THE LIFE OF THE MOST LEARNED FATHER PAUL, Of the Order of the Servie.  
COUNSELLOR OF STATE to the most Serene Republic of VENICE, And Author of THE HISTORY OF THE COUNSELL OF TRENT.  
Translated out of Italian by a person of Quality.  
LONDON, Printed for Humphrey Moseley, and Richard Marriot, and are to be sold at their shops in St Paul's Churchyard, and in Saint Dunstan's Church yard, 1651.   

  

THE TRANSLATOR To the READER.  
THou art here presented in English with what hath been often printed and reprinted in a foreign Nation, a relation of the life and death of the famous Friar, FATHER PAUL: of whose incomparable knowledge and prudence there needs noother testimony, then that the wise state of Venice took him for their Oracle. In it thou shalt find his Judgement and Counsels to be so irrefragable that his very enemies durst not enter an appeal against them, but to their own conviction and shame.  
I may say of him, as 'twas said of Adryanus Turnebus, that be not only knew more than others, but what he knew be knew better; (he knowing by causes by definitions by relations and practice) for as he that hath been twice or thrice in a man's company, may be said to know him; yet, he that knows him by his parentage from his youth and education, even to his age and death, may say he knows him better.  
And so indeed the faithful relatour of his life may be truly said to have known the Father; who to the world was like the Centre to the Circle that draws lines to itself from all parts. Vndique & undiquaque.  
Solomon had wisdom by patent and lost it: but thou shalt here find, that FATHER PAUL seemed to have wisdom by habit, which never returned to privation; nature and industry, with a concomitance of supernal grace, having endued him with such a proportion of Knowledge, Justice, Temperance, and Humility, that he may well pass for a prodigy of wisdom, insomuch, that I am struck with an Admiration of finding these in so great a perfection in this one man, and again, that I find them in no more; and that where they are in any in any degree, yet they be (being compared to the Fathers) weak and defective.  
But to hold thee no longer in a Preface, they that have read the Council of Trent, the History of the Inquisition and other his writings (of which too many are kept in the Cabinets of Princes, and will never be made vulgar) may now if they please read the man in what follows  
I have this to add.  
If the Traduction of this Story have made itself obscure by a too near pursuance of a literal sense, wherein the Idioms of two so different languages as the Hetruscan and the English cannot be perfectly reconciled, that aught to be or now must be excused.   

FOl. 18. l. 27. for affection in him, r. affection to him. f. 19 l. 18. for receipts, r. rescripts f. 25. l. last, for home, r. Rome. f. 48. l. 14. for from, r. some, f. 62. l. first, for best r. last. f. 69. l. 17. for veneral, r. veneral f. 72. l. 3. for all his, r. all the f. 100 l. 14. for there, r. three f. 157. l. 2. for, this was not none to advance his kindred, r. be had no kindred to advance. f. 165. l. 17. for surgeon r. string. f. 168. l. 1. for sixteen, r. sixty one f. 168. l. 2●. for must not believe, r. must believe. f. 173. for jumps. r. snares. f. 197. l. 4. for could do, r. could not do f. 208. l 29. for such, r. which. f. 209. l. 13. for defailling, r. defailance. Also some other small errors in the Italian.   

THE LIFE OF FATHER PAUL, Of the Order of the Servi, and Theologist of the most Serene Republic of Venice.  
PADRE PAOLO was borne at Venice, in the year 1552. upon the fourteenth of August, being known by the name of Pietro, but, being of a very thin body, was by a nickname of the City called Piernio, or little Peter. His father was Francisco di Pietro Sarpi originally by his ancestors of Saint Vido, and of the province of Fruili. In Venice he exercised Merchandise, though with no great prosperity. He trafficked also into Soria, but with no better fortune; He was a fierce man, addicted more to war then Merchandise; wherein he had successes that brought him to a low condition: His mother was a Venetian, of an honest City-family, called Isabel Morelli, who died in the contagion of the year 1576. I remember I have heard it of her from some of the old fathers of Monastery, that de servi; and from an old cousin of hers in the fourth degree— yet living, who told it in merriment that when the marriage was made betwixt Francisco and her: it seemed by the diversity of their conditions, a monstrous thing to those that understand not disparity in matrimony to be a great mischief in the policy even of humanity itself, and consequently remedies, except it be by a medicine worse than the disease, as we see among the Barbarians of Canada, and new France, and heretofore anciently in S. Parta. Francis was a man of a low stature; of a brown colour, and of a terrible aspect. Isabel was of great stature, of fair complexion, and of a countenance as humble, and gentle as 'twas possible. He was addicted to war, and defiances, she to fasting, and devotion. In which kind of life (after she was set free by the death of her husband) she proceeded so far, that receiving a religious habit, she got a fame of singular sanctity: of spirit, and of prophecy. From whom as he took his complexion and favour (especially in his eyes and face wherein he did marvellously resemble her) so it seems also he had his principles of religion, and singular piety from her.  
The father died leaving her a widow with her son Peter, and a daughter that was very young, which for charity and honesty was taken into education by a brother of the mothers, being the chief titular Priest of the Collegiate convent of St. Hermagora, upon which occasion the mother begun to have almost a perpetual conversation among those immured hermits of Saint Hermogora; where in her life and piety she made afterwards great progressions.  
This priest and brother Ambrosio Morelli was a man of grave and severe behaviour, and very learned in all kind of humane literature, whereof he kept a particular school to teach divers noble men's children both Grammar & Rhetoric. By the mother and uncle were fomented in Peter those seeds of Piety, which after by divine assistance grew up in process of age, like that grain of mustard seed, to which our Saviour compared the kingdom of heaven, which is indeed the very piety towards God. But from his uncle he received his first rudiments, together with divers gentlemen, of whom some are improved to an excellency of learning; and become grave Senators; (as signior Andre a Moresini, that writer of the Venetian history worthy of eternal memory.) Others are yet living, & give witness of the felicity of the wit and abilities of father Paul, of whom we now write, who by the diligence of a master being his uncle, became in short time so great a proficient, that he was capable of the more solid arts; and greater sciences of Logic and philosophy. And the priest Ambrosio having discovered in his nephew a conjuncture, which is seldom seen of a great memory, with a profound judgement, thought fit to cherish the one and the other: because exercise either improves, or disposes for actions, and discovers, or otherwise takes away those impediments which hinder the expression of activity. And if man's wit seemed to that old Philosopher to be Campi Animati, spirited fields fit for divers seeds, and of unequal secundity, or barrenness. The Priest was no less careful to apply his wit to a right cultivation. Wherefore he daily exercised his judgement by keeping him to continual composing, holding him to more strictness than was convenient for his childhood; specially being of so weak a complexion; And exercised his memory not only by forcing him to repeat many things by heart, but some particulars upon the first hearing. The fathers of the convent observing in him a rare inclination to learning, reported strange things of his memory. But he told them seriously, that in that way of exercise, his uncle had never made him exceed the repetition of a matter of thirty verses together out of Virgil, or some author, after a running kind of reading once over. His carriage of himself even at that age, gave a true presage of his future deportment, which we will rather call natural inclinations, the better sort whereof he hath since raised to a great perfection, having corrected the rest which were more imperfect by virtue, being in himself a mere retiredness, and of a semblant or mean, always thoughtful, and rather melancholic then serious, of a continued silence even with those of his own age: always in quiet without, being addicted to any of those exercises, wherewith children are by nature most pleased, (though but in a gentle motion, and only for preservation of health.) A notable thing, and never observed in any other. And since then he hath kept himself so in the whole course of his life, being used to say upon occasion, that he could never understand the delight of a gamester except it were out of affection to Avarice. He knew not the pleasures of the palate, he never longed for any meat, but nourished himself with so little food, that it was a wonder how he could live; which course he hath constantly observed all his life long, and was never used to drink wine till he was above thirty years of age.  
There dwelled at that time in the Convent of the order of Servi one Father john Maria Cappella of Cremona, Doctor and Theologist, esteemed one of the most consummate & perfect men of his time in Religion, and a particular follower of Scotus, in whose doctrine he had the fame to have had but few equals. The nearness of their habitations bred an acquaintance betwixt Ambrosio and this Father, who upon this occasion finding the pregnant wit of Peter, began to read Logic to him. And because as some soils are so fruitful, that upon every little tillage, they exceed not only the hopes, but also the wishes of the labourer; so it happened in a very short space that he made the like progression, passing on to the studies of Philosophy and Theologie, running before all expectation, and the Master confessed himself that he could teach him no longer, because it happened many times that the Scholar apprehending a different sense from his Master, was able to maintain it with so much subtlety of reason, that he made him change his opinion. Whereof, among the notes that are come to my hands, there are many particulars which I spare to relate. He began likewise in his childhood to learn the Mathematics according to the manner of the wise men of old times, tongues, with the Greek and Hebrew by the opportunity of eminent Masters that lived at that time in Venice.  
But by continual conversation and study amongst them he became desirous to receive the habit of that order of the Servi, either because it seemed to him c. life of more conformity to his inclination which was retired and contemplative, or otherwise being alured thereto by his Master.  
It is the property of man's mind in all things that are come to effect, to seek no further than to the next causes, and particularly in those wherein it is neereliest concerned, & so settling ajudgement upon those alone without regard to an investigable number of other foregoing causes in a longer tract; resolves thereupon to ground the cause of his fortune.  
But the Divine providence which order all things by a connexion of causes and effects, guides us to higher considerations. The effects following leave us no place to doubt that it was a Divine compulsion, and a Divine vocation of Peter to render himself religious, because his Mother, and his Uncle Ambrosio the Priest having opposed themselves against him out of a desire to make him a Priest of their Church, having already put him into the habit, yet he could not be removed from his first resolution, neither by exhortation nor by constraint, whereof he suffered very much, and at last in the year 1566. the 24. of November he was received into the habit of the Religion of Servi: And to what height of learning he was grown in his youth may be argued from hence. That (the day following) there being held an annual and solemn disputation in the Church of the Father Minors of St. Francis, called Sancta Maria d'ye frati, he was sent to dispute against the Theses that were then given in, where he put the company into admiration of his great and solid spirit, and at the beginning of the disputations gave them a pretty occasion to be merry, having forgot himself that he had changed his habit the day before, he did in those actions of courtesy that are common among disputants (thinking to put off his hat) pull off his hood, and held it hanging in his hand; he continued his Novitiat in that Convent and his studies under the same Master. And the Father Benedetto Ferro yet living and of his own age, who lived with him in his Novitiat relates of him, That in his childhood he was of great retiredness, silence and quietness, and that he was wont to withdraw himself from every childish sport. And they spoke it of him as a common by word. All we are for trifles and pamphlets, but Friar Paul is for Books: And being now entered into the 17. year of his age, and settled in a state of profession, but yet silently according to those times wherein the decree of the Council of Trent to that purpose was not yet put in execution (for all the regular orders continued with professions as yet unexpressed) the Council then intending to provide in that case, which was shortly made express in Cremona in the hand of the General Master Stephano Bonutio, who was after master Cardinal alone in the year 1572. about the tenth of May, he being then 20. years of age when the congregation of the order of the Servi Church comprehended about 70. Monasteries great and little, and was after raised and reduced into two provinces, the one in Venice, the other in Mantova by Pius V and was governed by Vicar's General) held a Chapter or general congregation in the City of Mantova. And it is the manner of such meetings of Religious men to put themselves upon several virtuous exercises of preaching and disputations, whether for the most part resort men of greatest eminency to honour the meetings, and to give a testimony that they have not spent their time in idleness, but in holy and laudable operations.  
Friar Paul, this young man, who (in his childhood) did so fare exceed others of riper years in sciences, was commanded to be one of those (who in that honourable concourse) was to give a taste of his virtue by answering and defending 118. of the most difficult propositions that were in sacred Theology or natural Philosophy (which said charge with how much felicity, with what acclamation and wonder was by him maintained before that venerable assistance may be acknowledged by the success thereof. But there lived at that time Il serenissimo Duke William of Mantova, of whose glorious memory we find so much witten in History. This Prince was a man of excellent parts, and so profoundly learned in the Sciences, that it was not easily discerned whether his prudence in government or his erudition in all the Sciences & arts were the greater, even as low as Music. He had not his wit so confined, that while it was applied to learning, it abated any thing of what belonged to the wisdom of governing his people. There was a confluence to his Court (as of a most virtuous Prince and liberal Moecenae) from all parts of such as in the Sciences and Arts were of any note or excellency, and they were all received, favoured, and largely entertained; The Bishop of Bold●ino Pastor of that Church moved by the example of so virtuous a Prince, endeavoured to do the like. His function was merely ecclesiastic, which he attended with all possible piety, charity and diligence, and among other things was careful to furnish his Cathedral with a sufficient lecturer.  
It was worth observing, that at the same time, the Duke taking notice of the great learning of Friar Paulo, made it his request to the Superiors, to receive him into the family of the Monastery of Saint Barnaby of Mantova, honouring him with the title of his Chaplain; And also the Bishop made him reader in the Cathedral of positive divinity, of cases of conscience, and of the sacred Canons. I shall not need to tell you with what wonder of all his audience he discharged the place, for it may be easily believed. True it is, that for divers years, and even at this day, amongst the old fathers; there continues a fame at Mantova, and it became a common saying, Non veneramai in un Fra. Paolo. There will never come more among us another friar Paul. At this time in Mantova he learned the Hebrew tongue to a greater perfection than he had done at Venice. But the occasion of his conversation in Court: and of serving that Prince, made him see a kind of necessity of understanding the histories of the times, wherein he was in a short time so great a proficient, that without injury either to times or persons I may lawfully say he was without parallel. In the study whereof he continued a course, which he likewise used in all his other studies; which was, that when he encountered with any history or passage of learning, or any problem or Theorem. He would never give himself any intervals but presently either rising from the board, or from his bed at midnight, or whensoever applying himself wholly and indefatigably to the subject, would never take himself of till he had seen whatsoever could be seen, which was by confronting of authors, of places, of times, and of opinions, and by a kind of pertinacity. He would leave himself no occasion to return again to that subject, but would be resolved once for all, how fare the knowledge of it could be carried. And his very intimate friends would say of him, that in his riper age sitting down sometime upon a Mathematical problem, or any other speculation, he would continue there in making figures or numbers a whole day, and a whole night together, without leaving it until he could say O, l'zó pur vinta opui non ci voglio pensare. I have either overcome it, or else I'll think no more on't.  
Divers accidents befell him during his abode in Mantua, where among other conversations which he had in that City, he took the greatest pleasure in discoursing with Camillo Olivo who had been secretary to Hercules, Cardinal of Mantua (that had been legate in the Council of Trent) and commended him for a personage of great piety and learning. But nevertheless a man that could not fly from his ill fortune, because the Cardinal having incurred the indignation of Pius quartus (for some things which concerned the council) those crimes from which greatness had privileged the master, came to be charged upon the servant; who by the Inquisitours was much troubled, and kept long in prison, after the death of the Cardinal his Lord, from whence although he had a free deliverance, because the Pope himself lived not long after, yet he could never make his reentry into the favour of the Court of Rome, and therefore lived a private life in Mantua. The chief pleasure that Friar Paul took in concoursing with him was: because he found him a man of singular moderation, learned, and by being with the Cardinal at Trent, had had a great manage in those actions: knowing the particularities of the most secret business, and had besides many memorials in perusal, whereof Friar Paul took much delight; Because the conciliary action being newly dissolved (which by so long a course of time had held all Christendom in so much expectation) and (specially men of high spirit and intellectuals) in whom it begot a great curiosity to know how things had really passed, of all which he had taken notes with his own hand. He had like wise a very near familiarity with the father Inquisitor, of the Dominican order, Fra. Gilolemo Bernerio da Correggio, who was after made cardinal of Ascoli by Sixtus V of the congregation of the holy office, and protector of the order of the Servi, with whom he continued servitude till his death.  
How much he esteemed Friar Paul, shall be mentioned hereafter where it may be more necessary. All persons of learning that came to that Court, had a desire to confer with him, because he was already gotten so forward in all the sciences, that he did not only give all men satisfaction, but left them with so much wonder of his profoundness in every thing (being yet but young) as if he had been versed in that alone, and applied himself to nothing else. And the service of that Prince seemed to require no less. Because as persons of divers professions resorted to his court, so he was desirous that his chaplains should treat and hold argument with all men of all things that fell into discourse. And he himself would ever propound some extravagant question, & at public disputations, where he would appear sometime unexpected. He used to command Fra. Paul to argue to some conclusion, wherein it was impossible he should be premeditated. As among others at one time (which may serve for an example of many) in a Theological Thesis that Christ our Lord died at the age of three and thirty, being a subject to puzzle any indifferent wit. But Friar Paul with confronting the evangelists by their Easter, as if under his eye he had had the whole concordance of the Gospel, and with some allegations out of Eusebius, did to the wonder of all that understood him, reduce his respondent to so narrow a straight, that he was driven to say of Eusebius, Historia est non vera narratio, whereat the Duke breaking into a laughter, replied. Father, those of Saint Alexis of the living and of the dead, are histories to you, and such like as are sold by the Mountebanks. And so in a kind of whispering and jeering the disputation was broke up.  
Nature at some certain times produceth wits that are apt for any particular science; as in many ages after we see not the like again. Many such and very famous ones have been in former times. In this of ours Vieta in the Algebra, Gilberto in the speculations of the Magnetic virtues, Galileo in his knowledge of the motions. The brain of Fra. Paul seemed to have a rare excellency in all these: but in the Mathematics it was a thing incomparable, because whatsoever remains of antiquity, or of modern writers, was but the least part of what he knew. He was no less curious to know all that had been said of the Astrologiques', the vanity and inutility thereof he did always, and absolutely despise, because things in futurity either cannot be known, or cannot be avoided. But not long before his going from Mantua there happened a pretty accident. The Duke who willingly interposed the pleasures of wit and facetiousness with the grave cares of his government, tempering wisely his troubles with Joviality of words and actions, had in his stable (whereof by the example of his ancestors, he kept a race of so great esteem, that it is reported that at the battle of Pavy 15.25. Francis the first king of France was there mounted upon a horse which had been given him, by the Marquis of Mantua. And Charles the fift in his wars made use of another of the same race which was bestowed on him; I say this Duke William had a mare that was in foal of a mule, and being near the time of her foling, he desired Fra. Paolo to bestow a night's study with Astronomical instruments that the horoscope, & the natale minute of the beast might be known with the situation of the Heavens, and the posture of the stars at that time: which being done, and reduced into the form of a figure or apotelesme, the Prince caused copies to be sent abroad to all the famous Astrologers of Europe, as well in Italy as in other places, with this declaration; That at such an instant of time a bastard was borne in the Duke's house, and I can very well tell that a good while after the Prince made himself merry to read the indigents that came from divers parts. One would have this bastard to be a Cardinal, others that he should be a great commander; others, that it prognosticated triumphs, or mitres even as high as the very Pontificate.  
There came rumour which got some credit, and is not yet extinct: That Fra. Paulo taking discontent at this action, was willing to leave the Prince's service, fearing lest at some time or other by the Capriccios of the Prince's brain, a worse encounter might befall him: and to say truth Friar Paul commended much the excellency of the Prince's wit; but withal had observed some toyish fancies wherewith he was too much pleased. But he himself hath seriously affirmed, that this was no cause of his departure, nor yet the example of another Friar of the same order called Cornelio da Codomo, who being likewise entertained by the Duke had incurred his displeasure, and was put in prison, from whence he made his escape, leaving a general opinion by the great means that were used to catch him again, that he meant to put him to death. But hath always rather confirmed it; That the Duke had all the reason in the world. And the Duke did honour him so much as to give him an account of the business and the writing itself which is extant, (and I have seen it) which moved this great Prince to so just a disdain (and this it was) That when the Cardinal Hercules de Gonsaga died, a certain young man that qualified himself to be his son, not conceiving that he had quick justice done him by the Magistrates in the execution of certain goods pretended to belong to him, did in the form of a supplication deliver the Duke a real and famous Libel, taxing him to be an usurper and an unjust Tyrant, threatening him with divine revenge, and citing him before the tribunal of God, whereupon being imprisoned, he confessed that it was Cornelio da Codomo that had form that scandalous writing.  
Fame bore it out, that these two were the causes of his departing the Court, to which the course of time gave so much credit, that it is yet received for a truth among the elder sort, though it were undoubtedly false. But the true cause of his departure (which he made with the Prince's favour and approbation) was, because that a court life was so absolutely averse to his Genius, and his fame in religion made him to be perpetually importuned by his friends and superiors, who had a design to make use of his labours in their profession. Friar Paul had added to his learning such an integrity of Religious carriage, that being but a very young man he was had in reverence of all men as an Idea of modesty, of Piety, and all other virtues both Christian and Moral. Some things may seem paradoxes, but they are so well known, and have so great a testimony from men yet living, that he that should go about to question any of them must needs have put on a vizard of impudence poisoning his tongue with untruth, and his corrupted heart with malignity of passion.  
Let Friars speak, let so many Senators witness, whether Fra. Paulo were ever heard to swear by his faith, or speak an unseemly word: or ever seen to be angry, yet these are not the only singularities of his later times when was he a servant to the state of Venice; but these and others have been in him from his youth in such a perfection, that he never had any public correction as was usual with others of religious orders. He was never reprehended for speaking an undecent word, nor doing an unbeseeming act. It was a marvellous thing how in so young a man that had not exceeded the age of twenty two, so many sciences (in so high a degree) should be united; besides those that are ordinary in them that live in Cloisters are (after literature of humanity) the logic, Philosophy and Theologie. But to those, he had also joined the knowledge of the laws, perfectly of the common law, and more than meanly of the civil, all the Mathematics and medicine, the knowledge of simples, of Herbs, of or Plants, of Minerals, with their transmutations, a sufficient understanding of divers tongues, beside the latin, the Greek, the Hebrew, and the Caldean. All which learning together would have had something of monstrous in it, though it had been found in a maturer age, but from the holiness of his conversation, he received such a splendour that even in that Spring of his years he did prognosticate what store and perfection of fruit might be expected from him: if it should please God to reserve him for further times. Although it be as true, that the knowledge alone of all that which humane understanding can raise itself to makes not a man perfect, though it may render him admired: Nay the devils themselves are known for their great wisdom, and have a name of mighty knowledge. But goodness is that which gives the form, piety, religion, and the virtues of the mind are the soul of this body. And the accumulation of sciences, and probity made this religious young man so venerable, and (I may say) so majestical, that as it is a custom in Venice among the noble, and ingenuous youth, that if any of them be not so decent in their habit, or that they be of a less modesty in discourse or carriage, than they ought to be, yet when they appear before the first Senator, they are careful to put themselves into their best habit and posture, so in this order of the religion of Servi (for even among the religious, especially those of the younger sort, are not always under rule, nor as we say with their bows bended,) yet at the appearance of Fra. Paolo they were all composed reducing themselves to a more seriousness of behaviour, setting aside both sport and Joviality, as if his only presence had been the black rod; whereupon it became a proverb among them, whensoever he was present or appeared. E●qua sposa la mutiamo proposito, let us change our discourse, here comes the bride. Such power hath the presence of a man of known probity & innocency: even over the behaviour of others: yet nevertheless he was so pleasing, so humble with all men, that hitherto I have not known that man that could say (except when he was in the public employment) that he had received a sharp word, or seen a gesture from him expressing rigour to others, (although with himself) he were most severe.  
Being consecrated Priest at the age of 22. he seemed to increase the strictness of his retiredness, and to be more intense upon the actions of piety and meditation. During which age and a good while after, he had never tasted wine, except it were at the Celebration. His food was so sparing, that for the most part he fed but upon bread & fruit; of flesh he had very little use till he was passed 55. saying, that he abstained or tasted very little, because his complexion would not bear it, but make him sick, and because it bred him much headache. He went at that age to Milan, and it happened in a time when Cardinal Borromeo (at this day Saint Carlo) was in the fervour of the reformation of that Church, and in particular reduced the confessors by a rigorous zeal to so small a number (which either was because he found them very ignorant) or understood of great abuses committed in the administrations of penitence, whereof he clearly purged their Churches. This great pastor had found the means to know the conditions, the life and quality of the Cloisters, as it appeared by so many that took their heels, & tarried not for his judgement. It may be well imagined what intelligence he held with Padre Paolo whom he sent for, and against his inclination made him hear confessions, making use of him not only in the Church of his own order, but in others (as it was needful) and took great affection in him, being much pleased with his company. He would always be present at the most difficult discussions of cases of conscience & other consultations upon divers accidents, where the opinion of the most learned divines were had, and would often make him stay to dine with him in his refectory: because that Cardinal in imitation of those ancient holy pastors. Ambrose and others, did frequently make a common life and table with those of his clergy.  
At that time, and before his departure from the province of Mantua by that of Venice, as it is an ordinary thing, that how virtuous and innocent soever a man be, he cannot be without trouble and emulation; being complained of to the holy office of inquisition by one Maestro Claudio Piacentino his contemporary, but one that was unable to raise himself by his study and virtue to that credit which Padre Paolo had, and therefore thought to equalise him by pulling him down. But it proved much to his own disadvantage, because howbeit the inquisitor received the accusation and form the process, yet in fine, the father would not answer, but appealed to Rome about the formation of the process, whither (the cause being called) after many writings and receipts, It was concluded, that the Inquisitor should have a heavy reprehension with a taxation of ignorance. And indeed it could not well be otherwise: The accusation being that the father, who well understood the Hebrew tongue, had maintained that from the first chapter of Genesis the article of the most holy Trinity could not be deduced; whereupon he opposed the Judge, not only because he agreed with his accuser, but because he was not able to judge the cause, as having no knowledge of the Hebrew Tongue. And as soon as the cause was seen at Rome, it was thrown out of the Court, without so much as calling the Father to be examined, but only by giving a checque to the Inquisitor. In this very time there was added to his natural weakness two other infirmities, which he hath endured for many years; because living (as we have said) with an extreme slenderness of diet, and drinking nothing but water, and many days not at all; and when thirst invited him, he went to the pit, and drank only once, and thereupon fell into such a costiveness, that although it may seem strange, yet it is very true, that ordinarily he stayed three days, sometimes a whole week, before those natural parts which are designed to expel the excrements could do their office, and with so much more pains, because it was accompanied with the disease of the Hemoroids, which by the long and violent force bred the falling down of the straight gut, accompanied with a Flux from the Liver, which hath remained with him even to his old age. Upon this occasion begun the prescripts of Physicians (with whom he conversed rather to discourse of their art, than to make use of their Receipts, having formerly made a good progress in that Science, wherein he became marvellously excellent, and among other things it was an exhortation of his friends to persuade him to drink Wine. But to that he never rendered himself, till after the thirtieth year of his age, nor then but with much averseness; nor ever in forty one years which he lived after, could he take any liking to wine, except it were white, and that only for the resemblance it hath to water, and amongst other things which he said he had repent himself in his life time, this was one, that he had been persuaded to drink wine.  
Natural affections may be sometime moderated, but I can hardly believe that they are ever extinguished. There are very few men that have been able to command themselves: But peradventure it will not be easy to find any one, who generally, and upon all occurrents was more a patron, and commander of his affections than he. If once his judgement preceded, nothing was ever sufficient to remove his resolution, no kind of meat could ever move his appetite, if he thought it dangerous, nor Physic would he take, otherwise than he took delightful food, if he believed it to be good for him. And so in all other things, yet nevertheless he was used to say, that he never overcame any thing with more difficulty, than forsaking water to drink Wine. But partly by his complexion, which was of an incredible meagrenesse, and partly by his additional infirmities, he could never be made believe, that he could live a year to an end. This is witnessed by all those that were his familiars, that if he did not compute every day for the last, yet at least he computed every year, contrary to those that use to say, There is none so old, that he may not hope for a year of life; And he said, he never remembered himself so young, that he could hope for a years life. To this it may be added, that he having made a progress above all belief, in his studies, whereunto he was so devoted, that very few days passed in his private life, wherein he studied not eight hours, although he would never write any thing for publication until he were constrained by a public necessity. And in his actions among his friends (as they themselves would say) he never appeared active nor resolute, but cold and reserved, because he that hath no hope of life, seldom applies himself to actions of any great consequence. And nevertheless the affairs of his own province, and the instance of his friends, were able to call him bacl to his own Country in Venice, & his province, where immediately, all those that were of greater years giving place to an eminency of virtue, and integrity, more to be admired then related; he being already gone through all those degrees which the laws of his order had appointed; of student, of Bachelor, of master, (which is the title of the Doctorates in Theologie) and being a year before that, aggregated to that most famous College of Milan, was with universal applause 1579. created Provincial, (with this addition that he should govern the study as regent) for so they call the readers of the sacred Theology.  
That great Prince, who at his death desired an applause from his friends that stood about him, gave us to understand, that in every vocation whosoever carried himself well should not be defrauded of his due commendation. The dignities among religious men, being considered either by their profit, or their splendour are not things to be stood upon; but to sustain the change of them with a due charity and prudence, is more than can be performed by many. In these things, Padre Paolo chalked out a way to his successors, by which they might arrive at their end with great reputation. In matters of judgement he gave them all an essay of an inflexible rectitude, and that which he strictly observed all his life long, was never to receive a donative (how little soever) never to admit any other proceeding in matter of justice but with acceleration, and expedition. No judgement of all those of his (which were innumerable) were at the instance of any higher judgement, found fit to be repealed. And I shall say this particular more by way of anticipation, that the Cardinal Santa Severina (for reasons that may be alleged) shown himself very violent, that certain sentences which the Father had given against some that were forward in the Cardinal's favour might be retracted, and having caused the proceed to be well compared with the relations of his auditors, was constrained to confess, that in point of justice, it could not be otherwise, nor better determined.  
In his government he banished all factions, and particularities. None had ever cause to complain of him, except it were some indifferent friends, that promised themselves more of his friendship than they had reason.  
He left his Province with such orders and customs as (if they had been observed) had prevented a greater deal of inconvenience, wherewith they have been since afflicted. This (as the beginning of his employments) discovered a fraught age of prudence in the manage of business, and dexterity of government, which (with age) was increased in him to such an excellency, that in so great an heap and innumerable number of affairs that passed through his hands, none were so involved in difficulty, but that his more than humane wit found a way to the head of it, either to dissolve it, or to show that it was inextricable. And as it is reported of some famous Surgeons, that where they set to their fortunate hands, no wound proved incurable; so to him, there were brought from all sorts of people the most arduous businesses, with this confidence, that either he would presently find out the knot, or that no man else could ever have the hope to do it. And although it have seemed to some, that his inclination stood rather to severity and rigour, than to clemency or sweetness, yet that proceeded rather because he was of a serious and retired disposition, than any way facile or jovial. But he was really of so compassionate a nature, that he would neither do injury himself to any, nor suffer another to do it. And this, either goodness of nature, or tenderness of affection, had so rooted itself in his soul in his graver age, that as it chances not only in natural things, but in his affections (above all other) the excess whereof had not only extended his compassion towards men, but to all other sorts of creatures: Insomuch as his nature could not endure that any thing should be grieved or molested. And if it had been needful to kill any of those creatures with his own hand, which God had appointed for food and sustenance of life, true it is, that in the latter years of his life (excepting a great necessity) he would rather have abstained and fasted. But because he had formerly cut in pieces a number of living creatures with his own hands to make Anatomies, whensoever he fell into the occasion of that discourse, he seemed to resent it with a kind of compassionate displeasure and reluctance: And if in discourse or writing, he seemed at any time more punctual in matter of justice, nothing being able to make him decline from the strict course (blaming often the too great mildness of punitive justice) as an occasion of much and many abuses: yet withal, if it had concerned himself to administer it, I am very well assured that in all his governments, and many years super-intendence of his province, you would rather have discovered in him a defect of rigour than of mercy.  
But in the administration of his own charge, what a reputation of integrity, piety, and prudence, and of every virtue he had gained to himself, it may be gathered from hence. He was made provincial of his order at the end of the twenty sixth year of his age (which was never conferred upon any so young as he) by any information that I could receive neither before nor since, in 340. years that this order of the Servi had had a beginning. In this year of 1579. there was held a general Chapter of the whole order in Parma, and because about ten years before, by many Statutes made at divers times, and by the Popes themselves, concerning Secular Friars, as also by the Council of Trent, it was resolved to be necessary to make new constitutions and rules for the government of the whole order. It was therefore decreed at that Chapter, for the deferring no longer of so good a work, that three of the most learned, pious, and prudent men, should be chosen out of all the order of that religion to execute a business of such importance, as every one which well understands that knows what belongs to Government. One of these was Padre Paolo, who was but a youth in respect of the venerable and hoary hairs of the other two. Upon this occasion he tarried a good while at home where he made a discovery of his most rich Talon to the cardinal Alexander-Farnese Protector, and to the other Santa Severina Vice Protector of the order. The charge that was particularly laid upon him, was to accommodate that part which concerned the sacred Cannons, the reformations by the Council of Trent which were but newly come forth, and the forms of their judgements. All the work lay upon the three that were deputed, but because he had a more exquisite knowledge of the Cannon and civil laws, and of the Conciliary determinations, the business of that particular was wholly remitted to him; and he alone gave form to that whole part which treated of judgements in accommodation to the Cloister state, and that with so much brevity, clearness, and profundity, that those judges that were so knowing and only exercised in matter of judicature, have admired it as the action of one that had consumed his age in nothing but study of the jaws of that order. And it is an argument to convince the error of those that believe, that they which give themselves most to the study of sciences, are thereby rendered unable for government and policy. It being an error every way as gross as it is pernicious. Whereof we shall give a lively example in the following course of the life of father Paul.  
