A MODERATE REPLY TO HIS MAJESTY'S Answer to the Cities last Petition presented at OXFORD: WHICH ANSWER Was read in Guildhall, before the Commons of the said City, January 13. 1643. By a well-minded Petitioner for Peace and Truth. London printed, Jan. 13. Ann. Dom. 1643. The Convinced PETITIONER. IT is a great controversy with many in these times, whether is to be preferred, an unjust Peace, or a most just War, much may be said on each side, Policy and Divinity may spin out a long controversy here about, sure I am, that it is divine policy and politic Divinity, though not to prefer an unjust Peace, yet to compound a most just War; for doubtless, when a just Peace is to be had, no War, can be just, let the cause be what it will; it is Solomon's note, of an evil man to di● up evil, and of a froward man to sow contention, Proverb. 5. v. 22. and wars proceed from lusts. James 4.1. and truly he that pretends piety, and delights in cruelty, doth little understand the law of charity, nor his own hypocrisy, for surely, to take pleasure in fight, is the property of Curs, and not of Christians, and they little know the power of godliness (what ever their profession may be) who delight in blood, for the fruit of the spirit is peace, love, joy, etc. but war and strife, etc. are fruits of the flesh. Gal. 5.21, 22. doubtless these (together with the sad considerations of the dismal effects of civil wars in our own Country were the true and real causes, (however many would not believe it) of the strong cries, and Petitions for Peace (if it could be attained) and accommodations between the King and Parliament; what malignity did lie hid in the hearts of some of the chief movers, in that former Petition (whose pretence was for Peace, and their intentions to make division in the City) I know not, but let me speak for myself, and for many more (whom I have cause to judge as upright as myself therein) that our hearts did, and do abhor such desperate dissimulation, and it shall appear so to all the world, by our dissenting from any such council (from what hand soever given) to the stopping of the mouths of any censorious person whatsoever, it did much satisfy us to see the Lord Major, Aldermen, & Common Counsel of this City, in that humble, loyal, loving, & dutiful manner, to Petition His Majesty for Peace, in the name of the whole City; & we could not but (taking notice of His Majesty's Protestations of a desire for Peace) promise to ourselves a blessed and happy answer, to the refreshing the hearts of the whole Kingdom, but now the clouds are returned after the rain; and we are as full of present despair by this answer, (if His Majesties) as we were of former hopes, and for mine own part I cannot but judge, that those that are now to seek in their resolutions to join with the Parliament against the common adversaries of the Kingdom, are either to seek for their wits, or their respects to the Kingdom, and I shall for ever judge them to be more then sufficiently acquainted with the art of hypocrisy and dissmulation in their pretences for Peace, that will not give out their assistance in joining with the Parliament, against the common adversary (the only way now left) to attain a Peace. An account of this mine opinion, I offer to all those that were as ingenuous ●s myself, in subscribing the late Petition for Peace (so much withstood by many who did judge more evilly of us, than we did deserve) and that is, the serious taking notice, First, of the nature of the Petition, Secondly, of the nature of this Answer. 1 In the Petition we are to consider, 1 Title. 2 Preamble. 3 Prayer. thereof. First, In the Title they Petitioned to the Kings most Excellent Majesty, in whose hands there was power, and we did hope, in whose heart, there had been a will, to make us happy by a gracious reply, and surely as it had been the high way to our felicity; so had it been greatly for his glory, and as it had filled our mouths with joy, so had muzzled the mouths of those, who did premise no better issue of it, than now we see. Secondly, we are to consider the Petitioners. The humble Petition of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London. An Act of the joint body of the whole City; and therefore we did hope most likely to prevail with His Majesty; Thus for the Title. Secondly, for the Preamble, and therein is contained the Petitioners grievances, as the ground of their prayers, and they are three, First, the divisions between His Majesty and Parliament. Secondly, the sad effects thereof, both here and in Ireland. Thirdly, the misapprehension conceived in His Majesty of the Petitioners love and loyalty. And from hence they promise His Majesty, and profess, that as they are for the present, so they will always continue his loyal, obedient, and loving subjects, promising according to their Protestation and vow made before Almighty God that they will defend the true Protestant Religion, and their Allegiance, His Royal Majesty, honour and estate, as well as the power and privilege of Parliament, and the lawful rights and liberties of the subjects, and whereas His Majesty hath taken offence at tumults from the City, they engage themselves, their estates, and all they have, to their utmost power, to defend, and preserve His Majesty, and both Houses of Parliament, from all tumults, affronts, and violence, with as much loyalty, love, and duty, as ever Citizens, expressed towards His Majesty, or any of His Royal Progenitors in their greatest glory: This is the preamble of the Petition. Thirdly, in the prayers we may note, 1. The means of it, and that is the most humble submissive manner as it is possible for them to do. The Petitioners therefore upon their bended knees do most humbly beseech your Majesty, etc. 2. The matter of the Petition, and that is twofold: First, That his Majesty would be pleased to return to his Parliament, with his Royal, and not his Martial attendants. Secondly, That such a peace may be concluded upon, as may be for the glory of God, the honour and happiness of his Majesty, and his posterity, the safety, and Welfare of all his loyal Subjects. Thus we see the nature of the Petition, wherein for persons, manner, and matter, envy itself cannot suggest the very lest miscarriage, who could have otherways thought, but that we should have had such an Answer, to such a Petition, so managed, as might at least have caused our peace and happiness, after our dismal distractions, (as the Spring after Winter) to have budded in our hearts; but alas, this unexpected answer (if it be the true answer to the petition) hath like a nipping frost, killed our hopes in the very bud, and it cannot be otherways, if we consider the nature of this Answer, wherein we are to observe, First, the Title. Secondly, the Answer itself. First, The Title: His Majesty hath graciously considered this Petition, and returns this Answer. Surely it was no more graciously considered, then graciously answered; and truly we have no more reason to believe this Answer his Majesties, then gracious, for surely his Majesty's personal Protestations of a desire for peace, did promise an answer, as gracious in the Answer itself, as in the Title. Secondly, We are to consider the Answer itself, and therein 3. things. 