Blasij Monluci Franciae Mareschall▪ Vera Effigies▪    

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARSHAL OF FRANCE.  
WHEREIN ARE DESCRIBED All the Combats, Rencounters, Skirmishes, Battles, Sieges, Assaults, Scaladoes, the Taking and Surprises of Towns and Fortresses; as also the Defences of the Assaulted and Besieged:  
With several other signal and remarkable Feats of War, wherein this great and renowned Warrior was personally engaged, in the space of fifty or threescore years that he bore Arms under several Kings of France.  
TOGETHER WITH Divers Instructions, that such ought not to be ignorant of, as propose to themselves by the practice of Arms to arrive at any eminent degree of Honour, and prudently to carry on all the Exploits of War.  Cicero. M. Marcello. Epist. 8. l. 4. Omnia sunt misera in Bellis civilibus, quae Majores nostri ne semel quidem, nostra aetas saepe jam sensit: sed miserius nihil, quam ipsa victoria: quae etiamsi ad meliores venit, tamen eos ipsos ferociores, impotentioresque reddit: ut, etiamsi naturâ tales non sint, necessitate esse cogantur. Multa enim victori, eorum arbitrio, per quos vicit, etiam invito facienda sunt. 
LONDON, Printed by Andrew Clark, for Henry Brome, at the Gun at the West End of St. Paul's, MDCLXXIV.   


Academiae Canbabrigiensis Liber    

To the Right Honourable, PHILIP, EARL of CHESTERFIELD, Lord STANHOPE of Shelford, etc.  
MY LORD,  
THough all men that know me are sufficiently informed of the many and great obligation your Lordship has laid upon me, and that as many of them as I have discoursed withal upon that subject, are able, if they will do me right, to bear witness with what candour and acknowledgement, not perhaps without something of ostentation, I have ever owned and extolled them; yet (my Lord) those men are so few, and the beforementioned obligations of so generous a nature, that I confess I have a desire both to be more universally known your servant, and that the world at the same time should take notice, that though you may in my person have placed your favours upon an unworthy, yet that they have nevertheless been conferred upon a grateful man. Such a one (my Lord) I profess myself to be, and having no other way to manifest that I am so, have taken the liberty to dedicate this Translation of mine to your Lordship's diversion and acceptance, not suspecting that you who have honoured me so many other ways should discountenance me in this, but rather protect me from others, as well as excuse me to yourself; and in truth (my Lord) I am so much your own, that you may justifiably enough be a little partial in my favour.  
My Lord, it may perhaps be expected by those who know your Lordship for the noble person you are, that I should here salute you with a finer Epistle than peradventure I can write, or at least than this is either likely, or in truth intended to be; not that I would not present you with the best I have, but knowing your Lordship aversion to such impertinencies as men sometimes stuff their Dedications withal, I should not only wilfully offend you, but moreover step out of my own design, which is very clear from the vanity of thinking to advance your Honour or Name by any testimony of mine, and only intended with all submission to declare myself,  
MY LORD, Your Lordship's most humble and most obedient Servant, CHARLES' COTTON.   