But leaving at Rome (by the occasion of this employment) a great fame of his knowledge, and prudence, not only in the Courts of these two Cardinals, (from whom by order expressed in the Apostolical Brief of Gregory the thirteenth.) It was appointed that all statutes which were made should receive approbation. For it was sometimes necessary to resort to, and treat with the Pope himself; From which burden being now discharged, he returned to his own government.  
When he had ended this charge of Provinciallship, and easing his shoulders of so great a weight, he entered into some more quietness, which he said was all the repose he enjoyed in the whole course of his life, because nothing fell out in his government, wherein the evils were not well discerned, or else were grown tolerable without factions or discontentments. And as a weary man relisheth his rest with more sweetness: so for three whole years he gave himself to nothing but speculations of natural things. And his knowledge in them being grown to some perfection, he past further to operations with his own hand, in the transmutation, and distillation of all sorts of metals. Not that he was ever touched with the vanity of the possibility of making gold, or that he thought a discreet man could any way engage himself in such an inquiry. Of this it may be an argument, that at that time (for many months together) there continued in Venice (after he had traveled Italy, and deluded so many Princes and Prelates) That famous impostor Mamugna, who was believed to make gold, which expressed very well the sense of Diogenes when he said (he did not segregate from the vulgar no not Kings themselves) Because into that credence, or rather into that Comedy, the vulgar did not only rush with such an excess of confidence, that they called all men miscreants that did not believe the making of gold. Yea Cardinals, Princes, the Pope himself, Sixtus quintus so great a Prince, and of such knowledge and experience, had given out that he would question the state of Venice, for giving protection to such an Impostor if his knavery were not discovered. The father Paul made it always a matter of Jest, and to some of his friends that would have carried him to the experiment, he always answered, that if he should do so, they would not only repute him inconstant, but esteem him for a very fool. And among his intimate friends (with whom he had conference concerning this Imposture) were some gentlemen who, relying upon the father's judgement, were the inventors of a Mascherada to express his opinion. One clothing himself like the Mamugna, in a boat with fire and coals, and bellows, and and glasses, and other chemical tools went about the city crying, All Magmugna Atre lire il soldo del loro fino. who buys a shillings worth of of fine pure gold for nine pence! And one of these is at this day a most excellent Senator of Venice, whose singular life, & virtue deserves a recomendation upon a better occasion. The father used to mock those that told him they had seen him make gold, and would always say, why now we shall see what the Chaus had wont to say. There being at that time in Venice one of those Nuntios that came from Constantinople about affairs; whom they called a a Chaus. And this Chaus having heard of this man that he made gold, made no other answer to it (but by a laconical brevity which is usual with that nation) I'll gran signore dumque verra aservirlo. If you make gold the great Turk shall come to be your servant. And the father who so willingly held argument with any that professed distillations, could not be satisfied how the humour of gold could be made entrant, because all his exercise was only for the knowledge of nature. Wherein the great Physician of our age can testify the greatness of his experience, and of the many things of his finding out, which were communicated to others of that profession, wherewith they have honoured themselves; there being no admired effect, no occult property; nothing either written or experimented: which he had not either seen or examined. And beyond humane belief he was versed in all the things of those arts, in so much as men thought he had employed his whole life in nothing else.  
About that time, and long after he exercised himself in the anatomy of all sorts of creatures, and for the most part of living creatures which he used to cut up himself: particularly the anatomy of the eye, wherein he was so perfect, that Aquapendente did not disdain to allege in his reading, nor in his printed book the authority of father Paul. And that famous man when he spoke of him, he spoke as of the Oracle of that age. Besides other learning, he was much versed in the knowledge of the propriety of simples, of the nature of minerals, in so much as in those professions whatsoever he knew not, was not cognoscible. But such as are well informed of the truth, have made it a rational wonder, that as Aqua pendente in his tractat de visu in genuously confesseth, that he had learned from him the manner whereby in the Crystalline humour vision is made by refraction, and that he was the first observer that the tunicles of the eyes were dark and thick (as all the rest) but that they only became diafa●ious and transparent by being continually drenched, and moistened with a clear humour, as the nature of Caverns in Mountains and rocks renders the earth transparent, which is of itself most dark and dusky by a continual irrigation (as we may see in pebbles and flint-stones.) And more over how infusion by art makes bark of trees and shells and roots translucide, which of themselves are of darkness and density. So the whole tractate concerning the eye which passeth under the name of Aquapendente, or at least so much as conteyns new & rare speculations & experiments, is the work of Padre Paolo, whereof I have had speech with some that were eye-witnesses, and knew that a due part of the praise was not attributed to him that deserved it all. But much more in another matter of more moment which was the finding out of those valvule, those inward shuts or folds that are within the veins. Of which argument I do not find, that any, either ancient or modern hath made mention, because it was a thing unthought of till these times that Aquapendente moved the question at a public Anatomy. But there are still living many eminent and learned Physicians, among which are Santorio and Pietrou Asselineo a French man, which knew that it was no speculation nor invention of Aquapendente but of the Fathers, who considering the gravity and weight of the blood, grew into opinion that it could not stay in the veins, except there were some bunch to hold it in, some folds or shutting, at the opening and clofing of which there was given a passage and necessary Equilibrium to life. And upon his own natural judgement he set himself to cutting with more exquisite observation, whereupon he found out those Valvuie, and the right use of them, which do not only stop and hinder the blood from dilating itself by his weight into the veins (as we observe in some crooked and swelled knots, but also that blood running up and down with so much liberty, and in so great quantity) it might easily suffocate the natural heat of those parts which ought to receive their nourishment from it. And in consequence he made discovery, that the Athletic Habit, which in his judgement, and according to Hypocrates (bonitatis summum attingit) had no other cause of being so dangerous and deadly, but because the blood being in so great a quantity in the veins, might hinder the use of those Valvule, whereby of necessity followed suffocating for want of ventilation. Of this he gave account to some friends of that profession, and especially to Aquapendente, who made very great use of it in a public Anatomy, after which divers famous Authors have written much upon that subject.  
But me thinks I see always the very gesture of the good Asselenio who when he takes occasion to speak of the father, lift up both his hands, shrugs his shoulders, and hanging his head on one fide (to speak it in a kind of a French phrase.) Oh how many things have I learned of Padre Paulo in anatomy, in minerals, & simples. This is a pure soul in which there shines a Candour, an excellency of nature, & an ignorance of doing any thing but well. A father being most a famous physician of of Orleans, had a son whom he had designed to be of his own profession, and bred him in such a way, that at nine year's practice he begun to work in distillations. And although in Phyfick and Anatomy he be second to very few, yet I believe him to be before all others in the knowledge of simples of minerals, and of their virtues and uses for man's body. He came very young into Italy, being sent thither by his father to be withdrawn from the danger of the civil wars in France which were then very violent. And being come to Venice, he fell in love with the place as a Country of benignity to all travellers, and had no mind to leave the place, where he exercised the profession of Physic, rather as a friend with his friends, then for gain, having done many cures that were miraculous when he wrought alone, but not willing to show his talon among others, because by nature he was averse from contending or making any ostentation. This man from his very arrival took conversation with the father, which hath continued with a most holy friendship preserved betwixt them for eight and thirty years. And he more than any other can speak of the father's wondrous knowledge in the foresaid professions, and of things by him invented, whereof an entire volume might be written.  
But being not like to continue long in this holy and virtuous quietness; the fame of his prudence and hability of government, after three years drew him away (and as I may say) from that garden of spiritual delights, into a thorny field of toil and weariness of spirit and body, and at a general Chapter he was by common consent created Procurator of the Court called Proctor general.  
This is the supreme dignity of that order under the General, and in those times that religion flourished with learned men, none were assumed into that order except men of exquisite prudence, (because the charge bears with it a necessity to defend all the variances and controversies at Rome, that are promoted in all the religion, besides the necessities of appearing in all courts and congregations to maintain the causes that are brought to the court) and of singular learning to be able to pray before the Pope upon days that are designed to that order. And because the Proctors of Court are much employed by the Popes in the congregations as in reading a public lecture upon wisdom.  
In these three years that he dwelled in Rome, beside that incomparable prudence wherewith he treated of matters of religion, there was known to be in him a great aptness to greater things, and by order from the Pope himself he entered into divers congregations, where there was occasion to discourse in occurrent actions upon important difficulties of doctrine. At which meetings he came to know and take intimate acquaintance with father Bellarmine, who was often present, and was afterwards a Cardinal, whose friendship continued even to the end of his life. He knew there likewise the Doctor Navarro, who was then at Rome about that famous cause of the Archbishop of Toledo, and he was wont to tell with a great deal of delight that he had many times had discourse with one of the ten compagnons of father Ignatius who then lived. And I believe it was father Bobadiglia, wherein I should be sorry to be mistaken. Only it is remembered that he found him often doing his exercise in certain remote places, and that he seemed to be full of holy simplicity, and that he told him freely at one time, that it was never the mind of the father Ignatius, that his company should be reduced to what they were now, and if he returned into the world he should not know them, being become a quite other thing, and so much changed from what he left them.  
How he behaved himself towards the Cardinal Santa Severina protector appears in this, that he alone among so many that were employed, went away in his good grace and favour, which was no small matter with a Prelate of his disposition, who was used to call those that went according to his by as, without contradiction, poor spirited fellows and flatterers, and those that made lively opposition against him, & spoke their mind undauntedly; them he hated for being too free and insolent. But above all he was entered so far into the grace of Cardinal Castagna, who was after Pope, by the name of urban the seaventh, and succeeded Sixtus V that he was infinitely pleased with him. And 'tis very like that this Prelate (being of a more than humane meekness, of life, most innocent, and for his carriage irreprehensible) the similitude of their dispositions might be the cause of uniting their affections. The father never visited him, but by the cheerfulness of his face he might discern that his visit was so much the more accepted by how much it was more frequent. And after his going from home, he always continued to be his servant. The short time that he lived in the Pontificate, which was only thirteen days, gave no assurance how his favour would have continued to the Father after his assumption to that Throne; for this very opinion that he had of the Father to be a subject of so incomparable learning and ability (I have this testimony from one that was present when the news was brought him of his death) that he said without any show of alteration; Ideo raptus est ne malitia mutaret intellectum ejus. He had once occasion to go to Naples to sit Precedent as Vicar General at the Chapters, and to make the Visitation, where he grew acquainted with that famous wit Gio. Battista Porta, who in some work of his that came to light makes honourable mention of Padre Paolo as of no ordinary personage, and particularly of his specular perspective. The time of his Office of Proctor General in Court, happened to be at the beginning of the Pontificate of Sixtus the sift, who (as it is believed, having been a Friar, knew much of the worth of those religious persons that were remarkable, and among others having had information of the quality of the Father) gave him employment in congregations, and other manages more frequently than was usual. He was present at the discussion of that matter: Whether the Duke de joyeuse being a Capuchin were dispensable, and to that purpose were spoken (by those that would flatter) such exhorbitances of the untimely power, or rather the pontifical omnipotency, that Father Bellarmine being present told the Father in his ear: These are the things that have made Germany revolt, and will produce as much in France, and other Kingdoms.  
Upon a time the Pope being in the street in his Litter, called the Father unto him, holding him a good while in discourse, which was nothing else but of certain memorial that were come to his hands against the General of that time. This unwonted passage, and observed by the Court that used to make observations upon all things, was presently divulged abroad how much the Father was in the Pope's favour; what would you have more? The vanity had already made him a Cardinal. But this favour which was neither sought nor desired by him, cast him into a most troublesome persecution. At his going from Venice he had left his friends at the Council, and directions of master Gabriel Collison, with whom he had formerly joined in the taking away certain ill customs, and grievances which some superiors had imposed upon others that were weaker than themselves, and were detested under the odious name of Tyranny. But as it often happens, that what we detest in others, we are ready to justify in ourselves, and the nature of Gabriel being (as it was afterwards discerned) to be only a friend and lover of his own interest: In those three years of the Father's absence from the Province, he had gotten an absolute Dominion whereto he had attained and maintained himself by very great extortions: one only impediment was a mighty traverse to him, that the Father was shortly to return to Venice, to whom he knew such practices would be no ways pleasing; and he was out of hope of inclining him to those courses of his, because he had had experience of his integrity, & that he was not to be corrupted. He conceived his only remedy was to make him a proposition, against which the wisest men can hardly make a defence (which was) the way of Honours, and therefore to remain at home. And began seriously to persuade him by letters, engaging some of his dear friends to propound it to him: That the credit which he had got at court might make him a way to the advancement of his fortune. The Father among other rejections of that Counsel, and to be troubled no more with those arguments answered him by a letter in cipher (which was usual betwixt them) wherein were words of discredit cast upon the Court, as if dignities were obtained by ill means, and for his part, he made so little account of honour so gotten, that he did rather abominate it; Master Gabriel kept the letter, and cipher, and after three year's end, that his office was expired, the Father returned home to his Country, to his quietness and to his studies, but was not able to approve the extortions which Gabriel had used in the Province, wherein he was maintained by the favours of some Courtiers of the Cardinal Sancta Severinas' Court, who did not favour him gratis neither, (it being kept upon very good account) that the Generalship, whereunto he was at last preferred, stood him in no less than 40000 ducats) as there are many that can very well make the computes and tell the particulars,) all of it being taken out of other men's purses, wherein the Father alone declaring himself not to approve, and less to consent to those courses of his, they came at last to a rapture, and manifest dissension, wherein that he might prevail being already crept into so much favour at Court that it was a wonder, and particularly to see the Cardinal Protector, who was then chief of the holy office of the inquisition, to whom the letter with the Cipher, was presented, who did not think it fit to proceed against the father by way of the holy office (as master Gabriel hoped he would have done) yet nevertheless he shown an implacable indignation against him. And as the multitude are used to turn on that side where the wind blows fairest, although he had reduced himself to his quietness without meddling any further with matters of government, because he saw the disease was grown incurable: yet nevertheless he was much troubled (although not in his own person) wherein neither art nor violence could ever find the least defect (whereupon to attack him:) but in some of his friends who being not exempt from ordinary defects, were not only made incapable of degrees and honours, but every venial sin of theirs was imputed to be a mortal vice. And Santa Severina himself employed even the authority of the holy office against them, by means so strange and ends so base, that I dare not mention what I have heard, for fear it might give the world too great a scandal; In which way of prosecution this is all the remedy that can be had, that such as are so narrowly in quisited may in their recourse to Rome with their commissions find Justice.  
Among the father's great disturbances (whereof we shall have occasion to speak hereafter) this was one. There was one Friar Julio an old confessor, who being of an irreprehensible life, had much concourse to him to confession: with a notable emolument of alms.  
This man from the first entrance of Friar Paul into Religion (having been his mother's confessor) undertook to keep him so far as belonged to his clothing, and the expense of his journeys and books; because the father to the very last of his life would never have more than one simple garment, so that if he had fallen into the river he must have kept his bed till that had been dried again. He never had any ornament of chamber, and so he hath continued till the expiration of his soul, his moveables being only a portable quadrant of Christ in the garden, a crucifix with a natural death's head at the foot, as his peculiar lookingglass, and three hour glasses of sand to take measure of his time. He never had of money more than was necessary for a day's use. And this Friar Julio, till he was so old that he began to lose the vigour of his intellectuals, kept him meanly clothed and only according to necessity. The Monastery always supplying him, with what was necessary and convenient for his garments, and other necessary expenses. In fine, the father was never put to provide for himself while he was under the care of this good old man. It is not to be doubted that the tranquillity of the mind hath a principal foundation in the internal part, in a profound knowledge of divine and humane things, without which every external thing is insufficient and vain, because a man that is once dejected, cannot be sustained nor held up by any of those things. Although it cannot be denied but that external helps may add something to quietness. Now to disturb the father in the contentment which he had (without weariness) in those poor mentioned necessaries, and seeing that as a square figure is  in every posture, so they applied themselves to an experiment, whether in the person of this nursing father of his he had any sense, and by devilish informations they first moved the Patriarch Priuli to deprive him of his faculty of confessing, thereby to shorten the father of his wont, but poor, and yet satisfactory allowance.  
And this course they held, that the Patriarch being entered into some pretences with the Hermits of St. Hermagora, who by their perpetual retiredness, or rather imprisoning themselves, were found to be in such a reputation of holiness, that they needed no other defence. They gave that Prelate to understand, that Fra. Julio who had been confessor, and minister of the holy mass and communion to them for many years, was the man that went about to excite such as were devoted to him; and others of the prime nobility to oppose themselves against him; And it went so far that the business was represented at Rome as a disobedience, and from the Protectors Court, where they held intelligence, they produced a letter that served to their purpose, and so they took away Fra. Julio, and sent him out of the dominions (as far as Bologna) after he had dwelled at Venice in high esteem of honesty, above five years. Charity towards the poor man made Padre Paolo take a journey to Rome, where he solicited and obtained the return of his innocent father again to Venice, whither he himself also returned shortly after his wont study, and exercise.  
We are not to concur in opinion with some Philosophers, that our sensitive and mental faculties are pure and mere possibilities, because, holding that opinion it would not follow what fortune were a good encounter, either to have a better or a worse complexion, or temperament of nature. And it is most certain, that the temperament and complexion have a great part in the habilities or inhabilities of men. The father had his senses the most subtle and of the greatest vivacity that were possible to be found in any, especially his eye being of a most quick and sharp sight. His taste most perfect, whereby he was able to discern things that were almost insensible. But in compounded meats it was a wonder how quickly he was able to distinguish either the benefit or the danger, discerning infallibly the one from the other; whereof when there was occasion, and that he knew by certain evidence, and reasons, that it concerned him to have a care to prevent poisoning; he would not only not seem to have the least dislike or suspicion of any thing, as one that knew by proof, that those are miraculously preserved that are in God's protection, but besides for as much as might concern humane prudence, he held himself secure, that in his meat the exquisiteness of his sense, would give him notice, & in his drink, where the greatest danger lay, he held a more watchful care. This exquisiteness or passibility of senses reflected upon his mind as by consequence, whereby it was a thing to be admired, that every thing took impression, and stuck with him so tenaciously; when he entered into any place or room, all the images or forms of the least things he carried away imprinted in his memory: and upon occasion his friends would ask him how it was possible he could take notice of such pretty things. If he read a book (and he used to read all of any account) that came forth, he knew all, and could remember the very leaf where he had observed any thing though of very little moment. But with me it happens otherwise, when in books I cannot find, or else go searching for what I know; and many times I skip it over, at least in a kind of study, which they call Studium vagum, a wand'ring study. But in him no such distinction was known, with whom every thing was fixed. And the thing of greatest wonder was, that all impression being so easy with him, the cancelling or loss of it as difficult. And with these excellencies he had so much humility, that he would grant it not otherwise to any that praised him for that perfection, then to tell them that they praised him for a great imperfection, and for an excellent weakness: which in all other things was prejudicial to him, for he would seriously affirm, that he employed no great care in his reading or other observations, but that his great passibility, and imperfection was the reason of his retention. And to those that argued it to be a perfection, because the retentive was so easy and stable, he would reply, that it shown a weakness, and a greater passibility, because not only the object in him was moving, and consequently inferred passion; but, every little relic, and Idea of the object, continued it.  
But this problem we leave to others to dispute of. From hence, and from his perpetual study, (wherein both before and after he had laid down Magistracy) he had so plunged himself; I believe his exquisite knowledge was raised.  
It is was an admirable thing that he did not only understand the Canonical laws, and decrees, but that he knew the times when every Canon was made, the fountains from whence they were drawn, & the cause which had moved the making of them. In the matter of Benefices which is so intricate, so various, and so many relations, he knew all the reasons controverted, the progresses, changes, and alterations. But with this Theory, he brought from home with him all the practice of so many congregations and tribunals as are there, with their precedents and their proceed. And which is yet more strange; he had as it were painted in his memory the places, situations, the figures, the statutes, and whatsoever he had at any time seen remained as imprinted with him. But howsoever from this either passibility or imperfection of temperature (as he called it) or sublimity or felicity of understanding as others esteemed it; (and not from any study of Physiognomy that he was ever known to make,) there was bred in him that great knowledge which he had of persons; In which kind of knowledge I cannot truly find in all course of time, that there is mention made of any that knew so much as he. And if I should tell you the particular successes (as many times from beholding but the faces of men) but most of all from one single conference or discourse, (as if they had had the little window in their breast which Momus so much desired) how far he could penetrate into the nature, the customs, the inclinations, and carriages of men, I should be afraid that with pure truth I should take away the credit of what I writ. But this necessity of observing things so minutely (though either he were not willing, or cared not much for it) yet in length of time it had reduced him to such a subtlety of judgement, that even in the religion & among the Friars themselves there grew a report (which since Malevolent people have augmented in his latter years,) that he had a familiar spirit. A vanity which hath no need of confutation. From this root sprung that marvellous way of treating with all sorts of persons to their satisfactions, because hecould immediately penetrate the nature, the inclination, the designs, and like a perfect Musician make his judgement of the instrument by the first touch: so by making men speak, he knew their ends, their interests, their drift, their resolutions upon business, and with most admirable quickness, the very answers that they could make; And he regulated himself so in all his proceed, that having treated with him of all qualities of persons, of Princes, of subjects great and mean ones, seldom any man left him without admiration, but both by consent and conceit it was the testimony of all that father Paul was an eminent personage. From this fountain flowed that quickness of knowing immediately what answer to make to all persons in all matters that were propounded to him. Whereof I would bring you some proofs if so many hundreds, and thousands of persons yet alive, had not seen the experience (and as I may say) not in a few but in all things.  
In histories both sacred, and profane he ravished men into admiration of his answers, by the very places, the times and occasions, and precise acts, as if his fancy had been the very scene where he had seen them acted. There have happened to come to Venice in our days divers Virtuosos in several professions. One from beyond the mountains (who had made exquisite study in the properties of the loadstone, believing) and with very good reason (that he knew as much as any other) was admitted to confer with the father, and finding that he could not allege neither speculation nor experiment, wherein the father was not as knowing, and much more than he both in his reasons, and the fabric of his instruments, he became so much amazed that he had forgotten where he was. The most rare inventions of instruments, engines for measures, for weights, for horologies, for mathematical and military uses, and for all purposes were brought to him to see, and thereof to give his opinion, a thing to be admired, how as if he had understood nothing but the Mechaniques, he would presently comprehend the design, and give judgement whether it would serve for the thing it was intended for; or not, with the means how to better it, how to facilitate, and make another like it, with what oppositions or defects. But they say more of him, those that brought him instruments to see with what facility he told them what they were made for; saying. This instrument is to take a situation, or to measure a voyage, or to lift a great weight, or to know how to return to unknown places by the same way they came. The particulars would make a volume. Signior Alfonso Antomini a Cavaglier of the most sublime virtues moral, civil, politic and military that can any way render a gentleman amiable; after he had been in Germany and Flanders to see the wars, and so likewise with observation in others as with exercise of his own person, and especially of his wit in observing all things, was raised to such a degree of military knowledge as very few have arrived to, and was called back by the most serene Republic of Venice, to do them some service concerning the commotions that were then in Italy. But those being fallen into a condition which might rather be called rumours of war then open war, and not obtaining a liberty to departed to any place of real wares, gave himself to a remeditation of what he had formerly observed, especially the orders of the Prince Maurice of Oranges, and withal to see what Plobyus & some other authors, wherein he might know the orders of the ancient Roman militia, and of other people, and upon this occasion wrote a book how a present militia might be managed. But having conceived in his mind the inventions of many instruments and military engines; he was desirous to go to Venice, to have conference with the father, and to impart his thoughts; and and receive his judgement therein, and being accidentally fallen upon the subject of glasses and perspectives, in which study Antonini had lately employed his wits, the father did not only discourse with him ex improviso upon the fabric of many sorts of glasses and of their effects, which seemed to to have some thing miraculous, but presently taking pen and paper gave him the figures in form with their demonstrative reasons, as if he had come newly from studying. Halazen, or Vitellio, and others of that profession, although he was able to give a true account, that it was above forty year's since he had been versed in any of those authors.  
But to return to my discourse, he being come from Rome to his rest, and to his studies, returned also to his virtuous conversations, and all the time that he could spare from divine offices, (wherein he was always constant, when not hindered by public employment) and never omitting his private devotions, he spent at his book. About that time he wrote some of his own conceits, natural physical, and Mathematical, which when he took a review of afterwards, he made no account of, and was wont to say. Oh what childish things passed through my mind? And I am very certain, that if they had been seen by learned men, they would not have deemed them childish. His quietness then begun to be a little distracted by an accident that happened in religion. It was a common expectation in the religion that a Milanese, who was thought to deserve well should be made general; But the great Duke of Toscany opposed it, and by his power at Rome caused a Bolognise borne at Budri to be created General, who was a reader in Pisa of the Mathematics. This was a man of great learning and goodness, but not able so for government as was needful, to sustain such a charge in times of so great factions and discontent. And very shortly after there flew such memorials and advertisements to Rome concerning his simplicity, and the crime of his companions, which were all laid to his charge, that favour failing him by the death of the great Duke Francisco which happened 1587. Sixtus V and the Cardinal Santa Severina Protector concurring both in one mind, which was not to favour that man in his office of General (because he was inclined another way) resolved that his cause should come to examination. And after a long time of striving about the deputation of Judges by the Cardinal Santa Severina because the religion was then in factions, and what one man proposed another refused, at last the Pope who had taken knowledge of Padre Paolo, undertook to determine the controversy, and commanded him to go thither to understand the business. So he was appointed to go to Bologna where he continued many months in the treaty of that troublesome cause. Because the General having obtained that advertisement of the proceed, should be given from time to the Auditor of del Torrone there being also before him at that time some Crimininall causes of of importance and it was in the public prison they sat; when rethey fell often into differences of what was fit to be done. For satisfaction whereof it had been necessary to write, and to expect resolutions from Rome. And it was well worth observing, that in all the controverted Points, the opinion of the father was ever approved of, notwithstanding the Auditors themselves use to be the most consummate and and absolute men in matters of judicature. But the process and the cause were both determined by the death of the General, although some sentences which the father had given against some of the Friars, stood unrepealed.  
The father being come back to Venice, resumed the course of his former studies, and of his retiredness from business frequenting his accustomed virtuous conversations, and the resort that was to the house of fignor Andrea Moresim (whom we name before) being grown very numerous, and frequent because there came thither a great part of such as professed learning, and not only of the nobility whereof some subjects are since risen to be great Senators, and like stars in the firmament of the most serene Commonwealth for goodness, Religion learning and civil prudence; but there were likewise admitted into that meeting, all sorts of virtuosos, as well seculars as religious, beside the most eminent persons of learning that were then met at Venice, or in Italy or of any other nation that did not fail to be present in that place, as in one of the most celebrated conventions that had ever been consecrate to the Muses. In my life I have not seen more virtuous exercises, and I wish it had pleased God that as the virtues of those two Andria and Nicolo the uncles (which descended by inheritance unto their nephews) so there might have been in Venice such another meeting, where there were met at sometimes five and twenty or thirty men of rare endowments. At this meeting the ceremony (which is a thing so much affected in our times and so superfluous) had no countenance which tries the brains of the wiser sort, & vainly spends so much time in an an artificial kind of lying, that signifies nothing because it signifies so much, but a civil and free confidence was only there in use. It was allowed every man to make his discourse of whatsoever pleased him best, without restriction of passing from one subject to another, provided it were always of new matter, and the end of their disputation was for nothing else but to find out truth. But the felicity of our father was rare, who upon any subject that was propounded did not only discourse without premeditation; but made no difference of sustaining or impugning any proposition in a scholastic way. All which he did with so much facility that it raised a wonder in all men. And afterwards in his riper age, when he was put in mind of those exercises, he would simile at them as at puerilities. At this time the civil wars in France flam'dout, and the father was pleased to hear such as could discourse of them. And that pleasure continued with him to his lives end, to hear and understand any thing of the state of the world, and how things were carried. This was a general Idea with him, wherein he seldom failed in his judgement, if any news that were spread abroad, was either true or false, that upon things present he would settle a judgement with so much prudence in relation to what succeeded, that it made men wonder and seek after his opinion, as if it had been a prognostication. And for as much as at the golden ship in the merchant's street there used to meet a sont of gallant and virtuous gentlemen to recount their Intelligences, one with another; among which the good Perrot a frenchman, (whom for his candour and civility, besides his firmness in religion, they called the true Israelite, alluding to that Saying of our saviour. Hic est verus Israelita in quo dolus non est) thither also came Merchants that were strangers, and such as had not only been over all Europe, but in the east and west Indies, and the father among others found means to be among them. And as in that mind of his every little thing took impression, so he had likewise an admirable dexterity to make other men enter into discourse.  
Himself was in all his life time of very few words, but pithy and sententious, acute without scoffing, ye he took great pleasure to make men speak and with a dexterity, like Socrates delighted to make discovery of the abilities that were in others. And this he called, to make them deliver themselves, or to help them to bring forth. And the dexterity arose, not only from being versed, but consummate, and made up in all sorts of learning, because he was able to follow every one, in his own element. Physicians in medicine, and Mathematicians in the Mathematics, and so in all other things. And upon what subject the discourse fell, he that knew him not very well, went away persuaded that that subject was his principal profession and master piece. And when he met with any person that was eminent in any art or science, he would take occasion to ask him questions with an inexplicable mildness, till he had drawn out of him what was possible to know, without showing any importunity or troublesome curiosity. But his greatest pleasure was to discourse with those that had been abroad, & would give him a true relation of countries, of customs, of people, & of religions, having himself also had an extreme desire of peregrination. Signior Bernardo Sichini patron of the shop, where they used to meet, had among others a son (that yet lives) of a wit far above the profession that he follows, both because he had studied at Louvain, and besides, nature is not so malignant, and partial as she is accused to be, but produceth many time in persons of mean fortune, wits that are of a great eminence and capacity. With this man, the father entered a great familiarity, which continued betwixt them till death. And in this he seldom failed, when he met with any man, that had knowledge or practice in foreign countries to discourse at large with him. Thus much I observe by the way, that the father's acquaintance in this place began in 1586. about one and twenty years before the differences fell out betwixt the most excellent commonwealth of Venice, and Paul V after which there were invented so many calumnies, and falsities which drew a prejudice to the Merchant, in his trading. And thereupon he begun to withdraw himself from that company. But Signior Alnise would never give his consent, preferring the familiarity of the father, before all or any detriment, that could befall him. This was the time wherein the father had the greatest happiness and the most quiet enjoyments of his life. Because although he had three great infirmities which were bred together in him, and with which he made account to be accompanied to his grave. The flux from his liver, the falling down of the straight gut, and a periodical or intermittent headache, beside the trouble of the Hemorroyes, all which were by him supported with so much cheerfulness, and serenity of heart as if he had been the soundest man in the whole world, and he reputed them divine favours and natural admonitions of the dislodging, which he believed his soul must ere long make out of her earthly mansion for any thing else it may be said that he thought himself to be in a garden of delights, and to tread upon roses. Because for matter of want he knew none, having no desire of an thing, being most rich in his poverty, without money without industry how to advance any, without thoughtfulness, having left all his cares to father Giulio & without books (except such as were daily supplied him by his great friends, which he had read all over, and had made in his understanding the greatest library that any Prince in the world had, beside the unfurnished nakedness of his chamber, with the slenderness of his diet, which was sent him from the Monastery, being to him most plentiful. All his life was only employed in three things; the service of God; the time which he spent in his study and in conversations. In this course he was constant, never failing to be present at divine officer. To his studyafter his private devotions he dedicated the morning which he begun always before sun rising, but for the most part, he prevented the morning, until the hour of common service. The afternoon time was divided either into operations by his own hand, and transmutations and sublimations and such like, or into conversations with his friends that were learned, and other famous persons in Venice or else strangers that resorted thither.  
The ordinary place of their meeting in Venice was at the shop of Sechim. And in Milan whither they often transported themselves, was the house of Vicenzo Pinelli, which was the receptacle of the Muses, and an Academy of all the virtues in those times. And what an estimation Signor Pinelli had of the father the success shall show, whereof there are yet living testimonies which I know by name. The good Assilineo the french man before named, and the Signior Sechim. In the company of Signior Pinelli was oftentimes Monsieur Perrot a Frenchman, worthy of eternal fame for integrity, and the Signior Marmo Ghetaldi a most principal gentleman of Ragouse, whom I believe to be still alive, known of me both at Rome and at Venice, an Angel in his behaviour, and a devil (I understand this name only in science) in the Mathematics, His Apolomus redivivus, and other works of his that are in print can easily testify, that he hath either none or very few equals. The father coming by accident to visit Pinelli, who at that time was pricked with a nail of the gout, and yet made a great shift to go forth to receive him, as he did after, when he went away to bear him company; where at some that were present, making it a wonder to see so much honour done to a Friar Ghetaldi desired to know who that man was, to whom such an extraordinary respect was expressed. To whom Pinelli made answer (I relate it in his own words) i'll Miracolo de questo secolo, and Ghetaldi demanding further in what profession, Pinelli answered him; In whatsoever you please. And observing him to be entered into some admiration. He added further; Signior, I know your excellency in the Mathematics, let us make some trial of him, I'll invite him with you to morrow to dinner, be you in a readiness with some proposition of such a science, as you think may serve for a touchstone of trial; and in the mean time study to be well provided, and so you may be satisfied concerning his ability. I will be the proponent, and will seem to understand nothing of you, till we come to the washing of our hands, and accordingly the business was carried. I could not attain to know the particular problem or Theorem, nor what it was that Ghetaldi brought into the field, but I am assured that at the discourse of the father; he was so much astonished and confused, that he confessed, he should never have believed, a man could have known so much in any profession; whereupon he desired to become his intimate friend, and to confer all his inventions with him, and so much of the Mathematics as he hath since consecrated to immortality. And likewise the good Perrot took an affection to him, which continued till he passed to a better life: which he willing to testify in his last sickness, left him by his will his silver Ewer, with which he used to power water upon his hands. But the time was now come, when the pureness of the gold should be tried by the touchstone. It pleased God, who guides those that are his, by toilsome ways, that now he should be drawn out of the haven of his rest, into the tempestuous seas of new troubles, which happened in this manner.  