1. His Majesty's acknowledgement of his respects unto the City in general, by way of introduction. 2. His Majesty's present implicit recenting the Petition, with the grounds, and reasons thereof. 3. His Majesty's conditional condecention unto the Petition, with his terms and conditions tendered. First, in the introduction, there is a fourfold acknowledgement, viz. 1. Of his Majesty's right apprehension of the love and loyalty of the City: And surely would his Majesty please to look back upon all former experiences, and could his Majesty look into our present affections, his Majesty should have little reason to judge otherways of us. 2. We have an acknowledgement of his love unto the City, and of his desire to make it his chief place of residence, and to continue and renew many marks of his favour to it: Surely we hope his Majesty is in as good earnest in the profession of his love unto us, as we are in the profession of our love and loyalty unto him, though that wicked Counsel about his Majesty have prevailed with him to keep him so long from us: and to accompany them in their bloody attempt, almost to our doors, even so far as Brainford, to murder, and plunder us: For though his Majesty would not have us believe any such intent in him towards us (as God forbidden we should) yet his Majesty can plead but for himself, and not for his Army; for truly, if he should, we should scarce believe the word of a King for it. 3. We have an acknowledgement of the innocency of the City in those tumults Which forced his Majesty (as he saith) to leave the City for his safety: We hope his Majesty will hereafter remember that he hath now acquitted the City of this charge, his Majesty saith indeed, that they were contrived and encouraged by some principal members of this City, but we know them not, he saith, they are out of the reach of Justice, a paradox unto us. Well, however he acquits the Inhabitants of the City, he looks upon his good subjects there, as persons groaning under the same burden which doth oppress his Majesty, by which we conceive he means the distractions of the Kingdom, but he looks upon us as awed by the same persons who begat those tumults; and the same Army which gave battle to his Majesty; but surely his Majesty is much mistaken, if he looks upon London as awed by any thing but the Laws of the Land, and the lawful power and exercise thereof which his Majesty hath over them, much less by any promoters and chief causers of unlawful tumults, especially raised against his Majesty, and if by the Army Which (he saith) gave Him Battle, be meant the Parliaments Army, which gave the Cavaliers battle, who go about to destroy the Laws, Liberty, and Religion of the Kingdom: His Majesty cannot but know that the City is so fare from being awed by them, and in fear of them, as that under God we look upon them as means to defend us from that cruel, popish, and Atheistical Army, which detains his Majesty from his Parliament, and therefore we both have and will to the last penny in our purses, and blood in our bodies, maintain and assist them in so good and just a cause. 4. We have an acknowledgement of his Majesty's desire to establish the particular peace and prosperity of the City; truly could we see his Majesty return to his Parliament, and desert his popish and treacherous Counsel, and Army, we should believe the reality of affections a thousand times more than we can his present protestations. Thus we see the first part of his Majesty's Reply, viz. His Majesty's acknowledgements of his respects in general by way of introduction. Secondly, The second part is his Majesty's present recenting, or implicit denial of the Petition, with his grounds and reasons: His general ground is his fear of security in the City, upon 5. special Reasons. First, The despising and trampling under foot the Laws of the Land in this City. Surely this charge is very criminal, and were London guilty of it, they should deserve rather strict severity, than his Majesty's lenity; but sure we are, if London be guilty of this, then is the adverse Army 7. fold more guilty, and we suppose that all the Cities, Towns, Villages, and Counties where ever they have been, will attest the same; we shall need to say no more to that, seeing their own daily actions, and the whole Kingdom's complaints do ring this in the ears of heaven and earth; but for ourselves we know not what Laws are thus despised and trampled under foot. 2. A second reason of his Majesty's fears of his safety in this City, Is the submitting the Government of this City to the arbitrary power of a few desperate persons of no reputation. It is hard to say whether we are accused more in the former charge, of wickedness, or in this, of weakness: Surely to trample underfoot our Laws, and Liberties, and to submit ourselves so the arbitrary government of a few desperate persons of no reputation, is an argument as of sordid impiety, so of sottish stupidity; but surely, though London hath been guilty of this slavish folly, and foolish slavery in former times (as it is too well known, to its shame) yet repentance and resolution hath (I hope) wiped that guilt of, and made London now, at least innocent in that charge, and it is to be doubted (if the truth was known) that it is not London's aptness to be made slaves, but rather the incorrigeablenesse, and stiffness of her neck to the yoke of slavery which hath made