The TRANSLATOR's PREFACE TO THE READER.  
A Man that has had no better luck in Printing Books than I, and received from the world so little thanks for his labour, should, one would have thought, have taken some reasonable warning, and in some moderate time have given over scribbling; but notwithstanding these disencouragements, I have hitherto, and do yet continue incorrigible, as, whoever will take the pains to read them, will see by the following Commentaries: and seeing I acknowledge this to be a fault, and that every fault requires some excuse, I think fit to give the Reader some account why I still persist so obstinate to pester the world with my writings.  
It is not then out of any ill natured desire I have to be troublesome, or any great ambition I have to be laughed at; but being, by a perpetual confinement to the solitude of my own House, put eternally upon reading, that reading, when I meet with any thing that pleases my own fancy, inspires me with a desire to communicate such things as I conceive are worth knowing, and are out of the common Road of ordinary Readers, to their observation▪ and to dedicate those hours which I myself have spent with some delight in such Translations, to their vacancy and diversion.  
This is the true and only reason why I have, and sometimes do spend so much time about such things as these, and it ought the less to offend the generality of men, because, though I only pretend by it to oblige but a few persons, and those none of the most considerable; yet it can be prejudicial to none, the Author only excepted, and he can suffer by it, with none neither but such as will not take the pains to read him in his own Language; for such as cannot do it ought to rest satisfied, and provided the Subject be without reproach, are better with an ill Translation than none at all.  
Such a one in plain truth is this; not that I am willing to confess I have much miss the sense of the Author; but though elegant enough for those times, 'tis a knotty piece in itself, and though wrapped up in very good sense, yet writ by the rough hand of a Soldier, and a rough one, and stuffed up with old musty Proverbs (the mode of wit it seems at that time) and such as we have not sometimes Proverbs of our own to render them by, and to English a Proverb without a Proverb, is to make that unpleasant, and almost unintelligible in one Language, that is quaint and elegant in another; to repair which I have in some places been necessitated almost to create Proverbs, or at least to render his after a Proverbial way, to make them a little like the Original.  
But I could wish this was the worst fault the Reader will find in the Book; I am afraid it is not, and know also very well there are some others, for which no man living could provide a remedy (unless upon the Author's heads he would have made a History of his own) to wit, intolerable digressions, and those intolerably long, with so many, and so longwinded Aparenthesies, included within tedious periods, as very much take from the grace of his Style (of itself a rude one) and strangely perplex the Reader; for which whether I should accuse Monsieur de Montlucs want of Art (which he himself confesses) or the luxuriency of his fancy (which often hurries him from his subject) I am yet to seek.  
I must also add, That though this Treatise have generally a very good reputation in the world, yet there are some, who are men of very great judgement, and who have no inclination to discountenance either good writings, or good men, that decry this Book for one of the vainest pieces that ever was writ; and indeed they have reason on their side, there being a continued thread of vanity and ostentation throughout the whole work, ou par tout on trouvera les Gasconades a bon marché. But the Author being a Gascon (to which Nation bragging is as natural, as bravery) and the things he relates of himself being undeniably true, I conceive he ought to be excused, and the rather, because it is for the most part in vindication of himself from the ill offices and slanders of those little Monsieurs of the Court, of whom he so often complains, and gives himself the best description: a sort of vermin, that in truth have evermore insinuated themselves into all Courts of Princes, especially that of France, where the worthiest men in all Ages have ever been subject to the clandestine malice▪ and private calumny of such as durst not so much as have looked on, to have beheld the brave actions performed by those they were not afraid to traduce, and bespatter at the distance of an hundred leagues, and under the protection of their Master's presence and favour.  
After all these objections which I have here set down, as well to prevent others, as to excuse myself; I am now to tell you, that had I not for all this thought this Book a very good one, I should have found myself something else to do; and I may venture to declare I think it so, since it has had so great a reputation, with almost all sorts of men, that the truth of it in no one particular (that I ever heard of) was ever disputed by any; and that it has been allowed by all to be the best Soldiers Book, that is, the best Book for the instruction of a Soldier that ever was writ. Never certainly were Erterprises designed with more judgement and resolution, nor ever carried on with greater bravery and conduct than all his were; besides the labour, hazard, and diligence, with which they were ever executed, were such as perhaps had never been practised before, nor, for aught I ever heard or read, ever imitated by any Frenchman since: from whence I am apt to conclude, that either Monsieur de Montluc was the greatest Soldier of a Subject that ever was in France, or that the Historians of that Kingdom have not been so just to the rest, as he has been to himself.  
I cannot deny but that to an invincible spirit▪ and an indefatigable constancy in suffering all the hardships of war, the fierceness of his nature, prompt, and perfectly Gascon, or else his zeal to Religion, and the service of his Prince, or both, made him sometimes do things which seemed bloody and cruel; but the necessity of the time, and the growing faction of the Hugon ots, would have it so; neither do I think (I know not how discreet I am in declaring so much) that Sacrilege and Rebellion can be too roughly handled; and severity must needs appear a virtue, where clemency would evidently have been a vice. As to the rest, the Reader will find his Harangues well fitted to the several occasions, his Deliberations prudent, and well grounded, his Instructions sound, his Arguments rational, his Descriptions plain and intelligible, and the whole well enough couched, from a hand that was better acquainted with a Sword than a Pen, and by a man whose design, as well as profession, was rather to do things worthy to be written, than to write things worthy to be read.  
To conclude, I shall beg of the Reader in the behalf of the brave Author, to consider him a poor Gentleman, bred up to Arms, by which alone he pushed on his fortune to the highest degree of honour, without any addition of Letters, or other advantages of education, the ordinary foundations of greatness, than what he forged out of his own courage, and formed out of his own natural parts, which were notwithstanding such as approved him a Captain of extraordinary valour and conduct, and made him moreover allowed to be a man of wit, Characters which all the Historians do generally allow him, and particularly Davila, though he only here and there glances upon his name. For myself, I have nothing to say, but this, that although this be no elegant, it is nevertheless (if I mistake not) an useful piece: and though we have lost the use of Bows and Targets, yet design and diligence will be in fashion, so long as the Practice of Arms shall endure. I expose my share of it then to every one's mercy, and good nature; such as will buy the Book, will keep me in countenance; 'tis no matter whether they take the pains to read it or no, for by that means my Bookseller's business will be done, and as to the rest I shall not be much disappointed, my design being in plain truth (though I should be glad, I confess, and proud it might take) chiefly to pass away my own time, and to please myself.   