The favour of the Cardinal Santa Severina (Protector of the order of the Servi) had at the instance of the Cardinal of Medici (who was afterward Leo the 10. & of Ferdinand great Duke of Tuscany) presented to be General, one master Lelio Baglioni a Florentine, a man truly of a great vivacity, being bold & learned, and more than all that, of an unblameable carriage, and when he preferred him to that dignity, he discovered his intention to him, desiring him to cooperate with him, that when he had finished his course in the office, master Gabriel might be his successor in the place. The general (as it is usual with all that obtain such a dignity) to have two ends the one to continue in the charge as long as they can, and when they are necessitated to leave it, to make a successor of offer their own choice) receives the Cardinal's declaration of himself into serious consideration, although secretly he was resolved to traverse it by all the means he could possibly. And because the ordinary ones were too little purpose, as to say that he was a subject without virtue, without merit, without any learning, since the continual presents and bribes, that Gabriel gave in the Cardinal's Court, and the favour with his nephew Paulus Emilius, and with the Cardinal himself did presently disperse those thin clouds like a North me wind, and were so far from not sustaining him, that they were more like to have Canonised him; He took another course which was more violent, to make it known in Court to the congregation of reformation which was over the Regulars, and to the Pope himself, that master Gabriel was a vicious and facinorous man, culpable of great crimes. And he went yet further to divulge it abroad in the Court, that whatsoever profit he could raise in making spies, in any laws proceeding, in soliciting causes, or any thing else that was reprehensible in another and much more in a man of Religion, that pretended to a Generallship, the profits of which practice were all brought home to the Protectors Court. This divided the poor religion of the Servi into two factions, the heads of which were, on the one side master Gabriel among the friars, and the Cardinal abroad, who being imprudently interessed (by Lelius) carried himself with more passion, than any of the Friars; and of the other side the General with his abettors, who wanted not his seconds, being like quicksilver, and never failing to publish all occurrents, as well in the Courts of the Cardinals, as of the Pope himself: amplifying the extorsions that were brought into the Cardinal's Court; and in particular complaining, that the Protector had taken all the authority from the General, to the end that favour and Justice might only be expected from master Gabriel, who made them venal to furnish the Court with presents. A thing that made the Cardinal stark mad, by reason of an humour then raging under Clement the eighth who had made so many bulls Contra munerum largitiones, which is a mischief in Court like judicial astrology, whereof Tacitus saith, Semper vetabitur & semper retinebitur (Factions in Religions being a disease of humanity, are not so easily shaked off by entering into Cloisters, but that it happens many times, that under the titles of fraternities, many mischiefs are concealed.) The Bianchi and Neri, the Guelphs and Gibelines had not been so fierce against each other, but that by a necessity they were linked so near together in their Cities, in their houses, & in the same genial beds. And among the Regulars they have got a custom (which was used in Sparta) that both parts first make war against their neutrals. The innocent father had enjoyed a virtuous quietness, and had opposed these differences as long as he was able, but it was necessary for him now to declare himself of one side. And being no longer with his honour, and by his former declarations, to approve of the extorsions and rapines which master Gabriel had used to supply his bribes at Rome, became presently united in interest with the General; And although it were his chief desire, either to have have sweetened the bitterness, or reduced things to civil terms, which in order of Religion are said to be done by votes, & suffrages: yet he could never bring that to pass. For now master Gabriel resolved to accuse him of criminalities, making it a matter against him in the Inquisition at Rome, that he had held commerce with the Hebrews, and to foment the quarrel the more, he drew out the letter (which we told you of before,) with the counter cipher, and stirred up a nephew of his at Venice to do as much against him there as was done at Rome, making this his ground, that they being on a time upon discourse of compounding differences, the nephew should make answer that he believed the faction of his uncle's part was much the superior, because at their Chapter they had an expectation to be inspired by the holy Ghost; and that thereupon the father should reply, that it was fit to operate by humane means upon this Maestro Santo (for so was he called) accused him to the holy office at Venice, that he had denied the assistance of the holy ghost.  
But that Tribunal having examined testimonies that were present at the treaty, thought it no Justice, so much as to call the father to his answer, but extinguished the action without speaking a word more of it. But at Rome that point of the letter with the cipher brought the father into a very ill opinion, that he was an enemy to their greatness, but in secret, they neither durst nor could tell, how to frame any thing against him upon judgement of religion. I have heard some say at sundry times, I know not whether I should call him ignorant or malignant, that represented it as an irrefragable argument against the integrity of the father, that he had been thrice denounced to the holy office of the Inquisition; in his youth by Master Claudio da Piacenza, and in his riper age by master Gabriel, for that letter in cipher against the Court, and this last time by Maestro Santo his nephew: as if to be denounced were so great a mark upon him. And truly, if the doctrine of faith or religion had been in question, it had been capable of no excuse. But to this opposition, and to these men that consider not so much the end of judgement as the beginning of a trouble; Let them take their answer from Padre Maffeo a Jesuit, who tells us in the life of Father Ignatius (now canonised for a saint) that he was nine times put into the inquisition, (if I err not in the number) but with this difference, that the Saint was called, examined and absolved, and this father of ours three only times, but never called nor examined. And then let 'em tell me, what strength is in that argument of theirs that it should follow, either that the father was not right, or that the Magistrate was not just in receiving such accusations. But concerning his communication with heretics, although nothing was proved, yet it took a very great impression in Clement the eight, who remembered it against him a good while after. In so much that the father being proposed to the Bishopric of Nova, although the Pope confessed him to be a man of learning, and of great capacity, yet he added that he deserved no preferment from the Church, for the practices that he had held with heretics. All which had no other foundation but this, that the City of Venice being so great, that it drew from all parts of the world, no tonely by reason of the business of Merchandise, but also such men as have any relish of things that are curious, and fit for admiration.  
And the father being there at that time in a reputation of one of the most learned men in the world, the professors of sciences that came not only from Italy, but from other regions, and chiefly the greater personages, that esteemed it a thing worthy of their travel, to see and hold discourse in matter of learning, with one that in all professions, was not only able to give them satisfaction, but to send them away with wonder, & he that knew not only terms of humanity and civility, but the most strict Canonical rules oblige not to avoid the company of any, except he be by name and individually condemned by the Church; He without any further scruple thought all sorts of strangers worthy of his virtuous conversation. Sometimes he came into company by command, as when Mounsieur D'eureux afterward Cardinal Peron came to Ro. where he had the first time unsuccessfully treated the reconciliation of Henry the fourth, and Perron passing by Venice, there were deputed to bear him company, the most illustrious Linigi Lollino, after Bishop Bellano, Peerless in humanity and the Greek tongue, and the father also spent many days with him, and almost always in discourse either of state matters or of learning. And this great brain of whom it is reported that he should say that in Italy it is well known that in Padova in the house of Vincenzo Pinelli and upon other occasions he found few persons of notable learning, he celebrated the father for a transcendent wit. And it was upon the same occasion that Lollino, and the father, falling into commendation of the great knowledge of that Prelate, and his extreme wisdom in disputing, and confounding those whom he disputed with, especially in religion, he told them again in modest language, that he had not only found the Huguenots in France without learning or knowledge especially in the old fathers in counsels and Historians, but he had likewise found them Choleric and impatient; whereupon besides matter of doctrine, whensoever he disputed with any of them, his chief aim was by some picquant words or argutenesse to put them into choler (and that being done, he was assured to carry the victory. And truly that elevated spirit of his had that natural aptitude and inclination (observing always in his disputations about religions tenants that are in print) an argute manner of disputing and extremely provocative. Occasions of this kind were very frequent. But passion, and ignorance (which in this age) have rendered Religion like the Dye of factions, and the desire of envious people to give intelligence at Rome thereby to appear more zealous than other men. So soon as they saw any man appear to visit the father, that was uttered all, Oltramontana, like a Germane or a Frenchman, immediately they concluded him to be an heretic, like a fellow that denounced his preacher to the holy office, because forsooth having cited the prophet Habacuc, he said he knew him to be a Lutheran, because of pronouncing the best syllable cuch. But divine providence by such gradations as these, began to inure her servant to the injurious calumnis of that government, which in the progress of his life for being a faithful servant to the divine Majesty, to his Prince, and to the holy church, were prepared by an higher hand for the trial of his unconquered, and constant piety, and for proof of an heroic patience.  
The domestic turbulencies endured many years with an implacable ardour on both sides, wherein the father had occasion enough to show his moderation in restraining the violence of his adherence, his mildness in never giving offence to any body (although himself offended) the evenness & serenity of his soul that never lost himself upon any wretched success, nor took pride or too much confidence by any thing that fell prosperous, as of necessity it happens with others after long contentions, although they be but business of factions. His singular prudence in redressing whatsoever was in his power for accommodation, but above all the sweetness of an incomparable mind which was never seen to be angry, nor ever to resent anger by any expression of words. And yet with all this, His virtue was not accompanied with fortune, because he neither satisfied those of his own side, nor the General with whom he was united, nor yet the Cardinal Protector. Those of his part in the faction that carried themselves with more affection than prudence, accused him of coldness, and that he behaved himself, as if it concerned him not to the quick (as who should say) that their levity should disturb the quietness of his mind which was so well composed, and so much Superior to their destructions. The General who was ardent in his nature, whensoever any new difficulty or controversy was set on foot, used to make himself merry with it, and was wont to say. Mi chiamovo all mio givoco. Now they call me to mine own game. But he could have wished that the father had not stood so much upon the sole defensive part, observing the advantages of the time, and ever throwing out words that tended to pacification, and settling the commotion. They would have had him pursue all routs, and engage himself into every cause by vehement affections, and by resenting effects. But the Cardinal, who was secure that the General's overthrow would be the victory of his cause, attributed all the directions and managings to proceed from the father's counsels, which his own business would not give him leave to traverse.  
This dissension continued till the year 1597, at which time though it were not quenched, yet it had some abatement, wherein the father alone obtained his end, though not entirely what he aimed at; concerning the pacification of his province, but by a diversion or sport of divine providence (which is no less active in things that we value least, then in the greatest) there appeared demonstration of the vanity of humane designs, and therefore to that purpose, this digression of ours may not seem unnecessary.  
A Friar, one Giovanni Battista, perugino who was surnamed Il Lagrimino (whether it were because he had tears at command) but being a mixed and cunning man (and flying from the punishment which the General was ready to inflict upon him for some delinquencies) came to Venice, where the largeness of that City, and the commodities of concealment make many of that sort bold to make their refuge. But this fellow had no need to hid himself, because the very flying from the General was enough to bid him welcome to the Provincial, which was master Gabriel. But to get a living and subsistence he procured a licence from the Nuntio, and begun to play the exorcist, as I have seen many of that runaway race (who not able to live in obedience) would give a leap into such a compendious way of life, to enjoy their pleasure, and suddenly to raise a present fortune. (Because though it be certain that sometimes God permits to come upon humane creatures, the vexations of evil spirits: yet it stands as consonant to reason, and to the harmony of our faith, that he does it but seldom, and upon very great causes.) But when those exorcists come upon the Piarras, they are presently filled with the sudden and violent motions of the matricall humours, nay that all the infirmities which they have contracted, either from a licentious life, or by communication with their husbands, that they proceed either from ill encounters or of witchcraft. And of the other side the exorcists fail not to play their pranks, who having given a blessing to their violent medicaments, and by sleight of hand made some pretty show of art, cause their patients to throw out of their stomaches, that which never came there, nor could be contained therein. But it is a pretty observation, that to heal the greatest part of these diseases, the true remedy is contrary to all other cures, which is to drive away their Physicians, whereas upon the appearance of any of these mountebank Physicians, there comes abroad a world of concealed & unknown infirmities, which no body ever understood. Our Lagrimino among other of his undertake, had the cure of a trade's man's wife at the sign of the cock, in the Mercery, whose name was Deffendi. And as it happens very often, that practice is prolonged beyond hope or expectation. The Friar besides his exorcisms in the Church, came often home to her house to visit her, & the dance was not quite done before the husband began to take notice that many things in his shop were missing, as such a quantity of Satin, and some other stuff of value; that he was almost ready to turn bankrupt. Hereupon he caused his apprentice to be arrested, who being examined confessed, That the Friar with his wife's knowledge had carried them out of the house, and upon further examination, confessed, that a great part was conveyed to Master Gabriel, and no small part to the Court of the Pope's Nuncio. So the mystery was unfolded, although the General had enough to do to be believed.  
That Lagrimino was an Apostata, and fit to be imprisoned, for neither the Provincial, nor the Nuncio would hear him, but cried him down, for a persequtour. The trades man (that still lives) considering no further but that he was a Friar of the Servi, made his complaint to some other of that Fraternity, telling them the business, which after was so managed, that a copy of the process was taken forth, and sent to Rome to the General, where it happened at the same time that master Gabriel was present. The General carried the cause, and the process before the Governor of Rome, who perceiving the knavery, and ignorant how much favour Gabriel had then at Court without any further consideration committed him to prison. I do not believe that in his life time the Cardinal Sancta Severina ever shown himself to be a man, nor discovered so much passion, and weakness; (for great ones are but men and subject to the same passions with those of the lowest people) He stamped, he cried, he cursed, he walked between the Pope and the Governor, and for all he could do, he could not enlarge the prisoner for many days after. Because Lagrimino that was gone into Vmbria had been imprisoned at Rome, and being confronted, had sustained the things mentioned. And though after he were made recant by charging it upon the General, and so set free, yet nevertheless he disappeared and vanished out of the world (though not like Enoch) By this time the Cardinal saw that it was not possible to create master Gabriel his General at a chapter that was then called at Rome, but yet he was able to put him that was General under judgement, and to that purpose kept him in the prison of Santa Maria in via & particularly because Lagrimino had accused him, to be suborned; and by the Cardinal's order there were committed many exorbitances and violences in the order under certain pretences, both with cause and without cause employing the officers of the Inquisition so far, that except to those that had seen them the things were beyond belief.  
During these passages, there being a provincial chapter at Venice to be celebrated in Vicenza, he created precedent by a writ from the Pope, the Bishop of that City Michael Priuli a man of great sense and prudence, who perceiving of one side the disposition of the Friars, and on the other side the Cardinal's commands, knew not which side he should adhere to; And seeing the spirits of the factions inflamed, he was persuaded by those of the Cardinal's faction to consent to an innovation, which was never tried before, and that was to move the Rectors to admit some sergeants and other officers into the Monastery to prevent disorder, but really intended to intimidate (if not use violence) upon the other party. But this made things worse, then formerly before, making the parties more obstinate. And prolonging the Chapter to eight day's length, which had wont to be determined in a few hours. And these sergeants seeing all things settled in quietness, and about eight Friars without arms (so much as their knives,) they laid down their guns, and left their arms carelessly upon certain tables, that stood in the Cloisters, and the soldiers without further thought of any thing either stood still, or went into the cellars to drink, or into the storehouse, or forth into the Mount to sport themselves. In the mean time the Friars fretted, and gnawed the chain to see such a company of idle fellows without any employment, a thing never done before, and so scandalous to religion, to see them consume those provisions which ought to be the aliment of the convent. And their spirits were the more embittered by the provoking language of those that gave it out that they that did not render themselves shortly to the Cardinal's order, should either be thrown in prison, or sent to the galleys, or be otherwise disposed of like dogs. And the last stroke which was like to end the business was, that one evening there came from Vicenza to this Monastery of the mount (where the Chapter sat) the Bishop with another brief from his holiness (besides that of his Presidentship) which was sent from Rome to Vicenza in less than forty hours, giving order that the precedent might have power to expel the General vicar out of the Chapter, beside a most ample authority to suspend, transfer or prolong the Chapter, and whatsoever he should think fit. Whereat some of the wiser sort rather laughed, then wondered, to see that in a capitular action being a thing of so small moment, there should be sent forth two apostolical briefs. And the Pope himself enter into the Comedy after so great a Cardinal with the authority of the two Saints Sanctorum Petri & Pauli, which was according to the adage Magno conatu nugas agere. That faction to which so much favour was expressed, was added into the Bishop's train, entering into the monastery in a tumultuous way, with much noise, and to solemnize their triumph the more, they caused to be carried two naked swords before them, with certain acclamations which had been more convenient for plebeians, then religious men. This occasioned so great an alteration, that immediately a crew of young fellows brought that very night (the door being set open) into the Friar's chambers with great silence, a number of those brave Vicentines with whom they had intelligence, and were resolved the next morning when the Bishop and the chapter were met (which was always in the refectory) and sergeants having left their guns carelessly (as they used to do) to fall upon them, and take such a revenge as their anger, and the memory of such injuries should suggest.  
Yet they lingered a while till they could speak with one that might give notice of their design to Padre Paulo. But it is a very hard matter that a thing known to so many, should be concealed; wherefore he among others having had an inkling of the business, it is most certain that with much labour and waking a great part of the night, by entreating some, and commanding others, and giving a clear understanding to all, of the danger they should bring upon themselves, of the slight consequence of the things in question, and the scandal that might arise. But above any thing else the veneral esteem that they had of his authority was potent means to suppress the conspiracy. Yet he saw well that it was a matter of necessity to put an end to those discords, which were no longer to be contained within the confines of voting, but would be sure to rise into higher terms. And because that being once admitted for a precedent, and so horrid a resolution settled, it would be an encouragement to others to attempt the like. There is not in matters of government a more secure restraint then to know what mighty mischiefs are possible to ensue, wherefore the father was resolved to do his uttermost endeavour to compose the divisions which he could not do so well, as by making a journey in person to Rome. But the matter of the aforesaid letter in cipher, and that of his communication with heretics was a great discouragement to his going. Because (although he might well discern an insubsistence, & that the Cardinal Protector was not much incensed by any instances against him upon those accusations; although he sent other causes of very light value, to the Inquisitors against Friars and others (& as soon again took them off, as the matter of voting in the Chapter house was past) which for the most part was one of the chief ends of those practices of his, nevertheless, the father took into consideration, what the displeasure of so great a man might do, that had the power of judgement in his hands, as Santa Severina (being head of the Congegation of the holy office) had. And that in Rome it was well known how near he was after Clement in election to the Papacy, and the question was not only extinct, whether that election of Clement were valid or not. Wherefore Clement was willing to feed the Cardinal's humour by giving him leave to do what he lifted, besides that he was truly a great personage, and very active, and able to bring any business to what end he pleased, as it is an easy matter for great men to serve themselves upon any pretence, to justify every thing after it is done. So he consulted with his intimate friends upon that point, whose opinion was, that he could receive no great damage, especially, since by a great number of the Cardinal's letters which are yet in being (and I have seen them when I intended to make this life like an epistolary history, and to have prduced the letters for a confirmation of what I had written, if the length and multitude had not dissuaded me) it appeared, that he had a great opinion of the father's integrity, and prudence, and that he had desired to see him at Rome, and to have interessed him in that Court. But the father facetiously remembered the fable how the prudent Fox, when the Lion made proclamation for all horned beasts to come in) hide himself saying, what if the lion would have his ears to be horns, who should be able to defend him? yet notwithstanding he was resolved to go. But as it was his manner to be as confident in the divine providence, as if second causes had not been considerable, & yet omitting no fit means where second causes might be the producers of their effects; And first of all he got good letters from his friends to the Ambassadors of Venice at Rome, and to divers great Prelates at Court; Then by letters he made known the whole business, to the Cardinal of Ascoli (for he was likewise of the congregation of the holy office) with whom he had always continued his servitude by a commerce of letters, and from him he was advised to come. At Rome there was a general Chapter celebrated, wherein the Cardinal not being able to make master Gabriel his general: he called from Florence a father that had been fifteen years shut up in his chamber in a holy life, but yet with him neither, he was not very well pleased, be cause whether for zeal of conscience, or for any other respect, I know not, but he also extremely abhorred to consent that Gabriel should succeed him: and loved and honoured the father as much as was possible, (although against the orders which he said, had been given him,) and offended the Cardinal in a very high degree, by writing him a very long letter, in an apologetique way, blaming him for all his mischiefs that had happened in religion, and for using such violent ways to make a wicked wretch his General; touching, without any respect, upon the briberies and gifts that were brought to his Court, by the sale of all preferments, and graces, and by the pillage and robbing of Convents. But that which cut him to the quick, was, that he affirmed that he had written unto him not only after a long consideration; but with particular inspiration of the Holy Ghost.  
At the reading whereof the Cardinal broke out into passion and cried out, Tu menti santarieto Cacamienda, for he had always kept a tang of the Neapolitan Dialect. But this poor General was called to Rome where in a very short time he ended his life. It was said to be of a heat which he gave himself by walking about the seven Churches, and there are some that said it was by some cost that was bestowed upon him. But his death gave a great scandal to all religion, because (as 'tis already said) he had lived fifteen years shut up in his cell at a holy life, where by pontifical indulgence he celebrated the mass, and every wednesday expounded upon his altar the holy sacrament, before which he continued praying till the friday following without tasting any food, and his diet was always lenten fare, and for the most part bread and fruit and water. In which life he continued for matter of abstinence after his coming to his charge, & he was esteemed a Santo; and as of such a one is his life written and printed. His very enemies reported him to be a man of holy intentions, though not so able for government. But the blame which fell upon the Cardinal for putting him under censure cannot be expressed.  
The father treated with the Cardinal and sought always to please him, because, that being done all other things were determined. And it fell out extraordinary well for him, because they had no speech of any other matter, but only these two. The one that he had adhaered to, and fomented the late tumults, or rather stirred up the General, the other, that he would not be friends with Master Gabriel.  
To which he answered, that he would remit the whole business to his Lordship, & was desired to be reconciled to him: To the particulars he answered more at length. That by his Lordship's power and favour he had seen Master Laeli● made Proctor General; and after that vicar general Apostolical, and subsequently General, and that he had desired the friendship of Laelio as of one of his Lordship's creatures, and had corresponded with him in all things which he thought might concern the service of God and religion. And that it was his duty to honour that man whom he saw raised above others, without any curious investigations of the reasons why it was done. That if things grew after to be changed, he conceived that to be an accident of a fortune. And thereupon he put him in mind of letter, which when Laelio was created General his Lordship had written with his own hand, whereby he recommended him unto him, that by his vote, and the votes of friends he might be preferred before any other of his concurrents, so that he could not interpret such a recommendation for less than a command. For of such a nature he said were the requests of persons that were eminent. And as to that of having stirred up the General, his eminency having by his public letters to all the Religion (directed to the Chapters of Provinces) made great complaint of the impetuous and violent nature of Lelio, he was sure his Lordship had not that conceit against him of himself, but by the suggestion and false relation of some others, whereto he would at all times be ready to make answer in his own excuse, only referred it to his prudence which was able to penetrate that and greater matters, nor was it like, that seeing a coach run swiftly by, he would make it a doubt, whether the coach drew the horses, or they it. He insinuated moreover that four years before that 1593. in the vacancy of the Bishopric of Milopotamo, his Lordship had begged it for him of his Holiness, and in a letter written to him thereupon, and exhorting him to dispose himself to receive it, when it should be conferred upon him; He added that in a second place he had named him to another in event of his not accepting that, because he was not sure of his intentions being so retired a man, and alienate from every thing else but a total immersion in his studies, and a lover of a quiet life. All which letters he had kept together, as the titles of his obligation to his illustrious Lordship. Hereupon the Cardinal gave great testimony of good satisfaction, and replied; that truly having taken notice of his deportments, he believed no otherwise, and told him further that he would have him and Master Gabriel made friends, as also by the Protectors power it was effected.  
He returned to Venice to his beloved retiredness, and not without some grievance of his natural indisposition embittered by his voyage and other sufferings. And though there might continue with him (as we use to say) a little of the old sea of his turbulent fortunes, yet he moderated them all with an incomparable patience and prudence. And it seemed that for a few years after his infirmities made their peace with him, which the space of 25 years before had yielded him but short and uncertain truces of his Epaticke flux, he remained cured, without any other cause, but that it had spent the Course. He had from time to time used divers remedies aswell by the great knowledge which he had in medicine, as also by the opinions of the most conspicuous and famous Physicians, with whom he had great familiarity both in Venice and Milan, and for the falling of the strait gut (which in time and with increase of age might render him unable for any action, and fix him if not to his bed at least to his chamber,) He had continually proved many remedies without profit; after he gave himself to seek out some instrument to keep it up, and having tried many, he found one at last so proper and fit, that with it alone he was able to carry his disease to the last day of his life without hindrance from any action, more than if he had not had the disease, and it is of so easy and ready a use, that having imparted it to others, it hath had the same effect with them, by keeping them in ability of motion and action; without which they must have remained in great pain and difficulty. This quietness continued about six years more, his life being all the while employed in divine office, (wherein as 'twas said) he spent all his time, and in the conversation of virtuosos without the least hindrance.  
From some notes that were found and are yet extant, it appears about that time that he changed the quality of his studies, and gave himself altogether (besides the Ecclesiastical and profane stories) to the study of Moral Philosophy, peradventure that which is written of Socrates, is no singular act, or rather voluntary, but is as it were natural to all those understandings that have any thing oftranscendent, who after they have made a discovery at what they can arrive upon universalities, they transport themselves totally to morality;) which study (as to inferior things) is the only speculation of humanity. This ariseth either from a desire made more intense to better itself, or from some incomprehensibility that is met with; or from a solid judgement of the vanity even of Sciences, and of the excellencies of virtue, or the singularity of that part of Metaphysic, whose object is intelligence, and the means thereof, and of humane actions that either are internal or from others.  
It is most certain that Father Paul applied himself to such kind of studies, having before that examined all the works of Aristotle and of Plato, with little notes of his own extant from one part to another upon the one, and from Dialogue to Dialogue on the other, but so short, and for the most part writing only the first letter of a word, that one may easily perceive that either he wrote to himself alone for rememoratives, or else that in his age he designed matter from some further work. But I do rather believe the first, because he never promised himself a years life, as he would always constantly affirm.  
He had examined the Doctrine of all the ancient Philosophers of all sorts, so fare as there remains any mention or memory dispersed among writers, and given his judgement upon them. He had also examined the opinions of Schoolmen aswell of the real as the nominal, which he made much account of, as appears by some other short notes of his. The Mathematics of all sorts, the medicinal, the anatomical, the simples, the minerals, the mechaniques and of all the qualities, upon which his notes (as aforesaid) yet remain, whereof that little that is intelligible is verypretious, and shows what rules were hidden in the Mine of that rare understanding. There are yet letters of some very learned men of his time, wherein it appears that they sought to receive his opinion in some of the most arduous things of Sciences, and particularly of the Mathematics, and when any of them had either observed or invented any new or strange thing, they presently sought to have his judgement upon it. Oh the great loss, that we cannot see his answers. I have seen a certain discourse which was sent him from one Marioti, who in many chapters treats of the ebbing and flowing, which it seems the father approved not of, by a copy of a letter of his own wherein he tells him, that he sends him what he understood, and had observed about the motion of the waters. I deplore the loss of his letters, and the misfortune of men therein, that from time to time there should be any loss of that which hath been found out by great wits. What a misfortune is it to us that in History it should be necessary to begin from Herodotus, and all that was before to be nothing but fables and confusion. (In this account we rank not the sacred story of the Bible which was God's gift, and no humane industry.) In Astrology and Geography to begin from Ptolemy, in the Mathematics from Euclid, and all the remainder (that is) the work of so rare and excellent spirits whose names are scarce in memory, should be perished. The loss of what the father wrote concerning the moving of the waters, draws from my pen the deploration of a misfortune which I persuade myself if it had been extant, had been like food to the minds of so great understandings, which have been famished without so much as hope of encountering any thing that might at least in appearance give fat is faction upon that subject.  
But in those following years whereof we speak, He seemed to be wholly engaged to that sort of study which is only versed in weeding out the vices of the mind, and planting and cultivating it with virtues. And upon this subject he hath written so many little treatises, which he used to carry about him with sentences and documents aswell of the most ancient celebrated writers, as of his own, that if ever they came to light it will show a collection of precious jewels of inestimable value. Three things I have only seen, elaborate after the manner of Plutarkes little works. On the medicine of the mind, wherein applying the Aphorisms which are written for the health and cure of the body to the cure and sanity of the mind which he limits (as it seems) to maladies that are only in state and not in motion, or in freedom from pain (whereat a man in this life can never arrive) only he directs many singular means to obtain a tranquillity. Another little treatise of the rising and ceasing of opinions in us. And the last that Atheism is repugnant to humane nature, and is not found therein, but that they which acknowledge not a true Deity, must necessarily feign themselves false ones. There also two little books which go together like a Metaphysic, but imperfect and full of new and abstruse senses. There is also a short examen of his own defects whereunto he had proposed a cure, and this was fit to fall into the hands of those who after his death like dogs that draw dryfoot have not left the least by-way untraced to find out some odours of imperfection: and here they might have seen a man that never flattered himself, but made a real scurtiny unto the most recluded corners of his own heart, and both saw, and censured in himself those things which to every other eye had been invisible. And those that in the rest of his life for more than 20. years had lived intimately with him do most holily attest, that they were never able to observe any such defects in him. Because peradventure in those six years of his moral studies, he had regulated himself like those true possessors of wisdom, who study not so much to seem learned as to be truly and really good.  
But all this was nothing, compared to his being affixed to the divine Scripture, particularly of the new Testament, without any expofitor except only the Greek and Latin texts which he used toreade from one end to the other, repeating it over so many times that he had it all in memory, and upon occasion was able to repeat it all in the same manner, as by daily frequency religious men use to recite the ordinary Psalms. His attention was so entire and profound, that as in reading he observed any point for meditation, he made in his Greek testament upon the word or verse a little line after this manner— And so by reading it over again there was scarce a line or almost a word which had not a mark upon it, whereof a great Prince having heard after his death, did for curiosities desire to see the book, we have also seen the very same course formerly used upon the old Testament, as also his breviary wherein he recited the office marked all (as aforesaid) but especially upon the psalms which he knew all by heart, as also whatsoever was to be said in celebration of the mass, whereof this is a sufficient demonstration that in his last years he could not see, nor read any word that was either written or printed without his spectacles, and yet without them he did always use to celebrate the mass.  
I could not learn whether in these six years he had borrowed from his assiduity & immersion in his studies more than two deviations. The one was that Leonardo Mocenigo being created Bishop of Caveda, who was one of those that many times (though not so often as others) frequented that glorius meeting of so many famous personages (the rendezvous of Morosini) was desirous first to be instructed by the father in the profession Canonical, and in whatsoever else (besides his own learning) was convenient for his new Episcopal calling, and afterwards to have his company along with him to Ferrara, where the Pope Clement the eight was then abiding, and where he was to be examined and consecrated. The other was that famous controversy which (by the power of the Dominican and Jesuitical faction,) remains still undecided. Of the efficacy of divine grace called de auxiliis, whereof there hath been so much said, and so much written. In contemplation of which difference, The Bishop of Montepeloso who was before that his intrinsical friend by the name of Maestro Hippolito da Lucca, a a man of much scholastical learning, but of a greater fame for goodness. This man had read Theologie many years in the study & university of Ferrara, and was also confessor to Madam the Duchess of Urbin, and a very confident servant of hers, when Alfonso the last Duke of Ferrara died. That Princess was in an ill repute with many of the better sort, that she had been unfaithful in the procuring of some advantage to Caesar of Este. And this father himself either for truth or for some near respect of service to the Princess, was also in a finister fame, to have either in confession, or some other discourse (being himself corrupted) by large promises, and great hopes, persuaded the Duchess to adhaere to the eclesiastical faction. So it is; that he had (not long after) a slight recompense from Cardinal Aldobrandine of the said small Bishopric in the kingdom of Naples, but he was always entertained at Rome, and deputed for one of those Prelates to examine the said controversy. And he, to whom the father's great learning was so well known, procured by letters, and by his utmost power to make him come to Rome with large promises. After seeing him resolute not to open his mouth in those windy and swollen differences, went about to induce him by friendship to review the matter, and by letters communicated his sense to him. But this employment was not worth the name of a deviation, he having formerly most exactly read and studied all the ancient fathers, and had in them a singular practice, but especially in Saint Augustine, in whom the doctrine of that point is more fully handled then in all the rest (And it may truly be said, that the two tomes, the sixth and seaventh besides the tenth have no other scope) and those were so familiar to him, that a place could not be sooner touched, but his hand was as ready to be laid upon it, and in hearing it alleged, was able to say whether it were faithfully reported, and was able to recite both the antecedent and subsequent words. In all his writings there was nothing found of his in memory of that business, but only some responfive letters of the said Bishops, whereby it appeared the father had written oft unto him of that business, and of things whereby the prelate receiving a great deal of honour, did always move and urge the father's coming to Rome, but in vain. He was, as it could be gathered out of those letters, of the opinion of Saint Thomas, to which he added the names of Saint Paul and Saint Augustine, against the ancient and modern Pelagians and Semipelagians. There is only extant a short writing to this purpose, in which it appears that at the instance of a Prince he had explicated the state of that controversy in Italian, and what were the opinions of the controversies with their explications and principal foundation. A short work but which it shows the lucidnesse of that mind and his felicity in explicating the most arduous things.  