London so obnoxious unto these present distractions and displeasures from the higher powers: we know not these parties (our hard taskmasters) as yet, but we shall by and by. A third ground of his Majesty's fears (as saith this answer) of his security in the City is, that there Arms are taken up, not only without, but against his consent and express commands, and collections publicly made, and contributions avowed for the maintenance of the Army that gave him Battle, & therein used all possible means treason & malice could suggest to them to have taken his life from him, and to have destroyed his Royal issue. Surely we utterly deny that here are any Arms taken against his Majesty, though we confess here are Arms taken up against his consent and express command: and as we will never justify the one, so will live and die in the intoxication of the other (as the case of the Kingdom stands) for if so be a company ●●known Malignants, and Traitors to the Religion, and peace of the Kin● 〈…〉 gather head, and get his Majesty to join with them, and countenance them 〈…〉 proceed and endeavours of destroying the Kingdom, to make 〈…〉 and vassals for ever; His Majesty must give us leave, and that with in any impeachment of our loyalty to him, and love to his royal posterity (espe●●● 〈…〉 and power of a Parliament) to raise up an Army for our defence, 〈…〉 collections, and contributions to the maintenance thereof, 〈…〉 not only without his consent, but against his express command; and surely if his Majesty will not evidence his love to his people by giving his consent and assistance for the safety of his Kingdom in such a case, his Majesty must give us leave to evidence our love to ourselves, and whole Kingdom, to endeavour our own safety; or else we are forced to do it without his consent, and if the Army raised up in London, gave the Army that is raised up against the Kingdom, a battle, and his Majesty's life was in danger therein; I know none that are to be blamed therein, but either himself, in hazarding his royal person, or those that did advise him to such a desperate design; as for the imputation of Malice and Treason in the Parliaments Army, and utmost endeavours to take away his own life, and destroy his royal issue, his Majesty may as soon prove this Treason and malice in the bullets that were shot, as in the parties that shot them, and if his Majesty will so much forget both himself, and his Kingdom, as to protect an Army, and go with them in the field that fight against his Kingdom, with supposition that we will not strike for fear of hurting him, and so the Army encouraged to destroy us; though his Majesty will not value his own life, and issue, but expose all to hazard, yet we ought to value the life of our Religion, Laws, Liberties, and whole Kingdom at a higher rate, then to sacrifice all to such a dangerous and unadvised action, and surely his person would be in more security, and less danger in his royal Throne, with his Parliament, then in the midst of such an Army at Keinton Battle. A fourth ground of his Majesty's fear of security (as saith the Contriver) in the City is the revile, injuries, and murders that are committed, and that even by the Magistrates of this City upon his Majesty's subjects, who out of duty and affection to his Majesty, and compassion of their bleeding country have laboured for Peace. Surely if these revile, injuries, and murders were committed, and that by the Magistrates of this City, upon the King's foresaid subjects, or any other, they were committed in their closerts, and we wonder his Majesty should here thereof at Oxford, before we could here of any such thing in London; but if so be these be his dutiful and affectionate subjects, who laboured for Peace (as the Author calls it) by endeavouring to make insurrections and mutinies in the City, giving out many expressures of their resolutions of malignity against both the City, and Parliament itself, the like affronts scarce ever known given against public authority, if those be the persons his Majesty means, and if (upon the legal and just proof of these men's malignity, and breach of the known Laws of the Land) the committing of these persons to safe custody to prevent their intended malicious designs against the City and Kingdom, be to revile, iujure, and murder his good subjects, then are the Magistrates of London guilty of this charge; and if so, what then is the guilt, and where shall the blood of that poor fellow that was hanged and quartered for a pretended treason in Southwark be required? And where shall the blood of that innocent, plain hearted man, Mr. Boise that was hanged at Redding, (a most bloody act) for no man knows what, be required? As for any revile of them (though we have heard of calling men of good rank Parliament Dogs, and Parliament Rogues, at Oxford) yet we know no such revile of any of the other party here in London. Fiftly, and lastly, The Contriver demands what hope of safety he can have, whilst Alderman Pennington their pretended Lord Maior, the principal Author of those calamities Which so nearly threaten the ruin of that famous City, Venus, Foulke, and Manwairing (all persons notoriously guilty of Schism and high Treason) commit such outrages in oppressing, and imprisoning according to their discretion all such his Majesty's good subjects, whom they are pleased to suspect, but for wishing Well to his Majesty. Truly if so be a free and fair election of Alderman Pennington by the chief Citizens of London is sufficient to make him our lawful Lord Mayor, then is he not pretended Lord Maior; and if so be no man must be Lord Maior, but whom his Majesty's evil Counsel will please to suggest (for we know no other exception) then do not we know our Charter, & we have not the liberty, which the meanest Incorporation in the Kingdom have; well, howsoever this Contriver will please to call him our Pretended Lord Mayor, we know him to be our true, proper, and lawful Lord Mayor, and will honour and obey him accordingly; well, what is affirmed of him? why, that he is the principal Author of those calamities which so nearly threaten the ruin of this famous City; surely my Lord Mayor is better known to the City of London, then unto this Contriver, otherwise the City would never have chosen him twice to be one of their Burgesses in Parliament, and