THE French Printer TO THE NOBLESS OF GASCONY.  
GENTLEMEN,  
AS we see certain Countries yield particular fruits in great abundance, which are elsewhere rarely to be found; so it also seems that your Gascony does ordinarily produce an infinite number of great and valiant Captains, as a fruit that is natural and peculiar to that Climate, and that comparatively the other Provinces are in a manner barren. 'Tis to her Womb that the World stands obliged for those noble and illustrious Princes of the House of Foix, Albret, Armagnac, Coming, Candalle, and Captaux de Buch. 'Tis to her that we stand indebted for Pothon, and la Hire, two happy Pillars, and singular Ornaments of the Arms of France. 'Tis she who in our days has acquainted the remotest Nations with the names of the Terms, de Bellegarde, de la Vallette, d'Aussun, de Gondrin, Terride, Romegas, Cossains, Gohas, Tilladet, Sarlabous, and divers other brave Gentlemen of the pure and true Soil of Gascony, without mentioning those at this day living, who generously inflamed with the Trophies and Achievements of their brave Predecessors, are emulous of their glory, and put fair for an equal share of renown. 'Tis your Gascony (Gentlemen) that is the Magazine of Soldiers, the Nursery of Arms, the Flower and choice of the most warlike Nobless, of the whole Earth, and the Mother of so many renowned Leaders, as may dispute the precedency of valour with the most celebrated Captains of the Greeks and Romans that ever were.  
But of all those who (descended from your noble Families) have adorned the practice of Arms, no one for Prowess, Experience, or Resolution did ever excel this invincible Cavalier Blaize de Montluc, Marshal of France. That Prerogative of Honour cannot be disputed with him, no more than the gifts Heaven was pleased to confer upon him of a prompt and marvellous vivacity of understanding; of a present, and nevertheless a very reserved prudence, which he discovered upon the most sudden and surprising occasions in the management of affairs, of an admirable memory, and so rich, as the like is rarely to be found, of a great facility of speech, strong, and bold, and full of incitements of honour in the ardours of Battle; and in affairs of State, of a grave and temperate eloquence, heightened and illustrated with Propositions, Reasons, and Arguments, and all accompanied with so clear and lively a judgement, that although be was destitute of Letters, the beauty of his natural parts notwithstanding darkened the splendour of those, who to a long experience in affairs, had joined a perfect and exact knowledge of the profoundest Arts and Mysteries, both of books and men.  
The greatest part of you who knew him, and have often fought under his Ensign, stand in need of no other testimony than your own knowledge: but the younger sort, who never had the good fortune to see this great man, besides what they may have gathered by report, will perfectly know and understand him by his own commentaries, the actions whereof you have seen him perform when living, and which he dictated when sick, and languishing of that great Harquebus shot which shattered his face at the Siege of Rabasteins', where for a farewell to Arms he served his Prince in the quality of Pioneer, Soldier, Captain, and General at once, after which from his Bed to his Grave this generous soul could never find any rest, which he was wont to say was his capital Enemy, and gave him occasion towards his end to command this Distich to be engraved upon his Tomb. 

