portrait of Charles Howard, 1st Earl of Carlisle 
The Right Honble: Charles, Earl of Carlisle, viscount Howard of Morpeth, Baron Dacre of Gilsland▪ Lord Lieutenant in the Counties of Cumberland and Westmoreland, and one of the Lords of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council. etc.  〈◊〉 fec.   

A Relation Of Three EMBASSIES From his Sacred MAJESTY Charles TWO TO THE Great Duke of MUSCOVIE, The King of SWEDEN, and The King of DENMARK.  
Performed by the Right Honble the EARL of CARLISLE in the Years 1663. & 1664.  
Written by an Attendant on the Embassies, and published with his L ps Approbation.  
LONDON, Printed for John Starkey at the Mitre in Fleetstreet near Temple-Barr. 1669.   

To his Excellency the Right Honourable Charles Earl of Carlisle, Viscount Howard of Morpeth, Baron Dacre of Gillesland, Lord Lieutenant in the Counties of Cumberland and Westmoreland, One of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, and at this present Ambassador Extraordinary to the King of Sweden.  
My Lord,  
WHen I consider the Perfections and Sublime Qualifications wherewith Nature hath so advantageously adorned Your Excellency, I cannot but think, would be an injury to the Public● should I omit to attempt some de●lineation thereof. And seeing 〈◊〉 is no new thing for others to b● ambitious of describing the Action of Great Men, it is but reasonab● that I, who for sometime have bee● an ocular witness of those of You● Lordships, should erect a Mon●ment for Posterity of the same. Upon this account it is that I no● publish this Work, under Your Excellencies favourable Protection, b● which it is manifest, that Your Excellency hath born the Character of Your Prince thorough three foreign Nations with all imaginab●● Prudence and Honour. There is nothing to be seen in the whole Series of Your Lordships Conduc● but what is generous and Noble and in which Your Excellency makes it appear with what Reason and judgement His Majesty made choice of Your Person for the Representation of his own, under the Illustrious Title of His AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY. Which same Honour, being now conferred upon You again, is a sufficient Proof of the Verity of my Sentement: and, without further Enlarging upon Your Lordship's Worth, I believe the Knowledge alone of Your Lordship is sufficient to render You beloved: which yet one cannot do, but with a most profound respect. For my part, my Lord, if I have any Ambition in the Publication of this Work (of which Your Excellency is both the Subject and Ornament) it is only that I may have the Advantage to testify to the World with how much Zeal and Devotion. I am  
MY LORD, Your Excellencies Most humble, and most Faithful servant G. M.   

The Author's Preface to the Reader.  
IT was the saying of an Ancient, That the Spirit of Man affects Novelties, which is justified by daily Observation. For any thing to which a man is accustomed long, commonly grows unpleasant; whereas Variety delights him, and rescues his Imagination from the tediousness of ordinary Objects. Hence is the desire men have naturally to Travail: and though it withdraws one from his Relations and Country, and exposeth him to several incommodities and perils, yet the pleasure of his Voyage preponderates all apprehensions, and renders all discouragements contemptible and vain. And as there is Pleasure in Travailing, so it hath in my judgement its Utility likewise, and its Profit as well as Diversion. Of this Homer seems to be sensible, when amongst all the Eulogies and Encomiums he gives to Ulysses, one of the principal was, That he had seen several Countries, and made Observation of their Fashions and Manners. Ever since I understood, that the World was not altogether shut up in my own Country, I have had a constant inclination to travail, and in my travels a curiosity to observe (according to my talon) what I thought most considerable. In the Voyage I had the honour to make with the Right Honourable the Earl of Carlisle during his Embassies to Moscovy, Sweden, and Denmark, I had a particular opportunity to gratify myself. And, forasmuch as Moscovy is a Country little known, saving to its Neighbours, I fixed my design there more particularly, and resolved to inform myself, as exactly as was possible, of the nature of that Country and its Inhabitants. In the mean time I observed also all the remarkable passages of our Travails, but especially the pompous solemnities wherewith the Ambassador was received: & as I had besides, the advantage of being employed about the Negotiation, I neglected nothing of that whereby I might instruct myself of States-business. The Voyage being over I put my Memoires in order, and framed them into a continued discourse, so that afterwards I had the satisfaction now and then to review all what I had seen. I communicated what I had done with some of my Friends, who found the subject too good to be buried in oblivion, and wanted not arguments to invite me to Print it. But then I was not yet of that mind, being very careful how I exposed myself to the Censure of the World, and I took always that enterprise to be too dangerous and bold: Nam nulli tacuisse nocet, nocet esse locutum. Yet seeing at last, that I might do it under my Lord of Carlisles Protection, and with a full Permission, I thought nothing could excuse me, if I neglected a thing wherein his Excellency's Interest, the Publicks, and my own perhaps were concerned.  
And accordingly, besides the General Description of the Voyage, and the manner wherewith the Ambassador was received, the Reader will find in the Relation of the first Embassy, an exact Description of Moscovy, and of all that passed there in his Excellency's Negotiation. There I display the naked truth of the business, how contrary to the expectations of all Europe his Excellency was treated there, after so many effectual testimonies of Friendship the King of great Britain and the Tzar of Moscovy had received from one another. There a man shall see how unworthily some of the Tzars' Commissioners dealt with my Lord Ambassador, and made such an Embassy fruitless, how instead of taking care for the preservation of that Amity, which for so long time had continued betwixt the Crowns of England and Moscovy, they suffered themselves to be so far transported, as to become instrumental in the diminution thereof. And this is clear through the whole Series of the Negotiation, in which on the one side there is nothing to be seen but a just and well grounded deduction of reasons, tending only to the reinforcement of the ancient Alliance: Whereas on the other it is plain their blind interest had prepossessed them, and that they were contented to be Friends for the future, but upon condition (it seems) they should be required no more to give any fair and competent testimonies of their being such. This is the unexpected humour wherein his Excellency found the Court of Moscovy, who causelessly disliking his whole manner of proceeding, found fault with those very actions which were generous and honourable in him. And indeed, why that Court should have opposed itself so obstinately against his Lordship, I know no other reason, but because his Lordship acted with much Zeal and Vigour for the Interest of the King and his Subjects, and because he would not prostitute the dignity of his Office to the ridiculous pride of a Stolnick or a Boyar, nor patiently endure several disobligations in their manner of proceeding. In the Courts of Sweden and Denmark, during our small Residence amongst them, it was clear otherwise: For there his Excellence received all manner of satisfaction, being laden with praise and honour, and in short used with as much kindness and respect as could be expected from two Nations, whose Politeness and Urbanity are clear different from the Humour of the Moscovite; So that in changing of Climates, we found also a great difference of Humours. From whence it is easy to be seen, that if the Court of Moscovy were not favourable to my Lord Ambassador, it was only Prepossession and Interest which hindered them from making a right estimate both of his person and affair: For it is most certain his Excellency employed all imaginable endeavours, and that nothing obstructed them but a fatal Pertinacity in those that treated with him. This being in general the nature and success of these Embassies, the first makes the greatest part of my history: for the other two Embassies being speedily performed, afford but little matter besides the Compliments, which the Ambassador made in the behalf of his Royal Master to the Kings and Queens of Sweden and Denmark. But the thing that concludes this Work is an Apology, presented by his Excellency soon after his return to London, against the pretensions of those Ambassadors whom the Tzar had sent to the King after the first Embassy, to complain of his Excellency's comportment in that Court. In this Apology his Lordship gives for his justification a large Narrative of the manner both of his own proceeding, and of that of the Moscovites towards him, to the Russ Ambassadors confusion, who had laid an heinous charge against him. Thus having given here a general account of these Embassies, I leave the perusing of the whole Work to the Reader: intending to have it shortly published also in French, the Copy being now ready for the Press.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 25. last line read, of this Entry. p. 32. l. 5. for they change r. there are some Gourds that change. p. 37. 23. r. with one small oar. p. 43. l. 4. r. tops, & l. 10. for fur r. felt. p. 56. l. 7. r. than they do. p. 60. l. 24. r. short sighted. p. 65. l. 27. r. illuminated. p. 68 last l. r. Altin. p. 83. l. 26. r. streets. p. 93. l. 21. deal and, & l. 29. r. Shousca. p. 104. l. 2. r. fell, & l. 20. r. which. p. 118. l. 15. r. fumosi. p. 120. l. 22. r. Me. p. 151. l. 25. r. amazed. p. 159. l. 26. r. Indiâ. p. 160. l. 9 r. subjungit. p. 177. l. 6. r. great Prince p. 180. l. 12. r. himself. p. 215. l. 27. r. Serena. p. 228. l. 25. r. remotis. p. 235. l. 1. r. tam longam. p. 239. l. 6. r. nisi. p. 242. l. 26. r. recensere p. 243. l. 4. r. que. p. 245 l. 23. r. excedere, and last l. r. dixerint. p. 253. l. 23 r. Tzarskoy Majesty. p. 288. l. 11 for and r. from. p. 309. l. 3. deal and p. 315 l. 1 r. intuitu. p. 325 l. 16 for re r. ne. p. 354. l. 14. r. that friendship. p. 357 l. 2 r. contribuere, and l. 11. r. effusissimam. p. 367 l. 1. for who r. and his Majesty. p. 384. l. 12 for only r. But not far from it. p. 392 ●. 13. r. constitutae. p. 396. l. 14. after Queen r. his Excellency received. p. 417. l. 2. r. afflaverint.   

Having seen the Relation of my Embassies into Moscovy, Sweden, and Denmark, written by G. M. I do hereby give him leave to print and publish the same.  
Carlisle. The 30. of November 1668.  
Licenced  
March the 26. 1669: Roger L' Estrange   

The Table.  

THe Occasion of these Embassies Pag. 1 & 2  
The whole extent of the Voyage Pag. 5  
Of our Voyage from London to Archangel Pag. 6  
Of the Ambassadors Entry into Archangel Pag. 23  
The Description of Muscovy Pag. 26  
The Russes Origine Pag. 39  
Their Shape and Proportion Pag. 39  
Their Habits Pag. 40  
Their Language Pag. 43  
Their Nature and Genius Pag. 44  
Their manner of living in oeconomy Pag. 49  
Their Women have great respect for their Husbands Pag. 51  
How they use Bath-stoves which are very common amongst them Pag. 53  
Theridamas manner of Divertisements Pag. 54  
Under what Policy they live, and what kind of Government they have Pag. 56  
The Greatness, Riches, and absolute Power of their Tzar Pag. 58  
The great Humility his Subjects express to him Pag. 60  
Three general Maxims whereby the Russians are kept under a strict Discipline Pag. 61  
What kind of Magistrates the Tzar keeps under him Pag. 66  
Their Lawsuits are quickly dispatched Pag. 67  
Their manner of punishment Pag. 67  
Their Coin Pag. 68  
What time they begin their day and their year Pag. 69  
Their Religion Pag. 70  
Of the Ambassadors Stay at Archangel, and how unmannerly his Pristaf shown himself when first he received him. Pag. 79  
A short Description of the samoyedes Pag. 83  
The Preparations for our Voyage to Vologda Pag. 85  
Of his Excellences Voyage from Archangel to Vologda Pag. 86  
A passage therein of a rude and stubborn Governor of a Province Pag. 90  
Of the Ambassador's residence in Vologda. Pag. 95  
How ill we were used there some three or four weeks Pag. 96 & 97  
Of our Journey from Vologda to Moscow in sledges Pag. 107  
Our preparations for our Entry into Moscow Pag. 113  
The description of the Entry, about which the Ambassador received two or three affronts, and the Letter he sent thereupon to the Great Duke Pag. 115  
A Description of Moscow Pag. 135  
The manner of our living there Pag. 139  
The preparations for the Audience, the presents from the King to the Great Duke, and how my Lord went to the Palace Pag. 143  
The Pomp and splendour of that Court, as we saw it at this Audience Pag. 147  
The Speech which the Ambassador made in the name of the King his Master to the Grand Duke Pag. 164  
Some remarkable passages of this Audience after the Speech was ended. Pag. 180  
Another short Audience two days after Pag. 184  
The beginning of my Lord's Negotiation with six Lords Commissioners, whom the Tzar had appointed him Pag. 185  
The unexpected answer given to his Excellency about his business Pag. 248  
Some smart Replies since given on both sides Pag. 196  
A Speech said at a Private Audience by my Lord Ambassador to the Tzar about the ill success of his business Pag. 248  
His Excellence demanded Reparation from Pronchiss of one of his Pristafs and one of the Commissioners, as having affronted him in several points Pag. 278  
Some other passages of the Negotiation Pag. 280  
The Ambassadors Compliment to the Great Duke when he took his leave of him Pag. 288  
Some Memorable Passages that had happened besides during our residence at Moscow, and first the description of a Feast which the Tzar had made us Pag. 290  
A Narrative of a noble Procession on Palm-sunday Pag. 295  
Three several Conflagrations we saw in a little time Pag. 301  
A Duel between one of my Lords Domestics and a Scotch man, a Officer in the Tzars' Militia Pag. 302  
How the Ambassador refused the Presents which the Tzar sent him Pag. 302  
Of his Excellences Journey from Moscow to Riga Pag. 306  
A new business that fell out about Calthof, at our departure from Moscow, and the Letter my Lord Embssador sent to Moscow since about it, which angered the Tzar very much upon occasion of a ridiculous mistake on their side Pag. 313  
The danger we were in to be rob at the Frontiers, and how we were conveyed by 500 soldiers, by the care of the Governor of Plesco Pag. 322  
Another Letter sent by my Lord from Plesco about Calthof Pag. 324  
How his Excellence was met at the Frontiers by two Swedish Officers sent from Riga by the Governor General of Livonia Pag. 332  
A short Description of Livonia or Lifland Pag. 332  
Of the Ambassadors Entry into Riga and his Residence there Pag. 338  
Of our Voyage from Riga to Stockholme Pag. 342  
Of his Excellences Entry into Stockholme Pag. 349  
Of our Residence at Stockholme, wherein is contained a Description of the City Pag. 351  
The Audience Pag. 353  
My Lords Negotiation Pag. 361  
Some Particular Passages during our stay in this Court Pag. 362  
My Lords last Audience Pag. 368  
Of our Voyage from Stockholme to Copenhagen Pag. 375  
Of our Residence at Copenhagen, wherein is contained a Description of the City Pag. 384  
The Audience Pag. 385  
My Lords Negotiation Pag. 400  
Some particular Passages during our stay in this Court Pag. 406  
My Lords last Audience Pag. 413  
Of his Excellences Voyage from Copenhagen to London Pag. 424  
My Lords Apology against the Russ Ambassador. Pag. 535   
FINIS.   

A RELATION Of Three EMBASSIES From his Sacred Majesty CHARLES II. Into MOSCOVY, SWEDEN, And DENMARK, Performed in the Years 1663., and 1664.  
THe most Serene and most Mighty Prince CHARLES the SECOND, King of Great Britain, etc. being happily restored to His Dominions, which the malice ●nd iniquity of this age had deprived him ●f, His Alliance (which had been interrupted ●uring his misfortunes) was by the rest of the ●hristian Princes immediately re-desired. To which end their several Ambassadors were dispatched with extraordinary Pomp and Splendour, suitable to the Dignity and Grandeur of ●im it had pleased God to restore. But amongst all the Princes of Europe, that, by their congratulations of his Re-establishment, seemed ardently to aspire at His Alliance, the Tzar of Moscovy had the most equitable pretensions. For, besides that admirable Sympathy which has been so long time betwixt the Kings of England and the great Dukes of Moscovy, Alexey Michailovitz the present Duke had so great an abhorrency of the murder of King CHARLES the First, that he resolved in some measure to revenge it upon the English Company at Archangel, whom he looked upon as assertors if not associates in the Rebellion. And as a certain instance of the constancy of his affection, he no sooner understood the calamities Our present King was reduced to, but he assisted him immediately with a considerable sum of money. From hence it was that his Majesty gave his Ambassadors so great a Reception, as made the Friendship he had for that great Monarch conspicuous to all the World.  
And it was this Embassage from the Tzar, and those from the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, that gave occasion to his Majesty of Great Britain to return these, which are the present matter of this Relation: The first Embassy was addressed to the Great Duke of Moscovy, The second to the King of Sweden, The third to the King of Denmark. It is true, the first had, beside That, a peculiar subject of Importance, touching Commerce at Archangel in Moscovie, viz. To obtain a re-establishment of the Privileges of the English Company, which consisted in this, That the Merchants of this Kingdom did formerly trade into that place without paying any Impost. Which Immunity was but a generous recompense, that one of the former Dukes, Ivan Basilovitz, made the English for their discovery of that Port, and introduction of so considerable a Commerce thither.  
The present Great Duke had vacated these Privileges in the time of the late Rebellion in England, because conceiving the Merchant's complices in that rebellion, he esteemed them unworthy of his favour, & therefore of enjoying any longer these Immunities. The Company having since that time, to the happy Return of his Majesty, been deprived of their Privileges, the King by this Embassage desired things might be restored to their former state, and that upon two principal considerations. One, because his Subjects (for whose rebellion they were taken away,) were returned again to their obedience; The other, because these very Privileges were the basis and foundation, upon which the Amity betwixt the two Crowns of England and Moscovy were superstructed. And these were two fundamental Reasons, that were strong enough to induce his Majesty to hope for success in his Demand, but he could expect no less from the generosity and promise of the Tzar. Yet He was flatly refused, as if the Tzars' kindness had been already quite exhausted.  
The Earl of Carlisle, to whom the King encharged these Embassies was without contradiction, in all respects proper for the employment. For, besides that he was of a comely and advantageous stature, a Majestic mine, and not above four and thirty years of age, he had a peculiar grace and vivacity in his discourse, and in his actions a great promptitude and diligence. In a word, he was adorned with all perfections that could render a man acceptable, and especially with those that were requisite for the discharge of so important an affair.  Gratior est pulchro veniens è corpore virtus. Virg. 
His Train consisted of near fourscore persons; amongst which he had ten Gentlemen, six Pages, two Trumpets, and twelve Footmen. He had also a Chaplain, several Interpreters, a Chirurgeon, six Musicians, besides many Tradesmen that were very necessary in Moscovy. And forasmuch as his Excellence was to begin that way the circle of his Embassies, (to the end he might come back by Liefland into Sweden, by Sweden into Denmark; and from thence come into England) before his departure he provided himself of all such necessary things as Russia could scarce afford. So that, besides the Liveries which were made at London, he was also forced to provide himself of Beds & Chairs, and even of all Kitchin-moveables, only the Chimney excepted, and that would have been too most serviceable in several places. Besides these, his Majesty provided his Excellency with a magnificent Canopy of red Damask, surrounded with a gold and silver Fringe, and having on the back in a large circle the Arms of the King of England, richly embroidered with silver, together with a very rich Chair of State having its Footstool. For other things it is the custom of the Tzar to defray the charges of all foreign Ambassadors from their Entrance into his Dominions, till the time they are out of them.  
In short, all things being thus provided, we prepared to departed in the month of July 1663. but before we come to the particular relation of our Voyage, it will not be incongruous to give some general notions of its extent.  
The whole Voyage contained at least eighteen hundred leagues, that is to say, upon the Northern Seas betwixt London and Archangel, seven hundred and fifty: from Archangel to Vologda by water up the Rivers Duina and Sucagna in Moscovy, two hundred and fifty leagues; after that an hundred leagues at least from Vologda to Moscow, by Land. So that the way the Ambassador went, his Voyage from London to Moscow (which is the Metropolitan in Moscovy) made up eleven hundred leagues. From Moscow to Riga the principal City in Livonia, we traveled two hundred and fifty leagues, the most part by Land, which said Town is under the Dominion of the King of Sweden. From Riga we passed an hundred leagues upon the Baltic Sea to Stockholm, the capital City in Swedeland. From Stockholm by Sea also an hundred leagues more to Copenhagen in Denmark, where his Excellence concluded his Embassies. And from thence returning to London, he made a Tour at the least of two hundred and fifty leagues more.  

Of our Voyage from London to Archangel.  
THere were two Vessels appointed for this Voyage: One, a Man of war of 50. pieces of Ordnance, The other a Merchant's ship; which last set sail before the other with twenty two of his Lordship's Domestics, of which number I was one. A great part of his baggage, and of the Presents his Majesty sent to the great Duke, were disposed in this Vessel also, besides eight Coach horses. In this manner we embarked from London for Gravesend, where our ship lay at anchor in the Thames, with the Man of war, in which the Ambassador was to come after us very shortly.  
But after we were embarked, there was an unlucky accident befell one of our Company, who fell down upon the hatches, and hurt himself in several places of his body; so that we thought fit to get him carried immediately ashore into Gravesend, where he found himself so ill, that we concluded his journey would be at an end before it was well begun. This person was of the number of them to whom the generosity of the Ambassador had given leave to transport themselves for Moscovie, and to cross those Countries with his Train. His Excellence being arrived at Gravesend in order to his embarkment, received him into his Vessel, where in a short time he recovered so well, that he made a match with one of the Maidservants, and so gave us afterwards the entertainment of a Marriage at Moscow. However this fall proved to be but a happy fall, forasmuch as by that means he leapt out of a Merchant's ship into one of the King's Men of war well provided, and much happier in this Voyage than ours. There they were entertained all the way with the sound of Trumpets, and the melody of Music, whilst we (Strangers to all these divertisements) had no other harmony than what is ordinarily concomitant with the sickness of the Sea; in which the most of us bore our parts.  
On the 15 th'. of July we set sail from Gravesend, with a favourable gale to fall down the River. But shortly after the wind turned so cross and violent, that for the space of seven or eight days we were all in a very sad and dismal consternation, and those chief who were but strangers to these confusions as yet. It is true we had now and then a little calm weather, and chief the 21. which gave us the opportunity of entertaining ourselves with the sight of a Porpoise of an exceeding bigness, for a full quarter of an hour. She gave us great diversion with her constant plungings and leapings in the water, on each side of our Ship, as if she had come on purpose to make us that Recreation. But, as if all that had been but so many presages of a grievous Storm, and a Prognostication of crosses impending us, presently after the wind was at North-East, which was directly contrary and continued there four days with a very great violence. And so that Sea, which in the calm appeared like an azure field, wherein the fishes sported themselves with the wanton expressions of their joy, on a sudden became a place of horror, of mountains, and abysses, combating one another by the violence of the winds, the foaming waves tossing up our Vessel to the clouds, and in an instant re-plunging it in the bottom of the Sea; and the Ocean after so pleasant a calm bellowing and roaring with incredible fury so long a time together.  
At last we came in sight of Norway, and here we solicited the Master to go to an harbour which was in sight of us, and stay there till the wind served. But he refused it, alleging in his excuse, that he came out very late from England to make so long a Voyage, that it was unseasonable to divert ourselves with recreations ashore, that he was obliged to keep himself at Sea as much as was possible, so that he might be ready to make his advantage of the first favourable wind. By all which we quickly discerned that we had not to do with an Acessaeus, who was always coining of pretences to delay his voyage, and quarrelling the Moon that she was no more propitious to his Navigation. Our Master on the contrary would anticipate his oppotunities, and resolved however to manage his Vessel in spite of the inclemency of the Heavens. He was an old Seaman, so accustomed to the air of the Sea, that he scarce subsisted but on Shipboard, and never lived but by compulsion on shore. Which made one say, That he feared lest the Master being become by custom an Amphibium already, should at last degenerate into some Sea-monster; and that if he had lived in the time of the ancient Pagans, when the Gods transformed Men and Women into Stones, Trees, and Birds, it would have been no hard matter to have Metamorphised him at least into a Man-fish, his disposition contributing so much thereunto.  
The 26. the wind increased with such fury, that it blew down and brake in pieces the scuttle of our main Mast, tore our main Sail, and sprung one of our masts, so that it hung lose among the Tackling. At first this disaster was very dreadful, but we turned it presently into an occasion of joy: intermingling with the common apprehension of extraordinary danger, a secret hope of being for some time delivered from the importunity of the Sea. And indeed the Master himself whose great refractoriness had carried us into so many extremities, disposed himself at last to strike sail to the tempest, and turning to the West, we stood in for Newcastle, to repair our Ship which the storm had reduced to a very ill condition. Upon which nothing was to be seen amongst us but transportation and joy, every body blessing God for the consolation we had drawn out of this accident, and in a moment forgetting our sorrows that were passed, we pleased ourselves as much that we were making for Newcastle, though it was sixty leagues backward, as if we had been arriving at Archangel, and ready to put an end to a terrible and a tedious Voyage. But,  
About noon the next day the wind having done its worst, left us as it were standing still, a calm, after we had discovered the mountains of Cheviot in Scotland. At length about the Evening we had a South-West wind, which served only to inveigle us further into the fury of the same wind that had so perplexed us already, and expose us afresh to the same dangers we had almost overcome. For though it was but a little gale, yet the Master and Pilot puffed up with insignificant hope, thought it best to make advantage of so rare an occasion, persuading themselves by the opinion of their Carpenters, that their scuttle and mast might be mended well enough at Sea, to hold out to Archangel. Insomuch as they peremptorily resolved, to turn their backs upon Newcastle, and address themselves once more to their Voyage to Moscovy. So that having made near sixty leagues in less than four and twenty hours, and being come within six or seven leagues of the shore, here we saw by a sad disappointment the end of our joy, and the fruit of our expectations. And  
The next morning the wind turned North-East again, with its old impetuosity and rage, as if it had retreated only to redouble its force. The Master, far from looking out any refuge, employed his Carpenters all this while about his scuttle and mast. Whereupon, being all very impatient of our condition, and finding ourselves slaves to the brutality of an insupportable person, that delighted himself as it were, to make us a sport to the winds, exposing altogether to the mercy of the storms in a shattered bruised Vessel our lives, His Majesties and his Ambassadors goods, two of his Excellency's Gentlemen amongst the rest of our Company expostulated with him boldly, and protested his rude proceeding should not go unpunished. But all this would not move him, Rigour having no better an effect upon him than good Nature. This son of the Sea forbore not still for some time to exercise our patience by the enraged Ocean, that seemed to threaten the very Heavens themselves. At last, on the 29. the weather befriended us with as favourable an accident as befell us before, for the Bolt-sprit being lose, the Master made presently what sail he could for Newcastle, which was then some fifty leagues from us. But the wind constrained us twenty leagues further, and we were glad the next day to put into Burlington, a Harbour in the County of York. There we were no sooner come to an anchor, but we went immediately on shore to refresh and take some necessary repose after so great incommodities at Sea.  
In the mean time, while we stayed in this Harbour till our Ship was repaired, Mr. Watson, a Gentleman who had the direction of our Company, was commanded away by General Monck upon occasion of a new Mutiny of fanatics in Yorkshire, which was soon after happily suppressed, several of the Mutineers having been executed. This Rebellion we heard of assoon as we came to the Harbour; and Mr. Watson, who had a military Command in his Majesty's Guards, was therefore advised by a friend of his Sir Thomas Gower, then High Sheriff of Yorkshire (whom he met with) to acquaint speedily General Monck with his being at Burlington, that in case the General should have had occasion for him in that conjuncture he might receive his commands. Mr. Watson followed this advice, and writ accordingly to the General, though indeed he was very loath to break off his Voyage, and to undergo after so many troubles the frustration of the desire he had to see particularly the Country of Russia, whereunto nothing had engaged him but his own curiosity. At length having received no answer at the return of the Post, the wind being turned fair, and our Ship being sufficiently repaired, he prepared himself for his embarkment with us, rather than wait any longer for an answer to the prejudice of the Ambassadors affairs. But just as he was putting his foot, as it were, into the boat, he received Orders from General Monck to return immediately to London about his military Office. Whereupon he came aboard our Ship, and having writ an account of the business to the Ambassador he was reconveyed on shore, to the great dissatisfaction of all our Company. And so, having stayed nine whole days at Burlington,  
The 8. of August we sailed away for Archangel, reduced to a lesser number by three or four persons. From thence the weather was so favourable, that whereas before we had spent three weeks and three days making but fourscore leagues, we finished our Voyage within a small matter in the same proportion of time.  
It is true we had not above eight or nine days of fair wind, but it was so propitious, that in five days (from the 11. of August to the 16.) we made near four hundred leagues. The 12. we left Shetland to the leeward, and the next day we had so great a storm, that one of our Yards was broken in the middle, and we compelled to slacken our sails. However we reckoned this tempest benign, as long as it did contribute to the good expedition of our Voyage.  
The 20. and 21. were so foggy that we could scarce discern one another upon the Decks; whereas, when the weather was clear, we had so little darkness, that from Sun setting to Sun rising it seemed a continual Twilight. Nevertheless, about this time we began to be very much incommoded with cold, which brought our strong-waters into very great request among us, especially after we had on the 22. discovered the Isles of Rust and Gromsond all covered over with snow.  
The 26. sailing Southeast, we passed on towards the North-Cape, having left several Mountainous Islands to the windward of us, and coasting for some time along Capland, we came in few days upon the Coast of Lapland.  
The second of September we had the divertisement to see ourselves surrounded by great numbers of Fish, solacing and sporting in the calm; and though according to the judgement of our Seamen, and the experience we had often had, it was ordinarily a presage of ●ll weather, yet to us it appeared that we were not capable of a more acceptable entertainment amidst the delays of a calm: and here it was we discovered a great Whale, playing in the Sea some two or three leagues off us. About noon we had a gentle gale that gave us a sight of the Ambassadors Frigate, by which we understood his Excellence was long since arrived at Archangel, that he was persuaded we were cast away, and resolved, if he had no news of ●s before, to begin his journey for Vologda the 8. of September.  
As this news (which we received but by the ●y, as the Frigate was returning into England) gave us no small joy on the one side, so on the other, it was a great trouble to find ourselves sixty leagues from our Port, exposed to the fury of a wind, that was already rallying its forces to beat us back, and did effectually repel us, so as  
The next day we were obliged to cast anchor towards the point of Orlogones, for the more certain evasion of the Rocks and Sand-banks that encompassed us. In the mean time, five or six of our men, and as many Seamen, made a a party to go on shore, and see how that country was inhabited, and expecting to meet store of wild beasts, amongst other weapons they took their fire Arms also. They stayed on shore about five or six hours, but so incommoded with the coldness of the wind, that they were constrained to cut down a wooden cross, (they found newly erected near the sea side) to make a fire therewith to warm themselves: the remainder of which they brought along with them aboard to do as much for us; for we had already consumed almost all our seacoals. They brought us also a Bottle of fresh water, as sweet as liquorice, which they had from a Rock near the sea side, which the Master liked so well, he resolved the next day to fill two or three Tun with it, for that most of our water was corrupted.  
The 4. the wind turned, but we escaped very narrowly being wrecked. For, a little after midnight, as we were weighing anchor, in the midst of the tempest and rain, we found ourselves violently forced among the Rocks by the fury of the Sea, and the Tide driving us inevitably on ground; insomuch, as the Master despairing to get the ship off, with a most lamentable voice cried out, All is lost. His rocky heart at last melted at the sight of those Rocks that environed us, and he whom the most outrageous surges of the Sea could not terrify, trembled then at the sight of a Rock; insomuch, as to have seen him then, one would have thought no body had been in danger but he, so strangely was he surprised with amazement and despair. And now it was, every one put his affairs into order, and he being in expectation every moment of dashing in pieces, and giving us the alarm, most of us prepared ourselves to swim, if we could to Land, which was not far from us. For my part, I took up Ulysses' Resolution, who being almost in the same condition, thought it best to keep in his ship, till it was broke in pieces, & then (said he) when the Waves have destroyed my Vessel, will be the best time for me to swim, for then a man has nothing else to mind. But God Almighty delivered us from this desperate extremity, so that having with much labour weighed Anchor, we cleared ourselves beyond all expectation, & doubling the point of Orlogones, we made forty leagues that day upon the white sea, and that evening we came up as high as Catsnose, which we left to the lee-ward.  
The 5. of Septemb. was the day whereon we arrived happily at Archangel; but before we got in, we ran a great hazard at the Bar of Archangel, where the Duina disimbogues itself: and where we saw a Holland Merchant man that was newly wrecked there. The reason was, the sea was so shallow, that we had not above a foot or two water to spare, so that when we entered into the River, we were brought to that extremity, that our ship ran on ground; where we were constrained to continue till evening, when the Tide came in. During which time, the master with another Gentleman went on shore to Archangel, to give his Excellence notice of our arrival. The tide coming in, the ship that lay but lightly upon the ground, was disengaged in that manner, that we all arrived at Archangel in three hours, where we were received by our companions with all imaginable joy: so that it was no easy matter to determine which side thought itself most happy, we, who were arrived, or they, that we were so.   

Of the Ambassador's Voyage, and of his Entry into the Town of Archangel.  
IF our Voyage was full of troubles and disasters, I dare on the other side affirm, there was scarce ever any so happy as the Ambassadors. For without mentioning the advantage and convenience of his ship, I shall only relate, that whereas we spent seven complete weeks betwixt London and Archangel, his Excellency made the whole Voyage of seven hundred and fifty leagues, in less than a month: for, having set sail from Gravesend the 22. of July which was eight days after us, he arrived the 19 of August at the Bar of Archangel, which was seventeen days before us. And there it was his Frigate came first to an anchor, in expectation of Orders for his Entry, for which reason he sent Mr. Marvel his Secretary into the Town. Of whose landing, the Governor having notice, ordered him to be conducted by six Gentlemen to the Castle, through a Regiment of six hundred men, and the next day he sent sixteen boats, guarded by several hundreds of men, under the command of a Colonel, to receive his Excellence, and bring him ashore.  
The Ambassadors Entry into Archangel was made the 23. in a remarkable manner: For, besides the sixteen boats which were sent to attend upon the Ambassador, there was a Bark particularly trimmed for his Excellence, besides ●●veral others dressed up with Tapestry, that came to meet him, and accompany him to the Town above half a league, whilst several ships, men of War and Merchantmen, both of England and Holland, forbore not to congratulate his Entry with the noise of their Canon, which is not much in use amongst the Muscovites, unless in their wars. And just as his Excellence was landing, upon a wooden bridge, he was prevented by a certain Colonel, called Bogdan, who came to compliment him, according to their mode, and to declare himself deputed to attend him as Pristaffe (which is the Title they give such as are appointed to receive foreign Ambassadors, and to take care of their passage and provisions) The Ambassador having replied to him very handsomely, began to advance towards the lodging which was prepared for him: but as he was setting the first step, the Pristaff took the upper hand of him. And this was an instance of the great rudeness and insolence of the Muscovites (of which we shall have future occasion to speak more largely) which is the ordinary method they use to those Ambassadors, upon whom they design any advantage: so as they believe, they do their Prince a manifest injury, if they do not in his name treat them uncivilly. But his Excellence being resolved to teach them the dignity of his Character, stopped himself immediately, and turning to the Pristaff, remonstrated to him the incivility of his carriage, telling him in these words, That he had received great civilities till then, but that he could by no means give him that advantage, which was due to himself, That he was sent from his Majesty of Great Britain to the Emperor, to do him all possible honour, but it was without derogating from himself, and much less from the King his Master. Thereupon Bogdan, in some perplexity, excused himself, by alleging the Orders he had received from the Governor to that purpose, and entreated his Excellence to make a little stay: In the mean time, he dispatched away a Messenger to the Governor, to give him notice how unluckily his Design had succeeded, and continued bareheaded all the while (till the messenger returned) though his Excellence was covered. At length the difference was decided, to the advantage of the Ambassador, who was immediately conducted to his Lodging, where the Pristaff with great Apology, made him a liberal offer of all things necessary for his family.  
And this is all I have to say concerning the manner of our Entry. However, before I describe the Circumstances of our abode at Archangel, and the success of our journey cross the Country to Moscow, I think it not impertinent to give a Relation of the Country itself, and the Inhabitants; to the end that the Readers, being pre-instructed in these two points, the manner of our Voyage may be more easily comprehended.   