At the end of the said six years, or not long after, there were two occasions out of which (it was believed) there sprung another disturbance; because upon the death of the General, which was master Gabriel, who was created 1603 (being fifteen years later than the foundation of the design of that creation was at first laid) there was supplied to that government a nephew of his by the name of Maestro Santo with only the bare title of Definitor, who having his uncle's hopes, though not his power, and especially failing in that aptitude of his to serve the Court at all assays (which the General was always wont to do: to whom after his death therewere letters found that Cardinal Aldobrandino had writ with his own hand, and Borghese both nephews to Popes, wherein it was seen that at Venice he had been a servant to the Court) in things that might either have cost him his life, or else advanced him to a greater Prelacy. Maestro Santo imitated his uncle in this opinion, that if he would domineer over the province, it was necessary to remove that mote out of his eye, which was the veneration and honour wherewith the father was followed. And to this purpose he attempted many exorbitant things, among which there was one that was most ridiculous. It is a custom when Chapters are called togegether, that those that have votes make a scrutiny among themselves to legitimate their Capitular actions. And that it might be without exception every one reserves himself a freedom to question or oppose whom or whatsoever he think good. So Maestro Santo, and Maestro Arcangelo stood up, and to do nothing with much diligence, and with power to make a conspicuous buffonery; they opposed three heads of exception or reproach against father Paul, with the indignation and derision of all the Chapter, and they were these. That he wore a hat upon his head contrary to a form that had been lately published under Gregory the fourteenth. That he wore pantofles that were hollowed in the soles of the French fashion (alleging falsely) that it had been decreed otherwise upon pain of deprivation of their votes. That at the end of Mass he did not use to repeat the Salve Regina. Things that were no sooner heard then resolved by the Vicar general, the Precedent and the Provincial into nothing, and exploded by all the assembly, being rejected and kicked out. And because his pantobles were taken off by order from the Judge, and carried to the Tribunal, it became a proverb which is yet in use. Esser il Padre Paolo cosi incolpabile & integro ebe sivio le sue pianisse erano state canonizate. The father Paul is so blameless and pure that his very pantobler were canonised. That his not reciting the Salve Regina arose not out of any indevotion.  
It would be too long to deliver the ground or reason inducing him not to do it. True it is that he had reasons so well grounded, that it was more lawfully omitted by him at that time, than it was added by others, against the rights of the mass, and derogating by a particular decree of about 30 Friars from the universal order of the Church.  
It was observed that in all that action of proposing, examining and exploding those exceptions, he never spoke word, nor showed the least sign of being affected with it: but went on upon occasion of discourse, and as he had used to do with those his accusers, and in specie with Maestro Santo, who had forgotten his uncle's documents, which at his death he left with him; (viz.) That he should never attempt any great thing in the province without the opinion of father Paul. So not taking counsel where he should have done, and being too confident of his uncle's merits with the Court, and lastly puffed up with vain hopes from a certain Abbot, who was an impostor, (and is yet living) who sold him those hopes at the price of a good silver goblet, He trust up his baggage, and carried with him to Rome whatsoever he could get, being about five hundred ducats which belonged to the Monastery which he there spent in four months; And whereas he went thither full of great hopes, he returned again full of maltalent, and desperation, which sent him into Candy to raise a fortune in merchandise, where not long after he left his life, having first lost and spent what he had.  
By this time (we may say) that the father's quiet studies and his private life were come to their period, and that from hence till the end of his life, he entered upon another world; or rather came into the world, wherein it pleased God to call him into employments, which he had never thought he should have applied himself to.  
But man is not borne alone for himself, but principally for his Country and for a common good. That problem whether a wise man ought to apply himself to government? let others dispute. This father of ours shall give us an example to refuse no pains nor peril for the service of God; and of his Country. And that an honest and wise man is far from that erroneous doctrine, invented by a company of seditious cozeners, who never speak of secular policy but with disparagement, although it were instituted of God, and in which an honest man may serve his divine majesty with a vocation as pious, as excellent, and that no other employment can either exceed it or match it, as well for the common good, as in obedience to that supreme piety which may be exercised in the Church, and whereunto God from time to time, and since the very birth of the Church, hath called even the greatest Heroes of all the ecclesiastical order.  
At this time was assumed to the Pontificate, the Cardinal Camillo Borghese of Sienna, Paul the fifth, about the end of the year 1605. either because he had been Auditor della Camera, and had taken a great habit of thundering out censures, or perhaps being not well affected to the most severe Republic of Venice, or else instigated by some religious men (as I have it more certain and by clearer arguments) who like vipers tear in pieces, and poison that breast of state that gave them breeding, and nourishment; the pretence of the difference being grounded upon some laws of that commonwealth which were said to be against church privileges. So that things fell into a manifest dissension among them: the Pope pretending that those laws were not only unjust but canceled and abolished; on the contrary side the Repub lique maintained that they were just, and good laws, and in no interpretation contrary to the lawful liberties of the Church.  
This business boiling betwixt those two great princes, some of the primary Senators, who had formerly been the father's familiars, began to confer strictly with him about this controversy, for it could not be concealed; not only in Venice (a City which for amplitude and concourse of all nations knows all things and silenceth nothing,) but also over all Italy, and upon his arguments which were confirmed by a precedent knowledge they had of him, they proceeded to acquaint him with the business by a pulicke communication.  
This fire lay long raked up under ashes of propositions and answers, and arguments on both sides, by the space of a month, when about the entrance of the year 1606. it threw forth greater flames of monitories & comminations of censures. Because the matter being partly Thelogicall and partly legal, the most excellent Senate came to a resolution, to choose next after their consultors in Jure, a man that was both a divine and a Canonist. And after having caused to be read a short writing to that purpose, they made choice of the father into that charge, who hath since served them seventeen years, not only in that faculty, but as a consultor of state in all their charges of greatest consequence. Because though his hands (as it is said) are past all sort of matters of peace, of war, of their confines, of their covenants, of jurisdiction, of tribute, and of every other sort of treaties. But this alone may make it known how universal, how faithful, and sincere his service was, that upon the death of the consultors in law (men of eternal memory) Marc. Antonio Pelegrini, Erasme Gratiani, Agostno del bene) the commonwealth was so well served by the father alone in all sort of business, that they chose no successors into their places, as was formerly used to be done, except it were one Il Signor Servilco Tree, and when he failed by death, the father remained alone.  
Being now entered upon this charge, he thought it of necessity to have companions of experimented fidelity, whom he might trust as himself, and specially to turn over books for him. Because the customs of those times thought it not enough, to know things with resolutions, and reasons, but they would have an addition of a long series of Allegations of Doctors of the one, and the other law. And he that would not err upon the credit of others, which often deceives men, thought it was necessary for him from point to point to see the authors at the fountain, being a business rather of much toil then wit.  
To this purpose he cast his thoughts upon Friar Fulgentio a Brescian (to whom he had long before vouchsafe ' the favour of a strict familiarity) making use of him for ordinary studying, and being so directed, not by way of ordinary readings, which he esteemed to be rather a way of ostentation, than any ways fruitful, but after the manner of Socrates, and in a midwife-like way appointing to read such books, or such a matter, and then after by discourse to find out and produce the truth, to show the errors and so settle a right understanding. A means truly both singular and excellent, to teach a man the way to be wise, although it have been neglected and out of use, to prevent, as they say, a show of pomp and ostentation.  
The reader will be pleased to dispense with this little digression in this place, because it serves to take away an objection made against the father's goodness, not only by the Friars, but by some of his own intimate friends, that he being so rare a man in all learning should be so sparing to communicate his knowledge to others. And many have gone so far as to tax him of an envious disposition, that he took no pleasure in another man's wisdom, and loved rather to hid those rich talents of his own from others. But really it was not so, for he was rather of the most friendly and bountiful soul in this particular, that could possibly be found, because he communicated with an incredible readiness whatsoever was required upon occasion, and with a prudence so much to beadmired, (though not to all men) but yet to every one according to their capacity or profession, and in such manner as hath been already told.  
Here I could put you in mind of Gentlemen and religious men whom he hath made perfect, some in the morals, others in the Mathematics and in naturals. But to make a professed reading upon Aristotle, Plato, Saint Thomas, Scoto or Gratian (except the mathematics) which to be taught without order and not to be taught is all one, this was so contrary to his Genius, that he could not endure it, and held it a pedantic way, as not serving to increase knowledge, or better the mind, but only to be able to argue with subtillty, and make a show of wit, and rather to breed a pertinacity of opinion, then to make a sincere search of the truth.  
Returning to our narration, he resolved to have with him for his companion the foresaid Fra. Fulgentio, who was at that time in the university of Bologna, and in the sixth year of his profession of reading school divinty, having read before that three years at Mantova, and being further engaged from the General of the order to read three years longer at Bologna, wherein he had made his beginning. But the command of his master that required him expressly and without exception, alleging that he stood in need of him as far as concerned his life, made him break through all obstacles, and leaving his lecture, and what hope soever he might conceive of preferment in religion, and being well assured of what followed, which was the confiscation of his poor library and those moveables which were allowed him for his use, he came away whither the charity of his beloved master or father invited him.  
After this the controversy betwixt these two great Princes grew higher than any terms of negotiation among themselves could compass, and before any other Princes could interpose as they did after for accommodation: The father with the other confulters was continually at the work and employed by the public prudence, seeking out how the most excellent Senate (salva la ruierenza) which was due to the Apostolical sea might govern themselves, to maintain their liberty and power of a sovereign Prince as independent in their own Dominions. The father made divers informations by public order which are extant, and chiefly one little tractate concerning excommunication, wherein with as much brevity as a writing that was to be read in such a secrecy could import for instruction, and with greater clearness, all being comprehended that was essential to that censure, as the instisution of it, the legitimate use of it in holy church, the manner how Princes & republics have grounded themselves upon like occasions (although it will be hard to find such government among Catholic Christians, which at some time or other hath not suffered by those encounters with the court of Rome) (since that about the eleventh age from our Lord, that abuse crept in of employing spiritual arms to mundane ends,) all was briefly comprehended in conformity to holy Scriptures, to holy Counsels, to the sacred ancient Doctors, & how in such a subject a faithful pious and catholic Prince ought to deport himself.  
It is a great loss, that among other writings of his concerning the public (which are many great volumes, and of inestimable value in all matters of state) this should not be found, and he that kept under key all his life long even to the least bolletines and short notes that he made upon every word that concerned the public which he had written during all his faithful service, and having searched for this with extraordinary diligence, yet it could never be found: but we have a certain rudiment which seems to have been the first draught of the discourse, which is full of solidity and christian piety. Besides the writings and consultations whereof we need to say no more but that the most excellent Senate, having by public decree commanded they should be copied out into books for future use in government. He was constrained against his will, and against what he had always proposed to himself to publish some things that he had written upon these occurrents.  
First, it was thought necessary to give the world a short account of the state of the controversy, which from those pens that were devoted to the Roman Court, went so masked and disguised, that the people were extremely abused, as if the controversy had only concerned religion, whereas there was nothing else in the question but of jurisdiction: and so at the very beginning there came forth at Milan a long writing in print, which was on purpose nailed up in the night, and fastened in the public places at Bergamo, and upon the Bergamasco, (which are lands that in the temporality are subject to the state of Venice,) and in the spiritualty are under the Archbishop of Milan.) They contained things of much exorbitancy, That their Sacraments could not be valide, that their Matrimonies were concubinates, their children illegitimate, and divers other things directly contrary to the doctrine of the very Canonical law. This engaged a necessity of giving the world a short account of the truth.  
And because the father never made profession of any language which he had not well studied, but only to serve to the explication of his own sense, he made a collection in writing into certain heads, of all that he thought fit to be spoken of. And it was after given in charge to Gio: Battista Leoni a man that was most versed in the elegancies of the Italian tongue, having spent his time in it, when he was the Secretary of Cardinal Comendone and of other Prelates, and had to his honour, put divers things in print which were well approved of. And after he had been a whole day in the company of Leoni to inform him throughly, being continually himself employed in greater matters, he required Fra. Fulgentio, that had borne a great part in making that collection, to look to divers places in the authors themselves, and to discuss the matters from point to point. And before he would accept the public charge for four months together, he studied the matter day and night to be first well resolved in his conscience of the justice of the Venetians cause and of the ground of it. And while Leoni was busy in giving the stile, the father called to mind a tractate in the matter of excommunication written by Gio Gerson a Parisian doctor, and famous for having been Chancellor of the Sorbone at Paris, who had taken great pains at the council of Constance to remove a long schism which had lasted seven and thirty years in the Roman Church, and was reputed a man of learning and piety, living and dying with a same of perfect holiness. He caused some of the great Senators to peruse it, who finding that it seemed to be written as if it had been directed against the business in agitation, did by their authority make the father translate it into Italian, and prefixing a short epistle in the front, sent it to the press. Against which little work, Cardinal Bellarmine having written, and given a particular encounter to the letter in the frontispiece, and charging the author with false interpretation, and with doctrine contrary to that of the church, and after fell to confute the little work itself of Gerson. The father being engaged into a necessity of answering, and withal of defending Gerson: A book was thereupon printed, which is now in being, and entitled the apology of john Gerson, in which, I am sure that learned & pious Catholics who prefer not ambition, and flattery of Court before the clear fountains, their own consciences, and the  Catholic doctrine, having not found any thing wanting either in the writer's modesty, nor for depth of learning, nor in the sufficiency of the defence, but the work itself (being public) let the learned and pious professors of the truth be the Judges.  
Leoni also wrote, (who as in matter of elegancy and smooth language, gave more satisfaction than needed) so in that which concerned solidity and substance he came as far too short. And truly it is impossible that he that of himself is not capable of a matter should be able to write substantially at another man's information, and how much more he shall strive by quaintness of expression to give it ornament, by so much the work will fail and be wanting in  sense. Nor yet did it give full content to those that read it, and because now in the mean time, a number of little pamphlets flew abroad in print, which were full of petulancy and impudence, and wherein either not touching the controversy they spent themselves in ill language against the Senate, and seditious conceits with the people either perverted the state of the cause by confuting their own fantasies, and blotting of paper in a vanity of discourse and flattering declamations, or by touching the difference with so much slightness diverted it to things that were impertinent. It was thought necessary that father Paul himself should set pen to paper, which he did, and wrote a work under the name and title of Considerationi sopre le censure.  
Of the piety and solidity whereof the wisest are only fit to be judges, and whether the confutations that were made against it be confutations or else confessions of a desperate cause. And because against that, as at a mark, the multitude of writers shot all their arrows (with which kind of men our age is furnished abundantly) who make their gain the end of their writing, and their honour more than the truth, and among others find-that one father Bovie a Carmelite had written least foolishly, the father was willing his book should be answered by a book that was called Le confirmationi, under the name of Maestro Fulgentio, which if it deserve commendations, must be only attributed to the father, by whose directions and help it was composed. His is also (though cursorily written) la aggimita e supplimento all Historia degli uscocchi; beside the tediousness of the letter and documents of Signior Minuncio. And another little work De jure asylop Petri sarpi Juris, which is the name that Padre Paolo was known by abroad. And an extract of a writing of his, made by public order to give a rule of uniformity how to proceed in that matter of the immunity of consecrate places through the whole dominions of Venice, but it is more ample in the original, as it was presented to the public containing particular laws and treaties that had passed with the Popes. I have seen in the hands of some of the magistrates a long manuscript which treats of the office of the holy inquisition at Venice, and of all the state, but made by public order, which although it seem only restrained to the particular use of the most excellent common wealth, yet, it is a most singular piece, and worthy (for the exquisitors and rare things which it contains,) that all Princes should purchase it as a precious jewel, not only at the weight of gold, but as heretofore the works of Democritus were bought. But it may well be believed, that those Lords which have it in possession are not ignorant of that worth, but keep it as a Jewel.  
These are the works of father Paul that are seen abroad in written hand, or in print under his only name; or that are certainly reputed to be his, though made upon divers occurrents. Because that tractate of the interdict set out in propositions was compiled by the common consent of the seven divines, which at that time the common wealth kept together to examine their difference with the Pope. Since then, an opinion hath got footing in in divers places. But in Rome 'tis published for an undoubted truth, that he was the author of the History of the Council of Trent divided into eight books, and printed in Italian at London, and presently after translated into all the most common languages of Europe. And it may be that Rome took that assurance, the rather because for a long time the father went gathering with extreme diligence, whatsoever he could attain to know, either by cost or friendship, sparing no labour about the celebration of the said Council, and not only in Italy but abroad. And at such times as it was lawful for him to converse with ihe Ambassadors of foreign Princes, which was betwixt his being a Divine, and a Canonist, until his being made a consultor of state: he had all that while a free entrance into their secrets. He was most intimate with those of France, with Ferrar, Demete and Fresnes, and particularly with Ferrier, who being present at the said Council of Trent, had many great memorials (and letters which are the most secure and real foundation of an History.) Of this we have an argument although it be but a slight one which is, the inscription of Pietro Soave Polano, whose Anagrammatisme makes Paolo Sarpio Veneto the name and surname of of the father. But in these kinds of encounters the matter is infinite, though the labour be but vain; yet be it how it will, I am of opinion that a judgement of the father's wisdom cannot be made upon his writings, except it be with such a discretion as the subtle artificer, who by the sight of one of the claws knows the greatness of the Lion, and as in histories we find that by the measure of a finger is comprehended by the rule of proportion, the greatness and vastity of the Colossus at Rhodes, because in works that were written in such a necessity of difference and dispositions, it was a greater study to know what was fit to be silenced then what to be spoken. He that reads may well observe the great modesty where with he speaks in a time whereas (with scandal to posterity) he was become the object of all malignant and petulant pens, dipped more in the poison of Calumny, and malediction, then of ink; yet for all this, as a man never provoked, he chose with all exquisiteness rather to defend the cause which he thought to be just, then to make answer to detractions.  
There is also to be seen the Rubrics of 206 chapters of a work which he had in Idea of the power of Princes, which gives some expectation to have been the most desired and important composition that ever appeared to the world: whereof this may stand for a proof, that he had extended the three first chapters to so great a comprehension of matter, he having with his own hand bestowed the first draught of them upon the most illustrious Lord Giorgio Contarini. This Lord, who to the nobility of his great house hath added an incomparable vivacity of wit, a singular judgement and other gifts which have rendered him conspicuous, making a collection of many rare things, especially of the vulgar writings of the greatest persons, is possessed of this, and will not suffer it, as I believe, to go out of his hands, because some of his Rubrics being dispersed into divers Countries, where there are men of famous learning and knowledge, might stir them up (if it were possible) to undertake a continuation of what the father had only left in Idea; wherefore to send abroad the three said chapters as they were drawn up, would rather have been a discouragement then an incitation, for fear of falling upon that deformity which Horace speaks of, Humane capiti cervicem pictor equinam jungere etc. for otherwise, that Lord besides his confidence of finding in a Friar such a Magazine of eminent virtues, after he was grown acquainted, and had got an intrinsicke conversation with him, he did not honour him but (as I may say) he adored him like a Numen. He by his great wit being capable to penetrate the excellency of that divine soul, and after the father's death no man was so zealous as he to honour his memory. This was he who after the father was dead (while they that should have done more, took the least care) (as it oft happens in the like cases) caused his image to be made in chalk and after in mettle, that he might (as he hath done) have it graved in mother of pearl, and cut in brass. And in all this having not satisfied his fancy, he used all the means he could to get it done in marble. These were the effects and demonstrations a most generous heart, and arguments of a sublime intellect.  
Here it comes to purpose to insist upon the manifest injury which churchmen had done him, to conceive such an enraged hatred, and so unjust against his writings and deportment, during the time that he was employed in the public service, because in his actions he had always abstained from making any recrimination, and had kept all the laws of a true divine, and one that had in greatest veneration the sea Apostolic, and the Pontifical dignity and authority. And I would it had pleased God that all men had done the like; For then the church had been had in more honour, and that honour had extended itself further. And as for other men's writings, I would not have churchmen think that at that very time, there was a want of persons that made formal answers to so great calumnies and maledictions against the most serene Commonwealth, & the defenders of her cause.  
But the father Paul did by public command with his fix other Colleagues, reduce himself in a Canonical way to take examination of whatsoever was presented to the press, & upon every thing there was a special care that no offence might be given to the Court. And out of that respect it is, that there are so many other writings which were never suffered to be put in print. And the great piety of the Commonwealth deserves an eternal memory, who for this end (besides the other examen) had deputed there of the greatest Senators for age, for merit, and honour, who after the report was made by the said divines, did themselves review every thing before it went to the press with a most curious eye, that nothing should be impertinent to the cause: or offensive to the contrary part, who on the contrary part are so far from giving the like respect to them, as the world well knows, having given an eternal scandal to Catholic religion and are grown to such a pass, that the Catholic religionwith them is no more, but what their own interest and arbitrement dictates.  
And because in the writings which at that time and since are come forth upon several occasions (if they may have life, whereof there is no great appearance, and much less reason, except for this, that they favour the pretences of the Roman Court) the maledictions against the poor father are innumerable, the impostures, the impudent Calumnies, being the most notoriously false, that perhaps were ever invented against a man, whereat prudent and pious men need not wonder, but rather remember, that in all ages there have not wanted some such pestiferous penns, who to become servile to the Court, have adulterated so many tractates under the name of holy fathers, & famous writers, corrupted true narrations, brought in fabulous legends, and above all infected the world, with impostures and infamations of those, whose works they were neither able to extinguish nor confute. But since the time that these religions are set on foot which are so much tied to the interest of the Court, this licence of altering, corrupting, lying, feigning, calumniating is grown so great, that if other sects or ages should be put into the balance with them, they deserve rather to be canonised then defended, because this kind of impudence knows no limits but hath a foundation beyond the ordinary Topiques. Ill language is of easy entrance, and falsehood is spoken in a few words, but the confutation is of greatest difficulty, and requires long narrations which are read with impatiency, and of but a few, and when a slander is once gone abroad, they are very few that think themselves concerned in the excuse of him that is slandered, or in discovery of the truth: especially since of the one side the rewards and allurements are large, and of the other side there comes little or no mundane advancement.  
But above all other these modern men have their own reasons to be in this matter as the old saying is Guaviter impudentes, which is their security, that how notorious soever the imposture be, yet it shall be fastened to a multitude, and undoubtedly to an innumerable number of their devoted dependants, who without further discussion of truth receive every thing upon other men's credit, as did in former times the disciples of the Eleusinian mysteries, or (to speak nearer to the purpose) those that were adherent to the Gnostics and Manichees, and other such like sects with whom it was an only argument to believe any exorbitancy, by an (Ipse dixic) and thus much was necessary to be said concerning these writings.  
But in his actions Padre Paolo deserves rather among Churchmen to have a blessed memory. And thus much the excellent Senate and commonweal will for ever testify how unjustly this was objected, that either he sought to stir up any thing against the lawful ecclesiastical immunities, or counselled any thing that might redound to the diminution of the authority of the sea Apostolic. They will also testify, with how much art and singular prudence he hath often tempered that ardour which (even in the most moderate citizens) the zeal of their liberty hath used to inflame against any that are reputed offenders or usurpers of their jurisdiction. They can also testify the great reverence wherewith he hath always spoken, and written concerning the Popes and the Apostolical sea. Yet for all this moderation he could not prevent being cited to Rome to render an account of his written doctrine. To the citation he made answer by a Manifesto (which is in print,) wherein he proved the nullity of the Citation, and an impossibility of transferring himself to Rome, which yet remains without confutation. And the consequence will prove whether he had reason to trust himself thither, whether it were just that (as he had humbly petitioned) so a secure place might first be assigned him to make his defence before further proceeding. But without further (scruple as it was reported) he went to Rome, but there was never any lawful account or reason yielded to declare him obnoxious to the censures or Ecclesiastic penalties, it being a report, that they were so fare surprised with his Manifesto, that they would never suffer it to be published. Besides he drew a long writing which was after known to be presented to the Pope himself, wherein he made a brief collection of many formal Heresies and tyrannical doctrines which are found among those defenders which wrote on the Pontifical part. As for his own writings he made them this offer, that if they would decline that ambiguous and captious way of citation, pretending him guilty of heretical propositions, scandalous, erroneous, offensive to godly ears, Respectiuè, all the rest being made unintelligible by the addition of that strange word, Respectiuè but as if he had in particular, and by name gathered & noted the wretched and false propositions which were in the writings of the ecclesiastics, so they would but deal with his writings, that then he offered, himself being secured in an any place among Catholics; there to hold disputation with any man, and presently to retract if there were any cause shown that required retractation. And to this purpose the Ambassador answered his holiness, carrying with him the said writing which he imparted to those Prelates at Rome that desired to see it.  
It seemed that God the just Judge (at the same time that this tempest of persecution was raised against him) was pleased in another kind to comfort and relieve him. And as his divine majesty doth not use to leave his servants under a greater weight, than what by his holy grace they may sustain, increasing troubles out of his charity, and his persecutions coming from so high a hand. He was clearly healed of those: great infirmities, which from his youth he had borne with an unconquered patience, and under such a weakness of complexion, he himself then being as healthful as he could wish: excepting only that of the Procidentia the falling down of his guts, whereof he made no great matter, having with his instrument found a means whereby it gave him no impediment at all. And the retention of his urine troubled him no more until the seaventieth year of his age, for in this time that that we speak of he was but 55.  
The father's actions of this year would yield us matter of too long a discourse, the piety wherewith the most excellent Senate did govern themselves (after so great an offence and continued injuries) towards our holy Catholic religion, and towards the Pope himself, who had done the injuries,) their prudence in government, and charity towards their subjects is partly seen in a particular relation which the father made by public order for memories sake, which after stole into the press. But sure it is that it went printed into France, and there it was reprinted. But to return to our purpose; we find in the memorials that remain in all histories, the deplorable tragedies that have succeeded when Popes have proceeded to excommunicate Princes and publish interdicts, and no less when with the like censurs, this excellent Commonwealth was injured being paralleled with the successes of this which hath continued above sixteen months; the father hath herein deserved eternal memory, or rather to be canonised for one of the most pious, holy, well deserving and prudent religious men, that ever serving Prince with uncorrupted faith did likewise serve the holy Church, and the Popes themselves. If that be true which writers of the Ecclesiastic part have published in so many printed books, that the father's reputation was such that all his consultations were received and executed like oracles. Because it was proceeded against those religious men, who either for scruple of conscience (which were very few (or by way of faction, and interest disobaied the public orders, with so much favour that not any one of them was punished with death for any offence, and very few deprived of liberty to go where they listed. A precedent seldom seen upon the like occurrents in other places, wherein the most serene Commonweal made so little use of the power against offenders which God had given them to vindicate the injuries of malefactors. And to say truth, the nature of the father was so merciful, that it sorted well with the public Clemency, nor was he ever consulted concerning any grievous public offence, wherein he did not sweeten their deliberations as much as any living man could do, and excuse whatsoever was capable of an excuse. To be short, he never served as a spur to any thing but to meekness; he never served as a bridle to the prudence of that government, but only in the restraint of some fiery spirits, and particularly in the examination of things that were desired to be sent to the stamp. In his own writings, all his care was to silence whatsoever might give offence, not in what he could say in defence, for the matter was very ample, and the work that lay upon him was more in defalcation than addition. And they that have seen his originals can make faith, how much he desired to stand to the cause without suffering his pen to run riot in any thing which by interpretation might be drawn into offence, although the malicious subtlety of some flatterers hath made it appear, that there can be nothing so moderately spoken, which is not subject to depraved expositions.  
The faction of the Court had (among other artifices) to get a victory in this controversy, made use of this, to send divers men under various pretexts to seduce (either by promises, or threaten, or both) those that served the republic, particularly, those religious men that made up the college of the seven divines, as it happened, That two of them deviated from the duty of their consciences. And truly they did their offices with such violence, so much of threatening, as of promise, that if the justice of the cause of Venice had not been exceeding clear, & the infamy of deserting it so notorious after the Just. of it examined, understood and defended, it had been enough to have staggered a very  brain.  
But such was the conceit of the very enemies of the father's integrity, that having attempted all others by all their engines whereby their fidelity might be shaken, they durst not so much as move the father by a word. And true it is, that the General of the Servi Maestro Filippo Ferrari Alessandrino being an intrinsike friend of the fathers, and going from Rome to Venice, Pope Paul gave him a strict commission to remove from the service of the commonweal, two of his order, Friar Paul, and Friar Fulgentio with ample promises of reward. But the General made him answer, that for father Paul he thought he was able to do no good. And going to the Cardinal de Ascoli, with whom the father had had been very intimate, and communicating his thoughts to him of attempting that revolt. The Cardinal told him that he had seen the Father's writings, and thereby knew that it was but a lost labour, & not to be attempted. This great and learned Prelate understood the solidity of the Venetian reasons, the father's incorruptibility and his mind that was impenetrable either by allurements of Court, by ambitions, by profits or terrors. And when Don Prancesco de Castro came extraordinary Ambassador from the Catholic King to Venice, to treat of an accommodation, having in his company some religious persons of emenency, there was not one of them that durst open his mouth to the father to any such purpose. Only one of them once set a net to have caught him, but in vain. One Martino Asdrale Vallone, one that was an excellent spy, came to Venice, pretending a satiety and ill satisfaction of the Court, who having long addressed himself to haunt the shop of Sechim (whereof you have heard.) No man had better intelligence of what passed at Rome concerning that controversy than he. None more free to condemn the fury of of the Pope than he. He was of no absurd wit, and with much practice he grew cunning enough to let them know that the Pope was of a vindicative spirit, thereby laying a foundation to his design, which he had given him in charge, and it might be true.  
At the end of this year, and the coming in of 1607. the accommodation was concluded for the King of France by the means of the Cardinal Perone, and the mediator of it had been the Cardinal of Joyeuse, who by the interposition of Mounsieur de Fresnes Ambassador for the Christian king, had used all diligence that the father & he might meet together for conference, alleging that besides that he was comprehended by way of accommodation in the public cause as a counsellor, he had moreover special commissions to treat with him of things concerning his own greatness. The father penetrated the Cardinalis end, giving an account thereof to the public, and thereupon the most excellent College, were desirous to hear the fathers own opinion, remitting the resolution to his only prudence, and to them he gave such an answer, that by those most wise Senators it was resolved, that he should not treat with the Cardinal. And among other reasons, the Senate never being inclined to grant either benediction or absolution to such as needed it not, they could not foresee to what end it was to grant a private conference betwixt so great a Cardinal and a Friar. And although the Father where of himself very sparing to speak, yet it was in the power of others to make it more or less as they pleased. Nor can be that serves a Prince have a worse encounter being already hated for another's sake, then to hear a thing whereby one part may be made jealous without hopes of pleasing the other. When the agreement wasmade, it was one of the conditions, that the Common wealth should give thanks to all those that were not specified by their names in that revolt. By reason whereof many returned bacl to the state that had grievously offended the public. And the father was also comprehended in Individuo, which was a thing beyond the course of common reason, or the doctrine of laws, that peace being made with the Prince, it should not be intended to be made with all his Councillors. All which afterwards the Pope himself Paul the V did nominally ratify to the then Ambassador, Francisco Contarini; (and at this day the most serene Prince and Duke of Venice.) And the truth of thus much shall be verified by things subsequent. That the Pope speaking of father Paul in individuo said, that he had given his benediction to all, and was not willing there should be any more words of what had past.  
Upon which promises of so great a Prince, and upon the integrity of his own conscience, the father reposing himself in all clearness and tranquillity, serving his natural Prince with that faith and diligence which he kept incomparably to his last breath. It fell after divers times into debate, whether the father should go to visit the Nuntio Gessi, that was sent to Venice after that accommodation. It was answered that it was but an office performed in relation to their own Ambassador at Rome, and howsoever that it was but an expression of reverence; And it being referred to his own consultation: He for his part shown himself most willing, but yet with regard had to the manner how Nuntios use to treat with the Prince himself, having power to colour their treaty with a pretext of religion; whereupon it was resolved, that he only use a set form of precise words that were prescribed him from the most excellent College. And further what he should tolerate, and what he should reply to, in case the Nuntio, as he pretended, should fall upon the cause. This had so much variety of opinions and contrariety, that the business without resolution fell to the ground. But it hath since happened, that the greatest Prelates of this state, as well Patriarches as Bishops, have indifferently upon all occasions treated with the father of these affairs, some visiting him in his Monastery, and others sending to invite him to their houses.  
It fell out at this time when the differences were already composed in Venice, that Gasparo Scioppio a man well known to the world by his writings in print, coming from Rome to pass into Germany (as he said) or that he brought with him (as it was also said) a writing full of reproach against the republic to be printed in Germany, beside, other writings full of impiety (as that of Friar Tomaso Campanella a Dominican (who having attempted to betray Cosenza into the Turks hands) was at that time kept a prisoner in the castle of the egg by the Spaniards; In that of this, he gave documents to the King and government of Spain, how under certain pretexts of religion they might impropriate the papacy, or else stir up his Holiness to raise new controversies against the lesser princes, continuing the practice until he found an opportunity to seize upon their estates, and so proceeding as he would have the Spaniards do, until they had gotten the Pontificate into one of their own, that they might be both King and Pope at once, or else that the Pope might be held on as an instrument of the oppression of others. Whether it were for this, or for any other secret cause that he had incurred public indignation, he was detained in prison three or 4 days (if they were so many) and afterwards by public order he had liberty to go where he listed.  
But Schoppio was desirous to treat with the father, and they discoursed together in matters of learning very long, and particularly of the doctrine of the ancient stoic, which he professed he would recall to light out of the thick darkness wherein it was obscured, besides many other learned thoughts of his, and very much also in matter of state, especially concerning the protestants of Germany. And so falling into nearer discourse with the father, he began to let him know that the Pope like a great Prince had long hands, and having conceived some deep offence against him, it was impossible but that it would fall heavy upon him, and that if he had desired to have him slain he did not want the means.  