Cy dessous reposent les Os  
De MONTLUC, qui n'eust onc repos.   

Here with repose Montluc lies blest,  
Who living never could find rest.   Seeing then, that assisted by your valours, he has so fortunately performed so many glorious feats of Arms; I conceived it but reasonable that this Dedication should address itself to you, that you might enjoy the fruits, and have the pleasure of reading those actions repeated in his Writings, and of seeing the names of your noble Ancestors recorded to posterity in a Chronicle of Honor. And, if I mistake not, there will hardly be found a History more replete with variety, more grateful to the Reader, and more rich in instructions for the conduct and direction both of Peace and War than this, where (I fancy at least) the difference betwixt a History compiled by a sedentary man, bred up tenderly and delicately in the dust of old Studies and old Books, and one writ by an old Captain, and a Soldier brought up in the dust and smoke of Armies and Battles will easily be discerned.  
I know not what ancient Histories have the virtue in a little spac● to render those who read them with the greatest diligence and observation very wise and circumspect leaders: but if any such there be, this, above all others, will easily obtain the precedence, and inform you (generous Nobless) of all the good and evil events that attend the fortune, or misfortune, the valour or the cowardice, the prudence or inconsideration of him who is Chief or General of an Army, or who is Prince or Sovereign of a mighty Kingdom. You have here wherewith to delight your fancy, to discretion your valour, to martialize your wisdom, and to form the true honour of a School of War. The Commentaries of this second Caesar will make you Doctors in Military Discipline, and will serve you for Model, Mirror, and Exemple; they have no fictitious lustre, no affected artifice, no foreign ornament of borrowed beauty. 'Tis nothing but simple Truth that is nakedly presented before you.  
These are the conceptions of a strong, sound, and healthful digestion, that relish of their original and native soil, bold, and vigorous conceptions, retaining yet the breath, vigour, and fierceness of the Author. This is he, who having the first arrived to the highest step of all the degrees and dignities of war, has highly promoted the honour of your Country both by his Sword and his Pen, and to such a degree, that the name of the Montlucs shall gloriously live in the memory of a long and successful posterity, manifesting without envy to succeeding Ages, that your Captain and Historian, as he knew how prudently to enterprise, and bravely to execute what he had designed, was no less good at his Pen, but equally eminent in that faculty, to record with truth and judgement, what he had acted before with the greatest courage and conduct.   