The description of Moscovie.  
Moscovie is properly but the name of a Province so called, of which Moscow is the chief City. But as France communicates its name to all the Provinces under that Dominion, so by Moscovie are ordinarily understood all the Provinces united under the Obedience of the Czar. This Country is a part of the European Sarmatia, whereof the Ancients make mention; which is otherwise called Russia or Roxolania, and from thence comes the name of Russians, which is given to the Moscovites.  
This Empire which is doubtless the greatest of all Europe, extends itself Northward to the frozen Sea, beyond the Arctic Circle; Eastward it is terminated by the River Oby; Southwards by the Crim Tartars and Precopia; And on the West by Livonia, Poland, and Swedland. So that in its whole extent, as well in Asia as Europe, it comprehends thirty degrees, which is near six hundred leagues; and in its Latitude sixteen, which is above three hundred.  
This Country is generally flat, in which Nature has taken delight, as it were, to put the Trees in array, and to beautify it with several Lakes and Rivers. And in truth, Moscovie from one end to the other, is in a manner nothing but a continual Forest, irrigated by several Lakes and Rivers, which render it incomparably pleasant and beautiful. Amongst others, there is Volga, sometimes called Rha, and which the Tartars at present call Edel, without exception the finest River in Europe. It takes its source in the Province of Roscovie, from a Lake called Fronow, and passing some few leagues beyond into another called Volgo, it takes its name from that Lake, and disimbogues near Astracan into the Caspian Sea, Where it divides Europe and Asia. So as from its head, to the place where it falls into the Caspian, is a tract of a thousand leagues at least, receiving most of the Rivers in Moscovie, as it goes along, which enlarge it so, that, as Olearius' mentions in his Relation, it is not far from Nice, four thousand six hundred Geometrical feet broad.  
The Boristhenes also, which parts Lituania and Moscovie, is very considerable; which riseth in Roscovie also, and dischargeth itself into the Euxin Sea. Besides these, there is Duina which receiveth the Conslans, Jagel, and Sucagna, and casts itself into the White Sea, some six or seven leagues from Archangel. There is another Duina also, which riseth some leagues off of the Nieper or Boristhenes, in a Lake that gives it its name, and falls into the Baltique about four leagues from Riga. The Oby, which discharges itself into the Frozen Sea, and takes its source from the Lake Cataisco, is so broad at the mouth, they must have a very good wind that cross it in a day. I could speak also of Mosca and Occa, considerable Rivers, and of several others this Country is well provided with; but it shall be sufficient at present to say, that for the most part they lose themselves in the River's . Besides these, there is so great a number of Brooks, Pools, and Lakes, one can scarce pass four or five leagues without seeing some great collection of Water.  
Moscovie being scituat in so cold a Climate, no wonder if the Winters be very long there, and the Frosts exceeding violent, especially in the most Northerly Provinces. About Moscow, where the weather is more temperate, the Winter takes not up above six or seven months in the year: but on the Eastern, and Northern sides of the Country, particularly in the Province of Petzora, that runs along by the Frozen Sea, their Winters are so long, that their Rivers which begin to thaw but in May, freeze again before August is passed. And although those Provinces towards the South should seem in reason to be more mild, they are notwithstanding so subject to violent Cold, that one shall meet with men upon the Road benumbed ordinarily, who (though their whole body perhaps be not stupefied) yet there is nothing more common, if they have not extraordinary care, than to have their Ears, their Lips, their Hands, or their Noses frozen. In short, the Colds there are great to that degree, that they many times become insuperable by any exercise of the body, and cleave the very Earth as much as a Drought. The Rivers, the Lakes, the Sea it felt is frozen, and as at that time they seem to have changed their Natures, they change also their Customs. One may see there a River so frozen in four and twenty hours, that one may pass over dry foot, and without doubt the abundance of Water that contributes to the Frost, must needs make the Air more bitter, and the Winter more fierce.  
From thence it comes to pass, that Moscovie is exempt from Epidemical diseases, their bodies being more robust, and more vigorous than in the hot Countries, where they are more subject to distempers. True it is, the Heats in the Summer are so excessive, that (as it is commonly reported in that Country) even the Fir-trees are sometimes set on fire by the Sun. Nevertheless, the Nights are so fresh and cool, that in the month of July, we had Frosts, though the Days had been sweltry and insupportable. But that which is much more troublesome than the Heat, is the Clouds of Infects, of Wasps, and other Flies, engendered by the Sun in the Pools and Marshes, which give a perpetual persecution to them that travel.  
For Aliment, necessary for the subsistence of Man, Moscovie produces so good, and in that quantity, that it yields not to the best country in Europe. They have Grass and Corn in that abundance, that they know not which way to consume it, for which cause here it is the Hollander makes his provision of corn yearly. Their Seed time is not before May, though about Moscow and the Provinces adjacent, the fields are open ordinarily in April, or the end of March: The great Frosts they have in the Winter, make them give the Earth more leisure to thaw, yet that hinders not but they have their Harvest before August. For the great heat of the Day, which is eighteen hours long, and the freshness of the Night, which with plentiful dews waters the Corn, thrusts it up immediately, and in a short time brings it to maturity. They have very good Beef, but their Mutton (especially about Archangel) is but indifferent. They have great store of Deer, Wild-bores, and Elkes, but principally of Hares, which are grey all Summer, and in Winter as white as Snow: Pheasants, Partridges, Wood-pigeons, Woodcocks, Duck, and Mallard, Geese, Quails, and Pigeons are very plentiful, and by consequence cheap. Their Forests are well furnished with small Birds also, as Thrushes, Larks, and Feldifere; but having enough of others, they do not spend their time in taking of them. There are also about Archangel some Birds of prey white all over. And if the Forests befriend them with such variety of Game, their Rivers, Lakes, and Pools are no less bountiful in their Fish: In the Volga, they have a kind of Sturgeon, of whose Eggs they make an excellent Ragout, which they call Ikari, and the Italians Cavayar, which affords a considerable Trade in those Parts, and the Czar keeps it to himself: They put their Eggs into Paste, and (having prepared them with Salt ten or twelve days) they eat them like a Salad with Vinegar, oil of Olives, Pepper, and Onions, They have all kind of Pulse, and Potherbs, yet it is not long since Salads and Asparagas were in fashion in Moscow; and since Flowers and strong Herbs were transplanted thither. Onions and Garlic are so common amongst them, especially in their Lents, that one needs go no further than his Nose for information. They have great quantities of Melons, Cucumbers, and Gourds, and we were assured, that (like those which Olearius mentions of the figure of a Lamb) they change their place as they grow, that they dry up the Grass which way soever they turn, and that when ripe, the stock dies, and that the fruit being covered with a certain velvet on the rind, the same with a little preparation is made serviceable as Furs. And these kind of Gourds are frequently had near Samara, betwixt the Volga and the Doa. They have no want of Apples, Plums, or Cherries, but they have no Walnut-trees, or such Fruit as require a longer and more moderate heat. They have good store of fair Strawberries, and in Autumn a certain red Goosberry, that grows flat upon the ground. They have Mulberries also, and Raspberries, and Honey in that abundance, that they gather it as they pass along the Woods. All which being considered together, with their vast numbers of Cattle, one may well say, That this also is a Country flowing with Milk and Honey. Of this Honey they make a great proportion of Wax, so as beside what they consume in their Torches, Candles, and Lamps, they utter yearly near twenty thousand Quintals to Strangers. Of this Honey it is they make their Mead, which they call Mioude, a very common drink amongst them. They make it of raw Honey, beaten in warm water, which, when they have stirred up and down a long time with a stick, they cover, and let it stand twelve hours: then boiling and scuming it, they strain it thorough a cloth, and it is made. They have also another sort that is red, which is excellent with Strawberries, Cherries, Mulberries, or Rasps, and is prepared with more curiosity and ingredients. Besides this, the Ordinary People drink Quaz, which is a kind of small Beer, and not unpleasant. The better Sort make themselves a kind of strong Beer, which they keep in their Snow-houses all the Summer. True it is, they have no Vines, yet by the Courtesy of the English and Hollander, they are every year so well provided with Wine and strong Waters, that they have no want either of the one or the other.  
Stone being a Rarity in Moscovie, and Wood so plentiful, there are few Houses but what are built of Wood; which I observed to have two conveniences: One is, that they are warmer than Stone, the Other, that they are cheaper. But withal, they have this disadvantage, that they are more obnoxious to the Element of Fire, which is so outrageous sometimes, that it devours a whole Town at a blow. And hence it is their Houses are very rude, without any fashion or art, being only so many pieces of Fir piled up one above another, and Moss stuffed in betwixt them, their Windows very small, and their Roofs of bark of Trees, covered over sometimes with Turf. So that (their Stoves excepted, which they use to warm their Chambers with, in the severity of the Winter) they do almost follow the Discipline of Lycurgus, who would have the Lacedæmonians build with no other Instruments, than the Hatchet and Saw. They are generally low, and those of the Peasants, not of above one or two Rooms at the most, in which the Father, Mother, Children, Hogs, and Hens lie all together. They have for the most part no Chimneys, insomuch as when they make use of their Stoves, the smoke goes out still at the Windows. Another Remedy the Muscovites have against the mischief of fire, is the miserable furniture of their Houses, which is so contemptible, that in any such accident, they can lose nothing with their Lodgings, but their Dishes and Spoons, which are made of Earth or Wood; so that they comfort themselves in their losses, by the facility of their Reparations.  
For their Garments, which are very necessary for the resistance of the Winter, Nature must be acknowledged to have dealt very prudently in providing their Forests, so replete with Beasts of prey, with whose Skins they protect themselves against the injuries of the Wether. For, besides Furs of Otters, martin's, common Foxes, and Hares; they have some more precious, as your black Fox, Sables, Beaver, Ermines, and grey Squirrels. They have white Bears also, whose Skin is of great value, and much used by great Persons to hang behind the back of their Sledges, as an Ornament, when they travel or pass thorough the Town. The Skins of the common Bears are of much use to the same purpose, which beasts are there in so great numbers, that they do not only infest the Highways in Winter and make them dangerous, but trooping together in Companies, they sometimes fall upon a whole Village, and destroy it. Their Wolves are no less fierce, and sometimes they have much ado to defend themselves against them; They have white Wolves too, but not so frequent. They have a water Rat, whose skin is of a pleasant Smell, and very proper to lay amongst .  
They have Hemp and Flax in that abundance in Moscovie, that notwithstanding all that is exported from Archangel, linen amongst them is very cheap. It is not necessary that I mention the Leather of Russia, being a thing so well known already in Europe by the means of the English and Hollander, who transport it daily from Archangel. Cloth is the only thing that is defective to the Muscovites, what they make there being course and thick, and for the use only of the Peasants; which gives occasion to the English and Dutch to drive a great Trade there every year with that Commodity.  
As for Travailing, they have great advantages (especially in the Winter) by their Sledges. For the Country being flat and exceeding Cold, and the ground at that time covered constantly with Snow, their Sledges which are drawn with horses glide easily away upon the surface of it, and pass with incredible swiftness. These Sledges are made of the Bark of the Lindentree, about the length of a man, in which one lies along. They line them commonly with some thick Felt to make them warm, and because the top is open, they cover and wrap themselves up in good Furs, as well as they can. They travail under the conduct of a Carter, who sits on one side, and sometimes by fits will endeavour to warm himself with running by, but most commonly with good full draughts of strong Water, which is his principal Preservative in his Travels. And if at any time he happens to overturn upon any Bank or Declivity, the Sledge being built low, the fall is the less dangerous. The Lady's Sledges, that are covered above and on all sides like Coaches, are built much higher, and by consequence much heavier, and are therefore more dangerous, otherwise they slide along upon the Snow like the rest. This manner of Travailing in Sledges, is not only convenient (seeing one may in three day's time travail in them from Vologda to Moscow, which is at least an hundred leagues distance) but pleasant also in so plain a Country. And (provided a man be well covered) he may sleep with ease, his motion is light and insensible, and favours rather, than disturbs one's repose: besides the Advantage of Travailing by nights, as well as by days, according to the importance of occasions. In Summer they have two ways of Travailing, by Land, and by water, whereas in Winter they Travail but only by Land. On the first, one may travail on Horseback, by Coach, or by Wagon, the Ways being very broad, beautiful, and generally easy for Travail all Moscovie thorough. In the other way of Travailing, they make use of certain little Boats, made all of one piece, of the trunk of a Tree made hollow, in which they stand right up, and row over Lakes and Rivers. So, these Boats being very light, a man with small care can travail a great way in a very short time. But there is this dangerous inconvenience in them, if there be not an exact counterpoise observed, they totter from one side to another, till at last they turn quite over. They make use also of certain floating Bridges, made of pieces of Fir joined and tied together, which bear themselves up upon the Water. Furthermore, they have this great incommodity in all sorts of Travailing, that they have no Inns or Houses of Reception to retire to, or where one may be accommodated, as in other Countries of Europe, so that one must carry both his Bed and Provision along with him. And for this reason the Merchants that traffic from Archangel to Moscow have their houses at Vologda and Moscow, and being well known and accommodated, it is a great convenience to travail with them. Another great incommodity in the Summer is the violence of the Heat, and the importunity of the Flies, buzzing perpetually about ones Face, and interrupting the pleasure one might take in the beauty of the Forests, and the grateful confusion of Light, and Shadow that is made in the Woods.  
Thus far we have represented the Condition of the Country, we will now consider the Genius of the People succinctly; and that First, In respect of their Origine, their Stature, their Habits, and Language; Secondly, Of their Humour, and Nature, and Disposition; Thirdly, Of their Managery, and manner of Living; Fourthly, Of their Policy; and Last of all, Of their Religion.  
The Moscovites, or Russians, are those whom the Ancients called Rhoxalani, they boast themselves descended from the Greeks, whom in many things they zealously imitate. But this I dare undertake, they are not descended from the Lacedæmonians; If they be, they have left all their Virtue behind them. I should rather deduce them from those, who were called Sibarites, who had the Reputation of good Drinkers above all others.  
Their Shape and Proportion is much the same with the Germans, being for the most part Corpulent, and of a strong Complexion. The Boyars (for so their principal Nobility are termed) are very ambitious to have their bellies stick out, as if they esteemed it a mark of their Nobility. Great Beards (as in Germany) are in great request here also, and looked upon as tokens of Virility, and he that hath the greater Beard, is the bravest man amongst them. But though they wear their Beards so long, yet they please themselves as much in the shortness of their Hair, which they cut very close, notwithstanding the Coldness of the Country. Ecclesiastical persons only wear long Hair, except such Lords of the Court as are in disgrace with the Czar, who as a testimony of their affliction do suffer it carelessly to hang down over their Shoulders; Not unlike the ancient Custom among the Greeks, upon any public or extraordinary Calamity. For then the Women shaved their Heads, and the Men wore their Hair at length; whereas commonly they did the contrary. The Women in Moscovie are of a middling Stature, and well proportioned, they are for the most part handsome, and well featured; but painting is amongst them so common, they never think themselves beautiful without it. And whereas other Women use it as a concealment of their deformity, these for the most part do use it (how gross or bad soever it be) as a Veil to their beauty. The married Women have a Custom of putting up their Hairs in a Coif, whereas their Virgins suffer it to hang down in two Tresses upon their Backs.  
As to their Habits, the Men wear long great Robes down to their Feet, not much unlike the Greeks, with sleeves of the same length, but very straight, in so much as when they dress themselves, they must turn them up in several plates upon their Arms, and in that multitude of folds they fancy there is great comeliness. They have two conveniences by the length of their sleeves; one, that in the Winter time they do the office of a Muff, whilst having no employment for their hands, they let them hang down at their full length. The other is, that when they have any design to rob, or take revenge upon any body, they let them hang down as for warmth; and under that pretence they carry their cudgels, stones, or daggers in them. They ordinarily wear them as low as their knucles, and so they have but one half of their hands at liberty. The most considerable Persons amongst them make their robes of Satin, Damask, or cloth of Gold: The Citizens, of cloth of a dusky, violet, or dark green colour, and sometimes of red: The People of the lowest Condition have theirs of a dark-coloured course Cloth, made in their own Country. In Winter every one lines them with Fur, according to their several qualities, the poor People generally lining theirs with Sheep skins, which though they be very useful against the Extremity of the weather, yet in this they are inconvenient, that they cast an ill smell, and are in perpetual hostility with our Noses. They wear Juste-au-corps or Vests also, which are made close to their Body, and come down to the Calf of their Legs, open before, and set to the bottom with Gold or Silver buttons, and having Collars very large. Under them, they have straight Breeches, and Waistcoats (which they call Caftan) that come down to their knees, whose Collars are made after the fashion of the Jesuits, only these are much higher, so that they go round about the hinder part of their Heads. They are generally made of Satin, Damask, or Taffeta, and because these Collars, by reason of their height, are very conspicuous, they line them many times with Velvet, or cloth of Gold, and sometimes adorn them with Pearls and precious Stones. Nor doth this vanity rest here, it goes even to their Shirts, which the richest sort Embroider at the Collar, Wrists, and Breast, with several coloured Silk, and sometimes with Jewels or Gold. They wear no Hats, only a Bonnet of cloth, with a little snip open before and behind, which hath something of the form of a Pyramid. The Nobility have them of Scarlet cloth, or Velvet embroidered with Pearl on the sides, and in Winter time lined with the preciousest Furs; but the common Sort wear nothing but white Felt or cloth Caps, which they get lined in Winter with the vilest sort of Fur. Cloth is so dear in that Country, that many amongst them make no bones of patching up their Bonnets with pieces and shreds of sundry colours, so that they resemble in some manner the disguised Watermens in the Play. These Bonnets I observed to be altogether inconvenient abroad; for having no brims, they give no protection against the Sun, the Wind, the Rain, or the Snow: whereas our Hats are some defence to us in all these cases. The Polonian Bonnets are more commodious than these; for they are made with a brim of pasteboard, of each side covered over with Fur: and hence it is, that in Winter most Strangers make use of them in Moscovie, as being warmer than our hats. In stead of Shoes, the Russians wear commonly Boots without stops, which serve them also for Pockets: the Peasants wear shoes made of the bark of a Tree wrought very thin, and interwoven and braided, after the manner of Wicker baskets. The most of them have no Stockings, only some pieces of Fur or cloth wrapped about their Legs, and tied fast with a packthread. There is no great difference betwixt the men's Habits and the women's, saving that the women's Robes are somewhat larger, and their Sleeves not so fastened to the bodies of their Robes, but that they can either put them on, or let them hang by as they please. They have this only peculiar in their smock-sleeves, that they are commonly three or four els long, plated into so many folds, that they have nothing else from the top of their Arm to their Finger's end. But their greatest difference is in their Bonnets, which for the Women, are made a very fantastical way.  
Their Language hath great affinity with the Slavonian, as well as the Polonian, so that he who understands either of these, cannot be at any great loss for the Moscovian, which is pleasant enough, and not very difficult to learn. They have borrowed their Characters from the Greeks, but have since much altered and transformed them, and they abound so much in double Letters, that they have increased their Alphabet to the number of forty. But their Character is that alone wherein they communicate with the Greek; for their Words have very little affinity to it.  
And thus I have given an account of their Original, their Stature, their Habits, and their Language; we will now proceed to their Nature and Genius.  
The Moscovites (as appears particularly by their Commerce) are a People of great Wit, Cunning, and Dexterity.  
They are of a Temper very remarkable in this, that they are so accustomed to the Extremities of Heat and Cold, that the suddenest and most violent alteration that can be, makes no ill impression on their health. There one may see little Children come running out of their warm Stoves in their shirts in the midst of Winter, and having (in the fiercest Cold imaginable) taken two or three frisks upon the Snow, return immediately into their Stoves, and find no inconvenience by the change. Insomuch, that as Agesilaus had but one Habit Winter and Summer; so do these seem to have but one Temper; neither the Heat succeeding the Cold, nor the Cold the Heat, making any alteration in them. In short, they are so hardened and accustomed to both Heat and Cold, that their Custom seems to be turned into Nature. Besides, they being used to very hard fare, and brought up as they are in servitude and slavery, they must unquestionably be very proper for the Wars. And indeed having little comfort or pleasure in their lives, they want rather Conduct than Courage to fight. Nevertheless, Idleness which in other places is reckoned as the Root of all Vices, seems to be peculiar to this Nation, so Lazy are they naturally, and of such Antipathy to all kind of Labour. It must be either force or necessity that compels them thereunto, they often preferring a bastinado or whipping before an honest but painful employment.  
From hence it is, that Drunkenness amongst them is so familiar, that there are but few Persons exempt from it. The Clergy are addicted to it, as well as the Laity, the Women as the Men, the Young as the Old, all striving as it were, with a brutish emulation to out-drink one another. Aquavitae is generally the charm by which this Metamorphosis is made, like the liquor of Circe, which turns them into Swine; or like the Mead of Camma which carries death along with it, when they venture so far as to die upon the spot. Yet I must say, that notwithstanding this liquor is very necessary in this Country, and that there were scarce any living without it, in regard it is a sovereign Remedy against the Cold, and not un-useful in Summer. But the abuse of it is grown so great, that, instead of taking it now and then for the re-inforcement of their Spirits, they employ it to their dissolution; and whereas by a moderate taking, it would be a means of refreshment, their debauches pervert its good effects, and turn it to their ruin. Tobacco was formerly also taken with no less extravagancy than their strong Water now, but in the year 1634 the Czar and Patriarch thought good with great rigour to prohibit it, many of them having before that time set their Houses on fire by their negligence, when they were drunk with Tobacco. The poor People instead of buying themselves bread, consumed all their Money in Tobacco. Besides (which was the particular disgust of the Patriarch) they presented themselves before their Images with so reeking and smoky a breath, that, perhaps he was afraid, they would poison their Saints, with the stink of their Tobacco. At this day it is more frequently used than in some years past, the search being not now so strict against the takers, nor the punishment so severely inflicted on them that sell it. Strangers have the liberty to use it, which makes the Moscovites to be the more desirous of it, for some of them would almost worship a man for a pipe of Tobacco.  
But Vice having (as Plutarch observes) many baits and allurements, by the motion and representation of which, it gives the Passions several encroachments to entangle themselves: So may I say of Drunkenness, that it hath its attraction, and draws men into Lasciviousness and Excess. Amongst the rest of the World, the Moscovites do furnish us with experiments of this kind, both the Women and the Men giving themselves over to Ebriety, there is a concomitant addiction to Wantonness. True it is, the Czar permits not any public Brothels, but the Drunkenness and Idleness wherewith this Country is excessively delighted, is the occasion of so great irregularity, that Sodomy itself is no stranger to it.  
Quaeritur Aegysthus quare sit factus adulter,  
In promptu causa est desidiosus erat.  Ovid. 
Upon this score the Insolences they commit in their ordinary Quarrels are insupportable. Upon all occasions they make no scruple of upbraiding one another with Incest, Sodomy, and such crimes, as the very thought of them ought to be horrid and abominable.  
In short, Civility and Complacence amongst them is so rare, 'tis no wonder if they be very sparing of it before Strangers: to whom if they bear any difference or respect, it is certainly from some advantage they expect to draw from them. And in that case they spare not their Caps, and the greatest reverence they can show, which is commonly expressed by a low declination of their Head towards the ground without moving a Foot. The Women use also the same way of saluting one another, only they bow themselves more gradually, and letting their hands hang lose by their sides, they touch not their Bonnets at all. But when a Citizen or Peasant would show something more than ordinary Respect, than he goes to the very ground, and prostrates himself, even to the beating the ground with his Forehead; which is the manner of expressing the Reverence which they bear to their Nobility. And this extreme submission is that which makes their Magistrates so insolent, and so exceeding jealous of their Authority, that Strangers let them be of what Quality they will, do very rarely meet with any Kindness or Civility amongst them. And withal, having an opinion of the Grandeur of their Emperor, that he is incomparably greater than any King in Europe, from thence it comes to pass, that they use Ambassadors so indifferently, making no scruple to prefer themselves before them; in which regard there is great prudence and circumspection required to the maintaining the Honour of ones Prince amongst them.  
And this is in general a true Character of the Humour of the Russians; it remains now that (according to the Order I have proposed) I give some Prospect of their manner of Living.  
Moscovie is indeed a very fertile and plentiful Country, yet the Inhabitants brought up from their Cradles in great Hardship and Austerity, understand not how to improve the advantages it yields. And being born as it were to Slavery, they easily endure those Incommodities, which without long accustomation would have been intolerable. So that what Agesilaus said of the People of Asia, may be very well applied to them, viz. That they are very good Slaves, but would make the worst Freemen in the World. For their Oeconomie and the affairs of their Houses, it is certain, they are very ill furnished, that they live very poorly, and that they know no superfluity, but of Drink. Those Persons of Quality that are obliged to live in any Equipage or Height, have all their Provisions from their own Farms. The common People have little other cheer than Peas, Turnops, Cabbages, Coleworts, and fresh Cucumbers, or pickled with Salt and Vinegar. They have fresh Fish and Salt sometimes: but then they never forget their Onions and Garlic, which are their principal hautgout. Besides these they have little other fare, especially of Flesh, most of their year being taken up by fasting days, and their Butter and Cheese is so bad, that it is a hard thing for Strangers to make use of them. Those who are rich enough to have Aquavitae of their own, will not sit down at the Table, till they have drank of it, and whilst they are at Meals they drink it, and lest their Digestion should be weak, they must needs have their Dram too afterwards. The common People are always prepared for it, as well drunk as sober, at midnight as at noonday; and though their Waters are made very strong, yet for fear they should not be hot enough, they clap in now and then a good quantity of Pepper. Their Ordinary drink is Mead and Quaz, as I have intimated before. After Dinner the Russes have a Custom of shutting up their Shops, and going to sleep; and the great Persons amongst them, will scarce speak of affairs with any Body. Nevertheless they use Beds so little, that none but some Persons of quality do lie upon Beds or Quilts. The People of Capua had anciently a Custom to suffer none of their Children to use any Beds, till they were married, because as they alleged, Beds were not invented for young beardless Boys, but for ancient and decrepit Men. Amongst the Moscovites this Custom is more severe; for they use them neither before, nor after they are married, nor in the very extremity of Age. In Winter time they content themselves to lie along upon a table or a bench of Fir before their Stoves, covering themselves only with their clothes: and for coolness in Summer they make bold with the Ground.  
Instead of Candles, the Peasants make use of long and thin chips of Fir, which being very dry presently take fire, and give a great ●ight. But because they are instantly burnt but, they must have a good store of them to supply, if they want light but for a little time.  
One thing there is very commendable amongst the Moscovites, and that is, that the Women have great respect generally for their Husbands; for which reason they are exceedingly retired, and appear very seldom ●n public. And this is a Custom so conformable to Nature, and so religiously observed amongst the Ancients, that there is no person unaddicted to a carnal sense, but will condemn the liberty which is at this time taken ●y most of the Women in Europe. Plutarch ●ells us, That a discreet Woman should de●ort herself directly contrary to the Moon, that is, that she should appear when her Husband is by, and in his absence keep herself close at home. Phidias making the Image of Venus for the Elians, represented her standing upon a Tortoise; to signify, that a Woman should by no means be gossipping abroad. It is to be commended also in the Moscovites, that they permit not their Wives to be seen too frequently in the Streets, though in other things their Discipline appears rigid enough, and favouring of too much severity. For they make use of them only as a necessary evil, they look upon them supercilliously, and with frowns, they beat them often, and handle them as if they were their slaves, and not part of themselves.  
But if the Women in general are so retired, amongst the Nobility, the Virgins are much more for besides, that they appear very seldom abroad, when they do so they cover themselves always with a Veil, to prevent their being seen: so that many times they marry before the Bridegroom hath seen his Mistress' face Amongst them it is not permitted that young Men and Maids see one another, nor that they make any promises of Marriage by Word o● Writing, those things being always left to the transaction of the Parents. So it sometime happens that the Bridegroom, having not see his Wife till he be brought up into her chamber where she is laid, that the man who expected a very handsome Wife, meets with a deformed Person, and perhaps a counterfeit, if the Parents will but consent to the Cheat. This Custom of women's wearing Veils, is very ancient, especially amongst the Jews, who did it in token of Bashfulness and Chastity, as the Moscovites do now. And hence it was that Rebecca as soon as she saw her Husband, took a Veil and covered herself, and that Laban deceived Jacob, when he gave him Leah his Eldest daughter, who was bleer-eyed, instead of the Beautiful Rachel whom he had promised him.  
The Demeanour of the Moscovites being thus described, as to their manner of Living, we shall now speak somewhat of the Baths, of which they make use in imitation of the Ancients. They are close places with Furnaces, which they heat exceedingly, and for the greater excitation of Vapours, they cast Cold water now and then upon the Stove. They have divers Benches, at some distance, one above another, which yield several degrees of Heat, according as each one thinks convenient. They lay themselves along stark naked upon these Benches, and after they have sweat a competent time by means of those hot Vapours, that have diffused themselves all over the Bath, there is care taken, that their Bodies be well washed with Warm water, or some other liquor, and rubbed all over with handfuls of Herbs. After which they commonly take a Dram of the bottle, to reinforce their Spirits, which are sometimes so weakened by their sweeting, that they fall into a swound. And these Baths are the universal Remedies the Moscovites make use of, as well for keeping of their Bodies clean, as for conservation of their Health, which they enjoy with great advantage above other Nations. And for this reason there is not a Town without its Stoves, both public and private: which they believe very necessary for new married People, especially after their first congress, therefore in such a case, they always make use of this kind of purification.  
And forasmuch as every Country hath its divertisements, as being necessary for the Exercise and Recreation of the Body, it is but reasonable to say something of those that are in use amongst the Moscovites.  
At their Festivals, their young Men are accustomed to meet in great numbers, and for their pastime to play at fifty cuffs, or cudgels, without the least quarrelling, or exceptions. By which means they are so enured to blows, that they become almost insensible, and have much greater aversion to work, than they have to the whip or the cudgel, though the same be laid on in very good earnest. Some also there are that understand wrestling pretty well, with which they exercise themselves in imitation of the English, who are taken to be very skilful in this kind of Recreation. In Winter they have a sort of Pattens, or Scates, as they have in Holland, of which they make use, as soon as the Rivers are frozen, not to make their journeys with (as in the Low-Countries) but for their Exercise, and to warm themselves upon the Ice. They are made of Wood, with a long piece of polished Iron at the bottom, very straight and turned upward at the toe, and that the Iron may the better cut the Ice, they turn their Feet, on the one side and the other, so that they go directly on very fast. They have also public Engines to Swing withal, like a double gallows, having four places for four men, all in an equal distance, where having placed themselves, they swing continually by the Counterpoise they give one another, so that while some swing up to the height of a Windmill, one may see the others falling near as low as the Ground: which they do successively, till they think it fit to hold. The Women have Ropes which they swing with, or else they lay a plank cross a block, and mounting one at one end, and the other at the other, they toss themselves up with a very violent motion. Their ordinary Music, is nothing but a bag pipe, which they accompany sometimes with the tune of a Song. They make so ill use of their Trumpets and Kettledrums, that the same render but a harsh and obstreperous Harmony; Their Howboys are much better, which they use before their Infantry in the Wars.  
As for their dancing, it is so absurd and ridiculous, that the Bears they teach to dance there acquit themselves better than themselves. For they tumble up and down in such Brutish and unbecoming postures, one would think they use it only to excite Lasciviousness, whereas this exercise should be undertaken, and managed with decency as a thing that is very graceful and honourable. They use great distortions with their hands, shoulders, and back parts, and hopping right up with their feet, they scarce appear to move one step out of their place.  
This being their manner of Living in private, we shall now give an account how they regulate themselves in respect of the public, by the Laws and Customs of their Country; and so having done with their Oeconomy, we shall proceed to their Policy, and after that to their Religion.  
Policy and Religion are the two Poles, on which the Globe of civil Society moves. And though it is possible some places may be found very barbarous and licentious, where Learning and Civility were in no esteem, and where the Government by Kings was not usual, yet it is hard to name any place that hath subsisted without some Policy or other, and where they have not had some sense or apprehension of a Deity. But amongst all the Policies of the World, Monarchy is manifestly the most advantageous, as most conformable to the Majesty of God, who alone manages and presides over the whole Universe. The State of Moscovie which is now before us, is Monarchical: but it is also Despotical and Absolute, insomuch as the Tzar being Lord and Master (as it were) over all his Subjects, disposeth uncontrollably of their lives and estates, as he thinks good. And under this kind of Monarchy it was they lived, which were anciently called Barbarians, as the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians, whose Princes usurped that Magisterial Authority over their Persons and Goods, governing their Subjects not otherwise than as a Lord doth his slaves. And such at this day is the Government in Turkey, where the Grand Segniour hath so absolute a Sovereignitie over his Subjects, that he disposeth of their lives and fortunes, as an absolute Lord. But for the better comprehension of the State of Moscovie under the Domination of so unquestionable a Prince, it is First to be considered, in what his greatness and Authority consists; Secondly the Submission, Obedience, and singular Respect his Subjects bear him; Thirdly the Policy and Order, by which his Dominion over his Subjects is maintained, and the union and concurrence of Obedience in his Subjects preserved and established.  
The Tzars of Moscovie having the Power and Right of disposing of the Lives and Estates of their Subjects, in this vast Tract of ground under their Dominion, no question but it is absolute over all depending upon that Government. It is the Tzar alone that gives Laws to the People, it is he that disposeth of the Government of the Provinces, it is he that sends and receives Ambassadors, it is he that levies Imposts and Taxes, and in short, doth every thing that he pleases. And from hence it is he is called Grand Seigneur, and 
* Tzar, is the right pronunciation according to the Russes, therefore I had rather spell it so than Czar with a C, as it is commonly written, because it seems to be derived from Caesar.  Tzar, which is as much as to say, King, or Emperor, else he is called Velika Knez, which signifies Great Duke. His Arms are an Eagle with two Heads, carrying three Crowns, which import Moscovie, Casan, & Astracan, two Kingdoms he possesses in Tartary. There is also in his Escutchion, a Cavalier represented in Combat with a Dragon, which without doubt must be intended for Michael the Archangel, or St. George. And as the Authority of this Prince, must be acknowledged to be great, so his Revenues must be owned to be extraordinary and commensurate. For besides his proper Demains, which are very considerable, he hath an incredible Revenue from the Taverns, which he licenseth thorough all his Dominions; besides, five per Cent he exacts for all Merchandise imported or exported, and a vast Sum of Money he receives from the Factors he employs himself. He hath a great Revenue also out of his Furs, and Cavyar, being a commodity he reserves entirely to himself, he makes very great advantages by that also. Yet this I must needs say, that if his Treasure be vast, his Issues and Expenses are not small, as well in respect of the Splendour and extraordinary Pomp he lives in, as the continual Wars he maintains with his Neighbours, either the Swedes, or the Polanders, or else the Tartars. For which reason he frequently raises: mighty Armies, and for his better Success, gives great Pensions to his Officers, which are paid very punctually; and by this means he draws many Strangers to him, whose service he likes very well, and knows which way to gratify their Prudence and Fidelity. True it is, generally upon the commencement of a War, it is the People that supply him according to his demands, by which he gives them severely sometimes to understand the Power he hath over their fortunes and estates.  
The greatness of this Prince being established in this manner, through the vast extent of his Dominion, by the abundance of his Wealth, the magnificence of his Court, and the absoluteness and indisputablenesse of his power over all his Subjects; it is not to be doubted but the same imprints a most profound respect in the hearts of the people towards his Person. And indeed so abject are they, and submissive to the Sovereign's command, that they will themselves declare their own servitude, and caknowledg they hold their Estates from God and him only. Some would not refuse any danger for his sake, and would perhaps many times be over joyed to expose their innocent lives at the Capriccio or fury of a Tyrant. They will freely confess to be his Slaves, and as a Testimony of their Humility, they will never name themselves in his presence but with a diminutive, as if a Petitioners name be Peter, he will say: I little Peter the humblest of all your Vassals do implore, etc. They boast of nothing more than the sparkling eyes of their Prince, (be he never so shore-sighted as Dyonisius of Syracuse was,) for they cry always, I have had the honour or shall have the honour to see the clear eyes of our Tzar. And did not Christian modesty restrain them a little in the Religious respect they bear unto their Monarch, they would be near to fly out into such Extravagant acclamations, as were used to King Herod; and say of his voice, that it is the voice of a God, and not of a man. They are very careful also of insinuating this Reverence into their Children, and of making them know the Majesty of their Prince, before they are capable of understanding the misery of their condition.  
And this discipline is principally founded upon three general Maxims; one of which is, That it is prohibited upon pain of death to any man to Travail out of that Country, unless they be the Tzars' Merchants, or Ministers of State, which he sends to other Princes in quality of Ambassadors. The reason is, lest by their Travails into other parts, they should bring back some new customs at their return, and having tasted the sweetness of the liberty other Nations enjoy, they should some time or other break asunder the chains of their own Servitude. This maxim to us that are enamoured with the happy liberty we are born under, might perhaps seem barbarous and intolerable, but the Russians are so accustomed to this kind of Slavery, that they are scarce sensible of it, and do comfort themselves in the vastness of their Country, which affords them space enough for their Travails, and in the Examples of other Countries, which have lived, and do live under the same maxim. The Lacedæmonians amongst others, who gloried and boasted that they lived under the greatest liberty, were subject notwithstanding to this Law, & forbidden any Commerce with foreign Nations: Whereas the Muscovites are permitted to Traffic with them in their own Country. Which gives me some hopes they will in time leave off that rustic and barbarous humour, which is so natural to them, and learn by degrees to live with more civility, for they are already delighted with the Conversation of foreign Merchants, and do please themselves very much in their manner of living. And were they under a gentler Government, and had a free Trade with every body, no doubt but this Nation would in a short time be taken with our civility and decent way of living. But this maxim that we do now discourse of, has no less effect towards the maintenance of their Religion, than their civil Customs, and is so exactly observed, that the very Strangers themselves that have entered into the service of the Tzar, or have otherwise embraced their Religion, are not exempt from it. For to have made himself a servant to the Great Duke, is to have made himself his Slave, and to have taken up his Religion, is to have abandoned his own Country, and to be always confined within the Limits of Muscovie. In short, by this Policy it may be easily imagined the Muscovites understand little of Navigation, seeing they exercise it so little: and indeed they know no other Compass than the Earth, nor do any of them, except some few fishermen, expose themselves to the Sea, and they no farther than within sight of the Shore.  
The Second Maxim the Tzars make use of, for maintaining the Policy of their Estate is, That they marry no foreign Princesses, nor look out any farther for a Wife, than their own proper Slaves. The other Princes of Europe, who are solicitous of nothing but the good and happiness of their Subjects, do comport themselves clear otherwise; they marry themselves with foreign Ladies for the Alliance of their Nations, and in order to establish a reciprocal and perpetual Amity betwixt them, for the benefit of both. By which means they avoid the insolence of their Wives Relations, which is almost inevitable, where a Prince takes a Wife out of his own Subjects. Moreover, it is certainly more honourable and more worthy the Majesty of a King, to espouse a Princess that is not of the number of his Subjects, uniting and mingling, as it were, their Crowns as well as their blood to produce a Posterity perfectly Royal. Whereas to take a Wife from that infinite distance, which there is betwixt a King and a Subject, to join her to the Crown, to descend from his Throne, as it were, to raise her up thither, who perhaps is very unfit for so great an elevation, is no less than to prostitute and debase the Majesty of a Monarch. Yet amongst the Tzars of Moscovy it is very usual, lest by introducing a foreign Princess she should bring some new Customs along with her, which in time might cause some alteration in the State. And from hence it was, that this present Tzar vouchsafed on Shrove-Sunday 1647. (which was then the seventeenth year of his Age and the second of his Reign) to marry the eldest Daughter of Ilia-Danilovitz Miloslausky, a person at that time in no excellent Condition; for to speak properly, there was nothing but the Beauty of his Daughter to induce the Tzar to honour him with so great a Relation.  
The Third Maxim by which their Policy and Religion is preserved, is their Ignorance of Learning, which is so well established in this Country, that they never learn farther than to write and read their own Language. And indeed Experience doth teach us this truth, that Seditions and Revolutions have not been any where so frequent as in Commonwealths, where Learning was commonly in great esteem, and even when it triumphed most. The reason of which is plain, forasmuch as Ambition and Pride march always in the Rear of great Knowledge: whereas Ignorance (as is evident amongst the Peasants and common People every where) renders them more supple and obedient: And this Valentian and Licinius Emperors of Rome had experience of, when they termed Learning the Plague and Poison of a Kingdom. Lycurgus was not far from this opinion, when he established Ignorance in his Republic. And we see at this day the greatest Enemy of Christendom triumphing, partly by virtue of this Maxim, over all the Monarches of this Age. The Tzars of Muscovie also find great benefit by this Policy, which conduces much to the easy Conservation of Obedience in their Subjects towards their Sovereign Empire. So that the Muscovites have this advantage, that they quietly enjoy their apprehensions of Nature, as they are at first sight represented to their sense, or their reasons, without any scandalous Imputation of Ignorance. They do not trouble themselves with the height of the Heavens, nor the greatness of the Earth, whether the Sun (as Anaximenes thought) be as flat as a Trencher, or whether it be hunch backed underneath like a Cockboat, as Heraclitus held, or whether it be round or square. They disturb not their heads with the dimensions of the Moon, to know whether she be hung lose in the Air, or inhabited or not, whether the Stars be but Earth Muminated as Thales maintained or whether perfect fire as Plato. They leave Nature to itself, and think it sufficient to know who is its Author, to discover the use of things by experience, and to give God thanks as they are able. They amuse not themselves to make Syllogisms, after the Model of Barbara or of Festino, to dispute whether Logic be an Art or Science, nor to determine sundry other curious and impertinent questions, which though of no use but to molest and torture the brain, are yet at this day amongst the learned people, in great practice and use, upon a mere principle of Curiosity, Ambition, or Interest. In stead of Books the Muscovites use Rolls of Paper as the Jews did sometimes; they glue every leaf together by the ends, with a certain Glue they have out of Siberia a Province of the Tzars, which they moisten only with the end of their tongue, and drawing it upon the Edges of the two leaves they are to join, they put the Edges upon one another, which fasten so close, it is scarce perceivable where they are joined, and in this manner they make Rolls sometimes of seven or eight Fathoms long.  
Furthermore, amongst the Magistrates that Govern Muscovie in their Council of State, there are in the first place thirty Noblemen or Boiars, so properly called which the Tzar obliges to be Resident in Moscow. After them there be the 
a Ockolnitz, that is to say a Privy Councillor.  Ockolnitz, the 
b Dumeny Duorainy signifies the same Office but in lower degree.  Dumeny Duorainy, the Sin Boyarsky, the Chancellor & two Secretaries of State. There are six appartements in the Council of the Great Duke, the first is designed for foreign affairs, the second for Military, the third for the Exchequer and the Treasury of the Tzar, the fourth for receiving the Accounts of his Factors, and such as have the Superintendance of the Taverns, the fifth for Civil Processes, and the sixth for Criminals. Their Council is commonly held in the Night, and the Tzar changes the Governors of his Provinces every three Years.  
There is no room for subtleties or wrangling in this Country, they dispatch their Suits in a short time, according to the plainness and paucity of their Laws. So that the Attorneys and Solicitors are there of as little use and concernment as the Philosophers.  
Amongst other punishments that they use, they have one they call Battoki, which has much affinity with that which God ordained in the time of Moses for the people of Israel, as appears in the 25. Chapter of Deuteronomy. They strip the condemned person to his Shirt, e. g. for having been the Author of some Riot, pilfering, or some other such small crime as is not worthy of death; Who then laying himself flat upon his Belly on the ground, there are two Men placed on each side of him, which give him as many blows with a Cudgel one after another, as the Judge that presides does condemn him to, sixteen, twenty or thirty, more or less, according to the quality and proportion of the offence he has committed. And as soon as his account is made up, he rises and makes his reverence to the person that condemned him; Not much unlike the Persians, who after correction returned, and gave their King thanks for his great Bounty in remembering them. The Muscovites use this kind of Chastisement in their private Families also, especially the Nobility, who have commonly great store of Slaves, who without respect of their Society are oftentimes constrained to beat one another till the blood follows. They have another sort of punishment with a Whip, which is much crueler, and inflicted by the hands of the Executioner, when the correction is public. The Whip is made of the skin of an Elk cut into several thongs, which pierces the skin in such manner, that at the very first lash it oftentimes leaves bloody impressions behind it; their Capital punishment which they use commonly for those that are condemned to die, scutting off their heads, and to extort Evidences they use the Strappado.  
As for their Money, they have but one kind which they call Copeca, fifty of which make a Crown, 'tis of Silver, of an Oval figure, and so small that the value of two Crowns will scarce bear the bulk of four pence in French Deniers; that which they call Muscofske is the fourth part of a Copeca, Poluske is the half, an Alim is three pence, a Grifna is ten, a Rouble a hundred, but these are not to be had of one piece.  
There are two things further remarkable in the common Society of the Moscovites, one is that they begin their day at the rising of the Sun, and end it at the setting, so that their Night gins as soon as the Sun is down, and ends when it rises. By which means they confound that which we call the Natural day with the Artificial, which extends itself from the rising to the setting of the Sun. The other is, that they begin their Year the first day of September, as allowing no other Epoch than from the Creation of the World which they believe was in Autumn. And they reckon according to the opinion of the Greeks, five thousand five hundred and eight Years from the Creation of the World, to the Nativity of our Saviour, whereas we account but three thousand nine hundred and sixty nine. So that in the Year of our Lord 1663. when we arrived in Moscovie, they reckoned 7175 Years from the Creation, whilst we accounted but 5686. Every first day of the Year, they have great Processions in their considerable Towns.  
And thus far we have given you the Policy or public Comportment of the Moscovite in the World: I shall now give you some hints of their Religion.  
The Religion of the Russes is the same with the Profession of the Greeks, they follow their Faith, their Rites, and their Ceremonies. The principal part of their Devotion after they are Baptised, consists in the Invocation of their Saints. For every Family hath its Saint pictured, and hung up against the wall of the Chamber, with a small wax Candle before it, which they light when they make their Invocations. Their Churches also are all adorned with Pictures, very ill drawn, and in flat painting; for they will endure no b● ages embossed. Over the Porch of their Churches, in their Market places, and over the Gates of their Cities, they have always the picture of the Virgin Mary, or their Patron St. Nicholas. And amongst them these Images are in such Veneration, that all that pass that way make a stand for a while before them, till they have made Reverences to them five or six times one after another, which is performed by crossing themselves with three Fingers of their right Hand, and by saying with a low voice, Gospodi Pomilui, which is as much as to say, God have mercy on me.  
They do address themselves with the same Veneration and Prayers to the Crosses they meet by the way, so that they are observed to stop themselves every moment. And these profound Reverences to their Images, and the signing themselves with the Cross at the same time, and crying Gospodi Pomilui, is almost all the Devotions the Parents do teach their Children. When a Moscovite enters into another Man's house, he first looks about for the Saint, and having paid his Reverence there, he turns about and salutes the Family. When they buy any of these Images, they take great caution of saying, they have bought them, but choose rather to say, they have changed them for Silver. When they grow old or rotten, they either bury them with some Ceremony, or throw them into some River, and expose them to the mercy of the Current. In short, the sign of the Cross is so usual amongst them, that they are perpetually at it, and do make it the ordinary preface of all their civil Actions.  
On Sundays and their Festival days, they go three times to Church, Morning, Noon, and Evening; and are standing and uncovered all the time of Divine service, for which reason, they have neither benches nor seats in their Churches. The most devout enter not into the Church, but perform their devotion at the door amongst the Women, who being looked upon as more impure than the Men, have not so easy an admission as they. A person who that day hath had knowledge of his Wife, ought not to enter into the Church, till he hath washed himself and put on a clean shirt. They have no preaching amongst them, so that their whole Service consists in the reading of certain Psalms or Chapters in the Bible by their Priest, and (upon occasion) Athanasius his Creed; or else they Sing their Prayers with a very high voice, and adding sometimes after that a Homily of St. chrysostom. They say their Prayers standing, only when they come to the Gospodi, they bow their Heads to the very ground, beating it with their forehead. And this is the whole Service of their Sundays, in which many amongst them forbear not any labour or travail. As to their Festivals, besides their Sundays, they observe but fifteen, that is to say, the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, on the eighth of September; the Exaltation of the Cross, the fourteenth of the same; the Oblation of the Virgin Mary, the one and twentieth of November; the Nativity of our blessed Saviour, the five and twentieth of December; the Epiphany or Feast of Kings on the sixth of January; Candelmas day, on the second of February; the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary, on the five and twentieth of March; Palm-Sunday, Easter-day, Ascension-day, Whit-Sunday, the Feast of the Trinity next day after the Pentecost, All Saints-day the Sunday after, the Manifestation of the Glory of Christ upon the Mountain, being the sixth of August, and the Ascension of the Virgin the fifteenth of the same.  
If there be any Religion that obliges its Professors to a severe Mortification, this must needs be confessed to do it with most Rigour. For besides that they fast ordinarily on Wednes-days, Fridays, and the Eves before holidays, they have four Lents every year. The longest of them is like ours, of seven weeks, there is another that gins Eight days after the Pentecost and lasts to St. Peter's day, the third holds from the first of August to the sixteenth, and the fourth from the twelfth of November till Christmas day. During these Lents they Eat neither butter nor eggs nor milk, only the first week of their chief Lent they have liberty for all kind of Excess, save eating of flesh. And indeed in this week (which serves them as a Carneval) their extravagancies are incredible, and as if their debauches were a preparative to their fasting, the insolences of drunken men are such, that at Moscow especially, it is very unsafe walking the streets in the night. But after this week they live so soberly that the most strict of them eat no fish but on sundays, and drink nothing at all but Quaz or fair water. They content themselves with pulse, and herbs, but above all with Garlic and Onions, of which they stink very enormously all Lent long; only now and then they indulge and sweeten themselves with honey. In the mean time the husband being not allowed the knowledge of his wife, but tied up from the pleasures of matrimony, is subject as it were to double Lent, which is not to be transgressed under a years excommunication.  
In their Confessions they stand upright before their Images, and when the Priest gives them absolution, he obliges them to certain penancies; the greatest of which are, that they abstain from aqua vitae, and from their wives, so that many times it falls out, a woman is punished for the sins of her husband. Or else they enjoin them when they come to Church to come no further than the Porch, to pronounce so many times the Gospodi, to make such a number of reverences to their Saints, to wash themselves with holy water, which is consecrated on the Epiphany, and which the Priests know very well how to distribute for their own advantage.  
They commonly take the Communion on a Fasting day at Noon service, and if any one receives on a Sunday, he must that day eat no Kind of flesh. It is administered in both Kind's with leavened bread, and wine mingled with warm water, which represents the believers, or rather (according to a Council of the East assembled at Constantinople) the water that came forth with the blood from the most precious side of our Saviour. There are none that receive in one kind only but children under seven years old, at which age as soon as they are arrived, they are admitted to communicate in both: because (say they) at that age they begin to sin Mortally. Some there are that will sleep as soon as they have received, to prevent by that means any occasion of sinning. If a Priest on the Communion-day happen to touch any dead Corpse, or be present at any funeral, he is looked upon as defiled, and can neither Consecrate nor Administer the Sacrament that day. But for what Oleareus alleges, that they believe a Transubstantiation, I could not perceive any such thing. And I have three reasons that do principally persuade me they are not yet fallen under so great an Error: The first is, that when one discourses with them about the consequences of that belief, they will own it to be irrational, and declare it absurd and ridiculous, and they never betake themselves (as the Catholics do) to God's Omnipotency to maintain it. The Second is, that if they did believe a real Transubstantiation, they would show more respect than they do to that mystery; and indeed it would be very strange, if in a Religion so precise and superstitious as theirs, they should want Zeal and Adoration at a time wherein it ought to be most Eminent as it is amongst the Roman Catholics. And lastly were they of this opinion, which Olearius imputs to them, it must have been derived to them from the Greeks, from whom they received the scheme of their Religion, but neither do we find the Greeks under so great a blindness.  
Amongst the Moscovites they have yearly many Processions, but the principal and most solemn is on Palme-sunday, by which is represented our Saviour's Entering into Jerusalem. They have Saints also that perform great miracles, if one will believe the stories they tell of them. Amongst the Rest, there is one of them called Serge, at Troitza, in the richest and most beautiful Convent in all Moscovy; in which place he lived formerly so religiously, that at last he wrought Miracles. He died in the year 1563. and yet as we passed by Troitza (which is a Town near Moscow) they told us his countenance was as fresh as when he died. And to this Convent the Tzar does usually go in Pilgrimage twice every year, he comes on horseback within a league of the place, and then walks the rest on foot.  
The Religious or monastics eat no flesh in their Convents, nor drink any thing but Quaz, but when they are out of their Convents, they have liberty to drink what they please. In this Country a man may forsake his Wife, and Children, and betake himself to a Convent; if a Woman be barren, her Husband hath power to quit himself of her, and dispose her into a Religious house; and the Tzars themselves when they have none but Daughters, do serve theirs in the same kind. Moreover, he that can convince his Wife of fornication hath it at his choice to shave her and clap her up in a Nunnery, and marry again within six weeks after the Divorce. I call it Fornication and not Adultery, because the Moscovites believe there is no Adultery but marrying another man's wife.  
They do not believe there is a Purgatory, but they hold there are two distinct places where the Souls that are separated from their bodies do remain in expectation of the day of Judgement. One of them is the Mansion of the Blessed, where they enjoy (as they believe) the conversation of Angels, with all sort of Pleasure and Delight; the Other of the Wicked, in a dismal Valley, where they have no other associates but Devils. Notwithstanding, they believe the Souls of the Wicked are not altogether uncapable of Comfort, but that by the prayers and the perfumes of their Priests, they may be forced back out of the very jaws of Hell. And for this cause their Priests will pray over their Sepulchers morning and night, for forty days, which is the term of their Mourning, in memory of their departed Friends; and on the Eve before the Pentecost they perform certain annual Ceremonies in their behalf; which though very formal, are altogether most ridiculous.  
In their Hierarchy, they have for their chief a Patriarch, elected by the Tzar, and it is this Patriarch that judges in all Causes Ecclesiastical, and disposes absolutely in all matters of Religion; He hath his palace in Moscow in the great Duke's Castle. After him, there are several Metropolitans and Bishops, dispersed into sundry parts of the Country. The rest of the Clergy is composed of Proto-popes', and Popes, or simple Priests, which are obliged (contrary to all other Ecclesiastical Persons) to marry before they receive Orders, but if their wife dies, they are to remain widowers as long as they live, because (say they) the Apostle would have a Bishop to be the husband but of one wife in the 1 Tim. ch. 3: whereas Saint Paul's meaning is that a Bishop should have but one wife at a time, Polygamy being in his time a very Ordinary vice. And hence it is that one of these Priests being a widower is not permitted to administer the Sacrament, nor to marry, he has only liberty to assist at Morning and Everning service, not at Noon, at which time they usually Communicate as I have said before. Nevertheless, if one of these Priest be unsatisfied with his Condition, he may freely relinquish his charge, and lay by his vest and his Cap which they put upon him at his Consecration, and after that become a Mechanic if he thinks it for his advantage.   

Of the Ambassadors stay at Archangel.  
HAving given a sufficient description of Moscovie, it is time we return now to speak again of our Voyage; But before we leave Archangel, it will be convenient to say something of the Town, and that little Residence we made there.  
The Town of Archangel (so called from St. Michael the Archangel) is situated on the bank of the River Duina, on the left hand as you pass from the White Sea. When we were there it was not very great, but yet so populous by reason of the great trading thither, that it was scarce capable of all the Inhabitants. And indeed it is in respect of the Commerce especially, that this Town is so considerable; for hither it is that the English & the Hollander, amongst other Commodities, transport Cloth, Velvets, Damask, Spices, Tinn, Led, Wine, and strong Waters. But because the Moscovites swallow down small Wines like River water, therefore they send them no French nor Rhenish Wines, as being not strong enough for them. On the Moscovites side there is great store of Corn exported, of Cavyar, Furs, Hemp, Russia-leather, and Wax. It is above an hundred years since this trade was brought hither by the English from Narve, in the time of Edward the sixth King of England, and Ivan Basilovitz Emperor of Moscovie.  
For Edward the sixth having set out a Fleet, for the establishing a Trade in some unknown Country, the Fleet having followed the Northern passage, was at length brought into this Port. And hence it was that Ivan Basilovitz (to recompense the generous designs of the English, whose pains and industry had opened a Trade into these parts) gave them a Privilege of Commerce to that Town without any Custom or Impost. And this was the occasion upon which the great Amity betwixt the two Crowns was established, to the no small Advantage both of the one and the other.  
After we, that made our Voyage in the Merchantman, were arrived at Archangel, his Excellence inquired particularly into the causes of our delay, and of Mr. watson's desertion, who was parted from us. Upon which the Master of the Ship made a great Apology for himself, laying the fault upon the winds, and taking occasion of Mr. Watson's absence, he accused him also (besides many particular points) of being partly the cause that our Expedition had been no greater. But it was answered sufficiently against the Master's Calumnies, both by the Seamen and us. And indeed had the Master come to an harbour either in Norway or Scotland, as he was often desired by Mr. Watson, rather than stay till the Ship was bruised to pieces to get her repaired in England, sixty or seventy Leagues out of our way, it is very likely we might have been two or three Weeks sooner at our Port. And so it was doubtless rather the Master of the Ships than Master watson's fault, that we had stayed so long behind my Lord Ambassador, and that his Excellency had not only the apprehension we should have been cast away, but the continuation of his Voyage differred very long, to some great disadvantage.  
However, while the Ambassador stayed at Archangel, he had all manner of good Entertainment, which tasted very pleasant to us, who newly had made an end of a long and very hard Voyage amongst the troubles of the Sea. Therefore we took our good share of it, and in the mean time we took also a view of the Town while we had opportunity, during one Weeks time his Excellency stayed in it since our arrival. As for the Entertainment given us in this Town, it was indeed so great and plentiful with all kind of Provision, that we wanted nothing but a great number of Cooks to get it dressed, and more People to consume it. And that we took to be a good Omen for the rest of our Travails through that Country: but we were mistaken in it, for we experienced the contrary in several places upon a very bad account. Howsoever the Ambassador's meat was always dressed after the English and French way by his own Cooks, and all the bread that was eaten at his Table, was made also by his own Baker. What was eaten besides, was after the Moscovite fashion which seemed at first something strange to us, for they bake it in such manner that it hath scarce any crust at all. As for Drink, we were plentifully provided with Beer, Mead, Aquavitae, divers sorts of Wines, and Spanish amongst the rest. The Ambassadors from the Tzar, who about two months before had arrived at Archangel from London, had without question given us fair recommendation by the report they had published at this Town, and through the whole Road to Moscow, of the extraordinary Reception which had been given them by the King of great Britain.  
Here I shall take the liberty of speaking something of the People called Samojedes, upon occasion of some of them that we saw at Archangel. They are of a Country very barbarous, but under the Tzars' dominion, and of a long time instructed in the Religion of the Greeks. Their Habitation is under the frozen Zone, near the ancient Scythia, toward the Ryphean or Hyperborean Mountains, which are next neighbours to Petzora which I have mentioned before. The word Samojedes denotes what they have formerly been, viz. Anthropophagis or such as eat mansflesh: for Samojedes is composed of Sam which signifies one's self, and Jeda which signifies to eat; and indeed they did use to eat the bodies of their dead friends with Venison. The Sun (that robs them of his presence in their Country five or six Months every year) obligeth them to make provision in summer of whatever is necessary for their livelihood in so tedious an obscurity; against which they have no better remedy than the brightness of their lamps, which are fed with a certain oil drawn out of Fish. It is reported that their houses are built half way under ground, and that for their mutual conversation in winter, they are forced to make trenches in stead of sheets, and that in summer time they march out from their imprisonment at their Chimneys. Their Common sustenance is Venison, honey, or a certain fish dried in the Wind or the Sun, without any bread at all. They wear a Kind of Vest half way down their legs which they make of Buck skins or the skins of Rein Deer with the Furs turned outwards. These Vests have no other parts open than the bottom by which they get into them, and the upper part where they put out their face, for they cover the head with it as the Capuchinos do: but the cap has the same fashion with the head of a Man. At the end of their sleeus they have their Muffs Sown half on, that they may have it at their choice, to make use of them or let them hang lose as they have occasion. They wear Boötes, but with the Fur on the outside, which Garb appears so horrid, that it is a hard matter at first sight not to be frighted to see them habited in furs like savage Beasts. Under their Vests they wear shirts made of the skins of young Rhine Deer which are much softer than linen, and under those shirts Drawers. They use also a very large sort of Bonnets which hang down round about their shoulders, and are commonly made of cloth and lined with fur. Their Stature is but low, their Faces flat and broad like the Tartars, and their Hair long. Two or three of these samoyedes were brought to his Excellency, with whom he entertained himself for some time with several questions which he asked them touching their manner of living. He had the diversion also to see them dance after the mode of their Country, which was the most ridiculous in the World.  
The Preparation his Excellence made for his Voyage up the River consisted of six barges or great boats for his train and baggage, of which one was set apart for his Kitchen, and a hearth and Chimney contrived in it; and an other for his Coach horses. Besides these six there was one Bark peculiar to the Pristaff, who resolved to carry his wife along with him. The day of our departure being at hand, his Excellence and all his Gentlemen provided themselves with gowns and coats lined with fur, some of martin, others of sables, beaver, fox, or squirrel, to defend themselves from the severity of the Cold which was sufficiently increased at Archangel when we arrived there. The most of them bought Caps lined with fur according to the Polonian fashion, some bought also their Caps like the samoyedes, others for curiosity sake bought whole suits ready made, which cost them but about ten shillings. The Governor of the Town also would needs give us supplies against the Winter, and present most of my Lord Ambassadors domestics with Sheep skin's dressed after the fashion of Moscovie, and some fair Buck skins to lie upon instead of quilts.   

Of his Excellency's Voyage from Archangel to Vologda, upon the Rivers of Duina and Sucagna.  
ON Saturday the twelfth of September his Excellence departed from Archangel with all his Train, and came the next day to Colmogro, and on the nineteenth to Arsinoa, which is two hundred and fifty Versts (every Versed being the fourth part of a League) from Archangel. On the two and twentieth we parted from Arsinoa, and on the seven and twentieth arrived at Yagrish one hundred and thirty long Versts, and from Yagrish to Vstiga, which is one hundred and fifty Versts in five days. The third of October we left Vstiga (which is almost half way betwixt Archangel and Vologda) and on the twelfth arrived at Tetma, which from Vstiga is two hundred and fifty Versts. From thence in three days we came to Chousca one hundred and forty Versts, and on Saturday the seventeenth of October we arrived at Vologda, which is ninety Versts from Chousca. So as this Voyage of two hundred and fifty Leagues took us up five weeks complete, in the Relation of which I shall first speak something in general concerning the manner of our Navigation.  
We made no use of Horses for the haleing our Barks from Archangel to Vologda, but (notwithstanding it was up the River) we performed all with men, so that ordinarily we had no less than three hundred with us. The River is not very rapid but in certain places, where we were sometimes constrained to employ the Watermens of two boats for drawing up a single one against the opposition of the stream. But his Excellence fearing (and not without reason) the River would freeze before we could finish our Voyage, he entreated the Pristaf Bogdan to go before, that we might have fresh watermen ready at our arrival in every relay; & that all necessary provisions being provided before hand, we might have no occasion lo lose our time. But this care was very ill seconded by our Pilots, who ran us several times upon ground, so that sometimes we spent two or three hours in disengaging a boat from the Rocks. And sometimes we received so horrible concussions, that it was a wonder the barque was not broke to pieces under us, and this gave one occasion to say, that peradventure the Boats did break the Rocks. In the night time ordinarily the Boat-men made fires in the Woods, as if they would have set all Moscovie on fire, and when they had done, laid themselves down by it to sleep very civilly upon the banks of the River.  
We had always very good provision of Victuals, and especially of strong Waters, of Wine, Mead, and Quaz, of which we laded a barque at Archangel to serve us the whole Voyage. The Bark which we had made our Kitchen, furnished all the rest with meat, and in particular his Excellencies, by getting them close one to another, in such a manner, that those that were in the Ambassador's Vessel received the dishes from the hands of the Cooks, to carry them two or three steps to his Table: Whereas the other boats were glad to make use of their skifs to fetch their provision daily.  
In this Voyage Walking was our greatest Recreation, for whilst our barks were drawn by the men, and advanced but a small pace, we went ashore in our skifs. The Shadows and Umbrages which the continual Forests cast upon the River, the excellent Verdure wherewith they were adorned all the way, together with the favourableness of the Wether invited us to it, and many times made us lose all sense of weariness; sometimes also we had the diversion of Shooting, by reason of the many wild Ducks and Pigeons that Moscovie is provided with. In short, we saw never a Town considerable enough to have any particular Description. Vstiga (which is the principal in a Province of that name) is the greatest we saw, but it is built of wood, as the rest are, and paved only with piles of Fir. True it is here we had now and then liberty to see their Churches, which in Moscow they will not permit to Strangers of another Religion, for they believe them profaned, when any such set their feet in them. Betwixt Archangel and Vstiga we saw several Rocks of Alabaster, or white Marble, as we passed upon the River.  
This being the manner of our Voyage, it remains now that we present you with some circumstances that happened in our Navigation.  
And first of all it was usual as we passed by any Village, to have the Priest come to his Excellency's boat, with a present of Fish, autumnal Goose-berries, or sometimes a Hen with some few Eggs, in hopes of receiving some reward from the Ambassador: And drinking Aqua vitae, which they gusled down with so much pleasure, they commonly went home again drunk.  
The next day after we parted from Archangel, the Pristaf brought his Wife into the Ambassador's barque. She was very richly dressed with Pearls and precious Stones, and (had she not been painted) might have passed for very handsome; however his Excellence vouchsafed to honour her with a Salute, and entertained her with great Civility, presenting her according to the custom of the place with a Cup of Aqua vitae, till Dinner came in. Within a little time after she was unhappily deprived of her Husband, for being arrived at Vstiga, he found himself seized with a distemper which in a short time ended both his Life and Voyage.  
Being arrived near Arsinoa the Ambassador expecting to have found boat-men ready for his departure, was constrained himself to provide them, after he had attended three whole days. The Governor of this Town had had advertisement from the Governor of Archangel to have all things ready in good time, and the like notice he had also from the Pristaf; but he despised all, and ranted (as if he had been in a frenzy) against all such as were employed in the business, resolving the Ambassador should go back if he pleased, rather than he would be troubled with any thing. So that his Excellence was necessitated at his own proper charges to hire some of the Watermens that had brought us from Colmogro to carry us to Yagrish, and to engage the rest at Arsinoa. In the mean while we saw a Wolf upon the bank of the River running up and down, which some fancied was the Governor dressed in that disguise, to take a view of the Ambassador and his train. We clapped some dogs after him immediately, but he ran the foil so cunningly, that we lost him in a moment.  
On the 26. of September at Night there was an unlucky accident befell fifteen of our boat-men, who put themselves in a huddle into a skif to come to one of the barks, and falling down the River suffered their boat to be carried away by the stream with that violence, that it fell foul upon one of the barks, and was overturned, and seven of the fifteen were drowned, the rest saving themselves by swimming. Another time one of our watermens fell off the Decks into the River, and having no skill in swimming, he was in the greatest danger of the World; But as he was just sinking, a Boat was presently dispatched, which took him up, and after he had drunk two or three good draughts of strong Waters, he found himself very well again. Which made me imagine that had the water of the River been Aqua vitae, he would have thought they had done him a great injury to preserve him, and would rather have chose to have died with that plenty than to have lived in want of it. About this time also we received the News that Archangel was burnt, and almost all reduced into ashes presently after our departure.  
The Governor of Vstiga expressed great Civilities to my Lord Ambassador, and was clearly of another humour than the Governor of Arsinoa; yet it was without violating a Custom they have to see no foreign Ambassadors themselves. Nevertheless he tendered his service and all that he was able to do by one of his Gentlemen, and provided us abundantly with all things necessary for our Voyage by the means of two honest Officers which he deputed Pristaffs in the place of Bogdan lately deceased. For this reason his Excellence would not departed from thence till he had made him some acknowledgement, and presented him by one of his Gentlemen with three douzain bottles of Canary and French wine. We stayed only two days in this Town, and from thence made all possible haste because the River began to be frozen. At this time every of our barks having two Masts, one for our Sails and another for our Ropes, we were fain to cut our Sails Mast to make our barks the lighter; for betwixt Vstiga and Vologda, they cannot in those large Boats upon the River Sucagna (which runs into the Duina hard by) make use of their Sails by reason of the great number of Rocks betwixt Vstiga, and Tetma. His Excellence to lighten his Vessel yet more, left there a hundred Ingots or Rigs of lead, for notwithstanding it was still haled with threescore and ten men, it nevertheless went the most heaviely of them all, because of its bulk and freight. For besides seven or eight boatmen who guided it, there were always aboard the same thirty persons, besides a great quantity of Goods, which was the cause that several in that Vessel were very narrowly lodged. This Lead  was designed amongst the rest of the presents for the Tzar which the King of England sent him, and for that purpose was brought to his Excellence a little after our arrival at Vologda,  
And now by this time the Winter was so far advanced, that our Voyage began to be grievous and insupportable; for there being no Convenience for fire to warm ourselves we had no relief but from our furs, and strong waters (which we began to take down in good lusty draughts) or else by walking, although the ground was already covered with snow. Insomuch that in a short time we were all in our Robes, some like Moscovites, others like the samoyedes, and some of them in their Sheepskin Vests with long sleeves, resembling those old and eternal Destinies, whom Venus did so laugh at when she saw them in their habits, those like the Samojedes looking so hideously that we made a good sport with them. At length we found the frost increasing by degrees, so that at our parting from Rousea we found the River so frozen to Vologda about twenty miles, that we were forced to break the ice before our first Vessel which guided the rest in the way.  
At Tetma we were no sooner arrived but the Governor came, though it was night, to salute the Ambassador; who surprised with the unusualness of his civility, received him with great courtesy and treated him in his Bark. The Governor was in his person like a Boyar, thick, and fat, and corpulent, as most of the Governors of Provinces generally are; otherwise he was a pleasant man, good company, and very richly clad. He expressed great civilities to the Ambassador, tendering his assistance in any thing which lay in his power, in acknowledgement whereof his Excellence sent him a present the next morning of three Else of scarlet cloth by Mr. Taylor his Steward. He received it with great Kindness and thanks, and presented Mr. Taylor with a pair of Sables worth about four pounds sterling, at the same time expressing a desire once more to recreate himself aboard us. His Excellence being gone, Mr. Taylor prepared to entertain him, and conspired with some other Gentlemen who were in his boat to try whether the Governor's head were able to bear a lusty cup or no. But the design succeeded very ill, for he defended himself so well in this debauch, that he came off much better than all the rest.  Tantalus in media garrulus aret aqua.  

Of his Excellency's Residence in the Town of Vologda.  
Vologda is the chief City of a Province of the same name, it is very considerable both in respect of its bigness, and of a strong stone wall which surrounds it. The River makes it a place of great trading, therefore very populous. It is situate on the right hand of the River, like Vstiga, Colmogro, and Tetma, all raised upon the banks, and the River running under them.  
Our Lodgings were taken up in the Suburbs of the Town near the River's side: but the houses there being small and uncapable of such a number, we were forced to take up six or seven more, and lie dispersed about the Town. In this posture we continued three months in this place; contrary to his Excellency's design, who was to pass immediately to Moscow, as soon as it was possible for him to travail in Sledges: and therefore he resolved to attend, till the frost hardening the snow should make the ways passable. At our first coming we did not think to stay above a month, the ground having been a long time covered with snow, and the air in appearance disposed to freeze it well. Yet after our arrival the weather proved so moist, that in a short time we saw the ground uncovered, and the River giving free passage to the Boats. So that in the mean while we passed our time very ill, in respect of the rain and dirt, which was so great, that for the space of a month or five weeks, we scarce ever durst set a foot in the Streets. But that which was an Aggravation of our trouble, was an impatience we all had to be at Moscow, and indeed it was a hard matter for us to be satisfied in a Town that kept us so long from that where his Excellency's Embassy to the Tzar determined, and where we hoped to have a happy repose. In the mean time from the first day of our arrival we began to warm our chambers with our furnaces of stone, which is indeed a very convenient invention in so cold a Country: but not being able to endure them to that degree of heat the Moscovites do, we were fain to use them with more moderation.  
At first our Entertainment was very good, and regulated as the Ambassador pleased; so that we had plenty enough of all things, and yet nothing superfluous. But as Soon as Nestrof and Davidof (which the Tzar had sent from his Court in the quality of Pristafs to conduct his Excellence to Moscow) were arrived at Vologda in the Month of December, our diet and accommodation was so altered and retrenched that there could be nothing more mean and dishonourable. Nestrof, was a Stolnick (which is as much as to say, a Gentleman waiting at the Tzars' Table) the other was a Diack (which is an office importing something higher than a Secretary, but lower than a Chancellor) Nestrof was he that took all upon him, managed the whole Oeconomie, and made all things depend upon his own conduct. His arrogance had no bounds in all his actions, nor was it less remarkable in his languages: he was a person like himself in every thing, and little cared to dissemble himself a civil man. This was the form of his Compliment to the Ambassador the next day after his arrival, having with a grave impudence and austere brow entered the Hall, where his Excellence received them; The most Serene (says he) and Puissant Great Lord, Tzar and Grand Duke, Alexey Michailovitz, (with a long enumeration of Titles, which had been Treason in him to have omitted) is very joyful to understand that you the great Ambassador of his Majesty of Great Britain, etc. are so happily arrived here, and hath commanded, that We and your Excellence go together to Moscow. Not contenting himself to say bluntly, the Tzar had commanded him (designing thereby to bring the Ambassador under the Tzar's command) with yet higher ●ncivility he preferred his own person and his associates before his Excellence, when he said, the Tzar had commanded them and his Excellence to go in company to Moscow; True it is he sweetened his discourse a little afterwards, when having preferred himself before, he condescended to make him his companion in these words, We must go in company together to Moscow; and it was a wonder to me (as he had placed the Ambassador in his Speech) he did not say, and you must come after me. This is the Character of Nestrof, the most insolent and rude man we met with in all Moscovie, he it was who undertook to regulate our Table assoon as he arrived, before he had ever thought of regulating the insolence of his Nature; as if he had believed his credit and authority could not have any way been signified better, than by rendering himself surly, proud, and insupportable. It was at this time one of their Lents, and we observed it so strictly, that we could scarce get Tallow or Wax candles, for nothing could escape the good husbandry of Nestrof. There was nothing wherein he did not retrench us, insomuch that at one blow we were fallen from plenty to want, and instead of making our residence there comfortable to us, he disobliged us so much, that from his first arrival we had reason to admire the civility of our treatment at Archangel. In the mean time we comforted ourselves in the Shortness of the days, and the Hopes we had of departing suddenly for Moscow, where our condition was like to be much better.  
The affairs of our House being thus established, the Ambassador took particular care of our Devotions. He appointed the Chaplain to read Prayers twice a day, and that there should be a Sermon every Sunday. He commanded all his domestics to be constantly present at the same, the Catholics only excepted, in which number he had four French men: the Chirurgeon, the Confectioner, and two Cooks. These had all their liberty of Conscience, but it was very seldom they made use of it. At Christmas we received the Communion.  
Amongst all the Divertisements we had in this Town (besides music, dancing, and some other Recreations we used at home, during the rain, to divert the tediousness of the time) Hunting was our best and most usual entertainment, when the Snow was frozen upon the ground. Our Music was most commonly at Dinner, at which time there was nothing to be heard but Trumpets and Viols, whose delightful and agreeable Harmony, did sometimes so charm the Russes, that it drew great Company of them to hear it. And indeed the Music was very good, being managed by one of the best experienced Musicians of England, who from time to time composed new airs. Our dancing also, which the Ambassador used sometimes upon occasion of this Music, was no less admired by them, who in their Dances knew nothing but brutish and uncomely Postures, But when the River was stopped up to the boats, and the Snow was frozen upon the ground, which was not till the latter end of November, Hare-hunting was our principal sport, of which Creatures we found such plenty, that we could very well entertain ourselves amongst them from morning till night; and then we went a hunting in our Sledges. But they that knew how to march upon their Scates, did also divert themselves with sliding upon the River. Moreover the Baths were grown very familiar amongst us, for besides the pleasure, we found great refreshment by them. We had also the Celebration of several Festivals, but principally of the fifth of November, which we kept in Memory of the happy Discovery of the Treason contrived against King James at London. We began our Solemnity in the night by artificial fireworks, made by an Englishman with great skill and success; and the same was continued by a great Feast which the English Merchants were invited to, and by a pleasant farce of Mascarads after Supper, and concluded with dancing.  
And thus have you seen the manner of our living during our Residence at Vologda: I shall now present you with some particular circumstances, before I proceed to the Description of our Voyage betwixt Vologda and Moscow.  
Although Tobacco be forbidden in this Country with great severity, yet there were some of the Ambassadors Servants who drove a private Trade with it in this Town, and that with so much advantage, that sometimes they sold the most ordinary tobacco (which cost them in London not above nine pence or ten pence the pound) for fifteen shillings the pound to the Moscovites, who stole to them with great secrecy to buy it. It is a Commodity they love so well in those parts, that if they want money they will truck their shirts for tobacco: which they take so brutishly that I was almost frighted to see such of them as waited on the Ambassador smoking it when they had opportunity. Instead of Pipes they have an Engine made of a Cow's horn, in the middle of which they pierce a hole and therein place the Vessel which holds their tobacco. The Vessel is commonly made of wood, very wide and indifferently deep, which when they have filled with tobacco, they put water into the horn to temper the smoke; then they lighten their pipe with a firebrand, and suck the smoke through the horn with such greediness, that they make not above two sucks of a pipe; and when they whiff it out of their mouths, they raise such a cloud that it hides all their face; and immediately after they fall drunk upon the ground. Five or six of them one after another have I seen tumbling in this manner, and so drunk that they had scarce time to give their Companions these pipes, and for half a quarter of an hour they will lie in this pickle as insensible as if they had the falling sickness. But assoon as they begin to revive, and the smoke of the tobacco hath had its operation, they leap up in an instant one after another more brisk and lively than they were before, pronouncing it a most admirable invention for purging the head. Red cloth, and Grey especially are of that esteem in this Town, that some of us could hardly forbear selling our  off our backs, to accommodate them.  
In the mean time his Excellency's family was increased by the birth of a son, of which the Buttlers' wife was brought to bed, having been big with child before she came out from London. But the Parents being both Catholics, and the child to be educated in that way, our Minister made some difficulty to baptise it, as not being born within our pale. Yet upon Consultation concerning the matter it was judged necessary it should be Christened presently, rather than have its baptism suspended, in regard that as to the essence of the Sacrament, both Protestants & Roman Catholics, do hold our administration of it sufficient, and upon that score both the one side and the other receive their proselytes without Injunction of being rebaptised. And thus his Excellency's family represented a Commonwealth rather than a private house, some laying there the foundation of their Marriage, as the good man that hurt himself in the Merchantman at Gravesend, some conceiving with child whilst others were delivered, and this very woman happened to serve as a Nurse, when the Countess (who accompanied My Lord Ambassador) was brought to bed of a son at Copenhagen in Denmark. So that at length there were three or four families comprehended in Ours; we married, we Christened in our house, we heard sermons there, and received the Sacrament; our Chaplain was Bishop and Minister, he was the only person and all, that managed the affairs of our Church.  
During our stay here, there happened a Quarrel also betwixt two considerable servants in his Excellency's train, at an entertainment made him by the Pristaf at a Country house of his, two or three miles from Vologda. For his Excellence setting out late to return back to the Town, one of them fell in as close as he could to the Ambassadors person, who was then attended with sixteen sledges, the other who was but then preparing to departed being come up to him, fell foul upon the former with design to quarrel with him, and nothing could serve his turn but he must stop his sledg, that he himself might go before him according to his place. The other not at all pleased with so strange a dealing, refused him and gave him withal ill language. Upon this they both betook themselves to their swords and leaping on shore they fell presently to fight. But the Ambassador having the alarm came presently in, and seeing how deficient they had been in their respect to his person, he used them both severely. However every one lamented the ill fortune of the assailant, who appeared to have engaged in this business upon a public account, and made use of this only as an occasion; the other being an imperious person, and one that (by reason of his long relation to his Excellence with had gained him some favours) seemed to despise the whole family. And indeed nothing but his long standing in that family could be the ground of all his presumption, for of his other qualities there was no body believed he had any reason to boast.  
In the 18. of December we saw that strange representation, that is annually made by the Moscovites of the fiery furnace in which Shadrech, Mesec, and Abednego were cast by the King of Babylon. The Persons that act in it are disguised, their beards rubbed over with honey, their hats of wood with which they run up and down the streets, and with wild fire in their hand burn the hair or beard of any body they meet, with great insolence. During this Extravagance the Moscovites look upon them as so many Pagans and profane persons, but on the feast of Kings they baptise them again, because that day they believe was the first calling of the Gentiles, and for that reason they return them into the bosom of the Church:  
Our devotions at Christmas being over, my Lord Ambassador made all necessary preparations for our Voyage from Vologda to Moscow. In order to which he sent to Nestrof to desire that he might have good sledges chief for his Gentlemen, and that the same might attend them quite through his journey to spare the trouble of changing them by the way. But this demand was presently rejected by Nestrof, who had been will pleased if all his Excellency's Retinue would have marched on foot. His answer was, he could not furnish him with any, but the Ordinary sledges which are commonly very thin and split in their sides. Upon this answer my Lord Ambassador dispatched his Secretary to him, who told him freely it was most undecent to have persons of quality worse accommodated for their confidence in the Care of the Tzar so great a Monarch, than if they had been at their own charges. He replied they might do as they pleased, no body hindered them from takeing their own course. And thereupon he declared that his Excellence had no reason, to complain, that his Tzarskoy Majesty had done him extraordinary honour in sending a person of his quality so far to conduct him to Moscow. To which the Secretary replied, that my Lord Ambassador acknowlegded his quality, but that he never thought it so great, that he and his associate ought to prefer themselves before him as they had done at their first visit. But after all this expostulation his Excellence was constrained to provide himself of sledges at his own charges. In the mean time to secure themselves from the wind and the snow, every one took care to make himself a kind of a tilt of cloth stretched upon two or three hoops, as the people of quality of those parts are used to do. And the weather being exceeding cold, the greatest part lined their sledges with a course kind of felt that is sold on purpose for that use, as they did likewise their Coverlets with good furs to wrap themselves up in. The rest provided as well as they could to cover themselves, so that our samoyedes Vests were not with out employment, nor were our Buck and Sheep's skin unuseful in this Voyage, everyone endeavouring above all things to be furnished with furs against the cold.   