twice Lord Maior: we can hear of no treason committed by him, and we have so good an opinion of his loyalty and love to King and Kingdom, that we could wish that all his Majesty's subjects were such traitors; surely, for this twelve month's space those that have been called the worst Traitors, have been His best subjects; and indeed the whole Kingdom (excepting such as have taken part with Traitors against the Kingdom) are proclaimed Traitors and the rest His loving subjects; and for my part let me rather live and die such a Traitor, than such a loving subject; I desired that men may take heed how they make use of such an expression of His Majesty, in calling my Lord Mayor our pretended Lord Maior, because His Majesty hath not confirmed him, for surely if men cease to be Officers in a Commonwealth, when all things do not concur according to the original and constitution of that Office (although we know no such thing here) it is to be questioned, whether men will not make use of such a conclusion to the extirpation of the highest and chiefest Officer in the Kingdom; well, my Lord Mayor is a real Traitor, but a pretended Lord Maior, (I should say a real Lord Mayor, but a pretended Traitor) but he is not alone, he hath Foulk, Venus, and Mainwairing to bear him company, all notoriously guilty of Schism and high Treason, saith the Contriver, but all notoriously known to be honest, loyal, orthodox, conformable men, say all that ever truly knew them, and by these we may guess at the Separatists, Sectaries, Brownists, and Aanabaptists, so often mentioned in His Majesty's expressures, for these are well known, not only to be honest men, but also conformable unto the Church of England, and as yet at this time we know nothing wherein they are of another mind, except it be in reformation of Discipline, confessed on all hands to be corrupted. Well, what do these do to offend His Majesty? why these are the men intimated before by Whom the Whole City is awed and misled. Surely the City is awed by these men as the Parliament is by four or five factious spirits, a thread bare and worn stratagem to raise contention in the City. Well, what else is objected against these persons? Why they commit great outrages in oppressing, robbing and imprisoning (according to their discretion) all His Majesty's loving subjects, whom they are pleased to suspect, but for wishing well to His Majesty, what His Majesty means here can hardly be understood, but we look not upon it as His Majesty's expressions, and therefore we are bold to say, that surely the Composers Pen did run faster than his judgement, for we know nothing at all that three of these men have done, viz. Alderman Foulk, Colonel Venus, and Col. Mainwairing, except it hath been by special order from the Parliament, and I hope they give no order to rob men, and as for my Lord Major we know not the least act of this nature wherein he is guilty, except there be that of London seen in Oxford, which was never seen in London. These are His Majesty's reasons wherefore he suspects His security in the City, and His Majesty having dispatched them, cometh to appeal to the common judgement and knowledge of all men to give their answers to several Queries. 1. Query. Whether the Petitioners believe that the reviling and suppressing the Book of Common Prayer (established in this Church, ever since the reformation) the discountenancing and imprisoning godly, learned, and painful Preachers, and the cherishing and countenancing Brownists, Anabaptistis, and all 〈◊〉 of Sectaries, be the way to maintain and 〈…〉 Answ. First, though we will honour the very form of godliness, and therefore will not plead for reviling: yet we conceive that the true Protestant reform Religion may very well consist with the suppressing of the Book of Common prayer, for, First, our Protestant religion had not its first rise from protesting to maintain the Book of Common Prayer, but to maintain the Protestant Doctrine of the Gospel of Christ in opposition to Popery. Secondly, I hope it will not be denied, but that the reformed Churches beyond Seas, are Protestant, and yet they have not our Book of Common Prayer there. Thirdly, we question not but that His Majesty hath confirmed the Protestant Religion in Scotland, and ye we know not that either Bishops, or our Book of Common Prayer, if settled there, nor that they are tied to any Book. Whereas it is said that, Fourthly, the Book of Common Prayer hath been settled in this Church since the reformation, yet. First, it will be hard to prove that that book which was settled, be that book which we have and if it prove otherways, then to revile this Book, is no more to revile the Book of Common Prayer settled and established in this Church ever since the reformation; then to revile the Popish Mass book, is to revile the Book of Common Prayer settled since the Reformation. Secondly, Suppose this should be the Book settled since the Reformation; yet they which first settled it did not establish it in seculo seculorum, it was for themselves; we cannot think they had so high thoughts of themselves, as to think that they were then so pure a Church, as that they never could be capable of more light, and knowledge, and reformation, than what they had; No, questionless that pious Prince whose memory is and shall be for ever blessed, for his willingness and endeavours to honour God in a reformation according to the light of those times, had not the least such thought. Thirdly, the Book of Common Prayer was not at first settled for the true Protestant Religion, but for a form of Common Prayer; the holy Scriptures are the ground of the Protestant Religion, and not the Book of Common Prayer, and therefore the true Protestant Religion may be maintained, though the Book of Common Prayer be suppressed. Fourthly, the Book of Common Prayer was established in opposition, and not in favour to Popery; but now it's very observable, that Popery is secretly nourished; and keeps footing in this Kingdom by the Book of Common Prayer; and therefore, the most Popish Priests in the Kingdom are so hot and zealous for the Book of Common Prayer. But the truth is, that this hath been the design of the Prelatical faction, to stifle the light of the Gospel, the Preaching of the Word, and to put up in the room of it the Book of Common