On the brave Marshal de Montluc, and his Commentaries writ by his own hand.  
MONTLUC, how far I am unfit  
To praise thy valour, or thy wit,  
Or give my suffrage to thy fame,  
Who have myself so little name,  
And can so ill thy worth express,  
I blushing modestly confess;  
Yet when I read their better lines,  
Who to commend thy brave designs,  
Their Panegyrics have set forth.  
And do consider thy great worth;  
Though what they write may be more high,  
They yet fall short as well as I.  
Whose is that Pen so well can write  
As thou couldst both command, and fight?  
Or whilst thou foughtst who durst look on,  
To make a true description?  
None but thyself had heart to view  
Those Acts thou hadst the heart to do,  
Thyself must thy own deeds commend,  
By thy own hand they must be penned,  
Which skilled alike in Pen and Sword,  
At once must act, and must record.  
Thus Caesar in his Tent at night,  
The Actions of the day did write,  
And viewing what he'd done before,  
Emulous of himself, yet more,  
And greater things performed, until  
His arm had overdone his will,  
So as to make him almost fit  
To doubt the truth of what he writ.  
Yet what he did, and writ, though more,  
Than ere was done, or writ before;  
Montluc by thee, and thee alone,  
Are paralleled, if not outdone,  
And France in Ages yet to come,  
Shall show as great a man as Rome.  
Hadst thou been living, and a man,  
When that great Ceasar overran  
The ancient Gauls, though in a time,  
When Soldiery was in its prime;  
When the whole world in plumes were curled,  
And he the Soldier of the world,  
His conquering Legions doubtless had  
By thy as conquering arms been stayed:  
And his proud Eagle that did soar  
To dare the trembling world before,  
Whose Quarry Crowns and Kingdoms were,  
Had met another Eagle here,  
As much as she disdained the Lure,  
Could fly as high, and stoop as sure.  
Then to dispute the worlds Command  
You two had fought it hand to hand,  
And there the Aquitanick Gaul  
Maintained one glorious day for all.  
But for one Age 't had been too much  
T'have had two Leaders, and two such;  
Two for one world are sure enough,  
And those at distant Ages too.  
If to a Macedonian Boy  
One world too little seemed t'enjoy;  
One world for certain could not brook  
At once a Caesar, and Montluc,  
But must give time for either's birth;  
Nature had suffered else, and th' Earth  
That truckled under each alone,  
Under them both had sunk and gone.  
Yet though their noble Names, alike  
With wonder, and with terror strike;  
Caesar's, though greater in Command,  
Must give Montlnc's the better hand;  
Who though a younger Son of Fame,  
A greater has, and better Name.  
With equal courage, but worse cause,  
That trampled on his Country's Laws,  
And like a bold, but treacherous friend,  
Enslaved those he should defend:  
Whilst this by no ambition swayed  
But what the love of glory made,  
With equal bravery, and more true  
Maintained the right that overthrew.  
His victories as th' increased his power  
Laid those for whom he fought still lower;  
Abroad with their victorious Bands,  
He conquered Provinces and Lands,  
Whilst the world's conquering Princess Rome  
Was her own Servants slave at home.  
Thy courage brave Montluc we find  
To be of a more generous kind,  
Thy spirit, loyal, as 't was brave,  
Was evermore employed to save,  
Or to enlarge thy Country's bounds,  
Thine were the sweat, the blood, the wounds,  
The toil, the danger, and the pain;  
But hers, and only hers the gain.  
His wars were to oppress and grieve,  
Thine to defend, or to relieve:  
Yet each to glory had pretence,  
Though such as showed the difference,  
By their advantages, and harms  
'Twixt Infidel and Christian Arms.  
France, Piedonont, Tuscany, and Rome,  
Have each a Trophy for thy Tomb:  
Sienna too, that nature strained,  
Only to honour thy command,  
Proud of thy name will be content,  
Itself to be thy monument:  
But thine own Guienne will deny  
Those noble Relics elsewhere lie:  
But there enshrined now thou art dead,  
Where (to its glory) thou wert bred.  
O fruitful Gascony! whose fields  
Produce what ever Nature yields.  
Fertile in valour as in fruit,  
And more than fruitful in repute,  
How do I honour thy great Name,  
For all those glorious Sons of Fame,  
Which from thy fair womb taking birth,  
Have overspread the spacious Earth.  
Yet stands the world obliged for none,  
Nor all thy Heroes more than one;  
One brave Montluc had crowned thee Queen,  
Though all the rest had never been.  
Past times admired this General,  
The present do, and future shall;  
Nay whilst there shall be men to read  
The glorious actions of the dead,  
Thy Book in Ages yet unborn  
The noblest Archives shall adorn,  
And with his Annals equal be,  
Who fought, and writ the best but thee.  Charles Cotton.  

On the Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc.  
To the Worthy Translator.  

HE that would aptly write of Warlike Men,  
Should make his Ink of blood, a Sword his Pen;  
At least he must Their Memories abuse  
Who writes with less than Maro's mighty Muse;  
All (Sir) that I could say on this great Theme  
(The brave Montluc) would lessen his esteem;  
Whose Laurels too much native Verdure have,  
To need the praises vulgar Chaplets crave:  
His own bold hand, what it durst write, durst do,  
Grappled with Enemies, and Oblivion too;  
Hewed its own Monument, and graved thereon  
It's deep and durable Inscription.   

To you (Sir) to whom the valiant Author owes  
His second Life and Conquest o'er his Foes,  
Ill natured Foes, Time and Detraction,  
What is a Stranger's Contribution!  
Who has not such a share of Vanity  
To dream that one, who with such Industry  
Obliges all the world, can be obliged by me.   Thomas Flatman▪  