Of his Excellency's Journey from Vologda to Moscow.  
MY Lord Ambassador foreseeing what the inconvenience would be if he marched with his whole train along with him, especially from Vologda to Yeroslaf, upon which road there was nothing but Villages, thought good to send before his Horses and all things belonging to his Stables with sixty sledges, in which there was also a good part of his baggage, and some nine or ten Servants who had all their quarters assigned that they might have the better care of the Goods. The 7. of January 1664. they set forward, and on the 15. of the same month his Excellence with a Train of about an hundred and forty Sledges. On the 19 he arrived at Yeroslaf, having crossed the Volga at the Towns-end, which was Frozen over, and covered with Snow. The 22. we parted from Yeroslaf all together, and passing by Rostof, we came the 24. to Peroslaf. The next day his Excellence departed from Peroslaf, and arrived on the 27. at Troitza, where we stayed five days. At length we came to the Yawes on the third of February, which is a little Village some five Versts from Moscow, and there it was my Lord Ambassador prepared himself for his Entry, which began the fifth, and was not finished till the sixth at Night.  
The Wether was so sharp, and the Frost so violent, when Mr. Godbolt (the Master of the Horse) departed with my Lord's Coach and Horses from Vologda, that notwithstanding our provision of Furs, we thought we should never have been able to overcome it. But this extremity continued not above five or six days, the Heavens had reserved more mild and propitious weather for his Excellency's departure, so that it thawed till the very day we arrived at Yeroslaf; but it began then to reassume its former fierceness, as by very sensible Convictions we found afterwards. We marched as well night as day, every one in his sledge at his full length. And, because the upper parts of us were more exposed to the injuries of the Air, we took a particular care of covering ourselves, and to stop all the chinks the cold might possibly come in at. We had every one of us (besides our Furs) his bottle of strong water, which we drunk off now and then as an excellent preservative of Heat. The Kitchen went still before with the Russ Harbingers, which the Pristafs sent away to take up our Lodgings in good time, and to get such meat dressed as they had along with them, and having dispatched these away, they advanced to the next place some three or four hours before the Ambassador. The Pristafs Equipage made the whole journey on horseback; true it is they were well mounted and warmly clad, yet in my judgement their manner of travailing was very much disagreeable with the Season. The Waggoners or Drivers condition was lamentable too, who as the other had no other covering than the Sky, but they had this advantage that they could warm themselves as they ran by their Sledges sides, besides a certain dexterity they had got in begging strong Waters, which they would do so frequently, it was a hard matter to prevent them by offering it. Moreover we had three Relays or Stages by the way, viz. at Yeroslaf, at Peroslaf, and at Troitza, where some of us changed both their Horses and Sledges; others whom his Excellence had furnished with Sledges from Vologda, provided themselves with fresh Horses only, so that each of us had four several Waggoners or Drivers by the way.  
The greatest Inconvenience I found in our whole Voyage was in our Lodging; for besides that the accommodation of Inns is not known in that Country, there are very few Towns upon the Road that are capable of receiving an Ambassador. So that his Excellence had never good Quarters, but at Yeroslaf, at a Moscovites house which was newly built, and there we stayed near four complete days to refresh ourselves, most of us lying in sheets, which we had scarce done any where but there in our whole Voyage. Our usual lodgings were Cabins, or little Cottages of Wood, one story high, black all over with smoke, so that to dissipate the stinks which are occasioned by the same, and the sweltering heat of their skins, which would be otherwise intolerable, we were forced to keep the Windows continually open. But the greatest trouble we had in these lodgings, or Wisbies' (as they call them) was when they heated their Stoves, for having no Chimneys they make their fires within side of the Chambers, and the smoke having no passage but at the Windows into the Streets, it is scarce possible to subsist one moment in that condition.  
And hence it was also we were so ill accommodated with Diet: for, besides that we almost always eat in a Scramble, mutton, beef, or hens, which were roasted in their furnaces, was commonly our fare. They having no other invention for the dressing their meat, & we doing it ordinarily in haste, it fell out often our meat was but half dressed, insomuch that some rather chose to eat their meat that had been frozen in the way, provided it had been better dressed. This it was that in the beginning of this Relation gave me occasion to say, that amongst the Utensils of the Kitchen that the Ambassador brought from England, a Chimney would not have been superfluous in several places. However as we were well lodged at Yeroslaf, so our entertainment was very splendid, the Governor of the Town showing so much generosity, that he would spare no cost in regaling the Ambassador and his Train. There was an English Merchant there, that treated his Excellence very nobly, Nestrof entertained him twice also in his Voyage, and amongst the rest at Peroslaf, where we had the diversion of Music, though in a Wisby all blackened with smoke.  
Furthermore, in the Condition where in we travailed, it was no easy matter for us to divert ourselves being every one in his sledg by himself as in another world, marching as well night as day amidst the snow, and in the Violence of the winter, which to us seemed very bitter, though to the Moscovites it appeared very Favourable; Our Employment for the most part was sleeping, the solitude, the warmth of our furs, and the agreeable motion of our sledges inviting us thereunto; so that the greatest part of us did nothing almost but sleep all the Voyage. And for this reason when we came near any Town or Village, the Ambassador gave order that the Trumpets should sound, to give advertisement to his train.  
Moscovie being not very populous, and the Towns but of wood, my intention is not to delay myself in describing those that presented themselves in this Voyage. For, besides that the Moscovites are very scrupulous in permitting strangers to see their forts, there are very few of their Towns worthy an exact description. The handsomest we saw in this Journey is Yeroslaf, no very great Town but remarkable for that the Volga runs by it, and renders it a place of good Trade and populous. At Peroslaf there is a very narrow River, but above 100 fathoms deep, and by the side of the Town a little Lake which was frozen as well as the River, at that time. Troitza is a Town built upon the bending of a hill: in which there is a Covent that makes it very remarkable. It is built on a plain below the Town, all of stone, fortified with a fair Wall, and so rich that it maintains ordinarily 300 Monks. Here it was his Excellence was retarded five days in respect of the preparation that was making at Moscow for his Entry, and by reason that betwixt this place and Moscow, there was no other Town so proper for his stay, though in this also he was sufficiently incommoded; Yet in all the time he could not have liberty to see the Monastery:  
On the third of February as soon as we were arrived at the Yaws, his Excellence got his Coach ready, and put himself immediately into a condition of making his solemn Entry into Moscow. In the mean time the tediousness of our Journey past, the ill lodging we met with in so little a Village, and the happy repose we promised ourselves in Moscow, made us impatiently to expect though hour of our departure. At length the fifth of that month was appointed for the Ambassadors reception, as Nestrof had acquainted his Excellence the day before, advising him to have all things ready by nine a clock the next Morning, which according to the Moscovite account was the third hour of the day. Accordingly the Liveries were immediately given out to those that were to wear them, and the Gentlemen put themselves with all speed into a very good Equipage, so that all were ready at the hour appointed. Our Liveries were so rich, and so well trimmed, that the Pages Liveries amongst others cost near thirty pound sterling a piece, being almost covered quite over with silver lace. Each of them had a good plume of feathers in his hat, and in short there was nothing in all this Equipage unworthy the greatness of the Master. This was in part the condition in which his Excellence was to make his Entry on the 5. of February, for which all things were in readiness by nine of the clock in the morning. But the hour being come we had no Orders for our departure, in so much that there we lay languishing in a tedious expectation till four a clock in the evening. His Excellence having dispatched his Cooks to Moscow in the morning to prepare his dinner in the house that was assigned him there, we were constrained to remain all that day without provisions, because we expected every moment to be gone. In the mean time no body knew what to make of this disorder; Nestrof himself was amazed and could not imagine the reason, unless it was that the Tzar was a-sleep, and no body durst wake him. At length about half an hour before night, the Messengers arrived with orders for our departure when we were in despair of making our Entry. The Ambassador was much surprised at it, and could not imagine what their design should be to receive him in the night, in so much, that he represented to Nestrof that it was not the Custom to receive Ambassadors in that Manner. However orders being come, and we tired with an extreme impatience all day of removing from those Wisbies', he prepared to departed, and expose all his pomp and splendour to the darkness of the night.   

Of the solemn Entry of the Ambassador into Moscow.  
THe Glory of Princes is in some proportion like the glory of the Sun, and suffers its Eclipses, the disorders and irregularities of their Officers many times intercepting the rays of their glory. Of this we have an instance in the condition we were in all that day, contrary to the Tzars' design, who stayed near four hours with the Empress or great Duchess at one of the gates of the Town, to see the splendour of this Embassy which was to be more particularly illustrious at this Entry. But those who were the contrivers of this so great miscarriage, were the cause also of that which happened after our setting forth, and which his Excellence resented with great indignation; which was the deferring of our Entry till the next day, after we had advanced a good part of our way, and arrived within sight of the Town. For it being very late, and the night overtaking us when as of five Versts we had passed but two, his Tzarskoy Majesty thought good his Excellence should retire, and send orders to Nestrof to conduct him into a little Village on the Left hand, to the end the Ambassador might from thence make his Entry the next morning in good time. We had already in some manner presaged this disorder when we took notice how we were lead thorough by ways, and that they had by design drawn us out of the high way. For which cause the Ambassador reflecting upon the ill treatment he had received that day: and imagining this delay would become every where a matter of laughter and contempt, he was so far transported, that he resolved and protested not to make his Entry till he had lawful reparation thereupon. And to testify the resentment he had of this affront, he commanded his Trumpets should be silent. Thus this day, which should have been a day of Pomp and Magnificence proved a day of fasting of trouble and discontent; this day in which his Excellence ought to have received the extraordinary Marks of the greatest Amity that ever was betwixt two Crowns, was a day in which he received but the tokens of indignity and contempt. True it is, the Ambassador was no sooner arrived at the Village, we were retired to by order from the great Duke, but a Diack (whose name was Loukian Golozof) arrived from him to excuse this disorder, and accordingly he alleged that the Messengers that were sent with the orders for our departure had imprudently lost their way, and that his Majesty judging it inconvenient his Excellence should make his Entry so late, he thought good to defer him till the next morning, that he might give him a Reception suitable to his Character. But the Ambassador being assured that this wand'ring of the Messengers was but a pretence (for he was otherwise informed, that all this happened because they were not ready to receive him) he was so far from being satisfied with his apology, that he was disgusted at the very person of the Diack, and told him that without any reflection upon him, it had been more becoming to have sent a person of greater quality than he was of, to excuse such proceed. In the mean time our Cooks were sent back, who brought us some provision along with them, to recover those Spirits we had lost that day for want of victuals. The next day in the morning his Excellency apprehending Golozof might have either disguized or concealed his answer, he commanded his Secretary to draw up a letter in writing to the Tzar, in which he should inform him of the principal circumstances of this disorder, and intimate his resolution not to stir from thence, till some correction were given to the Authors and Instruments of it. The Letter was in these Terms.  
Illustrissime atque Excellentissime Imperator.  
NOvum hoc & inusitatum ad Imperatoriam Vestram Majestatem scribendi, antequam optatissimo ejus conspectu frui liceret consilium expressit hesternae diei infortunium, dicam an opprobrium. Quip post tot in itinere à Vologda moras, & tertiae diei quatuor tantùm ab aulâ vestrâ Imperatoriâ milliaribus expectionem, quum multò manè surrexissem & Offonarii Evan Vizy Nestrof monitu, ante horam diei 
* Tertia diei hora apud Moscovitas tum erat nobiscum circiter nonam: Primam enim (ut prius affirmavi) numerant horam ab Oriente sole.  tertiam ad iter me comparassem; ultra decimam tamen inter famosi gurgustii sordes & angustias sine cibo aut potu detentus marcebam & macerabar. Quae quidem omnia, quamvis Serenissimi Regis mei Majestate, Imperatorio Vestro Fastigio, & nostrà Dignitate indignissima, utcunque Metropolin Vestram intrandi, & ad Majestatem vestram Imperatoriam appropinquandi, & justissimas querelas nostras exponendi spe tolerabam. Tandem quum jam advesperasceret, signum proficiscendi datum Tunc verò postquam (quod ignes fatui solent) per camporum & noctis errores me circumduxissent pronuntiatur in ignobili hoc Pago ubi cum omnibus incommodis & (honour sit auribus) cum vilissimis insectis conflictor pernoctandum. Accepi quidem ab Imperatoriâ vestrâ Majestate per quendam Procancellarium nuntium humanissimum, qui rem excusaret & in Angarorum & Veredariorum negligentiam culpam derivaret. Cui ego tunc quidem respondi & idem jam, ne optimo homini per viam aliquid interciderit, ad Majestatem vestram Imperatoriam perscribo, me Imperatoriae vestrae Majestati quàm maximas gratias persolvere & nullo modo de humanitate vestrâ dubitare; sed neque hanc rem tam parvi momenti esse, ut tam facilè dilui possit & deleri; Neque ab Angaris aut Veridariis proculdubio hoc crimen profectum, sed ab aliis qui majori in ministerio eodem tamen in numero haberi mereantur; Neque tam impune serenissimi Regis mei honori, Imperatoriae Vestrae Majestati, aut nostrae Dignitati posse illudi; Serenissimum Regem meum, qui summus & praecipuus est Imperatoriae Vestrae Majestatis Amicus, nequidem Inimicorum multò minùs Amicorum Legatos ità accipere; Et si modò aliquid hujusmodi in suo Regno evenire potuisset serenissimum Regem meum (quod sine Procancellarii ignominia dicitur) nobilissimum e Magnatibus aliquem missurum fuisse qui rem excusaret, neque antea destiturum priusquam reorum sanguine quantacunque gratiâ aut nobilitate pollentium tam barbarum & inhumanum facinus expurgasset; Rem hanc fabulae & ludibrio toti mundo futuram; Ne igitur quamvis Imperatoriae Vestrae Majestatis conspectu fruendi cupientissimum, & in hoc loco pessimè habitum, nullo tamen modo hinc exiturum, donec de eorum corio mihi satisfieret quicunque quantum in se erat Serenissimi Regis mei Majestatem, Imperatoriam Vestram Majestatem, & Sanctissimam Legatorum dignitatem violassent proculcassent profanassent. Haec utì facta & dicta erant Imperatoriae Vestrae Majestati exposui, ut in gravissimo hoc negotio quod Imperatoriâ Vestrâ magnitudine & prudentiâ dignum est constituere possit. Interpreti meo mandavi ut responsum Vestrum Imperatorium in hâc re expectaret. De caetero Imperatoriae Vestrae Majestati summam faelicitatem voveo & exopto.  
6. Februarii Anno D ni. 1664. CARLISLE.  
The Superscription was thus; Magno Domino Imperatori, & Magno Duci Alexio Michailovicio totius magnae minoris & albae Russiae Autocratori, & multarum aliarum Ditionum & Regionum Orientalium Occidentalium & Septentrionalium, Haeredi earum à Patre & Avis, Domino & Monarchae.  
Most Illustrious and most Renowned Prince and Emperor,  
THis new and unaccustomed resolution of writing to your Imperial Majesty, before I have the most desired Honour of being admitted to Your Majesty's presence, is occasioned by a misfortune, if not an indignity which happened to me Yesterday. After a tedious Journey from Vologda, and three Days waiting at the distance only of four miles from Your Imperial Court, when I had risen very early, and according to the advertisement of Offonarius Evanovitsius Nestrof, had fitted myself for my Journey; nevertheless, I was constrained to languish till after Ten without any manner of refreshment, in the confinement and dirt of a smoky Cottage. All which things, though most unworthy the Majesty of the King my Master, Your Imperial Grandeur, and my particular Character, I patiently sustained with the hope however of Entering Your Imperial City, and approaching the presence of Your Imperial Majesty, and declaring my just complaints. At length, when Night was now at hand, notice was given for our setting forwards. And after the Guides had, like Ignes fatui, misled me up and down the Fields, in the Night, it was signified to me, that I must quarter in this pitiful Village, amidst all kind of inconveniences, and swarms of troublesome Infects. I confess I received from Your Imperial Majesty by a certain Vicechancellor, a very courteous Message, excusing the matter, and charging the fault upon the negligence of the Guides and Posts. I than answered him, and write the same now to Your Imperial Majesty, lest the good man may have forgotten something by the way, That I give Your Imperial Majesty very great thanks, and no wise doubt of your Generosity; but that the thing is not of so small importance, as to be blown off so easily; That the fault proceeded not from the Posts or Messengers, but from others of greater Quality perhaps, though but of equal merit; That affronts done to the Honour of the King my Master, Your Imperial Majesty, or myself ought not to go unpunished, That the King my Master, who is Your Imperial Majesty's highest and chiefest Friend, gives not such Reception to the Ambassadors of Enemies, much less to those of Friends; And that in case any such thing should happen in his Kingdom, the King my Master would have sent some person of the highest Nobility to excuse it (which I speak without reproach to the Vicechancellor) and not desisted till he had expiated so barbarous and inhuman an action with the blood of the Criminals, of whatever quality or consideration; That this proceeding would give cause of talk and laughter to the whole World; That therefore, however desirous I was of approaching of Your Imperial Majesty, and ill accommodated in this place; yet I should not stir from it till satisfaction were given me upon the Persons of those, who as much as in them lay had violated and affronted the King my Master, Your Imperial Majesty, and the sacred Character of Ambassadors. I have related these things to Your Imperial Majesty, as they were done and spoken; to the end, that You may make such determination in this most weighty business as shall be suitable to your Imperial Grandeur and Prudence. I have commanded my Interpreter to wait for your Majesty's answer in this matter. And I wish and imprecate to your Imperial Majesty all Happiness.  
Carlisle.  
This Letter was scarce gone, when Dement Bashmacof Diack of the great Duke's Cabinet, arrived at the Ambassadors Wisby from the Tzar, he acquitted himself of his Message to his Excellence so well, that having promised him all manner of satisfaction, he prevailed with him upon those terms to make his Entry immediately. And as Bashmacof was returning very well pleased, the Interpreter, who departed with the Letter at the same time Bashmacof came to his Excellence, arrived with this answer, that Almaze the Diacke of the Embassy office (into whose hands he had given the Letter) told him that Bashmacof was gone towards the Ambassador to give him satisfaction in the behalf of his Tzarskoy Majesty:  
This being past, we departed immediately to make our Entry, in which we received indeed very evident tokens of the Grandeur of that Prince, there being all the splendour and glory that precious stones, rich furs, cloth of gold and silver, velvets and other rich stuffs, goodly horses, and a noble Equipage could make: besides the noise of an incredible number of Trumpets, Kettledrums and other Instruments of military Music. so that it was reported every where in the court, that the City of Moscow never saw the Entry of any Ambassador so glorious as this, which was made, on saturday the sixth of February in a very fair day, with the same Order and Circumstances that follow.  
The Ambassadors Trumpeters, sounding their silver Trumpets as they went, marched on horseback in the Van. They were followed by the Gentlemen one after another, every one in his sledge, the inferior foremost, so that he whose place and quality was immediately before the other followed him immediately in this procession, to the end that thereby he might have the advantage of being so much nearer the person of the Ambassador. Each of them had his sledge adorned with Bearskins so disposed, that half of them hung down behind. The Pristafs domestics followed two and two, all very well clad, and they made five ranks on horseback. After them came the Pristafs, each of them in his sledge. And my Lord Ambassador followed Nestrof in his sledge drawn by two white horses, which is the most esteemed colour for horses in Moscovie. The Tilt or covering of his sledge was of scarlet, whose edges hanging down very low were guarded round about with crowns made of little pieces of sky coloured velvet edged with silver lace, and the back of his sledge was dressed up with the skin of a white Bear. On the right side of his sledge upon a plank laid cross sat his chief interpreter with his head uncovered, behind there was another board laid at the bottom of the sledge on which there stood two Pages, the twelve footmen in the mean time marching six of a side with Partisons trimmed according to their Liveries, one behind another, and all bare. Behind his Excellence followed my Lord Vicomte Morpeth the Ambassadors only Son then of about seventeen years of age, who bore his Father company in all his Embassies. He sat in a very fair glass coach drawn by six black horses, with rich horses of Scarlet very well laced and fringed with silver, which upon black show very handsome, and behind his Coach he had two Pages also. After my Lord Morpeth came my Lady Ambassadress in her Caftnaz, covered on the out side all over with Crimson velvet, with very broad laces of gold and silver, and lined within with blue damask according to the Liveries which were red, lined with blue. On each side there were great windows which served as doors to go in at, besides which, there were little windows also, which her Ladyship might look thorough without being seen herself: she had one of her Gentlewomen in the Caftnaz with her, two Pages standing upon a plank behind, and three footmen running by. After my Ladies Caftnaz came my Lord of Morpeths' sledg, but without any body in it: after which there followed two Caftnazes more and so in order all the rest of the train and baggage; which made up about two hundred sledges.  
A while after we had left this Village, (which was about two a clock) we entered into a very fair champagne; in which the Moscovian horse were drawn up, and had been two days there putting into Order. Amongst the rest they had a great Number of Archers with their Quivers full of arrows; and for their Music there were so many Trumpets, Kettledrums, Howboys, and other such instruments of war, which they had dispersed in parties thorough all their Troops, that for two miles we were in no want of Music. But they having battered our ears with one continued air above two hours together all the way as we marched, the noise of those Instruments which at first had delighted us with their melody, became now obstreperous and troublesome. In the mean time there were a great number of Boyars, of Stolnicks, and other persons of the Court, which came to meet the Ambassador, richly clad in Vests or Tuniques, of cloth of gold and silver, or velvets lined with Sables, with great caps on their heads of black Fox, made in the fashion of a Muff, which they use commonly in their Ceremonies. They were most of them very well mounted upon good horses, with rich trappings and bridles of silver, made like chains, with the links very broad and thin, so that whilst their horses were in motion, they made a noise altogether Majestic. There were several also who had their horses covered with precious stones, whose lustre seemed to add a richer light to the light of the day; and behind them they had their servants carrying covers for their saddles of Leopard skins, cloth of gold, velvet, and scarlet. All the Gentlemen of the Tzars' chamber were there ready to accompany the Ambassador to his very house.  
At length, the Master of the great Duke's horse came to present to the Ambassador from the Tzar a sledg, & another for my Lord Morpeth, with several white horses for the Gentlemen. A while after, came Pronchissof, one of the Tzars' Counsel, and Gregory Cosmevitz along with him, who were both deputed to serve his Excellence as Pristafs, or Masters of the Ceremonies during his residence in Moscow. And in this occasion it was we had another ridiculous example of the pride and rusticity of the Moscovites, who are so quick and precise in anticipating the Prerogative of Ambassadors. Pronchissof being arrived within some small distance of the Ambassadors sledg, gave him to understand that he was sent to receive him from the grand Duke his Lord, and that he expected the Ambassador should first come out of his sledg. But his Excellence signified to him by his Interpreter, that his expectations were very ill grounded, that he represented the person of the King his Master, and that in that case all such Kind of respect was due to himself. Pronchissof however continued unmoveable in his sledg as a Master of Ceremonies, and sent back to the Ambassador that he also was sent from the Tzar his Master to represent his person: so that to have seen him, one would have thought he had taken upon him the form of a statue, to represent the Majesty of his Prince. This answer, how absurd soever it was, caused several smart replies both on one side and the other: till at last the Ambassador to prevent any further delay in his Entrance, condescended to this, That they should both of them come out of their sledges together. But in this Pronchissof took occasion to deceive his Excellence, and falsify his word, hanging in the air betwixt the arms of his servants, and but touching the earth with his tiptoes, whilst the Ambassador came out freely. At their meeting, they saluted one another, and Pronchissof first delivered his compliment, which consisted in declaring his Employment, and acquainting his Excellence, that the Tzar had sent him, and his associate Gregory Cofmovitz (who was there present also) to take care that all things necessary should be provided during his continuance at Moscow. But the greatest part of his compliment was the recitation of his Master's Titles, which he enumerated from the first to the last, in a most troublesome and ridiculous manner, as will appear hereafter. His compliment being made, and the Ambassador having answered him with a very good grace, they retired both of them into their sledges, Pronchissof returning in the same posture he came, his servants holding him up by his arms, as if they were afraid he should sink under the burden of the employment, which his Master had given him. At this time Nestrof and Davidof (giving place to Pronchissof and Gregory Cosmovitz the new Pristafs) took their leaves of the Ambassador. After which Ceremonies, we disposed ourselves to enter into the Town, the Ambassador having Pronchissof on his right hand, and Cosmovitz on his left; my Lord Morpeth had two Lords of the Court to accompany him; so that in every rank there were three sledges a breast. The Gentlemen were all on horseback betwixt Sinboyars, or Gentlemen of the Court. The Chaplain, Physician, and Musique-Master, with several English Merchants, and two Valets de Chambre were joined with them, so that they made up about five and twenty ranks on horseback, marching three a breast.  
All these Ceremonies, and the slowness of our march took up so much time, that the night overtook us before we could enter the Town, our frequent stops and pawses having consumed above three hours in going of about two miles. Therefore, because the Sun had withdrawn himself before we were ready to appear in the Town, the Citizens had made great fires in their streets, and provided great numbers of torches to render every thing visible about his Excellence; so that the night as well as the day did seem to participate in the Glory of this Entry. And the precious stones, darting about the rays of their refulgency, made the clearness of the night in some respect more majestic than the brightness of the day; not to mention the multitudes of people, wherewith the streets were filled, and the houses covered in all places where we passed, every one clambering up here and there to behold this Magnificence.  
The Tzar, the great Duchess, and the young Princes also would needs be Spectators now, as they had disposed themselves to be the day before. But to the end they might see all without being perceived themselves, they made choice of a place near the Gate of the Brick Wall, whither they had ordered a great number of Wax-tapers to be sent. And here the Moscovian Trumpets all stopped, to sound at the time as the Ambassador past the Gate, and was entered into the Town, which was exactly performed: but with so confused a noise, it might very well be compared to that which the Geese made in the Capitol, whilst the Gauls were climbing over the Walls. After this terrible alarm, which we were altogether surprised with, under pretence of some little accident, they made a stop for about half a quarter of an hour, to the end the Tzar might at his leisure observe the whole Pomp; and indeed the great number of Wax-Tapers which they had disposed of each side of the Gate, discovered the design clear enough. At length, when his Majesty was satisfied with viewing the Magnificence of his Excellences Train, he was conducted to the House which they had prepared for him, the Moscovian horse trouping through the Town in a huddle, without observing any order at all in their march. From the Gate of the Town, we passed thorough the Tzars' Guards, which were drawn up on both sides of the streets, from thence to the House where we lay.   

Of the Ambassador's Residence at Moscow.  
THere are three things which principally recommend themselves to our Consideration in this place: Our manner of Living whilst we were here; The Ambassador's Negotiation; And some Circumstances that happened during our Residence at Moscow. Of which City it is necessary to give a precedent Description for the better comprehension of what followeth.  
The City of Moscow hath the same inconvenience with the other Towns in Moscovie, which is, that it is built like them with Wood, some princi●●● Houses excepted. Instead of being paved, they have only great pieces of Fir laid close together, and cross the Streets. When we were there, its figure was almost Circular, and at least four leagues in Cirumference, but being much subject to Fire, its form and extent doth not continue long in the same condition. True it is, their Streets are broad enough, and from place to place there are certain Intervals left to break off and cease the fury of the Fire, but the materials of their Houses being so combustible, they have much ado to prevent its progress. All the remedy they have, is to pull down the Houses that are next, to the end that by taking away the matter, that should nourish it, they may give the flame more room to extinguish. But this not always succeeding, especially if the wind be high, it happens sometimes, that they see a great part of the Town in ashes in a very short space.  
This Town hath three Walls, one of Brick, another of Stone, a third of Wood, separating the four quarters of the Town, which are called Cataigorod, Tzargorod, Scoradom, and Strelitza Sloboda. The Brickwall divides Cataigorod from the rest of the Town, that of Stone belongs to Tzargorod, and the Wooden one serves as Ramparts and Bastions to Strelitza Sloboda, which is properly the quarter of the Strelitz, or Musqueteers of the Tzars' Guards.  
Amongst the Rivers that pass by this City, Mosca is a fair one, which gives it its Name; it rises in the Province of 'tTwere, and loseth itself in the Volga, where the same joins with the River Occa, not far from Columna. Besides these, there are the Neglina and the Yagusa, two little Rivers which run by the City, and fall into the River Mosca.  
But that which is the greatest Ornament to this City, besides the Rivers I have named, is the great number of Churches and Chapels which they have there, together with the Tzars' Castle, which is called Cremelena. Their Churches are generally of stone, arched, & of a round form. They are a great Ornament to the Town, by reason of their steeples, which are covered over with Latin, whose glittering seems to redouble the brightness of the Sun. As to the number of Churches & Chapels in Moscow, they are reckoned about two thousand.  
The Tzars' Castle is of that greatness, that it is about two miles in Circumference. There is in it a very fair Palace of Stone, built after the Italian fashion, and another of Wood, which the Tzar chooses to reside in, as the more healthful of the two. The Patriarch also, and several Boyars have their Houses of Stone within this Castle, besides two Covents, one of Monks, and the other of Nuns. There are also a great number of Churches and Chapels of Stone, and amongst the rest, one dedicated to St. Michael, in which the Tombs of the Tzars are placed. All the Steeples of these Churches are covered with Copper, which the heat of the Sun hath burnished into a great resemblance of Gold; but upon one of these Steeples there stands a Cross which is of massy Gold. We saw there a Bell (which was made some years since by a Moscovite) of that prodigious bigness, that fifty men might very well stand within it. It is about nine fathoms in circumference, which by consequence is three in diameter. When we came first to Moscow, it was upon the ground, in a base Court where it was cast, and during the four months and a half we remained there, all they could do, was to raise it though but a little from the ground, with intention to build a Steeple for it in the same place. The Fortifications of the Castle are also very considerable: for, besides that it is very well planted with Canon, there is a large Ditch and three very strong Walls about it. Some of our company that had the curiosity to survey this Ditch, as they passed over the bridge, were desired by the Moscovites to march on, and not trouble themselves with surveying their Works.  
There are moreover in Moscow a great number of Greeks, of Persians, and especially of Tartars, but they admit no Jews. The Greeks of all Strangers are most welcome to them, as being in many things conformable with them, but particularly in matters of Religion. The Protestants and Lutherans are well received also, and have all of them liberty to hold public Assemblies, for the Exercise of their Religion, which is not permitted to the Roman Catholics, for whom they have a particular aversion. But to the end that foreign Christians may live together with more liberty, there is a Sloboda, or great Suburb without the Town, where most of them live, according to their own way. And in this place it is the Germans, English, Hollanders, and Polonians do most commonly reside.  
The House we were lodged in in this Town, was a large building of Stone, no great distance from the Castle, and one of the most commodious to be found. The Chambers were all arched, every window had its shutters of iron, and every passage-door was also of iron: which gave one occasion to say, we were certainly in the iron Age; though otherwise it be a mettle rare enough in that Country. Our Chambers were most of them hanged with Serge or red Cloth, and instead of chairs, we had benches covered over with the same stuff, without any Beds or other necessary accommodations, besides tables and furnaces for the Winter. Amongst the rest of the Rooms, there were two great Hals, one of them (in which the Canopy of State was set up) we made use of as our Chapel, on those days wherein we had Sermons, of the other for a Quarter for seven or eight of our Gentlemen, who were constrained at their arrival, to make their several lodgings distinct from one another. For when he who had the charge of preparing the House was advertised that the Ambassador's Gentlemen could not lie crowded together as in a Hospital, and that this manner of living would be very strange and incommodious to them; he answered jestingly, that it was best for them to lie together, lest the Rats should run away with them being single. Which Answer put some of us on a sudden upon a desire to know, if the Rats were so big at Moscow; for my part I imagined for the doing of such an exploit, every Rat ought to be as big as two Boyars. However, we saw we had great reason to be impatient at Vologda, for our arrival here, where we had all that could be expected in this Country. Our Public devotion which had been suspended in our Travails, was regulated here as at Vologda, and at Easter we had a Communion. We had moreover the diversion of seeing the Town, and to visit our Friends in the Sloboda, where his Excellence himself was sometime treated by the Merchants. But this freedom was so regulated and restrained, that for the four first days we were shut up close in our House, and not permitted to stir abroad before the Audience. They would suffer no Strangers to come near us, nor could the Ambassador prevail, that the English Merchants Wives might have access to his Lady. It is true, after the Ambassador's Audience we had liberty to go abroad, but then for two or three months we were obliged to take some of the Tzar's Guards along with us, which followed us armed with their half-pikes; for which end there were commonly fifty of them attending us, keeping their guards at the Gate, and examining almost every one that came in. The Ambassador himself was not permitted to stir unless he had a Pristaf with him, and was attended with a Company of Strelits. Whereby it happened, that the Ambassador one day after a long expectation of the Pristaf (who seemed to neglect him) being upon the point of going abroad in his Coach without him, the footmen running before as if they would have passed out of the Gate, the Strelits stood immediately to their arms, to hinder them, which they did, till the Pristaf was pleased to come and accompany the Ambassador. None of the Boyars could have the sight of his Excellence in his House, unless he was sent by the Tzar, it being almost a Capital offence for any person of quality whatsoever, to have any kind of Conference with an Ambassador without his leave. Hunting, which was our great divertisement at Vologda, was the least of our recreations here, but assoon as the snow was melted, and the spring arrived, we fell immediately to making of Horse-matches. There was a challenge also betwixt twelve of our Company to play at Football. At other times we ran at the Ring, and on that day our repast was taken in the Wood, where that exercise was performed. Our Musique-master composed a handsome Comedy in Prose, which was acted in our House. As for their Baths, they were as rare at Moscow as hunting, for we used one as often there as the other. But the most part of our Family would go now and then to their public Stoves, where sometimes they could see a great company of Women naked by the favour of some little hole or cleft in the Wall, which served also as a passage for their immodest discourses. About one mile from Moscow we observed in a little Lake an Island floating, as the Ancients believed of Delos, but it was very small. It is kept above water by the roots of Trees, with which it is interlaced, there were some of us took a boat and went upon it, turning it as a piece of timber which way they pleased.  
This being, as near as I could relate, the manner of our living at Moscow, it follows now that we display the Ambassadors negotiation, and at the same time the Ceremonies which are practised in that Court. In pursuance of which design, I shall speak in the first place of the Audience which the Tzar gave the Ambassador on the 11. of February, which was five days after our Entry.  
The 7. of February which was the next day after we arrived at Moscow, Pronchissof, and the other Pristaf offered the Ambassador Audience from the great Duke on the ninth of that month, and pretended it as a singular favour, that he could have it so soon; nevertheless, the next day they thought fit to delay him two days longer. In which time his Excellence was desirous to inform himself of all the Ceremonies which were to be observed, according to the Custom of that Court: and amongst other things, he demanded of them, whether it were expected that he should be uncovered in the presence of the Tzar. To which they answered, that the Tzar's Ambassadors were bare before the King of England, and by consequence that he was to be so before his Tzarskoy Maty.. But the Ambassador declared freely to them, that his Master the King of England had commanded him to be so, and for that reason he was obliged not to dispute it: otherwise the Ambassadors of the Tzar could not so well represent the person of their Prince, being but his Slaves, and so styled by him in their very Letters of Credence. After this, he demanded leave to visit the great Duchess and the young Princes, the eldest of which was not above ten years old; but this was refused upon this ground, that it was not their custom. Indeed the Tzars' wives live there very retired, and his Sons appear not in public, till they are twelve years old, at which age they show them solemnly to the People, and the Tzar himself is but rarely to be seen.  
The Eleaventh day being come, there were a hundred and thirty persons of the Tzars' Guards, and threescore sledges sent to carry the Presents from the King, the greatest part of which was designed for the Tzar, the rest for the two young Princes Knetz, Alexcy, Alexevitz, and Pheodor Alexevitz his Sons. But besides the King's Presents to the great Duke, there were Presents also from the Queen to the great Duchess, and some which his Excellence gave the great Duke apart as from himself. The whole consisted in Vessels of gold and silver, in cloth, velvets, satins, and damask of divers colours; there was also great quantities of stufs, and table linen, two gold-watches, three clocks, two pair of Pistols, one gun, and two carabins, besides six pieces of cast Canon, a great quantity of Cornish tin, and a hundred pigs of lead. All which was sent before to the palace, the plate being carried by four and twenty men, the cloth by threescore, ten men carried the Velvets Satins and Damask, six and twenty the stufs and table linen, and ten more the Gun, the Pistols, the Watches, and the Clocks; and on the sledges they carried the Canon, the Tin, and the Lead. This being done there were two sledges brought for the Ambassador and my Lord Morpeth, and at the same time several white horses for the Gentlemen of his attendance. At length we began to set out about ten a Clock in the morning, the Gentlemen on horseback two and two all richly habited, their hats covered with fair plumes of feathers which did principally attract the eyes of the Moscovites, with whom the streets, the shops, the gates and the windows did swarm at this time. There were several English Merchants also who had joined themselves with the Gentlemen, and were fallen into the same Order. After them followed my Lord Morpeth in his sledg betwixt the Ambassadors Pristafs who had brought their rich robes along with them to our house, and put them on there. After my Lord Morpeth the two Trumpets followed, after them the six Pages in three ranks, and after them the twelve footmen marching in the same Order as at our Entry. His Excellence was this day in black having on his ha● a rich band of Diamonds, on either hand he had two of the principal Boyars in their sledges as himself was, who had put on their robes also at our house. In the Ambassadors sledg there was the Secretary and the chief Interpreter standing and uncovered, the Secretary carrying in his hands upon a yard of red Damask his Letters of Credence written in parchment, whose Superscription contained all the titles of the Tzar in letters of Gold. Behind the Ambassador there came none but the Master of the horse on horseback.  
In this manner we passed thorough the Tzars' Guards, who were drawn up in ranks on both sides of us reaching to the very bottom of the stairs of the Hall, thorough which we were to pass to audience. Near the Castlegate we found another regiment of Guards drawn up also in very good order. A while after we passed thorough another Regiment in one of the Courts of the Castle, and in this place we saw a great number of very fair Canon planted on one side and the other with the Canoniers by them, and ready in appearance to fire upon us from all parts. From thence we passed to another Court filled also with Guards, but when we came to the gate of a passage thorough which we were to go, all that were in sladdes or on horseback alighted. Those who were to go up into the Hall of audience were constrained to leave their swords behind them, it being not permitted for any body to pass any further with them by their sides, for the prevention of which ceremony, his Excellence and my Lord Morpeth carried none with them. When we had gone some paces this way (which is a way peculiar to Christian Ambassadors, those of Infidel Princes being carried another) there was a Boyar came to meet the Ambassador & complemented him from the great Duke. From thence we came to a great stone gallery, where another Boyar received his Excellence with another compliment. And from thence we came into a Hall thorough which we were to pass in to that of the audience, and here it was we saw the Guards of the Tzars' body in a most splended Equipage, their Vests of velvet being lined with sables, their caps richly adorned with pearls and precious stones, and their very Partesans covered with gold and silver. Near the door of the Hall of audience, the Ambassador received a third Compliment from the Tzars own Cousin. After which we opened to the right and left, and the Ambassador entered first into the Hall, after him my Lord Morpeth, and then the Gentlemen and the Pages.   portrait of Duke of Muscovy 
Alexey Michailovitz great Duke of Moscovie Aged xxxiv Years 1664  
My Lord Ambassador made a low Reverence to his Majesty assoon as he was entered into the Hall, the Throne being opposite to the Door; then he advanced some paces, and stopping at the Pillar in the midst of the Hall, he made him a second, then being ready to speak, made him a third, and saluted him in the behalf of his Master the King of England in these words; The most Serene and most Puissant Prince Charles the Second by the Grace of God King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To You the most High, most Potent, and most Illustrious Prince Great Lord, Emperor, and Grand Duke Alexey Michailovitz of all the great, and little, and white Russia Self-upholder, of Moscovie, Keavie, Volodimerie, Nofgorod, Emperor of Cazan, Emperor of Astracan, Emperor of Siberia, Lord of Pscove, great Duke of Lituania, Smolensco, Twersco, Volinsco, Podolsko, Vghorsco, Permsco, Veatsco, Bolgarsco, etc. Lord and Great Duke of Nofgorod in the Lower Countries, of Chernigo, Resansco, Polotsco, Rostofsco, Yeroslafsco, Beloozarsco, Oudorsco, Obdorsco, Condinsco, Wetepsco, M●stisclaaco, and all the Northern parts, Lord of the Country of Iversco of the Tzars of Cantalinsco, and of Gruzinsco, and of the Country of Cabardinsco, of the Dukes of Chercasco, and Igorsco, Lord and Monarch of several other Dominions, and Provinces, East, West, and North, of which he is Heir from Father to Son, by me Charles Earl of Carlisle, Vicomte Howard of Morpeth, Baron Dacre of Gillesland, His Majesty's Lieutenant in the Counties of Cumberland and Westmoreland, one of his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, and his Extraordinary Ambassador sendeth greeting, and hath commanded me to deliver these Letters (being his Letters Patents which he held in his hand) to Your Imperial Majesty. Which words being with a loud voice explained by his Interpreter which stood by his Excellency's side, the Ambassador advanced towards the Throne to present the Letter which he immediately delivered into the hands of his Chancellor.  
His Excellence returning to his place, the Tzar risen up, and the Boyars doing the like all of them at the same time, their Vests of Tissue made such a ruffling one against another, that we were something amuzed at the suddenness of the noise. Then after a short silence, his Majesty began to speak, and to inquire of the Ambassador concerning the King's health, but there being a too great distance between the Tzar and his Excellence, the Chancellor had the care of coming to the Ambassador, and repeating what the Tzar had said. To which the Ambassador returned answer in these terms. The most Serene and most Mighty Prince Charles the Second, by the Grace of God King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. was through the mercy of the Omnipotent God in perfect health upon the twentieth day of July, in the Year of our Lord 1663. when I had last the honour to kiss his Royal hands at my departure. This answer being interpreted to the Tzar, He arose again, and enquired concerning the Queen Mother in these words, How doth the desolate Widow of that glorious Martyr Charles the First. To which the Ambassador having in like manner replied, began the following Speech, of which he had a Copy in English, and his Interpreter another in the Moscovian Language. As he spoke it, every period was interpreted apart, so that when his Excellence had concluded one Sentence, the interpretation succeeded before he began the next, which was conceived the properest way to entertain their attentions. Therefore the Ambassador and his Interpreter were obliged to read from time to time, and to observe punctually their several Periods. This Harangue was also translated into Latin, of which Translation, because we shall have occasion to speak, I shall make no difficulty to insert a copy in this place, the Style being besides sufficiently elegant.  

Illustrissime atque Excellentissime Princeps Imperator,  
PErvenit nuper ad Serenissimam suam Majestatem Dominum meum Clementissimum perhonorifica Legatio, cujus quidem splendor uti magnificentiâ tanti Principis unde est profecta dignissimus extitit, ità & argumentum Ei ad quem missa est longè erat gratissimum. Vtpote quo, praeter optatissimum de prosperâ valetudine Vestrâ & rebus secundis nuncium, gratulatio quoque de laetissimo Ejus in Regna sua Reditu, & summâ Serenissimae suae Majestatis felicitate, Commemoratio antiquae inter Augustissimos Vtriusque Majores amicitiae, & perseverantia Vestra in eâdem colendâ atque in futurum augendâ continerentur. Itaque inaestimabilis ille intimi animi Vestri affectus tam luculentae Legationis honore expressus & illustratus instar gemmae clarissimae videbatur, cui postquam Natura ultimam manum imposuit perfectissima quoque artis politura accessit. Vel, ut de nuncio tam opportuno dicam quod Salomon Regum prudentissimus de verbo commodè dicto, erat velut aurea mala cum figuris argenteis. Vnum tamen est de quo Serenissima sua Majestas cum Majestate Vestrâ Imperatoriâ & meretissimò quidem conqueritur, praeoccupatum sese beneficio & Majestatem Vestram Imperatoriam praeripuisse sibi, ne (quod semper animo destinaverat) Majestatem Vestram Imperatoriam eâ celebritate & pompâ quae summam Vtriusque amicitiam deceret & dignitatem primus salutaret. Ego verò, si tantulum à Domini mei Serenissimi sententiâ dissentiri liceret, dum Vtriusque pares annos, communes rationes, adeoque consimilia studia atque affectus considero, Neutri Vestrûm priores in hoc officio partes tribuendas sed in excellentissimis Amborum mentibus easdem causas uno momento eandem utrobique Voluntatem excitasse crediderim. Sed & astrorum, quorum fulgores Majestatum Vestrarum lucem optimè adumbrant, efficacitas pro variâ corporum intermediorum naturâ suspenditur & retardatur: Nec amici, quorum nobilissimum exemplar in Majestatibus Vestris resplendet, tam commodam & opportunam rationem hactenus inire potuerunt, ut absentes mutua mentis sensa condicerent, & pariter repraesentarent. Quum igitur alteri necessariò de tempore concedendum esset, Serenissima sua Majestas minùs laborat quod eò se praeverterit Imperatoria Vestra Majestas, dum ne (quod nunquam fieri patietur) constantiâ etiam & sinceritate affectûs Ipsum antecedat. Neque verò gravatur Serenissima sua Majestas, utì solet inter amicos, rationem consilii sui reddere, & justissimis suis excusationibus adversus Majestatem Vestram Imperatoriam uti, solam nempe negotiorum domesticorum molem obstare potuisse quo minus honorem hunc, quo dum Majestatem Vestram Imperatoriam afficit Se ipsum impertit, maturiùs Majestati Vestrae Imperatoriae deferret; Et quum compluribus Principibus sibi propioribus eodem beneficio prior esset obligatus Se tamen interposuisse omnibus Majestatis Vestrae Imperatorae remunerationem, utpote quo Neminem benevolentiâ & amore magis propinquum haberet; Se denique ab omni tam debiti officii dilatione tantùm abfuisse, ut occasionem modò idoneam persolvendi illud Majestati Vestrae Imperatoriae captaverit. Quamvis enim Serenissima sua Majestas non soleat ex syderum motu consilia sua suspendere, aut ex Coelorum ordine de rerum suarum sucessu superstitiosè hariolari, solet tamen ex Omnipotentis Dei nutu totus pendere & ad ejus coelorum ejusdem & Regiae felicitatis authoris significationes actiones suas (ut ità dicam) modulari. Postquam igitur divinâ Benignitate in plenissimâ eorum omnium possessione Se constitutum vidisset quaecunque summam ornare possent fortunam & cumulare, hoc tandem uti auspicatissimum tempus elegit quo potissimùm Imperatorem tam Illustrem, Fratrem Amantissimum, & Charissimum Amicum salutaret, & Majestati Vestrae Imperatoriae eandem vel fi fieri possit majorem etiam felicitatem auguraret. Quum enim in his tribus, Hostium Terrore, Subditorum Obsequio, & Amicorum multitudine atque constantiâ praecipuum Regalis Solii firmamentum & robur consistat, liceat omnino affirmare Serenissimum Regem meum, qui in rebus adversis admirandum undequaque virtutis & fortitudinis suae specimen dederit, nunc etiam è contrario ad miraculum usque melioris fortunae esse evectum. Quod enim Inimicos attinet nemo inventus est qui recentem Ejus felicitatem interpellare voluerit, praeter infames istos Praedones Africanos Christiani Nominis & Humani generis hostes, quos igitur quamvis bis mille passuum millibus distantes in illa sua spelunca Algeriensi obsedit; Naves eorum partim cepit, partim depressit, captivos liberavit, & piratas nefarios suis conditionibus in posterum astrinxit. Subditi autem Sui tam diu Tyrannorum & Perduellium vi & artibus decepti atque oppressi, postquam eorum supplicio manus commodassent, eò alacriores in Clementissimi Regis sui fidem redierunt, & eluerunt antiquâ obedientiâ nuperae Rebellionis maculam. Quoad Amicos denique uti cum nullo Principe Christiano inimicitias exercet, ità vix Vllus est Eorum qui non honorificentissimè per Legatos Eum appellaverit, & in arctioris necessitudinis nexum accipi petierit, eâ ante omnia pactione interpositâ (quod etiam fecerunt) ut si cubi in Eorum Ditionibus delitesce●ent execrabiles illos fugitivos & parricidas ●ederent, qui Gloriosissimi Parentis Sui san●uine manus cruentassent. Si verò super haec ●e Imperii sui magnitudine disserere liceret ●aereditariis quae ab Augustissimis suis Majori●us crevit in Europâ Regnis alias etiam in Africâ, Asiâ, atque Americâ Provincias Ipse ●ubjunxit, & hodierni Imperii fines protulit, ●ltrà quàm priorum infortuniorum rumor per●aserit. Disjunctissimas illas Regiones Oceano ●anquam Ponte Suo continuat, & Naves Suae 〈◊〉 quoties Ei videtur) ad remotissimos Orbis ●abitabilis fines mobilem Imperii sui limitem circumferunt & transmittunt. Quamvis au●em haec Ditionum laxitas animi sui magnitu●ini consentanea videatur, Subditorum regi●en prudentiae & justitiae Suae proprium ex●stat, & hostium subjectio tantae fortitudini ●nsuavis esse nequeat: Ille tamen utpote utriusque fortunae vicibus exercitatus, etiam victoriam ●astidire posset uti sanguine commixtam, & ●egimen potiùs ralaxare quàm humani generis ●ibertatem nimis circumscribere: imò quan●umvis ampla Imperii spatia, tamen angustiora ●unt capacissimae mentis meditationibus quibus Deum Optimum Maximum horum omnium da●orem complectitur. Nec tamen hisce omnibus ●uae per se prae●lara sunt atque eximia victoriâ ●ominatu possessionibus tantùm sibi placet ●uantùm amicitiarum fide atque constantiâ. Ipse enim quantus est totus à Naturâ factus & ab Experientiâ educatus est ad amicitiam. Neque ego tam imperfectâ narratione res adeò conspicuas & pervagatas perstrinxissem, nisi haec praesentis Suae magnitudinis commemoratio Eum uti Amicum tantò praestantiorem commendaret, & cum gratitudinis argumento esset conjuncta quam erga Amicos suos profitetur, quorum ope res Suae adversae tolerabiliores olim reddebantur, & qui nunc etiam verissimum saporem & gustum meliori Suae fortunae conciliant. Et in Eorum numero quis est qui Majestati Vestrae Imperatoriae non dic am anteferri sed omnino cum Ea conferri mereatur? Sive enim Principis Majestatem, sive antiquitatem amicitiae, sive recentia beneficia astimemus, nulla est arbor quae aut viridiorem & latiorem umbram porrexerit, aut altiores radices egerit, aut fructus uberiores & suaviores ediderit. Solet saepenumero Majestas sua Serenissima inter Nos qui sem per Ei proximi regiorum sermonum oracula captamus, non sine summâ sua voluptate narrare, ut ante centum annos ex Augustissimis Suis Majoribus unus Edwardus Sextus heroico incaepto classem & homines emiserit, ut in Mundi fines inquirerent, & ignotas adhuc Gentes commercio miscerent. Hi felicissimo successu Maris Septentrionalis, quod ad illa usque tempora impervium credebatur, secreta & si nus pervestigarunt donec uti olim Israelitas per eremum clarissimi ignis ità illos continuae diei columna per illa Oceani deserta ad Oras Vestras deduxisset. Hos demum verum magnetis usum reperisse dixeris, & acus illa divina tunc primùm quievit invento quem per tot saecula frustrà indicaverat Vestro Septentrione. Eluctatis tandem Maris difficultates duplex adhuc restabat nec levius periculum, ne vel in itinere per non minora Terrarum Vestrarum spatia deficerent, vel saltem nouâ illâ Majestatis ad quam appropinquabant, & quam extra suam Regionem vix expectaverant, luce percellerentur. Attamen non solùm recreati sunt (prout aequum est) Imperatoris qui tunc temporis regnabat humanitate, sed etiam in praemium Commercii ex isto latere Vestri Orbis tunc primùm aperti ea Privilegia à munificentiâ Ejus acceperunt, ex quibus Vtraque Natio non mediocria deinceps commoda & utilitates percepit. Et ab illâ origine haereditaria & sincerissima amicitia mutuis beneficiis exculta à Patre ad Filium usque ad Majestates Vestras jam rerum potientes descendit. Circa idem tempus alios etiam Europae Principes cupido incesserat scrutandi si quid adhuc in lacinioso Naturae si nu lateret. Lusitanus in Orientali Indiae Margaritarum & Aromatum thesauros detexit, nulla tamen aromata quae suavitate, aut uniones qui candore exaequent, quod praesens Lusitaniae Rex apud Serenissimum Dominum meum deposuit. Hispanus autem in Indiâ Occidentali Auri & Argenti fodinas occupavit. Adeòque cùm nihil dignum Regibus Angliae reliquum videretur, invenerunt tamen quod Principibus nec avaris nec indigis ulterioris Imperii magis placeret, Amicum. Et solet quidem affirmare Majestas sua Serenissima Illos optimam Omnium sortem traxisse, & nolle se Amicum suum centum annorum cum utriusque Indiae gazâ commutatum. Rationisque loco proprium experimentum subjungi, quandoquidem cùm Subditi sui defecissent, Amici plerique (quod solet) tempori cessissent, & Coelum & Terra in ruinam suam conjurâsse viderentur, dum tantùm de felicitate sua consultarent, Imperatoria tamen vestra Majestas non solùm tunc Tyranni preces repulit, & omnibus qui vel minimum contagione istius rebellionis afflati viderentur praesidium fuum negavit, sed Ipsum etiam copiis & facultatibus vestris promptè & benevolè sublevavit. Ideóque Serenissima Sua Majestas, utì libentissimè in manus Imperatorii vestri Legati pecunias quas Majestas Vestra Imperatoria Sibi suppeditaverat persolvit, ità semper in Regiae mentis sacrario depositam retinebit, & adultimam Posteritatem transmittet gratissimam omnium benefactorum Vestrorum memoriam. Et propter tot causas recentes & super solida ista & antiqua fundamenta, Serenissima sua Majestas in ipsissimis Majestatis Vestrae Imperatoriae verbis, ut pote quibus nulla vel per se magis efficacia vel Sereniffimae suae Majestatis menti magis consona & conformia esse possint declarat, Majestatem suam Serenissimam animadverso florentissimo Regnorum suorum statu, & sincerissimo illo amore, amicitiâ, & frequenti communicatione quae inter Augustissimum & gloriosae memoriae Patrem suum Carolum Primum ab ipso Regni sui principio, & Patrem Vestrum Augustissimum gloriosae etiam memoriae Michaelem Phederovicium Imperatorem & Magnum totius Russia Ducem viguerunt & inviolata permanserunt, & summâ felicitate & tranquillitate quae ab illâ causâ in Utriusque Ditiones redundarunt vehementissimè & ex animo cupere no solùm ejusdem affectûs continuationem, sed etiam propiorem, intimiorem, & firmiorem charissimum & fraternum amorem, amicitiam, & frequentem communicationem cum Imperatoriâ Vestrâ Majestate charissimo suo Fratre & amantissimo ut nihil ultrà esse possit. Deum denique Optimum Maximum solum suum & Vestrum Regem veneratur, ut Imperatoriae Vestrae Majestati longam vitam, regimen tranquillum, perpetuas amicitias, & summum Imperatoriae Fortunae cumulum addere velit, & largiri ultra omnium immortalium Vestrorum Majorum felicitatem, & Thronum Vestrum Imperatorium aeternâ successione augustissimae stirpis confirmare quoad Solis & Lunae cursus duraverint.  
Serenissima sua Majestas resalutat etiam humanissimè magnum Principem Alexium Alexiovicium Imperii Haeredem, & magnum Principem Theodorum Allexiovicium (
* Quae includuntur in istâ Parenthesi, & proximè sequenti, omissa fuerunt in recitatione, Principum absentiae causâ.  duas illas Imperatoriae Pharetrae Sagittas, quas in quemcunque gloriosum scopum Imperatoria Vestra Majestas collineare voluerit neutrâ potuerit aberrare, quos Subditi Vestri tanquam duplex pacis suae Pignus suspiciunt, Inimici utì ancipitem belli Terrorem reformidant) Diu est quod Serenissima sua Majestas de praeclarâ Eorum indole, & virute tam illustri genere dignissimâ inaudiverat. Ideóque valde delectatus est dum è Legatis Vestris intelligeret, Eos erga se ità affectos hâc etiam in re Paternum exemplum tam bene imitari: Quod non solum Ipse Dominus meus Serenissimus pro summo beneficio habet, sed etiam pro thesauro ingenti successoribus suis reservabit (Certò augurans, duos illos Aquilae Moscovitici Pullos, qui hactenus ad lucidissimos Majestatis Vestrae Imperatoriae oculos visus suos exacuunt atque illustrant, justâ etiam aetate ad Vestrum exemplum alas commoturos & ad summam●evolaturos altitudinem, quò vera virtus & labor indefessus magnanimam Heroum Progeniem provehere unquam & efferre potuerint.)  
Quod ad meipsum denique attinet, utì Serenissima sua Majestas nihil mihi potest imperare quod non novo honere me augeat, ità nullum majorem mihi honorem mandare potuit hâc ad Imperatoriam Vestram Majestatem Legatione. Quum enim ex summâ Serenissimae suae Majestatis & Augustissimorum Majorum suorum munificentiâ multas possessiones & haereditarios dignitatis gradus sim adeptus (quibus alios tamen mihi exaequare potuissent) absit verbo invidia, praeter Solem assiduum illum inter Imperia Vestra Legatum, nemo est qui in hoc munere jure mihi praeponi possit uut anteferri. Cùm igitur particeps hactenus & testis Imperatoriae Vestrae Majestatis gloriae & serenitatis (quae augeri usque & perpetuari voveo) factus fuetim, nihil ultrà est quod exoptem, nisi ut Majestas Vestra Imperatoria eodem porrò favore me velit dignari ad Serenissimae suae Majestatis mandata conficienda, i● mutuum Vtriusque Imperatoriae Coronae commodum & Posterorum utilitatem. Ad quam rem utì omni humillimi officii atque erga Serenissimam suam Majestatem obsequii nexu obstringor, totum animum studium atque industriam meam prout incoeptum tam laudabile postulat adhibebo. Neque dubito Majestatem Vestram Imperatoriam vicissim tales Viros delegaturum, qui candore, & affectu, celeritate etiam agendi ad tantum opus maturandum maximè sint idonei.   