But that the Pope's intent was to have him alive into his hands and to fetch him from Venice, and bring him to Rome. Yet nevertheless he offered himself (whensoever he pleased) to treat for his reconciliation, and with as much honour as he could desire, affirming that he had many treaties in charge with the protestant Princes of Germany about their conversions. To this the father answered, that he had done nothing for which his Holiness had reason to be offended, that he had defended a a just cause. That he was extremely sorry that such a defence as was made, should be encountered with the Pope's indignation; That in the accommodation he was individually comprehended, and that he could no way presuppose a falling of public faith in a Prince. But as concerning his being slain, that that of all things troubled him the least. That it was a thing plotted against Emperors, executed upon Kings, and great Princes, not against private men of so low a fortune as his was. But if such a thing were designed against him, he said he was prepared to submit himself to the divine pleasure, and that he was not so ignorant of humane condition, but that he knew what was to be thought both of life and death, and whether (of him that knew them both well,) they were either of them to be desired or feared more than was necessary. And if he should cause him to be taken alive, and carried to Rome, yet all the power of a Pope could not arrive at this, to make another man patron of his life before himself, and that he was resolved to be the patron of his own life before the Pope. For the rest he gave him many thanks for his good affection, not caring to make any party for himself, or his own safety, since his cause was so united with the public, that they could not be disjoined.  
Those two propositions of killing or taken him alive seemed somewhat strange, but that which followed, not long after will make it clear that Scioppio spoke upon good ground, and that the things were already designed. He went away from Venice, and in a satirical composition relating that he had congress with father Paul. He attested that he had found him nec indoctum nec tumidum. But the father was so good of himself, that he was not able to think an i'll thought, but believed whether that these were both conceits of Scioppio, besides that of his own nature he was beyond measure undaunted, and being so resigned to the will of God, he lived most confident in his own innocency. And though he were often admonished to have a care of himself, by those Lords that were the Inquisitors of state (this is a supreme Magistrary in Venice to whom many secret things are made known) to whom intimation was given, that there was a machination against the father's life, which they (in their charity) as often warned him of that he might be put upon his guard; yet he seemed to take no care of himself, either out of the greatness of his spirit (as they that have had often experience can give assurance) or else by being secure that nothing could happen without the divine disposition, and that those things which are appointed by God, cannot be hindered by any humane caution or warning, but that rather many times too much caution & solitude are among the causes of contrary events, and especially in such accidents, where travel may be both uncertain and infinite. Certainly he was never inclined to change his accustomed manner of life in the least kind, but would ever say, that it was indifferent to him to die this way or that way, only that he might die justified because he was resolved that in no way death should ever take him unprovided. And among the excellent virtues of this man, it was not the least, that he never valued his life, so it is a rare example of him that hath this resolution rooted in his mind, that it is an indifferent thing either to live or to die.  
Six months after this accommodation happened an accident, which gave the world much to talk of, and confirmed Schioppio that he had not spoken in the air, nor that those iterated admonitions to the father to guard himself were superfluous; because in the evening of the first of October about 3 of the clock, the father returning home to his convent from Saint Marco a Santa Fosca, and coming down near the foot of the bridge, was assaulted by five assasines, a part making watch, and the rest to do execution. So that the innocent father had three wounds with stilettoes; whereof two were given him in the neck, and one in his face, which entered at the right ear and came out again betwixt his nose and his right cheek. The assasine could not pull bacl his stiletto, because it had passed the bone where itstucke so fast, & went so far in that it was bearded. In the success of humane things, divine providence is ever to be admired, where humane prudence vanishes out of sight, it being most certain that in actions there is an eternal force, and a long chain of causes, so far without us, that neither our knowledge nor any consideration of ours, can ever come near. It was above three months that the father (except that night) was never left alone, but had in his company beside Fra. Marino his servant, Padre Fulgentio, with another companion of spirit and valour.  
For although the caveats to look to himself were now very frequent, yet these religious men walked about with an entire confidence, fearing no ill, because they knew they did none, but had defended so just a cause, and believing that the heat of the controversy being once over, no man could be of so impious and tyrannical a mind to presume (after so solemn an accommodation) to give the world and all Princes so wicked an example, or to think that Princes had not learned persons always about them to be able to defend their actions, but that they must employ murderers, and cutthroates. That night it happened he was left by Padre Fulgentio, and his other companion, and it was upon this occasion. Two days before by a casual fire, there were some houses burnt in a street that leads towards Saint Marks, and Fulgentio hearing men talk of a fire, and that it could not be extinguished, was desirous to go see it, ask the father's leave, and intending at his return to go home with him. But making his stay somewhat longer than he intended, and believing the father to be gone home by the way of Saint Lio, came home himself to the Monastery, by reason whereof the father was that only time left so long together with his only single companion, who having behind him swords drawn and guns, was seized by one of the murderers, and had his arms straight pinioned behind him, while another of the murderers thought he had dispatched the father, and thereupon gave over, leaving behind (as it is said) the stiletto in the wound, than they took up their guns into their hands to terrify such persons as were like to make noise or pursue them. After which Fra. Marino being left by him that held him bound, and seeing three other of the murderers stand together and shoot their guns, he took his heels and ran away in a fright. A good old man Alessandro Malipiero deserves much to be remembered upon this occasion for a sincere and virtuous soul adorned with  piety without hypocrisy, a friend of truth. This good man being very nobly borne was yet more noble in the integrity of his life being of a constant and wise judgement in a decrepiteage, and had used every evening to accompany the father (to whom he bore a singular love and reverence) which was also interchangeable betwixt them. He went a little way before the father, so that by the advantage of the bridge, the Assasine had a full opportunity to strike and gave him fifteen stabs, with his stiletto as it was seen by some gentlewomen who stood in their windows, and the holes were afterward counted in his hood, and the collar of his doublet, but he was only wounded by three of them, wherein is easily seen a particular divine protection, which deprived the murderer both of his wit and force, who with one light stab either in his flank or the chine of his back might have slain this innocent man, that all the while neither stirred nor spoke one word, but (as himself after reported) he thought that at the two first stilletatoes he felt like two blows strucken with fire at one instant, and at the third, as if a great weight had fallen upon him with some astonishment, which he felt but in a confused manner. The women in the windows raised an outcry, and the Signior Malipiero turned bacl again and seeing the stiletto sticking fast in the father's head with all his strength pulled it out and began to cry out murder, and perceived immediately two of them with their pistols in their hands running down the street of Saint Marcilian, and from thence to Corte vecchia della miserecordia, at the end of which they had a gondola ready, and their companions that tarried for them, from whence they saved themselves in the house of the Pope's nuntio, then resident at Venice and from thence the same night they passed to the shore, where having prepared a flat boat with ten oars and well armed (which waited for them) they went therein towards Ravenna, or (as some said) to Ferrara. But it being divulged, & understood that the Assasines had first sheltered themselves in the Nuncios house, the insurrection and concourse of the people was so great, that although it were very late at night, the house was surrounded, and what with reproachful words, and popular clamours, the person of the Nuncio himself was seen to be in manifest danger; The high councelloften were feign to send him a numerous and public guard to prevent the occasion of a grievous inconvenience. The murderers were not so quickly pursued as they might have been by another strange accident. Some Comedians who were allowed that night to represent at the theatre which was at Saint Luigi, where there was acted one of those Comedies which they call Opera conintermedii, a Comedy with music, and there was come thither all the neighbourhood; so that in those streets of the parish of Santa Fosca, the like number of people had not been seen together at any time, by reason whereof the murderers had a more secure retirement. The executioner of this assassinate was one Ridolfo Poma, who at first being a merchant in Venice, and esteemed for a man of honour, but failing threein was retired to Naples for the recovering of some of his debts, and from thence he went to Rome, where he was also well respected. But every man began to wonder at the intimacy which he had got with the Cardinal Borghesi, who brought him to his uncle the Pope, from whom by great favour he obtained a promise that two of his daughters (which were left in the state of Venice) should be received Nuns into a Monastery there. And he put some of his friends into an amazement by writing to them, that ere long (having recovered some of his debts) they should see him in a gallant condition, and by his letters it might be gathered that he conceived hopes as high as to be made a Cardinal. This was the conductor of the plot, together with one Alessandro Parrhasio of Ancona, and there were companions added to them, Giovani of Florence the son of Paul, who that he might remain at Venice without being suspected till the treason were grown ripe for execution, caused himself to be listed with a company of other soldiers, which were to serve under a captain of some ships that were bound for Soria and Alexandria. And one other there was by the name Pasquale da Bitonto, who was also in in pay with another company, being all of them experimented men in such kind of professions, as it may be well concluded by the rest of their bands, who were all, or for the most part either banished men, or fugitives.  
The spy or guide of the plot, was a Priest Michiel Viti of Berganio who had sometimes officiated in the holy Trinity in Venice, which puts us out of doubt, how many months this business had been hatching before it came to light. Because this Priest in lent before, under colour of being much taken with the sermons of father Fulgentio, had used to go every morning into the convent of the Servi, to the door of the pulpit (which answers to the inner part of the convent) and treated with him very courteously, to be satisfied by him in some scruples of conscience, and continued his respects every day by saluting him and conferring with him of things which concern the soul. So easily and ordinarily is religion made a stalking horse or instrument of the greatest wickedness by those who being either fall'n from a right course, or else fascinated by some more potent error, suffer themselves to be guided by a blind obedience.  
Before the success of this cursed act, father Fulgentio had many times observed, that as he came home with the father over the bridge of Santa Fosca either at the one or at the other end of the bridge, he had seldom or never failed to encounter one while with one, and another time with two soldiers, which proved afterwards to be those very murderers. And because he perceived that they looked narrowly upon the father, and being gone past him, turned again to look bacl after him, he began to advise him of some danger that was toward him. But the father reprehended him of too much curiosity and suspicion, because such things as must take effect can by no humane foresight be prevented.  
Before we return to the wounded father I would desire the reader to tolerate a little transtemporation, and digression concerning the murderers, because the mind is seldom satisfied without hearing something of matter of events. It was verified by public report, that when Ridolso Poma came with his confederates to Venice, he took up a thousand crowns at the chamber of Ancona, and coming to Ravenna after the fact, with the news that father Paul was slain, he was honourably welcomed, it being also said that from the chamber of Ravenna he received a thousand crowns more, but this I do not affirm, because I have it not upon any certainty. There he got a coach and a guard of armed men, and in the other rites of Romagna they went with their Harquebuses in a kind of triumph. So in their way as they went they were entertained and caresst in all places by Governors until they came to Ancona, whether the fame by Sea being got before them, that the father was wounded but not dead, did turn their glory into some Eclipse. Then they arrived at Rome where though they were well received with assignation of entertainment: yet their expectation was unsatisfied and there they continued until they fell all into their several disasters.  
The Priest Michael Viti was clapped up in prison in the Tower of Nona (whereof I could never yet know the certain cause) where finding a Friar of father Paul's order in prison, who told others of his order, the foolish things which he had heard from Michael Viti, and what promises had been made him & the manner of the whole business, wherein he said he had done the Church very great service. As for Poma as he was apprehended by a provost marshal he was shot above the him, or so wounded that he died of it. His son that was with him, and he, were sent to Civita Vecchia, where he died in prison very miserably. There was also seen some years after another son of Pomiani in Venice, a young man of great stature, and beautiful aspect, but out of his wits, and followed in the street by a company of boys, ragged in clothes, and begging his bread. He was borne for an example of God's punishment which passeth from fathers to their children by a terrible visitation.  
Of the other three I cannot tell the particular successes, nor which of them was beheaded at the Castle of Perugia. But true it is, they came all to ill ends. And because in Rome after they were secured and stipended for a time, it came after to a resolution of casting them into prison, or banishing them (as effect made it appear,) so the cause is in concealment, as it ordinarily comes to pass in the resolution of great Princes. It was imputed to their impatience because the promises were not performed, it being reported that Poma was to receive 10000 crowns, and the others very great sums, which was the cause why they began to speak in derogation of the Cardinal Borghese, and of the Pope himself in extravagant language, discovering too clearly that which was unperfectly executed, could have no absolute praise nor due reward, no not from those that could have given lustre to a thing that was done, and had therefore been better wrapped up in silence. Then it was said or charged upon them that they held a conspiracy to kill both Borghese and the Pope. (Such is the fecundity of finding out causes in Courts, and especially in Italy.) That which I conceive more probable is that was told me by a Prelate now living, that about the same time Ridolfo the Emperor being dead, and his brother Mathias to succeed him, the Pope sent the Cardinal Mellini as his legate into Germany to intervene in that action, upon those ordinary pretensions which the Popes have had alawies in the creation of Emperors. At his return to Rome he told them that the Catholics of Germany took very great scandal, that persons which were guilty of such accursed crimes should find entertainment at Rome. and that thereupon the Heretics took occasion to publish odious writings against the person of the Pope, and to the reproach of all the order of Cardinals. This discourse came to the Pope's ears, or was else fomented by the bold words which were spoken concerning the nonpayment of the 10000 crowns which had been promised, and thereupon a just provocation given.  
True it is, that he gave order they should be put away from Rome, although not without entertainments in other places. This seemed to them a thing of so much sharpness that they began to lament that they were betrayed, and that those were not the promises which had been made them, and for which they had put themselves upon such evident dangers of dying upon gibbets, and now to fail with them in matter of faith, and in such manner as had been infamous among the very Turks, but the provoking so much the minds of those great men, that are impatient of the least in jury, was the cause that the foresaid ill fortune fell so heavy upon them, approving that old saying. That no kind of Traitors are pleasing to Princes, and that divine justice though with a lame foot fails not to overtake the swiftest forerunners.  
Now returning to our wounded father, the first thing (after his wounds were bound up and he tumbled upon his bed) was to prepare himself in his soul to God; to receive (as he did the next morning) the most holy communion in the greatest humility, entreating all the other fathers that were present with many tears in their eyes to excuse him, if by the impediment of his wounds he were not able to speak much (as he desired to have done,) that he might by greater demonstrations of the sorrow for his sins have begged a pardon of God. And (as it is the order of that Government) the Avogador being come to take his examen, (who was then Signior Girolamo Trivisano, and at this time General in Candia) the father told him, that he had no enemy that he knew of, nor had he known any. Only he prayed the high Council often that as he with all his heart did pardon him that offended him; so they would make no other demonstration of it, but what might serve to defend him better, if God should be pleased to prolong his life any further, expressing in his actions as a christian, and son of the heavenly father, his due obedience to the Gospel, and as a Philosopher that he had eradicated out of his soul all spirit of revenge (which is a kind of savage Justice, but deeply inserted into humane nature.) It was not a singular action of his upon this offence alone but observed by him formerly, and after in the whole course of his life, never to procure a revenge although the injury were never so great, and the most that was ever heard come forth of that blessed mouth of his case of his wrongs though most unsufferable in words or writings, or actions, was to say sometimes with a serene face, Videat Dominus & requirat.  
The next morning the General Filippo Alessandrino, hearing of the business, came in all haste to visit him; (having been intimate friends together) and when he had heard how the business had been acted. He fell into such an amazement that having communicated his commissions to Fra. Fulgentio, he remained for a while speechless.  
But observing his own order in avoiding ostentation or unnecessary shows of weakness; it fell into consideration whether he should use the help of more than one for his infirmity, and so he was willing that Signior Alvise Rag●ra a young man but very discreet and in chirurgery of a light hand, and no hard binding, should give attendance upon him. But the condition of his person, and the public respects constrained him to give way that almost all the famous Physicians and Surgeons in Venice should have a hand in his cure (beside such, as by public order came thither from Milan) among whom was Girolamo Fabritio, Aquapendente (anold friend & an admirer of the father's virtues) And he was commanded not to stir from the Convent, (being assisted by Adriano Spigelio who succeeded in the Anatomy Lecture at Milan) until it might be discerned whether the malady would determine to life, or death, it being very long in doubt of judgement whether the one or the other. Because beside that the wounds themselves were very grievous, and much more by the complexion of that was wounded, being so extenuated in nature that when at the best, he seemed but a Skeleton (so distinctly might his bones be numbered) as also by so great a josse of blood, that left him almost bloodless, continuing morethen 20 days before he could move or life up hand. To this was added another accidental mischief which was real. The multiplicity of Physicians which is a misery common to great persons, because some were of opinion that the wounds by the blackness of their orifice gave an argument of a poisoned weapon, and others that the treacle in the medicaments had caused inflammations, and it seemed to some that the inflammation went not fare, but might be pared away, whereby the patiented was forced to suffer as much by his Physicians as by the disease, which was very long with divers recrudescencies and prognostiques both of life and death. In all which continuance the father behaved himself with his wont piety and constancy. Wherein he was much to be admired; nor did he forbear in his greatest dolours sometime to please himself with his own conceit. As at one time he set all the Physicians, and Surgeons a laughing, that were not less than a dozen about him, because as he was in dressing, Aquapendente said that the greatest wound was not yet cured, the father suddenly replied, I, but the world will have it that it was given Stylo Romanae curiae. And the same night being laid in his bed, and being told that the stile was there which was left sticking in his head, he caused it to be brought him, and having felt it with his fingers he said immediately it is not filled.  
Not many hours after, there ran a fame that the assasines where apprehended. Those that were present, and yet alive, make faith that upon the news he seemed to be much displeased saying, perhaps they may discover something that may give scandal to the world, and prejudice to religion, which we may the better believe he said, because he had received assurance, that they had betaken themselves to the house of the Nuntio, as also of the tumult which we told you of. But in the whole course of his infirmity he never shown the least sign of pain, as in emplastering, in cutting to widen orifices, which being made with a stile, and so deep, require dilatation by the rules of art. And because the bone of the upper jaw was broken, many times when the wound made a show of healing, nature making abscess to expel corruption, renewed always the inflammations with excesses of considerable fevers until such time as it was absolutely healed, and the scars remaining in his face, both at the entrance, and coming forth of the weapon.  
Alessandro Malipiero would have the stile as due to him because he pulled it out of the wound. But considering the success, which if it were not full of miracle, was yet a particular demonstration of divine providence, and the most special custody of the innocent father, so he was content it should be hung at the feet of a crucifix in the Church of the Servi, (where it yet remains) with this inscription, Dei filio liberatori.  
The day after the receipt of his wounds he received the news of the death of Mounsieur de Maisse, which afflicted him with an immense grief, whereof he made demonstration to Pietro Assileneo saying. We have lost our dear friend Monsieur de Maisse. This is a wound which admits no remedy. And in this humane condition of ours where among friends we must expect to be either a spectator, or a spectacle, and as the father loved him sincerely so in his loss he became sensible of much discontent and sorrow.  
The most serene Republic could not make a greater demonstration of their respects to the father, nor of their public discontent upon that accident, nor of their munificence (their ordinary property) nor of their charity toward him that had been their servant, because upon the news of the accident, the excellent Senate that were then assembled, broke up immediately without proceeding any further, with an universal murmur of condolement. The Council often being also met (who have the judicature of the greatest criminal causes) & there was that evening so great a concourse of Senators in the Convent of the Servi, that one would have thought that they had intended to have held a Senate in the place.  
They sent money to the Monastery to besprent upon the cure. And besides the resort of the Primary Senators, that ordinarily visited him; He was sent to every day by public persons, and the Senate commanded that the Physicians should go to attend the Senate to make a true relation of the state of the father, and with a rich recompense of a chain and Medals; the Signior Aquapenden●e was created Cavaglier, for having attended upon the cure. And as for securing the father's person in time to come whatsoever was imaginable was done. As for the murderers who were presently known, and discovered by particulars from whence they came, and whither they went, they gave them banishment of the highest nature that the Supreme Council had ever done to any for crimes of the greatest excess. They printed proclamations also with promise of ample rewards to the people or any man that at any time upon the like occasion (if any should attempt to offend the father) should raise themselves to kill or apprehend the attemptors of any such offence with the same rewards proposed to whosoever should make a discovery to justice of any plot or machination against the said father. They gave allowance also for the keeping of a guard about him with liberty to bear arms armed of any sort, and for maintaining thereof an increase of stipend, with a house at Saint Marks at the public charge where he might remain in security.  
But the father was resolved never to change his course of life, and besought them that he might continue in the Monastery among his brethren, with whom he had lived until that age, affirming that he could not tell how to live otherwise, and that was his calling, wherein they were content to gratify him, only causing some little buildings to be added to his chamber, from whence by a little gallery, and a ladder he might have the commodity to take boat; that when it happened he was to return from the public service home to the Monastery by night, he might not be exposed to treachery.  
Necessity yet constrained him in part to make an eternal change of the tenor of his life. Because (howbeit the serene Republic had from the beginning assumed him into their service by assigning him a convenient stipend, yet) he until those very times was never willing to make use of more than necessity required without declining at all from the rigour of his religion, nor the poverty thereof; being content with that simple food and raiment without any alteration.  
But by this accident he was constrained to go no more on foot from the Servi to Saint Marks, it being necessary to have passed through some blind alleys which had given opportunity to such as sought his life, but to use the commodity of gondolaes. For which consideration in sixteen years following he hath been accustomed to embark himself, landing at the Rialto to go the rest of that little street of the mercery in security being so frequented as it is, and by the advantage of a daily exercise to keep himself in ability of walking, likewise he foresaw a necessity of having a companions; the one to serve him, and the other for a writer; to Fra. Marco which was one of them he gave him at two several times six hundred ducats (besides a good revenue of 50 per An.) and upon the other Fra. Marnio 300 in bank to put forth 10 per Cent, because he might have a subsistence, and afterward 40 per Annum. And besides this in the Convent it was thought necessary for him to enlarge his hand to those that managed bread and wine, and to some cooks he gave no less than 60 ducats in one year. Nor will any that shall read his life, esteem it either imprudence or prodigality, but the necessary defence of his own life. He went yet further to give largely upon all occasions, and to be liberal among his conventualls, which things gaining him more benovelence, and interesting many in his conservation, did likewise engage him to give over that rigid resolutiom of not accepting those provisions which were assigned him from the public munificence, which also enabled him to exercise those acts of liberality. The habit of which virtue was so natural to him, that when he was at the poorest of his fortune he never denied any thing that was asked him, whether it were money if he had it, or else any of his books. And if it were not of necessary use to himself, his parting with it was an irrevocable giving it away. And in these latter times that he was able to give alms and gifts, he hath given so much to some one man that desired it of him by way of loan, that he that knows it affirms by good proof that it did amount to above 2000 ducats. And his manner of lending was always with this condition, that except he redemanded it, they should never offer to repay him (as one that was willing to give in such a way, that the thing that he gave, should not have so much of meanness and inferiority that it might be said to be bestowed.) And very often he had in his mouth this saying Imitiamo Dio e la natura, let us etc. who whatsoever they give they never expect again, and let us avoid that Common error of such as think that to lend is to lose, or else put a friend to blush or be assured.  
He made another change also in this, that from that time forward, while he lived, he never conversed abroad out of his chamber, in the Monastery, except it were in public places, as the Church and the choir, or coming to divine offices, or to the refectory at meals. His life being ever after, Hermit like and totally solitary, as fare as the public service could dispense with it, and his narrow world was confined to his poor cell, and that little path betwixt the Rialto and Saint Mark. Which is but the street of the Merzaria spending the rest of his time in the exercises of his soul in his never interrupted studies, and in the service of the public, or of his private neighbours; it being come to that pass, that in all sorts of business they came to him for advice, and he gave answer to all with such meekness and profundity, as if he had been every man's advocate, and to this particular purpose two strange things fell into observation. The one that never any thing was proposed to him, whereto he did not as readily and solidely give an answer, as if it had been in his only profession, and yet he gave no resolution nor answer so suddenly that it seemed not to be and studiously considered of, and such an one as it was impossible to be bettered, and in sixteen years there seldom happened any matter of consequence wherein he was not consulted because from all the cities that were subject to the signiory, in the most difficult causes his opinion was always desired, as in testaments, in matrimonies, in feoffments, in hereditaments, and even as fare as in points of honour for the making of peace.  
I omit those public respects which concern the substance of government. In matters of benefices so abstruse and various, in all kind of ecclesiastic controversies, it is a strange thing that his foot never trod awry, no not so much as that the whole Court of Rome could ever find any thing in his judgements that was fit for reproof. But as oft as it happened that things went to consultation, although to the famous universities and colleges, if the father were of a different opinion from those that gave answer at the instance of the party, it was always concluded in matter of judgement that the father had hit the nail on the head. In all suits and processes of private persons, his answers were always taken for oracles.  
And here I may summon the consciences of a number of people that live, to acknowledge this for a truth, and whether in all those consultations which surpass thousands, he hath ever been known to err in his judgement. This is the disadvantage of him that writes the life of this divine soul, that those things which seem hyberpolicall, and merely Rhetorical, come not near the expression of that which is, & which was more in fact than can be related. Of matters of government it will not be necessary to say more than what the most excellent Senate (the very Idea of politic Christian prudence) knows. Another thing was rare in him, that having yielded his service freely in private causes as well of the Church as secular (as if gifts had had a power of enchantment according to that fiction of the poets Muneribus Divi placantur and thereby an administration given to all men to take heed of receiving them, so he would never receive a recognition from any man, whatsoever, not of the least value, as others in the like kind did or would have done, and some have enriched themselves by great sums of money that have not taken pains to the tenth part of his employment. Besides many who understanding his merits, have attempted to fix a gift upon him; yet to the glory of God and of this excellent creature, there is no man alive that can say that ever he received the least gratuity, being always content with this only reward of having done well, and if when God and the public were served he had any spare time, he would not lose a minute from reading or hearing others read or forming Mathematical figures upon papers or astronomical designs of divers instruments, which when he had after torn in pieces, it was to show that he did it but to pass away time. The greatest part of his time he bestowed upon the new testament and upon the morals. In matters of experiment the humane understanding is unsatiable, such was the life of this father, singularly composed of active and contemplative, always yielding to God what he could; to his Prince what he ought; and of that which belonged to his own dominion more than he ought by any law but that of charity.  
But yet nevertheless, this is so pious, so holy an institute and order of his was not able to please the implacable, as it happens with engines of many pieces, and instruments that though the motion took beginning from some principal wheel nevertheless that impression which it makes upon others doth not cease, though the principal move no more, nay rather that impression which is made upon the lesser Pieces draws after it with violence that piece which gave motion from the beginning. So in some governments the motion that took beginning from the Prince and was derived, and after divided among many ministers; follows and continues a motion in them, although the Prince have abandonde it; in like manner it happens concerning hatred and malevolence. That the interest of Court advancements take deep root with many that persuade themselves they shall do the Pope a very great service, and ti's grown almost natural for men to show that they having an affection to that which at first they took from others, (being none of their own but feigned that they may arrive at some end of their own,) and so in progress of time forgetting themselves become really transported in their affection, the like being also observable in the corporal affections of nature, as in infirmities and diseases of fancy. So there were many that from the beginning, knowing neither why or wherefore, but only showing a hatred to the innocent father, and believing that in so doing they struck into the humour of the Court, and were thereby like to prefer themselves as many have done that have founded their fortunes upon that only foundation, and since have really entered into affections of hatred and malevolence, fomenting them by feigning a false fame that the father was opposite to other priests, that in consultations he went always against Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and this is at this day the very centre where all their lines do collineate. A mere falsehood and well known to them that govern which they being able to carry no further, must now testify to the glory of God, whether he served for a bridle or for a spur according to the urgency of occasions, & the good offices which he continued to do in favour of the Clergy; and whether he were not a perpetual advocate for the Jurisdiction and liberty of the Church. I mean the true Canonical and legitimate Church, but not that which is now usurped and employed to the subsersion of public governments and of religion itself. Because the father always offirmed with a most intense zeal, that nothing gave so great an impediment to the progress of the Catholic religion as when they extended their liberty into licence, and that this alone had caused and maintained so deplorable a division in religion, and some have been very injurious to calumniate him, that either in consultation or in his writings he went about to bear down the jurisdiction of the Church, and to exalt more than was necessary, the power of secular Princes.  
It is true that with a frequent zeal of the conservation of holy Church and religion he was moved to blame Princes as guilty of a great sin, for not caring to preserve that jurisdiction and power that God had granted them, upon which subject he hath written much, and grounded it upon piety and irrefragable truth. Because authority is given by God to Princes, not for themselves but for the benefit of the people, the Prince being but the depositary, the Custos and executor, not the Patron of that authority to change or lessen it at his pleasure. Wherefore 'tis a gross ignorance and a most wretched sin not to keep up, that which God hath conferred upon them. And Princes are not peradventure guilty of a great sin & offence before God then out of an ignorant zeal to have suffered so great a part of their power to be usurped, and that they are no longer able to rule the people committed to their charge without continuing a change of government. The negligences of Princes in this particular hath been pernicious to the Church of God; and to all Ecclesiastic order. And whosoever shall without passion consider how far the father was any way a breeder of controversies that have been in the Church, shall find how he hath deplored them to be the true original of all those mischiefs, which have now brought into the Church the most politic mundane government that ever was: and busied the ecclesiastics in things not only different, but also contrary to the instituted ministry of Christ, keeping Christendom in perpetual discord. And the divisions at this day, that are among Christians so irrevocable by any other means then the omnipotent and miraculous hand of God. He held it for certain that they were bred not so much by obstinacy in diversity of opinions, and contrariety of doctrine, as from the strife about jurisdiction which after by degeneration, and growing into factions hath taken up the mask of religion. And as one well versed in histories hath observed, that good Princes from time to time have been they, that have kept their jurisdiction most entire. But effeminate ignorant & vicious Princes are they, that have lost a great part or by their insufficiency suffered others to usurp it, with such a deformation in the Church, and for a prose of this, it is not necessary to run bacl to the examples of the Constantine's, the Thesdosio's, the Justinians, whose Laws & Codices whosoever will read shall find this to be verified, but to those that are nearer our own age, and to those whom the Roman Church this day acknowledgeth to be even the basis of their temporal greatness. Charles the fifth, Philip the second, and other catholic kings.  
But this malevolence hath not been unfruitful to all sorts of men, for as it hath been helpful to some, so it hath been hurtful to others, because in the father's life, and (which is more to be wondered at) after his death, it hath befriended many religious men, not only of the order of the Servi, but others to the obtaining of degrees, and good offices, always giving the foil to their concurrents, by saying no more but that they were affectionate, or that they had but treated with the father, and by this means they have supplanted those persons, that never spoke with nor ever saw the father even so far as to be laughed at by those that have known the truth of particulars, especially after his death: as of Alberto Testoni whom we named before, who to obtain a prelacy from Pope Vrbane by way of brief, (which was against the law,) used this as a means. That it having been formerly collated at a Chapter, it had belonged to a dependent of father Paul's, who had been dead two years before. And another to exempt himself from the command of his provincial, wrote that he had been a disciple of master Paul, to whom the man had never spoken at any time, and another obtained a very fair absolution for having brought whores to live with him in his Cell. for wearing pistols and other things of that nature upon confession and conviction, and by his oenly excuse that he had been in disgrace with the father, but all these are ridiculous levitieses.  
Returning to things that are more serious. This hatred thus nourished, brought to light a new machination against the life of the father in the year 1609. In the time that the Cardinal Borghese (and before his uncle had ascended to the pontificate) studied at Perugia. Fra. Bernardo Perugino insinuated himself into his grace and friendship, and for certain youthful services, which he performed to the Cardinal, he being but a young man himself, and one that did not abhor the ordinary gustoes of his age. He grew into such intimacy with him, that being after made a Cardinal, he called him after him to Rome there to make him amends for the pleasure and service that he had done him. Whether the Friar invited himself, or were invited, goes beyond my knowledge.  
True it is, that he treated with, and instructed a Friar of Perugia Gio: Francisco sending him to ●adova from the General of the Servi, under pretence of being a student where he was after made a doctor although with very little learning. This man by the vicinity of Milan come oft to Venice to the house of the Servi, where he frequented much with Fra. Antonio da Viterbo, who served as a writer, & was very familiar with the father. The privacy was easily obtained because they were both of one state & province, and had been formerly acquainted in their country. This practice began to displease the father, but his modesty was such that he did but cast out a word of dislike in general terms only to Fra. Antonio, who in appearance seemed thereupon a little to withdraw himself from that conversation, but in existence and really they had private meetings together without the convent, whereupon the said Gio Francisco was forbidden to come there any more. And yet notwithstanding they wrote one to another, and the letters were brought to Fra Antonio by the hands of a Jew. It fortuned that the Jew brought a letter when Fra. Antonio was from home, and the letter came to the hands of Padre Gio Francisco Segnira, who having received it, carried it preently to the father, and telling him that the Hebrew had confessed to him that it was usual for him to carry letters betwixt them. And as that nation of the Jews is very cunning, and timorous he told him, that for his part he would declare himself too Fra. Antonio, that he should make him carry no more letters, because he knew not what the business was, that was so secret betwixt them. The father caused Fra. Antonio to be sent for, and giving him the letter told him, that he should either give over his practice with the Perugine, or else to come no more into his chambers, for he would have no more to do with him. He excused himself the best he could, and past it over with a jest, (which he was very good at) and for which he was esteemed good company, being reputed rather simple then malicious, and that all the reason of his practice with him (as he said) was only to get a good dinner out of him. But although he was forbidden this commerce, yet it was not so cut off, but he followed it more covertly, in the house of a certain gentlewoman, and in unsuspected places until the business grew ripe.  