On the Commentaries of Montluc translated.  
I Never yet the French Tongue understood,  
Which may (what e'er their Fashions are) be good;  
Yet such as I, by your industrious hand,  
Come now them and their State to understand.  
This, and your well-translated Espernon,  
Make those brave Histories of France our own.  
Sir, these are noble Works, and such as do  
Name you Translator, and the Author too.  
You are our Author, and our thanks to you  
(As yours to their Historians) are due.  
Nay even the French themselves must thank you too:  
For we (and we are the major part) who know  
Nothing of them, but what is noise and show.  
Hard names for damned course Stuffs, stinking Meat,  
Adulterate Wine, strange Habits, Legs and Faces,  
Might justly look on France, (not to speak worse)  
To be of these the Mother, or the Nurse.  
But us you undeceive, and do them right,  
By these exact Translations which you write,  
And we who understand no French, now find  
You are both just to them, and to us kind.  R. Newcourt.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 1. line 20. r. to justify. p. 2. l. 24. r. and yet. p. 4. l. 50. r. the charge and honour. p. 5 1. 7. r. not for. p. 8. l. 32. r. and the. p. 11. l. 51. r. in, in. p. 12. l. penult. r. a fugitive. p. 15. l. 47. r. they. p. 19 l. 4. r. dine aboard. p. 22. l. 6. r. not d●ign. p. 24. l. 17. r. by burning. p. 28. l. 43. r. de Montpezat. p. 29. l. 22. r. at that time. l. 38. r. the Tanned. p. 31. l. 25. r. de Montpezat. p. 32. l. 29. r. de Fonterailles. p. 39 l. 23. r. and me to Savillan. p. 41. l. 24. r. Monsieur d' Aussun. l. 50. r. knew the. p. 42. l. 14. r. could avoid. p. 45. l. 16. r. Reconis▪ p. 51. 1. 41. r. enough to do to. p. 54. l. 23. r. if they were. p. 56. l. 48. r. weary. p. 57 l. 11. r. fought. Ib 1. 14. r. fault. p. 59 l. 38. r. they advance, p. 6●. l. 31. for d' Aussun, r. d' Anguien. p. 63. l. 10. for for now r. new. p. 65. l. 49. r. the Marshal. p. 66. l. 13. r. the feast. p. 67. l. 46. r. when you arose. p. 68 l. 11. r. took notice. p. 8●. l. 57 r. we are. p. 92. l. 39 r. if they. p. 126. l. 39 r. to scour. p. 130. l. 29. r. and that Captain St. Auban. p. 133. l. 37. r. which was a. p. 143. l. 35. r. went about to. p. 150. l. 17. r. in their. p. 159. l. 12. r. inconsiderable. p. 161. l. 20. r. hateful word. p. 173. 1. 59 and 60. r. a Trooper. p. 174. l. 32. r. the plain. p. 175. l. 40. and 41. r. had moored them in the Ditch. p. 176. l. 15. r. and that would make. p. 177. l▪ 19 r. stop short. p. 184. l. 16. r. no body else. p, 193. l. 6. r. Cremona. p. 197. l. 36. r. du Tillet. p. 209. l. 48. r. Quails. p. 213. ay, 56. deal all. p. 232. l. 5. r. Commands. p. 233. l. 2. r. to p 242. l. 25. r. delivered to him. p. 246, l. 9 r. Coral. p. 281. l. 49. r. lafoy Masquere. p. 289. l. 54. r. Cabinet. l. 58. r. the Children. p. 290. l. 45 r. repulsed. p. 312. l. 40. r. best Curtall. p. 313. l. 28 deal that. p. 314. l. ult. r. Chalosse. p. 320. l. 2. r. suffering him. l. 34. r. to the friendship. p. 321. l. 23. r. I here. p. 322. l. 2. Commas after Field. l. 29 r. had told. p. 323. l. 19 r. l' Isle p. 325. l. 40. r. he, and p. 340. l. 48. r. we should. p. 344. l. 9 r. see the wife. p. 345. l. 26. r. and would never. p. 348. l. 13. r. Clergy would l. 32. r. of which. p. 355. 1. 47. r. and had they. l. 49 r. they had had. p. 357. l. 45. r. one near unto Tholouze. p. 358. l. 12. r. the best friends I had. p. 359. l. 25. He has indeed. p▪ 363. l. 8. r. the Coins were broken. p. 364. l. 53. r. to the Hole of the wall. p. 365. l. 38. r. and that in case I should. p. 376. l. 15. r. I am sure mine never did. p. 382. l. 32. r. subjects. l. 53. r. your blood. p. 389. l. 13. r. all other employments. p. 391. l. 49. r. My Lord. p. 395. l. 44. r. t●an to Bourdeaux. p. 403. l. 44. r. It was.   