Most Excellent and most renowned Prince and Emperor.  
HIs most serene Majesty, my most gracious Lord and Master, hath lately received from Your Imperial Majesty a most honourable Embassage, the splendour of which as it was most worthy the magnificence of so great a Monarch from whom it proceeded, so the subject was most acceptable to Him to whom it was directed. For as much as it contained, together with the most welcome news of the health and prosperity of Your Imperial Majesty, Your joy for His happy Restauration to His Kingdoms, your memory of the ancient friendship betwixt the glorious Predecessors of both your Majesties and your own most constant resolution to continue and increase the same for the future. So that the inestimable worth of your Imperial affection being expressed and set of by the honour of so conspicuous an Embassy, seemed as a Jewel to whose value nothing could be added by Nature and Art, hath appropriated its utmost perfection. Or rather what the wisest of Princes said concerning a word fitly spoken, your seasonable Imperial Message was like apples of gold in pictures of silver. One thing only his most Serene Majesty complains of, and not without reason, that your Imperial Majesty hath thereby prevented Him, and whereas he had nothing earlyer in his royal intentions than to have saluted you with that solemnity which belongs to the greatness of both your Estates and Friendship, that he must now be the last to perform it. Yet doubtless, considering the parity of your years, the conformity of your Interests, and consequently the symparthy of both your Inclinations, there was herein neither first nor last betwixt you, but in one instant the like causes must in your Princely breasts have produced the same resolutions. But even the influence of the celestial luminaries, those truest Emblems of Majesty, is suspended by the various disposition of inferior bodies and friends, of whom your Majesties are the best pattern, although they think the same things could never yet invent so punctual an happiness, as to interchange those thoughts at one and the same minute. Seeing therefore the prevention must fall on one side, his most Serene Majesty is content that your Imperial Majesty hath gained the advantage of time upon Him, so that he may not come behind you as he never will in the truth and sincerity of his affections. And therefore as is usual among Friends, he hath thought fit to render you a reason of his actions, and to allege his most just excuses, that nothing but the multiplicity of his Royal domestic affairs could have so long retarded the honour he receives and pays in sending to you: That in order to this Embassage to your Imperial Majesty he hath postponed the return to other Prince's nearer to Him, though none have a situation closer to his heart than yourself, and that he hath been so far from admitting any delay herein, that he hath only watched the most proper opportunity to acquit himself of so due an Obligation. For though his most Serene Majesty consults not the stars and the position of the heavens as oft as he would undertake any great action; yet he asks counsel of him that is the Creator of them and the first mover of his felicity. And therefore finding himself now stated by his Almighty Grace and Providence in full fruition of all the blessings that can crown a Sovereign head, he hath chosen this as the most fortunate hour to salute so great an Emperor, Friend and Brother, and to congratulate and augurate to your Imperial Majesty a perpetuity of the same, or, if it may be, greater happiness. For if Victory over Enemies, obedience of Subjects, and multitude of Friends be, as doubtless they are, the greatest strength and ornaments of the Regal Throne, certainly his most serene Majesty having been a miracle of courage and aequanimity in his adverss fortune is at this day a greater miracle of prosperity. For as for Enemies none hath provoked or tried his power, but those infamous Pirates of Algiers, Enemies of Christianity and mankind, whom therefore at two thousand mile's distance he blocked up in their own dens, destroyed their ships, battered their forts, rescued the captives, and forced those miscreants to his own conditions. For his subjects, they have gladly assisted to the punishment of those Traitors and Tyrants, which so long oppressed and misled them, and with so much more veneration and duty do pay their homage unto their natural most Gracious Sovereign, and have with their ancient loyalty washed out the stains of the late Rebellion. And for Friends as he hath no Christian Prince at enmity with him, so is there scarce any of them but have addressed themselves to him by extraordinary Embassages, and have upon their desires been received into his nearer Alliance, Covenanting first to deliver up (as they have done) those detestable fugitives who were imbrued in the blood of his most glorious Father. And if after all these things there were leisure to discourse of the largeness of his Dominions, he hath to his Hereditary Kingdoms in Europe, Himself added several Provinces in Asia, Africa, and America, beyond whatever was acquired by his immortal Ancestors. The Sea is his Bridge betwixt so distant Territories, and as oft as he pleases, his Navies do carry a movable Frontier to all the habitable World: so that the Fame of his former afflictions hath not been heard so far as his present Dominions extend. But though the Extent of Empire be consonant to the greatness of his mind, the Government of subjects natural to his Prudence and Justice, and Victory over Enemies must needs be gustable to the height of his Courage, yet he, a Prince so well exercised in the vicissitude of humane affairs, could even disrelish Victory, because it tastes of blood, and relax his Government rather than it should oppress the liberty of mankind, and looks upon whatsoever Extent of Dominion, but as a confinement of those more capacious thoughts wherewith he adores the Author of all these mercies. Nor values he himself therofore so much upon all these things though in themselves excellent and desirable, not upon the largeness of his Territories, nor the tranquillity of his Kingdoms, nor the fortunateness of his Arms, in comparison of the constancy of his Friends. He hath himself been fashioned to it by experience, and is by nature all made up of friendship. Nor should I have made this defective rehearsal of things so universally known, did not the commemoration of his present Greatness show him to be the more considerable Friend, and imply the gratitude he professes to those his Friends who formerly made his adversity more tolerable, and do now give the truest season and sweetness to his better fortune. And among all those Friends, who can be preferred, or who indeed is comparable to your Imperial Majesty? For whether his most Serene Majesty consider the Greatness of the Prince, the ancientness of Alliance, or freshness of Obligations, what Tree is there that spreads a deeper root, or sheds a greener shade, or bears a fruit more delicious? His most Serene Majesty himself useth with much delight to discourse among us who have the honour to be nearest his Sacred Person, how above an hundred year● ago one of his Royal Ancestors, Edward the fixth, did out of an heroical mind man out his ships to trace out the limits of the World, and join the most distant and unknown Nations by intercourse. These were they that first discovered the vastness of the Northern Ocean counted till then unnavigable, who, as the Children of Israel with a pillar of fire by night, so were conducted by a pillar of continual day through that wilderness of waters unto this your Empire. They may justly be said to have invented the true use of the load stone, and that supernatural needle than first rested, at the finding out of your northern principalities, to which it had pointed in vain for so many ages. Having escaped the hazards of the sea, they were yet in danger twice to be lost, first in the remaining journey through so spacious Dominions, and then in the brightness of that Majesty which they expected not out of their own Country. But they were not only refreshed, as it was seasonable, by the courtesy of the then Emperor, but received moreover from his munificency, and as a reward of the trade than first opened and introduced on that side of your World, those Immunities and privileges from which thence forward both the Nations have reaped no small Advantage. And ever since a most sincere and hereditary Amity hath been transmitted between the Successors of both Princes from Father to Son, unto your Majesties now reigning. 'Twas much about that time that other Princes had sent out their Navies likewise for new discoveries. The Portuguez found out and conquered in the East-Indies the Land of pearls and spices, though none so orient or fragrant as what his present Majesty of Portugal hath deposited by the side of my most Serene Lord and Master. The Spaniard in the West-Indies seized upon the mines of Gold and Silver. So that when nothing of value seemed left for the Kings of England, they found what was more adequate to the desires of Princes who neither needed nor coveted further Empire, a Friend. And his most Serene Majesty is wont to say that his was the best lot of the three, and that he would not change his Friend of an hundred years for the Treasure of both the Indies. And He adds for reason his own Experiment, forasmuch as when his Subjects were generally revolted. His Friends as it is usual most of them failed, and when it seemed that Heaven and Earth had conspired his ruin while they were but contriving his happiness, He was then not only readily assisted by your Imperial Majesty but the addresses of the Usurpers rejected, and your protection withdrawn from all who might seem any way tainted with the infection of that disloyalty. And therefore his most Serene Majesty, as he hath readily repaid into the hands of your Imperial Ambassador those sums with which you did then pleasure him, so will he always retain deposited in the most sacred recess of his Royal heart, and transmit to his Successors the memory of all these Obligations. And for all these new causes, and upon those good and ancient grounds, his most Serene Majesty declares in your own Imperial words, than which none could be either more significant in themselves or more consonant to his sense, That his most Serene Majesty taking into consideration the flourishing estate of his Kingdoms, & that entire brotherly love and amity and frequent correspondency which was inviolable held, and continued from the beginning of the Reign of his Royal Father Charles the First of blessed memory, with Your Imperial Father of blessed memory the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Michael Pheoderovith of all Russia self-upholder, and the happiness and tranquillity thereby accrueing to both Dominions, doth most earnestly and hearty desire, not only the continuance thereof, but a nearer and dearer and firmer affectionate brotherly love and frequent correspondency with Your Imperial Majesty, His dear and loving Brother than formerly. For Conclusion, wishing and praying to the Omnipotent God, His and Your only King and Sovereign; that he will grant you length of days, tranquillity of Reign, perpetuity of friendships, and all other Imperial blessings beyond the achievements of all Your immortal Ancestors, and that there may never want of Your most Illustrious line to sit upon your Imperial Throne, so long as the Sun and Moon endure.  
His most Serene Majesty likewise returns his most affectionate salutations and friendly congratulations to the great prince Alexey Alexevich the Heir of your Imperial Dominions and the great Pheodor Alexevich, [Those two Shafts of the Imperial Quiver, which at what so ever glorious mark Your Majesty shall draw them you can miss with neither: Those two Pledges of peace to Your Subjects and a double terror to your Enemies.] His most Serene Majesty had long since heard of their hopefulness and virtues worthy of so Illustrious a parantage, and therefore was highly delighted to understand by Your Ambassadors that in their affection to Him also they did so well follow their Father's pattern, which he therefore thankfully accepts as an Obligation on Himself and a Treasure for his Successors, [Certainly augurating that those two Sons of the Russian Eagle, as they are now sharpening their sight daily at the most clear eyes of Your Imperial Majesty, so will also in due time extend their wings after Your example, and soar to the highest pitch that true virtue and indefatigable labour can carry the magnanimous offspring of Princes.]  
And now for what concerns myself, as I can receive no command from His most Serene Majesty my most Gracious Lord & Master, but what places a new honour upon me, so must I acknowledge that in choosing me for this Embassage, He has done me as great an honour as He could command me. For whereas from the supreme munificency of Himself and His immortal Ancestors I have and inherit several possessions and dignities (but of which other men might also be equally capable) may it be spoken without vanity, the Sun only that posts on a daily Embassage betwixt both Your Dominions can justly dispute the precedence with me in this Employment. So that having been thus far made a partaker and witness of the Glory and Serenity of Your Imperial Majesty (which may it long continue) I can have nothing further in my wishes than that You will still vouchsafe me the same favour toward the happy expedition of His most Serene Majesty's affairs, for the mutual Advantage of both Your Crowns and the good of posterity. Unto which ends as I am bound by all the Obligations of duty to my most Gracious Prince, Lord and Master; so shall I bring all the affection, Zeal and diligence which may befit so laudable an undertaking. In order to which I doubt not but Your Imperial Majesty likewise will appoint me such Commissioners, as shall bring the same ●andor and inclination, together with ●hat dispatch and expedition which is necessary for the furthering of so great ●nd good a design.   
My Lord Ambassador having made an end of his speech, which was well approved of, His Tzarskoy Majesty told him that he would do him the honour to let him kiss His hand: therefore he went up again to the Throne and kissed His hand, according to the custom of Christian Ambassadors. For it is a ceremony that they must be subject to in this Court, though indeed it is a thing much inferior to the dignity of an Ambassador, who under that Character should rather keep themselves equal with the Prince's Majesty than to condescend to such a low submission. Nor do I doubt but that my Lord Ambassador had rather accepted of such a condition as they put to Infidels Ambassadors who are not admitted to the performance of this Ceremony, because the Tzar counts it a great favour, and therefore He does reserve it only for Christians. He did also the same honour to my Lord his Gentlemen, who all kissed his hand decently and in good order, while his Excellency sat upon a form that his Tzarskoy Majesty Himself called for to that purpose. The mean while there was a Boyar to uphold the Tzars' right hand that was kissed lest He should come to be tired, and with the left hand He held His heavy Sceptre. In this conjuncture my Lord recommanded from the King to his Tzarskoy Majesty Sir John Hebdon, who was come along with my Lord from England, where he had been of late his Tzarskoy Majesties Agent. And therefore, because being in that employment he had bestowed a great care and prudence in promoting the common good of both Crowns. His Majesty thought fit to acquaint upon this occasion his Tzarskoy Majesty with the singular esteem He had for his person. These are the words my Lord spoke in the said Knights behalf as he was stepping next to my Lord of Morpeth to kiss the Tzars' hand, This Gentleman (says he) is I suppose well known to Your Imperial Majesty: He hath done Your Imperial Majesty very good service in the Court of England, and therefore his Majesty hath a particular esteem for him, and has commanded me to recommend him more particularly when I shall next have the honour to be admitted to Your Imperial presence.  
The Gentlemen having all kissed the Tzars' hand, the Presents that were sent by the hundred and thirty men came in and passed in very good order on one side of the great pillar, and so went about into a room next to the hall. Thereupon my Lord Ambassador stood up and said to his Majesty; His most Sèrene Majesty hath sent a Present as a token of His affection to Your Imperial Majesty, which whatsoever it is, the value thereof will be multiplied by the kind acceptance of Your Imperial Majesty.  
The First thing that came in was a Gun of King Charles the First, and therefore his Excellency presented it with this Compliment; This Gun was delivered to me by his Majesties own hand, being excellent in its kind, the same which his Royal Father of blessed and glorious memory used to shoot in, and which as a Relic of that renowned Prince he thought could not be better dedicated than to the hands of Your Imperial Majesty.  
Next to the Gun came a pair of Pistolets, whereupon my Lord spoke again, That pair of Pistolets (saith he) his Majesty delivered me also with his own hand, commanding me to excuse their oldness, which he thought would not make them less acceptable, when You knew they where those, with which after so long adversity, He rid in His triumphant Entry into His Metropolitan City of London.  
The Plate came next to those Pistolets, and in the first place a great silver-guilt Basin supported upon two men's arms, so all the rest passed by without stopping, next to the Tzars the presents allowed for the two Princes, than the Queen's present to the Duchess, and at last my Lord Ambassadors.  
Thus ended the Audience, and my Lord being brought home was treated (as it is usual in that Court at Audience-days) with the Tzars own meat, and it was therefore sent presently from the Palace. There was about an hundred dishes brought publicly in order, with good store of wine, brandy, and mead; His Majesty sent also one private Boyar to take a care of all the Ceremonies that were to be observed: but the greatest Ceremony being to drink many healths, he made sure to have every health written in a bill in the same order as the Tzar had appointed him. His Excellency sat at the middle of the table upon his chair of State, at his right hand was my Lord of Morpeth, and at his left Sir John Hebdon, both at each end of the table, so that they were pretty distant from my Lord Ambassador: the Moscovites sat together at the other side of the table which was square and crosswise set. My Lord having furnished his own plates, took occasion to make use himself alone of a dozain of silver-guilt plates he had, but the Boyars not liking that Ceremony seemed to look upon it with a jealous eye: yet his Excellency kept them as cheerful as he could, both by his graceful presence of spirit and the sweetness of his Music. The Boyar who directed the feast did also play his part with his healths, holding the paper in his hand, and presently begun his great Lords good health; Though indeed I think he liked far better the King of England's, for my Lord Ambassador presented him with the cup wherein he drunk it being of silver-guilt, wherewith he was so much taken that he scarce minded any thing else and so went away with it.  
The 13. of February, my Lord had again Audience of the Tzar, and also his first Conference with the Commissioners appointed by his Tzarskoy Majesty. We went in the same order and manner as we did the first time, but my Lord Ambassador was led into another hall much handsomer than the first, the inner-roof being fairly gilded with very good pictures, there were also fair windows and very rich tapestry. The Tzar was upon a little Throne not above two steps over the ground, yet having still the Crown upon his head and the Sceptre in his hand, and at his right hand there was the Imperial Globe. This Audience being a little private, and therefore not so copious of Boyars, the Tzar inquired of the Ambassadors health, and told him besides, that having caused the King's Letter to be translated he knew thereby his Majesty's desire, and that consequently he had appointed six Commissioners amongst his near Boyars and Counsellors to treat with him about his affairs. So my Lord did not stay with the Tzar above a quarter of an hour, than he stood very near to him, but still with his hat off.  
While he was going to the room appointed for the Conference, he was met twice by some of their Boyars wearing great gold chains about them, which I thought to be something like those Aethiopian slaves whose chains were also of gold. My Lord being come to the room, he and his Commissioners sat together, and he delivered them one paper about the Reparation promised in his Tzarskoy Majesties name before he made his Entrance, and another concerning the Restitution of the Privileges enjoyed formerly by the English Company. Thus was the first paper written.  

FOr as much as the second day after my arrival at the Yaws, but five versts from this City, notice having been given me by Offonassie Evanovich Nestrof my Pristaff, that his Imperial Majesty expected me the next day (being the fifth of February) in Moscow, and that about nine a Clock I should be ready to set forward, I was thereupon before the said hour ready accordingly with all my train and equipage to make my solemn Entry into His said Imperial City of Moscow, but was nevertheless detained in a noisome wisby the whole day without meat or drink for myself or attendants; And when at the last order came to my Pristaff I was, after having been for an hour's time or more led up and down the Fields out of the way to the City, instead of entering into the Imperial City (according to appointment) lodged in a mean village three miles distant. Which indeed was the same evening in the name of his Imperial Majesty excused to me, upon the mistake of the Posts and Messengers sent out for direction. Whereupon I thought necessary to write thence to his Imperial Majesty, to inform His said Imperial Majesty of what had passed, and of my resolution not to stir out of that place until satisfaction were given me for so great an indignity as it to me appeared. And forasmuch as before the answer to the said Letter, there was (upon the sixth of February) sent from his Imperial Majesty to me the Diack of the imperial Cabinet, to desire me by any means to make my Entrance the same day: and the said Diack promising that all satisfaction should be given me concerning the said indignity, I did therefore accordingly make my Entry into this City the said sixth day of February, but have not yet received any sufficient account concerning the occasion, the manner, and the punishment of the said miscarriage, as in so weighty a business appertains; And forasmuch as by reason of the said miscarriage I was, which I account a damage irreparable, detained one whole day longer from the honour and felicity of seeing His Imperial Majesty, and am so much the longer withheld from proposing what I have from the King my Master for the good of both Estates; And forasmuch as in the eye and discourse of the whole World, the honour of the King my Master has thereby exceedingly suffered, and will daily more without a satisfaction as public and notorious as the miscarriage; And forasmuch as otherwise I can give no good account to the King my Master, to whom I am responsible with my head, should I digest any such indignities? I therefore desire that his Imperial Majesty will be pleased to command that a perfect narrative in the most authentic manner of the reason of that disorder, of names of the persons criminal both principals and accessary, and what example of justice his Imperial Majesty (who cannot but be most tender of the honour of a Prince, and such a Prince as the King my Master) hath showed upon them, may be delivered to me under the hands and seals of the Lords Commissioners for my justification: Which I do expect with the most vehement impatiency, that I may forthwith proceed into the particulars of that friendly Negotiation; In order to which I have leapt over all complaints of lesser moment, as not being come to pick quarrels but to cement the most perfect union that ever hath been betwixt the two Crowns, unto which God grant an happy success and perfection.  
Given the 13 of February Anno D ni. 1663./ 4. CARLISLE.   
These were the words of the Second paper.  

WHereas the first foundation of that happy Correspondency and great Amity betwixt the Kings of England and Emperors of Russia, was laid in the Privileges granted to the English Merchants by the said Emperors of Russia, in regard of the trade first introduced by them by the way of Archangel, Whereby not only the Subjects of both Countries, and of this Country especially, have reaped great advantages: but also both Princes, and particularly the Emperors of Russia, in several great affairs of state and otherwise have had further occasion to receive great assistance and effectual testimonies of friendship from one another, His Majesty of England desiring not only to equalise but to excel all His Predecessors in the firmness & strictness of brotherly amity & entire correspondence with his Imperial Majesty, and considering that those first foundations, laid by the singular Providence of God and wisdom of the former Princes, and which by the duration of so many years have been approved to be most solid and permament, are therefore the most proper grounds whereon to raise a building of perpetual Friendship, hath therefore commanded me, as I do in His name, first of all to desire the Restitution of the former Privileges, as they were enjoyed in the time of the Father of his Imperial Majesty, and in the Reign of his present Imperial Majesty before the taking of them away upon occasion of the late Rebellion in England. And these being first granted, his Majesty will further manifest by me the great affection which He bears to his Imperial Majesty.  
Given the 13 of February Anno D ni. 1663./ 4. CARLISLE.   
The 17. my Lord Ambassador had another Conference in the Palace, where his Commissioners read to him their answer to his two papers, but refused to give him yet a Copy of it. In that answer all things were quite contrary to his expectations, so that he thought fit thereupon to speak somewhat hard to them. Then it happened that one great casement of the room, wherein they were assembled together, fell down with such a horrid noise, that the Lords Commissioners were quite astonished, and wished my Lord had spoken more gently. An Interpreter of theirs, who was an outlandish man, speaking afterwards to that purpose said, If (saith ●he) two or three words of anger of My Lord Ambassador's do so shake off the house, how would they tremble, if they heard King Charles thundering at their ears with just indignation?  
The 26. Pronchissof brought my Lord Ambassador a Copy of their answer read to him the seventeenth. But lest I should tyre the Reader with an ill compacted discourse, whose stile and meaning are equally rude and unpleasant, I shall only tell the substance of it in as few words as I can. And first, as to the Reparation demanded by my Lord Ambassador in his first paper of 13. of February, they say (when they have much extolled the greatness of the pomp that was shown at his Reception, which they take to be the most glorious that ever was made in their Court to any Ambassador) that the disorder aforesaid happened upon the mistake of the Posts. That it was not fit he should make his Entry by night, and that his Tzarskoy Majesty had therefore given order that he should lodge that night nearer Moscow, so that the next day he might be received betimes with a splendour answerable to his quality; And so, that so many strangers who lived in Moscow might see by this Reception, how great is the Amity which their Great Lord bears to his Majesty, and that they might discourse of it in their several Countries. But to that they added a thing that surprised very much his Excellency, saying, that he himself stayed also a great while the next day, after many Messengers were sent unto him. And presently after they make bold to tell him, that he ought not to have demanded satisfaction in that place, where then he was. And at last without any other proofs they only say; that those Messengers who accidentally miss their way the first day had been chastised.  
Their answer to the second Paper concerning the Privileges of the English Company was no less unreasonable, they refused them under the following pretences, which they allege for good and solid reasons. First of all they say, the Privileges were abolished upon occasion of the late Rebellion of England, and that the English Company of Archangel was guilty of it. Then they speak of one Luke Nightingale whom they affirm to have been sent secretly to his Tzarskoy Majesty by the late King's Majesty during the Rebellion, to give Him notice of it, and to desire Him to abrogate the Privileges of the English Company, as having also put off their Obedience; Adding moreover, that this same Nightingale had Letters from the King, that he was very private with his Royal Majesty, ●nd very trusty to Him. Besides they tell what this pretended Agent gave the Boyars ●hat treated with him notice of, that the Factor's of the English Company had at that time ●roguish design with one john Cartwrite, a ●ember of the Company, to rob his Tzarskoy majesty's Subject's in the East-Countries, and ●hat shortly after the said Cartwrite did accomplish his design. Whereupon they say, that John Hebdon (so they call the Knight that I mentioned before) was Factor to this same Cartwrite. Afterwards they lay an heinous charge against the said Company; as, that they had not furnished the Tzars' treasury with their commodities, at the same price they were sold for in England, that they had sold prohibited commodities as Tobacco, and that besides they offered to take strangers goods to carry them through the Country custom free. Lastly they speak of a general complaint made by the Russes, Merchants and Tradesmen, as if the English Merchants had all the trade themselves, and grew thereby very rich in a short time, whereas his Tzarskoy Majesties Subjects grew poorer every day. They allege also that the Merchants who were first nominated for the Privileges were dead, so that (it seems) they will have the Privileges to die with them.  
After this answer the Commissioners were pleased, as if they had a mind thereby to be revenged of the former Reparation required by his Excellency, to complain also on thei● side most vehemently of the Title, most Illustrious, that he had given his Tzarskoy Majesty. This was the occasion and manner o● their complaint. Pronchissof, one of the s● Commissioners, had of my Lord (upon hi● desire) a Latin Copy of the Speech said a● the first Audience, where indeed he gives the Tzar the Title of Illustrissimus. That was the thing that they sticked to, but as to the expression said publicly by word of mouth before the Great Duke himself (which should be thought more offensive) they had the goodness to interpret it in good part, because they gave it a good sense according to their own will. But a writing that was only given ●o satisfy a man's curiosity, who desired to see it, is now become a very great matter of State, every word of it is examined strictly, ●s if the whole business were only to pick quarrels. Such was the occasion of the great invective they gave here in writing against ●llustrissimus, which they take to be much inferior to the dignity and grandeur of their Monarch. Therefore they require of my Lord Ambassador that instead thereof he make use ●f Serenissimus, that he would also acquaint ●is Royal Majesty with it, whom they desire together to leave off most Illustrious, and to ●rite most Serene, when it shall be his pleasure to write to their Great Lord. To that purpose they say, that all other Princes of Eu●ope do it according to his Princely worth, ●nd amongst others the Caesar, for a proof ●hereof they had already showed my Lord ●mbassador one of his Letters being at Conference with them. His Excellency took then notice, how the Emperor called Him only Tzar according to His own Language, and therefore he resolved ever since to do so, and never name him Emperor, as he had done hitherto after the custom of English Monarches and their Subjects.  
The 29. my Lord Ambassador had another Conference, where he did so reply in writing, first concerning the Reparation promised the sixth of February. I reply (saith he) that it is hard for me to conceive, whereas his Tzarskoy Majesty is able at so great distances in his absence by the good order of his Generals to embattle so numerous and victorious Armies, upon the sudden opportunities of fight a● Enemy, that after my so slow advancing from Vologda, and three days lodging almost unde● the Gates of his Tzarskoy City, the continual Attendants upon his own Person, where the● can learn and see nothing but the most perfect and exquisite Order, should not in a whol● day be in a posture to receive the Ambassador of a Friend. And again that it is almost a● strange to me, that his Tzarskoy Posts, wh● run daily at his Command through so spacious Dominions (which may ever be enlarged that they who would not miss a foot at midnight through the very deserts of Tartary yet should lose their way in broad daylight within three or four miles of Moscow. An● yet I am most assured, that his Tzarskoy Majesty did really intent to reflect upon me that day all the Honour which according to the custom of his Court is due to the Character I bring from my Royal Master. So that there seems to be much more in it than an accident, & especially seeing that Persons sent that same day to the same place upon an incivility to Sir John Hebdon, a Gentleman of his Majesty's privy Chamber, and of my Train, could find the way early in the morning; but those that were sent about my Reception, did miss it till night. And therefore, because so many Strangers of several Nations, which dwell in his Tzarskoy City, were winesses that day of such miscarriage, contrary to the good pleasure of his Tzarskoy Majesty, as no age nor no Nation can parallel, and that they have, and do, and will discourse of it according to their own apprehensions, both here and in their several Countries, neither to the advantage of the King my Master, nor yet of his Tzarskoy Majesty, unless His prudence may appear in his Justice. Therefore I say, I demanded what is in my first paper mentioned. But instead thereof I am told in this paper delivered to me the 26. of February, that the next day after, many Messengers being sent unto me, I also stayed late; To which I reply, that it is very possible that many Messengers were sent to me that day, and that they lost their way then as the others the day before: And indeed in the place where I was it was yet difficulter to find me, especially seeing it appears the nearer one comes to Moscow men are more ignorant of the Roads. But the first message that I received that day was by a very considerable Person the Diack of the Imperial Cabinet, and assoon as we had spoken together and he promised me satisfaction, which if I ought not to have asked, he ought not to have promised; but being promised aught to be effected: I was ready in a quarter of an hour, though it was then not two a clock after the English account, and I but at two Versts distance; which indeed according to the proportions of the former day, made me suspect, as also it proved, that by how much I was yet nearer I should come in so much later to Moscow. However though I could have wished to have entered by day, as indeed it was fitting, and might perhaps the third day have succeeded, yet out of complacency to his Tzarskoy Majesties good pleasure, I took my chance of the night. And what I discerned before it was dark of the the Honour his Tzarskoy Majesty intended, and did me, joined with those most friendly and cordial Sentiments, which I brought along to Him from my Royal Master, made me interpret that very obscurity for splendour, and that most Serene night which brought me so near his Tzarskoy Majesty, was by me preferred before the most Illustrious day that had detained me from Him. But whereas it is said, that I ought not in that place to have demanded an answer of my being hindered the former day; After having first protested, that whatsoever I have said above in reference to myself, upon the second day, hath not been upon any account or obligation that I have or aught of answering any charge, accusation, or recrimination against me; but only out of the desire that I have by all honourable means to retain the good opinion of his Tzarskoy Majesty, as being so great a Prince and Friend of the King my Master, and which I have neither forfeited yet, and may possibly deserve further before my going away (unless upon some unhappy interruption from other persons:) I add next, that none but the King my Master knows what I ought to have done, and therefore I desire that all expressions to the contrary may be omitted for the future. But if upon promise from so considerable a person as the Diack of the Tzarkoy Cabinet, I did enter this City, and if upon the fairest hopes given me by his Tzarskoy majesty's Boyars and Counsellors, I leaving it upon the honour of so worthy persons, I have passed from this Complaint into His majesty's other business, and that no redress be given me, than indeed I have done what I ought not. And that such redress hath as yet not been given me I must affirm, seeing all that is said tending thereto is, that in the meeting of me the height of Honour was shown me, which is nothing, if in not meeting of me, the day before, there was showed me all Dishonour. For the actions of his Tzarskoy Majesty are all equal, and of one thread; and so magnanimous a Prince is far from being so straitened and necessitated in courtesy, that to make that Courtesy appear the higher, He must do a Discourtesy the day before. And then to say, that those by whom the delay was caused have been punished, I appeal to yourselves, whether if mine were your own case, you would think so slender and transitory an account, a sufficient satisfaction to his Tzarskoy Majesty, or a competent discharge for yourselves. And therefore I insist upon my demands, as they were expressed in my former Paper of the thirteenth of February.  
Thus my Lord answered to their Excuses concerning the Hindrance of his Entry the first day. Now he comes to the second part of their answer concerning the Privileges, and indeed he does so discuss and refute their Objections alleged against the granting of them, that nothing could be said more just and reasonable.  
First, says he, as to the sending the English Merchants out of the Moscovian Dominions, and whatsoever passed either in public or in secret in any year in relation to those affairs, is perfectly known to his Majesty my Master; who hath chosen to interpret it all to the best advantage, and accordingly both at Council before the King my Master, as also here in public, I have still mentioned it with honour to his Tzarskoy Majesty. Forasmuch as, though all the English were involved in the calamity of that Rebellion, but the better part always free from the guilt thereof, and though the English here did generally put on mourning out of their abhorrence and grief for that detestable Parricide, and though most of them had from the Lord Culpepper his Majesty's Ambassador in this Court testimony under his hand and seal of their fidelity to his Majesty (which they also witnessed by considerable sums of money furnished at that time by them for the service of his Majesty to the said Ambassador) nevertheless his Tzarskoy Majesty might very well not be informed of the said particulars; And therefore, though he sent the English out of the Moscovian Dominions, and seized upon their houses, and commanded in their bonds and bills which they had upon Russes, yet did therein a generous and most obliging act to the King my Master; Especially if, as follows in the answer of his Tzarskoy Majesty near Boyars and Counsellors, there came from his Majesty's Father of ever blessed memory Luke Nightingale and as follows in the said Boyars and Counsellors narrative thereof before recited.  
But neither did the same Luke Nightingale come with his Majesty's Letters privately: For what Letter he brought was very public, being without a seal or open, neither was that Letter from his Majesty, as will appear if the near Boyars and Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majesty produce that Letter they mention, which in the name of the King my Master I desire may be done. And whereas the said near Boyars and Counsellors say the said Luke was always about his Royal Majesty without going from Him; to the contrary his Majesty never knew such a person or heard of him before his crimes in Russia, the said Luke Nightingale being a broken merchant, a perjured fellow, and a gross Imposter. Which will further appear, if the said his Tzarskoy Majesty near Boyars and Counsellors will be pleased to remember, that his Tzarskoy Majesty in a Letter dated July 11. 7155. to his Royal Majesty's Father of ever blessed memory did make the same relation which his Tzarskoy Majesties Boyars and Counsellors do now make of the said Nightingale, and to compare with that what I now offer them delivered to me by his Majesty's command out of the Secretary of State's office, being an extract of his Majesty's Royal Father of ever blessed memory, His answer to the said Letter, which having been prepared ready could not by reason of his death shortly succeeding be sent over; [Lastly whereas Your Imperial Majesty hath intimated that one Luke Nightingale hath presumed to treat with Your Imperial Majesty in Our name, and to present a writing in Your Majesty's Office, we therefore finding ourselves much dishonoured thereby desire a Copy of the said writing, that thereupon when he shall repair into Our jurisdictions, we may according to justice proceed against him as a person abusing our name, and treating without our Royal Commission and order in propounding matters repugnant to our Royal intentions 1648.] And though the fellow be since dead, and hath escaped so the justice of the King my Master, yet in his Majesty's name I desire the letter may be delivered into my hands, as also that I may know with what Boyars he treated or writ or spoke in that matter; that by what they remember of the matter I may give his Majesty more perfect information thereof. And, though by what appears already whatsoever he hath said here of that nature is most false, and not to be valued any further by any person of honour and understanding, yet can I not omit what upon his account his Tzarskoy Majesties near Boyars add concerning Sir John Hebdon. For I cannot comprehend to what purpose he is mentioned in this place, the said Sir John Hebdon being ten years before free from the Service of Cartwrite, and being he who procured the remanding of Nightingale from Novogorod and his detaining here some time, till he got away as privately as he came, and never daring to repair to the sight of his late Majesty of ever blessed memory, or of his Majesty now reigning, died like a villain at Riga. But indeed the near Boyars and Counsellors did very prudently, when upon their urging this matter upon me as a truth and reality, they made difficulty to admit the said Sir John Hebdon, though then required by me according to the desire of his Royal Majesty, and though at the same time Forainers were all the while present to spy and observe my discourse concerning his Majesty's affairs. For they could not be ignorant that Sir John Hebdon was able to give a pertinent account of all the Impostures of the said Nightingale, and in two minutes to have discovered the nakedness of all that falsehood, which for want of Audience all this time has gone current for a truth of great authority. And as for that Cartwrite, if being oppressed by some of the late Tzarskoy Majesty of ever glorious memory His Ministers, he sought abroad any reparation contrary to his late Majesties of ever blessed memory will or knowledge, I have nothing to say for him at this time.  
But, whereas the said near Boyars and Counsellors, passing from that reason of taking away the Privileges upon occasion of the late Rebellion, are pleased to allege several Miscarriages of the English here in their way of trading in this Country, I confess it is some thing new to me. And it seems thereby to appear (which I am unwilling to believe) as if the said Boyars knew some other reasons than his Tzarskoy Majesties generous resentment of the injuries and inhumanities' done to his late Majesty of ever blessed memory for the taking away those Privileges. Which being so contrary to what the King my Master hath always believed, and that from several expressions in his Tzarskoy Majesties own Letters, I am therefore the less prepared to answer. Yet thus much I shall say, after minding the said near Boyars and Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majesty, that their allegations had been more weighty, had they named the particular persons guilty of such miscarriages; as first to their not furnishing of his Tzarskoy Treasury, wherewith they are charged. The Merchants have from time all along, yea to the very time of his Tzarskoy Majesties taking away of their Privileges, furnished his Treasury with Cloth, Tyn, Led, Pewter, and all other Commodities of the growth and manufacture of England, at prices far cheaper than the Dutch or Hamburghers did or could deliver them, if their Commodities were answerable to those furnished by the English. And it is affirmed by the Company of English Merchants, that their Servants and Factors have at several times offered to deliver goods into his Majesty's Treasury at the prices they cost there in England, but they would not be accepted. And when they have been accepted or received into his Tzarskoy Treasury, the Factors here could very seldom or never get their moneys without great bribes to his Officers, nay several of them could never get any thing for their goods so delivered. And the said Merchants do and can justly affirm that his Treasury hath not suffered in that particular, but that they have been much sufferers in what they have delivered for want of good payment. As to their dealing with Tobacco, the Companies care and orders were such (each member being under an oath to observe the same) that if any man trading under the Privileges were known or found to have any, it was presently taken and burnt before the Russes his Subjects, whereof many precedents may be produced. So that in this particular of what is said there is nothing proved, no not so much as any one instance of any one member of the Company trading here under the Privileges. As to buying of strangers Commodities, the Merchants privileged here, have ever been so far from dealing in prohibited Commodities, as also from taking or meddling with any strangers goods to carry them from Archangel to Moscow custome-free, and so defraud his Majesty of his customs, that they have from time to time made very strict orders to the contrary. So that if any person were found faulty in that particular, he should be delivered to the Emperor's laws and not be protected by the Agent or Company there residing. Nay further of late years the Company have been so fearful to offend in colouring stranger's goods, that they have made strict orders to prohibit all trade with the Dutch, Hamburghers, or any other strangers, either at Archangel or any other place in his Dominions.  
As to the first Merchants being dead, It was never understood (as far as I know) by the Tzar his Predecessors here, nor (I am sure) by the Kings of England there (who by their Ambassadors capitulated and made agreements in which the Companies Privileges were included) that those Privileges were made only to particular and individual men, and that when those men should die, the Privileges should cease and die with them. For it was then understood that the Privileges granted was a due to the Nation; and not only those men which were then nominated, but likewise to those who should succeed them in the trade.  
And for what belongs the Petition of the Goess and all other Tradesmen of the Muscovian Dominions, and all the pretences which are huddled together against the English Merchants; I shall only say at present that it seems natural enough to me that the Goses, a small number of persons, might desire thereby to engross the whole trading to their own hand, though to the prejudice of the generality of his Tzarskoy Majesties subjects. But that the whole Tradesmen of Russia, who receive great advantage from the traffic with the English, should in that manner petition, seems not so probable because less reasonable.  
Therefore passing over all such colours or realities, which may easily be discussed in succeeding Conferences, unless this new and abrupt answer shall give me occasion wholly to give over the business, I shall myself say roundly (inviting thereby the near Boyars and Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majesty to the same way of proceeding) that if the Privileges were only taken away upon occasion of the late Rebellion and the Impostures of Luke Nightingale, as hath been given to understand to the King my Master, that therefore the same Impostures being now discovered, and the said Rebellion being extinguished and pardoned, and his Majesty now desiring by me that they may be restored again; It is now therefore time for his Tzarskoy Majesty hereby to redouble the former obligation upon the King my Master. But if these other Pretences were the sole or the concurrent reasons of their taking away, His Majesty is ready by me both to invigorate the execution of any good orders formerly made for the preventing the like miscarriages, and also to make for the future such further provision and regulation, as may secure the interest of his Tzarskoy Majesty and Subjects. And therefore however the King my Master desireth that before all things the said Privileges may be revived, not that thereby there is any advantage or gain to his Royal Majesty, who could willingly shoot away yearly as much powder as the value of them comes to at the health of his Tzarskoy Majesty his dear and loving Brother. Nor that the Merchants his Subjects have thereby (as is alleged) so enriched themselves in any comparison with what the Subjects of his Tzarskoy Majesty have reaped this hundred years from the English Trade. For on the contrary the English merchants have in their free way of living and expense in the Country rather strove to defray only and maintain the friendship with the inhabitans than to accumulate wealth to themselves; Which yet if they had done they could not be envied nor aught to be reproached therewith by those, whose Country hath by their benefit drawn in the Commerce and riches of all Europe. Nor yet that his Majesty expects herein, as it were, a recompense of all those other accommodations which their Tzarskoy Majesty have received upon several emergencies of State from the Crown of England, his Majesty being disposed rather to continue and increase all such Obligations than to call them in, and diminish them by any exprobration or demand upon His side. But, to tell you the upright truth as it is fit for us to do with one another, his Majesty considers that these Privileges were the ancient and continued foundations of Amity, and transmitted so long from Father to Son on both sides: so that as men prise a token and memorial of a friend (though otherwise of small value) above pearls and diamonds he counts it a kind of unlucky thing to lose them. Also He himself and all his Subjects upon his Tzarskoy Majesties Letter of July 28. 1661. (where He saith, Whereas Your Majesty writ in Your said Letter concerning other affairs, in prosecution of which Your Majesty would send to Us our Tzarskoy Majesty Your Subjects the Merchants together with Your Majesty's Ambassador, who shall further express the affection of friendship which Your Majesty Our loving Brother hath towards Our Tzarskoy Majesty; we answer that when to Our Imperial Majesty Your Majesty's said Ambassador shall arrive and shall declare to Us the Commission he hath from Your Majesty Our Brother, we Our Tzarskoy Majesty will be ready, so far as in Our power is, and for the affection we bear to You Our Brother, give assent thereto and command the same to be obeyed) and again upon his Tzarskoy Majesties Letter of July 21. 1662. (were he says, We the great Lord our Tzarskoy Greatness taking into our Princely consideration the flourishing State of our Empire, and that entire Brotherly love and amity and frequent correspondency, which inviolably was held and continued from the beginning of the Reign of our Tzarskoy Father of famous memory the great Lord Emperor and great Duke, Michaelo Phedorovich of all Russia self-upholder, to and with Your Majesty's Royal Father of famous memory Charles the first, and the happiness peace and tranquillity accrueing thereby to both Dominions, wishing the like happiness had been and were still enjoyed by and between all other Christian Princes and Potentates, do most earnestly and hearty desire not only the continuation thereof but a more nearer and dearer and firmer affectionate blessed Brotherly love, and amity and frequent correspondency with your Royal Majesty our dear and loving Brother, than formerly with all readiness and freeness on all occasions to the utmost of our power to answer the desires of Your Royal Majesty our dear and loving Brother) did not ●n the least wise doubt, but at the first word 〈◊〉 had spoken, the Privileges would have been granted. For else what signifies, When to our Tzarskoy Majesty, Your Majesty's Ambassador shall arrive, and shall declare to us the Commission he hath from Your Majesty our Brother, we our Tzarskoy Majesty will be ready, so far● as in our power is, to give assent thereto; An● again, We our Tzarskoy Majesty do mos● earnestly and hearty desire not only the continuation thereof but a more nearer and dearer and firmer affectionate blessed Brotherly lov● and amity with Your Royal Majesty our dea● and loving Brother, than formerly with all readiness and freeness on all occasions to the utmost of our power to answer the desires of You● Royal Majesty our dear and loving Brother And how can there be a continuation and encreas of amity and the same amity, unless th● same Privileges to continue as formerly Therefore his Majesty thought it the most honourable way for his Tzarskoy Majesty to rene● them at first frankly without all little capitulations, as for other reasons so because h● would be in debt to his Tzarskoy Majesty that he might embrace all occasions to rep● it with usury. And that the near Boyars an● Counsellors may not be terrified with th● vastness or irrationality of the grant, and fe● to be accounted evil Counsellors should the advise indeed so small a thing, and in whic● the Subjects of his Tzarskoy Majesty reap mo● advantage than the English, before they ha● driven the market with me for some forth interest of his Tzarskoy Majesty, I desire they may be informed that some hundred years ago even England (though always most potent at sea in men of war) yet for some part of their traffic were beholding to the Hans Towns, who in Merchant ships brought all kind of their merchandise home to the English. Whereupon the Kings of England granted several great Immunities to the Hans Towns, with dwelling and all accommodations. Which Immunities though so many hundred years ago granted, and though the tide of ●rade be long since wholly turned, the English ●ow carrying all that trade to their doors, and much more than ever received from them; nevertheless Their former Majesties have al●aies religiously continued the same Privileges, as also his present Majesty hath renewed them since his happy Restauration, at ●he ratification of which I myself was present ●n his Majesty's Council. For it is for Mer●hants to calculate and subdivide the present accounted, but it becomes Princes to make e●erlasting obligations; Princes are richer by ●iving, than others by receiving; and gratitude laid up in the breast of another Prince, is ●pon any necessity better than ready money in is own Treasure. But doubtless his Majesty, ●nder whose most auspicious Government His ●wn Subjects have also every where else already recovered and increased all their former Privileges, cannot but take it ill should they only fail of them with his Tzarskoy Majesty, the ancientest and most constant of his Friends and Allies: and the more must He lay it to heart, seeing in the mean time those of other Nations do enjoy Privileges, and thereby drive a trade not much inferior to that of all the English. And this I must say, that the English Nation, and especially their Princes, as They are generally the most frank and faithful in returning of Courtesies, so are they by the same right most tender and sensible of any Unkindness, and most when it seems to touch upon Their Reputation. I shall only add this for conclusion, that if His Majesty's desires be no better understood, the near Boyars and Counsellors needed not to have given a NO, of such a circumference, or if it be yet intended to grant them, it is too much like the second day of my Entrance. Therefore I desire a definitive answer with the soon, that so I may obey His Royal Majesty's Orders, and accordingly provide for my departure.  
But as to that new matter which the Lords Commissioners were pleased to advance, over and above what there was occasion given for his Excellency did so explain it.  
I reply, saith he, that I sent no such pape● into the Embassy-office, but upon the desire of his Tzarskoy Majesties Councillor Eva● Offonassy Pronchissof, I delivered it to him, not being a paper of State, nor written in the English Language wherein I treat, nor put into the hands of the near Boyars and Councillors of his Tzarskoy majesty, nor subscribed by myself, nor translated into Russee by my Interpreter, but only as a piece of curiosity, which is now restored me and I am possessed of it; so that herein his Tzarskoy majesties near Boyars and Councillors are doubtless ill grounded. But again I say concerning the value of the words Illustrissimus and Serenissimus compared together, seeing we must here from affairs of State, fall into Grammatical contests concerning the Latin tongue; that the word Serenus signifieth nothing but still and calm; and therefore though of late times adopted into the Titles of great Princes by reason of that benign tranquillity which properly dwells in the majestic countenance of great Princes, and that venerable stillness of all the Attendants that surround them, of which I have seen an excellent example when I was in the presence of his Tzarskoy majesty, yet is more properly used concerning the calmness of the weather, or season. So that even the night is elegantly called Serene by the best Authors, Cicero in Arato 12. Lucretius l. 1.29. Serena nox, and upon perusing again what I have writ in this paper, I find that I have out of the customariness of that expression myself near the beginning said, And that most serene night, etc. Whereas on the contrary Illustris in its proper derivation and signification expresseth that which is all resplendent lightsome and glorious as well without as within, and that not with a secondary but with a primitive and original light. For if the Sun be, as he is, the first fountain of light, and Poêts in their expressions (as is well known) are higher by much than those that writ in Prose, what else is it when Ovid in the 2. of the Metamorphoses saith of Phoebus speaking with Phaêthon, Qui terque quaterque concutiens Illustre caput, and the Latin Orators, as Pliny Ep. 139. When they would say the highest thing that can be expressed upon any subject, word it thus, Nihil Illustrius dicere possum. So that hereby may appear to his Tzarskoy Majesties near Boyars and Counsellors what diminution there is to his Tzarskoy Majesty (which far be it from my thoughts) if I appropriate Serenissimus to my Master and Illustrissimus to Him than which nihil dici potest Illustrius. But because this was in the time of the purity of the Latin tongue, when the word Serenus was never used in the Title of any Prince or Person, I shall go on to deal with the utmost candour forasmuch as in this Nation the nicety of that most eloquent language is not so perfectly understood, which gives occasion to these mistakes. 
* And indeed there being no literature amongst them, they have no occasion to learn the Original Languages, so that few of them do understand Latin. True it is that in the Court some have the curiosity to learn it, as this Golozof who is spoken of before. Which gave my Lord occasion to write sometimes in Latin.  I confess therefore that indeed in the declination of the Latin tongue, and when there scarce could be found out words enough to supply the modern ambition of Titles, Serenissimus as several other words hath grown in fashion for a compellation of lesser as well as greater Princes, and yet befits both the one and the other. So there is Serenissima Respublica Veneta, Serenitates Electoriae, Serenitates Regiae, even as the word Highness or Celsitudo befits a Duke a Prince a King or an Emperor, adjoining to it the respective quality, and so the word Illustris. But suppose it were by modern use (which I deny) depressed from the undoubted superiority that it had of Serenus in the purest antiquity, yet being added in the transcendent degree to the word Emperor, the highest denomination that a Prince is capable of, it becomes of the same value. So that to interpret Illustrissimus unto diminution is to find a positive in a superlative, and in the most orient light to seek for darkness. And I would, seeing the near Boyars and Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majesty are pleased to mention the Title given to his Tzarskoy Majesty by his Cesarian Majesty gladly be satisfied by them, whether ever any Cesarian Majesty writ formerly hither in High-Dutch, and whether then they styled his Tzarskoy Majesty Durchluchtigste which is the same with Illustrissimus, and which I believe the Caesar hath kept for Himself. But to cut short his Royal Majesty hath used the word to his Tzarskoy Majesty in his Letter, not out of imitation of others, although even in the Dutch Letter to his Tzarskoy Majesty of 16. June 1663. I find Doorluchtigste the same (and said) with Illustrissimus, but out of the c●●stant use of his own Court, further joy●●●● before it Most High, Most Potent, and adding after it Great Lord Emperor, which is an higher Title than any Prince in the World gives his Tzarskoy Majesty, and as high a Title of honour as can be given to any thing under the Divinity. For the King my Master who possesses as considerable Dominions, and by as high and self-dependent a right as any Prince in the Universe, yet contenting Himself with the easiest Titles, and satisfying Himself in the essence of things, doth most willingly give to other Princes the Titles which are appropriated to them, but to the Tzarskoy Majesties of Russia his Royal Ancestors, and to his present Tzarskoy Majesty his Royal Majesty himself, have usually and do gladly pay Titles even to superfluity out of mere kindness. And upon that reason He added the word most Illustrious, and so did I use it in the Latin of my speech. Yet, that You may find I did not out of any criticism of honour, but for distinction sake use it as I did, You may see in one place of the same speech Serenitas, speaking of his Tzarskoy Majesty: and I would have used Serenissimus an hundred times concerning his Tzarskoy Majesty, had I thought it would have pleased Him better. And I dare promise You that his Majesty will upon the first information from me style him Serenissimus, and I (notwithstanding what I have said) shall make little difficulty of altering the word in that speech, and of delivering it so to You, with that protestation that I have not in using that word Illustrissimus erred nor used any diminution (which God forbidden) to his Tzarskoy Majesty, but on the contrary after the example of the King my Master intended and shown him all possible honour. And so God grant all happiness to His most high, most Potent, most Illustrious, and most Serene Tzarskoy Majesty, and that the friendship may daily increase betwixt His said Majesty and his most Serene Majesty my Master.  
Such was concerning this matter my Lord Ambassadors answer, who thought fit also on his side to give them notice (seeing they were so scrupulous about the Tzar's Titles) to use for the King's Majesty the Title of Defender of the Faith, which hitherto they had always omitted. The King my Master, saith he, hath one essential Title, and which He prizes more than those of all his dominions, Defender of the Faith, an immemorial, indubitable, successive Title from his Ancestors, and as always heretofore, so in His last Letter to his Tzarskoy Majesty He useth it; in this Court ever since my coming I think by some inadvertency omitted. I desire that in styling his Majesty my Master, and in all Letters to Him henceforward, it may be inserted according as belongs to Him.  
The nineteenth of March Pronchissof brought to my Lord an answer to his given the 29. of February, whereby the Commissioners complain much in the first place that he writ with slighting the honourable orders of his Tzarskoy Majesties forces, and with little repute for his Posts. Therefore they do not like at all this expression of my Lords, where he says, that the nearer one comes to Moscow, men are more ignorant of the Roads; so that they freely say, it was not handsome for him to speak so. Moreover they deny the foundation of the Friendship between the two Crowns to be (as my Lord said) the Grant of the Privileges, but only the mutual Love of both Princes. That therefore the Privileges were taken away by reason of the English Rebellion to his late Majesty, and that his present Majesty being in misery, his Tzarskoy Majesty comforted. Him with Letters, and (as they are pleased to say) furnished him with Bread and Money. Whereas His Royal Majesty doth not offer to give their great Lord any assistance against his present Enemies, the Pole and the Crim Tartar, as had done formerly his Royal Father to his Tzarskoy Majesties Father, against Vladislaus King of Poland. But besides the wars (wherein the Tzar was then engaged) and the King's cold assistance, they blame also the English merchants who had lately refused the Tzars' Ambassadors in England to lend him money for the war. Yet notwithstanding it seems the Tzar will allow ten English merchants, new men, such as His Royal Majesty shall think fit to make choice of, that should faithfully observe such lawful conditions as should be required of them, to drive a free trade, after such a time that his Tzarskoy Majesties Wars cease with John Cassimir King of Poland and the Cham of Crim. Lastly they find the answer about the Titles to be mighty full of offences, and that his Excellency doth much diminish their respect when he says, that they are not fitly grounded; Whereas being at Conference with them, he called them (as they say) His Tzarskoy Majesties potent Boyars, wise, and rightly honourable. And that therefore that man is not fit to lay the foundation of things, who praises in his words, and in his writings dispraises without the truth.  
But as to the first Complaint, his Excellency by an answer given in Conference the 22. of March replies, that (as it is easy to be seen) his words are misunderstood, and what tended to the honour of all persons that deserve it, is by His Commissioners perverted to the slighting of them. And whereas they say, it was not handsome for him to say, that the nearer one comes to Moscow, men are more ignorant of the Roads; he answers, that it seems they rather undertake to censure him as Judges on the bench, than treat with him as Counsellors of his Tzarskoy Majesty. That perhaps out of haste to answer his last paper (which indeed is a jest put upon them, seeing they had been near three weeks about it) they had omitted the words, As we conceive, so that the whole sense would have run thus, It was not, as we conceive, handsome for you to declare. At last he still insists upon the satisfaction demanded. As for the Reproach (which my Lord took very ill) of his Tzarskoy Majesties assistance to the King, whom their most Wise Prince, as they call him, furnished with bread; his Excellency said, he agreed in that with them, forasmuch as the Wisest of Princes saith, Cast thy bread upon the waters, and after many days thou shalt find it again, as also it hath happened; And again he said, that only our blessed Saviour could multiply the five loaves. That his Majesty hath and will own perpetually that courtesy, that he hath in his name declared it, and given his thanks in the face of the whole World. But this he would mind his Tzarskoy Majesties Boyars and Counsellors, that even papers of Obligation are sullied and worn out with too much handling; and so is it in regard of the Obligations themselves, when men too often repeat their own good actions. Concerning the matter of Trade his Excellency tells them, that with all becoming thanks for the good intention of his Tzarskoy Majesty, he refuses to treat of any such conditions as were in their last proposal, having no Commission or Latitude from the King to go less in matter of Trade, than the Restitution of the former Privileges. And whereas the Commissioners had pleased to say, that his Royal Majesty doth not upon this occasion of wars, as his Royal Majesty's Father of highly glorious memory, who had sent his Colonel Thomas Sanderson with many warlike men to assist his Tzarskoy Majesty Michaelo Phederovich against his Enemy Vladislaus King of Poland; his Excellency tells them, whether seeing in this and many other expressions they seem to weigh the generous actions of Princes by Salotnicks (or ounces) they would think it civil in him, should he say, that his Royal Majesty's Father of highly glorious memory lent his Tzarskoy Majesties Father of highly glorious memory, besides those men of sanderson's, forty thousand Rixdollers and they were repaid, even as His present Tzarskoy Majesty lent his present Royal Majesty the same sum, and they are repaid. And that moreover upon his Tzarskoy Majesties Commission to Sir John Hebdon, his present Majesty granted the levying of three thousand horse and foot for his present Tzarskoy Majesty, which might have proved as good as either Bread or Treasury, and if it were not effected, it was not his Royal Majesty's fault: So that hitherto the obligations are equal. As to those offences contained (as the Commissioners pretend) in the latter part of his Excellencies answer, it seems they fix them all in his saying, That they are not well or fitly grounded. Which words, as oft as they shall have the same occasion to use towards him, he doth promise them he shall take it kindly and civilly of them. But whereas they say, that in Conference with them, he called them His Majesty's Boyars Velmoshnei, wise, and rightly honourable, his Excellency doth acknowledge that they are indeed wise, and rightly honourable; but I do not remember (saith he) that ever I called you Velmoshnei, as fearing that it came too near the word Velmoshneshei (that is to say most potent) one of the proper Titles of his Tzarskoy Majesty; Although if, according to the custom of this Court it may be given you, I shall hearty pay it to you, and all other expressions of civility, esteem and affection which your own hearts can wish. Though I must complain on mine own part, that you should obliquely add, that in my writing I dispraise you without truth (a word which any man dare use in his own Country) and that such a man is not fit to lay the foundation of things. Would to God (saith he) you his Tzarskoy Majesties near Boyars and Counsellors had been pleased to cooperate and labour so plainly and so cordially toward the common good of both Princes as I have done: Then how easily might all that your Lordships have said, or that I have said, in fruitless replies have been spared, and much precious time have been saved to cooperate towards his Tzarskoy Majesties affairs.  
Besides this answer my Lord gave in writing ●n another paper, several demands of common ●ight and coutesy in the behalf of his Royal Majesty's Subjects living in the Tzar's Domi●ions; as Satisfaction to the English merchants for their old debts and houses; That ●ll English merchants desiring to repair home might have their Passes to go over Sea with ●heir wives and families without molestation; That Justice might be done the English merchants for their debts; That all his Majesty's subjects of whatsoever other condition might upon their desire have full Liberty to return: and so he gave the names of those who at that time demanded any Justice or Favour of this nature.  
In this Conference my Lord Ambassador did also entreat his Commissioners, that he might have a private Audience of his Tzarskoy Majesty, thinking to find more favour from the Tzar, as concerning his most important affairs, if he could himself instill into his Majesty's ears his strong and solid reasons, with the evasions and friendless dealing of the Lords Commissioners. But, as if they had first resolved to grant nothing at all, it was hard enough to my Lord Ambassador to obtain this Audience; And when at last they told him of the day, appointed for that purpose by his Tzarskoy Majesty, they said it was not for any business sake, but to complete their great Lords brotherly love and friendship with his Royal Majesty, as if that could be done merely by seeing the Tzar private. My Lord Ambassador finding this answer as much unfit for his business as it is ridiculous, made them to understand, how Princes in former Age and most in this had, and have by such immediate Intercourse, occasion fuller to inform themselves of all matters, and to remove a● obstacles. So that upon this reflection (i● seems) the Tzar granted his Excellency th● liberty to speak of affairs. He had this prius Audience the 22. of April in the Tzars own Lodging Rooms from ten a clock at night till one of the next morning. Then indeed he spoke at length with all the advantage he could desire himself, and added to the strength of reasoning the eloquence of the language. He refuted, as much to the purpose as could be, all his Commissioners Objections before alleged, whereupon they purposed to ground the Refusal of the Privileges, he represented to his Tzarskoy Majesty how little of solidity there is, that they are but weak pretences, and that his Royal Majesty must needs be much sensible of this proceeding so contrary to his expectations. But, to give more weight to the matter, he speaks in the Kings own person, after he hath made a Preface from himself. Of this same Speech there were two Copies given to the Commissioners, one in English and the other in Latin as followeth.  