Because one morning about break of day they had a meeting and secret conference in the vestry of the Servi, where having been a good while together, and observed that at their parting they were very earnest Fra. Gio Francisco pulled out of the pocket of his hose a bundle of soft wax leapt in paper to take the print of some keys that were to be falsified, which being heated with lying near his flesh, drew out with it from his pocket a little packet of letters, which for the weight, the wax not being able to keep sticking, fell to the ground (being unperceived,) And when Fra. Antonio had received the wax, they parted, he to the Convent, and the other as his way lay. The Sacristan that kept the Vestry Fra. Valentine da venetia (who yet serves in that place) coming and finding the bundle of letters, took them up, and went with them presently to Padre Fulgentio, who reading them, found them to be in cyphers, & that it was a business of much importance, because Fra. Bernardo had written to Fra. Gio Francisco to solicit Fran. Antonio to dispatch the Quadragesimale, for that the four hundred crowns were in a readiness, and should be put into his hands, but that the twelve thousand also and more were as ready and secure.  
In some of them he said that he had spoken with the Signior Padre, and another while Col. Fratello with the little Friar and with divers others, and that they did all of them desire the quadragesimal, That the father General of the Servi entreated him not to doubt, but that he should be beatified. That the Seignor Padre had caused all other Suitors, to withdraw to give him audience, with many such particularities, which being made known to Father Paul, you need not doubt but he would quickly penetrate the importance of the business, but such was his meekness and mansuetude of mind, that he exhorted Fulgentio to make no words, but to keep silence until the secret of this business, might more clearly be discovered, only he added thus much, that there was nothing more to be done, but to put Fra. Antonio out of his chamber and out of the Convent. But Fulgentio was otherwise resolved, who without more ado carried the letters to the inquisitors of state, telling them how he came by them, whereupon Fra. Giova. Francisco was attached and first, than Fra. Antonio, and what ensued further in that secret judgement remains in their own papers: The things that came after to public notice, (and they are very true,) that of many persons that were named in that cipher of Father, little Friar and Cousins, It appeared upon the counter cipher that except the General of the Servi, there was not any under the degree, and dignity of a Cardinal. That under the Quadragesimale, there were three persons enciphred; The first was, that because the Father, by reason of the falling of the gut Colon (whereof mention hath been made) had need to keep that part very fair and clean, being every eight days washed and shaved, to which Office he would never admit Barbers nor secular men, and of himself being not able to do it, he made use of some Friar the most domestic, and confident that he could find. And this charity at this time was performed him by the said Fra. Antonio, and to that purpose he was treated with, that when he served him upon that occasion, he should give him a cut with his razor with a sure way.  
But Fra. Antonio refused so to do, either because he had no intention to offend the Father that was his most bountiful benefactor, or else as he had excused himself both by words and letters sent to Rome, that his heart did not serve him, and affirmed that so soon as he should see blood he should fall into a swound, as by nature it used always to be with him. The second was that something should be sent him from Rome, to be given him either in his meat or his drink, and this better fitted his fancy to be done, because with one bean (such was their language he might catch two pigeons, which were the Father Paul and Fra. Fulgentio. But this party carried along with it many difficulties. First, how to find a thing of such efficacy, and how it might be sent with safety: Then because the Father's diet was of ordinary meats, simple and without sauce, and such as were common with all those of the monastery, whereby it was necessary, that above thirty other persons should partake of the virtue of that drug aswell as they, or else it would fail of effect, since it was now come to pass that every thing would be narrowly looked into, and that they had an eye upon every one that came near him: And he that should watch a time when they two would eat by themselves, would have a long business, and this stood not with that expedition which was pressed by the letters for the having of the Quadragesimales. There were likewise some that are alive suspected upon a late accident, that they two having eaten a little quantity of a cake that was presented to them at the table, they found themselves both very ill upon it, and with the same accidents, whereby caution was grown very quick sighted. The third (whereon they set up their rest) was that Fra. Antonio) which seemed a thing without difficulty) should take the print of the keys of the father's chamber in wax, and thereupon make false keys, and to this purpose the wax that had been prepared was to serve (as 'twas said before) the plot being, that as Gio Francisco had those keys at his command, they should secretly bring into the monastery two or more murderers, and by night to murder the innocent father.  
But God was pleased to discover this great wickedness, as you have formerly heard. And because he that was guilty was a person of as much cunning as could be found out, for such a purpose, and had prepared his expositions upon all that could be demanded of him, which not being sufficient to satisfy the minds of the judges, nor they able to convince him so clearly as they desired. The most excellent council often desired extremely to see the bottom of this practice, and all the distinct particularities whereupon they grew to give a sentence that Fra. Gio Francisco should be hanged by the throat, but with this alternative, that if within certain prefixed days he should discover the whole practice with a full exposition and justification of the letters, that then after a years imprisonment he should be under a perpetual banishment from the most serene dominions with capital punishment in case of contravention. Whereupon he desired that a public minister might be sent to his chamber in Padova; where in a secret cabinet there were letters found in great number, with cyphers and Counterciphers, whereby all that you have formerly heard was clearly justified, and some thing else which was not published, nor ever came to any knowledge in particular. The piety of this government being such and so great, that they thought fit to conceal, whatsoever gave no hindrance to the execution of their most mild Justice.  
But for all the gravity of the injury the father never forgot his gentle nature, but besought and petitioned many times upon his knees, demanding this as a favour in recompense of his best services which he had ever done to the public, that for his sake they should not be made spectacles to the dishonour of his religion, inwardly and cordially grieving himself that his life should be the ruin of any others. And it was believed that his instances and entreaties were a great part of the cause of the said alternative. Thus this tedious business came to an end, which hath produced many strange effects. In the Churchmen a most sharp hatred and blame because it took no effect, in the republic a most intense desire of the conservation of their good servant, and in the universal a more glorious fame to see (beside other excellent qualities) so singular a favour, and divine protection.  
But besides the aforesaid attempts of treachery brought into justice, the father hath been advertised of many others from time to time in following years, (not only in private from such as were in fee for discovery) but from those persons that were interested in that state and government where such secrets past. And among these one was of a bargain that was made to take him alive, and with a bark prepared for the purpose to carry him into anothrs' jurisdiction. But he never appearing but in the greatest frequency of the City, or because it begun to be known that the Pope's mind was mitigated towards him, and therefore it would not be so acceptable a service as formerly it had been. I believe that for these reasons the plot was not attempted.  
There happened to come about this time to Venice a young man habited like a soldier, but in his carriage and in his clothing more than in his sword and dagger he seemed to be a Religious. He used all the means he could to speak with the father, who by so many public admonitions was now brought to suffer none to speak with him, except he were first known by his name and surname, by his country and profession, or else brought in by some noble, and near friend. By reason whereof he he could have no access unto him. But addressing himself too Fra. Fulgentio he used all the art he could to be brought in by his means affirming that he had something to say to the father of great importance, which would be very well worth his knowing, and that if he might speak with him, he would lay down his arms and submit himself to any strictness the father would impose upon him. But the father excusing himself, that although he he was not much in love with his life, yet after so many fair warnings, it would be ascribed too great imprudence if any instructed man should have offended him, as it hath been lately seen in the case of a great Prince, wherefore the young man's great importunity to speak with him was so much the more suspected, and the ways that he took did accuse him more being (as it was believed) a religious man of the modern order or at least one of their education, And therefore he would never consent to hear him. But being still instant with the father Fulgentio with whom he thought he had bred a confidence, he told him that he was a near kinsman to Cardinal Baromus, though fallen into disfavour with him, and that he would advise him something, that concerned his life, whereof he would give him such instances as might assure him of the truth. Whereupon it was further resolved that he should not hear him, and then the father spoke it with some little passion, that it was a less trouble to die, a violent death then to be put into a necessity of living in continual fears, because mischiefs have their terminations, but fears go in infinite. So being able to get nothing but an exhibition from Fulgentio (according to his need) he resolved to desist in the business, and looking upon him, when he parted with a fixed look, he said thus, Guardatevi da traditori, guard yourselves from traitors, for you have very great need; God preserve you for you are honester religious men than others would you were. And having made another attempt (but in vain) to speak with the father upon the stairs of the palace, he went his ways, and was seen no more.  
One other particular to the like purpose must not be silenced. The Cardinal Bellarmine with whom the father had some accquaintance (as hath been said) and although their writings one against the other were abroad in print: yet that good affection whose root is from virtue and christian Charity was not extinct neither in the one nor the other. He sent twice to him to present him with salutations of love once by a Roman Secular, who told him from the Cardinal that he wished him to look carefully to himself, for that he had great cause. And by another time when Alberto Testini was come from Rome to a Chapter at Mantua, the Cardinal imposed it upon him, that going to Venice, he should salute the father in his name with much affection, and to assure him that his love to him was not abated at all, And by this he desired him to take an assurance that a Friar of Vicenza naming one Fra. Felice (that lives) had under the title of the life of father Paul composed a famous libel and made it to be presented to the Pope Paul the fifth, who had delivered it to him (the Cardinal) to peruse, and to give him his opinion, whether it were fit to be published, and that he the Cardinal made this relation, that he knew the father very well, and that his holiness might take his word, that the things mentioned were notorious calumnies, which would be dishonourable to whosoever should publish them. Thus much Maestro Alberto Testoni told the father besides some other things. In offences of all sorts both against his life and his honour (the calumnies which have been put in print against him, being infinite) which such a member of libelers thinking to please the humour of the Court written) and it hath so fare exeeded the limits of all Christian profession, that like a swarm of frogs in a muddy marsh, they have taken that emblem from their shamelessness, only to see how fare their malediction could be carried, yet the father never shown the least sign either of disdain, or revenge, one of his most excellent virtues which hath accompanied him to his grave, was his meekness in such a perfection, that those of his religion with a general voice render him this testimony, that they never knew him endeavour any the least kind of revenge, and it is to be observed, that the author of that famous libel whereof we made mention, was not Fra. Felice of Vincenza as it was reported, but another whom for his discredit I spare to name, and one whom the father might well have procured to be punished at his pleasure. But he would not only not do it, but as long as the father lived, that man lived in security, with employments of Honour, but the father was no sooner dead, but that injury being resented by the public, with other failings and wretched operations of his, brought him so fare into the public indignation that he was not suffered to remain in the Dominions of Venice. Philosophy and the very law of Christ can very hardly eradicate a certain pleasant itch of revenge, and it is no small matter to abstain from the action.  
But this Father of ours, was arrived at such a degree of virtue, that when he received the greatest wrong, he kept the same serenity of face, mildness of language, extenuating the injuries that were done him as much as 'twas possible to do, alleging this many times for a reason; That such an one either had his brains cracked, or that his condition hung upon such interests, that he could do no otherwise, after this time the Pope's mind seemed to be much mitigated, and he was somewhat sincerd in the opinion of the Father's goodness and piety.  
True it is that the Bishop of Tine being not long after called to Venice upon a process formed against him by inquisitors of theirs, that were sent into the Levant. His cause was committed to the consultation of the father Paul who made such a judgement and relation upon it, that the Bishop was rather commended, then reprehended by the public, obtaining divers privileges for his Church, and for his person, and returning afterwards from Rome, and coming to Venice, he told the Father that the Pope had enquired distinctly of his success in his business, and understanding how the Father had comported himself, he seemed to be much pleased, and broke into some expressions, that from divers parts he had heard that the Father was a great friend to justice, and carried himself with much prudence and sincerity: And of the other side, the Father prayed and desired God to send the Pope a long life, and that he might survive him, as he was younger than he by a year or thereabouts, and he would often say to some of his inward friends by way of prognostique that Pope Paul he believed had sha'kt off his ill affection towards him, but if he were dead, whosoever should succeed him, would revive it a gain, because the effects of the past controvery continued still like scars, which in some some sort or other would quickly come into demonstration, and he was not at all deceived in his judgement, (as will hereafter appear:) But notwithstanding withstanding this malevolence, it was a thing more than certain, that even at Rome among the great prelate's, he had a mighty repute, and that when they had occasion to speak of him though but to satisfy the Court, and their own interests, yet they discovered that they had him in opinion of a great personage, both for honesty and learning, and it is also certain that Cardinal Bellarmine found much fault in public, that so little reckoning was made of a man of such eminent parts, and said, that if he could have been reconciled to the service of the Church, although they had given him but a dry flower to smell on (for those were his very words,) conceiving that the father had formerly been deeply distasted of the Court because Pope Clement had twice refused to give him a small Bishopric, the one of Melopotamo, and the other of Nona in Dalmatia: and he spoke it freely that he had always desired to have him live at Rome, because he had known him, and practised him, and knew very well how great service he was able to have done the Church. The Signior Cardinal Sforza being a Prince of such a sublimity of virtue and blood as 'tis well known might believed to have had the baseness of flatterers in abhorment; who to feed the humour of the Court prostitute their tongues (making them venale) to lying and calumnies) this Cardinal would often with much delight tempt another father Fra. Amante Buonvicino that was at Rome (Parochian of Santa maria in via) and went under the name of a Venetian, and put him into discourse concerning Father Paul, seeming to oppose him in it, wherewith that Father finding himself to be too fare urged, would enter into a narrative of the Father's life, of his Studies, of the poverty wherein he lived, with all the particularities in which he was both wise and cunning, perceiving how much the Cardinal was pleased with it, because when he came to give demonstrations of his excellent piety, he would answer him with a smile, & say that those perhaps were but hypocrisies to cozen the world, but he spoke it after such a manner that the Friar might well perceive it was spoken but in a way of upbraiding, or giving the lie to such as thought so of him, and thereupon he freely gave him the same reply which the Signior Villiers now Ambassador to the most Christian King, had done to two Nuntios Zachia at present, and Ascoli that was before him, who being often constrained in point of Argument by the too notorioves truth of the innocent and exemplary life of the father, would always spit their venom, by saying he was an Hypocrite, whereunto the said Ambassador Villers made them this reply: That the Father's course was quite contrary to that of Hypocrites, because they make all their actions to appear clothed with piety in public as much as they can possibly, although they can never go so concealed but that they make a discovery of their ends to be but avarice, ambition, and temporal enjoyments, insomuch that the skin of the lamb could never quite cover nor conceal that of the wolf: But the Father never made any such show to the public, but lived in an absolute retiredness. He was never known to use any hypocritical actions, not to hold out crownes in his hand as he went through the streets, not to kiss medailles, not to affect stations and places at times of concourse, not to speak with affected Spiritualities, nor to use sordidness in his garments, but only a cleanliness of attire, which though poor was yet condecent. And if this be called Hypocrisy it is an unknown sort of hypocrisy, which hath neither objectnor end, nor so much as a circumstance of either.  
The dialogue between the Nuntio Zachia and Villiers was occasioned in this manner Monsieur Villiers is a Gentleman of great sincerity, and of a most ingenious heart, but not very capable of the artificies, especially of the Courtiers of Rome, which are the most refined of the world. Pietro Assileneo a frenchman was the Physician to his house, who was the very sincerity and goodness of nature; and having been a great friend to the father, now by the space of forty years, he made it known to him, how every time the Nuntios talked with the Ambassador concerning the Father, They spoke always of him with such prefaces of honour, as if they would make him to be one of the most wretched men in the world; at this the Father laughed and would sometimes say, so it is fit, and so it should be, because I am the most divers and differing from their humour that's possible: And if they be the most perfect and holy men, than I am the most lewd and wretched man that can be spoken of. But he said yet further desiring to be satisfied how the father's life seemed so scandalous to deserve such Eulogies from Churchmen, and that he knew not what to do to give satisfaction to those great prelate's, nor what to abstain from to take away their sinister opinions, only he wished that the next time the Nuntio spoke of him to the Ambassador, he would interrupt him a little, to know what was his reason to charge him with such hypocrisy. His friend informed the Ambassador of this discourse who taking his opportunity which happened to be the 16 of February 1621. when the Nuntio entered into his usual custom of railing upon the father. The Ambassador replied upon him, that from all other men he had always heard the father to be much commended for his goodness and integrity, but withal said he would be very glad to know from him, what ground he had for the contrary, that he might the better know how to believe those that informed him otherwise.  
The Nuntio was suddenly surprised, with this demand of his, and durst not deny what the Ambassador had said, because it was too well known, but desired to disengage himself, by charging his good actions and his innocent life with hypocrisy. But this foiled him so much the more, because the Ambassador pressed him again to know what end he had discovered in the father, or what external action to prove him an hypocrite. To this the Nuntio knew not what to say, but was defirous to divert the discourse to some other subject.  
But because all things took easy impression with the father, especially things of weight, the father after a little merriment and facetious discourse conjured an inward friend of his to deal plainly with him and to advise him of his defects, and in particular if according to the rules of holy Evangelicall doctrine he found in him any arguments of hypocrisy, acknowledging that a man is not better known to any, nor yet more concealed from any then himself, and that the nature of self flattery is not easily rooted out. Such dialogismes as these past betwixt them a little after those times of the late commotions in Spain, & also at the Court of the most Christian King, betwixt the Ambassador Pietre Contarini and the Cardinal Vbaldini, at that time Nuntio in that Court, This Cardinal did always use to infamize the father for his published writings with odious appellations. Contarini on the other side, a gentleman of singular candour, of a placid nature, sweet and nothing contentious, but yet , made him this answer, that he himself was neither a divine nor yet a doctor of the laws to maintain a difference with his most reverend Lordship, but concerning the father's writings he was well assured, that they were neither so ignorant nor so impious as the Nuntio had made them, which was easily by so great a commendation wherewith they were received in all the Catholic states, by the most learned and pious professors of sciences, but concerning his life and manners, he was very certain and knew it, not only by relation by experience, that he was irreprehensible, and that he lived an holy retind and exemplary life. To which the Nuntio Vbaldini made answer, that by so much he confirmed himself more in his opinion that he was a lewd fellow and an exquifite hypocrite from his irreprehenfible life; But Maffeo Barbarino that was the Nuntio in France talked in a higher strain against him and with more violence cried out with poetical amplifications that he was worse than Luther or Calvin, and contained not himself from saying that it was fit he should be assessinated. There he came to know that the father wrote to and received letters from some of those Lords that were councillors of Parliament, and from the Sorbonists who were very orthodox, and maintained the defence of the lawful secular power, opposing themselves against the usurpations of Rome, and maintaining the liberty of the Gallicane Church.  
And true it is, that he did 〈◊〉 write to, and receive letters from Monsieur Gillet Peschasier Servino Richer Buniello, and some from Causabon after the fame was grown constant, that he was turned Catholic. The letters were always consulted by the jurisdiction. All men were heretics with Barbarino to whom the father either wrote, or they to him. But they that knew not how to convince him either in his profession or in his life, had that only common place against him that he was an hypocrite. A fair confrontation of the judgement of these prelate's of the Roman Court with the doctrine of Christ and his Holy Apostles, who taught us to know men's faith by their works, and the tree by the fruit. And if a life led with a marvellous evenness and constancy from his childhood unto seventy one years old, which for his actions none could tax, and in whose words was never either obscaenitie, nor so much as an oath sworn, nor any base thing but in his life a most exquisite poverty, a perfect observance of laws, far from all ambition and above all he was an enemy to all delights, nor ever shown the least sign of avarice nor ambition of any degree or dignity: And if these be th' arguments whereby Christ hath taught us to know Hypocrites, let it be referred to the judgement of other men. But neither God nor humanity will permit innocency to have so ill a fortune, nor virtue such a misadventure that fame and infamy should always be at the disposition of great persons. The just man is like a palm tree, who raiseth himself under the burden of Calumny. God was never pleased that those very tyrants that had a total licence against the life of poor innocents'; should likewise have any power over their fame and memory. And if this were but in humanity itself (without a mixture of any virtue) it would lie under too great an injustice. But because this mark (whereat all their poisoned arrows were shot) could never be hit: his contempt of money being so well known, and that he had nothing but to suffice his pure necessities, and those rather in defect then plenty, much less delicates of every kind (whereof he was always abhorring) even so far that to the last breath of his life he hath constantly been observed never to have any other gusto then that which took his original, and was terminated in his studies and in virtue, and therefore his life was the most arduous, the most toilsome and painful that any religious man was able lead; he being in his last seventeen years like a recluse always shut up in his chamber, except it were when the public seevice or his religious profession compelled him abroad, and to live so sparing and so abstinently, and according to pure necessity, that the greatest part of his time was passed with a little bread toasted upon hot coals, and only one sort of other food to his bread, which was both vile in quantity & quality This was not ●one to advance his kindred (for of those there were none left) but this ambition and appetite of glory (which among human affections is the last which is subdued) and the wise man calls it the shirt which the wisest men ever put off last. This is that putrid corruption whereupon all these flesh-flies fluttering up and down the world, do at last settle themselves. But against the assaults of this vice, he had an impenetrable shield, in so much as if ever man had totally subdued this affection of the appetite of glory, it was this man of whom we writ.  
And first, for a certain proof that no advancement of fortune nor any credit in the world, had moved him to any mutation of mind, so far as could be concluded from external effects, (continuing always in the same, and his own tenor of life, to which purpose he had always this saying in his mouth, si Spiritus dominantis super te ascenderit, Locum tuum ne deseras; and in a way of rest he was used to say. That he that walks upon stilts, or fits in an high place, does not lessen his labour, but goes in a greater danger. Besides that constant purpose of never writing, nor publishing any thing in any kind of profession (being in all things eminent) and as I may say prodigiously perfect; shows whether he were far from any such desire, and whether it could be done with any vain glory or no.  
These few things which necessity hath drawn from him can well witness. He hath been curious to conceal himself for being known to be the author of divers sort of inrstuments. The two manners of Pulfiligio were of his invention, the instrument of knowing the variation of heat and cold, of that perspective which in Italy is called Galilean, and formed in Holland, the artifice of it was discovered by him; when one of them was first presented to the Signory of Venice, with a demand of 1000 Checchines the charge was presently given to the father to make a trial what it would serve for, and to deliver his judgement, and being not allowed to open it, to see how it was made up, he imagined strait what it could be, and conferred with the galilean who acknowledged that the father had found out the secret, and so of divers others. But it is a thing to be observed, that so many instruments as have been invented by the authors of the Mathematics and of Astronomy, and described with so much solemnity, that it is a difficult thing to make them, and much more to make use of them. He making them with his own hand, and giving out models to workmen, reduced them to such a facility and fimplenesse that one would have thought he had had both the heavens and earth in his head. It hath been a great prejudice to those that are curious, that in the problem of the motion of the earth being ancient but renewed by Copernicus, he had found the means Salvare tutti i Fenomeni with one only motion, and sought workmen to make him an instrument to put under ones eyes, for the discerning of it. I silence those secrets which were unknown until his age, and he was ever well pleased, that some of his friends should have the honour to publish them, as if they had been their own; which shows a great moderation in this affection of his. And of things of his that are in print, what glory hath he sought by those, having used such exquisite means to conceal his name: One particular must not be passed over, which was a firm resolution of leaving nothing, either of his own hand, or other men's that might carry his name or preserve a memory as may appear by this that he would never let his picture be drawn from the natural, notwithstanding that it were desired both by kings and great Princes. And although many of his pictures go abroad for originals, yet they are all but copies of one which is said to be in the gallery of a great King, which was taken against his will and by a stratagem.  
But for himself this may give assurance that he did not endure to have his picture drawn, because in the last years of his life being entreated by the most illustrious and excellent Dominico Molini, and likewise of his confident Fra. Fulgentio being set on to beseech him, yet it could not be obtained, so much as to give a famous painter leave to take his picture although he were promised that he should not sit at it above an hour. And yet he was solicited by this great Lord in the virtue of the friendship that had been betwixt them, and by such significant means, that for the denial which he gave him fifteen days together whilst he entertained the painter in expectation, he grew so angry with the father, that there past some months betwixt them without speaking to each other. And yet the deportment of this Senator, and the esteem which the father had of him as of a subject in whom to be nobly borne was the least of his virtues & merits because of that exquisite learning which he had in Histories ancient and modern,) a politic prudence most singular grounded upon a marvellous understanding of the state of all the Princes in Europe, both of the quality of their governments, and their interests, how they rule, and who hath most power with them, with all the notable particulars of their current business with all the series of their important affairs,) have rendered him conspicuous not only in this Commonwealth, but with all others besides a certain ardour in him of the liberty and conservation of his Country, and a total dedication of himself to the public service, which had rendered him so intimate and familiar with the father that in seventeen years there passed but a few days, wherein they spent not a long time together, and yet for all this he could not obtain his request: so far the father was from every thing that savoured of ambition, which together with avarice are the 2 main rocks that cannot be avoided by Hypocrrites. But the abnorment which he had to live in Court, which he shown first in his youth when he left that Court of Mantua and in his virility that of Rome, and having constantly refused to go thither upon the invitation of so great persons, and such opportunities shall easily convince the most pertinacious, that at least they should not dare to contradict Christ so-openly in this saying of his that those which wear rich clothing are in Princes Courts, and in these days of ours it is well known where ambition hath her chiefest seat.  
But in Churchmen it is certainly a thing most unseeming and scandalous to calumniate so rare a piety of Hypocrisy, because to those ends which they propose to themselves, to those appearances which are seen in them by that language which they ordinarily speak, they show well enough that they do but mock the world and very little believe that there is a God, while they pretend their lives should be esteemed either Apostolical or Christian, and in the mean time condemn the father of Hypocrisy. But the eye of God makes a discovery of all hearts, and in the interim this shall be received for an irrefragable testimony that these men which were so apt to make a sinister interpretation of all things, being not able to oppose his actions, were feign to pass to his intentions which are only reserved, and attributed to God by those that believe him to be judge of intention and the searcher of hearts.  
This digression cannot be superfluous to them that will consider the diligence that hath been used to trace the life of this innocent father and to find imperfections in that fair soul for some further and hidden ends. But it was not the father that gave them this offence it was his doctrine, and in this matter the ecclesiastics were greatly guilty of offence, before God, and of scandal to the world by having given so great a cause to confirm those in their opinions who writ that is Arcanum Curiae Romanae after it hath drawn to itself the authority of all Ecclesiastic orders, and a great part of that of Princes for the making good in religion of whatsoever turns to their advantage, to assume yet further to themselves what belongs to the whole Church by canonising persons, to canonize those doctrines and opinions of theirs that are profitable to their greatness. And so likewise to reprove those doctrines which make not to their pretensions, although they be both true and catholic, they have used from time to time the artificie of calumnitating the the persons that have written how holy and blameless soever they have been. I do not deliver this opinion for true, nor do I consent to those examples for proof, but I speak honestly, and do attest before God. That in the example of this father of ours, not the Church but the miymons of the Court have used this stile, and how much worse they make it, by so much they increase the scandal and irritate Princes, or else awaken them to make them see, that to calumniate those persons that serve to defend their just actions, is to condemn in obliquity the Princes themselves and a making the world believe that they can put a yoke of tyranny upon them at their pleasure by oppressing them in life and after death, and consequently those that were their good and Catholic defendors.  
In the public service he was so daily an attendant, so faithful, and with so much fervour to the good of his Prince, that the most serence republic honoured him with a thing that was never before granted to any of their consultors, that he might enter into all their archives and records, into their two secrets to see and manage all their writings and their government, to which honour he hath corresponded with so much fidelity as they very well know that sit at the stern, and in a short time he grew so versed and knowing, having seen whatsoever he could desire, that he was able by the felicity of an incomparable memory immediately to lay his hand upon any memorial, or book or writing, or relation, or whatsoever else was desired or sought for. He that knows what is meant by the two secrets of Venice may very easily from that alone draw an argument of a divine wit, and of a monstrous memory, because in them there are beside the public reasons of state, the fundamental laws, the treaties of war and peace of truces and confederations, and of whatsoever can any ways belong to a great state, there are also all the great passage of all Europe for some hundreds of years, the changes and alterations all Christendom, and they are it old books in letters of former ages which, are very hard to read. And if fire had not twice derived them of a great part of that treasure, I dare be bold to say, it had been one of the most inestimable things in the whole world.  
Now this incomparable wit was grown to be so much the patron of those things that at an instant he knew the places where to find, and particulars, in so much as his mind was now become the very secret place, where without search any one might read viva voce whatsoever was either of necessity or curiosity to be known. And that this important benefit might not be lost nor perish with his life, he hath also made some indices with so many notes and registers, that the use of them is now made very easy for all times to come. And the importance of his labour herein is found to be so useful that the that the most excellent Senate have salaried with an honourable stipend the father's writer, for adjoining his consultations to the registry, which happily may rise to a little less than 1000 tractates and counsels all bound up in volumes of perchment. And in those treaties either of their confines or their their jurisdiction which might happen during his service, the helps and instructions are easily found, whereupon the causes are founded; whereof I must not insist upon particulars, because it concerns the government. But the most excellent Senate know very well the consequence of that service, and what he hath revived out of ignorance upon divers negotiations which happened in his time Because the allegations in law import so much, wherein the Republic have always been served of the most able men of Europe, and which is yet nothing in respect of the dilucidation in matter of fact, which is gathered from public documents which how much it hath imported in the matter of the confines of their ancient dominions of the Gulf, of the jurisdiction of fees or the precatia of Ceneda and Aquileia, hath been clearly proved in the treaties that followed in his time, by virtue whereof the Ecclesiastiques were never able to prevail against them in any thing of consequence, nor were able to find out any thing which could hold opposition against the true, real and fundamental rights of the most serene Republic.  
In all this time of the public service which continued seventeen years, I cannot say that he was subject to more than one infirmity which was of moment. I find that he was once in the hand of the Physicians in the year 1612 which was the first time that he referred himself to their cure, except when he was constrained by necessity of Chirurgery which was only thrice, once in his youth when riding from Lombardy towards Padova in the very heat of Summer he was supprssed with a terrible squinancy, whereupon sending presently for a barbour to take some blood from a vein. The barber refused to do it without order of a Physician, and the father not being able to overrule him, but finding the increase of the inflammation to grow upon him made show of believing him, and agreeing with his opinion, but desired him that while he went for a Physician he would let him see whether his Iron were good, and he giving him the case, he took out his lancet, and presently set it to his own arm, whereupon the barber seeing his resolution did his office, and in a few hours as it is usual in such accidents, he was free and well. Another time likewise in a voyage from Vicenza to Padova he fell into a suppression of Urine, which having not had his course for a whole day, he was constrained to use the help of a surgeon by the hand of Aquapendente But knowing himself a renicidence to that disease, he would be provided of a surgeon, and candles to operate when need should require as he did always after with his own hand. And although Coll aqua da virgin, he was so eased that he seldom relapsed into that indisposition, yet for late years he hath sometimes suffered, and once among others with so much vehemency that making trial as he had formerly done, and not able to help with his own hand, he held himself to be but a dead man, and immediately with a true tranquillity and settledness of his mind, he received the sacrament saying, Questo é da facere poi si pensara all rimanente. This must now be done and after we shall think of the rest, but he could not help himself as he had done at other times. In the mean time Fra Fulgentio having without his knowledge fetched Carto Scivo● and Lingi Ragosa that were famous in that profession, the business ended with mirth, for so soon as they were come to his presence, & he had had some discourse of the disease, they desired him that since he had not help by his own hands, that he would give them leave to try theirs. So rising up upon his feet without any show of trouble, he said. But must I make a trial in your presence, what will you say if I do it myself according to art and like a workman? and immediately he fell to work with his candle, and so the business ended being well laughed at.  
Yet the father knew very well that age decreaseth strength and changes the use of the very natural parts and instruments. He had also another disease growing in one of his legs which troubled him for ten months, but for that he cut himself with his own hand many times, and in many places were the aposteme made, until it was well healed. A thing very rare in Venice.  
But in those infirmities that are bred in humours which are occasioned by agues, he was never in the Physician's hand until the year 1612 I know well what it is to departed from common received opinions in matters of speculation, but much more in operations, especially where it may concern life, But I have not undertaken to justify, but only to give a narration of the father's actions. He was so subject to fevers, that every little accident caused him to have long and sharp ones. In which he governed himself very differently from the common practice. For first he would alter nothing of his ordinary diet except it were from the more to the less. He would not keep his bed, but rise and perform all his usual functions, he read, he studied, he wrote. In the fury of any of his fits being in his , he would lay himself a long upon a chest, or a table but seldom in his bed. He ordered the hours of his own eating, and would have his ordinary allowance as well of wine as other things, except (as I said) from the more to the less, when he saw his best time he would take Physic of his own appointment, but simple, not compounded, as Cassia, Manna, Tamaris, or some such thing, which either he took by themselves, or else being mixed, he received them as he did his other meat, so much he was able always to command his affections. He held an opinion, and professed it openly, that the way of medication in our time with a sudden and change of diet, and living with so many purgations and receipts served for nothing but to make slow recoveries, and to hold a disease in credit, and particularly for men in years, to give over their wont actions for many days together did greatly disimprove them in the use of the parts of their body, and that for one to betake him to his bed, observing so sudden and absolute a mutation of diet and exexercise was a necessary weakening of a man's self. And that concerning himself he was sure that he knew more than any body else did or could. And it was truly a rare thing that in so weak a complexion a convalescence could not be more easily discerned. Many times it could not be judged whether he were sick except it were by his aspect which accused him, for otherwise he would perform all his accustomed actions. And with this tenor of governing himself he continued to sixteen years of his age, at which time about July being in the house of Signior Servilio Treo upon a weighty consultation he was surprised with a violent fever, that continued with him eighteen days together, and begun by a strange accident, that it was not possible for him neither to take meat nor drink, but so soon as it was presented, his stomach abhorred it. In so much as he fell into a wonder of himself, and seemed to grieve that he was not able to command, and as he said to vanquish a false opinion, when the fits came upon him in those hot days of July, as he desired that they would give him a little cold water, his stomach loathed it as soon as it was presented unto him, whereat he would sometimes laugh making a jest at it. It was not possible for him to be without the visits of Physicians, because the public had commanded them to attend him. It was often in his mouth, Questo ho avanzato che mi conviene ad altri pui credere ai me cha me medisimo. This is all I have gotten that I must nost believe others of myself more than myself. But he would go no further with them then often to discourse of his sickness, and propose some medicament, and of many that were proposed to make choice of some one which was proposed, to him by Santerio who had been his ancient friend, and of a very strict acquaintance.  
