there shall be no alteration at Alles, nor at any other places for the second Consul which shall be of the Reformed Religion, no more than for the first, which shall always be a Catholic.: And for the City of Nismes, His Majesty also willeth, That the Council Politic be augmented with one Councillor of the Reformed Religion, which shall abstain from going into the said Council, when the Bishop of the said City, or his chief Vicar shall not be there; and this shall be executed notwithstanding any oppositions or appellations whatsoever, which shall not be made use of for deferring it; and if any things intervene, they shall be judged in the Chamber of Edict at Castres', to which his Majesty gives therein all power, Jurisdiction, and Cognizance, and prohibits the same to the Court of Parliament of Tholouse, until his Majesty shall otherwise ordain. His Majesty enjoining, That all Patents and Declarations herein necessary be dispatched, acted and done in the Council of State of the King, his Majesty being there.  
Held at St. Germains in Say the 21th of May, 1652. Signed, PHILIPPEAUX.   

LOVIS, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre: To our Chief Messenger or Sergeant in this Case required, greeteth;  
We command thee, and thou art commanded by these Presents, signed with our hand, That thou signify the Decree of our Council of State, the Extract of which is here●nto annexed under the Counter-Seal of our Cha●●●ry, to all to whom it shall appertain, to the end they may not pretend ignorance for deferring obedience, and further to cause them to defend the Contents hereof; and to do this and all other acts and matters requisite and necessary for the execution of the said Decree, giving thee Power, Commission, and especial Command, without need of other permission; And we will that to the Copies of the said Decrees and of these said Presents, faith be as well given as to the Originals; For such is our pleasure.  
Given at St. Germains in Lay● the 21th of May, 1652. and of our Reign the 10th. Signed, LOVIS. By the King in his Council, PHILIPPEAUX.  
Examined with the Originals  
by me Counsellor, Secretary to the King, and of his Finances.    
FINIS.   

Books Sold by John Wickins at the White Hart over against St. Dunftans' Church in Fleetstreet.  
ROyal Pharmacopoeia, Galenical and Chemical, according to the Practice of the most eminent and learned Physicians of France, and published with their several approbations. By Moses Charras, the King's Operator in his Royal Garden of Plants. Faithfully Englished. Illustrated with several Copper Plates. fol.  
Resuscitatio; or, Bringing into public Light several Pieces of the Works, Civil, Historical, Philosophical, and Theological, hitherto sleeping, of the Right Honourable Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount Saint Alban. In two Parts. The Third Edition. According to the best corrected Copies; together with his Lordship's Life. By William Rawley, D. D. his Lordship's Chaplain, and lately his Majesty's Chaplain in Ordinary, fol.  
The History of the Affairs of Europe in this Present Age; but more particularly of the Republic of Venice. Written in Italian by Battista Nani, Cavalier, and Procurator of St. Mark. Englished by Sir Robert Honywood, fol.  
The History of Barbados, St Christopher's, Mevis, St Vincent, Antego, Martinico, Monserrat, and the rest of the Caribby Islands, in all 28. In Two Books. The First containing the Natural, the Second the Moral History of those Islands, Illustrated with several Pieces of Sculpture, representing the most considerable Rarities therein described. fol.  
The Surgeon's Storehouse, furnished with forty three Tables cut in Brass, in which are all sorts of Instruments, both Ancient and Modern; useful to the performance of all Manual Operations, with an exact Description of every Instrument, together with an hundred choice Observations of famous Cures performed, with the Indices. First, Of the Instruments. Secondly, Of Cures performed; and, Thirdly, Of things remarkable. Written by Johannes Scultetus, a famous Physician and Chirurgeon of ulme in Suevia. Octavo.  
The Memoirs of Philip de Comines, Lord of Argenton. Containing the History of Lewis XI. and Charles VIII. Kings of France; with the most remarkable Occurrences in their particular Reigns, from the Year 1464 to 1498, Revised and corrected from divers manuscripts and ancient Impressions. By Denis Godefroy, Counsellor and Historiographer to the French King, and from his new Edition of it Printed at Paris, faithfully translated into English. Octavo.  
The History of the Present State of the Ottoman Empire; Containing the maxims of the Turkish Polity, the most material Points of the Mahometan Religion, their Sects and Heresies, their Covents and religious Votaries, their military Discipline; with an exact Computation of their Forces both by Land and Sea. Illustrated with divers Pieces of Sculpture, representing the variety of Habits amongst the Turks. In Three Books. By Paul Rycaut Esq In Octavo.  
The History of France, under the Ministry of Cardinal Mazarine; Containing all the remarkable and curious Passages in the Government of that State, from the Death of King Lewis XIII. which happened in the Year 1643 to the death of the Cardinal, which was in the Year 1664. Done into English by Christopher Wase. 8ᵒ.  
The History of the twelve Caesars, Emperors of Rome. Written in Latin by Caius Suetonius Tranquillus, Newly translated into English, and illustrated with all their Heads in Copper Plates, oct.  
A Relation of three Embassies from his Sacred Majesty Charles II. to the Great Duke of Muscovy, the King of Sweden, and the King of Denmark. Performed by the Right Honourable the Earl of Carliste, in the Year 1663. and 1664. Written by an Attendant on the Embassies, and published with his Lordship's approbation. Octavo.  
The Art of Chemistry as it is now practised. Written in French by P. Thibaut, Chemist to the French King. And now translated into English by a Fellow of the Royal Society. Octavo.  
The Annals of Love; Containing secret Histories of the Amours of divers Prince's Courts. Pleasantly related. In Octavo.  
The Loves of sundry Philosophers, and other Great Men. Translated out of French. Octavo.  
The Voyage of Italy; or, a Complete Journey through Italy. In two Parts. With the Character of the People, and the description of the Chief Towns, Churches, Monasteries, Tombs, Libraries, Palaces, Villas, Gardens, Pictures, Statues and Antiquities. As also of the Interest, Government, Riches, Force, & c. of all the Princes, with Instructions concerning Travel. By Richard Lassels, Gent. who traveled through Italy five times, as Tutor to several of the English Nobility and Gentry. Duod.  
The Present State of Holland. Duod.  
The Art of Complaisance; or, the Means to oblige in Conversation. Duod.  
The Present State of Italy. Duod.