A Catalogue of some Books Printed for Henry Brome, since the dreadful Fire of London.  

THE History of the Life of the Duke Espernon, the great Favourite of France; wherein the History of France is continued from 1598., where D'Avila leaves off, down toour times, 1642 in fol. price 16 s.  
Horace, a French Tragedy Englished, with a Song at the end of every Act: price 1 s.  
Scarronides or Virgil Travesty, a Mock-Poem on the first and fourth Book of Virgil, in English Burlesque: price 1 s. 6 d. all three by Charles Cotton Esq  
Elvira, a Comedy, or The worst not always true: by the Earl of Bristol: price 1 s.  
Mr. Simpson's Division Viol, in fol. price 8 s.  
His Conmpendium of Practical Music, Oetavo: price bound 2 s.  
A Treatise wherein is demonstrated, that the Church and State of England are in equal danger with the Trade, in quarto: price 1 s. 6 d.  
By Roger Cook Esq  
Erasmus Colloquies in English.  
The Vindication of the Clergy.  
The Fair one of Tuis, or the Generous Mistress, a new piece of Gallantry.  
elton's Art Military, in folio.  
Brome's Songs and Poems, in octavo: price 3 s.  
His Translation of Horace, with other worthy persons: price 4 s.  
Sir Kenelm Digbies two excellent Books of Receipts; one of Physic and Chirurgery: the other of Cookery and Drinks, with other Curiosities: price 3 s. 6 d.  
The Exact Constable: price 8 d. useful for all Gentlemen.  
Leybourn's Arithmetical Recreations: price 1 s.  
Toleration discussed: price 2 s. 6 d. by Mr. I'Estrange  
Centum Fabulae: price 1 s. useful for Schools.  
The Lord Coke's Institutes, in four parts.  
Sir James Dyar's Reports, in fol. price 18 s.  
Dr. Heylin on the Creed, in fol. price 15 s.  
Dr. Glisson de Vita Naturae.  
Dr. Skinner's Lexicon, in fol.    