Prayer, that so the poor common people may know no Protestant Religion but the Book of Common Prayer, otherwise the people would have been ashamed of this question, Can the Protestion Religion consist with the subpressing the Book of Common Prayer? Well, that is the first part of his Majesty's first Query; the second part is; Whether the discountenancing and imprisoning godly, learned, and painful Preachers be to maintain and defend the true reformed Protestant Religion? Surely to discourtenance godly, learned, and painful Preachers, 〈◊〉 to maintain the true reformed Protestant Religion, and therefore the Prelates (●ee their pretences be what they will) (whose constant practices have been to discountenaned and imprison, godly, learned, and painful Preachers) have nor defended the true reformed Protestant Religion; but malice is self cannot produce one instance one godly, learned, and painful Preacher, discountenanced and imprisoned for his godliness, learning, or painful Orthodox Preaching, by the Magistrates of London; though this charge and sin shall lie heavy one day upon all such as are guilty thereof, but blessed be God, London hath been more passive than active in that sin, it hath been our sorrow, but not our sin. A third part of his Majesty's first Querie is whether The cherishing and countenancing Brownists, Anabaptists, and all manner of Sectaries be the way to maintain and defend the true reformed Protestant Religion? Answ. Surely to cherish and to countenance Brownists, Anabaptists, and all manner of Sectaries, is not the way to maintain and defend the true reformed Protestant Religion; but if by Brownists, Anabaptists, and all manner of Sectaries meant such as are not truly so called; if by those be meant such as my Lord Mayor, Alderman Foulke, Colonel Venus, and Colonel Mainwaring, who are taxed for such in this Reply: if by these be meant all such as are not Episcopal in their Judgements, formal in their Devotions, ceremonial and superstitious in this worshipping God; if by these be meant such as will not swear and lie and profane the Lords day if (in a word) by these be meant all such as desire to be Protestants in life and conversation, as well as in mere profession, then to countenance and cherish such Brownists, Anabaptists, and all manner of such Sectaries is the way to maintain the true reformed reformed Protestant Religion, and we know not others countenanced and cherished, but such as these. 2. Query. A second query is, whether to comply with, and assist persons who have actually attempted to kill his Majesty, and to allow and favour Libeirs Pasquil's, and seditious Sermons against his Majesty, be to defending Royal person and honour according to their duty and allegiance. Ans. Surely no, but to comply with, and assist persons that fight against those who have actually attempted to destroy the Laws of the Land, the Liberty of the Subject, the life of the Parliament, Religion, and Kingdom, is to defend his royal person and honour according to our duty and allegiance, but surely to allow and favour Libels, Pasquil's, and seditious Sermons against his Majesty, or his Parliament, is not to defend his royal person and honour according to their duty and allegiance; and therefore such Preachers as these, that sow sedition between his Majesty and Parliament, are no godly, learned, and painful preachers, and I know none but such as those that are discountenanced by any Magistrates in this City. 3. A third Query is, whether to imprison men's persons, and to plunder their houses, because they will not rebel against his Majesty, nor assist those that do, whether to destroy their property, by taking away the twentieth part of their Estates from them, and by the same arbitrary power to refer to four standers by of their own faction to judge what that twentieth part is, be to defend the lawful rights and libert●●t of the subjects? Ans. Surely no, This is not to defend the lawful rights and liberties of the subjects; And therefore we hope His Majesty will be very willing to let Justice have its free course upon my Lord of Newcastle, and others, which do assess men to pay not the twentieth part of their estates, but what he pleaseth, and to compel them to pay it by an Army on foot in the North, and elsewhere, That he will at last join with his Parliament, to bring all those Robbers, Plunderers, and Spoilers of His Kingdom, and good People, (whereof, there are so many Complaints of poor Carriers and People in all the Villages, Towns, and Cities, where the Army raised up against the Parliament hath been) to just and condign punishment; and this will be to defend the lawful Right and Liberties of the Subjects: But for the Parliament (into whose hands we have committed our Estates, and trust of the whole Kingdom) to demand the twentieth part of our Estates for the defence of the Kingdom, against a Malignant Army of Papists, Delinquents, and Traitors, raised up to destroy the Religion, and Laws of the Kingdom, and to compel them to pay it by an Ordinance of Parliament, 〈◊〉 save our Laws, Religion, Liberties, and Lives; and to appoint four honest, sufficient, indifferent well affected men to judge what that twentieth part is, (the best course that can be taken in such a case, and fare better than the course taken by my Lord of Newcastle, and others, in their wicked and traitorous tyranny) is to defend the lawful Rights and Liberties of the Subjects. 