Serenissima atque Potentissima Czarea Majestas.  
QVum decem Septimanae effluxerint ex quo Czarea Vestra Majestas negotiorum meo●um curam proximis suis Magnatibus & Con●liariis delegavit, & tamen indies ab optato ●egationis nostrae successi● me longiùs abesse comperiam; coactus sum, quod solent Viatores qui Fluminis rapiditatem aut flexum superare nequeunt, ad ipsum fontem contendere. Quicquid per tam ampla Imperii Vestri spatia, sive potestatis sive rationis, reperitur à Czareâ Vestrâ Majestate tanquam unica fonte atque origine manat & derivatur. Et utì omnium Subditorum vestrorum est seipsos suásque sententias Summae Vestrae Potestati subjicere, ità neque ego rectissimae vestrae Rationi meipsum & totius negotii Nostri judicium permittere recusem. Mihi enim videtur Deum Optimum Maximum utì olim Salomoni, ità Czareae vestrae Majestati non solùm divitias atque honores, sed sapientiam quoque & prudentiam largitum; ut neque ex Augustissimis vestris Majoribus ullus cum Czareâ vestrâ Majestate possit comparari, neque Vestri similis in posterum aliquando possit exoriri. Hinc est quod à Czareâ vestrâ Majestate secretò hodie audiri petierim, & impetraverim. Ità etiam magnus ille Johannes Basilii, qui primus fundamenta jecit amicitiae inter Angliae & Russiae Coronas, & Privilegia illa mercatoribus Anglis concessit, ità Ille remotus arbitris cum Legatis Regum & Reginarum Angliae agere, & familiarius colloqui solebat, adeóque Consiliariis quibusdam suis & Domino Cancellario frustrà renitentibus tam certas rerum suarum mensuras, iniit ut ab illo tempore usque ad Czareae vestrae Majestatis regni initia, aut ad hunc diem, nemo mutuam illam amicitiam inter Vtrasque Coronas & Nationes convellere aut labefactare potuerit. Et ego qui eandem materiam & animo non minù sincero inter Principes, majorem etiam affectum mutuò profitentes pertracto; non dubito, quin & ipse bono cum Deo à Clarissimis Czareae vestrae Majestatis oculis cum eodem optato Legationis nostrae fructu sim dimittendus.  
Quum enim caeteri omnes potentissimi Europae Principes nullo nuncio à Serenissimâ suâ Majestate accepto curaverint, ut Legationibus Extraordinariis gratulabundi Regiam suam Majestatem in Regna sua redeuntem certatim prosequerentur: Regia sua Majestas pro singulari suâ benevolentiâ, atque erga Czaream vestram Majestatem affectu, ad Czaream vestram Majestatem solam ex omnibus Principibus Christianis prior literas dedit 10 mo Maji.. Anno 1661. ante Legatorum vestrorum adventum. Quibus Czaream vestram Majestatem de laetissimo suo reditu certiorem fecit, & simul de Czareâ Vestrâ in rebus suis adversis fraternâ benevolentiâ gratias egit. jisdem etiam literis significavit se Johanni Hebdon Equiti aurato, tametsi nullas ad Regiam suam Majestatem à Czareâ vestrâ Majestate literas, quas vocant Credentiales, pertulisset; eâ tamen fi duciâ quam etiam in eodem Hebdeno Czaream vestram Majestatem reponere credebat indulsisse ei petenti, ut tria millia equitum & peditum sub Ducibus probatae fidei & virtutis pro Czareâ vestrâ Majestate in regnis suis conscriberet. Illud in super addidit se Czareae vestrae Majestatis inimicis Regiorum s orum Ministrorum interventu significaturum quam gratum sibi foret, ut honestâ & firmâ pace cum Czareâ vestrâ Majestate deciderent. Quòd si eorum pertinaciâ & culpâ minus succederet, se effecturum ut & illis & toti terrarum Orbi innotesceret, quantopere Czareae vestrae Majestati cupiat, & rationes Vestras singulari curâ amplectatur. Quin & magnani mitatem Czareae vestrae Majestatis praedicat, quâ mercatoribus Anglis utpote qui nuperae rebellionis contagione afflati viderentur, praesidium suum negavit, & simul rogat ut quoniam omnes Subditi sui jam postliminio in fidem suam Regiam redierunt, Czareae quoque Majestati placeret Mercatorum Privilegia in integrum restituere, & voluntatem Vestram e● in re declarare. Quod simulac Czarea vestra Majestas declaraverit, Regiam suam Majestatem Legatum suum missurum qui Czareae vestra Majestatis humanitatem & benevolentiam R gio suo sensu celebraret, & omnimoda mutui affectus officia cum Czareâ vestrâ Majestate reciprocaret. His acceptis Czarea vestra Majestas per literas respondit 28. Julii Anno 1661. Czareae vestrae Majestati in votis & animo esse eandem amicitiam cum Regiâ suâ Majestate colere●quaeinter Patres Vestros beatae memoriae ●oaluerat, & quod ad illa attineret de quibus regia sua Majestas se Legatum missurum confirmaverat Czaream vestram Majestatem paratamiri, quantum in se aut quantum possibile esset de iis Regiae suae Majestati assentiri. Et post haec Czarea vestra Majestas alteris literis 31. Julii Anno 1662. per Legatos vestros Extraordinarios declaravit Czaream vestram Majestatem animadverso florentissimo ditionum suarum statu, & sincerissimo illo amore, amicitiâ, & frequenti communicatione, quae inter augustissimos utriusque Principis Patres inviolata permanserunt, & summâ felicitate & tranquillitate quae ab illâ origine in Vtriusque ditiones redundarunt, vehementissimè & exanimo cupere non solum ejusdem affectus continuationem, sed etiam propiorem, intimiorem, & firmiorem, charissimum, & benedictum fraternum amorem, amicitiam, & frequentem communicationem cum Regiâ suâ Majestate, charissimo suo Fratre & amantissimo, supra quod antea fuerit cum summâ promptitudine & animi alacritate ad obsecundandum omni occasione Regiae suae Majestatis charissimi vestri Fratris votis, quantum Czarea vestra Majestas maximè potuerit. His luculentissimis & certissimis ex Czareae vestrae Majestatis parte testimoniis freta Regia sua Majestas me ad Czaream vestram Majestatem legavit, & quod ex Regiae suae Majestatis parte & suo mandato coram & toto mundo audiente Czareae vestrae Majestati, de pari & mutuo Regiae suae Majestatis erga Czaream vestram Majestatem affectu exposui procul dubio in memoriâ Czareae Vestrae Majestatis penitus insedit. Czarea Vestra Majestas statim delegavit, qui mecum agerent, Viros summâ nobilitate & maximo rerum usu atque experientiâ pollentes, pro quo beneficio gratias quas possum maximas Czareae Vestrae Majestati persolvo; & utinam non minores persolvere possim de eorum omnium affectu erga amicitiam inter duas Coronas & celeritate in negotiis nostris tractandis à Czareâ Vestrâ Majestate eorum curae commissis. Sed illi quum primo Colloquio ex Regiae suae Majestatis praescripto Privilegiorum restitutionem primò proposuerim, significando si mul post eorum concessionem me alia insuper in mandatis habere pro summo Regiae suae Majestatis affectu Czareae Vestrae Majestati retribuenda, responsum mihi reddiderunt tam ab omni spe nostrâ abhorrens, & alienum, ut neque si Coelum ipsum corruisset, uti fenestrae Cubiculi ad ejus recitationem, bis ingenti cum fragore sunt devolutae magis prodigiosum & inexpectatum mihi accidere potuisset. Idem erat acsi omnem Privilegiorum spem praecidissent. Primò quidem nuperam in Angliâ rebellionem causantur. Postea affirmant Regiam suam Majestatem beatae memoriae per Lucam quendam Nightingale petiisse ut Privilegia illa rescinderentur. Tum varias mercat 〈…〉 caudes praetexunt. Deinde supplices literas Publicanorum & Mercatorum totius Russiae. Et Mercatores Anglos emortuos affirmant. Tandem secundo scripto Czareae Vestrae Majestatis bella cum Tartaro Crimaeo & Polono objiciuut. Regiam suam Majestatem pècunias ad Majestatis Vestrae bella Czareae Vestrae Majestati suppeditare noluisse. Mercatores itidem Russicae in Angliâ Societatis idem Czareae Vestrae Majestatis Legatis Extraordinariis denegasse. Et alia quaedam argumenta ad numerum faciendum astruunt, quorum vel unum si priùs contra Privilegia omnimodo statutum est sufficere potuisset; sed ne quidem omnia unam satis honestam & justam causam componere possint, si modo tam acri & profundo quale est Czareae Vestrae Majestatis judicio perpendantur. Quum igitur hoc modo proximi Czareae Vestrae Majestatis Magnates & Consiliarii omnem in praesentiâ Privilegiorum spem praesecarent, & instarent solummodo ut aliae Regiae suae Majestatis mandata secum communicare pergerem, Ego verò si quid illi in Czareae Vestrae Majestatis rem proponendum haberent quandoquidem hoc illis praecipuè incumbebat, commodum responsum pollicerer & de hoc solo mihi satisfieri rogarem, num si quae ego alia in mandatis haberem digna quae Privilegiis permutari possent viderentur ipsi potestatem ea concedendi haberent, illi nullo modo aut potuerunt aut voluerunt hâc in re mihi satisfacere. Ad Czarcam Vestram Majestatem provoco, quum ego plenissimas autoritatis literas quod per se sufficit à Regiâ suâ Majestate Czareae vestrae Majestati obtulerim, & aliâ etiam autoritate à Regiâ suâ Majestate sub magno Sigillo Angliae, ad Privilegia recuperanda essem munitus, utrum meum esset Regiae & Fraternae benevolentiae arcana illis committere, qui vel nullam omnino vel tantummodo denegandi potestatem non itidem assentiendi & transigendi vim haberent. Quocirca quum negotium nostrum huc redierit, & hujusmodi responsa à proximis Czareae vestrae Majestatis Magnatibus & Consiliariis acceperim, adeóque è nostris manibus totius rei disceptatio ad Regiam suam Majestatem & Czaream vestram Majestatem brevi sit devolvenda, liceat in quantum Serenissimum Regem & Dominum meum in hoc munere repraesento, etiam Regis sua verba hâc occasione referre & imitari, tanquam coram congredi & inenarrabiles Vestras Majestates in clarissimis alterutrius oculis splendidissimis illis verae amicitiae speculis simul contemplari Vobis daretur. Quantum ego quidem tenuiori nostro judicio profundissimos Regiae suae Majestatis sensus capere & conjecturâ assequi valeo, sic omnino esset dicturus.  
Si novum aliquid à Czareâ Vestrâ Majestate Fratre nostro amantissimo petiissem, aut ad quod Czarea Vestra Majestas se prius non obstrinxisset minori cum animi aegritudine tam deliberationem Vestram tolerare & forsitan libenter tulisse potuissem. Privilegia autem illa ultra centum annos steterunt, & duratione suâ supremae rationis, quâ primùm constituta fuerunt, soliditatem approbarunt, & rarò quidem antiquae amicitiae & consiliorum fundamenta sine periculo & discrimine succutere aut movere successit. Et quod ad Czareae vestrae Majestatis obligationem attinet (ut omittam Czareae vestrae Majestatis sub ipsa regiminis sui initia Anno 1645. per Archangeli Praefectum ad mercatores Anglos, declarationem Czaream vestram Majestatem omnia sua Privilegia illis confirmare, quae Czareus suus beatae memoriae Parens illis indulsisset, & non minori clementiâ illos amplexuram quàm sub augustissimo Vestro Patre aut omnibus majoribus vestris experti fuerant) nonne Czarea vestra Majestas me redintegrationem Privilegiorum petente primis suis literis respondit Czareae Vestrae Majestate in votis & animo esse eandem amicitiam cum Regiâ nostrâ Majestate colere, quae inter Patres nostros beatae memoriae coaluerat, & quod ad illa attineret, de quibus Regia nostra Majestas se legatum missurum confirmaverat, Czaream Vestram Majestatem paratam iri quantum in se aut quantum possibile esset de iis Regiae nostrae Majestati assentiri? Et nonne Czareae Vestrae Majestatis Legati Extraordinarii, quum de privilegiorum restitutione ipse illos interrogassem in eâ erant sententiâ & ità nobis dixerunt Czaream Vestram Majestatem proculdubio solenni & honorificâ Legatione à Regiâ nostrâ Majestate ad Czaream Vestram Majestatem missâ nostrâ causâ mercatoribus nostris ea praestituram? Nonne etiam Czarea Vestra Majestas per illos Legatos alteris literis à Secretiori vestro Cubiculo Czareâ Vestrâ manu munitis bracteata illa aureae mentis oracula depinxit, quae ego statim Vestri solius calami & sensus esse posse intellexi, quaeque ideo tanquam adamantinâ cuspide Cordi nostro insculpta reservo, & Legato nostro Extraordinario mandavi, ut illa uti nostrae erga Czaream Vestram Majestatem menti maximè consona & conformia totidem verbis Czariae Vestrae Majestati rependeret & numeraret, Czaream Vestram Majestatem animadverso florentissimo Ditionum suarum statu, etc. 
* Sic ut suprà hîc quoque Literae repetitae fuerunt, quippe vim magnam ad convincendum habentes: quod inter caetera constat ex perpetuo Magnatum qui cum Legato agebant hâc in parte silentio.  Eadem amicitia eosdem tractatus proculdubio easdem utilitates includit, adeóque Czareae Vestrae Majestatis fides prioribus illis verbis ad Privilegiorum restitutionem devincitur, nisi (quoniam illo postea limit Czarea Majestas Vestra voluntatem suam circumscribit) impossibile sit. Impossibile autem esse non potest quum Czarea Vestra Majestas tantum possit polleátque & omnimodâ potestate excellat, ideoque meritissimo Autocratoris titulo insigniatur. Si quantum possibile vel quantum in Czareâ Vestrâ Majestate est negationem significet, interpretationem istorum verborum in posterum didicero. Et quoad illa in secundis vestris literis 31. Julij Anno 1661. Quomodo ad propiorem & firmiorem amicitiam pergere possumus nisi ad priorem firmitatem & propinquitatem priùs deveniamus? Si quis tamen erga nostram mutuam amicitiam malè affectus, diverticulum aliquod ex modo vestro loquendi invenire posset, per quod Czaream Vestram Majestatem salvo ●●omisso se recipere & subterfugere posse videatur; At pace Vestrâ dixerim Frater amantissime hujusmodi argutiae utiles forsan & necessariae fuerint inter Principes confines, cum quibus aperta semper bella aut pacem incertam geritis. Sed Regiae nostrae & Czareae vestrae Majestati utpote centum annorum amicis, & ab omni suspicionis causâ alienissimis minùs honestum & decorum esset istiusmodi scobes, ut ità dicam in animabus nostris defodere, & per verborum reticula nosmet ipsos percolare. Neque illud mirum aut ab amicitiâ nostrâ absonum videatur, quod ejus vigorem & quasi fatum in privilegiorum conservatione collocaverim; ideoque Legato nostro Extraordinario mandaverim, ut ante ulteriora benevolentiae & fraterni erga Czaream Vestram Majestatem amoris indicia eorum petitione Vestram amicitiam prius experiatur, tametsi forsitan ad Mercatores illa potiùs pertinere videantur. Ità enim ab ipso principio privilegia illa sponte concedebantur neque gratum mihi sienti Deo gratias, neque opus est me Majoribus nostris augustissimis minorem gerere. Quin etiam ea Privilegia nihil aliud sunt nisi constans praemium perpetui fructûs & utilitatis quam Czariae Majestates & suae Ditiones semper perceperunt, & percipere possint ab Archangeli portu aperto & commercio invecto per Mercatores Anglos, multorum hominum navium & facultatum suarum jacturâ. Quamvis magni Principes etiam beneficium semel acceptum, & cujus fructus omnis cum ipso illo homine & tempore pereat in perpetuum remunerari soleant. Quod autem praecipuè me in hoc instituto nostro confirmavit, erat honoris & existimationis Vestrae (quam ego semper sanctissimam habebo) cura & reverentia, ut sicuti heroîcâ quâdam magnanimitate Privilegia illa propter subditorum nostrorum rebellionem revocastis, ità etiam ea nostro rogatu & rediviuâ illorum obedientiâ, ronovando toti terrarum Orbi constare posset, quàm justâ proportione actiones Vestras regeretis, & quantâ cum gratiâ uti magnum Principem decet collocare apud me beneficium noveritis. Istud enim ego pro beneficio habeo, quod in subditorum meorum emolumentum redundat, & si in ipso exilio nostro quid illis boni accidisset me etiam aliquâ gaudii parte tangere & afficere videbatur fieri, non potest quin post faelicem meum reditum maximopere commoda sua procurem atque promoveam. Quorsum tot tractatus inter Principes quotidie misi in Subditorum securitatem & commoda contrahuntur? Tractatus pacis commercii auxiliorum imò nuptiarum inter Principes; anne idcirco fiunt quoniam Principes illi tanquam amore capti mutuò se depereunt? an verò ad Regnorum Suorum utilitatem omnes diriguntur? Ne tamen uti ego ea pro populi nostri bono peto ità Czarea Vestra Majestas pro ditionum suarum bono abnegaret; experiamur si placet argumentorum aciem eo ordine quo temere occurrunt.  
Subditi mei rebellarunt, At nimiae curae & diligentiae esset, & Czarea Vestra Majestas negotiorum nostrorum sensum nimis extenderet, si quos ego Subditos nostros in fidem accepi, in illos Czarea Vestra Majestas pergat animadvertere; Et quum ipse Capitis loco unum deinceps cum Regnis meis corpus componam, anne quae subditi mei peccarunt meipsum luere vultis? Sed Anglum quendam Nightingale literas à Patre nostro beatae memoriae attulisse memorant, & Ejus nomine cum proximis Vestris Magnatibus de abrogandis Privilegiis egisse, Iste Nightingale Proditor & Perduellis & Falsarius illâ in re erat, & novi Czaream vestram Majestatem pro jure Gentium, & uti omnes Principes suae existimationis causâ in ejusmodi imposturis mutuò solent & debent, quoniam ipse morte poenas evasit falsas illas, resignatas, erasas, interpolatas literas mihi tradituram. Si verò Pater meus beatae memoriae tunc temporis arcanâ ratione Privilegiorum abrogationem postulasset (quum è contrario optimus ille Princeps ad extremum usque spiritum pro Populo suo Deum rogaverit & ejus bono inter ultimas curas adlaboraverit, adeóque etiam literas ad Czaream Vestram Majejestatem, quas inter alias suas reliquias religiosè conservo, de hâc re exaraverit quibus Privilegiorum instaurationem petit, & illum Nightingale utì impudentissimum falsarium detestatur) Si inquam Pater meus abregationem, Ego verò jam instaurationem Privilegiorum efflagito. Postea de Mercatoribus Anglis contra conditiones Privilegiorum agentibus multa conqueruntur. Sed nihil probant; Legato nostro mandavi, ut contra hujusmodi facinora provideret, quorum & ipse severus vindex fuissem, utpote quae ad existimationem nostram pertinerent. Publicani & totius Russiae mercatores supplices literas obtulisse dicuntur, quibus exponunt Anglos per haec Privilegia locupletatos, se verò exhauriri & depauperari: Quum tamen Czarea Vestra Majestas suis literis suprà memoratis multam felicitatem, pacem & tranquillitatem in Vtriusque Imperia redundasse affirmet eo tempore quo Angli Privilegiis gaudebant. Cur non etiam contra Belgas & Cupshinos Persas supplices literas seribunt? Horum enim nonnulli gaudent Privilegiis, dum Angli omnes illis excluduntur. Procul absit ut ea petam cum Imperii vestri calamitate. Gratum mihi esset intelligere post Privilegia Anno 1649. adempta (satis prolixo ad experimentum spatio) Populum vestrum divitiis magis abundare. Ex Subditis autem nostris (qui potius laudandi sint si honestâ industriâ ditescere potuissent) ad triginta plus minus è Societate Russicâ intra triginta annos hoc commercium sectando ad incitas redacti sunt, qui tamen magnas fortunas in ditiones vestras attulerint. Mercatores quoque omnes quorum nomina Privilegiis inserta mortuos aiunt, At unus eorum adhuc in vivis est, quod satis est si illud argumentum valeret ad ea conservanda. Ego verò intellexi Privilegia ad Successores etiam extendi & Legatum jussi recentia nomina Czareae vestrae Majestati exhibere. Sed in aliis Regionibus ubique exteri duplex pendunt Portorium. Vnde ergo fit quòd in Hollandiâ Societas Anglorum Adventuraria nullum pendant, domum publicam habeant, & omnibus aliis vectigalibus quae Incolae ips● persolvunt, illi sint immunes? Vnde fit quod Hamburgi etiam iisdem Privi●egiis utantur, in quibus locis Angli multò ma●orem mercaturam quàm in hoc Imperio faci●nt? Vnde quod Mercatores Angli non solùm ipsi Portorio vacent apud Ormusii Portum, sed etiam cum ipso Shagh Persiae aliarum ibi Nationum vectigalia dividant & ex aequo partiantur? Num Angli etiam mercatores has omnes Regiones depauperant? Bellum cum Polono & Tartaro. Ne miretur Czarea Vestra Majestas si ad hoc argumentum post alia illa pene ad verbum ex responso ad Tyranni illius Cromwell veredarium descripta nonnihil commoveor. Nullane ergo bella fuerunt, quum illa Privilegia primò concederentur sub Czareâ Majestate Johannis Basilii? Nulla sub caeteris Principibus? Si hostes illi non contemnendi Czareae vestrae Majestati videantur, adeone inconsultum esset meam amicitiam retinere. Et anne sex millia Rublarum annua (neque enim Anglica vectigalia post Privilegia abrogata majorem summam conficiunt) tanto Principi ad bellicos sumptus tolerandos sunt tam necessaria, ut Nostrâ amicitiâ & Subditorum Nostrorum commercio compensari nequcat? Ego verò Czareae Vestrae Majestati pecuniam non commodavi. Spero quidem tantam argenti vim cuicunque vel maximo Principi difficillimam (liceat Czareae Vestrae Majestati secretò illam recenser) decies mille Podas, hoc est, ultra trigesies centena millia Rublarum non ideo petitam, ut Privilegia honestâ aliquâ specie possint recusari, & impossibile quaesitum, ut facillima negarentur. Quò minus est quod postulatur, eo gravior est repulsa, & Posteritas ad cujus tribunal maximorum Principum memoria citatur, non tam me accusabit, qui tantum excusaverim, quàm Czaream Vestram Majestatem qui tantillum negaverit. Czarea Vestra Majestas responsum hâc de re nostrum à Legatis suis proculdubio accepit. Mercatores quoque Russicae Societatis Legatis Vestris petentibus multò minorem summam ad Bellorum impensas repraesentare noluerunt. Omnes in Privilegiis, uno excepto, mortui, qui vivunt Privilegiis tam diu suspensis attenuati & inopes; & Legatus Vester. Evan Zelobushkee malo ad persuadendum colore usus est, quum se obligaverit nunquam futurum, ut in Russiâ Angli à vectigalibus essent immunes. Haec sunt illa ut videtur argumenta, quibus (ut Czareae vestrae Majestatis verbis utar) murum illum aheneum quassare aggrediuntur, qui tot annos stetit Majorum nostrorum prudentiâ extructus, & nunc Czarei vestri promissi constantiae innititur. Et anne hujusmodi globulis illud centum annorum opus diruetur? Hoc ergo erat quod Czareae vestrae Majestatis Legatos extra maria nostra à freto Ore-sundico navi nostrâ transmitti curaverim, quod in palatio nobilissimi cujusdam è nostris Magnatibus locum illis praebuerim, quod nostris aulaeis, nostris lectis discubuerint, & ex Regis auri & argenti vasis quotidie comederint? Quod honore hactenus inaudito intra Aulae nostrae portam Regio curru invehi permiserim, Quod ipse quoties rogarent privatò illos audierim, & quoties volebant Consiliariorum Nostrorum copias illis fecerim? Non poenitet, non exprobro, Parva sunt illa prae honore quo Czaream vestram Majestatem Fratrem meum amantissimum prosequor, sed suspicor aliquem ex illis multò majora reticuisse, & de tot honoris indiciis Czaream vestram Majestatem plura celâsse. Nonne super haec ad Czaream vestram Majestatem legavi Consanguineum Nostrum & (quicquid alii dixerint) à Sanctioribus nostris Consiliis, & hoc ab ipso reditu nostro Carolum Comitem Carleolensem Vice-comitem Howard de Morpeth, Baronem Dacre de Gillesland, Statae militiae Praefectum, & Locum tenentem Regium in Provinciis nostris Cumberlandiae & Westmorlandiae, qui etiam si monitore egerem Memoriae nostrae perpetuò subjiceret quicquid in rem vestram esse videretur? Nonne arcana pectoris mei illi commisi in omnibus quibus Czareae vestrae Majestati potero commodare? Et num Czarea vestra Majestas per illum mihi exiguam & fortassis unicam rem negabit, quam à Czareâ vestrâ Majestate unquam petere possim, Privilegia? Hoc quidem me poeniteret, utpote magis notum & pervulgatum quàm aut cum nostrâ aut vestrâ existimatione possit consistere; Et totus terrarum orbis multâ cum admiratione ejusmodi frustrationem intuebitur, quum praesertim reputaverint quot & quanta emolumenta ab augustissimis nostris Majoribus & sub suis auspiciis ad Czaream vestram Coronam redierint. Illi portum vestrum investigari fecerunt & totius Europae mercaturam ad Archangeli fanum deduxerunt. Illi in Orientali mari, quum Principes adjacentes faedere inter se facto de obstruendâ naruâ convenissent, Classem hostilem delerunt & Captivos Praefectis vestris tradidêre. Illi pecunias ad bella vestra mutuò dederunt & milites & Duces vobis suppeditarunt. Illi pacem inter Vos & Principes vicinos conciliarunt. Illi in summâ annonae caritate fruges huc transportari sinebant (quas Angli mercatores sine ullo compendio aut lucro incolis vestris vendiderunt) & multa alia tam pace quàm bello necessaria & omnibus aliis prohibita. Possem etiam majus adhuc hisce omnibus beneficium commemorare uni è Czareis Vestris Majoribus delatum, si adeo dictu tempestivum videretur. Et ego qui Legato nostro mandavi, ut vobis declararet propositum mihi esse omnes Majores nostros studio erga Czaream vestram Majestatem exedere Privilegiis prohibeor subditorum nostrorum industriâ redemptis, cum maximis suis impensis, jacturis maximis in indagando instruendo & hactenus continuando hoc commercium. Ego ipse à reditu meo D no. Johanni Hebdon sine ullis Czareae autoritatis literis in rem vestram tria millia equitum peditumque concessi è flore militiae Anglicanae, quae qualis sit alii meliùs dixerunt. Et si Legati Vestri Extraordinarii quicquam praeter intempestivam illam & impossibilem pecuniae molem petiissent, aut rerum Vestrarum conditionem meliùs exposuissent, Ego nullo modo Czareae Vestrae Majestati defuissem. Tamen antequam Legatum meum mitterem quam potui rerum Vestrarum notitiam aliunde comparavi. Comperi Polonum adhuc vos infestare; Inter Czaream Vestram Majestatem & Suecum pace factâ quaedam tamen discordiae semina adhuc pullulare. Alia quaedam didici de quibus mecum meditando credidi propter causas. Majestati Vestrae non ignotas, nostram inter Czaream Vestram Majestatem & Illum interpositionem minus gratam Ei futuram: Praeterquam quod & Ipse mecum reputavi solum, cum nullam ad me de laetissimo reditu gratulatoriam Legationem adornasse, ut neque ego cum dignitate nostrâ Illum ultro potuerim compellare. Inter Czaream Vestram Majestatem & Regem Sueciae interventum nostrum magis opportunum esse posse & utrobique acceptum speravi, si operae pretium videretur latentes contentionum scintillas antequam flammam darent comprimere & restinguere. Consideravi praeterea quanta nobis copia esset & semper sit futura Ducum & militum, navium armatarum, apparatus & instrumenti bellici, quantam semper autoritatem & influxum habiturus essem 〈◊〉 plerosque Europae aut etiam extra Europam ●rincipes qui Czareae Vestrae Majestati nocere aut incommodare possent, & de hisce omnibus mandata necessaria dedi Legato nostro Extraordinario. Et proculdubio quum Ipse à Czareâ Vestrâ Majestate beneficio affectus fuerim, quum talia in literis nostris promiserim (quibus Ego sanè me obligari sentiebam) quum talem Virum ad Czaream Vestram Majestatem legaverim, Czarea Vestra Majestas neque in rebus hujusce nec alius naturae quae mihi non potuerunt succurrere me ingratum aut immemorem invenisset.  
Quum haec tanquam ex ipso Regiae Suae Majestatis ore pro nostrâ tenuitate Czareae Vestrae Majestati repraesentaverim haud deceat ex nostro aliquid addere aut subnectere, sed Czaream Vestram Majestatem solummodo rogare, ut de hisce seriò & maturatè pro Summâ illâ Prudentiâ quâ Deus Czaream Vestram Majestatem impertivit, Ipse deliberare & decernere velit, & brevem expeditionem mihi indulgere, ut primâ cum anni tempestate, quod Regia sua Majestas mihi injunxit, iter incipere possim.  
Actum Moscuae, 22. Aprilis Anno D ni 1664.. CARLISLE.   

May it please Your most Potent and most Serene Tzarskoy Majesty.  
HAving continued here ten weeks since your Tzarskoy majesty appointed me your near Boyars and Counsellors Commissioners, and finding myself still further of every day from any good success of my Negotiation, I have been forced, as those who cannot get over the violence or winding of the river, to make up to the fountain. Your Tzarskoy majesty is through your so great Dominions the only Fountain of Power and Reason, and as all your subjects ought to humble themselves to your power, so dare I subject myself to your Reason. Forasmuch as it seems to me that God has given, as to Solomon, not only riches and honour to your Tzarskoy majesty, but also an understanding heart; So that as there was none among your Tzarskoy Progenitors before, so neither can any arise after like unto you. Therefore have I desired and obtained this private Audience from your Tzarskoy majesty. And even so did that first and great founder of the Amity betwixt the English and Russian Crowns, & of the Privileges to the English Nation, Tzar Ivan Basilovich. So did He use to discourse and converse in private with the Ambassadors of the Kings and Queens of England, and by that means, notwithstanding the ill offices of some of his Counsel and the than Lord Chancellor, he took such true measures of his own affairs, that ever since the mutual friendship and commerce hath continued and flourished betwixt the two Crowns and Nations till your Tzarskoy majesty now reigning. Neither do I doubt but that I, being come for the said purpose with as sincere intentions betwixt Princes mutually professing much greater affection, shall by God's blessing go away hence from the clear eyes of your Tzarskoy majesty with as full satisfaction.  
For whereas all other great Princes without any notice from his Royal majesty took care to follow him into his Kingdoms with Extraordinary Ambassages of Congratulation, the King my Master out of his singular kindness and affection did to your Tzarskoy majesty alone, of all the Princes in Christendom write first the tenth of May 1661. before You had sent your Ambassadors to inform You of His happy Restauration & acknowledge your Tzarskoy majesties brotherly kindness showed to Him in His affliction. And further in the same letter signified that, though Sir John Hebdon had not presented any Letters of Credence to his Royal majesty from your Tzarskoy majesty, yet in confidence of the trust your Tzarskoy majesty reposed in him, his Royal majesty had upon his desire for your service granted the levy of three thousand horse and foot under Officers of great courage, ability and fidelity. Adding moreover that your Enemies should know by the instance of his Royal majesties Ministers, that they should do a thing very grateful to him in making a good and lasting peace with your Tzarskoy majesty, and if by Their default such peace were not embraced, that they and all the World should see the great affection He hath for the prosperity of your affairs, which should be always in his particular care. Also in the same Letter his Royal majesty acknowleges your Tzarskoy majesties magnanimity in withdrawing your Protection from the English Merchants during the late Rebellion, and desires that all his Royal majesties good Subjects being now returned to their Allegiance, your Tzarskoy majesty would restore them their houses estates and privileges, and that You declare the same; Upon which your Tzarskoy majesties declaration he would send forthwith his Ambassador to express further His sense of your Tzarskoy majesties affection, and to make all possible returns of the same. Hereupon your Tzarskoy majesty returned answer of the 28. July 1661. That your Tzarskoy majesty desired to continue with his Royal majesty the same friendship and correspondency, which had been betwixt both your Fathers of blessed memory, and that as to what his Royal majesty said, he would send his Ambassador about, your Tzarskoy majesty would be ready, so far as is possible, to give assent thereto. After this your Tzarskoy majesty in your Letter of the 31. July 1662. sent by your late Extraordinary Ambassadors writ also, that taking into your princely consideration the flourishing Estate of your Tzarsva, and that entire brotherly love and amity and frequent correspondency, which inviolably was held and continued betwixt both your Fathers of blessed memory, and the happiness peace & tranquillity accrueing thereby to both Dominions, your Tzarskoy majesty doth most earnestly & heartily desire not only the continuation thereof, but a more nearer & dearer and firmer affectionate blessed brotherly ●ove & amity, & frequent correspondency with his Royal majesty your dear & loving Brother, than formerly with all readiness and freeness on all occasions to the utmost of Your power to answer the desires of his Royal majesty Your dear and loving Brother. Upon these assurances on your Tzarskoy majesties part, his Royal majesty dispatched me hither, where what I said in the face of the whole World by his Royal majesties Command in his name, concerning the mutual and equal affection of his Royal majesty, is perfectly known to Your Tzarskoy majesty. Your Tzarskoy was then pleased to appoint me Commissioners, persons of great nobility and experience, for which I give Your Tzarskoy majesty thanks, and wish I could as justly give You thanks also for their affection (all of them, to the amity and good correspondency betwixt the two Crowns, and for their expedition in the business committed to them. But when as I at my first Conference according to his Royal majesties order moved first for the Restitution of the Privileges, signifying in the same writing that these being granted I had other things to proffer on his Royal majesties part out of his affection to your Tzarskoy majesty, I received from my Commissioners so unexpected an answer, that had heaven fallen as the windows of the Counsel-chamber broke in twice at the recital, it could scarce have been more strange or miraculous to me. It amounted in effect to an absolute denial of the Privileges First indeed they say that they wer● taken away upon occasion of the la● Rebellion. But after that they affirm that his late Royal majesty of ever blessed memory by Luke Nightingale desired that the Privileges might be nulled, than they allege several miscarriages of the English Merchants, after that a petition of the Goses and all the Traders in Russia, then that the English Merchants are dead. In a second paper they speak of Your wars with the Crim and the Pole, that his Royal majesty furnished not your Tzarskoy majesty with money, that the Merchants of the Moscovia Company refused to lend money towards your Tzarskoy majesties wars being desired by your Ambassadors. And several other reasons to make up the number though any one of them would have served, if it be indeed resolved before hand not to grant the Privileges, but altogether will not compound one solid argument, if weighed by so piercing and deep a judgement as that of Your majesty. So that my Commissioners, wholly cutting off all hopes of the Privileges for the present insisted only that I should declare to them what else I had to offer from his Royal majesty. And I proffering to them, that if they had any thing as that remained on their part, and was proper for them to propound for your Tzarskoy majesties service, I should give them a fitting answer. And only desiring to be resolved by them, whether in case my proposals should seem to them equivalent to the Privileges they had then power to grant them, they could not or did not give me any satisfaction therein. I appeal to your Tzarskoy majesty, whether I having a plenipotential Letter from his Royal majesty to your Tzarskoy majesty (which is in itself sufficient) and over and above that a particular Commission under the great seal of England for the Recovery of the privileges, it were fit for m● further to divulge the secrets of his Royal majesties singular affection and brotherly intentions towards your Tzarskoy majesty, to persons not empowered and fully authorized to conclude with me, or that had only a power to deny but none to assent to my proposals. And therefore this being the whole State of my business, and such being the answers which in your Tzarskoy majesties name I have received from my Commissioners, so that the matter will now shortly return out of our hands to be decided betwixt his Royal majesty and your Tzarskoy majesty yourselves, I shall as I have the honour to represent his Royal majesties person, ●o take the liberty to represent his words upon this occasion, as if He and You could meet together, and did in presence contemplate both Your unspeakable Majesties in that glass of friendship the most clear eyes of one another. ●s far as my weak judgement can ●ade into the dephts of his Royal majesties wisdom, Thus would He say.  
Had I desired any new thing of your Tzarskoy majesty my dear and loving Brother, or to which your Tzarskoy majesty had not formerly engaged Yourself, I might with less unkindness have taken Your so long deliberation and perhaps have digested the refusal. But as for the Privileges they have continued above an hundred years, and have by that their duration approved the solidity of that reason of State, upon which they were first founded, and it has been always dangerous by new experiments to shake the foundation of ancient counsels and friendships. And as for your Tzarskoy majesties engagement (to omit your Tzarskoy majesties declaration in the year 1645. at Your first coming to the Crown by the Governor of Archangel to the Merchants at Archangel, that your Tzarskoy majesty confirmed to them all the Privileges granted by your Tzarskoy majesties Father of blessed memory, and that You would be as gracious to them as ever Your said Father or any of Your Predecessors) did not your Tzarskoy majesty in Your first letter upon my desire of the Restitution of the Privileges answer me, that your Tzarskoy majesty desired to continue with me in the same friendship and correspondency that had been betwixt both our Fathers of blessed memory, and that upon my Ambassador's arrival and proposition You would be ready as far as is possible to give assent thereto? Did not your Tzarskoy majesties Ambassadors, being demanded by myself concerning the Privileges, reply as their own opinion, that they questioned not but your Tzarskoy majesty upon my desire by an honourable Embassy, would for the love You had to me doubtless grant them? Did not your Tzarskoy majesty in Your Letter by them of the 31. of July 1662. written from Your privy Chamber under your Tzarskoy majesties own hand use those golden words which could indeed drop from no other pen or sense than that of your Tzarskoy majesty, and which are therefore engraven in my heart as with the point of a diamond, and which being also so consonant to mine own entire affection to your Tzarskoy majesty, I commanded my Ambassador to return in the very same terms in my name to your Tzarskoy majesty, that your Tzarskoy majesty taking in to consideration the flourishing estate of your Tzarsva, etc. 
So the whole Letter was here repeated again as afore, forasmuch as it carries with it so strong a conviction as can receive no excuse: and indeed it seems the Commissioners found it to be so, seeing they never said one word as to those Letters.  Surely the same correspondency and friendship includes the same treaties and agreements, and therefore so You obliged Yourself for the Privileges, unless (because your Tzarskoy majesty indeed limits Yourself with that word afterwards) it be not possible to grant them. But that cannot be, your Tzarskoy majesty being so great a Prince, and having all power, and therefore so properly styled self-upholder. If, as far as is possible, signify a denial I shall know how to understand it for the future. And as to those words in your Tzarskoy majesties second Letter to me of the 31. of July 1662. how can there be a nearer and firmer correspondency betwixt Us, unless first it be as near and as firm as formerly? But suppose any person disaffected to Our mutual friendship could pick out some evasions in Your manner of expression, to seem to disengage You, yet let me tell You dear Brother such subtleties might perhaps be necessary or serve the turn with confining Princes, with whom You are always either at open war or suspicious friendship. But it would be much below You and Me, Friends of an hundred years, free from all reason of jealousy of one another, to leave such loopholes in Our souls, and to penetrate and squeeze Ourselves through our own words. Neither let it seem strange to You, or as an undervaluing of the mutual princely Amity betwixt Us, that I seem to place it upon the restoring or not restoring of the Privileges, and have therefore commanded my Ambassador before any further overture of my good intentions toward your Tzarskoy majesty, to desire the Grant of those Privileges which belong but to my Merchants. For they were so from the first a voluntary grant, and I do not love to go less as (God be praised) I need not than any of my Predecessors. And those Privileges are but the Princely constant reward of that perpetual and vast advantage, which hath and may always continue to the Tzars of Russia, and their whole Tzarsva by the English Merchants first discovery and opening of the Trade at Archangel, with the loss of many men's lives, shipping and estates; though great Princes even for an action once well done, and whereof the fruit dies with that time and person, are used to recompense to perpetuity. But my chief motive for such a preliminary desire was indeed your Tzarskoy majesties honour, of which I shall always be most tender, that as your Tzarskoy majesty took away the Privileges out of Your high generosity and resentment of the late Rebellion, so it might appear to the whole world by Your reinstating the English therein, without any farther reach of reason, only upon their return to their Obedience and my desire, how just and perfect You were in the proportioning of Your actions, and how like that great Prince you are, you know to place Your Obligations upon me. For that is amity to me which is the advantage of my Subjects, and if even in my Exile I could not but partake some joy in their welfare, certainly upon my happy return I shall by all means strive to procure and advance it. To what purpose are so many Treaties in the World betwixt Princes, but all for the constituting the conveniencies and profit of their Subjects? Treaties of Peace, of Trade, of Assistance, nay even of Marriage of the Princes are they, because those Prince's fall in love with one another; or are not all directed to the security and prosperity of the people? But lest therefore as I demand them for the benefit of mine, so You should refuse them for the benefit of your people, let us (if your Tzarskoy majesty please) try the arguments against them of several natures as they lie before me.  
They rebelled against me: 'Tis true, but it would be too much care in your Tzarskoy majesty, should You pursue the resentment for ever upon my subjects after I myself have forgiven them; And I being the Head, and making up hence forward but one Body with my Nations, will your Tzarskoy majesty undertake to revenge upon me the disloyalty of my people? But they say that Nightingale brought a Letter from my Father, and treated with the Boyars for taking them away. That Nightingale was a Traitor therein and an Impostor, and I know your Tzarskoy majesty will according to the law of Nations, and as Princes are obliged in honour to one another upon such impostures deliver me that open false counterfeit letter. But if my Father had at that time for reason of State desired the taking of them away, whereas to the contrary, He blessed Prince even to His last breath prayed and laboured for the good of His subjects, and even as to this matter had prepared a Letter which I yet preserve among His other Relics, wherein He desires of your Tzarskoy majesty the Restitution of the privileges, and disavows Nightingale as an Impostor, but had He I say then desired they might be revoked, I also do now desire they may be restored. The Merchants are complained of for several miscarriages contrary to the condition of the Privileges. None of those miscarriages are verified, but however I ordered my Ambassador to provide against the possibility of any such thing for the future, and I myself should also have been a severe Inspector of any such default, as entrenching highly upon mine own honour. But the Goses and all the Tradesmen of Russia petitioned, that the English were become rich by these Privileges, and Your Majesty's subjects were impoverished. How is it then that your Tzarskoy majesty said in your Letter above mentioned, that much happiness peace and tranquillity had accrued to both Dominions? why do they not also against the Privilege, which is enjoyed by the Dutch? why not against the Cupshins of Persia, for some of these in the mean time have privilege while the English are totally debarred it? did the privileges impoverish the Country? I should be glad to hear that since they were taken away (which hath been time long enough to make an experiment) the Country hath thereby grown richer. But for my Subjects, though if by honest industry they could grow rich, they are rather to be commended: Yet to the contrary near thirty of them within this thirty years are undone by the Trade, having brought considerable estates into your Dominions. The English Merchants to whom the Privileges were granted are dead. One of them is still living however, which is so enough to continue the claim of the inviolable Tzarskoy privilege: and though all were dead, I understand it to have been granted to their Successors, and I have given my Ambassador order to name new. In other Countries every where strangers pay double custom: How comes it then that the English Merchants Adventurers pay no custom in Holland, and have besides free houses given them and freedom from excise, and all other immunities denied their own subjects? That likewise they have the same privileges and pay no custom at Hamburgh, in which places the English drive a much greater trade than here? Do not the English Merchants not only pay no custom themselves, but divide the customs of all other Nations with the Shagh of Persia at His Port of Ormus? Do the English also impoverish all those Countries? But then your Tzarskoy Majesty hath war with the Crim and the Pole. Your Tzarskoy majesty must pardon me if at this reason, and considering most of those before which are in a manner word for word what was returned by the Messenger of that Usurper Cromwell, I find myself something moved. Were there therefore no wars when the English privileges were first granted by Tzar Jvan Basilovich? were there never in all the times they have been since enjoyed? If your Tzarskoy majesty hath such Enemies that seem so considerable to you, will it hurt you to continue me your Friend? And is six thousand rubles yearly (that is three thousand pounds) which is the uttermost the English customs have amounted to, since the cassing of the privileges, is it I say so necessary a sum to so great a Prince for the carrying on of his wars, that the effects of my friendship and the commerce of the English Nation cannot countervail it? But I denied your Tzarskoy Majesty the loan of money. I hope so impossible a sum to the greatest Prince of Christendom to advance on the sudden, being I may name it to your Tzarskoy majesty ten thousand Poods of silver, to the value of above thirty hundred thousand Rubles, was not demanded on purpose to have a pretext to deny the privileges, and by proposing an impossibility to refuse what is rational. The less the Courtesy is asked, the greater disobligation not granted, and posterity which sits in judgement upon the memory of the greatest Princes, will not so much blame Me for excusing so much, as You for denying so little. Your Tzarskoy majesty surely received from your own Ambassadors my Answer to that particular. And the Merchants of the Muscovia Company refused a much less sum to Your Ambassadors. Truly the former Merchants named in the privileges were dead all except one, these now living have been impoverished and disenabled by the want of the privileges this seventeen years, and Evan Zelobuskey offered them but ill security for the money, an Obligation that it should never be that they should trade without custom.  
These it seems are the reasons, with which they strive to shake (to use your Tzarskoy majesties own expressions) that brazen wall which hath stood so many years, built by the wisdom of our Ancestors, and now leaning upon the stability of Your own Princely promise: and shall such Pellets be able to ruin it? Have I for this sent mine own ship into the sound to fetch your Ambassadors? Have I lodged them in the Palace of one of my greatest Princes, laid them in mine own beds, mine own hang, and treated them continually in mine own Vessel? Have I done them the honour to enter in my Coach within the gate of my Court, given them private Audience myself as oft as they desired it, and as frequent Conferences with my Counsel as they pleased? I repent it not, I reproach it not, I bear more honour to your Tzarskoy majesty my loving Brother than to do so. But I doubt that some of them have not truly informed You of all the honour they received much more than I tell You. Have I not after this sent Ambassador to You my Cousin, and (whatsoever may have been told You to the contrary) my privy Counsellor, and that ever since my return into England, one of the principal Noblemen of Our Kingdoms descended of Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Charles Earl of Carlisle, Viscount Howard de Morpeth, Baron Dacre of Gillesland, Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Comberland and Westmoreland, having destinated him not only for this Embassy, but to have been my perpetual Remembrancer, could I have been forgetful of any thing that tended to your Service. Have I committed to him the secret of my heart in all things wherein I might pleasure you, and shall your Tzarskoy majesty by him refuse me so small, and perhaps the only thing which ever I can have occasion to ask of you, the Privileges? This indeed would repent me, for the World will take more notice of it then can stand with Mine and Your honour, and it will be the subject of much discourse and wonder when men shall consider what advantages this your Tzarskoy Crown hath received from time to time from my Predecessors. They discovered the port and opened you the Trade and Market of all Europe at Archangel. They fought your Enemy's ships in the Eastern-seas, when the Princes there adjacent had leagued together to shut up the Narve, and delivered the prisoners to the Russian Governors at the Narve. They lent sums of money for the wars, they furnished Soldiers and Commanders to fight your Enemies, they made peace for you with neighbour Princes. They suffered the Merchants to supply the Country in the times of great dearth with corn, who sold it to the Nation ●t the rate it cost them: and several other things to be transported hither for your accommodation in peace or war prohibited to all other Nations. I could mention yet an higher Obligation than all, these upon the desire of one of your Tzarskoy Ancestors, were it so seasonable to relate it. And I myself who ordered my Ambassador to tell You that herein I desired to exceed all my Ancestors, yet am refused the Privileges, the purchase of my Subjects industry and their vast expense and great losses in finding out and carrying on the Trade to this present. I myself, at my first coming to the Crown, granted to Sir John Hebdon without Credentials three thousand horse and foot of the flower of the English forces for Your service, which what they can do and are, let the world witness. And had your Ambassadors either demanded any thing of me but an unproportionable and unseasonable sum of money, or had they but acquainted me with the posture of your Tzarskoy majesties affairs in any measure, You should not have found me wanting. However before I sent my Ambassador over, I did my best to inform myself otherwise, I found that the Pole was likely still to molest You, and that notwithstanding the late Peace with Sweden some points remained yet undecided. Reflecting upon which I thought, for the reasons Your Majesty knows as concerning the Pole, that he would not think me a competent Mediator betwixt You; seeing besides that the King of Poland only hath not yet sent me any Ambassage to congratulate my happy Return. For the Swede I saw no reason why mine interposition betwixt your Tzarskoy majesty and Him might not be acceptable and seasonable on all sides, if your Tzarskoy majesty thought it necessary to quench any parks of contention before they broke ●ut further. Moreover I consider the opportunity that I have and shall always of assisting You with Commanders and Soldiers, ships, armour, and ammunition against any Enemies You might have for the future, and the influence and authority that I should have from time to time with most Princes of Europe or out of Europe that could annoy You, for the composing of any differences. And upon all these things I had given such order, as I thought fitting, to my Ambassador. And doubtless considering mine own Obligations to your Tzarskoy majesty, and the promise I had made You in mine own Letter formerly, which I took myself bound to accomplish, and the choice of the person of my Ambassador, You would not have found me ungrateful in any thing of this or other nature which could not occur to me.  
Having represented these words as from his Royal majesties own mouth to your Tzarskoy majesty, it becomes me not to continue them with any of mine own, further than to desire that your Tzarskoy majesty will seriously and speedily, according to your great prudence wherewith God hath inspired You, reflect upon them, and give me a quick dispatch one way or other, that I may not lose the very first season of the year to departed hence, as his Royal majesty hath given me positive order.  
Given at Moscow, 22. April 1664. CARLISLE.   
This speech being thus ended, my Lord Ambassador added four Memorials, which he gave also in writing, but in a paper by itself. Three of them were against Pronchissof, who endeavoured by all means to obstruct my Lords affairs, and to make him odious to this Court. It seems he had told my Lord that his Royal Majesty's affairs were in a dangerous and weak condition, so that my Lord being confident that he had striven to instil this false report into the Tzars' ear, thought himself bound upon this occasion to inform his Tzarskoy Majesty, that what he said therein was contrary to the truth, and maliciously invented by Enemies of his Royal Majesty, and that the King was in as good condition of quiet at home and power abroad as any Prince in Christendom.  
Another time the same Pronchissof told my Lord Ambassador at his house in the presence of Dementè Bashmacof and of a Colonel van Staden their Interpreter, that it was reported his Excellency had received a great sum of money of the Merchants to recover the Privileges, and upon the effecting thereof was to receive yet greater from the said Merchants; whereupon my Lord requiring his author he would or could name none; so that his Excellency took him for the Author himself, as it was very likely. Therefore upon this occasion he acquainted the Tzar with it, and desired his Majesty to cause Reparation to be given him by the said Pronchissof for so malicious and high a slander.  
Besides the said Pronchissof at several other times spoke to my Lord Ambassador, as if he had neglected his Royal Majesty's business in respect to the Merchants, and threatened him with the Tzars' displeasure, that he should not departed with honour, and as if his Tzarskoy Majesty would complain of his conduct to his Royal Majesty, whose instructions he said that my Lord had transgressed. In all which things he much diminished the respect due to his Excellency, and doubtless exceeded any Commission from his Tzarskoy Majesty: My Lord did not neglect to inform his Majesty of all these things upon this present occasion, and to tell Him, that for these and for the former reasons he takes the said Pronchissof (who was at this Audience) to be an Enemy to the good correspondence betwixt his Royal Majesty and his Tzarskoy Majesty, and consequently no Friend to himself. And that therefore whatsoever he might have reported at any time, or would afterwards concerning him, to give his Tzarskoy Majesty (as he had all reason to suspect) an ill taste and impression of him: He desires his Tzarskoy Majesty to hold it for falsehood, as he himself was ready to prove it if his Majesty had thought fit at any time to communicate any such thing to him for his own satisfaction.  
He put moreover his Tzarskoy Majesty in mind of the former Reparation promised, which still his Commissioners had neglected hitherto.  
The 24. of May, my Lord received his Commissioners answer to his papers given at Conference the 22. of March, wherein first they blame his Excellency for saying in the beginning, that they misunderstood his words, as if he had a mind thereby to tell them, that they were not able to understand his meaning. But for the Posts innocent mistake (as they call it) they say that satisfaction is given heretofore. They do not like at all this expression of my Lords, where he says that they seem to weigh the generous actions of Princes by Salotnicks.  
As to the several Demands contained in another paper, none but the second demand had a satisfactory answer. The demand is this, that all English Merchants desiring to repair home might have their passes to go over sea with their wives and families without any molestation. But it is frustrated by reason of the next following article, that justice might be done the English Merchants for their debts, for of this there was no care at all taken. The next demand to that, which is of a great moment and much against the custom of Russia, that all his Royal Majesty's Subjects of what condition soever might upon their desire have full liberty to return, is left without an answer. Now concerning some particular subjects of the Kings, who looked for the Tzars' favour or justice upon this occasion by my Lord Ambassador they were all either rejected or put off.  
The 27. of May, the Commissioners sent to my Lord Ambassador their Answer to his Speech said at the private Audience the 22. of April, but as to his Complaints against Pronchissof (who as in spite of his Excellency was still in his Pristafs office) there was not one word said to that, nor to the other Memorial. And indeed they might as well have left the speech unanswered, seeing their writings signify no more than their silence. For as heretofore so concerning this speech, that perhaps might have had any where else a favourable answer, they say amongst many words very little or noting to the purpose. Their whole business it seems is to catch at some expressions, which interpreting always to their disadvantage, they take thereby occasion to give his Tzarskoy Majesty an ill taste of his Excellency, and so to obstruct his business. To that purpose they allege first, that in a place of his speech he calls them persons of great wisdom and experience (whereas there is, of great nobility and experience) and that in another place he writes as if they could not show in all their answers one certain or solid reason for the denial of the propounded Privileges. They do extremely wonder at such an expression, and that being a man of great understanding he would sometimes praise them (which they take in very good part) and sometimes vilify them. But whereas my Lord says in another place of his Speech, That he received from his Commissioners so unexpected an answer, that had Heaven fallen, as the windows of the Councel-Chamber broke in twice at the recital, it could scarce have been more strange or miraculous to him, they are pleased to say, that it was not fitting for him to speak so to his Tzarskoy Majesty. But here is the grand scandalous and unhandsome expression (as they take it) that sticked to the Tzars very heart, when his Excellency, speaking as from the King's Majesties own mouth concerning that unproportionable sum of money that his Tzarskoy Majesties Ambassadors demanded of his Royal Majesty in England, said, I hope so impossible a sum to the greatest Prince of Christendom was not demanded on purpose to have a pretext to deny the Privileges, and by proposing an impossibility to refuse what is rational. The Commissioners answered, that this unhandsome expression was an indignity, not only to the friendship between both Princes, but chief to the person of his Tzarskoy Majesty, that such a Declaration was far from his Royal Majesty's meaning, and that therefore their Great Lord would write about it to the King. As for the Privileges they put them off till the wars be put to an end, and then the Merchants must stand upon the Tzars' courtesy; Lastly his Tzarskoy Majesty doth indeed acknowledge the King's affection to him, where it is spoken of those fit opportunities, that his Royal Majesty had and might have afterwards of assisting Him upon all occasions of War. The Commissioners said, that their Great Lord received these Declarations of the Kings in brotherly, friendly amity and love. Therefore they desired my Lord Ambassador to declare them, against which of his Tzarskoy Majesties Enemies his Royal Majesty would assist their Great Lord, and whether with warlike men and ammunition, and if so, with how many warlike men and arms, and with what ammunition, and whether his Royal Majesty would give this Assistance out of his own Treasury, and for what time, and to what place these his Majesty's men were to come. To that my Lord Ambassador gave them this answer, that in all these things he was not at all limited, but that they were left at his own best discretion, provided first, that his Tzarskoy Majesty would show a just value of his Royal Majesty's constant brotherly love and friendship. But what concerns the propounded Mediation betwixt the Tzar and his Majesty of Sweden, it was answered by the Commissioners, that there was an Everlasting Peace concluded between Them, and that those things that fell out after the Conclusion, might be quieted by Messages on both sides.  
As to the Additional Memorials presented to the Tzars' Majesty against Pronchissof, my Lord had at last an answer after a long solicitation, but it was too much like their Reparation about the miscarriage of our Entrance at Moscow. They said, that my Lord ought not to complain against him, that whatsoever he was told by him in familiar discourses it was not out of malignity, but after a friendly way, so that his Excellency might take care of himself and of his affairs. As to the Reparation promised upon his Entrance at Moscow, they do not so much as speak one word of it.  
And now to put an end to a Negotiation, where so much is said and so little effected, I shall add another important business that passed betwixt his Excellency and his Commissioners. My Lord having newly received power and authority from the King to offer his Mediation betwixt the Tzars' Majesty and the King of Poland, thought, that so kind an offer might perhaps bring his business to a better end, than he had done hitherto. He acquainted his Commissioners with it, and offered himself to do his uttermost in prosecution of that affair, in what manner his Tzarskoy Majesty should direct for his Service, Provided that He would first manifest a just value of his Royal Majesties most sincere and constant brotherly affection, by the grant of his former demands. The offer did please them very well, because it came in very good time, but the condition annexed was too hard, seeing they had doubtless resolved not to grant the Privileges. Yet they desired my Lord Ambassador to give this matter in writing at a Conference, which they agreed upon to be had the first of June: and the mean while the Tzar appointed for that purpose new Commissioners to treat of this matter that newly was come in hand. [So that at last his Excellency was rid from Pronchissof, whom the Tzar had still employed a great while when He sent any message to my Lord Ambassador, notwithstanding the solemn Declaration made against him at the private Audience: and in his stead there was another supplied for a Pristaf, who was indeed a civiller man, but of lesser quality.] The Proposition given by my Lord in writing at this Conference was written after this manner.  