The Physicians, and Santorio more than others held him a dying man, of which the father Fulgentio speaking to him, father Paul answered him that he was secure of his recovery from this sickness, but if he felt himself worse that the Physicians should hear more of him. Fulgentio replied, bidding him take heed, because he might be deceived, for it was the opinion of Santerio that without doubt he should die of that disease, seeing no amendment in him, and that his spirits began to fail, like a plant that begins to whither, and that he knew the solidity of Santorios' judgement why then (replied the father) you had best believe him, and thereupon he fell a laughing with a witty conceit which was spoken to another purpose by Speron Speroni who used often to say Che ne si hoggi. And after when Santorio came to visit him, he began to jest with him, and would not let him feel his pulse ask him why he would now flatter him after he had peremptorily sentenced him to death. And when he prescribed him the milk of an ass against his dryness, he slighted it facetiously by saying this is fair counsel indeed from a friend now that I am above 60 years of age to make me an alliance with asses, & so went on smiling. And do you not think it a pretty relation for me now to become foster brother to that young ass of whose milk you would have me usurp a part? It was also his custom that as in his sickness he never changed his course of life, nor his wont actions, so neither would he change his pleasant and argute replies, which in in so distempered a body were a great argument of a full secureness and entire serenity of soul. He that was so well studied in medicine was able to discourse of it as of his simple profession wherein of necessity there must be a tincture, but in his later years he was entered into such a diffidence that he seemed to believe no longer in his own skill of distinguishing what was either good or hurtful. And whereas formerly he was taxed that ever and anon he took some medicament for preservation of his health, afterwards he would receive none at all upon any condition, except some locale medicines, and those upon great necessity.  
From his very youth his learning had rendered him famous in all the parts of Europe, from whence it happened that so many persons of value that came to Venice (and the condition of that City draws to it from all parts the greatest subjects) took great content to look upon him; and many to receive into their books which they call Albus amicorum, some sentence of his which is a thing very much in use beyond the mountains, and he used to do it always with some notable ancient sentence or else of divine scripture. But the occasion of the interdict a controversy betwixt two so great Princes of Italy, (and wherein by way of accommodation the two Kings of France and Spain, the Emperor and all the other potentates of Christendom were entered not only by notice but by participation) made him very famous, & desired to be seen of divers great persons who made it not the least motive of their peregrinations, and was a cause that he was known of all the learned men in Europe, but especially of those that make profession of defending the lawful authority of Princes. He was visited by letters from the most learned that were in France, Gillot, Leschassier, Salmario, Richer, Boviel Causabon, many Princes have likewise honoured him with their letters and by the visits of their sons sent into Italy, and in what esteem he was with them may be seen by their letters if it be not thought affection: Only I may add this, that a great Prince sending his son into Italy put it into his instructions that he should not fail to visit Orbis terrarum ocellum giving that title to the father. And when the Ambassador of the Holland estates Signior Arseus came to Venice, having used all means possibly to have a sight of him he was satisfied therein, being brought into the Antisecret to hear the answer read that was given him by the most excellent Senate to his denials (as it is the course) and having seen the father as he crossed the chamber to go to his place, he said to that Senator that bore him company, the illustrio Signior Guistimano, that he was so well pleased to have seen that great man the most conspicuous of all Europe that he should be well satisfied to return home again to his Country, although he had obtained none of his demands from the republic, and think the labour and expense of his journey very well bestowed. I have known further also by very good information, that he was sought to, and invited from two crowned heads, if he would have accepted their service in things of greatest importance by relation had from their letters to the father delivered by their own Ambassadors then resident at Venice. But he with terms of acknowledgement due to so great Princes refused to departed from the service of his natural sovereign whereunto God had called him.  
Of one of these meetings it is necessary to make a particular mention. The Prince of Conde 1622 being the last year of the father's life but one, come to see Italy, and desired by all means to have discourse with the father, who would by no means condescend to be seen of him. But the Prince did so besiege him in his Monastery that he was oft constrained to shut himself up in his Cell without so much as eating his dinner, because he would not come abroad, and all the while the Prince knew him to be within. But at last breaking into some impatience and laments, that it was a more difficult thing to see father Paul, then to see the Pope himself. One of the gentlemen of Venice that accompanied the Prince remembered to advise him that the father as he was a consultor of state could not hold any congress with Princes nor their ministers by the law without a public knowledge, and leave first obtained. Whereupon the father had leave and was commanded to let the Prince see him. To which he obeyed although with a very ill will, only he would have their meeting not to be in the Monastery, but else where and in the pulique presence of some others, as if he had foreseen what happened afterwards. So the Prince visited him in the house of Signior Angelo Contarini a Cavalier who being lately returned from an Embassy into France, was by public order appointed to Court, & to attend that Prince. In that meeting the father was nothing deceived of what he suspected, that besides the Princes own curiosity he should be environed with interrogatories at the instance of others. All the discourse that followed betwixt them is found written with the very conceits and words that were then spoken and remains where it ought to be. The substance of it was, that the Prince as he was of great birth which is very well known, so he was of a great vivacity, and and an extraordinary spirit, joined with great store of learning, and was continually upon a tempting way to sound the father concerning the sects of the time, and chiefly concerning the reformed religion in France (which he railed on as pernicious to government) and then concerning superiority betwixt a council and the Pope, as also of the liberty of the Gallicane Church, and whether it be lawful to make use of the service in arms of those that descent from us in religion, of the excommunicating of Princes, and most of all who was the author of the history of the council of Trent, which the Prince more by the instigation of some other then of his own Genius was defirous to know, (such power hath the contagion of those that practice with some religious men.)  
This flying discourse full of jumps of provocations and interrogatories seemed like a floating of waves that were to break themselves upon the rocks, of rare, of brief and of only necessitated answers. His blaming of the Huguenots in France without touching upon the least point of their doctrine was by the father diverted with a singular dexterity, representing to his memory the valour and prudence of his father and grandfather whereof the Prince being very intelligent, did quickly perceive what that signified.  
Concerning the difference of superiority between the Pope and Counsels, from that he disentangled himself by putting him in mind of the Sorbonne, and the alteration and depravation of that state since the admission of the Jesuits into France, and the difference which is betwixt the ancient and modern Sorbonits' without touching any thing of the superiority which the Prince had most desired. And likewise the liberties of the Gallicane Church, that he passed over in general terms, saying that the Parliaments of France, and the Sorbon itself have maintained these liberties, as the natural rights of all the churches, but in France they have been better defended then elsewhere from the usurpations of others. As for the making use of the arms of those that differ from us in religion, he said no more, but that Pope Giulio the second served himself in Bolognia of Turks, and Paul the fourth of the Grisons at Rome, calling them Angels sent from God to defend him, and yet that they were but Heretics. More largely they continued their discourse of the excommunications of Princes and the father reduced the Prince to the history of Gregory the seaventh, of this side the Alps, and particularly in France making him confess that he had seen the private writings and also of the states upon the like subject, where if the Popes had not pretended so far, that Princes should not hear mass nor be present at other offices, perhaps the controversies had not grown so hot. But the point was, whether Princes had a cause of complaint, that under pretences of excommunications which are spiritual pains, they should suffer their subjects to rebel against them, and be disobliged of their fidelities and subjection which is due to them by laws both natural and divine, and stirring up wars, and seditions against them as far as to lay wait for their lives, and take away their crowns and sceptres.  
To the point of the author of the council of Trent the father told him that he knew well, that he himself was the man that had divulged it in France to be his, and had also told as much to the Ambassador of Venice, then resident with his Christian Majesty, whereupon the Ambassador was constrained to write of it to the public, and further he did not answer him, but only this; That at Rome it was well enough known who was the author, and after this with all his wind and turn he could get no more out of him.  
He that shall consider throughly of these points, and that knows the father, and knows the Prince well, though of an elevated spirit, will give his judgement upon the report that was after divulged, I believe rather from others then from the Prince himself who gave it out that he had confounded the father, and reduced him to such a straightness, that he knew not what to say. But as there is nothing in the world without his contrary, nor any thing so holy that is not subject to a sinister interpretation after the father was in public employment, and that his actions begun to be more observed, and commented upon, it behoved him to restrain himself from such virtuous commerces, wherein he was formerly frequent, although the occasions were less frequent. Because those that were ill affected to him, made it a conclusion, that he had no sincere sense in the Roman religion, because he treated with such indifferency and moderation, not enquiring into occult things that pertained not to him, and that he was now grown more sensible of such defamations than he had been formerly: did arise from this consideration (& he spoke itopenly) because heretofore he had only treated of things of his own interest: but that being now a servant of the Republic it was fit he should deny himself the pleasure of those learned conversation, with this reason that those impostures which were put upon him as a minister of state might not redound to the public prejudice. But his constancy in the purity of religion, hath no need of a defence, nor is it needful to make a digression upon that. Only I shall touch this particular whereof so many men yet living are able to make faith, and which whosoever goes about to deny shall find too many adversaries to contend with.  
One notable inconvenience from the imprudence of those writers that favoured the Ecclesiastical cause, in the the year 1606, was this; That the cause being pure, and merely temporal, and matter of Jurisdiction, they procured by all their cunning to represent it as a point of religion thinking that to be their absolute advantage, not seeing how they could otherwise defend it, or at least insinuate it to be defensible either at Court or among the people. In the zeal of this course they did so far surpass the straight line of verity and conscience, that they grew to publish in conference, in their pulpits, and in print, that at Venice they were resolved to change religion, having begun by the denying of obedience to the Bishop of Rome, and by a manifest schism, it is not much to be wondered at that this course took beginning from a swarm of hungry ambitious libelers that were merely ignorant of former passages. But it is more to be admired, that so wise and learned a Cardinal should enter into this dance as Bellarmine, Baronius and Collonna that had reason to know what prejudice such a fame (though false and now dispersed abroad) might bring to the ecclesiastics.  
In all Aristocracies, equality is by the necessity of humane condition most unequal, as to the ability of the optimates there having never yet been a college or society so well chosen that had had not their dregs among them; otherwise Aristocracies would consist of so many Kings, and the vulgar part of it would be only among the Optimates. For this reason, (although for the defence of their liberty, there were in all their bodies and counsels at Venice a singular concord, yet) there were always some subjects of more valour and eminency than others that served as guides to the rest. Comparisons are not to be admitted in common weals, wherefore it will not be fit to name any particulars But speaking of things in general it was a grace and providence of almighty God that those which were the most resolute and disposed to this Common defence, were the greatest not only in nobility, honours, experience, hability, and activity, but even for piety and religion. A part of them are yet alive, most eminent Senators, and for purity and real of holy religion known above all others. The rest of them are passed away from hence, by a most religious death to the glory of the blessed.  
The said ecclesiastic shot all their cursed darts especially against these men as the most high and conspicuous objects taxing them for innovators of religion, charging them with a design of making the common weal revolt to the protestant religion. The Oltramontanes, that were most attentive to the success of these passages, and to the settling of so famous a controversy did greedily read and receive whatsoever came abroad, believing all to be true that came from the ecclesiastics with such asseverations, that the serene republic was about to deny obedience to the Pope, and ready to change religion because those that were the chief in government, had the same design. And those that were the greatest zealots among them, assured with hopes of enlarging their religion, and having observed that upon all those occasions, which the Church of Rome had taken to excommunicate Princes, and interdict states, there ever followed some notable revolts, thought fit it should be fomented with a hope (which they had already conceived) of a change, and the Princes of Italy failed not to procure a strict intelligence with the republic, who when they saw the King of Spain declare himself protector of the Ecclesiastic party, were constrained for reason of good government to hear all, and adhere only to those whose interest was conjoined with their own. And divers private Doctors were not wanting to send out pamphlets, which for any diligence that could be used in such a confusion were impossible to be so suppressed, but that they were also received at Venice. The scope whereof was to give colour and credit to that change which the ecclesiastics gave out to be in hand. The heads of all were to propose that the Pope exercised an intolerable tyranny over the souls and bodies of those that were subject to him, and to show the great happiness that those estates enjoyed that had quit their obedience and might enjoy the goods and lands which were left by pious Christians to pious uses, which were either employed to a right use, or else enjoyed by the people of the country to a common benefit, whereas in those states that are under the papacy, there was seen an abominable usurpation, a venality and public thievery, and which was more, those goods conferred upon seditious men, and enemies to those very states where they placed, the Pope's being arrived at this quint-essence of subtlety to maintain in all their dominions a formidable faction which for the most part is defrayed by the purse of those very states whose destruction and desolation they had in design. That their religion was the same which was contained in holy scripture, in general counsels and in the holy fathers of the five first ages, agreeing with the Church of Rome in all the old articles of faith, only their discord is in those that are of their late invention which if any man will examine one by one, he shall find that they make very little to the glory of God, but to the gaining of riches, and reputation and of mundane Jurisdiction to the Ecclesiastic order.  
They further insinuated that the Roman religion was insensibly abastarded, and that nothing else was reduced to religion, but that which makes for the interest and benefit of the Court. They made a collection of the intolerable grievances of Princes who for the present make lamentable and continual complaints. They descended to the particulars of the serene republic which confining upon the Turks for above eight hundred miles, and as much upon the house of Austria, and with the Pope very few miles which were nothing but of sand and seashore, yet they received more offence from that side and more trouble of jurisdiction in one month, then from both the others in ten years, besides other continual troubles with their Nuncio's, who where they come to treat with their Prince, they do it with so much insolency and sovereignty, as if he were not only their subject, but their slave, carrying still before them the head of Medusa, the pretence of Religion, to fright the timorous: And the greatest Politicians that ever were, are not able to penetrate the profundity of the Arcana of the Papacy, by his mischief, which was merely caused by the ecclesiastics themselves, and was by them attributed afterwards to those eminent subjects in Venice, that were the principal maintainers of the public cause.  
But still the Father was he on whom the blame was laid. He it was (if we believe the Courtiers) that excited Protestants to put forth books to illuminate the people. He it was that counselled these great men to a necessity of a change of Religion, under pretence that the Popes were grown to such a greatness, that nothing could serve their turns but the servitude of all Italy.  
But if ever any thing were false and calumnious, it is this; and although the Father seemed not much to regard their defamations, yet so fare as it concerned the declaring of himself, touching the provisions that were to be made from time to time with the Senators, he gave his opinion & counsel viva vece, and vehemently upon all occurrents, and oft in writing upon innumerable counsels, having always taught and inculcated, that not only for truth and conscience sake, but even for necessity and reason of good government, every faithful man, but most of all Princes ought to invigilate to the maintenance and conservation of Religion. He affirmed that to this end God had constituted Princes as his Lieutenants in those states wherein the Church was planted, and conferred their greatness upon them, to make them Protectors, Defendors, Conservators, and Nurses of holy Church, as sacred Scriptures make mention, in which calling, the greatest of them can never give a sufficient discharge of himself, except it be by a continual and vigilant care in matters of Religion. That God by hissingular grace had placed them in this Catholic Apostolic Roman Holy Church, for which they were bound to acknowledge his divine favour, and render him continual thanks. No greater misfortune being able to befall them from Heaven, then that they should abandon or forsake it. And howbeit there be many abuses, yet that is not to be imputed to the fault of Religion, but of them that abuse it. And all this being most true and undeniable, no man ought to suffer himself to be shaken in his confidence, nor the Prince to give way that a change or alteration should be so much as spoken of. That perfection, and absolute purity, is the very Terminus whereunto the Church, and every faithful man ought to pretend, though it be not the path wherein always they tread. Those Churches which were founded by the Apostles themselves, and where they preached and resided, were not exempt from imperfections, whereof the Epistle to the Galathians gives a clear testimony, but more clearly that to the Corinth's. That as for their charity some adhered to Peter, others to Paul, others held of Apollo, with schism and express division from Christ. As for opinions, there were some that denied the Resurrection. As for concord, they drew their plead and differences to the Tribunals of Infidels. As for manners, they had fornication among them, such as was unheard of among the Idolaters. As for customs, the supper of the Lord was converted into banquets, where some were drunk, and others hungry. And yet all this while the Apostle acknowledgeth them to be a true Church, and a body of Christ. How much more ought we then to stand firm in the Church, where God by his singular grace hath settled us, although in the Government thereof there be imperfections and abuses, which are also since converted into intolerable grievances.  
But if at this day those evils have gotten growth, the fault will be found to be in the Princes themselves, who having little regard to the divine Precept, which so straightly obliges to take knowledge of Gods most holy Law, and of Religion, but have altogether neglected this duty, as if Religion were a thing that did not concern them, and as if they were not to render an account to God, neither for themselves, nor their subjects, by neglecting the care and defence of it against the divine precepts of God's Word, the doctrine of holy Counsels and Fathers, and the use of pious Princes, contenting themselves with a Religion, without knowing what it is, nor how it should be kept from corruption, tolerating for their own interests, their adulation, and connivancies, the cozenage of the people with continual alterations, under colour of devotion and piety, with a daily licence, not only to religious men, but to all sorts of persons, to invent new orders to their own gain, and greatness, without considering that every custom carries his credit along with it, and so Religion becomes changeable, and accommodated to the advancements of them that manage it. And these ordinary alterations being received, the Princes themselves have tolerated them, and so they have agreed with posterity for approbation, by an authority which time and custom had put upon them. A thing that happens in the greatest part of humane affairs, but most in Religion where the vulgar are the inventors of superstition. The Pope, beside that he is the head of Religion, is also a Prince, and one that from above 500 years to this day hath aspired to the Monarchy of Italy, whereunto he is so near a neighbour: And what wonder can be made of it, if he practise all the means he can to enlarge his jurisdidiction. He hath three great charges upon him; that of Religion; that of the Ecclesiastical affairs; and the temporalty of his Estate. And the Fountain from which all ill is derived, is in this, that his right is not well distinguished from that of Princes.  
There are also three kinds of Canons, of spiritual things, of temporal things, and those that are mixed of both; Of the first, the care ought to be in the Ecclefiastiques, of the second none can carry the exercise beyond their own temporal estates, and for the third, it is as much the duty of Princes to take care as of the ecclesiastics themselves if not more. In all the life of the father, there hath not happened in the most sereene dominion any dissension of opinion in the least tittle, not in the first of these three heads because the republic was borne Catholic, and hath always continued so. All the disturbance hath happened upon the second head, whereof the Court hath made use to the augmentation of their jurisdiction, and of their temporal dominion. From the third, that Prince is too ignorant and unworthy, that suffers himself to be excluded. And that the Court at this day more than ever, do their uttermost endeavour to enregister and authenticate the exclusion of Princes: yet this is because Princes (having in favour of their cause such clear sentences from the new and old testament from Counsels and holy fathers, besides the practice of all times) do not seek to repair themselves. If at such times as the Nuntios and ecclesiastics appear masked with religion in pretence, and the sacred Cannons (abusing the second and third by the first) and if those which govern, and are instructed by divine precept, would take notice what those Cannons were which concern faith (which the republic inviolately observes with high reverence (and those which concern Ecclesiastic affairs of discipline, and administration of goods, of secular affairs, and those which concern neither faith nor religion, but the greatness of the Court, and that they understood and would maintain in them the power which God hath given Princes, they would quickly pull off the mask and make those blush that thought so to abuse the goodness and simplicity of others, and would vindicate themselves from that perpetual injury which is offered them, as if they had offended religion by defending the power which God hath granted, and the jurisdiction whereof a Prince ought not to suffer the least diminution, without being guilty of this grievous sin.  
Of this pious sense of his, let that supreme reverence (wherewith in all his consultations and writings, he had always honoured the Sea Apostolical and the Popes) be an argument. Although in the mean time he spared not to set forth the truth in that which concerns the legitimate of power, which God hath given the Prince. But unjustly do these men complain, that would have churchmen be without affections Erunt vitia donec homines, or of Prince's servants that seek the advantage of their masters. If churchmen serve themselves of the pretence of religion to this purpose, let the other complain of none but themselves, if they be not well enough instructed to reduce the opposites to this point, to make them see that the zeal of religion is not weaker in any then in Churchmen and so to go no further.  
These and other discourses he used, inculcating always the duty of every one for the defence and conservation of the Catholic religion, and not to suffer themselves to yield to any abuse how great soever. But the Court (which hath known his picty, and holy course of life which began from his childhood, and continued without reprehension to his last breath in all those exercises of religion, which belong) not to a supersitious and passionate flatterer of the Court, or a fautor of reformations) but to a  and sincere Catholic and a man religious by profession) have nevertheless gone so far with their calumnies (as to attribute that to him) which God grant be not found in many of themselves (an indelible blemish) of having no religion at all. God forbidden that by the conceit of these men a blameless life, and irreprehensible conversation in the view of so many severe enemies should be thought to be the effect of Atheism, and impiety and that the argument of this so great a censure should be drawn from the opinion of his learning. The divine scripture which attributes Atheism to ignorance, to foolishness, to an unbridledness in dissolutions, and a being given over as a prey to their own passions, hath taught it far otherwise. True it is, that the foolish and ignorant vulgar, seeing some eminent subjects in sciences not to comply with their foolish superstition which are only tolerated by their own guides and canonised because they are gainful, have been accustomed to judge thus sinisterly. But it is a judgement is only worthy of those that form it. But if a profound knowledge of second causes do induce us to a more tenacious reverence of the first (as Saint Paul teacheth) the matter is clear enough. Besides, that those very Courtiers who having their eyes dazzled at so great a light of goodness and science; are grown so injurious to that rare virtue, as to be frequent in such domestical arguments as these that those that are fallen from the right hand and have banished divinity from their heart do usually strike into one of these two extremes, either of a total dissolution or a violent superstition, and perhaps never into the mean. Thanks be to God that in despite of themselves they must confess the contrary of our father, in both these, nor do I believe that the most superstitious, men will ever yield him the commendation that either in word or actions he shown any favour to their voluntary worship or their other impostures. And to say the truth, how can any wise man comply with their opinions, and superstitious actions? which are the very quintessence of humane fooleries and of highest injury to the Creator?  
The necessity of public employment had brought him into the knowledge of the principal men of public government, whose virtues if I should commemorate, with their Honour's due unto them it would be necessary to engage a volume of praises. Let it suffice that with all the Grandees of the republic he was in the greatest conceit that any private person could obtain, nay rather, none shall ever obtain the like, till God and nature shall produce another father Paul, who in that way of prudence, which we will call conversation hath not only arrived at that excellent degree, which the wisest have observed to have been only in Socrates, but hath gone beyond it, by conversing with, and admitting to his conversation all sorts of persons and professions, and of all ages, and hath got the love of all who had nothing else to say of him, but of the greatness of his modesty, humility, and affability.  
In all companies he appeared the master, and in the variety of his opinions some went away believing that he was of theirs, and others thought he had the intentions of Socrates. And although he were now grown into years, yet with the same hilarity, and cheerfulness, that as he conversed with Senators of his own age, so he applied himself to those young men of the primary nobility who consecrate their wits to virtue, and to their country with honour, which we will call the Tyrocinium or the young Militia of state in the common wealth, who are called among us Savii dordini, the wise men of the orders. To them he was a Treasury of records, a library, a history. Tacitus, Polybius Zenophon, Thucydides and what not.  
Those eminent subjects will always celebrate his memory. Pietro Contarini, Leonardo Gustiniano, Giacomo Marcell●, Giorgi● Contarini, Andrea Capello, Marnizane. That flower of nobility of ingenuity and hope of his Country, that sublime with Giacomo Moresini Oh bitter death, that whilst I am writing hath robbed us of this mean that was the delight of his friends, the great example of those of his own years, a great Patron to his servants, great hope of his country and many others. I have reserved for the last place Signor Marc Tre●isan●, because I must not pass him over in a word.  
This Signior began an intimate friendship with the father from the time that he was created Savio de gliordini, as usually other did. But the privacy was so strictly knit betwixt them after he had renounced his attendance upon honours, and given himself to moral Philosophy, and to all kinds of learning that might improve a man, that he daily visited the father, who took so much pleasure in his company, that notwithstanding the greatness of his employments, he had given order that whensoever Signior Marco came, he should be brought in unto him which favour was vouchsafed to no other but himself. And this was because their conversation was now past into such a degree of friendship with a full liberty of saying to him, without offence when he came to him. Go your way Signior for at this time I am very busy. The father rejoiced infinitely among the other ingenuties, and rare qualities and virtues that were in him, at this veracity, and would say freely Lodate iddie i ho pur trovata uno che mi parla non in Maschera, praised be God that I have met with one man that speaks not to me in a mask. And verily Signior Marce told him without a veil the truth of all things in Venice, the conditions of persons, their interests, their deportments, whereof he had exquisite information, but where he discovered any defects in the father himself, those with all candour. They call you (saith he to him) the Patron of your affections. And I observe you to have affections like other men though different. This perpetual fitting in your Cell, and turning over books which are not legible to others, this shutting yourself up in your study without ever coming abroad. This unrelented way of reading and writing (father) is a kind of intemperance, as heretofore were my amorettes and wantonness, but yet with this difference that opinion gives a title of lewdness to one, and to the other names of honour.  
He proceeded to tell him, that in this he seemed rather to be in a degree of obstinacy then otherwise because in a declining age he would not remit, but intent those travels which in his more vigorous years, he was hardly able to undergo. He told him further (smiling) this is (pardon me) a kind of ambition that reigns in you, and a thousand other learned and facetious gallantries. The first time that they discoursed together, The father (who as his manner was to say much in a few words) said when he was gone. This trevisanetto hath a great heart (alluding to the littleness of his body that had yielded so far to the greatness of his mind) and is very able for great resolutions. But after he came to know of the friendship that was betwixt him and Signior Barbarigo, which, (let it be lawful for me to speak of a thing that by fatal encounters hath raised itself to such a height that it hath wearied all penns) He was also willing to contribute something to so rare a work. It was not fit that so high a fabric of virtue should be raised at Venice, except this great Architect put his hand to it. And hearing Signior Marco recount the various accidents that had passed betwixt them, & a desire of a total transmutation and transfusion not only of external things but of themselves: according to that of Amicorum ●mnia communia, which is in every man's mouth, and perhaps never practised but in this example. Certainly never in such a degree as afterwards it proved to be betwixt these gentlemen. And having delivered some excellent doctrines concerning friendship he did appoint Fulgentio to translate out of French into Italian that essay of Michael di Montagna of friendship which so soon as it was done. I cannot relate how acceptable it was to both these gentlemen, finding in their own hearts and affections not only those conditions of friendship which that great person had expressed with so rare examples set out for an Idea of a perfect friendship, but also to find thereby how far they had exceeded his description. And there was nothing else to be done but to raise that fabric to the height, which after among civil virtues was grown to be the right of miracles. The preparations to it were infinite, not ordinary mutual offices, the foundation was a faith and secure confidence, that one might believe his friend as far as himself. The construction a mere charity, which hath showed the world that Signior Marco did in a moment and not by degrees strip himself of those excesses and inveterated habits of vices of lascivious delights and other things which had brought him to a poor fortune, because he would not be thought to be a waster of those fortunes, whereof he was now by the virtue of friendship made a Patron. And in Signior Barbarigo that had a wife and many children to be able in his life time to make another man the absolute Patron of his fortunes, whom all men knew to be the consumer of his own, and upon no other consideration save only of being his friend.  
But the father did not live to see the garland with which this fabric was crowned with the two Pyramids which were carved and engraven by the knife of all the judicious with a Non plus ultra. Although in his life time he might see Signior Marco (in the house of Barbarigo) Lord and Patron of all and knew by his speculation, that they having settled in their hearts that rule of Amicorum omnia communia might also make an external practice of it, in all and every thing else. Wherein his charity (the greatest inventresse of the world) did afterward put him in mind in a way to effect it, by procuration and testament so far as it was in the power of law to do it. And these gentlemen have arrived at such a perfection of charity that to die one for another (which hath been reputed the supreme point of friendship) in a mutual preparation and readiness, and not in shadows but by effectual presenting themselves to dangers, is a thing so far below their love, that they speak of it as a thing not to be esteemed, and wherein they know no imaginable difficulty. Many have suspected that this affection could not last always, and the father himself observing the violence of Signior Marco made a question of it. But being after acquainted with Barbarigo, if the mind may be called a Sea in respect of affections, and perturbations, than this of his was a smooth sea and always calm, and toward his friend without winds without ebbing or flowing an eternal tranquillity, and a mind though without ostentive profession of knowledges; yet capacious of all things, especially those that regard humanity. Then he changed his opinion, and believed it would be perpetual, and said it was like the conjunction of iron and steel were the one gave toughness, and the other gave edge, and as it happened afterwards, I myself thinking of their friendship, which at this day is one of the glories of our City: and of our age:, have concluded, that if it were possible for a division to rise betwixt these two, it could not be upon any other ground then this, that if it came in question to expose themselves to any danger the one and the other would be he, and each would contest that the other should be reserved, both believing they had reason, being so sharpened in their charities, as to explicate, and confute each others reasons, and without doubt this would have put them to discord, if charity itself had not found a remedy of their being always together, wheresoever any danshould have happened, because nature does not permit that two should be one alone except it be by a concordance of wills. And I am of opinion, that that next to that degree already esteemed the highest (which is to lay down, not verbally but really their lives for one another) they have arrived at that great point to which, as yet it is believed that nature nor moral virtue never came, but in this only effect of an excellent divine charity, that if it fell into question that one of them should be subject to damnation, and divine wrath, the strife would be betwixt them which should take it upon himself and preserve his friend. In which kind of access I find no example in the course of histories nor in the redundance of divine graces, among mortal relations of such an affection in any kind except it were of those two great Heroes, and divine men Saint Paul and Moses, and in a fable of a kind of dark report of Castor and Pollux which hath but little to do with this living and known example of ours, because they understood not what it was to be either blest or damned. And if among the Heroeique virtues there was found out an Apotheosis which is nothing else then an extension of virtues and humane conditions to a perfection not humane but chimerical and imaginary, then with more solidity by true and real acts, and not distant from us either in times or places, but existent and under our eyes have these two gentlemen so well deserving of humanity merited for having taught us a new way of virtue, and made us see that a sole consent in all things both divine and humane, is not a bargain of wit alone, as hitherto the world hath believed it to be, but a real work truly heroical and excellent, whereat love and benevolence can only arrive, not only to be admired, and had in veneration, as an Idea of true friends, but to be reputed the tutelar powers or numen of friendship.  
Notwithstanding it be very true, that to multiply knowledge, is to increase travail and sorrow, because the poor Father, from the fame of his knowledge, the dexterity of his wit, the charity of helping all that came to him, and of a goodness of nature to do well, was become no only the servant of the public, but of particular men; not only of this City, but of the whole State, and even to strangers, because in all difficult causes his opinion was sought and appeared in all things like the sentence of a divine oracle and to the wonder of the world that his answers how unpremeditate soever were yet so wise and  to the most arduous dedemands, that upon a long meditation they could not have been made better either for brevity or speaking to the point. And whatsoever proceeded from that blessed mouth of his was fixed gold weighed in the balance of more than humane judgement.  
That which made him most admired was the coupling together of virtues, and with conditions which are not usually met in one and the same subject, as knowledge and humility, prudence with meekness, retiredness and officiousnesses, seriousness and pleasantness, argutenesse without offence, brevity and perspicuity, sweetness and solidity. But it appears that science hath a veneficke virtue of swelling many men; but that is only proper to vain and superficial sciences, but that which is consummate and profound is on the contrary like an engine to cast down every proud thought, and the father had particularly spent so much of his time in the study and knowledge of humane nature, that if it should please God that some form were but given to his notes that he left upon that argument, I am certain that hitherto, no Philosopher hath speculated so far into the knowledge of humanity. And I say boldly that in all course of time hitherto, none ever arrived at the depth of that nothing of humane nature so it may be lawful for me to call it) because the father himself said so, who esteemed himself as nothing. It is remembered by one that told him of his humility that he blushed like a virgin to hear himself praised for any of his excellent parts. And although he thought very well of a gentleman yet living, and full of philosophical and politic learning, and an eloquent orator, yet the father avoided him what he could for this only reason, that when he saluted him he entitled him always Illustrissimo Padre which was done with respect to his virtue and merit, and not according to compliments. And he resolved that his friend Fulgentio should acquaint him with his dislike of those salutations but the gentleman answered him again. To whom then can that title be due? if it be not due to that angel of heaven. And always when he made enquiry of his health, or how he did, he would do it in that or the like sort. How does, or what does that Angel of Paradise? This was all the fruit of his great studies, which were not addressed to ostentation but to true wisdom, to the cultivating of his mind (which is the greatest felicity of this life) and to humility.  
Prudence for the most part makes men somewhat rigid, and difficall to be treated with, and truly in former times the father hath been taxed of such defects, and he himself in his anatomy of his affections and defections, where it appears that he had listed them all for a combat and for a victory to be had over them (which he had designed) and there he acknowledge himself to be severe inofficious, and hard to please. But he had now so vanquished those dispositions that his affability and mildness was grown to be singular: his modesty so marvellous; that when he saw another in an error, or that he understood not the business, he would never use a sharp reprehension, but bring them to a review and confute them with so civil language, that he left them not without some conceit of his own propension to their opinions only excusing himself that what he could not condescend unto was, by reason of his own incapacity, which neither gave him leave to see the reasons that had induced them, nor how to resolve well upon his own.  