4. Query, A fourth Query is, If we think these Actions to be instances of either, Whether we do not know these Persons before named to be guilty of them all? Answ. We suppose these Actions are not instances of either; and we do not know those Persons before named, guilty of any one of them. 5. Query. A fifth Query is, Whether we can think it possible, that Almighty God can bless this City, and preserve it from destruction, whilst Persons of such known guilt, are defended and justified among them, against the power of that Law by which they can only subsist? Answ. Were this City guilty of the aforesaid Crimes, Doubtless we could not think that Almighty God could bless this City, and preserve it from destruction; But for as much as we know the City's innocency in them all, especially the innocency of the Governors of this City, where chief the charge is laid, we think it not only possible; But certain that Almighty God will bless this City, and preserve it from destruction; notwithstanding, the malice, power, policy, plots, and projects of all the enemies thereof, as (blessed be his holy Name) he hath hitherto done; And surely, We cannot think that God can bless (leaving to himself the liberty of his free, and rich grace) that party of Papists, Atheists, and profane Wretches, That under prerences of fight for the true Protestant Reform Religion, Law of the Land, and Liberty of Subject, Shall go about to undermine, kill, and destroy the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the Kingdom. And although such may prosper sometimes in judgement, and not in mercy; yet God will find a time for an account hereof, to their terror. For, if men will most Hypocritically make God justify their wickedness, by pretending his cause, and approbation; God will most seasonably justify himself, and his righteousness by their ruin and destruction. But the good God give repentance unto conversion, and not judgement unto confusion, And this is the greatest mischief that we wish them. We shall say no more to the second part of His Majesty's reply: Viz. His recenting the Petition for the present, with His Majesty's Reasons thereof, and the several Queries hereabout. The last part of His Majesty's reply, Is His conditional condescension unto the Petition, with the terms thereof, tendered and propounded. Wherein we may observe, First, His conditional condescension with terms propounded. Secondly, A threatening of those that will not yield to the same. First, His conditional condescension, Here we must remember the Prayer of the Petition; that is, twofold, For His Majesty's return unto His Parliament, with His Royal, and not His Martial Guard, etc. Secondly, That a Peace may be concluded upon, as may be for the glory of God, the honour and happiness of His Majesty, and posterity, and the safety and welfare of all His loving Subjects. This His Majesty doth promise upon these conditions, as saith this Author, His Majesty (having professed His good opinion of the greater, and better part of this City; and that He doth not lay the former charge (in that measure at least) upon them, Though they are not altogether without some blame, to suffer those foresaid ill men, so fare, to prevail with them, as that He hath had little use of their Affections;) Yet notwithstanding, He professeth, His desire is to be with them, and to protect them, that the Trade, Wealth, and glory thereof, may again be the envy of all foreign Nations, etc. And He doth offer a general pardon to all the Inhabit aunts of that His City of London, the Suburbs, and City of Westminster, (excepting the Persons formerly excepted by His Majesty) but upon these conditions. 1. Condition. First, If we shall return to our Duty, Loyalty, and Obedience. We never yet departed from our Duty, Loyalty, and Obedience, and we hope never shall, therefore we yield. Secondly, If His good Subjects shall solemnly declare, That they will defend the known Laws of the Land, and will submit to, and be governed by no other Rule. We have already in our solemn Protestation declared that, and will maintain it to the utmost of our Lives, Liberties and Estates, against all the Cavaliers in the World. That we will maintain the known Laws, and submit to be governed by no other Rule, but by the known Laws, until they be lawfully reversed, or others made by those that are lawfully called hereunto, according to the constitution of the Kingdom; and in this Resolution (by God's grace, we will live and die, therefore hitherto we yield.) Thirdly, The third condition is; If they shall first manifest, by defending themselves, and maintaining their own Rights, Liberties, and Interests, and suppressing any force and violence, raised, against those and His Majesty, to their power, to defend and preserve Him from all tumults, affronts, and violence. Surely, If God please to bless us, we will maintain our own Rights, Liberties, and Interests, otherwise we would never be at such cost and charges to maintain War, against those that are risen to take them away; and cursed be he that will not promise to the utmost of his power, to suppress any tumults, fronts, violence, raised up against His Majesty, we are hitherto agreed. Fourthly, If they shall apprehend and commit to safe custody the Persons of those four men, who enrich themselves with the spoil and oppression of His loving Subjects, and the ruin of the City, That His Majesty may proceed against them by the course of Law, as guilty of high Treason, His Majesty will speedily return with His Royal, and not His Martial Guard, etc. How? If we shall apprehend and commit to safe custody the Persons of these four men; By what means, here is no legal way propounded, How must this be done? What? By an Insurrection? What? Rise up tumultuously against the King's chief Officers? Surely, Now it appears, His Maresty hath little hand in this Answer; Doth not His Majesty complain of those tumults that came to the Parliament, and cried out, No Bishops, no Bishops? And shall we think, that He would have us rise up in tumults, and cry, No Lord Mayor, no Lord Mayor? Do we seek to His Majesty for peace, and shall we think, that He doth answer us, by putting us, upon a design, to cut one another's Throat? Shall we think that His Majesty will teach His Subjects to rebel against Himself, in His Ministers of Justice? Do we seek for peace abroad, and shall we suppose His Majesty doth answer us by advising a course, for the spilling of one another's blo●d at home? Surely no, Such a remedy is by fare worse than the disease; If His Majesty shall legally accuse them to the Parliament, and they send in a legal manner for them, We will venture our lives to take them, if need should be; but in the mean while they are not flying away: And we suppose they have little cause; and that we are spoilt, and oppressed by them, and they enriched by us, was never our complaint unto His Majesty, We could hearty wish there were no greater spoilers, and oppressors of the King's Subjects in the Kingdom, than they are, we would be very unwilling to have the Cavaliers to come to relieve us from these spoilers. Therefore I hope London will be as wary in delivering up such active and well affected Members to be sacrificed to the