HIs most Serene Majesty my Master desiring to fulfil all parts of a most sincere brotherly affection toward his most Serene Tzarskoy Majesty, according to His promise in his former Royal Letters, and by me his extraordinary Ambassador, taking into consideration the present war continued betwixt his Tzarskoy Majesty, and the King of Poland, to the so great detriment of the Common Christian Interest, hath therefore, although He knows that his Tzarskoy Majesty doth neither want sufficient forces nor most prudent counsels, whereby He may probably bring that war to a conclusion, yet for the better facilitating of a firm and honourable peace betwixt his Tzarskoy Majesty and the King of Poland, Empowered me (if it may be acceptable and desirable to his Tzarskoy Majesty) to offer his Mediation toward so good a work, and hath therefore laid aside all respects to the contrary, believing that so laudable a design will so much the rather find with his Majesty of Poland all effect and acceptance. And this being but as an earnest of all those other counsels and good offices, which his Tzarskoy Majesty may promise Himself continually from his Royal Majesty, I do no ways doubt, but his Tzarskoy Majesty will manifest a just value of his Royal Majesties most sincere & constant brotherly affection. Unto which I shall always strive to be in my place instrumental, according to my duty to his Royal Majesty, and my great devotion towards the service of his Tzarskoy Majesty, so great a Prince, and so dear a Friend and Brother of his Royal Majesty.  
Given at Moscow, 1. June 1664.   
The Commissioners Answer to this matter was, that his Tzarskoy Majesty was well pleased with this proffer of his Royal Majesty, that his Excellency in prosecution thereof should send a Post to his Majesty of Poland by way of Smolensco, and proceed himself in the business as might be meet and fitting. But it seems they did not or would not mind what his Excellency had required, before he would engage his Prince in so long and chargeable a design. Therefore he made them understand that otherwise he could not undertake it, because his Royal Majesty took it for granted, that he had before this effected his business, which was the reason of this His last generous proffer. The Commissioners postposing any thing to the Customs taken and the English Merchants, my Lord took occasion to give over his Proffer and to take his Leave of the Tzar, having left into the hands of his Tzarskoy Majesties near Boyars and Counsellors some Memorials of remaining business (besides that point which he most insisted upon) that in time they might be redressed.  
The 24. of June, He had his last Audience where he took his Leave of his Majesty in few words.  

Most Serene and most Potent Tzar.  
THe King my Master hath commanded me to make haste from hence about his other affairs committed to me, and since your Tzarskoy Majesty hath not been pleased to grant what I was sent for, the greatest Kindness You can show the King my Master and the greatest favour to myself, is the allowing me this liberty of taking my leave of your Majesty, and permitting me to departed with speed. I have nothing to desire of your Tzarskoy Majesty at parting, but that, as is due and right, there may be the same liberty to all other his Majesty's Subjects, whensoever the respective time of their Obligations shall be expired, and that to those who must in the mean time remain, speedy and equal justice may be afforded, which hath not been hitherto. I return my thanks for the plentiful entertainment I have had in your Country. 〈◊〉 shall very truly give the King an accounted of all the honours and favours I ●ave received, and with the same ●uth and candour give an account of all ●hings that have passed in my Negotiation, and shall pray to God to bless your Majesty with a long and happy Government.   
Whereupon the Tzar being on his Throne desired the Ambassador to salute his Brother the King of great Britain, and delivered the Letter he sent him with his own hand. He pretended to be much troubled that the State of his affairs would not permit him to comply with his desires, and prayed God for the prosperity of his Voyage. Upon which his Excellence kissed his hand, as did likewise all his Gentlemen after him, and being returned they brought him his dinner from the Palace.  
This being the Negociation and success of the Embassy, let us now take a prospect of the most memorable passages that happened during our residence at Moscow.  
The first thing that presents itself is the description of a Feast which the Tzar made to my Lord Ambassador the 19 of February in the hall wherein his Excellence had Audience; it was a meal of near nine hours long, from two in the afternoon till eleven at night. My Lord Ambassador was conducted thither very solemnly, but being entered into the hall, the Tzar who was sitting upon his Throne forgot not to retain his ordinary gravity, and though he had not then his Crown upon his head, he thought it too great a condescension for a person of his grandeur to veil his bonnet to the Ambassador. From whence it may be easily conjectured that his Excellence was not admitted to his table, and indeed it was so far from that, that he was placed at another on his left hand, some steps lower than his own, whilst his principal Boyars had not only their table on his right hand, but at a less distance from his Throne. In so much as in that place where my Lord Ambassador ought to have received all honour and civility, there it was that they studied as it were to treat him disobligingly. He was seated alone on one side next the wall, and on the other there was one of the Tzars' Councelors and a Stolnick to bear him Company. In a direct line and near his table they placed my Lord Morpeth, and with him (by express order from the Tzar) not only the Gentlemen and Pages but the Footmen also, it being his pleasure to regale us altogether. Assoon as every one was sat, his Tzarskoy Majesty uncovered himself, and put not on his grave ●onnet of black fox again till we went away, ●o that he continued bare as we did; though is hair was so short, that one of our Company ●ook occasion to say, he wondered so great 〈◊〉 Monarch should want hair to cover his ●ars. But in my judgement we had more rea●n to wonder, when we saw that we had no napkins, and that the Tablecloth was no ●ider than the Table. In the mean time, ●r meat not being presently brought, most of us employed ourselves in observing the great stone Pillar mentioned before, which they had adorned for a Show with a wonderful quantity of Gold and Silver Vessels, amongst which there were many curious pieces: In this manner we sat almost half an hour, before our meat was brought up. At last the Stolnicks entered, with their great bonnets upon their heads, and brought the first meat to the Tzars' Table, presently afterwards they served the Boyars, and then my Lord Ambassador and his Train. Our first dish was Caviar, which we eat as a Salad, after which we had a sort of Pottage that was very sweet, as also several sorts of fish baked, fried, and boiled; but no flesh, because it was Lent. Yet that hindered not but that we had near five hundred dishes, which were very handsomely dressed, had not the dishes been so very black, that they looked more like Lead than Silver. Of all these dishes they made as it were but one course, new coming in continually; but as we had no napkins allowed us, so wanted we but little of having no plates also. All we could obtain for so many dishes was but every one his own, and my Lord Ambassador in that respect had no advantage of his Servants. Besides these we were well provided with very good Spanish Wine, white and red Mead; Quaz, and strong Waters, which they had tempered with sweet and odoriferous ingredients. We were not much troubled nor importuned to drink to Excess, only they would often advertise us not to forget their great Duke's health. Those that attended us were all Gentlemen of quality, which perhaps was the reason we were not so well served as we could have wished. When meat was brought in, there were twelve of the Guards du Corpse ordered to enter, who put themselves in order with their Halberds by the Hall door right over against his Majesty. After them entered two Lords with the Swords Royal, who approaching the Throne, with a profound Reverence, placed themselves of each side of the Tzar, with their swords naked upon their shoulders. Night drawing on, they furnished their Sconces with Wax-candles, and a while after the Tzar signified his desire to discourse for some time with the Ambassador. Whereupon his Excellence risen from the Table, and being come near the Tzar, he stood before him on the other side of the Table, so that they discoursed face to face. His Majesty drank a Cup of Wine to the memory of the late King of England in these words, To the memory of that glorious Martyr Charles the first, who endured great afflictions here, and enjoys now a greater measure of glory. After that he drank a health to our present King, and gave the Cup always to the Ambassador with his own hand. His Excellence also at his turn began a health to the two young Princes, and the Tzar seeming to neglect it, the Ambassador very gracefully entreated him to remember it. Some serious discourse they had also about affairs of State, the Tzar spoke to him about His Wars with the King of Poland, and his Excellence on his side failed not to mention to him the subject of his Embassy, and to let him know he expected success in it from himself only, and not from his Commissioners. By this time the desert came in, and the Tzar invited the Ambassador to rake his place at the Table again. The first things they brought in, were little artificial trees with store of branches candyed and gilded at the ends, on purpose for a show; the rest were nothing but a kind of fritters, wafers, and such like trifles in paste, made up after their fashion. After we had been about half an hour longer at the Table, the Ambassador risen again, and turning towards the Tzar they drank to one another several times, the Ambassador's Gentlemen having the honour to drink with his Tzarskoy Majesty, and receive their Wine from his own hands. But his Excellence observing with what ease the Tzar took off his Goblets, declared to him after a pleasant manner, the just suspicion he had of his liquor, which apparently could not be so strong as that which was given to himself. The Tzar being in a good humour, gave him no answer, but laughed hearty at it. Yet a while after he found himself so warmed, that he fell a bleeding at the nose as he was speaking to the Ambassador; who departed thereupon, having first given his Majesty thanks for his magnificent entertainment.  
The seventeenth of March we celebrated as the birth of the present Tzar, who was born on that day in the Year 1630. for which his Tzarskoy Majesty sent us a great dinner, and three or four Boyars to rejoice with the Ambassador.  
The third of April being Palme-Sunday we had the sight of a very noble Procession, which is annually observed eight days before Easter, in representation of our Saviour's Entrance into Jerusalem. The Tzar invited the Ambassador to see the Ceremony; and (their Sledges being then out of date, by reason the Ice was for the most part dissolved) sent his Coach with a Stolnick, and Gregory the Pristaf to accompany him. The Ambassador being about to enter first into the Coach, the Stolnick had the presumption to thrust himself forward and throw himself into it as it were headlong before him; and this with such a disorder, that it cost him some trouble to recollect himself. His Excellence observing his temerity left him in sole possession of the Coach, and was returning up the stairs, when the Stolnick came out again in great confusion to assure him, that he had done nothing but by express order, and according to their Custom. The Ambassador replied, he knew very well, such incivilities were not practised in other places, and that in England the Tzars' Ambassadors had not been used in that manner. The Stolnick understanding his Excellency's resolution not to go at all upon those terms, dispatched a Messenger immediately to the Tzar, to advertise him of what had passed, and of the Ambassadors persistence. The Tzar was then at his Devotion in the Church of Jerusalem (as they call it) near the Castle-gate, and all things were ready to begin the Procession; insomuch as his Tzarskoy Majesty to accelerate the Ambassadors arrival countermanded the orders of the Stolnick. Whereupon they departed immediately, and being come to the place that was reserved for us, we found the Tzar already gone out of the Church, and marching on foot with his Crown on his head, in the midst of a great number of Boyars and Churchmen; amongst which there were two of his principal Counsellors of State, that led him by the arms. The Patriarch (a handsome man and of a good age) had a kind of a Diadem upon his head, and a great Cross of Gold in his hand: The rest of the Clergy were in their Surplices, and carrying Books, Banniers, Crosses, and Images upon long staves before them, some of them singing, and some of them fuming the people with Incense. In this posture they advanced along upon cloth to a certain Platform, where the Patriach presented Palms to the Tzar first, and then to the rest. That done he took off the Tzars' Cap, laid it upon a Silver plate, and presented his golden cross to him to kiss. Which being with great reverence performed, the Patriarch waved it on high to both sides; to them first that were in the Platform, who received that Benediction with great reverence likewise, and then to the People that were present, who at the same instant cast themselves along upon the ground, but more especially the Tzars' Guards who were amongst them. After this they sang certain hymns, which lengthened their Devotion a complete hour. At this time there fell out a very pleasant accident, occasioned by the Lady Ambassadresses maid, mentioned at the beginning of this Narrative; who desirous to see the glory of this Procession, had slipped herself amongst my Lord Ambassadors Train, into the place appointed for us to see the Ceremonies. The place being higher than the rest, and uncovered, the Tzar lifting up his eyes often towards us, at length took notice of this Maid, and observing her well dressed and near his Excellence (which was more than he had discerned) he presently imagined it was the Ambassadors Lady, and sent immediately one of his Boyars to inquire of her health. The Ambassador altogether surprised with the Compliment, returned his thanks to the Tzar for his obliging intention, and withal gave him notice of the mistake, whereupon the Maid was dismissed with a severe reprehension; and being amazed at the strangeness of the adventure departed silently, confused betwixt the honour and shame she had received at the same time. A while after for default of an ass they brought the Patriarch to the entrance of the Platform a horse disguised like an ass, with great artificial Ears, and (perhaps lest they should have discovered him to be a horse by his Coat, or else have taken him for a red ass) they covered him over with white Linen. And then having covered his saddle with several very rich cover, the Patriarch mounted by the help of a footstool, and placed himself sideling upon the horse. After that, he blessed the people with his Cross as he went along, and the Tzar having reassumed his bonnet and Crown marched a foot before him leading his horse by the bridle; as soon as they began their march there was a Chariot drawn by six horses covered with white linen also, that went before them, in which Chariot there was a tree garnished with a great number of apples, which they had fastened to it, and on the Branches five or six men singing Hosanna. The motion of this Tree was so strange to those who (not seeing the horses that drew it) were ignorant of the cause, that some of them at first sight looked upon it as a Miracle.  
Eight days after this Procession we had the Feast of Easter, in which the Moscovites have a Custom of presenting one another with coloured Eggs. When they salute one they cry, Christos wos chrest, which is as much as to say, Christ is risen, and the other answers, Wostin wos chrest, which is, He is risen indeed. They do ordinarily kiss one another in their Salutations, and he which salutes the other, presents him with a coloured Egg. This Ceremony continues fifteen days, insomuch as at that time there are many Shops, in which they sell these Eggs ready died into a red or a Crimson colour. The Tzar himself makes use of them to his Military Officers residing in Moscow, who coming all of them to kiss his hand, his Majesty gives each of them an Egg, accompanying his present with his Royal Benediction for the Success of their Arms.  
On the nine and twentieth of May with great joy we solemnised both the birth of his Royal Majesty, and his glorious Return to his Capital City. His Majesty and the Tzar being born both in the Year 1630. there is no great difference in their Age, only the Tzar was born the seventeenth of March, and is by consequence ten weeks older. In this Feast his Excellence treated amongst others the principal of the three Ambassadors, whom the Tzar had a while before sent to the King, and who departed from London but some few weeks before us. But that could not be done without the Tzars' permission, who according to their Politics was much in trouble, ere he could resolve to grant him this grace. And this, notwithstanding the great amity they had contracted at London, was the only opportunity they had of seeing one another again. The Tzar for the augmentation of their Mirth, sent them a good quantity of Spanish Wine and Mead.  
My Lord Ambassador entertained the Swedish Resident (who was at that time in Moscow) very often also, by which means he had frequent conferences with him.  
About this time the Marriage was consummated betwixt the good man that had hurt himself with his fall at Gravesend the next day after his departure from London, and the Maid I mentioned but lately. But the Bridegroom being as yet something lame of his fall, as Vulcan was with being tumbled from heaven, it gave occasion to one to say, and not unpleasantly, that if he played Vulcan's part, no doubt but she could play that of Venus as well.  
I have before represented Moscow much Subject to fire, and we had three instances of it during our residence there. The greatest of all happened on easter day, but devoured only some hundreds of houses; and yet there was no more notice taken of it than of the two other. For to make a conflagration remarkable in this Country, there must be at least seven or eight thousand houses consumed. But they have this advantage at Moscow, that they may buy houses ready made, especially in that part of the Town called Scoradom; which houses they take to pieces, and having carried them to the place where they design their habitation, it requires no great time to put them together again. Besides this they have other great markets where they sell wood for building, and that in such quantity one may have enough there to build a whole Town.  
In this place it was we had experience as well as at Vologda of the verity of that saying of Juvenal.  
Maxima quaeque domus servis est plena superbis.  
Which is that great houses are commonly furnished with haughty Servants. And without doubt there had been great disorder amongst the Ambassadors Gentlemen, had not he prevented it by a resolution which he declared of not sparing any one that sought to make division by unlawful ways. Notwithstanding there happened one duel betwixt one of our family and a stranger that was a Lieutenant in the Militia of the Tzar. The quarrel was, that being in company together, this last though a Scotchman seemed to extol the grandeur and glory of the Tzar to the diminution of the King of England, which the other disgusting magnifyed the King as much as was possible contrary to the judgement of his Antagonist, and challenged him thereupon into the field. And some few days after, this quarrel was disputed by the sword, and (had the preeminence of these Princes depended upon the success of that combat) his Majesty of great Britain had had the advantage. For in a short time our Champion disarmed the Lieutenant, and came triumphing amongst us that he had vindicated his King.  
The sixteenth of June, which was four days after my Lord had taken his Leave, the Tzar sent the Ambassador a present of Sables, for himself and his whole family. His Excellency's portion was worth two thousand Crowns, that of the Countess was worth fourteen hundred, and my Lord Morpeth's a thousand, the rest were to be distributed according to every man's rank and employment in the house. But the Ambassador considering he had been neglected in all his affairs, would by no means admit of this obligation; but from a generous principle returned the Present, as having been otherwise so much disobliged. Nevertheless, that his refusal might not pass for an affront in the judgement of the Tzar, my Lord designed to have prevented the sending of it, but he had not time enough for that. For Golozof (of whom we had occasion to speak in the Description of our Entry into Moscow) imagining without doubt he should receive great kindnesses from the Ambassador, dispatched away one of his Clerks to advertise him, that he was coming to him with a Present from his Tzarskoy Majesty, wherewith he intended to honour him before his departure. And presently after without acquainting any of the Pristafs (in which he did ill) he arrived himself with four and thirty men bearing the Present in their hands. The Ambassador took Golozof aside, and let him know, that he could not accept of this Honour for the reasons which he alleged. Golozof extremely amazed ran ●ut immediately swelled up with rage, as he had been with vain hope of reward at his coming in; he leapt down the stairs by half douzains, as if he had been mad, and clapping his breast, cried out with a loud voice, That such a thing had not been heard of, nor ever happened before in the whole Empire of Russia. In short, he was in such a rage, that one would have sworn, he would have caused us all to be banished into Siberia, as they sometimes did an Ambassador of France, and that having refused the Great Dukes present, they would make us hunt Sables in that Country, which is the penalty of their greatest malefactors. But that which most afflicted the Ambassador's Domestics, was the disadvantage they received by his refusal, in being so deprived of the Honour of receiving so profitable testimonies of the generosity of so great a Prince. However we comforted ourselves in the Prudence of the Ambassador, and although each of us was deceived in the hopes he had conceived, yet we could not for all that forbear praising the generosity of his Conduct. Whereas on the other side Golozof in very great passion mounted his horse, his footmen following him two and two, whereupon his Excellence took great pleasure to behold them marching in that Order, and the indignation which they carried in their faces. Every one looked after them with a profound silence, imagining this refusal so Extraordinary, that it affronted the Grandeur and Dignity of the Tzar, and that his Tzarskoy Majesty would not fail to take exemplary vengeance upon an action so presumptuously bold: others not knowing the cause suspended their judgements. The Tzar being informed of this affair, and exceedingly surprised with it, called his Council of State immediately, and was present there himself; the result of which was, that Volinskoy (one of the new Commissioners) was deputed to repair to his Excellence, to know the reason of this refusal, which he performed with more mildness and discretion than we had occasion to hope for. The Ambassador answered him, that he was so far from doing it out of any contempt, that on the contrary he looked upon his Tzarskoy Majesties Present as an effect of his great Generosity, but that the acceptance thereof would oblige him too far. He acquainted him how his affairs stood, that his Embassy had had no success, and that in this case it was not proper for him to receive any favour from his Tzarskoy Majesty till he had first received the Justice he demanded. That otherwise he should have taken the least favour from his hands as a perpetual Ornament to himself and his family, and that still he was ready (provided any good order might be taken with his affairs) to receive any testimony whatever of the Tzars' affection. This gave Volinskoy satisfaction in some measure, especially when he understood after what manner Golosof had brought the Presents, that is, without the knowledge of his Excellencies Pristafs, who ought first to have given him notice of the design, and thereby prevented the dishonour of so public a refusal. So that Golozof had no recompense for all his pains, but a grave reprehension, for having wanted discretion in the discharge of this affair. On the other side the Tzar returned the Present which he had received at his first Audience from the Ambassador to him again, it was a Basin and Ewer of Silver, parcel gilt, two wrought Silver Dishes, and another Dish of Silver parcel gilded also. His Excellence received it with this Compliment; I give his Tzarskoy Majesty thanks for this, and I receive it with as great kindness as if it had been a greater Present. I shall keep it always by me, because it hath had the honour to be in the Possession of his Tzarskoy Majesty.   

Of his Excellency's Journey from Moscow to Riga.  
THis Embassy being finished, and that which was to have been into Poland laid a side, the Ambassador prepared for his departure towards Sweden, choosing the way by Riga in Livonia to pass to Stockholm by Sea. And being to Cross Livonia, which is 〈◊〉 desert Country, he dispatched an Express with 〈◊〉 Letter, to Count Oxenstern Governor General of Livonia to desire, that being upon an Embassy towards his Majesty of Sweden, he would please to give orders, that at his arrival upon the frontiers he might be accommodated at his own cost with fresh horses and wagons, for his train and baggage to pass that Country with all.  
In the mean time my Lord Ambassador attended by a Regiment of horse departed from Moscow the 24. of June about the Evening, with intention to retreat seven Versts that night from the Town. The 29. we arrived at 'tTwere the chief City of Twersco. The 3. of July we came to Tarsock, and from thence to Budeva. The 4. to Wisny Volsock, the 7. to Zimnogoray and Volday, the 8. we passed, by Rakina and Vena two Towns, the 9 we lodged at Brunitze a little Borough. The 10. in the afternoon we made 27. Versts by water in twenty boats they had provided against our coming, so as (passing a small Arm of the Lake Ilmin into which the River, that passes by Brunitze falls) we arrived within 3. Versts of Novogorod the great. The 11. the Ambassador made his Entry into Novogorod. The 12. we departed, and on the 13. we passed 67. Versts, 37. upon the Ilmin before noon by the favour of a good wind, and 30. after to a Town called Soltza upon the River Solognae which casts itself likewise into the Lake. The next day the Ambassador parted from Soltza by land, and advanced 35. Versts. The 17. he made his Entry into Plesco, and the 20. at night he departed from thence. The 22. we arrived on the frontiers at Nihuisen, a Village in Livonia, the 25. at Marienborough, and the 3. of August at Riga.  
Our Journey from Moscow to the frontiers (which was near two hundred leagues) was made under the conduct of two Pristafs, one of them called Jvan Stepanovitz Telepniof, one of the great Duke's Stolnicks conveyed his Excellence and took care of our Carriages and provisions to Novogorod, the other (called Simon Offonassevitz) conducted us from Novogorod to the Castle of Nihuisen upon the frontiers. The greatest part of this Journey we made on horseback, except when we went by water from Brunitze to Novogorod, and from thence to Soltza. For which reason we had commonly threescore saddle horses in our company, besides what were in out carriages which we had covered some to travail in, and some to retreat to at any time upon occasion of rain. Besides these we had three Coaches, one of the Ambassadors, and two of the grand Dukes, which he had the Generosity to send along with us as far as Livonia, principally for the accommodation of the Gentlemen. For our baggage we had usually two hundred wagons, but little ones such as they are in Moscovie. Four times we changed them in our Journey, as likewise our saddle horses, at 'tTwere, at Wisny Volsock, and at Soltze, at Plesco; We having always a party of Strelitz and another of our own attending the baggage. This manner of travailing on horseback had been very pleasant, had not the saddles been so hard and so high as they use them in that Country: but they were made in that fashion, that most of us were in a short time in as much torment as we could have been upon the wooden horse.  
All the Lodging we had in this Journey, was like that of Soldiers in the fields or woods, under the shelter of our Tents or covered wagons; upon which consideration, the Tzar had amongst other things provided us with three tents, one for the Ambassador which cost near five hundred crowns, another for the Countess, and the third for my Lord Morpeth. The tents were sent before from place to place with the Kitchen, and the greatest part of our baggage, and we making ordinarily 20 or 25 Versts in the morning, and as much after dinner, they pitched them where they found water, and fields convenient for so great a number both of horses and men. So as his Excellence arriving with his train at the End of his stage found his Tents ready pitched, and his meat almost ready. At night his bed was made under his Tent: But most part of the Gentlemen and Servants betook themselves to their wagons, and the wagoners to the ground for a lodging.  
For what relates to our Victuals we suffered almost for want of chimneys, the same inconvenience we had done betwixt Vologda and Moscow. For besides that we had generally nothing but Beef and Mutton, that was most commonly roasted only by the Sun and smoke in some corner of the field where the Cooks had piched their Tents to avoid the wind. But our greatest inconvenience was in our drink, being constrained to drink Mead or Quaz, that was heated and quite dead with the Carriage. Ice would have done very well to have revived it, but it was so precious at that time there was scarce enough for the Ambassadors Table. At Novogorod and Plesco (of which I shall speak hereafter) we were very well treated, we had all sorts of provision in abundance, and sack amongst the rest cost us nothing, but our pains to demand it.  
True it is, we met several difficulties in this Journey, and besides those I am speaking of, we suffered with the greatest impatience the persecution of the flies. Yet in other respects it must be acknowledged, that our Journey was very pleasant, if we consider the propiciousnes of the weather, the advantage of travailing under the shadow of the Forests, for the most part covered with an incredible quantity of excellent Strawberries, besides the delight of beholding the Rivers gliding through these vast wildernesses. We observed seven or eight Lakes also, of which the most considerable were the Ilmin, and the Sveto Ozero, which signifies as much as the holy Lake. In the middle of this latter there is an Island encompassed with several other little ones, which appear like so many woods about it, and a fair Convent within it, which makes a very agreeable prospect. As to the Ilmin, it is doubtless one of the goodliest Lakes in Europe, being about fifty miles in length, and thirty miles broad, so that when we passed over it, we could see land but on one side of us. We had at that time a boat, that sailed with a sail of Mat made of Bulrushes. And this abundance of Lakes and Rivers, which gave us occasion of admiring the beauty of the Country, gave us also a convenience not unnecessary at this time, and that was opportunity of washing ourselves, which we did very frequently in this journey, and amongst the rest in the Volga, which we crossed once again at 'tTwere. But forasmuch as this Road is not so much used by Strangers, as the Road to Archangel, our habits appeared so unusual to the Peasants, that they no sooner see two or three of my Lords Servants on horseback, but away they run in all haste to their houses, clapping their doors after them, as if we had been so many ominous Birds, or Spirits come on purpose to fright them; whereby it came to pass that in case we wanted any thing, there was no hopes of being supplied by them.  
And thus you have had what properly belongeth to the manner of our Travails, I shall now speak something of the most remarkable passages therein.  
It is a Maxim, it seems, in the Court of Moscovie, that the better to set off the Honour they bestow upon Public Ministers, they must now and then abuse and affront them, and as my Lord Ambassador was received at Moscow according to this Rule, so the Court thought it expedient he should be used after the same way at his departure. As to their Ceremony in conducting him out of Town, and his accommodation during his whole journey after, it must be acknowledged honourable enough, and to his Excellencies very great satisfaction. And indeed to speak freely (considering the ardency wherewith his Excellence had prosecuted his Negotiation, and the Prophecy of Pronchissof, who had told him, That the Great Duke would send him away without any honour at all) their civility was much greater than we had reason to expect. However the Ambassador could not avoid the disorder which happened at his departure from Moscow, upon occasion of one Calthof, who had put himself amongst his Gentlemen, with design to return into England with them. This Calthof had been in the Tzars' service for some years, and the time for which he had obliged himself being expired, his Excellence interposed for his dismission, and obtained it. Nevertheless the Tzar having notice that he was going, he sent a Messenger immediately after, as we were marching out of the Town, to recall him, and (which was the wonder) the Messenger did not lose his way. The Ambassador not conceiving it proper to oppose himself directly against the pleasure of his Tzarskoy Majesty, returns Calthof to him, but with expectation he should be presently released. But five days afterwards being arrived at 'tTwere, his Excellence understood they had upon a false pretence clapped him in Prison, and used him very ill. For which cause he dispatched a Post to Moscow with this Letter in Latin directed to Larivon Lopookin, Diack or Chancellor of the Embassy-Office.  
Domine Cancellarie,  
NEscio quo fato aut consilio factum sit, quod improsperae nostrae Legationi ultimus hic de Calthosio cumulus accesserit, nisi fortassis decorum existimetis, ut exitus introitum nostrum referret, & postrema primis per omnia responderent. Serenissimus Rex meus disertis verbis mihi mandaverat ut Calthosium mecum reducerem. Dominis Consiliariis, & Tibi praesertim Domine Cancellarie, saepius declaravi tempus effluxisse quo se Calthosius Czareae suae Majestati devinxisset, ideoque petii ut mecum posset reverti. Cancellarius etiam Czarei Areani significavit, nullam moram esse quo minus exiret. Quomodo postea successerit non potes ignorare. Ecce primarius Scriba in ipso itinere accurrit, & Czareae suae Majestatis nomine Calthosium postulat. Ego qui optimè novi quantum reverentiae & securitatis Legatorum dignitati debeatur, ne tamen importuno loco cum Czareâ suâ Majestate altercari viderer, Moscuam illum remisi, ubi contrà quàm speraveram, & contra jus & aequum, falso praetextu eum in Custodiâ detineri audio. Quorsum haec vergant nescio, neque vos ipsi scitis qui facitis. Me verò interim omnium infelicissimum, qui pro summo meo Czareae suae Majestati inserviendi studio cum tam infausto nuncio sim reversurus. Majus est hoc negotium quàm primo ituitu videtur, & in hoc Calthosio omnium Sacrae suae Majestatis Subditorum hîc degentium res agitur, num pro liberis deinceps, an verò pro servis & captivis sint habendi. Oro te Domine cancellary, pro solitâ tuâ humanitate, & pro muneris tui officio, ut haec Czareae suae Majestati sine hâc acerbitate (quam tamen ipsa rei natura mihi expressit) sed eâdem cum efficaciâ protinus velis remonstrare, ut Czarea sua Majestas maturè de hâc re providere & consulere queat, & Calthosius (quod adhuc expecto) bonâ cum Czareae suae Majestatis gratiâ, me antequam limitem transierim, assequatur.  
'tTwere, 30. Junii Anno D ni. 1664. CARLISLE.  
My Lord Chancellor  
BY what destiny or design the unsuccesfulness of my Embassy should be accumulated with this violence to Calthof, I cannot imagine, unless You esteem it perhaps decorous, that my exit should bear resemblance with my Entry, and my last usage be as disobliging as my first. The most Serene Prince my Master gave it me expressly in command, that I should bring Calthof back with me. I have often declared to the Lords of the Counsel, and to you my Lord Chancellor more especially, that the time for which he had obliged himself to his Tzarskoy Majesty was expired, and for that reason I desired his return. The Chancellor of his Tzarskoy Majesties Cabinet acquainted me he might go if he pleased, there should be no impediment. But what is happened since You cannot be ignorant of. When I was even in my Journey, the principal clerk of the Ambassy-Office pursues me, and in his Tzarskoy Majesties name demands Calthof. Yet though I understood well the reverence and security was due to the dignity of an Ambassador, nevertheless lest I should seem upon slight occasions and unseasonably to contend with his Tzarskoy Majesty, I returned him to Moscow. Where I am since informed he is upon a false pretence detained in Custody, not only contrary to my hopes and expectation, but to all law and equity whatsoever. How far these injuries may extend I know not, nor even You Yourselves that contrive them. In the mean time I am most unhappy, who notwithstanding my great Zeal and affection for the service of his Tzarskoy Majesty, must be constrained to return with this unwelcome tidings. This is a greater business than it appears to be at first sight, and in this Calthof the interest of all his most sacred Majesty's Subjects living in this Country is at stake, and it is a question whether for the future they be to be esteemed freemen or slaves. I conjure You my Lord Chancellor, by Your usual humanity, and by the duty of Your place, that You represent these things to his Tzarskoy Majesty, not with that sharpness (which notwithstanding the nature of the business extorted from me) but with such efficacy, that his Tzarskoy Majesty may apply some remedy in time, and that Calthof (which I expect) by his Majesty's most gracious permission, may overtake me before I am out of His Dominions.  
'tTwere, the 30. of June 1664. CARLISLE.  
This Letter was so far from making any favourable impressions in the Tzar, that it exasperated him to that height, he resolved immediately to dispatch an Ambassador to the King of England to complain of his Excellences proceed. The design was principally taken upon a pleasant mistake on their side, of qui for quid. For this Expression in the Letter, Quorsum haec vergant nescio, neque vos ipsi scitis qui facitis, which signify as it is translated, how far these thing may extend I know not, nor You Yourselves who contrive them, the Court of Muscovie misinterpreted it thus, I know not what may be the end of this business, nor do You know Yourselves what You do. Which they conceived the highest piece of insolence that he should dare to say, the principal Boyars and Councillors of so great a Prince were ignorant and impertinent, as if they had done all things at random with out deliberation or reason. And this translation in appearance was Golozofs the great Master of Latin in that Court, and by whose instructions they had played the Critics so tightly in the word Illustrissimus, and who was much incensed against the Ambassador, since his refusal of the presents. So as there might be some prejudice or malice in the translation of the Letter.  
However it was we found the Governor of 'tTwere in so ill an humour, he no sooner heard the noise of our approach, but he shut up his gates immediately, as if the plague had been in the Country, so that we had nothing to trust to, but the fields and the suburbs of the Town, near which in a plain we pitched our Tents. The Town is built on the side of a hill, the Volga running by it, besides another little River called 'tTwere which denominates, the place. We stayed there only two whole days lest we should disturb the Governor too long, who with out doubt was impatient till he saw us departing.  
At Tarsock we had the divertisement of seeing a very large Bear dance, it was so tame one might without any danger get upon his back, and ride up and down upon him in that posture. At the same place our Chirurgeon cut off with a Raisor a finger of one of the Pages, which had gangrened at Moscow by occasion of a nail wherewith he had unhappily hurt it.  
At Budeva we had the news of the great fire which happened on the 29. of June at Moscow (which was five days after we came away) consuming a third part of the Town. I imagined immediately there was something fatal still in our departure, when I remembered the fire had happened at Archangel also some few days after we had left that Town. In like manner it was that Lot was preserved, and all his family at the burning of Sodom.  
The 10 of July Master Watson who had been recalled by General Monk in our first Voyage came again to us at Brunitze, where we were arrived the day before. He came from England to Riga by Sea with some Equipage for the Ambassador, and past the rest of the way to us by land. We were surprised at his arrival, and very much delighted to see him again in Moscovie, whose absence had given us some regret. The occasion of his return amongst us was chief, that he might have the satisfaction to travail with his Excellence the rest of our Voyage through Moscovy, Sweden and Denmark.  
At Novogorod (which signifies New-town) my Lord Ambassador was received very solemnly. But his Excellence having just entered the Town, there was an unhappy accident befell an ancient person of quality, that gave some interruption to the formality. He was very richly apparelled and well mounted, but being weak and his horse unruly, he was fairly thrown down in the sight of the whole Town, and received much hurt by his fall. At this Novogorod our Pristaf from Moscow left us, and committed us to the care of Simon Offonassevitz, with direction to send back the Tzars' Coaches and Tents, assoon as the Ambassador was arrived at the Frontiers. Which much troubled the Ambassador, to whom Volinskey, one of his Commissioners, had promised at Moscow, that the Tents should attend him as far as Riga, in confidence of which promise his Excellence did not trouble himself to provide any at his own charges. Being disappointed in this manner, and in no condition to accommodate himself otherwise in that place, no wonder if he expressed his dissatisfaction, seeing himself lest by this trick in a very ill posture to travel from the Frontiers to Riga. This Novogorod hath been formerly one of the greatest and best fortified Towns in all Moscovie, of which there are still some marks remaining round about the Town. But at present it is reduced, and of no great circumference, however by reason of the Commerce it injoies it is well peopled. The Lake Ilmin is within a League of the Town, out of which comes the Volka or Volgda, a very fair River that runs by the Town.  
But if we were well received at Novogorod, I must needs acknowledge the reception we had afterwards at Plesco was not inferior, as if the Governors of these two Towns had been emulous, which should give hi● Excellence the best entertainment. Nevertheless by the favour of two accidents the Governor of Plesco had the advantage; The first was by the unadvisedness of a Gentleman of Plesco, who had seized, the night before our Entry, upon two horses belonging to the Ambassador's Train, having found them in the night in his possessions. The Governor was no sooner informed of this action but he apprehended the Gentleman, and sen● him bound to the Ambassador to beg his life which his Excellence easily granted upo● acknowledgement of the indiscretion of th● fact. The other was by the report of a Regiment of Thiefs Polanders, that lay in wa● on purpose for us, which was so common there was scarce any other discourse in Plesc● and (as the news went) they were about five hundred, under the Command of an one-eyed Sergeant. This tidings alarmed us a little, especially when we were told, they had done much mischief in that Province, and plundered several Villages. But the Governor of the Town in this case also manifested his Generosity, and the particular care he had to oblige his Excellence: for he gave us a Convoy of five hundred foot well armed, to secure our baggage, and defend our persons against the attempts of this terrible Cyclops: In this place the Ambassador stayed in expectation of an answer from the Governor General of Livonia, by the return of the Messenger he had sent on purpose to him from Moscow the 14. of June, and who had Order to meet him again at Plesco. On the 19 of July, three days after we arrived there, the Messenger came to us with this Answer from Count Oxenstern the Governor General, that he had already deputed two Officers to receive his Excellence on the Frontiers, and that he had Orders from the Crown of Sweden, to defray the charges of his Carriages and Entertainment from thence to Riga. The Ambassador being surprised with the Civility of the offer, and with the particular care that Crown had taken to facilitate his passage through Livonia, prepared himself immediately to departed, but with design if possible to evade so great an Obligation. But before he came away observing Calthof was not returned, he sent another Letter to Moscow, making mention of the Extraordinary entertainment he had received from the Governors of Novogorod and Plesco, as also of the design on foot for the Carrying back his Tents, and these were the very words of the Letter, which had the same superscription with the former.  
Domine Cancellarie,  
QVamvis ea sit nostra, & esse debeat de aquitate & prudentia Serenissimae Czariae suae Majestatis opinio, ut si non ante saltem post literas meas 30. Junij Twerae datas Calthofium dimissum esse speremus, quum tamen Plescuam pervenerim, & nihil adhuc de eo compertum habeam, Veredarium hunc hâc solâ de causà Moscuam remitto. Omnino enim, si non vobis (quod sane oporteret) at mihi tanti est, ne Serenissimi Regis mei mandata, & hujusce subditi sui libertatem negligere viderer. Iniquissimum enim esset, & a mutuâ inter Regiam suam Majestatem & Czaream suam Majestatem benevolentiâ alienissimum, ut ille quem Czareae suae Majestati nullo modo obstrictum ulterius aut addictum esse innotuerit, tamen contra voluntatem suam, & nostram intercessionem, & vestra promissa diutius detineretur. Quapropter te etiam atque etiam rogo Domine Cancellarie, ut si Calthofius adhuc vobiscum haereat Serenissimae Czareae suae Majestati haec exponere velis, ne in re adeo exiguâ tam magnum amicitiae detrimentum patiatur. Me autem re magis injuriarum quam beneficiorum memorem esse Existimetis, hâc occasione tibi, adeóque Czareae sua Majestati significandum esse duxi egregiam Boyarij, Knez, Jvan, Borissovitz, Repenini erga me in itinere nostro per Novogorodam humanitatem (quam semper praedicabo) & Majorem etiam si major esse posset Knez, Pheodor, Gregorevitz, Romadonofsky, in hoc loco comitatem, qui ambo omnibus honoris & benevolentiae indiciis me cumularunt. Neque enim ipsis imputandum est, si (quod dicitur) sentoria (de Czareo suo curru minus laboro) in limi te Nihusiano mihi auferantur, quae Czarea sua Majestas, si bene Ockolniohey, Basilium, Volinskoy intellexi, mihi Rigam usque commodavit, & propter quae ipse alia nostris impensis mihi comparare omisi. Dona quidem a Czarea sua Majestate mihi oblata, quoniam ita me decebat, recusavi, non itidem usum eorum quae ad itineris nostri commoditatem faciebant. Et quum sub Pellibus noluerim, sub Tentoriis certe pernoctare licuisset. Si autem ita omnino decretum est, non sum adeo mollis ut per aliquot dies militari more sub dio agere nequeam, ne a Praefecto Suecico petere videar quae â Czarea sua Majestate, suppeditanda esse credideram. Cui nihilominus de omnibus beneficiis atque honoribus mihi delatis gratias ago quàm maximas, & ea Domino meo Regi fidelissime recencebo, Vale.  
Plescuae, 14. Julii 1664. CARLISLE.  
My Lord Chancellor  
THough the esteem I have and aught to have of the justice and prudence of his most Serene Tzarskoy Majesty, persuaded me that Calthof would be dismissed (if not before) at least as Soon as my Letters from 'tTwere on the 30. of June were arrived, yet being advanced as far as Plesco, and having no advertisement thereof, I have dispatched this messenger again to Moscow for that very affair. Which (though to you it may not appear so considerable as it ought) yet to me it is of that importance it can not be pretermitted without neglecting the Commands of the most Serene King my Master, and the liberty of Calthof his Subject. And indeed it would be unjust and contrary to the mutual amity betwixt the King my Master and his Tzarskoy Majesty, should he who is manifestly now under no farther Obligation, or engagement to his Tzarskoy Majesty, be contrary to his own will, my intercession, and Your promises, detained any longer. I do make it my request therefore, my Lord Chancellor, that if Calthof be still amongst You, You would represent these things so effectually to his Tzarskoy Majesty, that the amity of our sovereigns may receive no diminution from so small and inconsiderable an occasion. For my own part, lest you should think me better at remembering injuries than benefits, I have taken this occasion to signify to You, and by consequence to his Tzarskoy Majesty the great civility Boyar, Knez, Jvan, Borissovitz, Repenini shown me in my Journey by Novogorod (which I shall always acknowledge,) and the greater (if greater can be) of Knez, Pheodor, Gregorevitz, Romadonofsky in this place, both of them loading me at it were with testimonies of honour and respect. Nor do I think it imputable to them, if the Tents (for of his Tzarskoy Majesties coach I am not so solicitous) be taken from me at the Borders at Nihuisen though if I well understood Ockolnickey, Basilius, Volinskoy his Tzarskoy Majesty was pleased to spare me them as far as Riga, and for which reason I had neglected to furnish myself at my own charges. It is true I did refuse (as became me) his Tzarskoy Majesties presents that were sent me, but not those conveniences that were necessary in my journey. And though I did not for the reason's  accept of his furs, it might have been allowed me to have slept under his Tents. However if it be peremptorily decreed, I am not so soft and effeminate but rather than request those things from the Swedish Governor, that I thought were to have been supplied by his Tzarskoy Majesty, I can like a Soldier for some days take my fortune in the fields. I do notwithstanding return many thanks to his Tzarskoy Majesty for all the honours and favours, I received from him, and shall make a faithful enumeration of them to the King my Master.  
Plesco, the 14. of July 1664. CARLISLE.  
This Letter being dispatched, the next day ●y Lord Ambassador departed from Plesco. ●his Town is not of any great circumference, but it is very convenient and pleasant, ●aving a fair River which riseth in a Lake ●bout half a League from it, running by the ●own.  
Our Convoy from Plesco to the Frontiers ●eing so good, as I said, we had no reason to apprehended the danger that threatened us, I ●ean the Regiment of Thiefs, who by their exploits had got themselves a great Name in ●he Province of Pscove. We had as I said before, ●e hundred armed foot to secure our baggage, ●hich marched always before, besides a squadron of horse, that attended on the per●on of the Ambassador. And if on the one ●de this Convoy was necessary for our pro●ection, so on the other side, his Excellence ●ooked upon it as a great honour and reputation to see himself the Object of so much ●are and respect. At every Stage he was honourably received amongst the noise of ●rums, and the Soldiers drawn up in very ●ood Order; and at night had very strong Guards placed about him. Insomuch that in two days march we arrive at the Frontiers, without any visible danger. And we had not ●een half an hour on the Frontiers, but the too Officers deputed from the Governor General of Livonia, and the Governor of the Castle of Nihuisen, arrived to salute th● Ambassador with a Compliment in French very obliging and full of Civility. Among other things they gave him to understand the King and Queen Mother of Sweden attended him with impatience, and that knowing the difficulty of the Passage from Nihuis● to Riga, they had commanded he should 〈◊〉 accommodated with all things that mig● expedite his arrival, and be necessary for 〈◊〉 journey. To which his Excellence replie● that he was already surprised to understand by the Governor General's Letter, the extraordinary care that Crown had taken 〈◊〉 his Voyage, that there was nothing he aspire to with more passion, than to enjoy the honour of seeing their Majesties, but that he w● very desirous to continue his journey without loading himself with so great an Obligation which yet the incommodiousness of th● Country seemed to engage him to. Bu● these Gentlemen from Riga having borough store of Provisions along with them whic● were designed for us; the Ambassador could not any long time defend himself upon th● point. And indeed we had been but in an 〈◊〉 posture to have passed those deserts, had w● had nothing to depend on, but our own provision and conduct.  
Livonia (to speak two words of it by th● by) is a Country so desolate, that in ne● ●reescore Leagues that we passed from Ni●sen to Riga, we found only two or three ●owns, and those remarkable for nothing ●t their Antiquity. In short it is a Country 〈◊〉 Forests, abounding with a great number 〈◊〉 Lakes, as well as Moscovie; and though it ●e not so plain and flat as that, yet it is suffi●ently fertile in Grass and in Corn. As to the habitants, they are generally very blockish ●d barbarous, and without contradiction ●finitely less ingenious than the Moscovites. ●heir Habits and their Caps are like theirs; ●eir Language is as unpleasant as their Be●viour, and manner of Converse, and they urry upon their foreheads all the tokens of a ●vage and uncivilized Nature. For being ●y the frequency of their Wars reduced as ●ey are to an inconsiderable number, and the swedes being in possession of all their Ports ●d strongest Towns, there remains nothing 〈◊〉 the Natives but the Tilling of their ●ound; insomuch as they stand almost in ●e same Condition with the Swedes, as the ●elotes did formerly with the Lacedæmonians. 〈◊〉 as the manner of their Solitude, their Subaction, and the poverty they are oppressed ●th, renders them more brutish and dange●us; and we had such experience of their ●opensity to thieving, we were forced to ●ve still an eye over them as over Birds of 〈◊〉 prey. Their Religion is the same with the Swedes, viz. the Lutheran: but they are so well pleased with the Superstition of the ancient Pagans, and retain so much of their ridiculous maxims, that it is believed the most of the● make but a superficial Profession of the Christian Religion:  
But, to return to what follows in ou● Voyage, I shall give first an account of the manner of our passage to the borders of Moscovy, after the journey we had made of above five hundred Leagues cross that vast Country in eleven months. It is not to be doubted, but the small civility we found in this barbarous Nation, and the natural disposition each of us had to be returning towards his own Country, prevailed with us to leave Moscovy with much pleasure and satisfaction. And though there are many allurements in it, yet the very conversation of the Inhabitants disgusted us, and every body, but the Great Duke, being in slavery, we could scarcely believe ourselves free, till we were from amongst them. Whence it was that one of our Company, impatient till he was out of their Country, and at a distance from the Communication of the Moscovites, transported to see the Gentlemen from Riga, and their Train that came to salute the Ambassador, cried out assoon as he descried them, Ay marry, these people are like Christians indeed; as if the Moscovites had not had so much as the least resemblance of them. Which questionless had very much offended the Russes that were with us, had any of them that understood English taken notice of it, and without contradiction the expression was rash enough, being spoken before the face of five hundred Moscovites in Arms. At this time (for it was about noon) there was a great debate where his Excellence should dine, the cooks having not been able, for want of water, to get any thing ready. The Swedish Gentlemen pressed the Ambassador to dine in the Castle of Nihuisen. The Pristaf opposed it very zealously, as well for the natural jealousy betwixt the two Nations of Swedeland and Moscovie, as for other reasons. At last after much controversy, in which the Pristaf was very fierce, it was resolved we should pass the Frontiers, and pitch our Tents by the side of a brook, under the Castle of Nihuisen. The Ambassador passed thither on horseback in a quarter of an hour, so that in a short time his dinner was got ready. The Swedish Gentlemen withdrew thereupon into the Castle, the Pristaf and the Captains of the Guards (who bore us company into the Country of Livonia) according to their custom, dined with his Excellence. After dinner they took their leaves of the Ambassador, and the Swedish Gentlemen sent their Coaches to attend him into the Castle, where we were received with several pieces of Cannon: which to us was news, the Moscovite using no such Ceremony in their Salutations, as I have intimated before. We had amongst us at this time a young Polish youth who had been brought up in Moscovie and in their Religion, which concealed himself privately in order to his escape, and finding the Russians gone, he was transported with joy to find the house of the Ambassador (in which he had served some months) a place of his refuge and liberty.  
We were very well treated at the Castle that night, which gave us great hopes (as indeed it did happen) the remainder of ou● Voyage would not be so troublesome. And to speak truth we had always a good quantity of victuals, which was much better dressed than in Moscovie, our Cooks having Kitchens o● huts at least for convenient dressing of ou● meat, whereas from Moscow to Nihuisen they had nothing ordinarily but the open field.  
But if on the one side we were well satisfied, on the other side we suffered much from the manner of our Travailing; For, beside the small number of horses which were provided us, they were so lean and lank bodied, that there was great Art required to the making of them go. And the most of them were so ill accoutred, that they had neither saddles nor bridles, and those sadler there were, being for the most part of massy wood, tortured us in a most incredible manner; besides, with all this many of them had not above one styrrup if any at all. In so much ●hat in passing the limits of Moscovie, we found as great an alteration almost, as those do at sea who pass the Equinoctial line: which made us in love with that good Country where we had as to those conveniences all things we could desire. However this incommodity was sometimes a recreation to us, some of us making their misery an occasion of their mirth. A Page of ours (amongst the rest) was the first Actor in ●his Tragedy, at our departure from Nihuisen ●e was mounted upon a small blind, and very lean horse, who had neither bridle nor ●adle, his whole furniture being a simple ●ord made into a halter, and that so short ●hat he had much ado to make use of it. Being arrived upon the draw bridge, the horse ●ell on a sudden to capering, and rushing forward insuch manner at the noise of the cannon, ●hat the Page very much surprised, thought ●t best to leave him alone in that Kind of ex●rcise. And so the horse went away as he ●ame without Eyes, or Saddle, or bridle, and ●he Page after that time made his Voyage almost wholly in the wagons. Some there ●ere that day that were forced to march on ●ot for want of horses, Others were so tired ●ith them, they were sometimes constrained ●o the same thing for their refreshment.  
But if we suffered in our travailing we were not much better accommodated in our Lodgings, the most of us being forced to make use of some Barn, or Kitchen to put our beds in to pass away the night. The Gentlemen for the most part lay in their little coaches they had brought along with them from Moscovie. True it is we were entertained in three or four Castles, and Marienborough amongst the rest, where our accommodation was something better.  
At Riga, the Ambassador was very well received, they did him all the honour we could possibly desire, nor did he appear on his side less pompous and magnificent. But our entry being followed immediately with terrible tempests, and after the noise of the Canon with dismal claps of thunder, it was looked upon immediately by the superstitious people as an ill omen and presage.   

Of the Ambassador's Risidence at Riga.  
RIga is situate upon the bank of the Duina, a River that rises (as has been said before) in the Province of 'tTwere o● Twersco in Moscovie, and empties itself in to the Baltic Sea some four leagues from this City. It is a Town of no great extent, but compact, and very well peopled. Its buildings are all of stone or brick, and fortified with a good wall, good ditches, and Ramparts on that side towards Moscovie: besides towards the River it has a strong and well for●efied Castle, in which the Governor General of Livonia keeps his residence. But this Town is principally considerable in respect of ●he great commerce which it draws from all ●arts, especially by the Baltic Sea, from whence the Vessels come up the Duina to the ●ery Gates of the Town. In winter they maintain a great trade with Moscovy by the convenience of their sledges, in which the Merchant's convey themselves and their Commodity's as far as Plesco, Novogorod, or Moscow. On the other side of the River lies Courland ●hich depends in part on the Duke of that ●ame, whose ordinary residence is at Mittau ●ome six Dutch miles from Riga. The Language they speak in Riga is High Dutch, and ●he Religion they profess is the Lutheran.  
The next day after our arrival in this place, ●ount Oxenstern made a visit to the Ambas●dor, who the next day returned him the ●ke in the Castle. His Excellence expressed himself very sensible of the care which he had ta●en to facilitate his Journey, and that he might 〈◊〉 some measure discharge himself of the Obligation he had to that Crown, for the expense ●hich had been made in his favour, and that the King his Master might not be brought into any new Engagements, he made a proffer of reimbourcing them again. But the Governor General replied, that what was done was by express order of his King, who was willing to take that slender opportunity to testify the joy he conceived at his arrival, and designed not thereby to put any Obligation upon his Majesty of great Britain.  
My Lord Ambassador was in like manner visited by the Mayor and Senators of the Town.  
Fifteen days we stayed in this place, partly in expectation of a Man of War, that was to come from Stockholm to transport us, and partly for a good wind. So that we had time enough to refresh ourselves, after the Voyage we had now finished. And indeed most of us did very well overcome the fatigues of our Journey, especially by the help of the feather beds they use in Riga, as they d● in Swedeland, Germany, and Danemarke. Nevertheless these kind of double beds being little in use in England, many of us could no● endure them, and were altogether surprise● to find ourselves sinking into a quagmire o● feathers, which constrained us to lie roule● up in a heap. But they were no sooner in commoded in this posture, but they began t● declaim against these kind of beds, in 〈◊〉 much as one somewhat a Critic. took occ●sion to call them Beds of Ignorance, according to that expression of the Poet.  
Non jacet in molli veneranda scientia Lecto.  
Learning's not found in Beds of Down.  
For three days after our arrival we were entertained at the Charge of the Town, in so much as the 7. of August was the first day his Excellence began to provide meat for himself, since our arrival at Archangel. During our residence at this place, the weather proved so ill in respect of the great store of rain, lightning, and thunder which happened every day, that we were forced to lead a very sedentary and recluse life. But that which was our greatest consolation was, the joy we conceived in being out of all commerce with the Moscovites, to find ourselves amongst Christians of very good conversation; and after a tedious association with a people barbarous and rude, to fall amongst those that were civil and urbane. In short, to observe an exquisite neatness and cleanlynes in all things, after having lived amongst the Moscovites after a very slovenly manner.  
The 10. of August Count Oxenstern entertained the Ambassador with so much splendour and Pomp, that (to give account of it in few words) it was more like the entertainment of a King than an Ambassador. The place resounding with an admirable consort of Music, Trumpets, Ketle-drums, and Cannon● and every thing seeming with emulation to contribute to the publication of the glory of this Embassy. This entertainment being over the Ambassador prepared himself to embark as soon as possible, the Man of Warr being arrived, which was a Fregat called the Amaranthe, carrying forty brass pieces mounted. My Lord's Coach and horses being to be transported by themselves, there was a shallop hired on purpose for that.   