And for that officiousness wherein (it seems) when he was in a lower fortune, he had been wanting. He was grown so prompt and obsequious, that if he could do a service, or a courtesy to him that required it of him, he would be so discontent, that he could not conceal his displeasure. In one thing he was insuperable to himself, in activity, and resolution, because as in things of speculation, he was sudden and ready: So in consultations that were to be put in action, he was grown slow and irresolute. He would turn over, and revolve, and never seem satisfied, and this fluctuation still increased upon him, whereupon I am sometimes of opinion, that a prudence in mediocrity makes men active, and resolute; but too great an one, with an extraordinary knowledge of Histories, and observation of examples and events, makes men timorous and resty. Or whether this this be a weakness proper, and insuperable by old age, or whether in the greatness of his soul, from that time forward, he beheld all those things so far below himself, as to make that a Remora to his activity. I am only sure that he was now reduced to so great an indifferency concerning humane events, as no man could aspire to a greater.  
Now I am in a kind of necessity of defrauding the Father of that which should be the top and supreme degree of his heroic and most perfect virtues, and which would make him to appear to be of an intrepide heart, and of a constancy which in a good cause were invariable, by telling the true occasion for which some Senators, not only the principal, but the very prime ones, and of the greatest Families, conceived some ill affections towards him, which while they were alive, and some of them after the Father's death, could not dissemble. Now with reverence to their illustrious Posterities, let them ever preserve this picture of the Father truly, without either too much light, or in the purest colours, and let it be drawn over with this veil, That Fra: Paulo (such as he was) never had any enemies, neither as he was a public servant, nor a Consultor of State, nor ever incurred the ill affection of any, except it were for a public cause.  
This famous man pleased himself with a writing of his, where he acknowledged he had contracted the hatred of some great ones, and great in government, but yet such as did for the most part postpose the public honour, to their own interest, and private commodities. He might have comforted himself yet further in this, that neither for promises nor threaten, they were able to make him decline the least point from that which was either of justice, or public service. And it was not because he was ignorant how much it might have turned to his advantage to have done otherwise, or that he had it not always in his mouth Conviene fedelmen●e servire: And therefore he would do nothing but what belonged to his charge, nor more willingly than what he was commanded by the most excellent Senate.  
But in a charge so universal, it is impossible that something of the public service should not traverse the interests and affections of private men, which are a part of the body of government, and in particular concerning Ecclesiastic Benefices, and causes of that kind, wherein they are blinded by their passions; for which respect the Father would always say, the Common-weal chad need to have both a Divine and a Canonist among them; to which purpose, before his death he had published a little tract, but to his friends he would say more freely, that no man could be able for such a service, that had not trodden under his foot both hopes and fears. The reason of which speech shall be best understood by him that best understands Government, and knows how impossible it is to find a body so united to the public good, in which there shall not be some that will hate and threaten, and persecute, when they apprehend that any one shall oppose the designs of their private profit, how necessary, and clear, and just soever the opposition be, and this for the most part abounds in Aristocracies.  
The fervour, and total dedication of himself (next after God) to the public service, may take argument from hence, that he was always resolved, that by his means, nor for his sake, no controversies should arise. But under Paul 5. there was no occasion, because all discord was put to silence, as it was considered before. But Gregory the 15th being created his Successor, the Father had heard of some discourse that was used by him to the Venetian Ambassadors that were sent to congratulate his Election, that there would never be a perfect peace betwixt the Republic, and the Sea Apostolic, but such a one as the Father Paul should approve of. Whereupon the Father in that now declining age of his, was strongly resolved, rather than there should be any difference, not only to withdraw himself from the service of that Senate, but declining the Pope's anger if he should have persevered (as not long after it removed out of his fancy, and there were no more words of it, it being the nature of that Pope not to insist long upon any thing; and perhaps in this he was not moved of himself, but by some others, or else that he had received some more brief and significant satisfaction than he expected) to retire himself out of the State of Venice. And because to have so disposed of himself (as many great spirits would have done) neither his conscience, nor religion, could well bear, and to pass himself into a Protestant country, had been to expose himself to calumnies; or if into those States where the Court and the ecclesiastics have an absolute power, had been without prudence to hazard himself again to poison, or stilettoes, he resolved to go into the East Countries, to Constantinople, or into some other place, and made preparations accordingly. He desired to be informed from some that had made voyages, and particularly from an Hebrew, that had gone thither often by land, to be distinctly instructed of every thing. He had found means also to have a passport from the Port of the grand Signior against the dangers of that voyage, in case he went no further. He was also resolved to reserve some provisions for his own use, whereof he was a creditor, and had formerly used to expend, and give away in alms, and otherwise, without keeping any for himself, and the sum that after remained in the Convent was about 1000 Ducats, and consequently he had all things in readiness to encounter with any adverse fortune, rather than that for his sake, eitherhis country or his Prince (whom he had faithfully served) should suffer the least inconvenience, although he were secure enough, that the Senate would rather have undertaken a war for him, than abandoned his protection.  
And of this transmutation he would speak with all cheerfulness, and say that in his age he should enjoy that which in his youth he had extremely desired, which was a peregrination, which although in his mind he had much affected, knowing by Geography as much as could be known of Kingdoms, and Situations and People, and by History their actions and customs, yet that seemed to him, in respect of that which a man sees with his eyes, but a dark knowledge, un sapere in ombra, and the desire of knowledge increaseth with years. God and Nature gave him not leave to prove what the successor of Gregory intended, Maffeo Barbarini Vrban the 8. who (as it was said) was Nuncio in France, when he was created Cardinal 1606. having given testimonies of an implacable hatred against the Father, by actions not worthy of a Christian, and by inventions most base and chimerical, which for reverence we silence, and not to possess the world, that the petulancy of speaking and writing falsehoods and calumniations, (a thing bred in the bones of our modern Ecclesiastiques) is arrived at the very height. In this state of absoluteness in all Sciences, perfection of judgement, without defect of memory, which in him was so rich, and more faithful than ever was in any, and with such health, as such a complexion could bear in a person so continually tired out in the manage of so great affairs, and without any relaxation at all, except sometimes in seeing his friends: He entered upon the year of his age 69. and in the end of Lent, in Sabbato Santo being in his accustomed place, which was a withdrawing Room of the Senate house, there fell upon him such a sudden coldness, as if he had been frozen, and withal a hoarseness instantly upon his voice, with a fearful benumb'dnesse, being the first time in his life that he had known what a Catarrh was, and it held him above three months with a manifest Ague; for all which yet he would not change his way of living, nor diminish his labour. An apparent declination of his strength was to be discerned, and he would always say, that he was never well after that distemper.  
But as that continued indisposition did signify a divine admonition, it was also observed by his nearest friends; that in things of the spirit, he was much more devote and attentive than he had been formerly, and particularly in meditation more assidual; so that, whereas before, besides his ordinary prayers, and spiritual exercises the rest of his time was spent either in making one of his writers read to him, or write at his appointment, or In writing himself. After this time, he had no more reading or writing, but precisely what the necessity of his charge, and public service constrained him unto. All the remainder was spent in the meditation of another life, and immediately he dispatched Fra. Marco, who at his return found him in his usual place, which was before a Crucifix, at the foot whereof he had (as 'tis said) a natural death's head, whereunto he was so attentive that Fra. Marco at his coming in sometimes surprised him before he could take notice of him; and yet he was willing to disguise his devotion as fare as he could, because when he had a desire to be alone, he would faith to him, that he might go abroad a while; because he desired to give himself a little pastime in making castles in the air of Mathematical conclusions, and give his brains a little liberty to range where they pleased. And when he was surprised at his devotion, he was always ready with some excuse or other, that he had either fabricated instruments, or figures, or the like. But before a Crueifix and a death's head, it may well be imagined that he had other contemplations more suitable to his age and ill affected body. Thus he went on, bearing up as well as he could, till his entrance upon Winter 1622. be in then entered into the year of his age 71: when a manifest defaillance of vital virtue was visible in him, and the declination of his forces gave evident signs of the dislodging which this great soul (who in itself had never felt old age) was presently ready to make from the cottage of his body. His stature was mean, his head compared to his body was great, because he was so very lean, that inwardly he seemed but a frame of bones; yet his head accused him not to be such, but rather contrary. In the hinder part and upward it was round, and well proportioned, his forehead very spacious, and declining a little from the middle part toward the left side. There appeared so great a vein, that ending about the midst where his nose begun to rise, when it was full, it shown as big as a finger, and when it was empty it left a channel, where a little finger might be laid, and it would often change from fullness to emptiness. His eyebrows were well arched, his eyes great, quick, and black; and in his sight till he was 55 he had an extraordinary liveliness, that if with others he had read a Letter, he had sooner read it all over than another had read the beginning. His nose was large and long, but very straight, little beard, and thin, and in some places without hair, but yet without deformity. Looking him in the face you would rather have thought it fleshly than otherwise. His colour pleasing, and when he was in health, was mixed with white and red, with a little yellowness, which became him not ill. His neck was suitable to the rest, only showing meagerness. Altogether he had a grave aspect, but pleasant, and inviting one to treat with him. His hand was fair and very long, and his fingers seemed to turn backwards, and were of an exceeding length. He suffered ordinarily extreme cold in his hands and feet; for which he had not found a better remedy then warm Irons, which he carried always in balls wrapped up. But at the entrance of Winter, his passibility increased so much upon him, as if his hands and feet had been turned to iron or stone, receiving from within no heat, and externally but a flying heat. His face fall'n, his lips that had wont to be coloured, especially the nether lip, with a smiling kind of sweetness, were grown livide. So it seemed he had changed his form. His eyes hollow, without their wont vivacity. Nothing could be found to keep him warm. He had lost his appetite that it was not possible to find that meat for him, which after once taking he grew not to loathe, and in that he grew to wonder that he had no more command upon himself. And although that at that age he had all his teeth left, yet he began to chew his meat with much difficulty. He began to go double, and very heavily, scarce able to go up and down into his gondola, but worse up a pair of stairs.  
In his dreams that little that he slept, was no more of his wont nonsense, or incongruities, but distinct natural, speculative, and regularly dicursive, which he that observed all things, did not only observe to himself, but conferred of it with his friends, and called a rising by little, and little of his soul from the bond and commerce with his body. And thus much I do not find that others have observed, but having told it you of so great a person as this, it may perhaps upon some or others make a refection. Now nothing more could give him entertainment not so much as to hear a a relation of the success of affairs how the world went, wherein he had from his childhood a special delight even to this time. One only delight remained with him, in his waking after divine meditations to revolve in his mind his mathematical and Astronomical figures, and he would say smiling; How many words, and how many wits have been framed in my brains. He had all the signs of a soul that was ready to take her leave of her old body whose health beginning now to fail, was supplied only by an indefatigableness of mind, so that he never forsook his former charge, but gave answers to the exhortations of his friends, and the authorities of his Patroness, concerning the abatement of his travails, saying; That this office was to serve, and not to live, and that every one should always die in his profession above all the Signior Marco Trenisano (whose liberty and veracity the father singularly approved) He would often reproach him of a manifest intemperance for seeming to continue his studies and his travel as he had done at other times when his strength was greater and that it was an indiscretion in him not to be sensible of approaching age, and other such lilke things which he would hear with delight but yet without ever slacking or letting his bow stand unbent. Many times he had so manifest a failing of his strength that he was constrained as he went a long the street of the Mercery, to lean and stay himself upon the arms of Fra. Marco. And he would not conceal his being ill but gave manifest tokens upon divers occasions of foreseeing his instant end whereof he spoke more than he was wont to do not only with a freedom of mind, and as of a debt to nature and and an indifferent thing, but manifest cheerfulness as of a long rest after a weary day's journey. And besides his ejaculated prayers which he repeated often with devout sentences of scripture, he would most frequently say Nunc dimittis Domine servum tum, and to his familiars, courage my masters, we are almost at the end of our journey. And upon a time as he went to confer of business concerning the government of the province, and Particularly the time being at hand that they were to nominate a Prior in this convent of the Servi, the father spoke aloud to the provincial that was present, and others. A questo pensarete voi here look you to that I pray you, for I shall not be present. But he would often say to his familiar friends in a jesting way, that he should die in security now that at his death there could be no miracles done, because Baromus, Bellarmine and Colomna, and the Pope himself were so lately dead before him, and almost all those that had written of the Ecclesiastic part although they were so much younger than he, alluding to that rash way of writing which some men use who if a man happpen to die in disgrace with the Roman Court, they writ that same heavy judgement befell him, or that he was strangely dead, and that God had inflicted some other punishment upon him, as if having form to themselves a God after their fancies, they had also made him the executor of their partial and interested votes, or as if God had nothing else to do but to punish and afflict such as were fallen into their dissavour, or that those that were united in faction to them, could be preserved from death more than others. And with such petulances as those their writings were for the most part stuffed.  
But Christmas being come, whereof Father Fulgentio used always to put him mind of (being the most holy feast of the nativity of our Lord) with accustomed compliment which was merely used among themselves to salute the father by saying, Ad multos annos sancte pater etc. He freely made answer that this was the last that he should see, and that so seriously, that it was well discerned to be spoken with more earnestness then that which he had wont to say, concerning the brevity of his future end. And no doubt now he began to feel himself very ill; and that he was in a high fever because at other times, he had not used to change his custom for any length or continuance of seaver. On the day of the Epiphany it appeared that his sickness trod upon his heels, and that morning he took physic, which made him worse, because being called to go to the palace, he would not excuse himself neither by sickness, nor that he had taken a medicament (such was his modesty) So being called the second and third time, he went, but returned with a manifest impairment of his health, being not able for 2 days following either to take food or rest, yet for all this he could not keep his bed, but rising upon sunday about eight a clock he celebrated mass, and went to the table, at the refectory, where after he had dined, came Signior Lingi Scchim to visit him, and walked with him a pretty while, Secchim perceived that he was very ill, and told him so, which he confessed, and that of necessity he must go lie down, which he did, (according to his custom) in his clothes upon a chest, causing a coverlet to be thrown over him.  
He continued thus till friday following, betwixt such time and his death there was but another day, still rising out of his bed, and clothing himself and doing his ordinary function, as reading and writing, and when he could do no more, to cast himself upon the chest, and make others read to him. But his infirmity being one of the greatest demonstrations of the greatness of his mind, deserves to be more particularly known, and I am resolved to set it down with the same narrative, which with some other notes of the remainder of his life are come to my hands, because that proverb seldom fails (ze'l modo della morte e sincer● argomento della vita, e leva tutte le Maschere. The manner of a man's death is an unfallible argument of his life, and pulls off all masks.  
Upon monday morning being risen out of his bed and having put on his clothes, he was surprised with a total defailling both in his hands and his legs, on which he was not able to stand without support, nor move the other without trembling, which was followed with so great an abhorment of his food, that if it had not been borne out by the strength of his resolution he could not have received a cordial But this accident did not at all disable his mind nor deprive him of a fullness of judgement accompanied with the same memory, and that which was of most importance, his tranquillity and chieerfulness of mind never forsook him, in which manner he remained till saturday, comforting those that were about him, and always intermixing something that was facetious, so that upon the saturday he said to those that were about him, I have made you merry as long as I was able, and now I can do so no longer, you must cheer me up. The disease was suspected by the Physicians to be the beginning of an epilepsy, & there were some that suspected poison. But truly there was nogreat sign either of the one or the other, but rather of a natural resolution and extinction of vital spirits. And being opened aftes his death, there was found in all his parts the fairest conformity that could be desired, except that his heart was exceeding little, and seemed (as it were) to be deserted. His stomach was without any thing in it, either good or bad, but without all signe of offence. The Tuesday after, he took his Physic, but it did him no good. On Wednesday he would go out of his chamber, and go dine in the Refectory, from whence to his chamber, besides the stairs, was a good distance, and he went it supported by two, all trembling as as he went, but with his former courage. He admitted all visits, discoursed of all occasions that he had used to do, and nothing of his own weakness, except with the Physician (and that very short) and so past his time, fitting upon a stool, and hearing one read to him.  
In all those days he made a most exact examen of his soul, with a total resignation unto God, and with a heart as cheerful as his body was afflicted, and from those that were present, he concealed much of his infirmity, that neither by show of grief, nor voice of laments, nor intermission of his hilarity, any thing could be discovered, except only by his want of strength, and by his abhorment of meats, which accused him of a manifest relaxation.  
I would have no man think that he had not a full knowledge of his own Estate, although to Father Fulgentio, when he asked him often how he did, (as he used to do in all his sickness,) and whether he thought he were like to die of this, he answered him, that he thought he should have a long sickness, and perhaps fall into a quartane; but to the Physician, his most cordial friend, Signior Pietro Assilenco, when he first saw his excrements, he put his finger in his mouth, as men use to do when they would have filence kept, and then the Father told him freely his estate, but desired him not to discover it to Father Fulgentio, that it might not torment him. But he might have known it long before, considering the Father's preparations, and what he had told him. Many times in his life he would say, that he trusted in God, that he should know when he was near his end, but that he would not speak of it to any but to Fulgentio, because it was to no other purpose but to breed confusion, and make them give over those diligences which God would not have omitted. But he did not observe that rule, for now he concealed his Estate, and did not think it needful to be known any further than it manifested itself. On Thursday in the morning he sent to call Amante di Brescia, the Prior of the Convent, desiring him to recommend him to the prayers of the Fathers, and that after celebration of divine service, he would be pleased to bring him the holy communion, telling him further, that he had lived in the poverty of the Religion, without any thing of his own. That whatsoever was in the chambers, was granted him for his use, as others had the like, and being in his hands, it was as it had been always, at the free disposition of his superiors, and gave him a little key of a Cupboard, wherein were the remainder of the provisions which the Republic had bestowed upon him, nothing being shut, but all open, except that cupboard, and one other, wherein all the writings were kept that concerned the public, which should not be meddled with. Yet he put on his , as he had been used to do, and spent all that morning in hearing sometime Fulgemio, and sometimes Fra. Marco, reading either Psalms, or the Stories of the holy Evangelists, of the passion of our Saviour, making them stop whensoever he was entered into any devout meditation. Many times he desired to try whether he could kneel upon his knees, but the freeness of his spirit could no longer rule the languidnesse of his body. As soon as Mass was ended, the Fathers of the Monastery came together upon the sounding of a little bell, and processionally the Father Prior accompanied with all the rest (with torches in their hands) brought him the holy Sacrament, which he being apparelled, and laid upon his bed, received with such demonstrations of piety, as could be expected from so pure a soul; and drawing tears from the eyes of all that stood about him, leaving an impression in their hearts of a singular example of a religious man, that was well prepared to pass to a blessed life.  
All this while he would not endure that any body in th' the night should watch with him in the chamber where he lay, which was observed by him in all his sicknesses, and it was not possible to persuade him to the contrary, saying, that it only served for pomp, and to incommodate others without doing him any good, only it was his disquieting to see another lose his rest. And because Fulcentio had showed his resolution to keep him company, and to sit up with him, he risen the next morning, and put on his , though very weak, and would go supported from the first to the second chamber to try (as he said) whether his senses served him, and what strength was left him. But (as it was believed) it was only to see whether there were a preparation of another bed for him in that chamber. Whereupon Fulgentio told him; Father you make preparations as if you were to die within an hour, and yet you would hid your estate from me, as if your infirmity would continue many months; whereto he made answer; and why? must we not always be prepared?  
The Father was most observant of all kind of Laws, and among so many novelties of Reformations, which had been ordained in the ten last Popedomes, he accommodated himself with admirable readiness and facility to all, howbeit he did not much approve of them, because things of custom (he said) had their remedies, but innovations are never without their mischiefs, against which we have learned no cure. But whatsoever was ordained, he was ever the first in the observance of it, whereof he gave an essay, that in the morning, being Friday, he would neither take meat nor broth, nor any thing else, that was not common to the day; and it seemed a difficulty to persuade him to take any thing but Lenten meats, and in taking his dinner, he turned him to his Cook Fra: Cosivio, and meekly said to him, do you treat your friends of this fashion, to make them break fasting days? (It was not superstition, but a constant tenacity, and an habited custom to observe ordinations with all exquisiteness, though the least, and not essential.) For this consideration he had always entirely observed Lent until the 69. of his age, valuing above all things the giving of good example.  
The night being come, he was resolved to be in the first chamber upon any terms, and there he had three in his company with him. But consider a little while the constancy of a sick man. He was a dying man, and of a languishment by defect of nature, and that day it was necessary to put him in mind of his restoratives, yet he continued all that night without speaking a word to any of them, serving himself of those things that were necessary from their accustomed places where they were used to be laid. And he was never heard to say any thing, except sometimes oh Dio.  
That Saturday (the last of his life) was the only day that he remained in his bed, in great languishment of body, but full strength of mind, whereof they took this for a demonstrative document. That morning the Prince of Venice, with the rest of the Senate sent for Fulgentio to come to them, who being demanded of the state of the Father, and having answered them that he thought he was drawing to his last gasp without any hope of life, the excellent Signior Ocavian bon Savie desired to know how he was in his mind, and having answered him that in that languishing of his forces, the Prince and their illustrious Excellencies might know that in his judgement and his memory he was the same Maestro Paolo that for 17 years passed they had known him to be, when he served his Serenitiy and the Senate, and consulted with them in their most arduous affairs. Then they enjoined him to inquire of him three things concerning the most important public business, which was done that very night at 12. of the clock, the Father causing his answers to be written from point to point by his writer, and being sealed up they were sent and read that very night in the Senate, who precisely determined the business in conformity to what the Father had consulted.  
Now let that sacred Session, the mirror of Christian piety, and politic prudence, by the testimony of two hundred renowned Fathers, and against the shameless and impudent slander which came out of the house of one the Ecclefiastiques, by the Judge, whether the Father not long before his death had lost his understanding, and his speech or no? And from this calumny so malignant and shameless, let the world give a judgement of many others. The very same Saturday he admitted visits, as he had done other days before, and the same night after 12 of the clock, the most excellent Signior Giovanni Basadona came particularly to visit him: The Father spoke to him, put off his hat, and thanked him for his visit; and after his departure heard one read to him a great while with quiet attention. And when the evening grew dark, thither came Signior Marco, with whom he complied in the same manner that he had used to do.  
Night being come, and want of spirits increasing upon him, he caused another reading of the Passion written by Saint john: He spoke of his own misery, and of the trust and confidence which he had in the blood of Christ. He repeated very often these words, Quem proposuit Deus mediatorem per fidem in sanguine suo. In which he seemed to receive an extreme consolation. He repeated (though with much faintness) divers places of Saint Paul. He protested, that of his part he had nothing to present God with, but miseries and fins, yet nevertheless he desired to be drowned in the Abyss of the divine mercy, with so much submission of one side, and yet so much cheerfulness of the other side, that he drew tears from all that were present.  
About the 24. hours he was visited by Physicians that had been with him not long before. And because the famous Thebaldi had not visited him much before that time, the Father making some pause, because he was unwilling to spend out his spirits, beckoned to Fulgentie, to give him some account of his sickness. In which relation, having told him of the accident on Monday, under the term of a total defailance, the Father lift up his head, and interrupting said, Defailance of mind? No, I say of strength: For as for my mind, it hath always kept its own constancy. And the Physician being willing to say something, did it with those terms of prudence which they commonly use when they go from sick men, and would not leave him without some spark of hope, whereunto the Father Fulgentio) that understood the internals of the Father by a long practice, how little he regarded living and dying) opposed him, and said; Sir, The Father is none of those to whom you shall need to speak in a mask, or by ceremonies; And therefore I pray you tell him freely, that he hath endured his sickness with a great deal of patience, which he said he was a witness of more than any other, whereunto the Father making a signe of assent, and seeming a little to smile, the Physician told him, that his pulse gave warning of a flying life; and that it would fail him that night, and within a few hours, to which the Father with gladsome cheer, and a face tending to joy, made answer, Sia lodato Id●io, mi pi●ce cioch ' a lin piace, Blessed be God, whatsoever pleaseth him pleaseth me; with his help we shall well perform this last action. And thereupon the Physician willing to put him in mind of some cordials: The Father interrupting said. Let us now sorgoe these sooleries, and I desire you would resolve me of two doubts. The first, that I am assured and have a full perswafion, that whatsoever you present to me is very good, with such assurance I take it into my hand, and when it comes near my mouth (as if my brains were changed in an iustant, it renders itself to me horrid and abominable. The second (and having spoken that word) his breath failed him, and he could not express the rest, so the Physician finding by his vein, that his vital spirit began to wander away, appointed that at eight a clock they should give him a Cordial, and in the mean time some rare Moscate, which he would send him from home, at the receiving whereof (there being then past six hours of night) he said, Questa vesta mi pair cosa violenta, this seems to me to be a most violent thing.  
I will tell you only one slight particular but to show what the constancy of his mind was, and his absolute understanding and quickness of senses to the very last. The Father had in his chamber disposed things in such order, that he could presently lay his hand upon any thing that he sought for, as books, writings, instruments, and such like, even to the very least and smallest things. About six at night, the last of his life, he would cleanse his tongue with an instrument that he had used to that purpose a great while, appointing Fra. Marco to go fetch it him out of such a place. He went to seek it with a candle in his hand, and returned telling him it was not there, and he could not find it. The Father bade him go seek better; for it was a very small thing: He returned and found it, wherewith he cleansed his tongue, continuing with those that were present with an inestimable tranquillity, and without so much as a groan or show of grief, with memorable words from time to time, repeating some devout passages of Scripture, and very often he would say. Hor sum audiamo one Dio chiama; Away, let us be gone whether God calls us. And the standers by seeing his voice began to fail, and his pulses beat to an end, entreated him to take a little rest, at which he laughed out; and so he passed the time in whispering to himself, that he could not be well understood, except it were sometimes a word of Scripture, and once he said Audiaemoa S. Marco che tardi. Let us go to Saint Mark, it gins to belate, which is all that during his sickness was spoken without connexion and right sense. In the mean time it strooke eight a clock. He counted it, and calling Fra Cossimo his other servant to him said, now 'tis eight a clock dispatch if you will give me that which the Physician ordained. But he not able to receive but a small part of it. Afterwards finding himself ready to die, he called Fulgentio to him, and commanded him to leave him with these memorable words, which were like to be always engraven in his heart. Hor sum non restate etc. Now stay no longer to behold me in this state it will not he needful, go to your rest, and I will go to god from whence we came, And so he was willing to be embraced and kissed by him; And though Fulgentio knew well what it was to consirme his mind by the example of such a constancy, yet he parted from him; not to leave him but to execute his command, and to obey him in another point which was to go to the fathers to show him so much charity as to come and assist him in his passage with their prayers.  
So he called the Prior, and the other Friars to come about his bed and make their usual prayers and recommendations of that soul into the hands of God, who although he could speak no longer, yet with his eyes and signs gave assurance that he was in a fullness of understanding to the very last gasp. His very last words (which were hardly unstood by Fra. Marco that stood over him, yet often repeated) where these two Esto perpetua. I doubt not when in that trance he recommended his soul to God with such servant votes and prayers from his heart, but he remembered to recommend also, and to pray for the perpetuity of the most serene Republic, to which he had done his service with so much faith and charity. And with those words he lost his speech, and shortly after drew to an end, which was accompanied with two notable circumstances. One was that being unable to move his hands, yet of himself by a force rather of spirit (which was all in God) then of his body, he form them into a cross. The other, that fixing his eyes upon the crucifix which was before him with a natural death's head of a Calvary, he held it so a while, and then casting them downward, and shutting them he breathed out his soul into the hands of God.  
Thus was the end of this great personage, and it pleased divine dispofition that it should be so testified to the excellent Senate by a public writing and under oath, and subscription of all the college of the reverend fathers of the Servi that were present against the fabulous falsehoods and impudent lies that were after divulged, that he died howling and crying out with apparitions of black dogs and other things of that kind, as also that in his Cell and chambers there were heard hideous noises. Things only visible and audible in the far distant houses of the ecclesiastics, and heard to Rome, but never of those that lived in the next chambers nor of any that were present.  
Such inventions as these were also machinated against the memory of Duke Leonardo Donato a glorious Hero, and before this they were grown to such an impudence to publish prodigious things in print which were said to happen in that year of the interdict against the defenders of the cause of Venice, & this may serve for an argument how far the narrations of such accidents may be believed, which are written of persons so long after, and so far distant, that lived in abomination with the Court of Rome.  
I confess that these examples so fresh make me doubt extremely of the alterations and falsifications of so many narratives made in time past, first kept secret, and after divulged when the only fautors of the factions of the Ecclesiastickes had the command of the press, and who without difference have either commended or dispraised so many great men, not for matter of truth, but only because they were either favourable or contrary to their mundane interests.  
But the father died as you have heard with a fame to the world (of an incomparable man and with them that knew him) and had to do with him, of so singular integrity, and sanctity of life as are seldom seen, & with a commendation which became proverbial, that if he had been in the favour of the Court, and served their interests he had been put in the Calendar and number of Saints.  
In Rome they were very glad to hear of his death with such kind of discourses, nor could his holiness contain himself from speaking of it, as the handiwork of God to take him out of the world, as if it had been a miracle for a man to die at the age of 71. But he himself was not immortal, for he died himself the same year about the beginning of july. He lived in the world seaventle one years, which was a decrepit age if you consider his complexion, or his consummate wisdom and perfection of virtue, and his either desires or hopes to live being but too short a time if you consider the service that the public received from him, or the common desire that was afterward of him because it concerned the most excellent republic, that his service should have been as durable as it was faithful. A pattern of so rare virtues was worthy of a longer old age, or rather of a perpetual youth, if humanity could have borne it in this life. But to him for his own sake, death which could not be unexpected was not untimly yet at least to us and for our sakes 'twas bitter, and if he lived long enough for himself, yet lived he too little for the public, for which he only lived. Upon this occasion his Cell was seen and visited by very many who observing that religious poverty without any ornament were very well satisfied, and the principal Senators said it was a paradise where a good Angel dwelled. And the most excellent Leonardo Moro who is one of the perfections of all virtues and particularly of religion, and christian piety could not contain himself from saying. Is this the father whom the prelate's of holy church have so much defamed, Is he then a wicked man, and are they the imitators of Christand his Apostles? His funerals were conspicuous both for the public munificence, and for a numerous concourse of great persons of every fort but for cost It exceeded not his private condition save only in a public grief. And it was observed that his face was well coloured and smiling, and as they said more venerable & beautiful when he was dead then when he lived. An after nine months that the coffin was opened again wherein he was laid, they found him both entire, and with his face fresh coloured.  
Father Fulgentio was the first that went about to honour his memory by some works, but the Convent would not suffer him, who resolved to make it a public act. But the most excellent senate decided the difference by a public decree that at the public charge there should be made a memorial and inscription, which may be so much the more illustrious and durable because as yet there is nothing done in it. And likewise she fame and infamy of those is like to be eternal who keep an implacable hatred against the dead with a malignity of finding blemishes in so precious a gem, or clouds in so resplendent a jewel, which in such an excellent creature either never were or else so little that they were invisible, except it were to the eyes of of consummate malignity. And according to the wise man. The rash imprudence of those men shall be had in derision who being raised into fortune presume to the patrons even of fame and to extinguish it that it should not pass to posterity.  
And as for the glory of this great Hero's so excellent a creature, (as it happens to some captains of great valour) his triumph increased more being denied then granted. As the impediment was known to arise from these wicked tyrants Tiberius Nero and others so it may happen to father Paul. And if a sneild should he made for him with his effigies the same event would befall it as was said of the images of Brutus and Cassius, that in a funeral pomp they were more conspicuous and prefulgent, because by the violence of the Tyranny they were not seen among the others. And, if there remain any sense of these humane consolations, to those that are in God. That great soul of father Paul shall receive content, that the perversity of others hath favoured his intentions, which were despising of all other consolations of the living Father Paul shall live eternally in God who is the only goodness , but yet he shall live in the memory of men by his heroic virtues, against which monuments, neither time which consumes marbles and mettalle shall prevail, much less that foolish poetic error of them that believe, that the fame of men can live in a stone, which is subject to the injuries of the most wretched sort of people.  
And because the time that's past, is the best instructor of that which is to come. I must not forget, that among others that were present at that pious exemplary and happy death of the good father, there was one sent thither who went in obedience to some body that foresaw more than others, Maestro Agostino Mesani of Venice) surnamed the Poet, who beving also tied up by the truth upon his oath, and havingsubscribed to that narrative above mentioned (which was presented to the most excellent Senate) (this man favoured & defended by Father Paul upon many occasions, who was the rather moved to compassionate him for his inconsistent brain) This man being brought in by a kinsman of his that was said to serve as a spy, or (as I have it more probable) by his own rashness & foolish hopes, into the houseof the Signior Nuntie was also said to have made relations there which where only worthy of himself. He that never knew obligation to tell truth, nor to keep himself within terms of modesty. But that he should be examined again and his narration registered, it was not very like, although the Friar himself bragged of it.  
True it is that from thence he returned to his Convent, being full of conceits, which by his natural foolishness (because he was a fool, and notoriously known to be so, but yet of an ill tongue and very mischievous) not being able to conceal, or rather saying publicly, that he should shortly be above either a General or a Provincial. But this lasted but awhile, because those that were about the Nuntio understood too well the carriage of such people, and what service could be expected from such as he was. It may be also that they were informed of his customs and qualities to be such, as cannot with honesty be related. But let it serve to cast a veil over him, by saying that he is Muliebriter infamis, & vita probosus, and with Superiors he had been privileged, only by his folly. That in more than fifteen years he had neither made confession, nor recited office, although he had sometimes celebrated Mass, and when the Superiors went about to reform it in him, he presently turned Apostata, as he had done at other times before.  
Let not this note be thought impertinent, because this man's relations another time may appear under the name of a Theologist, or Master of Divinity, as others in the like kind with, and without names, have caused to be committed from Rome to the Vicar General Apostolical (Maestro Filippo Ferrari de Alexandria) to make certain heinous inquifitions against others. But they have had the ordinary event of those that move informations upon such subjects, and the very letters themselves of the General have been seen by me to the like purpose, where it hath appeared that all that had been written and affirmed were false.  
FINIS.