malice of wicked men that have incensed His Majesty against them? as the Parliament (a leading example) have been in the very self same case: And yet if His Majesty hath any crime against any, or all of them, there is no question, but the City of London, will as willingly surrender them up to the Justice of the Law in a lawful proceeding against them, as the Parliament was. Well, in short, we see the terms, upon which His Majesty will grant our Petitions for peace; and truly, If this be the way for peace, viz. To intimate unto us in general, without any legal, and orderly directions, to seize upon the Persons of our chief Members of the City, which cannot be done but tumultuously, and (it is like) without shedding of blood; we had rather be without it, then have it; we had rather wait for a better peace some other way: As for His Majesty's promises upon this course taken, Viz. That He will come with His Royal, and not His Martial guard, and use His utmost endeavour, that we may hereafter enjoy all the blessings of peace and plenty, etc. We believe then there will be no great need of His Martial guard, and His endeavours for our peace and plenty, and the success thereof, we may read in those Countries, where His Majesty hath been with His Forces, and made promises of this nature, which will amount to a great deal of less peace and plenty then now we have. And therefore for the last part of the Author's reply, Viz. His Majesty's threatening, If we take not this course, If we continue to contribute our maintenance of the Army, under the Earl of Essex, etc. We reply only thus, (being in a great strait) That we must, and by God's help, will do the utmost that we can, while we have life and breath to maintain the Army raised up for the defence of our Religion, and Kingdom, under the command of the Earl of Essex; But we had rather (if God would please, that no more English blood may be spilt in this Cause; but we see how the case stands with us, we must either join with the Cavaliers in fight against the Kingdom, the Gospel, Parliament, Laws, and Liberties, or expect the utmost issue to our peril; and surely, we will rather stand to the issue of the lesser evil, of sorrow, rather than sin, and fight for, and not against the Kingdom. The Author saith, His Majesty hopes, His good Subjects of London, will call to mind the Acts of their Predecessors, their Duty, Affection, Loyalty, and merit towards their Princes, the renown they have had with all posterity for, and the blessings of Heaven which always accompanies those virtues, and well consider the scorn and infamy which unavoidably will follow them, and their children; if infinitely the meaner part in quality, and much the lesser part in number, shall be able to alter the Government so admirably established; Destroy the trade so excellently settled, and to waste the wealth so industriously gotten, of that flourishing City; and then they will easily gather up the courage and resolution, to join with His Majesty, in defence of that Religion, Law, and Liberty, which hitherto hath, and only can make themselves, His Majesty, and the whole Kingdom happy. Surely this City doth call to mind (and for ever will) the acts of our Predecessors, their duty, affection, loyalty, and merit towards their Princes, the renown they have had with all posterity for, and the blessings of heaven which hath always accompanied these virtues; and will, and do consider the scorn, and infamy, which unavoidably will follow us, and our children, if infinitely the meaner part in quality, and the lesser part in number shall (notwithstanding the assistance of all the Cavaliers in the Army, raised up against the Parliament, and all the Papists, and Atheists in the City, or Kingdom to help them) be able to alter the Government so admirably established; Destroy the trade so excellently settled, and to waste the wealth so industriously gotten of this flourishing City; as the Cavaliers have in many flourishing Cities, and Towues, where they have been; And therefore we will gather courage and resolution to join with His Majesty and Parliament, in the defence of that Religion, Law, and Liberty, which stands in opposition to popery and slavery, and can only make ourselves, His Majesty, and His Kingdom happy. And notwithstanding, with reference to the Commonwealth, his Majesty may have concurrence with his Parliament at this distance is well as at White Hall, yet we should think ourselves infinitely engaged unto his Majesty, if he will be pleased to come to his Parliament, and we think the whole Kingdom will rejoice at it, and (though his Majesty hath concurred with their advice beyond the example of his Predccessors in passing of such Bills, by which he willingly parted with many of his known Rights for the benefit of his subjects, which the fundamental constitutions of this Kingdom did not oblige him unto, for which we are hearty thankefnll, yet would his Majesty be pleased to leave that wicked Counsel about him, who adviseth him to join with them against his Parliament beyond the example of his Predecessors, and to take such courses whereby These Acts of Grace in passing Bills for the good of the Subjects, shall be void and of no use, but even the Parliament itself and all our Laws, Religion, and Liberty are in danger to be utterly lost and destroyed we should surely then be easily persuaded of his Majesty's cordial love and respects unto us, and we know not what to do, but still to apply ourselves unto his Majesty, as we have done unto his Parliament, that such just peaceable, and Honourable Propositions, may be mutually tendered, that may beget a sweet and happy concurrence between his Majesty and Parliament. We have seen the Petition; who would not subscribe it; we have seen the supposed answer, if true, who could have expected it? shall we be any longer deceived? then let us be for ever undone: it is no Religion but Popery; no Liberty, but slavery; which shall be our portion: do not think that were it not for a few Brownists and Anabaptists etc. all would be well, that these are the disturbers of our Peace; I am no friend to such as these; but let me live and die such an one as those that are falsely so called, no, no, such Brownists and Anabaptists, as were the causes of the Irish Rebellion (as all men may see) are the