Of his Excellency's Voyage from Riga to Stockholme upon the Baltick-Sea.  
On the 18. of August the Ambassador departed from Riga by water, to go on shipboard, about a League and an half from thence, where our Vessel was at anchor, but the wind was so contrary, that we were constrained to yield to its violence, and put to shore in the sight of the whole Town, and make the rest of our way towards the ship by Land. We were no sooner out of the Town, but the Castle made all things echo again, with the noise of their Artillery. But when we came near the Vessel, we found the wind blowing so fiercely against us, that we were glad to take a resolution of retiring ●o a Countryhouse hard by, where we past ●way the Night ill enough.  
The next morning the wind not being so ●igh, the Captain sent two Boats to bring us board, the Skif which carried the Ambassador came first to the Ship, which saluted ●im at his Entry with twenty pieces of Can●on. The other being more laden, arrived ●ot so soon, but coming close to the Ship, it scaped very narrowly being broken in pieces ●y it. For by the negligence of him that commanded, they not slackening their sails when they came near to go on board, the ●oat ran against the Ship with full sails, to ●he no small amazement of those that were ●n it. Yet by good fortune the Boat being ●ery strong, endured the concussion so well, 〈◊〉 escaped with a little cleft in the Prow only. When we came aboard, we were surprised to ●ee the Man of War so admirably neat, and ●nd all things in so good Order, that there ●as no great difficulty for us to find sufficient accommodation. But that which was most wonderful to us, was the prodigious number ●f Canonshot, which they made in this Voyage, there being scarce a Dinner in which ●hey shot not off above forty great Guns, whilst at the Ambassadors Table they were ●rinking the Healths of the King of England ●nd King of Swedeland, and the Queens of ●oth the one and the other Nation. Besides when ever the Ambassador went on shore for his divertisement, whilst the Ship lay at anchor, they gave him always four guns, at his going out, and as many when he came back.  
At last on the 22. we set sail, but it was only to make a League and an half, being forced to attend a proper wind to carry us, over certain Sand-banks, that lie in the Mouth of the River, so as we cast anchor again near the Fort of Dunemund, where we continued two days, having the Shallop with us, in which our horses were embarked.  
The 24. the Wind was favourable, so that we passed the Mouth of the River. Upon which the Ship saluted the Fort with four or five great Guns, and the Fort to requite us, gave us above forty, all laden with bullets which they directed with that skill, we could, hear most of them whistling betwixt our sails, and almost at the same time see them falling into the Sea at a great distance before us. Some there were among us, who not assured of the dexterity of their Gunners, chose rather to withdraw themselves under Deck, than stand exposed to the danger of beholding them. For some time we sailed by the Coast of Curland by the favour of the Wind; but towards night it turned so contrary, that,  
On the 26. we were enforced to cast anchor by the Domeznez, which is a very dangerous Island, by reason of many Sand-banks that encompass it: for which cause there are constantly every night great fires made upon the Shores, for the direction of such as are at Sea. And here it was we had time enough to discharge ourselves of our provision, which was laid in but for six days, but what was remaining was so well managed by the Ambassador, we had wherewithal to subsist till we came on shore. For he retrenched his own Table, not only of superfluities, but necessaries, confining himself to one small meal in a day: true it is we had music enough to to supply our want of victuals. But most of us not being able to live upon Air and Wind like the Chameleons, were glad to eat such meat as the Captain of the Ship could furnish us with, which by misfortune at that time was almost all corrupted. A strange thing it was to find ourselves in a starving condition, in a Voyage only of an hundred Leagues, after we had past another of seven hundred and fifty, in great, plenty and abundance. We were in a straight for every thing, as well as fresh meat; Beer and fresh water amongst us were grown inestimable. And from hence it was, that his Excellence reserving for his own Table that small quantity of Beer he had left, he distributed freely to the greatest part of his Domestics, a good proportion of his Spanish Wine, which was to serve them instead of Beer. At first this Wine seemed to sweeten and alleviate the misery they were in, but they quickly found it an aggravation rather: for there was nothing almost excited thirst like it, and in a place where there was no possibility of getting any thing to assuage it. But by Providence it fared not so ill with our Shallop, for that no sooner observed the extreme violence of the Wind, but it returned immediately for Riga. And it was very happy it did so, otherwise it would have had much ado to have escaped the danger of a Storm that took us on the 28. at Night, which indeed was very terrible and extraordinary.  
The 29. the Wind being somewhat fallen, we weighed anchor, with design to endeavour the doubling the Cape of Domesnez, which we happily performed, and at night after a little calm the wind came about, and proved very favourable and propitious. So that besides Domesnez, we had the sight of several other Lands in this Voyage, as Runen, Abrick, and Ousel. And it is this multitude of Isles, that makes Navigation so difficult in the Baltic Sea, for from thence it comes, that they meet every moment with Rocks, or Shelves, or banks of Sand. And forasmuch as many Tacks must be made to avoid them, there is ordinarily a necessity of several winds to make a very small Voyage. Upon which consideration amongst others, his Excellence chose rather to ride three days at anchor before Domesnez, exposed to the extremities of the weather, than to return to Riga, and lose the advantage of the progress he had made already.  
The 31. we arrived at the Rocks, called the Shares, where we found a passage betwixt the high rocks, so straight, there was scarce room enough for our ship, so as we were in all points in distress. When we had past that place, we cast anchor, attending another Wind proper to carry us to Stockholm through the rest of the Rocks. In the mean time the Ambassador dispatched Mr. Mar●el his Secretary, and Mr. Taylor his Steward in the Boat to Stockholm, from whence we were then not above seven Dutch Miles, or fourteen French Leagues. The Secretary was sent to give notice of the Ambassadors arrival, and to inform himself at what time he was to make his Entry into the Town. Mr. Taylor was to prepare his House, and to make provision of Victuals, through scarcity of which, we were at this time reduced to some Extremity.  
The first of September we advanced some Leagues amongst the Rocks, which divided the Sea into several Channels, as they had been so many Rivers: And as the passages are very narrow, so we found several pieces of Ships that had been wrecked there. But that which seemed most strange to me was, that I observed most of these Rocks almost covered with trees, though I could not perceive any substance, that could give them Nourishment, and where their Roots could fasten; for there is nothing to be discerned, but solid matter and entire stone.  
The next morning betimes, the Master of the Ceremonies came aboard our Ship, to signify to the Ambassador from their Majesties, the King and Queen Mother, the satisfaction they received at his arrival. But before he could deliver his Compliment, we escaped ●ery narrowly from being cast away. For having weighed our anchors in the morning, to take advantage of the wind that was something favourable, the Pilot doubling a point to gain the greater benefit by it, the Vessel on a sudden ran so near the Rocks; the Pilot in a great fright was forced to tack immediately with all the dexterity he was able, which was not so great, but the Ship struck with her Poop as she was turning about. But by the Grace of God it was done without any other mischief than a concussion, that waked and affrighted too, all that were then asleep in the Ship. After this our Vessel was managed so well, that at length we gained the point that was so near destroying us, and came to anchor within a League of Stockholm. At this time the Master of the Horse, who was arrived the day before, came aboard the Man of war, ●o give an account to the Ambassador of his Voyage, and amongst the rest, of an accident ●efel one of his Coach-horses at Sea, which ●e had ordered to be thrown over board, being fallen ill, beyond any hopes of recovery. ●n the mean time my Lord Ambassadors Lady ●eing big with child, thought convenient to get ashore assoon as she could.  
The 8. of September the Ambassador made his Entry, where he received all possible expressions of an Amity extraordinary. True ●t is, there was not that Bravery and Ceremony as at his Entry at Moscow, but I dare affirm, there was much more Sincerity, Frankness, and Decorum. And whereas in that the Moscovites made demonstration only of their Grandeur and Vanity; The Swedes in this made no other expression, but of Kindness & Civility. Their Artillery, which is so dreadful in the wars, was become here the grateful Proclaimer of Peace and Affection, nothing being to be heard about the Town for an hour together, but the noise of their Cannon and great Guns. For assoon as the Ambassador had left the ship, and was entered with his Train into the Boats, that were sent him by the King, the Fregat gave us a whole round with his Cannon, and whilst we were making for the shore, they saluted him with many from land, so that they made a very strange clattering amongst the Rocks. As we passed along, we had the sight of a Diver, that came up out of a place twenty fathoms deep, into which they let him down out of a shallop with a Cord, to look for the Guns of a Man of War, that had been cast away there. He was clad all in leather, and sat under a certain Engine, something like a bell, in which he said himself, he had space enough to breathe, the water coming no higher than his breast. After this we came to a Bridge covered over with Carpets of Tapestry, at which place his Excellence was complemented from their Majesties by one of the principal Senators. And from thence he was conveyed in the King's Coach, to a House set a part for Ambassadors, Their Majesty's having joined several of their Gentlemen, Pages, and Footmen to his Train. The Liveries my Lord Ambassador had in this place, were new Liveries, brought him with several other goods by Mr. Watson to Riga; They were (like those which they wore at Moscow) of Scarlet cloth, the King of England's Colour, but trimed up after another fashion, according to the Mode at that time, and in all points very rich and handsome.   

Of the Ambassador's Residence at Stockholm.  
HIs Excellence having spent but five weeks in this Town, I shall not have many ●hings to speak upon occasion of this Embassy, ●he principal end whereof was to declare in ●he behalf of the King of great Britain, the sincere desire his Majesty had to enter into a ●ricter correspondence with the King of Swede●and. But before we enter upon this subject, ●t will not be improper to premise a word or too concerning this Court.  
The word Stockholm is properly the name of the Isle in which the City is built, which ●sland is called Stockholm, which signifies the ●sle of the Tronk or body of a Tree (Holme ●ignifying an Island and Stock the trunk of a Tree.) For the Capital City being burned of ●ld, they which laid the foundation of this did it (as they relate it) in this manner. They ●hrew the Trunk of a tree into the water, and resolved that at what Island soever the same Trunk first rested, in that place they would ●uild their Town, and the Trunk resting in ●his place, the Town was accordingly, built ●here and called Stockholm, as the Island also ●s. The Town is very compact but even with ●he suburbs is not altogether so big as Roven ●n France. The buildings are most of stone, yet some also of wood; Of the first sort there are several very magnificent, and amongst them that of General Wrangel, and the Chancellors. There are some parts of the Town which being built off from the Island, stand like parts of Venice upon piles, so that the Sea flows under them. The Palace hath nothing in it very remarkable, saving that it stands on the bank of the Sea, and has a fair prospect of several Ships that ride hard by, and the King's Men of War amongst the rest. But that which is most considerable in Stockholm is, that in so cragged and unpleasant a place, the people should be so courteous, and friendly, and that amongst so many Rocks and uninhabited Islands (which are as so many fortresses to the Town) we should find a Court so civil and benign. In Moscovie we had experience of the contrary, where in a Country pleasant & beautiful we found a people whose manner of living is very rude and austere; Whereas here in a place that seems to be the very refuse of nature, we found all manner of humanity and politeness. Besides the peculiar language of the Country, the nobility do with great industry addict themselves to the French, and indeed they speak it as freely as if it were their own. Their humour and manner of living has great affinity with the French also, they are free and open hearted, and no less affectors of Gallantry. As for their Religion they follow, as they do in Denmark, the doctrine of Luther.  
His Excellence being arrived at this Court, ●e was for three days entertained at the charges of the Swedish King, and on the third which was a Sunday, he had Audience from his Majesty. I shall not delay myself so much as to make any description of their Ceremonies, they being the same that are ordinarily used in other Courts of Europe. This only 〈◊〉 shall say in relation to the person of the King, that at that time he was not fully arrived at the ninth year of his age, and yet was at that age endued with all the perfections so young a Prince is capable of. He was very handsome, and had a certain kind of cheerfulness and alacrity in his Looks, that made all those that were present admire him. In short he is a young King, in whom all the heroic virtues of his Ancestors seem to revive. His hair was very light, his habit cloth of silver, with his cloak and sword, and a ●aire plume of white feathers in his hat. He stood before his chair of State under a Canopy with the Regent's of his Kingdom on each side of him, besides a great number of other of his Nobles. His Excellence, assoon as ●e approached, after his reverences, made this compliment to him, which the young Prince ●eceived with an admirable gravity and grace.  

Most Puissant and most Serene King.  
THe King my Master has sent me to Your Majesty to cultivate and celebrate the Friendship already happily established betwixt Your Majesties, to congratulate in His stead and partake of Your Majesty's present felicity, wishing You the same for the future, and to assure You, that wherein the affection of the King my Master may add to all Your blessings, He will no ways be wanting. And when His Majesty saith that He speaks not only of that present Amity of State betwixt You, He thinks friendship but narrow which is confined in Treaties, bu● He understands therewith a personal and most particular affection to Your Majesty an affection large and deep as the heart of Princes, without condition, without reserve, upon all occasions wherein H● may gratify Your Majesty. And even th● seeming lateness of these professions is s● far from any contrariety on his Majesty's part, that indeed He hath herein ●iven that precedence to this Embassy, ●hich the end hath over the beginning, to ●e first in intention though last in execution; and if there be any fault it must ●est wholly upon my misfortune, coming ●rom a climate and people where it costs 〈◊〉 much time to do nothing. But therefore I cannot but so much the more esteem ●e honour I now have to contemplate so ●reat a Monarch, who are in so young ●ars so accomplished a Prince, and as he ●●ce said of that little Hercules, 
Parvusque videri  
Sentirique ingens.  ●nd in so excellent a model represent all ●e magnanimity and grandeur of Your ●oyal Ancestors. I congratulate the happiness of Your Kingdom, for which it ●mes that God's Providence would, to 〈◊〉 the more exemplary, altar its usual maxim: and what he once threatened as a malediction, hath made it the greatest blessing of Your Subjects to have a Prince in His nonage to rule over them: And in conclusion, I profess and offer myself to Your Majesty as a most ready, willing, and (I hearty wish) as proper an instrument in all occasions to witness and approve his Majesty's most sincere and constant desires of a most perfect correspondence with Your Majesty, to Your mutual contentments and the further welfare of both Your Kingdoms.   
His Excellence having delivered himself in English with his hat on, his Secretary rendered what the Ambassador had spoken i● the following Latin.  

Domine Rex  
DOminus Rex meus ad Majestatem Vestra● me legavit, ut excolerem & concelebrare● amicitiam inter Majestates Vestras jam optim● auspiciis contractam, ut gratularer, & sua vi● participarem praesentem Majestatis Vestrae fel● citatem (eandem etiam in posterum augurando● utque Majestati Vestrae confirmarem, quod 〈◊〉 quo modo fortunis Vestris superaddere suo affectu, & contribueri possit, nulla in re Majestati Vestrae defuturam. Et quum Majestas sua haec dicit, non tantum de presenti publica inter Majestates Vestras & sua Regna societate loquitur, angustiorem illam amicitiam existimat quae foederum hactenus & tractatuum veluti cancellis circumscribitur. Sed intimam quandam & singularem benevolentiam innuit, benevolentiam quantum ipsa Regum corda effutissimam & profundam, sine conditione, sine limit, quâcunque in re Majestati Vestrae gratificare & commodare possit. Ne verò hoc tardius quam pro summo, quo Majestatem vestram complectitur honore profiteri videatur, hoc ipsum Majestati Vestrae honori datum est ut quo modo finis initia antecedit, ita haec ad Majestatem Vestram Legatio, posterior quidem Executione, sed meditamento & consilio prima existeret. Si autem alicubi hujus morae culpa residat, sola mea fortuna argui potest, utpote qui ab illa regione & gente recens adveniam ubi ad nihil agendum non nimori tempore opus Erat. Sed eò jam impensiùs mihi gratulor dum Majestatem Vestram tandem con●emplor, in tam tenerâ aetate jam consummatum Principem, de quo uti de parvo illo Hercule meritò dici potest.  
Parvusque videri  
Sentirique ingens  
Et in quo tanquam in perfectissimo modulo heroicam omnium Majorum Vestrorum magnanimitatem, caeteraque Regii tam animi quàm corporis lineamenta recognoscimus & videmus. Nec possum Regni Vestri fortunas satis laudare, quibus ut magis velisicetur, ipsa Divina Providentia cursum suum mutavit, & quod suo olim populo interminata est in summam subditorum vestrorum faelicitatem convertit faciendo ut Pupillus super eos regnaret. De caetero memet ipsum offero & profiteor uti paratissimum utinam & aptissimum instrumentum ad contestandum & approbandum omni occasione constantissimum & sincerissimum Majestatis suae vo●um perfectissimae, cum Majestate Vestra amicitiae & societatis ad mutuum Majestatum Vestrarum gaudium & quodcunque ulterius Regnorum Vestrorum emolumentum.   
After this Interpretation, the Count Magnus Gabriel de la Garde returned an answer in the Swedish language in the name of his Master the King, which answer was likewise rendered in Latin. He said the King his Master thought himself much honoured by so splended an Embassy, in which his Majesty of great Britain had done him the honour to salute him, and congratulate the felicity of his Government: That he also bore his part in the prosperity of the King of great Britain, and that on his side he should be always ready to entertain a nearer and more strict amity with him. And at length he intimated how great value and esteem the King his Master had for the person of the Ambassador.  
The next day my Lord Ambassador had audience of the Queen Mother in her own appartement. She is a Princess which, besides the graces of her mind, is no less embellished with the advantages of her person. She was under a Canopy before her Chair with several Ladies and Gentlemen of the Court attending her. His Excellence being advanced near, delivered his Compliment bare in this manner.  

Madam,  
THe King my Master hath laid a peculiar Command upon me to salute and congratulate Your Majesty on His behalf, both in respect of Your Quality ●s so great a Queen, and of Your relation ●o the Government of this Kingdom with which He is at amity, and of Your happiness of being Mother to a Prince his Friend, who makes already so great a part of the discourse, and hopes, as He will one day of the history of Christendom. His Majesty my Master rejoices extremely in the happy constitution of all Your affairs, and under God attributes it much to Your Majesty's Prudence, that in the conjuncture of so young a King, yet there is no possibility of other contention here, than that decent contest, whether You or the Kingdom have a greater share in Him. And his Majesty my Master offers himself as a third to foment so amiable a controversy, being resolved never to hold himself in neutrality through such blessed wars of friendship and affection, as in all other things, He saith he shall be most happy to witness the singular esteem and honour, that for all these reasons He bears to Your Majesty's person. The Qeen my Sovereign Lady hath charged me with all commands of the like nature to express how amorous and how great an admirer She is of Your Royal person and virtues, and most desirous of showing by all means the great honour She retains and cherishes for your Majesty, to whom I beg leave on mine own part to present all due honour and service.   
This Compliment his Excellency's Secretary immediately interpreted into French.  
My Lord Ambassador after this Audience employed most of that little time he had to stay in that Court, in bringing the Amity and Alliance between these two Crowns to a nearer and firmer Connexion. And this was the reason he had several conferences with the principal Ministers of that Kingdom both in public and private. Amongst other things he intimated the design the King his Master had to enter into a strict League with that Crown and the Kingdom of Danemark, he demonstrated the great advantages would accrue thereby, and that without doubt the security of the three Kingdoms of England, Swedeland, and Danemark would principally depend thereupon. That for this reason his Majesty of great Britain deputed two Gentlemen in quality of his Envoys Extraordinary, one to this Court, and the other into Danemark, to the end this affair might be brought to a happy Conclusion. The design was acceptable enough in this Court, which always expressed a great inclination of uniting themselves more strictly with the Crown of England. And as there seems to be naturally betwixt the two Nations of England & Swedeland, a kindness and propensity one to the other, so was it very material, that so good a principle should be actuated and employed, and that Art might give perfection to Nature.  
His Excellence interceded likewise in the behalf of several English Merchants and others, that either had there some business of concernment, or that desired some favour or other. And in this respect also my Lord Ambassador found this Court so favourable, that he was sooner weary of ask, than they were of gratifying his Lordship.  
There being at Stockholm three Residents, one from France, the other from Danemark, and the third from Holland, his Excellence had several Conferences with each of them, and treated them afterwards one after another with all honourable entertainment.  
In the mean time his Excellence had the honour to be regaled by their Majesties, the King and Queen Mother, in a most obliging manner, in a small Palace some few Leagues from Stockholm; where assoon as he was arrived, his Excellence was received with a Collation, and after he was shown all the Curiosities in the Castle, he was carried to Dinner with the King and the Queen Mother. The King drank to the Ambassador the King of England's health, but drinking it with more zeal than ordinary, and the glass being too ●ig, it happened he spilt a good part of the Wine upon his ; which put his Majesty so out of countenance, that he looked as he would willingly have drunk it again with more caution, if by that means he could have got that disaster forgotten. After Dinner his Excellence went a hunting in a fair Park well stocked with Deer. The King was there on Horseback also, and observing his Excellence scrupulous of shooting a large Deer that was within his reach, he asked him why he did not shoot, who answering, that a smaller Deer would be sufficient for him; the King replied he should take no care for that, if he left but one he might dispose of the rest as he pleased. At length his Excellence retired after a long chase, he being forced to shoot 2. or 3. times before the do would fall, and being of his own kill, it was sent immediately to his house.  
Some few days after there was a great Ball at which my Lord Ambassador was desired to be present: where we had opportunity to see the great Gallants of Stockholm, and the politeness of those that made the most glorious part of that Court. Two days after his Excellence had the curiosity to go & see the King greatest Men of War, which where then a Anchor near the Town, where indeed w● found his Majesty was very well provided This visit ended in a very fair collation which the Count Stenbock Admiral of Swedelan● made for his Excellence, in which he was entertained with Trumpets, Drums and Cannon. The next day his Excellence was treated again with extraordinary pomp by the Chancellor in one of his Country houses some mile● from Stockholm, in the Company of the principal nobility of that Court, where he received all possible demonstrations of the friendship and honour they bore to his person, every thing corresponding with his Dignity. As soon as he was arrived he was presented with the Collation & excellent music, after that he had the diversion for half an hour to see nine Earls run at the Ring in his presence with great agility and address. From thence he was attended to the Table, where he found enough to indulge every one of his senses, they remaining almost four hours at the Table. Amongst other things there was a noble concert of Violins, of Trumpets, Ketle-Drums, and at his departure of Cannon. And this Entertainment was the occasion of another the next day in the Ambassadors house, where his Excellence regalled the 〈◊〉 me Company again with all manner of rankness and civility.  
The 3. of October his Excellence and all his ●tinue were treated again by the English ●erchants residing in Stockholm. But this ●east was scarce over when there happened a ●atal Quarrel betwixt two of the Ambassadors Gentlemen, one of which was a German ●ollonel, whom his Excellence had received ●nto his Family at Moscow, in the quality of a ●entleman of his Train. The other that kil●ed him being of his acquaintance had lent ●im a considerable sum of money, with promise and expectation to have it suddenly repaid. The Colonel having been a prisoner ●ome time in Moscow, put himself with this ●oney into a good Equipage: but instead ●f repaying it, as he had promised, he ingratefully contented himself with giving him ●ll language from time to time. So as being ●oth of them present at this Feast, they took ●ccasion assoon as my Lord Ambassador was retired, to decide the controversy by the Sword. The Combat was fatal to the Colonel, who received his death's wound at the ●irst pass, and he which brought the first Tidings of it to the Ambassadors house, was ●he person himself that killed him, who not contented to triumph amongst us, went out ●nto the streets to declaim against his adversary, and publish the good office he had don● in exterminating a person that was not worthy to live amongst men. But however h● was satisfied with himself, he was presently apprehended in the midst of his exultation and clapped in Prison, whilst his Excellenc● (who was not yet acquainted with the accident) was taking his ordinary repose. Bu● the next morning, assoon as he was informe● of the business, his Excellence examined al● the circumstances himself, and finding by a● concurrence of evidence, that came in against the Colonel, that the other had received the injury in the Quarrel, he judged it a● good ground to discharge him of his imprisonment, who had run himself into it by his imprudence and indiscretion. It was deposed against the Colonel, that he was a quarrelsome person, of an ill life, that he had nothing but formal & exterior honesty, that he had cheated his adversary in matters of Importance, & that upon the demand of his money, he had provoked him to fight. This Evidence being confirmed, it was thought solid enough to justify the business in some measure, so as the Defendant was discharged, but out of respect to his Excellence he removed himself for some time from his attendance, and went into Danemark to stay there till we came.  
Mr. Henry Coventry being arrived at Stockholm in quality of Envoy Extraordinary from his Majesty of great Britain, who having sent 〈◊〉 Man of War to attend the Ambassador to ●openhagen, his Excellence prepared with all ●eed for his departure for Danemark. But ●efore his departure, his Lady was obliged to ●ake a Visit to the Queen, for though she had ●efore excused herself by reason of her being ●ith Child, yet the Queen expressed so great desire to see her, that she could no longer ●rbear paying her Majesty her respects in the ●alace. Her Ladyship had not been long with ●e Queen (who discoursed with her all the ●hile by the assistance of an Interpreter) but ●e King came in to salute her, and a while ●fter she took leave of both their Majesties.  
About this time the Ambassador had received noble present from the King, which was a ●edail of himself, with a rich Sword set ●ith diamonds round about the Hilt, and ●e pummel. For which cause his Excellence, ●hat he might in some sort make an acknowledgement of the value of the Present he received by the present he made to the Gentlemen ●ages, Musicians, and other of the King and queen's servants that had been employed ●bout his Excellence during the entertainment ●e had there since his arrival, he gave them ●ear a thousand Crowns in Ducats to be ●estributed according to their ranks. The marshal or Steward of the house had given ●im for his share in a silver purse threescore Ducats, he that introduced him to the Ceremonies had five and twenty in a purse of silver likewise, his Cupbearer and Carver and th● principal Gentlemen that attended her Ladyship in an apartement where she had a Tabl● by herself had each of them twenty Ducats i● a purse of silver, the rest was distribute● without purses.  
The 11. of October in the night, his Excellenc● took his leave of the King and Queen Mother, and this was the compliment which h● addressed first to the King in English.  

Sir,  
HIs Majesty having thus far satisfied by me the obligation due to that sincere Friendship betwixt the two Crowns, hath now commanded me hence. It was necessary He should command me, otherwise like those that observe the Stars, I might have forgot myself i● admiring your Luster, so pleasant hath i● been to me to see Your young Majesty sparkle among the Regent's, and make up with them the proper number of the Northern Constellation. I shall confirm his Majesty in all that he hath heard hitherto of Your Majesty's Greatness ●nd Virtues, in which I assure You none ●oth more rejoice and take part than his Majesty. And He hath in the mean time commanded me still to reiterate the same ●rofessions of a cordial and universal ●ffection and friendship toward Your Majesty. For mine own part I shall only ●esire this Character from Your Majesty, ●hat seeing the friendship betwixt Your Majesties was so great that it could not ●e augmented, however I have not diminished it. In Conclusion, I render mine ●wn thanks to your Majesty, entering however all Your Royal favours upon His Majesty's account, and shall hearty ●ray, that the same Amity may still last betwixt the two Crowns, the same Union ●ay always continue in your Majesty's counsel's, that your Majesty's Felicity and virtue's may still increase at the same proportion, and that the Triumphs of your Peace may surmount and outlast the Trophies of all your Ancestors.   
This afterwards was rendered in Latin in this manner.  

Domine Rex,  
QVum Majestas sua Dominus meus clementissimus mutuis amicitiae inter duas Coronas Officiis hactenus per me satisfecerit, Suo jam mandato accersor. Accersi hinc & revocari opus erat, ne quod Stellarum studiosis usu venit in splendore Majestatis vestrae contemplando semper defixus haererem, tantae volu●tatis fuit Majestatem vestram admirari, ut inter Regentes scintillet, & justum cum illis Septentrionum suorum Sydus ac numerum implere videatur. Majestati suae de Prosperitate & Virtutibus vestris omnia fi delissimè narrabo, quo nihil optatius aut jucundius Majestati suae potest accidere. Ego interim Majestatis suae jussu eâdem quâ prius asseveratione integerrimam & constantissimam suam amicitiam Majestati vestrae confirmo. Et qu●m ea sit inter Majestates Vestras mutua benevolentia ut augeri nequeat, sperabo saltem eam per me non esse imminutam. Majestati vestrae gratias de regiis suis beneficiis summas ago, quas quoniam ipse referre non possum, Regem etiam spondeo debitorem. Quod reliquum est Deum Optimum Maximum discessurus veneror, & precor ut eadem amicitia inter Majestates vestras & suas Coronas aeterna permaneat, ut idem animorum & consiliorum consensus in hoc suo Regimine perpetuetur, ut Majestatis vestrae Gloria & Virtutes paribus incrementis semper eodem modo assurgant, utque pacis vestrae Triumphi Majorum Vestrorum Trophaea excedere possint & superare.   
To this it was answered in Swedish and in Latin, That amongst the great marks his Majesty had received of the sincere Amity of his Majesty of great Britain, he esteemed it a particular one, that he had chosen his Excellence the Earl of Carlisle amongst all the Nobility of England for his Ambassador Extraordinary towards him. And having made reflection upon the Prudence and Dexterity which he had used to unite the Interests of the two Kingdoms of Swedeland and England, he hearty wished he might have had a longer enjoyment of his presence there. But seeing he was recalled by his Majesty of great Britain, the King of Swedeland thought himself obliged before his departure to give him assurances of his good affection towards the King of England. And lastly, he wished my Lord Ambassador a happy return into his own Country, and withal assured him, That he might be always very confident of his Favour.  
This Audience being ended, his Excellence was conducted towards the Queen Mother, of whom he took leave in these terms.  

Madam,  
BEing now upon my departure, I ought by commandment of his Majesty and likewise of the Queen, to represent again in the most lively and effectual expressions Their great Affection to your Majesty, and what part They take in your Majesty's Interests, the same with the Interests of the King and Kingdom. But as there are no words sufficient to depaint so real an affection, and being moreover obliged in his Majesty's name to give You thanks for all the Honours which in respect to Him your Majesty hath conferred upon me. I find now a decency even in my defects, and that my want of language hath been but a foresight of the King my Master, and a fit Compliment upon His part, seeing upon so extraordinary occasions as these, the boldest Eloquence would lose its Speech, and had I an hundred tongues I should be struck silent. Therefore I shall only pray for your Majesty's happiness and prosperity, and as the greatest part thereof for the health of the King Your Son, upon Whom all the joys and cares of your Majesty do so worthily centre. And wheresoever I go, but especially to Their Majesties, I shall make report of ●our Majesty's unparalelled Virtues, and shall myself preserve an immortal memory of all Your Royal Favours.   
This Compliment was also interpreted in French.  
Whilst the Ambassador was making this Compliment, there happened an accident ●hat surprised all the Company. For about ●he middle of his Speech where he saith, That the boldest Eloquence would lose its speech, his Excellence made a long pause, as ●f by that he had designed to have verified ●hat he had said. For my part at first I believed it was the sincerity of my Lord Ambassadors discourse that produced this effect, and that it being too great a task for him to represent to the Queen, the great honour his Master the King of England had for her, and the great sense himself had of the Favours which he had received from her Majesty, his Speech had failed him, according to that saying of Seneca, Curae leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent; Small cares may be expressed, great ones are unutterable. But when I saw the Secretary fall himself upon the same rock, and stop in the same place when he interpreted the Compliment in French, than I concluded the thing had been so contrived. At length both of them having recollected, they finished the Harangue, which in her Majesty's name was thus answered; That her Majesty was very much obliged both to the King and Queen of England by the new assurances of friendship, which his Excellence had given her in their behalf; That her Majesty desired his Excellence to testify to the King his Master with how much joy and satisfaction She received those declarations, and that for her part She would not fail to employ the utmost of her Care for the Religious conservation of the happy correspondence, which was now established betwixt the King of Swedeland her Son and his Majesty of great Britain; That She desired also, that he would signify to her Sister the Queen of England, with what zeal She honoured her Person and Virtues, and what delight She took in her prosperity; And lastly, That her Majesty was very well pleased with the generous Comportment of the Ambassador, and that she had a very great esteem of his Person and merits.  
His Excellence having taken his leave in this manner of their Majesties, he was conducted into a large dining Room, where in their Majesty's name he was treated with all kind of Magnificence and Pomp, in the Company of the principal Officers of the Court.   

Of my Lord Ambassadors Voyage from Stockholm to Copenhagen.  
THe long and tedious time his Excellence had spent amongst those Sons of Winter in the Court of Moscovy, constrained him to make but a short stay here, to the end he might return the sooner into England. And for this reason on the 13. of October, two days after he had taken his leave, his Excellence departed from Stockholm towards Denmark, And the wind serving very well for the beginning of our Voyage, he made all possible haste to embark in good time. And notwithstanding the Extremity of the cold, we travailed the whole night almost upon the water, that his Excellency might betimes reach the Man of War, which for a fortnight or three weeks had attended for him, about some ten Leagues from Stockholm. The next morning we embarked, and about evening the Master of the Ceremonies, and the Queen's Mareshal or Steward of her house, who had bare his Excellence company so far, took their leave after the best entertainment that could be made them there, amongst the thundering of the Cannon, of which the Captain of the Ship was not at all sparing. The Ship was called the Centurion, and had at least fifty Guns mounted, and an hundred and seventy Seamen; so that it was no easy matter for the most part of the Ambassadors Servants to find place convenient to lodge themselves. In the mean while the Coach and Horses being judged troublesome to be transported by Sea, they were dispatched away by Land, and arrived not at Copenhagen till after the Ambassador.  
In this posture we continued on board four days without power to departed, by reason his Excellency's goods, which were appointed to have followed immediately, made us lose the opportunity of the wind, by their arriving a day or two too late.  
The 18. of October the wind serving again we set sail, but the weather proved so misty and duskish, that we were constrained to cast anchor: however in the afternoon the clouds ●eing a little dispersed, we advanced three ●r four leagues, till at night we were forced ●o come to an anchor again. This Road is so dangerous by reason of the narrowness of ●he passage, and the multitude of Rocks in those parts (of which some are eminent above ●ater, others lie under or are at most but ●evel with the water) that besides the benefit of good weather, a good Conduct and ●are extraordinary is required, to avoid Shipwreck. For this reason the Captain took Pilots along with him from that very place, ●uch as had been used to convey Ships through that passage till they pass those rocks, ●hich from Stockholm to the Main-sea lie dispersed about four or five and twenty ●eagues together.  
The 19 day was so dark, that at first the Captain (a man of experience and Conduct as ●ell as Valour) would not suffer us to weigh anchor, though otherwise the wind was favourable enough. Nevertheless about nine 〈◊〉 clock in the morning, the day clearing up a ●ittle, my Lord Ambassador desirous to lose ●o opportunity prevailed with him so far as ●o set sail. About noon we thought we had mistaken our way; our Pilots surprised with ●he apprehension knew not which way to ●urn themselves, and the C●●●ain himself gave us all for lost, But at length we found ourselves happily near Lantsort, which we left on our right hand, and having dismissed our Pilots we arrived at the Main-sea.  
On the twentieth in the morning leaving Gotland on our left hand, we came within sight of the Isle of Bornholm on the 21. and on the 22. we came to an anchor in the evening betwixt two Islands about twelve leagues from Copenhagen. The principal divertisement we received all this Voyage was given us by a couple of tame Bears, which we brought with us from Moscow. One of them was so gentle, that one might beat him or play with him as with a Spaniel, for he managed his teeth and his claws with that carefulness and dexterity, that he never did any body hurt. And having been taught to wrestle, he in a short time attained to perfection in it, and took great delight in that recreation. The other that was something the bigger of the two was of another humour and quality, his pleasure was to suck people's fingers, insomuch that to endear one's self to him, there was no more to be done but to put one's finger into his mouth (which was very often done) and suffer him to suck it, as if it were a Teat. Sometimes he would by't a little, or give a pat with his foot if one passed by upon the Deck without treating him in that manner. This puts me in mind of what certain Naturalists have observed of this kind of Animal, namely, that they delight very ●uch in sucking, and that being in the win●er time reduced to any great necessity, they ●ustain themselves by sucking their own claws, ●nd make the same supply the defect of other ●ood. Besides these two Bears we had two ●ild Cats, one of which had been presented ●o the Ambassador at Stockholm. Their size ●as as big as that of a good Dog, & their skins spotted almost like that of a Leopard, but ●hey were extremely fierce and dangerous.  
The 23. the wind was contrary till night, 〈◊〉 which we made five or six leagues by Moonlight, after which we thought fit to ●ast anchor, that we might avoid the Shelves ●hat were about us. On the 24. the Sea was ●overed with so thick a mist, and agitated ●ith so great a storm, that it was judged best ●or us to lie at anchor all that day.  
The 25. the fogs being dispersed we finished the rest of our Voyage so happily, that ●e came to an anchor about ten of the clock ●efore Copenhagen, which we saluted immediately with twelve pieces of Cannon. About ●alf an hour before we came to anchor, we discovered a Dutch Man of War passing on ●er way for Holland. For some time she ●ould not strike her Flag, which nettled our captain so, that he gave order seven or eight ●ieces of Cannon should be loaden with bullets to give them admonishment of their duty. And whilst he was attending till the Hollander came within shot before he gave fire, we perceived them take it down as we were just at an anchor. A quarter of an hour after the Dutch Vessel passed by our Ship and saluted us with five piece of Cannon, which our Captain returned with three of those he had laden with bullet, which he ordered to be shot over them into the Air. The Hollander after that gave us three more, which we answered again with one, and so we parted. After this the Ambassador sent his Secretary into the Town, to give notice of his arrival, and to carry his Credentials to the Chancellor. Whereupon the King sent his Vice-Admiral the same night, to let his Excellence understand, with how much joy he received the news of his arrival, and withal to assure him that he might make his Entry the next day into the City. At the same time Sir Gilbert Talbot, who was but lately arrived in that Court from his Majesty of Great Britain in the Quality of Envoy Extraordinary, came also to salute his Excellence. The Vice-Admiral & the Envoy came together in a very fair Barge, in which, being it was night, the Ambassadors Lady took the opportunity to go with them into the Town. And though it was very late, and our Ship at anchor about two leagues from the shore, her Ladyship chose rather to expose herself for some time to the darkness of the night, than to run the hazard of being brought to bed on Shipboard.  
The next day we were very near being cast away in the very harbour. For we struck ●o desperately upon the ground, that instead of making our solemn Entry into the Town, we had much ado to save our Vessel from a Wreck. After we had weighed anchor about noon to come up to the Town according to the Vice-admirals' Orders (who had sent us two Pilots for that purpose from Copenhagen) we were so ill steered by them, that we ran on ground immediately, and that with such violence, that our Ship was above a foot deep in the sand. Whereupon the Captain ordered our sails to be furled and two piece of Cannon to be shot off, to give notice of our Condition to the Town. A while after which the Vice-Admiral himself arrived with some Boats full of Anchors and Cables, by means of which good office we disengaged ourselves by that time it was night, and came to seven fathoms water. And if on the one side the Malevolence or neglect of those two Danish Pilots was so dreadful, on the other side we found the Heavens favouring us exceedingly in sending us a Calm on a sudden, after a violent and impetuous wind that had blown very hard till then, so that we came off without any other hurt than a great affrightment. And indeed had the wind continued as strong as it had been before, in all appearance there had been no saving of our Ship, and perhaps we should have had much ad● to have saved ourselves; whereas by the propitiousness of this unexpected Calm, both we and our Vessel were delivered from this great danger. His Excellency's Entry however was put off till the next day, by reason the Ambassador of France (Mr. de Treslona Knight of Maltha) who was lately arrived at Copenhagen, and was not as yet removed from the House reserved for Ambassadors, since he made his Entry. And upon this score it was, that the Vice-Admiral was dispatched to his Excellence to excuse this delay.  
On Thursday the 27. of October my Lord Ambassador made his solemn Entry with great Magnificence. And if from thence a judgement might be made of their Friendship to his Majesty of great Britain, we might without all scruple conclude, that the Amity of this Court in that respect exceeded the affection of the Swedes. In the first place two noble Galleys and a Galliot came to receive his Excellence and his Train: for the wind was come about so cross, that it was impossible to get our Ship up into the Harbour. Assoon as my Lord and his Attendants were entered into the Galleys, our Ship gave us twenty Guns, and in an hour and an halfs time we arrived in the Harbour, where we ●aw his Majesty's Men of War with all the glory of their Flags and Streamers displayed. There were twenty pleasure Boats also very ●ell furnished to receive his Excellence and ●is Train in the Harbour, and in these Boats ●e made our Entry to the Town; The Footmen first, than the Pages and Gentlemen, ●fter them my Lord Morpeth, and next my ●ord Ambassador accompanied by the Vice-Admiral and the Master of the Ceremonies. ●n this manner our Boats following one another in a File cross the whole Harbour, we ●ad the opportunity as we passed to survey a ●reat number of the King's Ships very nobly ●quiped, and to hear the noise of the Cannon saluting his Excellence as he went by, every ●ne of them being laden with bullet. At last we landed at a place which they had covered with Tapestry and in which his Excellence was complemented from his Majesty. That done, he went into the King's Coach which was there ready to attend him, and was conducted to the House of Ambassadors, where we continued during our Residence in this Court.   

Of my Lord Ambassador's Residence a● Copenhagen.  
COpenhagen stands upon the Sea, and though it be not naturally so strong, no● of that circumference as Stockholm, yet it i● artificially well fortified, and (the Country being plain) of a much better Situation. There is a Canal that hath no more stream than there is before Stockholm, yet it is deep enough for some Merchant's ships to ride therein safely. The Palace hath nothing worth the Description, only there is a Tower which is very considerable for its height, but especially for its ascent, which being paved (so broad that a Coach might easily be drawn up and turned at the top) riseth insensibly without stairs. This Tower was built for the use of the Astronomers, out of which there is a fair Library erected by the side of it. From hence are several marks of the last Swedish Leaguer to be seen, especially on a Steeple hard by, which was so battered by their Cannon, that the King to perpetuate the Memory of that Siege hath ordered the holes of the several shot to be gilded over with Gold. I could insert other Curiosities likewise that are to be seen in Copenhagen, but my desig● not being to give an exact Description of such things as are so well known, I shall satisfy myself in giving this short Character of ●he Court. That if the Swedish Court hath a ●reat resemblance with the French humour, ●his hath much more the Genius of the Ger●an; and that if the former be more frank ●nd active, these are more solid and of better invention. The Danish Language differs not ●o much from the Swedish, but that the people ●an easily understand one another. And as ●or French, the Nobility of Denmark are as industrious and diligent in learning it, as those ●f the Court of Sweden.  
Being arrived at this Town his Excellence ●as treated (as at Stockholm) three days at ●he King's charge, and had his Audience on ●he third. The Ceremonies were all in the ●ame fashion as in the Court of Sweden, and ●here being no Present to be made here more ●han was there, his Excellence had no more ●o do, but to make his Compliment from the ●ing his Master. The King of Denmark appeared to us very grave and Majestic, and ●f a large Stature. He was booted à la Cavalier, and though he was then at least three●ore Years old, yet he scarce looked to be ●fty. He had a Sword by his side, a long Coat ●overed with broad Gold and Silver lace, and 〈◊〉 noble Plume of white Feathers in his Hat. ●e stood under his Canopy with five or six ●f his chief Ministers of State on one side of him, and in the midst of the Hall some ten o● twelve of the Life-Guards. The Ambassador being come into the Hall made him a lo● Reverence, and the King saluted him against and when he was come up near him, unde● his Canopy of State, he put on his Hat at th● same time his Majesty put on his, and delivered his Compliment in these Terms.  

Sir,  
AMong so many Prerogatives of th● highest Fortune, yet Prince's hav● one disadvantage, that They can seldo● attain to that reality and intimacy which we may see among private Persons. The equality of their Sovereign Power exposeth them to perpetual Competitions, the Interest of their People obliges them to a constant Jealousy, an● even the Fidelity and Prudence of the● Ministers seems rather made to entertain them in mutual Cautele and Suspicion, than in perfect Friendship. B● betwixt the King my Master and Your Majesty it is all otherwise, & You are perhaps the only two Princes in Christendom, ●ho in so great a nearness yet can never ●ustle. And having betwixt You all the ●ndearments of which private Persons ●re capable, Your Royalty only inclines ●nd inables You to cultivate and express ●hem in a more honourable manner. ●hat Subjects of one King could ever ●ve so peaceably and kindly together as ●hose two Excellent Princes, His Majesty's Grandfather and Your Majesty's ●ather, by Whom those bonds of Hospitality and Consanguinity were so closely ●oven betwixt You, visiting one the ●her in their Kingdoms as familiarly as neighbour's in the same City, and taking munsel together as confidently as Bro●ers in the same Family. And ever ●ce what mutual good Offices, what ●mmunication of Counsels have there ●en betwixt both Kings, both in adverse ●d prosperous fortune (with so much constancy especially on Your part in that most turbulent storm of the English Monarchy, that His Majesty must keep it in a most grateful and eternal memory) and so universal a sympathy upon all occasions, that all Antiquity would be troubled to furnish a parallel for so golden and real a Friendship! And as the bonds of reciprocal Obligations and those animated ligaments of Blood and Nature have knit both Your Majesties in the most refined union, so as to the grosser interest of Commerce and Navigation, 〈◊〉 may say without a similitude, that i● hath been moored on both sides even with anchors and cables betwixt the People Therefore those affairs having bee● regulated and constituted at the time 〈◊〉 the Extraordinary Embassage sent by Your Majesty to England, His Majesty hath now sent me to return that honour and obligation, and to assure Your Majesty that as He shall most faithfully observ● that inviolable League then perfected b● the prudence of Your Ambassador, betwixt ●our Majesties, so shall He most gladly approve on all occasions to Your Majesty, ●hat ancient radicated and private affection, which hath from Your Ancestors hitherto flourished so happily betwixt ●ou. His Majesty is only troubled, that ●hat by the composition of his own affairs and what by my slow arrival this office is performed later to Your Majesty. ●ut He hopes your Majesty will consider, ●hat however the Embassy was then sent ●hen his Letter was first subscribed, ●nd that to recompense and excuse my necessary delay, He hath taken care to apply it in the mean time by his Extraordinary Envoyè, who (I doubt not) according to his great abilities and ●ffection hath already herein sufficiently yformed Your Majesty. So that I need ●y nothing more at present than at the beginning, that as both Your Majesty's sovereign Power is free from all shock ●nd competition, and your People's mutual Interest dispenses you from al● suspicions and jealousy; so I even out o● fidelity to the King my Master, beside mine own proper inclination, find my sel● bound to contribute all things toward the entertainment and certainty of th● most perfect Friendship betwixt your Majesties, and shall make it my business to give all the real proofs and testimonies thereof, during the time allotted me for this Employment.   
This Speech was rendered into Latin after this manner;  

Domine Rex,  
INter tot summae fortunae Ornamenta hoc tamen incommodi Principibus adhaeret, quòd rarò ad intimam illam & apertam animorum communicationem aspirare possint, quam inter tenuioris sortis homines saepius observamus. Regii enim illa fastigii paritas perpetuâ ferè aemulatione concurrit, diversae ut plurimum Subditorum rationes aut studia etiam Dominos trahunt, & ipsa ministrorum suorum pruden●ia & fides ad cautelam potiùs & suspicionem quàm ad amicitiae inter Reges simplicitatem facere videntur. Inter Regem autem Dominum meum & Majestatem Vestram res aliter omninò sunt comparatae, & soli forsitan estis ex Europae Principibus quorum neuter in tantâ vicinitate alterius liminibus obstruat. Sed quum omnia quae etiam privatos conciliant benevolentiae & charitatis irritamenta, inter Majestates Vestras intercedant, suprema Vtriusque Potestas hoc tantum efficit, ut majori cum dignitate & fructu mutuam amicitiam exercere & excolere possitis. Si enim felicissimam Majestatis suae Avi & Majestatis vestrae Patris memoriam replicemus, quorum auspiciis hospitalitatis & consanguinitatis jura inter Majestates Vestras propius coaluere, nullius unquam Principis Subditi tam unanimes & concordes quantum ipsi illi Reges fuerunt. Eâdem familiaritate quâ Cives in eâdem urbe in Regnis suis se mutuò inviserint, nec minori cum fiduciâ in commune consulebant quàm fratres in eâdem familiâ. Quae deinceps officiorum reciprocatio, quae communicatio consiliorum, quae prosperorum & adversorum inter Angliae & Daniae Reges societas permansit? (tali praecipuè ex Vestrâ parte constantiâ in turbidissimâ illâ Regni Anglicani procellâ, ut istud gratissimâ & aeternâ memoriâ Majestas Sua retineret) tantus denique animorum urdequaque consensus, ut neque ex ultimâ antiquitate tam sincerae, constantis, & aureae amicitiae exemplum eruere possimus. Et uti beneficiorum mutui nexus & animata illa sanguinis & naturae vincula purissimâ unione Majestates Vestras illigarunt, ita quo ad Populorum communionem utramque Nationem crassioribus navigationis & commerciorum nodis, tanquam rudentibus & anchoris obstrictam & inter se contextam videmus. Quum autem publicae illae utriusque Populi rationes tempore extraordinariae à Majestate Vestrâ Legationis optimè constituta fuerint, Majestas sua Dominus meus clementissimus per me eundem Legationis honorem & officium Majestati Vestrae nunc reddere & perfolvere voluit; Et Majestati Vestrae per me testatum facere se non solum summâ fi de perseveraturum in sanctissimo illo foedere inter Majestates Vestras Extraordinarii Vestri Legati operâ & prudentiâ confecto, sed etiam omni occasione Majestati Vestrae approbaturum esse antiquum, innatum, & singularem illum affectum qui ab Augustissimis Vtriusque Majoribus propagatus inter Majestates Vestras hactenus religiosissimè conservatur. Hoc unicum Majestatem suam malè habet, quòd propter urgentissima sua negotia & tardiorem nostrum adventum seriùs aliquantò hoc officium reciprocare potuerit. Sperat tamen Majestatem Vestram reputaturam Legationem hanc jam inde missam quum primum Literas mihi ad Majestatem Vestram dederit, utque necessariam nostram moram meliùs compensare & excusare posset, Se interea per Ablegatum Extraordinarium curasse. Neque dubito quin Dominus Ablegatus Extraordinarius pro suâ prudentiâ & optimo affectu Majestati Vestrae hâc in re abundè satisfecerit. Ità ut supervacaneum omnino foret in praesens aliquid addere; nisi, sicut in Principio orationis dixi, Regiam Vtriusque dignitatem hoc ipso Majestates Vestras melius conciliare, & communes Subditorum Vestrorum rationes ab omni invidiâesse sejunctissimas, ità me Majestatis suae Ministrum praeter propriam animi nostri propensionem, etiam pro fide quam Majestati suae debeo, omnia contributurum ad certitudinem ad declarationem perfectissimae suae cum Majestate Vestra amicitiae, & quo ad hîc manebo totam in ejus argumentis & testimoniis operam nostram & tempus collocaturum.   
After this was done, the Chancellor of Denmark in the Name of his Master made a reply, which was turned into Latin also. Amongst other things, he declared the sense his Master had of the great Expressions of kindness which he had received from his dear Friend and Ally, the King of Great Britain; That there was nothing his heart was more inclined to, than to entertain a happy Correspondence with him, and that he would be always ready to embrace a Conjunction of Interests with the King of England. Lastly, that his Majesty was very well satisfied with the Abilities and Affection of his Excellence, and that he might assure himself of his Royal favour, and Good will. In the mean while, the King and the Ambassador observed one thing punctually (as had been done in Sweden) that every time the word Majesty was pronounced in English, Danish, or Latin, both the one and the other pulled off their hats, and afterwards put them on again at the same time exactly.  
After the King's answer was made, his Excellency's Son, and all the Gentlemen went in order, to make their Reverence to his Majesty; and that done, his Excellence was conducted towards the Queen, whose Character is very well expressed in the Compliment the Ambassador made her, with his head uncovered, which was interpreted in French.  

Madam,  
THe King my Master hath commanded me to wait upon Your Majesty, and in His Majesty's Name to make to You all the most entire professions of Friendship, Affection and Esteem which are due to so Great a Queen, so near a Kinswoman, and so admirably accomplished a Princess. But, seeing it is impossible to execute those commands worthily and to the full, unless His Majesty could not only imprint His Character upon me, but inspire me too, with his great Soul and Royal Understanding. I must beg Your Majesty's pardon, if I fall short, where His Majesty's sense is so far above expression, and Your own Perfections are so ineffable. Therefore I shall only in my ordinary and safer way, assure Your Majesty, that no Prince in Christendom doth interess Himself more in your Majesty's health and prosperity than the King my Master. And no less the Queen, who as She makes His affections the rule and model of Hers, hath yet moreover a singular affection and admiration of Her own for your Majesty, hath commanded me to express how much She regards and loves you, considering your Heroical Person, as the Example of Queens, and Glory of Women. After which, whatsoever of thoughts or words can remain to myself, wherein to testify mine own great Veneration and Service to your Majesty, I shall consecrate to your Fame upon all occasions, but present them to yourself involved rather in a most devout and respectful silence.   
To which, in the name of the Queen received an answer with expressions of her acknowledgement and affection.  
From thence the Ambassador was conducted towards his Royal Highness the Prince Christian, who was at that time about eighteen years of age: To whom his Excellence made this Harangue with his hat on.  

Sir,  
THe King my Master hath commanded me particularly to wait upon your Royal Highness: And as He professes a signal obligation to His Majesty your Father, that according to the old familiarity and kindness betwixt the two Kings of England and Denmark, He was pleased so lately to intrust so great a Pledge as your Royal Highness with Him; so He desires you to believe, That in that your too short stay with Him, He nevertheless took such true Impressions of your Royal Highnesses most Hopeful, Virtuous and Princely Disposition, that, were there not all those other Obligations of Friendship, Kindred, and Confederacy betwixt Him and the King your Father, He should for your own sake have a most Sincere and Personal Friendship, Kindness and Esteem for your Royal Highness, and accordingly wishes you all the happiness and health as to Himself, and offers Himself upon all occasions to manifest His Royal inclinations and hearty affection towards your Royal Highness. For mine own part, I shall from this present, as I was from the first minute I had the honour to see you, desire to be entered into the list of your Highness' servants.   
To which his Highness returned his Answer himself in two or three words.  
After which, his Excellence Complemented Prince George in his own appartement; he is a handsome young Prince of great hopes, and who is now much about fifteen or sixteen years of age. This was the Compliment his Excellence made him by Command from the King his Master.  