incendiaries of our troubles: Popery and slavery, hath a long time threatened this Nation: When absolute prerogative gets upon the Throne, and the Pope upon the Church, what Subjects then but slaves? what Christians, but Papists? shall we be cozened of our Religion and Liberty by lies, and hypocrisy? no peace is to be had, but either we must fight for it in hope of victory; or purchase it by perpetual slavery; War is bitter God give us peace, Hell is hot; God give us truth, if we love our souls, let us fight for our Religion, if we love our posterity let us fight for their Liberty; amongst others these motives doth captivate my resolutions: first the consideration of the cause, it is for God it is for the Kingdom, if I fight for God, I shall have God though I lose all, and that will make up all; if I decline God, though I enjoy all, I shall lose God and then all will make up nothing, it is for jesus Christ; who would not help him to his glory? He hath fought with divine justice, with the curse of the Law: with the Devil, with sin, with death for us, shall we not fight with man for him? we were his enemies when he did thus for us; he is our Redeemer; what is now to dear for him? he left Heaven to fetch us from Hell; what can we do in requital therefore? he is our General, mighty in battle; who would not fight under his Standard, if ever, now is Christ's cause on foot to affirm the contrary, is shameless impudence, which to believe, is sottish credulity, if Popery be piety then are we deceived in this controversy; can English ingenuity be deceived with such Romish fallacy? It is for the Gospel; who is so blind as once to doubt it? Life by it hath been brought to light; shall we now lose it; it's a door to glory; shall we let it be shut? It's a vision of Heaven; shall we let it pass, pity pity, your poor posterity, no Gospel; no Christ, no Christ, no Glory: if so; woe, woe, that ever they were borne, believe it; It is not Queen Elizabeth's reformation, but Queen Mary's Religion that will give content, put it to question, doth the Rebels in Ireland, the Papists in England; the Catholic Army in the North; the popish in the South aim at and fight for Queen Elizabeth's Reformation? It cannot but vex an ingenious man to think that men should be such fools, as to be thus cheated. Secondly, It is the Kingdom's cause, the peace, the plenty; the security of the Kingdom lies a bleeding, England hitherto the envy, is like to be made the pity of Nations: we may read our dismal quality in Ireland's misery; instead of beauty we shall have baldness, and of garments a rent; farewell the bleating of sheep, the lowing of Oxen, the Calves of our stall; and the herds of our flocks; instead of our music shall ring in our ears the pitiful cries of dearest wives, with wring hands and 〈◊〉 eyes; dearest husbands, bread, bread, can pitiful mothers endure the cries of tender babes, with blubbered cheeks, and bleared eyes, mother, mother, bread, bread, what a harsh and unusual discourse will this be amongst our delicate women; Let us eat your child to day; and you shall have mine to morrow: how will all faces gather blackness and all heart's sadness, when death climbs up at our windows, and there is nothing but lamentations in the houses, and cries in the street; when our young men shall fall, and our old men faint, and no man knows how long? do we not see many from Ireland whose clothing was lately rich and food delicious, now clothed in rags, glad of your crusts, and thankful for your old shoes? doth not the same blood of the Irish Rebellion run in the veins of distracted England, and hath it not wrought the same bloody effects up and down throughout the Kingdom? what dismal groan of murdered men, screiching women and crying children will fill our ears in every house? in a word; did we know the effects of War we would study Peace, pray for peace, petition for peace; and if we could not prevail, we would give out ourselves to all that we have to fight for, our peace against the enemies thereof, that some sudden end might be put to the War. Thirdly consider the example of our Adversaries, how do they join together as one man against us: who would have thought such a war so expensive should be carried on in Ireland, and now in England by voluntary contributions amongst the Papists as we see it is? shall the Pope have greater interest in Papists, than Christ in Christians? shall he call for the assistance of Papists and they run, and ride, travel beyond Seas, fly into Holland, France, Germany Denmark, every where for help? and shall we do nothing? do Papists forget all their interests in wives, children, Countries dwellings. Estates, gather into Armies, venture their lives for the Pope? and shall Christ call for help, and shall we sit still? hath the Pope done more for Papists, than Christ for Christians? hath the Pope shed his blood for them? suffered wrath for them? adopted them unto God plucked them out of the snares of death? hath not Christ done all this for us? hath the power of the Mass-book prevailed more with Papists in the cause of their Lord God the Pope; then the Bible with Christians to do for their Lord jesus Christ? can the Pope protect in Battles, succeed Battles, prosper battles like unto Christ? can the Pope, reward our labours, make up breaches, repay, losses look to widows and fatherthelesse, crown with Glory like jesus Christ? let us be ashamed of our pretended Christianity, if Christ's cause hath in us no greater efficacy: In short, let us take what speedy course we can to redeem all or we lose all; pray for the peace of jerusalem, and the ruin of Babylon; study the peace of jerusalem and the ruin of Babylon, fight for the peace of jerusalem and the ruin of Babylon, Christ and his Gospel, Religion, Laws, Liberties, Estates, Trades, Wives, Children, all accommodations of soul and body, calls and cries, begs and entreats, if we have any bowels of love and compassion, we would not give back but now give out our help, and think upon some sudden, certain, continued course by some general asistant, that the burden being put upon many shoulders, every man might bear with ease and delight; whereby we may both prosecute and purchase our peace peace is our quarrel, peace is our prayer, let peace be our study and endeavours, and Peace shall be our reward. FJNJS.