Sir,  
THe King my Master hath given me particular order to wait upon your Highness from Him, as well out of Affection as Curiosity. For, whereas your Highness being the second Son of Denmark hath thereby a very just title to His Majesty's Affection, so he having heard so much of you, as of a most accomplished Prince in so tender an age, was very curious to know the truth of it. I am most happy in this occasion to be able to certify His Majesty, with how much reason Fame hath said what she hath of you, and I assure your Highness, that his Majesty will take great interest and pleasure in it, and desire nothing more than to be a witness thereof Himself, by seeing you one day in his Court, as you are already in His heart. For mine own particular, I am perfectly your Highness' most humble servant.   
The answer that was returned in the name of the Prince, contained Expressions of his Acknowledgements and Respect for the King of England; and towards the latter end the Prince gave his Excellence particular thanks, and an assurance of his favour.  
And now as to those things that concern my Lord's transactions in that Court during the small time we continued there, after the first Audience, I shall speak first (as I did in my description of the second Embassy) of the Ambassadors Negotiation, next of his Entertainment, and last of all, of the most considerable passages that happened besides, during the seven week's time his Excellence remained in that Court.  
About this time it was, that preparations were making on all sides for that unhappy War, which so long afflicted both England and Holland, and filled all Europe with the noise of it. In order whereunto, the Estates of Holland and the rest of the United Provinces inclining to the interest of France, did at the same time endeavour to have joined the Forces of the Crown of Denmark with their own. The King of England on the other side, laboured as much to get the Crowns of S d en and Denmark over to himself. The management of which affair, was the province of Mr. Coventry in Sweeden, and of ●r. Gilbert Talbot in Denmark, who before ●he Ambassadors arrival had made some progress in the business. Whence likewise it ●as his Excellencies principal Employment, ●uring his residence there, to bring the proposed League to a happy conclusion, & to contribute every thing that might conduce there●nto. True it is, that according to the general opinion, it would have been a great ●ngratitude in the Dane, who had received ●o great assistances from the Hollander in his ●te troubles with Sweeden, to have not only abandoned his Alliance with the Estates, but ●pposed them in this occasion, by a conjunction with England. But, considering all the ●anner in which the Estates comported themselves at that time, even the Danes ●hemselves thought they had reasons enough ●o have justified such a desertion. But to pass ●y this gloss, I shall here only insert some ●ew Informations, which the King of Den●arks Commissioners delivered to the Ambassador upon certain points which he desired might be explained before his departure, ●or the greater facilitation of the treaty which ●r. Gilbert Talbot had begun. For though ●he business succeeded not, and all things ●ent contrary, by reason the Dane not being ●ble to come to any agreement with the ●weed, sided at last with the Dutch, yet it will not be superfluous to give some small prospect of the proceed of Denmark in this Conjuncture.  
And first of all the King of Denmark● Commissioners declared, that his Majesty would without any difficulty enter into a particular Alliance with Sweden, especially if it were done by the interposition of the King of Great Britain, with whom he was so nearly allied, that he could not conceive any thing would be recommended by him, bu● what would be effectually for the advantage of the Crown of Denmark; according to hi● Excellencies declaration, That his Master● would not endeavour to bring the Swede to any conditions, that should be to the prejudice of his Majesty of Denmark. And that i● this confidence, he was very willing the King of England should negotiate a Confederacy with the Crown of Sweden as strict as hi● own affairs did require, and with as much advantage to himself as was possible. An● that furthermore for the better success in th● League which the King of England desired t● establish betwixt the Crowns of Denmark England, and Sweden, his Majesty conceived that one of the most necessary points wa● that the Swedes should be brought to aba● and retrench in some measure in the Privilege they enjoyed of being exempt fro● Gabels and Customs in the Sound, and t● condescend that all Tolls in that place might ●n respect of the Hollander, be restored to the condition wherein they were in the Year 1642. ●o the end, that the three Kingdoms of Denmark, England, and Sweden might manage ●heir Commerce for the future with equal advantage. But if this Proposition should not be accepted by the Crown of Sweden, ●he Commissioners declared, that the King ●heir Master left it to the judgement of his Majesty of Great Britain what other means ●ight be used to accomplish the Union proposed, and whether it would not be convenient to offer the Swedes a proportionable sum of money for the resignation of ●heir Privilege, and to give them sufficient security for the sum that should be so offered and accepted.  
They thought it necessary moreover, that ●he Subjects and Ships of the three Kingdoms might reciprocally trade into the Ports of each King, with the same Privileges as the inhabitants of the same Country, without any difference or limitation. And without doubt ●his equality would have been of great importance for the conserving the three Kings ●n a perfect and perpetual Union.  
Besides this his Majesty of Denmark judged ●t expedient, that it should not be lawful for either of the three Kings to permit the Traitor's or Rebels of the two other or either of them to have any shelter or protection in their Kingdoms, and that the same rule should be observed toward such Subjects as should convey themselves out of the Dominion of their Masters without his consent.  
To that which related to the exemption of the Subjects of his Majesty of Great Britain from paing Toll at the Passage into the Sound (as was proposed by his Majesty to the King of Denmark) The Commissioners gave his Excellence to understand, that the Registers of the Gabels of the Sound having been examined, how the same had been paid from time to time by all Nations trading into those Seas, and particularly by the English, they had found that his Majesty of Denmark could not demand less than an hundred and twenty thousand Rixdollers (or Crowns) yearly, to exempt the King of England's Subjects from the payment of Tolls at their passage into the Sound. And that the King of Denmark would reserve the right of Sovereignity which he pretends to there, entire to himself, without any prejudice directly or indirectly by this Compact.  
As to the design his Majesty of great Britain had to join with the King of Sweden in removing and turning the trade from Archangel, and bringing it through the Sound; The King of Denmark answered by his Commissioners, that when he understood upon what conditions and terms the King of En●land would join himself with the Swede in pursuance of this design, his Majesty would ●eclare himself more largely thereupon, and ●ive manifest Evidence of his Inclination to promote as much as possible the Commerce ●f the Subjects of his Majesty of Great Bri●ain. And that only in case the Proposal ●efore mentioned did not succeed: Otherwise the generality of the English Commodity's which pass thorough the Sound, would ●ot have need of any other Privilege. But 〈◊〉 case that should not be admitted, it might ●t least be accommodated by a particular transaction touching the manner in which the Toll was to be paid in the Sound, for all such Commodities as should be brought from Moscovy that way. The Commissioners declared further as to what concerned the Proposition about Moscovy, that his Majesty of Denmark was not in any particular League ●ith that Crown, and that there was then ●ome differences depending betwixt them ●bout their Limits, where the Frontiers of ●orway are adjacent to the Dominions of the ●zar.  
As to that part which related to the sum ●f money which the King of Denmark should ●emand in case he set out a Fleet for the service of his Majesty of England, The Commissioners made answer, that the King their Master intending to set out twenty Men of War at the beginning of the Spring, with nine hundred and fourscore or a thousand pieces of Cannon, and five thousand good Seamen and Soldiers besides Officers, it would be necessary, that five and twenty thousand Crowns extraordinary should be paid him at least, besides what charges he should be forced to be at himself to maintain them at Sea.  
In short, the King of Denmark insisted, that his Majesty would endeavour that the King of Sweden should declare himself as to the Union proposed, and that nothing should be transacted in this matter without his knowledge and consent.  
And this being all we have to say of the Ambassadors Negotiation, it follows that we say something of his manner of Entertainment in this Court, which was almost the same as at Stockholm in Feasts and Treatments. For, besides the Entertainments of the three first days after his arrival, (which some charged of having somewhat in them of the Bacchanalian air) there were several other feasts, as particularly, when his Excellence treated Mr. de Treslon the French Ambassador, of whom I have spoken before. From which time there was so great a friendship betwixt the two Ambassadors, as would have made one admire to behold the extraordinary frankness and civilities which passed between them. They visited one another very frequently, and that by surprise sometimes, and treated one another with all imaginable Respect and Courtship. Mr. Treslon being the first of the two at Copenhagen, made the first Visit to my Lord Ambassador, who met him at the outward Gate next the street, giving him the precedence and right hand whilst he was in his house, which was likewise observed by the French Ambassador when his Excellence visited him, and this was the common reception they used to one another. The business of that Embassy from the King of France was for the consummation of a League, which was in transaction betwixt that King and the King of Denmark. And it extended no further, than a bare treaty of Amity for the security of both the Allies, and (as my Lord Ambassador was assured) aimed not at the prejudice of any Prince, much less of the King of Great Britain, who was expressly comprised therein, and might have been received into the Alliance if he pleased himself. Mr. de Treslon stayed in this Court not above three weeks, and on the fifteenth of November he departed from Copenhagen for Stockholme, where he had another Embassy to make from the King his Master. But besides the feasting that was occasioned by the intimacy of these two Ambassadors, there was one more than ordinarily remarkable on the seventeenth of November, which was at the Christening the child of my Lady Ambassadress, who was brought to bed about a fortnight before of a Son. It was Christened by the King, the Queen, and his Royal Highness, and was named Frederick Christian, on a Sunday at night in the House where his Excellence resided. As soon as our Chaplain had administered the Baptism according to the Liturgy of the Church of England, the King went to salute my Lady Ambassadress in her Chamber, which was near the Room where the Infant was Baptised. The Queen accompanied the King in this Visit, his Royal Highness with the two Princesses his Sisters & several Ladies of the Court following them. There were several of the chief Ministers of State came in also to congratulate her Ladyship upon her happy delivery. From this Visit their Majesty's past into a large Room, where his Excellence had prepared a Noble and Magnificent Collation for them. The King would not sit down, but choose rather to stand on one side of the table, as her Majesty did also on the other, with the Prince Christian and the two Princesses. His Majesty continued bare all the while, drinking several Healths with the Ambassador and other great Persons of his Court, amongst which, the Lord Treasurer (who had been lately his Ambassador to the King of England) was one. My Lord Morpeth, his excellence's Son, entertained the Queen all the time, his Excellence taking only now and then opportunity to address himself to her Majesty. The Gentlemen and Pages that were attending on his Majesty were in the same Room, where they also had their share of this Entertainment as well as the rest of the more inferior servants who remained in the Court below. At length after about half an hours time, his Majesty retired with the Ambassador waiting upon him. Three days after his Excellence treated his Royal Highness again very sumptuously, and after dinner, His Highness was pleased to divert himself in dancing some hours with his Excellence and his principal Gentlemen. Besides these Collations and some others which I pretermit, his Excellence had two or three day's recreation in hunting the Hare with his Royal Highness. At other times he took a survey of whatsoever was most remarkable in the City, and amongst other things the Arsenal, and some other magazines for their Anmunition & Instruments of War. At our entrance into the Arsenal, which we found very fine and in good order, we were surprised at first, to see a Coach passing before us, as it were by a peculiar motion of its own: but the motion was performed by wheelwork with a kind of rudder to steer it. For which purpose, there were two men placed secretly within it, one to turn the wheels (which was the reason it moved) and the other to manage the Stern. They shown his Excellence the Rarities also in the King's Palace, which were several very curious pieces of Mechanics, besides many Curiosities brought from the remotest Countries. The Rareties were disposed in five or six several appartements on one floor, and indeed were the only observable things almost we saw in that Palace. Amongst other things, in one of these appartements we had a sight of an excellent piece of Art, which was a little Ship, ready rigged, whose Mast, Ladders, Sails and Cannon were all of Ivory. But his Majesty having a particular desire to caress his Excellence, he thought good to show him his Palace at Frederixburgh which without contradiction is is a most magnificent and exact Pile.  
In the mean time, the King had the Curiosity to go and see the Man of War which brought his Excellence from Stockholm, and was then at Anchor in the Harbour attending his departure. This Visit being made of a sudden, and in the absence of the Captain and the greatest part of the other Officers of the Ship, the Seamen were at no small loss to receive his Majesty as he ought to have been. Nevertheless that hindered not but his Majesty left some tokens of his being there, by a considerable Present which he sent to the Captain and all the Seamen. The Captain at his return, being desirous to publish his Majesty's generosity, thought he could not do it any ways more remarkably than by firing his great Guns, which though in the Night, he discharged so freely at his return to his ship, that the noise gave the Town an alarm immediately, the drums beating through the streets, and all people running to their Arms, till at last they understood the occasion, and turned their apprehensions into laughter.  
About this time my Lord Ambassador had advertisement from Moscow, amongst other things, that Calthof (who was detained by the Tzar after our departure) was constrained to re-engage himself for two Years in the Great Duke's service. He had notice likewise, that his Tzarskoy Majesty had dispatched an Ambassador to the King of Great Britain, to complain of him as a person that had been deficient in his respects to the Tzar and his principal Boyars in the whole process of his Negotiation. But the Ambassador having from time to time sent Copies into England of all that had passed betwixt him and the Commissioners, and being otherwise well advised, that the King his Master did well approve of what he had done, he troubled not himself with what the Tzar should attempt, being very well assured (as indeed it afterwards happened) that all his efforts would not be able to shake the reason and justice upon which his conduct was founded.  
About the latter end of our Residence there, there was a public combat performed in the presence of the King, with portable Pumps, or Engines, such as are used frequently in the quenching of great fires. It was managed before the Palace, betwixt six or seven men one against another, having several others appointed for the management of their Pumps, and for supplying them with water from the Canal. Every one discharged upon his adversary by lifting up the Pipe, and levelling it against his Enemy, exposing themselves to the force of the Engines within fifteen or sixteen paces, and plying their business so well, that they left one of the Champions but one eye to guide him back again to his House.  
My Lord Morpeth departed for England on the first day of Dicember with four or five Gentlemen and some Footmen in his retinue. His Excellence sent him by Land, that he might have the advantage of seeing some remarkable places in the way betwixt Denmark and England, but especially in Flanders through which his design was to pass. The Ambassador in the mean time prepared to ●ake his own Voyage by Sea, but the weather ●roving cold, and the Sea frozen before Copen●agen so hard, that our ship which was to ●arry us was become unmoveable, his Excellence took a resolution of following his Son ●y Land, and according to that design took ●is leave of his Majesty the 11. of December ●n this manner.  

Sir,  
BEing now ready to lay off the Public Character which his Majesty my Master had given me, I am obliged by his Commands to reiterate the assurances of His most sincere and constant Affection to your Majesty. For the performing of which I shall not need much Oratory, both because his Majesty himself desires rather to fulfil that Friendship in the effects, than to express it in words; neither is it so pertinent to ●vary that in language, which is immutable in the intention, beside that Your Majesty is yourself already sufficiently persuaded of it. So that without affecting any ornament, I shall only make use of that force which the occasion naturally gives me, the words of those that are upon departing being always the most real, serious, and weighty. I say therefore that his Majesty my Master is by blood, by alliance, gratitude, inclination, and interest a Friend to your Majesty, and that he will not fail upon all occasions to make good all those relations to your Majesty. And as beside all those there seems to be so near a similitude in Your Stars and fortune, that both Your former adversities kept time together, and had but too great an influence on each others affairs; so doth He gladly see and hope and will always endeavour upon his part, that His and Your present Prosperity may have as strong a sympathy and reflection. Nor will He think himself the less obliged to this by the great honours and favours which Your Majesty hath for His sake ●hown me, who am by my Employment ●ut his Majesty's shadow, and that too made darker by mine own imperfections. But therefore I shall not fail to give his Majesty a most exact and full account of all Your Majesty's affection to Him, and of all Your Royal graces to myself. Being most obliged and most desirous to perform all offices whereby I may increase (as far as that which is perfect can be increased) the good Correspondency betwixt both Your Majesties. And for mine own particular I pay, and shall perpetually, my thanks to your Majesty, and shall always pray for your Majesty's health, long life, and prosperity, and that the solidity and strength of your Government may be the delight and pattern of all other Princes.   
This Compliment was thus expressed in Latin by my Lord Ambassadors Secretary.  

Domine Rex,  
DEpositurus hanc Legationem Majestati Vestrae iterum sincerissimum & constantissimum Majestatis suae Domini mei Clementissimi affectum in hâc ultimâ salutatione confirmare debeo. Ad hoc autem faciendum non est apparatu & ornatu Oratorio opus, tum quòd Majestas sua amicitiam erga Majestatem Vestram reipsâ potiùs approbare, quàm verbis adumbrare cupiat, tum etiam quod immutabilem illam Regii sui animi sententiam & tenorem dicendo variare minus decorum videatur, praesertim quum Majestas Vestra jam antea de illâ re abundè sibi persuasum esse testetur. Quapropter neglectis omnibus artis pigmentis eo tantùm utar orationis auxilio, quod ipsa hujus occasionis natura suppeditat. Quae enim in procinctu & ab abituris verba dictantur, uti simplicissima in se atque intentissima, ità majorem vim, efficaciam, & pondus apud alios habere & obtinere solent. Dico igitur Majestatem suam sanguinis nexu, foederum societate, obligatione beneficiorum, spontaneâ animi propensione, & communibus rationibus Majestati Vestrae esse conjunctissimam, neque ergo commissuram ut in ullo hujus amicitiae officio suae partes desiderentur. Et quum praeterea occultior quidam Vtriusque Syderum consensus esse videatur tantus, ut adversae Alterius res Alterum pariter tanquam ejusdem mali con●agione olim afflatuerint, ità futurum sperat & Ipse allaborabit, ut prospera Vtriusque fortuna non minùs ad mutuum Amborum ornamentum & utilitatem redundet. Neque immi●uetur haec Majestatis suae erga Majestatem Vestram benevolentia, quum audiverit quantos ●onores suâ causâ Majestas Vestra mihi exhi●uerit, qui in hoc Legationis munere umbram ●antùm Majestatis suae gero, & illam quidem ●ropter defectus nostros adhuc obscuriorem. ●deoque de summo erga Majestatem suam Ma●estatis Vestrae affectu, deque tot honoris & ●enevolentiae erga me ipsum indiciis nihil ●eticebo, quandoquidem officii mei esse duco & ●aximè cupio omnia conferre ad augendam 〈◊〉 quantum quidem perfectissima possunt augeri) ●utuam inter Majestates Vestras amicitiam. ●go autem Majestati Vestrae Serenissimae gratias ●ostrus & nunc ago, & in posterum semper ●m acturus, & Majestati Vestrae prosperam ●aletudinem, longam Vitam, perpetuam Felici●tem precor & voveo, atque praesens haec Re●iminis sui firmitas omnibus aliis Principibus ●cemplo & voluptati esse possit.   
The Chancellor returned an answer in the ●ame of his Master, full of all manner of protestations of mutual Amity, which was ●ndred into Latin likewise. After which ●e Ambassadors Gentlemen advanced to make their Reverence to his Majesty. That done, the Ambassador went to take his leave of the Queen: which he performed in these terms.  

Madam,  
I Can never answer it to his Majesty, should I not in best manner reassure your Majesty of that great honour and esteem He hath for You. But your Majesty having done the King my Master that right as so easily to believe it, hath thereby acquitted me of my commission, and your own Royal persuasion hath excused the Ambassador; yet nevertheless, 〈◊〉 cannot omit to witness how much his Majesty rejoices to have heard so lately of the health and prosperity of your Majesty and your whole Family, which as it is without competition the most flourishing Family o● all Europe, and worthy only to have sprung from such a Mother, so hi● Majesty wishes to all of them, as fair and suitable fortunes, as the greatness of their Perfections, Virtues, and Extraction doth promise and challenge. And yet, this is but one part of that happiness, which in all other things He prays for your Majesty, and which upon all occasions His majesty himself will endeavour, and count Himself most happy, to promote to the uttermost. For myself, I have so much to acknowledge for all the honours that your Majesty hath, in respect to the King my Master, done me, that should I take the time to do it, it would frustrate my departure, and the frost or my thanks would be the same thing. But I assure Your Majesty that I carry with me an heart most sensibly touched with Gratitude and most humble Devotion to Your majesty, and that I shall not fail to inform the King my Master of all those Obligations.   
The Answer that was returned in the name of the Queen consisted only like the former of affectionate Expressions toward their Majesties of Great Britain, with assurances of the favour She had for the person of the Ambassador. After which his Excellence was conducted to his Royal Highness in his Appartement, of whom he took his leave in this manner.  

Sir,  
Your Royal Highness knows the King my Master so well, that I need no new Credentials when I renew to your Royal Highness the assurances of his esteem and affection. But if I stood need of witnesses, I would cite only Your own merits, it being absolutely impossible, that a Prince so clear sighted as the King my Master, should have an indifference for a Prince of the Qualities and Birth of your Royal Highness. Or if the examples of others could prevail herein more with his Majesty, than His own Inclination and Judgement, He could not fail of loving and esteeming your Royal Highness, seeing all those who have had the honour to know you do no less. But his Majesty pretends not to imitate others, but rather to set them an Example, and excel them all in all the most Essential Proofs of Affection toward your Royal Highness. In the mean time, He entreats your Highness to furnish him, as He Himself will constantly search, occasions of expressing it, never finding himself more happy, than when He may in any way oblige You. For mine own part, who can never sufficiently acknowledge the favours your Royal Highness hath done me, I desire nothing with more ardour and passion than to continue in Your good Grace. And I beseech You to honour me with Your Commands, for I now divest myself of my Public Character, to enter henceforward into the Quality of the most humble servant of your Royal Highness.   
To which the Prince made answer himself in two or three words as he had done before. And from his Highness the Ambassador departed towards Prince George with this Compliment.  

Sir,  
I am very happy that the last employment of this Embassage is to salute your Highness once more in his Majesty's name; & I assure your Highness, that I hold it for a Recompense too glorious and too pleasant of all my labours, that I am to conclude them in this manner. For in this grand Tour of the North that I here make an end of, I have indeed seen several things very remarkable, but chief the King your Father, a Prince of an admirable Generosity, constancy, and goodness, the Queen the most adorable Princess of the World, and whose unparalleled virtues give no less courage to Fame, than despair to Imitation, His Royal Highness who hath traveled through all hearts, and without any forces but those of his own merits, hath won himself an universal Empire over the Esteem of all Europe, the Princess' wonders of Nature, and miracles of Education, But after all this I must avow, that I never yet saw a Prince so little and so great as your Highness, or whose young mine did in his greenest years promise and threaten so much and so handsomely. I leave it to your Highness' Judgement with how much pleasure and contentment the King my Master will hear these news, for I assure your Highness, that he takes and will take more and more interest every day in all that concerns You. And for mine own particular I beseech your Highness to retain me in Your favour, and to dispose always of my person, as consecrated to your Highness' service.   
Whereunto answer was given in the name of the Prince with great acknowledgement, affection and respect towards the King of England, and his Excellence had also therein several expressions of the particular affection his Highness had for his person.  
That same day there was a great Ball made in the Palace, in which my Lord Ambassador past most part of the night. But in the mean while by the favour of a Southerly wind, the weather became so gentle, that within three or four day's time the ice was dissolved, so that our Man of War was in a condition to set sail. Whereupon my Lord Ambassador changed his design of going by land, and prepared himself to embark with all speed, for which reason he quit himself of of his coach and horses, and presented them to the Master of the Ceremonies.   

Of his Excellences Voyage from Copenhagen to London.  
ON the fifteenth of December, four days after the Audience of Congé, his Excellence embarked, and the next day we came to an Anchor before Elsinore (six Dutch miles from Copenhagen) where we lay, in expectation of an Easterly wind.  
About this time the Public Peace began to be broke betwixt the English and the Dutch, acts of Hostility being committed on both sides, & though the War was not as yet formally declared, yet the Goods and Persons of either Nation were subject to the outrages and depredations of War. Which consideration, without doubt would have been enough to have made us apprehensive of some disastrous event in our voyage, had not, our earnest desire of seeing England again, and the advantage we had of being in a Man of War so well provided taken away all impressions of fear. True it is we had daily advice of five or six Dutch men of War, which lay to watch for us in the way, and doubtless for his Excellences sake, would have done their utmost to have taken us. Yet the greatest part of us thought little of being taken, and expected rather to catch some prey or other.  
For want of a fair wind we lay six days at Anchor before Elsinore, so that we had time enough to take a view of the Town, and the Castle which secures the same very well. In the mean time we had news of his Tzarkskoy Majesties Ambassadors arrival at London, and with what coldness he was received by the King, who immediately gave him to understand his resentment of the small satisfaction his Tzarskoy Majesty had given him in that honourable & splendid Embassy which his Tzarskoy Majesty had received from him. And it being about this time we made the first discovery of the great Comet that then appeared in Europe, one of us took occasion to say, That the Great Duke's Ambassador had already found the effects of it.  
At length on the 23 of that month very early in the morning we departed from Elsinore. We were scarce advanced twenty leagues in our way, but the wind turned about & came cross as before, so that we were forced back to Elsinore. My Lord Ambassador observing the uncertainty he was in, and that he was become the pastime of wind and Sea, believed it his most expedient course to travail by Land. The indignation he had against lying idle so long in a place, and the Impatience of remaining in so tedious a condition, persuaded him to a resolution of leaving the Sea, and making his journey by Land, in case the Wind did not turn favourable within four and twenty hours. But the wind blew so strong from the shore, that it was not possible for us to land, much less to proceed in our Voyage by Sea. So that it seemed, that not the Sea only, but the Heavens and the Earth also had set themselves in opposition to the Ambassadors design.  
And on the 28. we had a storm so dismal by reason of the obscurity of a very dark night, that we were very much amazed to find ourselves the next morning at anchor near an Island about two leagues further from Elsinore than we were before.  
The 29. the wind not being so high as it had been before, his Excellence prepared for his departure by Land, taking only nine of his Domestics with him, and leaving the rest with his Lady, who made her Voyage by Sea. I was one of the nine that attended on the Ambassador, and am for that reason obliged to give a general account of the manner and occurrences of his Excellency's Journey.  
First we crossed the Island of Sealand passing to Fredrixburgh, so that we arrived at Cossor the last day of the year. The next, being New-year's day, we passed from Sealand to the Isle of Funhen (which was four Dutch miles) in a Galliot, and the same day advanced eight miles further cross the Island. The next day, from Funhen we arrived in Holstein, making two miles in a Fisherboat, and from thence by Aldersleven and Frentsburgh we arrived at Hamborough. From Hamborough by Bockstoud we came to Bremen, and from Bremen into West falias, so that we arrived at Munster on the eleventh of January. From Munster we came to Cologne upon the Rhine, from Cologne to Malines in Flanders, and from Malines to Brussels on the 22. From Brussels in six days we came to Calais, taking Alst, Gaunt, Bruges, Newport, Dunkirk, and Graveline by the way. From Calais to Dover we made seven leagues by Sea, from Dover we came post to Gravesend, and from thence on the 30. of January up the Thames to London.  
The Consideration of the State of the times in which this journey was taken, made his Excellence travail about in this manner, rather than follow his direct road through Holland, which had been the shorter cut. And because we were to pass near the Frontiers, the Ambassador thought good also to conceal his Quality, and travel incognito, especially after he was out of the Dominions of the King of Denmark; by which means he avoided at the same time another inconvenience, which was the Receptions and Ceremonies, which his Dignity without doubt would have drawn upon him in his journey, which would have much retarded him in his design of making all possible haste into England, whither the King his Master had recalled him. In obedience to which, his Excellence so much enforced himself, that from the day of our setting forth, to our arrival at Cologne we traveled very often eight Dutch miles or sixteen leagues a day, and so we were forced many times to travel in the night also, In the mean time the weather, which was rainy at our setting out from Copenhagen, was returned again to its former Extremity, and we making our passage almost all the way from Elsinore to Cologne in Post-waggons which were uncovered, we were so incommoded with cold, that we were almost convinced, that it was scarce ●ny thing colder in Russia. Betwixt Cologne ●nd Calais the weather was more favourable, ●e had the convenience to travel all this ●ay by Coach, except about eight leagues betwixt Gant and Bruges upon the Canal.  
At Cossor in Sealand we found his Royal ●ighness the Prince of Denmark's Master of ●orse, sent thither by his Majesty to attend ●is Excellence through his Dominions as ●r as Hamburg. At Hamburg we made so mean ●n Entry, that we had scarce any thing to be seen in our Chariots but hay & straw, especial●y in the Ambassadors, which was as well ●urnisht with them as any of his followers. Yet this could not prevent a compliment ●ext day from the Magistrates, who expressed much trouble that the Ambassador had not ●een received into their Town, with such public testimonies, as might have demon●rated their Amity with the Crown of England, and the honour which was due to his Quality. His Excellence having returned his ●hanks, gave them to understand, that in ●hat juncture of time he was obliged to pass ●s privately as was possible, and that the greatest favour they could do him then, wa● to comply with his design. We stayed i● this City but two days, the very first day being enough to discover us. At our parting from thence, I met a young Merchant of tha● Town, with whom I had contracted a strict Friendship at Moscow, whither in a short time he was to return. His Excellence being so well known here, he permitted the English Resipent, and several English Merchants to accompany him out of the Town. We pas● the Elbe, as we had past the Volga in Moscovie, upon sledges; and indeed the Elb● was so frozen and covered with snow, that it would have endured any kind of load whatsoever.  
The same day we departed from Hamburg, we were surprised with an accident at Bockstoud, a Town depending on the Crown of Sweden. For being upon the point of departing after dinner, and having hired fresh wagons to make three or four leagues that night, it happened that the Secretary's waggoner would not stir, unless there might go along with him another waggoner his Comrade, who would have been as useless to us as his waggon. The Secretary not able to bring him to reason by fair means, tried what he could do by foul, and by clapping a pistol to his head would have forced him along with him. But immediately his pistol was wrested from him, and as they were putting themselves into a posture to abuse him, we interposed so effectually, that he was rescued out of the hands of a barbarous rout of peasants and Mechanics. But whilst the Secretary was going to the Governor to desire him to take some order in the case, we found the rest of us beset by above a hundred of them, some of them endeavouring to rob us of our goods, and others to do violence to our persons; so that besides a little Spaniel which they stole from us, we lost four or five of our fire arms. Amongst the rest we had a Page lost his Periwig in the Combat, and having then a garment on in the fashion of the samoyedes, which for better resistance of the weather, he made no scruple to wear in his travels, he looked in that habit so unlike a Christian, that the rabble took particular delight to toss him up and down with his Furs in the snow. His Excellence that was but just gone before, being surprised with the alarm of the skirmish, came back thereupon, and at length the business was composed, but so, that whereas we had usually five wagons before, we went from hence but with four, and the Page made the rest of his voyage without his Periwig. The manner of our Treatment at this place persuaded us very strongly, that the Ambassador was not known in this Town, in which we found the People so unkind, that we might perhaps with as much reason call it Poneropolis, as that to which Philip King of Macedon gave that name, being inhabited only by a sort of rude and rascally People.  
The next day being arrived at Bremen we understood by the Gazette that my Lord Morpeth was prisoner at Wesel, and that the Hollanders had taken him and his Train, some two or three miles from Munster in his way to Cologne. True it is the Gazette made not mention of his name, but all the circumstances of the news were clear indications to us, that it was his Lordship whom it meant: which his Excellence applied to himself as a dangerous Omen. And having designed to follow him upon the same Road he took all possible care to avoid the like misfortune; for which cause he had a particular care to make a short stay in every Town, and to assume only the bare title of a Gentleman. In which acts one might have said, his Excellence seemed as well to represent the person of the King his Master in his Exile, as he had lately done in the Pomp and Splendour of his Restoration.  
In short we were no sooner arrived at Munster, three days after our departure from Bremen, but we understood the truth of the News, and all the circmstances of my Lord Morpeth's being betrayed in that Town. For by accident we lay in the very same Inn he had lain in before us. And because it was very easy for us to have been discovered by the Liveries, though the same were something disguised, to prevent all intelligence that might be given to the Governor of Wesel, his Excellence thought good to remove with all speed from Munster, lest we should be surprised in the same manner. So that we stayed at Munster not above four or five hours, which Expedition was so fortunate to us, that we escaped the like danger thereby. After we were gone a day or two's journey from the Frontiers, we were not much solicitous any more, unless it were in our passage betwixt Calais and Dover: but his Excellence managed this Voyage with that prudence and caution, that at last we arrived very happily in England.  
At Rochester we understood that the Ambassadors Lady was arrived at London, fifteen days before, and as for himself, that the Court did not expect his coming so soon after they knew the condition of my Lord Morpeth. Insomuch that the Court was altogether surprised with his arrival, as they were soon after with that of his Son, who arrived three days after my Lord his Father, the States having released him and his Train, after some days confinement at Wesel.  
The Ambassador being returned to London in this manner, went immediately to pay his Duty to his Majesty, carrying with him the Letter which the Tzar had delivered him at Moscow. The King having first signified the satisfaction he received to see him returned from so long a Voyage, at length amongst other things spoke to him about the Embassy which he had lately received from the Tzar, and commanded him in order to his justification, to give in writing a Narrative of all that had passed relating to himself in his first Embassy: Which he performed to the confusion of the Ambassador that brought the accusation against him. And for fear I should leave this work imperfect, I thought it necessary to adjoin to it my Lord's Apology; for without doubt it would have been a great indecorum, having brought the Reader thus far, to leave him in suspense in a business of so great Importance. True it is, the most things that are contained in it have been mentioned by me before, yet there are several passages also which I reserved for this place, to give the Reader more satisfaction and entertainment. The Style being plain, is therefore the more proper for this Relation, whose business it is only to give an ingenuous Narrative, entirely conformable to the truth, and which answers directly to the Articles which the Tzars' Ambassador presented against his Excellence. I thought it not necessary to introduce the Articles by themselves, because they are all of them particularly refeled in his Answer, made in the following form ●n his Excellency's behalf, as a justification ●f his proceed.   

The Lord Ambassadors Apology.  
HAving received a writing from His Tzarskoy Majesties Ambassadors, where● they testify the extraordinary affection of His Tzarskoy Majesty toward his Royal majesty, and the great honours therefore ●ewn to the Earl of Carlisle His Royal majesty's late Ambassador, justifying more●er all the proceed of his Tzarskoy Majesties Commissioners treating with the ●d Earl of Carlisle, and laying on the contrary an heinous charge of several Ar●les against the said Earl of Carlisle con●rning his Demeanour and Conduct in the ●d Embassy; We therefore return for an●er, a Narrative of the whole matter of ●ct as the said late Ambassador extraordinary upon his Royal Majesty's Command ●th stated it for his own just and necessary ●dication.  
And first, at the said Earl of Carlisle● first descent upon the bridge of Archangel, there met him one Bogdan, declaring he was appointed his Pristaf, whom therefore the said Earl of Carlisle saluted and respected accordingly. And when they should have gone toward the place appointed for his lodging, the said Pristaf took the right hand of the Ambassador, and said that he had such orders from Knez Sherbatof the Governor of Archangel. Which the Earl of Carlisle refusing to submit to, was forced to stand upon the open bridge, in the sight o● so many strangers of several Nations about half an hour, till the Pristaf might send up to the Castle for the Governors further pleasure, who at last, sent and altered the Pristafs orders.  
Moreover the Earl of Carlisle being upon his journey from Archangel towards Vologda, the Pristaf sent before to Knez Ivan Machailovitz Governor of the Vaga, that me● might be ready at Arsinoa for drawing up the boats. But the said Governor threatened the Strelitz that was sent, reviled th● Pristaf, and spoke slightingly of the Ambassador, nor took any care for providing me● necessary. Insomuch that the Ambassador was left there in a strange Country, no● knowing how either to go forward or backward, till by his own great care he got me● together, being enforced to hire them at his own expense from Arsinoa to Yagrish. Which money indeed, at the Ambassadors departure from Moscow was repaid him.  
Further, the Stolnick Offonassy Evanovich Nestrof, and the Diack Evan Stepanovich Davidof coming to Vologda as new Pristaves to conduct the Ambassador to Moscow, the said Stolnick at his first coming to the Ambassador, said to him, that His Tzarskoy Majesty had ordered them and the Ambassador to come to Moscow, naming themselves before the Ambassador.  
Likewise the said Stolnick refused absolutely to furnish the Gentlemen with sledds convenient, and would only allow them such bare sledds as are used by the common Mousicks, so that the Ambassador was forced to buy those sledds for the Gentlemen with his own money.  
Also the said Stolnick was so strict in matters of provision, that the Ambassador was refused one single egg for his use, the Chalavalnicks or Purveyors alleging that they durst not do it without the said Stolnicks order, and that they durst not wake him.  
Besides, at Yeroslaf, Troitza, and other places upon the way, the Ambassador was unnecessarily detained several days from proceeding on his journey to his Tzarskoy Majesty.  
And at last, the Ambassador being arrived at the Yaws, some four English miles from Moscow, and having stayed there two days, was overnight upon the fourth of February told by the said Stolnick, that he had orders for his entering into Moscow the next day, and therefore desired him to be ready by nine a clock in the morning, which he was. Nevertheless he and his whole retinue were stayed all the next day at the Yaws till four in the evening, without any meat or drink, or the least refreshment whatsoever, and at that unseasonable hour, orders came for their going on to Moscow.  
And being more than half way thither, then came new orders, that the Ambassador should not make his Entry that night but turn into a village yet worse than the Yaws.  
There came that night to the Ambassador the Diack Lookian Timopheovich Golozof from the Tzar, laying the fault upon the messengers, sent with orders from Moscow, who he said missed their way to the Yaws.  
The Ambassador spoke neither then, nor at any time else of all or any of the former indignities, but this being so notorious, he demanded reparation, and that till than he would not stir hence toward Moscow,  
And yet Dement Bashmacof Diack of the Taynich Deal coming to him the next morning & promising in his Tzarskoy Majesties name, he should have satisfaction, in less than a quarter of an hours space he condescended to make his Entry, and did not spend half an hour in setting forward.  
But whereas his Tzarskoy Majesty Commissioners formerly, as now His Ambassadors, say that the Earl of Carlisle spun out that day also until the evening, it was not so. But all the time that was spun out, was partly by Doomnoy Duoranin Evan Offanassevich Pronchissof, who though he were sent forth to the Ambassador to be his Pristaf into Moscow, sat in his Sledd, formalizing a long time, that the Ambassador should first come out of his Sledd to him, and after a tedious capitulation and agreement before so many spectators whereby they were to come out together, yet the said Doomnoy Duoranin making a faint of stepping forward hung in the air among the arms of his attendants to cheat the Ambassador.  
And the other stay, which was very long, was by reason of those troops of Gentlemen and others that were present, who to make the guard continue and hold out to the eye were forced ever and anon to make a stand, while those that had met the Ambassador before should under the blind of those next to him gallop away behind to fill up a new station forward.  
And so it was night again before the Ambassador could enter, which might have been prevented by expecting one day longer, as the Ambassador moved the Diack of the Taynich Deal.  
But those great Wax-tapers, which the Ambassadors speak of in their paper, were in so good order, that it is evident it was resolved upon a night Entry in good time before hand.  
As to the Ambassadors first Audience it was indeed agreed upon, that it should be upon the ninth of February, and the Doomnoy Duoranin told the Ambassador that was a great sign of his Tzarskoy Majesties favour, yet it was afterwards put off that it must not be till the eleventh of February, for what contrary reason the Ambassador knows not.  
Also, although at his first Audience he told his Tzarskoy Majesty, that he had particular commands from his Royal Majesty concerning Sir John Hebdon, yet the Ambassador was refused to deliver that recommendatory Letter concerning him to his Tzarskoy Majesties own hand, but obliged to tender it to his Commissioners.  
Also at coming to Conference, the Lords Commissioners stood up always within the Room, without moving to meet the Ambassador, and also at all Conferences they took the high end of the Table.  
The Ambassador delivered at the first Conference a very treatable and courtly demand of reparation for the miscarriage of his Entry.  
And though he then signified that he could not proceed to other matters of State till that were rectified, yet upon the Commissioners earnest motion, and engaging their honours towards his Reparation, he at the same time delivered in another Proposition concerning the restitution of the Privileges.  
And the Restitution of the Privileges is a matter of State jointly concerning the true brotherly love of both great Princes, and certainly the foundation thereof was laid in the Privileges.  
To these first Propositions of the Ambassador the Commissioners gave in their answer, Wherein they assume all their own Titles, and name themselves before the Ambassador Extraordinary, but him they call only plain Knez Charles Howard.  
Also speaking of his Royal Majesty's Father, they call him only Slavopamite, of glorious memory, but his Tzarskoy Majesties Father Blagenniopamite, of ever blessed memory.  
Concerning the Ambassador's Entry they now add another pretence, the long time of arraying the Courtiers and military Troops for his Reception.  
They say the Ambassador ought not before he came into Moscow to have demanded reason and reparation of his being stayed the first day.  
They accuse the Ambassador for staying the second day.  
And they say the Messengers by whom the delay was caused had been punished, which was not so: and if ever the least thing had been done in order thereto the Ambassador had desisted, and he signified frequently to the Commissioners, that he himself would have interceded for their pardon.  
Then as to the matter of Privileges, for answer they raise an high accusation against the whole Russia Company, word for word as it was delivered to Prideaux Cromwel's Agent, of which nothing was then or ever since proved in particular.  
But whereas his Tzarskoy Majesty had given to understand to his Royal Majesty, as if the Privileges had been taken away in detestation of the late Rebellion in England, that is only mentioned for numbers sake.  
But they lay great stress upon a Letter sent (they say) by his late Majesty to his Tzarskoy Majesty by Luke Nightingale, desiring the abrogating of the Privileges.  
And in this their first answer they conclude positively against the granting any Privilege, not so much as blanching it in handsome words, as his Tzarskoy Majesty did to Cromwell upon the same occasion, wherein he saith thus, And now we the Great Lord by reason of these times of War cannot enter upon a review of these businesses, but for the future Our Tzarskoy Majesties order will be to the English Merchants, such as may stand with the quiet, advantage, friendship, and amity of both great Nations.  
Indeed in some Papers afterwards the Commissioners, as now the Ambassadors, do lay the excuse upon the wars, seeming to promise something when they should be at an end, but in lose words, and to be expounded according to time and occasions, as the Doomnoy Duoranin Evan Offanassevich Pronchissof did not disown, when the Ambassador (not in order to treat or close, which he could not upon any such conditions) but for better information discoursed with him concerning the words wherein they expressed that overture.  
And in this the Commissioners first paper aforesaid they conclude with an exception against the Title most Illustrious given by the Ambassador at his first audience to his Tzarskoy Majesty, according to the Title used in his Royal Majesty's Letter, and by his Predecessors to the Predecessors of his Tzarskoy Majesty. Whereas that first Speech of the Ambassadors was all thorough composed of the greatest honour and courtship to his Tzarskoy Majesty that any thing could be imagined.  
Nevertheless the Posolkoy Diack Almaze Evanof one of the Ambassadors Commissioners did also in open Precas say, that the Title most Illustrious used by the Ambassador was an unmannerly expression.  
The Ambassador being still further off any reparation of the former affront, but rather finding it fixed upon him by the Commissioners first answer, and considering the abrupt striking off the Privileges, was not in case to propound any further matter of State, and therefore replied only according to the occasions naturally given him by the Commissioners paper.  
That as to the excuse of the Messengers missing their way within four miles of Moscow, it was scarce possible and not probable, because the same first day early in the morning, men that came to Sir John Hebdon at the Yaws from his Tzarskoy Majesty upon a dishonourable occasion found the way very easy.  
And whereas this first pretence was now inched out with another, the long arraying of the troops that they could not be in readiness the first day (whereas to the contrary, the Ambassadors themselves say now in their Paper, that those troops waited for the Earl of Carlisle that first day from morning till night) he saith, That it is hard for him to conceive, whereas his Tzarskoy Majesty is able at so great distances, by the good orders of his Generals in his absence, to embattle so numerous and victorious Armies upon the sudden opportunities of fight an Enemy, that after his so slow advancing from Vologda, and lying three days almost under the Gates of his Tzarskoy City, the continual attendants upon his own person, where they can learn nothing but the most exquisite order, should not in a whole day be in a posture to receive the Ambassador of a Friend; Which is so honourable as nothing can be said more, and yet these are the words which the Commissioners, and now the Ambassadors, complain against as reproachful to his Tzarskoy Majesties Armies. And afterwards upon his saying, they herein perverted his meaning, the Commissioners then, and now the Ambassadors, quarrel yet further; And so wherein the Ambassador saith, they are ill founded in their exception against Illustrissimus, as though it were not lawful for a Stranger in Moscovy to speak truth, and an Ambassador must discourse under tuition.  
He also required in his Majesty's name the sight of that Letter of Nightingales, and that being so false and reflecting so highly upon his late Majesty's memory, it might be delivered into his hands. Which the Commissioners would never produce, though kept it up still as a pretence, and at the last being urged to it, said that it was lost, but assoon as they could find it (which they never would) he should have it.  
He also alleged his Tzarskoy Majesties promise by letter to his Royal Majesty to restore the Privileges at the coming of His Ambassador.  
He answered the accusation against the Merchants, replied to their exception against Illustrissimus, and admonished the Commissioners of their omitting his Royal Majesty's Title, Defender of the Faith, of which the Ambassadors also may do well to take notice.  
After this the Ambassador was invited to dine with his Tzarskoy Majesty.  
Shellimetof near Stolnick to his Tzarskoy Majesty when he came to tell the Ambassador dinner was ready, said, The Tzar commanded him to come to dinner.  
The Doomnoy Duoranin Evan Offonassevich Pronchissof propounded to the Ambassador from his Tzarskoy Majesty, that the Cafemouskoy and Sibierskoy Tzarwicks' should sit at a table superior to the Ambassadors table.  
His Tzarskoy Majesty, though he had only his cap on that day, yet did not stir it to the Ambassador when he came in to dinner, as neither was he pleased to stir His cap at the private Audience hereafter mentioned.  
His Tzarskoy Majesty caused not the Ambassador to sit down with him at his own table, but at a table below in the Hall with a Doomnoy Duoranin and a Stolnick.  
The Boyars dined at a table at the upper end of the Hall, and their ceremonies during dinner time were still performed to them before the Ambassador.  
The Ambassador had not a napkin allowed him at dinner.  
Upon the receipt and return of other papers betwixt the Ambassador and the Commissioners, who satisfied him in nothing, but still affected to make the breaches wider, he desired to have a private Audience of His Tzarskoy Majesty, which though he moved the twenty second of March he could not procure ere the twenty second of April.  
And the Commissioners tell the Ambassador, that in case of such Audience he must not speak of business.  
In the mean time His Tzarskoy Majesty upon Palm-sunday, inviting the Ambassador to see the Ceremonies, the Stolnick that was sent to conduct him, stepped first into the coach and would have the upper hand. The Ambassador would not go upon that condition, so that he was fain to expect till contrary orders came from his Tzarskoy Majesty.  
The Ambassador in that private Audience acquainted his Tzarskoy Majesty how the affairs stood betwixt him and his Commissioners, answered the reasons against the Privileges, revealed the secret of his Royal Majesty's affection toward his Tzarskoy Majesty, desired reparation concerning his Entry, and complained of the Doomnoy Duoranin Evan Offonassevich Pronchissof.  
For he knew that the said Doomnoy Duoranin strove upon all occasions to make his person odious and to obstruct his affairs.  
For the said Doomnoy Duorarin, the Ambassador desiring that the English Women might have leave to visit his Lady (there being a restraint to the contrary) spoke of it to his Tzarskoy Majesty in so licentious a sense as made the demand appear ridiculous.  
Also the Ambassador desiring that Beuchlin a Dutchman (who dwelled in his house, and had a continual free Cabal of Dutch Spies upon the Ambassador; while before the first audience none were suffered to enter to the Ambassador, and always after the admittance very severe, some examined, others repulsed, others beaten) might be removed, specially seeing the Lodging was so straight, that Almaz Evanof the Posolskoy Diack and one of the Commissioners said, it was good for the English Gentlemen to lie close together lest the Rats should run away with them, and the Dutch openly bragging, that he should continue there in spite of the Ambassador, the said Doomnoy Dvoranin as being the Ambassadors Pristaf, being often urged to effect it, did either neglect or hinder it, so that he continued there at pleasure.  
Also the said Doomnoy Dvoranin telling the Ambassador one day, that the King of Poland had sent a Messenger to his Tzarskoy Majesty, to beg the mercy and grace of his Tzarskoy Majesty to grant him peace, and the Ambassador replying, that those were terms which the most subjugated Princes did never descend to, but that he was glad to hear his Tzarskoy Majesties affairs were in so good a posture, the said Doomnoy Dvoranin went forthwith and acquainted his Tzarskoy Majesty with the first part of the Ambassadors reply, but so disguised and with so ill a gloss, that he thereby incensed his Tzarskoy Majesty highly against the Ambassador.  
Beside his Tzarkoy Majesty having (as is said) done the Ambassador the honour to invite him to see the Solemnities of Palm-Sunday, the said Pronchissof afterwards ask the Ambassador how he liked it, and the Ambassador witnessing his satisfaction in so venerable a Ceremony, the said Doomnoy Dvoranin went straight to his Tzarskoy Majesty, and told him, the Ambassador said it was a pretty Comedy, which also displeased his Tzarskoy Majesty, as good reason. Whereas the Doomnoy Dvoranin himself only used those words to the Ambassador, ask him if it were not a pretty Comedy.  
Also the Ambassador discoursing with the said Doomnoy Dvoranin concerning Tzar Evan Basiliwich, and his desire and progress toward a marriage with a Lady of the blood Royal of England, he most irreverently as to both Princes replied, that the said Tzar Evan Basilowich had many such women, speaking it in a very ill sense.  
Moreover the said Doomnoy Dvoranin took occasion several times to vilify the Present sent by his Royal Majesty to his Tzarskoy Majesty in the presence of the said Ambassador, and to say, that when he saw the Tin shine he was in good hopes it had been Silver.  
But of these things the Ambassador never spoke at any time, till upon this forcible occasion of his own vindication. But the said Doomnoy Duoranin having spoke dishonourably and falsely concerning the posture of His Royal Majesty's affairs, and telling him to his face, as if he were a Posoulnick or agent of the Muscovia company, and having told the Ambassador that he neglected his Majesty's affairs in respect of the Merchants, and threatening him with his Tzarskoy Majesties displeasure and that His Tzarskoy Majesty would complain of him to his Royal Majesty, as if he had transgressed his instructions (which certainly the Doomnoy Duoranin was never acquainted with by the Ambassador) he charged him therewith before his Tzarskoy Majesty.  
The success it seems of that private Audience was this. The Ambassador having together with the Enlish Copy subscribed, given in a Latin Copy, translated as near as possible, but not subscribed but by his Secretary, having only prepared it to save time, and as an help to their Russ translation, because one of the Commissioners Golozof understood Latin, this Golozof was employed several days to the Ambassador to persuade him subscribe ●he Latin translation also.  
This Golozof pressed under that colour and pretext, that so many things being said therein to the honour of His Tzarskoy Majesty, and of his Royal Majesty's affection toward Him, so that it was most fit to continue upon Record, this also being subscribed, it would be so much the stronger, and as under two witnesses. But the Ambassador refused, as not being his own language.  
Yet at last, though he guest at the true reason, to give His Tzarskoy Majesty that satisfaction, he subscribed it with this addition, Except any difference with the English, which 〈◊〉 soon as they had obtained they discovered forthwith their true intention.  
First they complain, as if he had spoke with disrespect of Tzar Ivan Basilovich, where he saith, That first and great Founder of the Amity betwixt the English and Russian Crowns, and of the Privileges to the English Nation Tzar Ivan Basilovich, because he added not all his other Titles, and they required the Ambassador should alter that expression accordingly, which, how reasonable soever, he did.  
Though the Commissioners, nevertheless the private Audience having been upon the twenty second of April, gave to the Ambassador a paper of the twenty fourth of May, wherein they named the late King only King Charles, and his present Majesties former Ambassador the Lord Culpepper, the messenger William Culpepper. Which horrid, and probably wilful mistake they would never alter till the Ambassador had taken his last leave of His Tzarskoy Majesty.  
Then they, as now the Ambassadors, accuse him for an expression concerning the falling in of the Windows at their first abrupt refusal of the Privileges; which notwithstanding was very true.  
And whereas they then, and now the Ambassadors, lay much load upon an Expression about the loan of ten thousand pood of Silver desired by Knez Peoter Semonovich, as if the Ambassador therein offered an indignity to His Tzarskoy Majesty, an indignity to the friendship betwixt both Princes, transgressed His Instructions, and his Tzarskoy Majesty would, (as he hath now done) complain thereof to His Royal Majesty: the Ambassador did then only speak in His Royal Majesty's person, I hope that such a sum was not desired for such an end, etc. And His Royal Majesty doth still hope so.  
Then as to the Doomnoy Duoranin, notwithstanding so just and high a complaint preferred against him, he was the man chosen to come next from His Tzarskoy Majesty to inquire of the Ambassadors health, and was so employed for many days as afore.  
At last indeed there was another Pristaf appointed in his place, truly a much civiler person, but of lesser quality, which is the present Ambassador of His Tzarskoy Majesty. But it was signified from His Tzarskoy Majty. by Gregory Cosmevich the other Pristaf to the Ambassador, that this removal was upon the Doomnoy Duoranins own desire to be dismissed.  
Also no Reparation was given the said Ambassador against the Doomnoy Duoranin, but in a paper afterwards delivered, he was justified in all these enormities, and the Ambassador accused, that after all these provocations, and the charge given up against him to His Tzarskoy Majesty, the Ambassador would not as formerly discourse with him of affairs of the Embassy, as if he had there in affronted the said Doomnoy Duoranin.  
Concerning the Entry nothing of Reparation would be given.  
The Ambassador had during this time a power that came for mediating betwixt His Tzarskoy Majesty and the King of Poland, which he imparted to his Tzarskoy Majesty, and He kindly accepted, but not being pleased to effect any thing in the Privileges it fell to the ground.  
And therefore the Ambassador having even from the 29. of February intimated his desire to departed, and having been held up from time to time several months to no end, so that he lost the Winter way to Riga, to the prejudice of his Royal Majesty's occasions, pressed importunately for a dispatch, which it was long before he could obtain, and when near obtaining in one and the same day had three times contrary orders sent him about his departure.  
At the Ambassadors taking leave of his Tzarskoy Majesty, recredentials were given him, wherein his Royal Majesty's Title of Defender of the Faith was omitted, and contrary to the mutual trust due to an Ambassador the Copy was, although he demanded it, flatly refused him.  
After he had taken his leave of his Tzarskoy Majesty, it seems his Tzarskoy Majesty was desirous to have placed some marks of his generosity upon the Ambassador and his retinue, and the not receiving of them is used by the Ambassadors of his Tzarskoy Majesty in aggravation against him, whereas that business passed in this manner. The Ambassador, it is true, had for several reasons hereafter expressed resolved, that it became him not to receive the Presents, unless those things were rectified. And therefore, to avoid the ill aspect of refusing them after they should be sent, he resolved also first to send for the Ockolnichoy Vasilia Semonovich Volinskoy and for Larivon Mitrevich Lopookin Posolkoy Diack to communicate his reasons: For which he thought he had time enough, his Pristafs (whose office it is) not having yet advertised him. But contrariwise Lookian Timopheovich Golozof the Diack, the Ambassador being at dinner, sends him word by a servant, that he was coming with the Presents. The Ambassador rising from Dinner, and about to send to the Ockolnichoy and Posolkoy Diack aforesaid, desired the Servant to stay a little, when on a sudden Lookian comes in with the Sables. The Ambassador began to discourse soberly with him of his unexpected coming, and the reasons why he deliberated upon refusing the Present. Which Lookian would not endure to hearken to, but interrupting the Ambassador continually, without any patience and with great clamour, fling rudely away from him and departed.  
Vasilius' Semonovitch Volinskoy came the next day to the Ambassador, desiring from his Tzarskoy Majesty to be informed of the reasons why he had refused the Presents.  
The Ambassador it seems had in order to his departure demanded several things of Common right or courtesy,  
As Satisfaction to the English Merchants for their old debts and houses. For this the Commissioners reduced the debts within twenty six Rubles according to their account, and for houses nothing.  
That all English Merchants desiring to repair home may have their Passes to go over Sea with their Wives and Families without molestation. This had a satisfactory answer.  
But to the third, That justice might be done the English Merchants for their debts, there was no care at all of it, but to the contrary great severity toward them: so that this frustrated the former answer which was satisfactory.  
That all his Majesty's Subjects of whatsoever other condition may upon their desire have full liberty to return. To which there would no answer be given in writing: But the verbal answer was, that they who have once taken service under his Tzarskoy Majesty, though not expressed for life, yet if not expressed for term of Years, are thereby Servants as long as his Tzarskoy Majesty pleases. As it seemed they intended to practise it in the case of General Dyel and Lieutenant General Drummond, who were forced so long to march about Moscow with his Royal Majesty's Letter, and could get none to receive it.  
That Colonel Baily accused of Treason by Cherillo Clopove might be brought to a speedy trial. Which though his accuser was in Town and promised, yet would not be done.  
That Colonel James Mein exiled with his Wife and Family into Siberia might if guilty have mercy, if guiltless justice. See the Civility of the answer, Colonel Jacob Mein is sent into Siberia for a great fault, and it is not fit to recall him out of Siberia.  
That Colonel Cuningham accused of Treason might be brought to a speedy trial. Which would not be granted.  
That Mrs. Francis Rose according to his Royal Majesty's desires by Letter may have liberty to return into England, her Husband also desiring it. Which was not granted, but her being of the Russian Religion alleged, as extinguishing her allegiance.  
The Ambassador upon a general review of these and all other passages in his Negotiation gave for answer and reason of his Refusal, Defender of the Faith omitted in the King's Title, The late King's Title and Lord Culpeppers not amended, No satisfaction about his Entrance, Nor concerning Pronchissof, His Tzarskoy Majesty holding himself for affronted, etc. The Privileges as good as refused, Nightingale's Letter pretended to be lost, No justice to English Merchants, No liberty for his Majesty's Subjects upon expiring of their obligations to departed, Affirmed in writing, that the Moscovy Company killed the King, Mrs. Rose, Colonel Mein, Colonel Baily, etc. Concluding that all the effect of this Embassy had been only the release of three English common Soldiers (taken prisoners from the Pole) after long solicitation, and upon condition that two of them should serve his Tzarskoy Majesty. Adding moreover, That for all these reasons he knew, that not having done his Majesty's business, and lying still under Pronchissofs aspersion of receiving the Merchant's money, and accused by his Tzarskoy Majesty of doing an affront to Him, it befitted him not to receive any Present at his hand. Although otherwise he should account the least favour from his Tzarskoy Majesties hand a perpetual ornament, honour, and obligation to himself and Family, and would receive though it were but a Cap cloth from Him as a Coronet, and was prepared at any time when these things were rectified to receive any testimony of His Tzarskoy Majesties remembrance and affection.  
After this the 24. of June the Ambassador departed from Moscow, Calthof riding publicly and openly in his Train. The Ambassador being about half a mile out of Town, a Writer of the Posolskoy Precaz comes in His Tzarskoy Majesties name to demand him. The Ambassador at last let him got hinking it not prudent to adventure his own journey on Calthofs, and hoping to gain his dismission; which he tried by two Letters writ back, in his journey, to the Posolskoy Diack.  
These are the Letters the Ambassadors complain of in two places, as if the Earl of Carlisle told them therein, that they did not rightly understand themselves; Whereas the words are only, Quorsum haec vergant nescio, neque vos ipsi scitis qui facitis, What these things tend to I know not, neither do you yourselves that do them. For indeed who knows what will be the event of all these actions, unless he had the spirit of Prophecy? And if the Ambassador had meant to blame the Commissioners understanding, he gives them no worse than he first assumed to himself in this expression.  
But whereas his Tzarskoy Majesties Ambassadors pretend that Calthof was taken away because his time was not out, and the Ambassador desired not leave for him at his departure, it is notoriously otherwise. For the Ambassador did day by day urge his departure, and the Diack of the Taynich Deal answered, that he might freely departed. For the the time for which he had conditioned was fully expired, and accordingly by the Law of Nations he was free to have departed with the Ambassador of his own Prince, without leave ask are any other formality. Indeed after the Ambassadors departure, the said Calthof was forced by imprisonment and other hardship to take conditions for two Years more.  
And this was the account his Excellency gave of his first Embassy. The Answer given from his Majesty to the Tzars' Ambassadors was, that he saw no reason he had to condemn the proceed of his Ambassador. That if the Earl of Carlisle was not perhaps very well informed of the Customs of the Court of Moscovy, he had nevertheless been so strangely used on several occasions, that he had more reason to complain than his Tzarskoy Majesty. And whereas his Ambassadors had very earnestly pressed the Friendship the the Tzar had for the King of England; the King declared, that he could hardly be persuaded of his affection till he saw the Foundation reestablished, viz. the Privileges of the Merchants his Subjects. His Excellency having in this manner been justified against the attempts of the Russ Ambassador, who had used all the art possible to destroy him, in civility he made him a visit. After which the Russ Ambassador departed for his own Country, not over well satisfied with his Voyage; & a while after his Majesty dispatched Sir John Hebdon thither in quality of his Envoyè Extraordinary, but without any success. So that things continue still in the same posture, betwixt the two Crowns of England and Moscovy.   
FINIS.   

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