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARSHAL of FRANCE. The First Book.  
BEing at the Age of threescore and fifteen retired home to my own House, there to seek some little Repose after the infinite Pains and Labours I had undergone, during the space of above fifty years, that I bore Arms for the several Kings my Masters, in which Service I passed all the Degrees and through all the Orders of Soldier, Ensign, Lieutenant, Captain, Campmaster, Governor of Places, his Majesty's Lieutenant in the Provinces of Tuscany and Guienne, and Marshal of France: finding myself maimed in almost all my Limbs, with Harquebuz-Shots, Cuts and Thrusts with Pikes and Swords, and by that means rendered almost useless and good for nothing, without strength or hope ever to be cured of that great Harqu●buz- Shot in my Face, and after having resigned my Government of Guienne into his Majesty's hands: I thought fit to employ the Remainder of my Life in a Description of the several Combats, wherein I have been personally engaged in the space of two and fifty years, that I had the Honour to command: assuring myself, that the Captains who shall take the pains to read my Life, will therein meet with Passages, that may be useful to them in the like Occasions, and of which some Advantage may be made to the acquiring of Honour and Renown. And although I have in the several Engagements I have undertaken (and some of them perhaps without great Reason on my side justify my Proceedings) been exceedingly fortunate, and successful beyond all humane Aim; I would not yet any one should conceive that I attribute the Success or the Glory thereof to any other, than to God alone; and indeed whoever shall consider the Dangers and Difficulties I have gone through and overcome, cannot but therein acknowledge his Almighty and immediate Arm. Neither have I ever failed to implore his Assistance in all my Undertake, and that with great Confidence in his Grace and Mercy, and Assurance of it; wherein his Divine Majesty has been pleased so far to be graciously assisting to me, that I have never been defeated nor surprised in any Exploit of War, where I have been in command; but on the contrary have ever carried away Victory and Honour. And it is very necessary and fit, that all we who bear Arms, should ever consider and always confess, that we, of ourselves, can do nothing without his Divine Bounty, which inspires us with Courage▪ and supplies us with Strength to attempt and execute those great and hazardous Enterprises which present themselves to our Undertaking.  
And because some of those who shall read these Commentaries (for it will be very hard to please all, though some will set a just value upon my Book) may perhaps think it strange, and accuse me of Vainglory for writing my own Actions; and say, that I ought in Modesty to have transferred that Work to another Hand: I shall tell such once for all, that in writing the Truth, and attributing to God the Glory thereof, there will be no harm done: Neither (besides that the Testimonies of several Men of Honour yet living will justify the Truth of what I shall deliver) can any one give a better Account of the Designs, Erterprises, and Exe●ntions, and the Actions happening thereupon, than myself, who was an Eye-witness, and an Actor in them all; and who also design not herein to deprive any one of his due and particular Honour. The greatest Captain that ever lived was Caesar 
Caesar▪  and he has led me the way, having himself writ his own Commentaries, and being careful to record by Night the Actions he performed by Day. I would therefore by his Exemple contrive mine, how rude and impolish soever (as coming from the hand of a Soldier, and moreover a Gascon, who has ever been more solicitous to do, than to write or to speak well) Wherein shall be comprehended all the Exploits of War, in which I have either been personally engaged, or that have b●en performed by my Direction; and those beginning from my greener years, when I first came into the World; to signify to such as I shall leave behind me, how restless I (who am at this day the oldest Captain in France) have ever been in the Search and Acquisition of Honour, in performing Services for the Kings my Masters, which was my sole and only end, ever flying all the Pleasures and Delights, which usually divert young men whom God has endowed with any commendable Qualities, and who are upon the point of their Advancement, from the Paths of true Virtue and undisputed Greatness. A Book not intended however for the Learned Men of the World, they have Historians enough of their own, but for a Soldier, and wherein a Captain, and perhaps a Lieutenant of a Province may find something that may be worth his Observation. At the least I can affirm that I have written the Truth; having my Memory as good and entire at this instant as ever, and being as perfect in the Names both of Men and Places, as if all things had passed but yesterday, as yet I never committed any thing to Paper, for I never thought at such an Age as this, to undertake any thing of this kind: which whether I have well or ill performed, I refer myself to such, as shall do me the Honour to read my Book, which is properly an Account of my own Life.  
To you therefore (Captains my Companions) it is, that this Treatise does principally address itself, to whom peradventure it may in some measure be useful. And you ought to believe that having so many years been in the same Command wherein you now are, and having so long discharged the Office of a Captain of Foot, and thrice that of Camp Master and Colonel, I must needs have retained something of that Condition, and that in a long Experience I have seen great Honours conferred upon some, and great Disgraces befall others of that Degree. There have been some who in my time have been cashiered and degraded their Nobility, others who have lost their Lives upon a Scaffold, others dishonoured and dismissed to their own Houses, without ever having been more regarded either by the King or any other: And on the contrary, I have seen others who have trailed a Pike at six Francs pay, arrive at great Preferments, performing things so brave, and manifesting themselves men of so great Capacity, that several who in their Original have been no better than the Sons of poor labouring Men, have raised themselves above many of the Nobility by their Prowess and Virtue. Of all which having myself been an Eye-Witness, I am able to give a precise and a true Account. And although I myself am a Gentleman by Birth, yet have I notwithstanding been raised to that degree of Honour wherein I now stand, as leisurely, and as much step by step, as any the poorest Soldier who has served in this Kingdom these many years. For being born into the World the Son of a Gentleman, whose Father had made sale of all his Estate, to only eight hundred or a thousand Livres yearly Revenue, and being the eldest of six Brothers that we were, I thought it principally concerned me to illustrate the Name of Montluc (which is that of our Family) as I have also done with as much Peril, and as many Hazards of my Life, as Soldier or Captain ever did; and that without ever having the least Reproach from those by whom I was commanded; but on the contrary with as much Favour and Esteem as ever any Captain had who bore Arms in the Armies, wherein I had the Honour to serve. Insomuch that whenever there happened any Enterprise of Importance, or Danger, the King's Lieutenants, and Colonels, would as seon, or sooner, put me upon it, as any other Captain of the Army; of which the ensuing pages will give you sufficient Testimony.  
From the time therefore that I was first advanced to the Degree of an Ensign, 
Play, Drink, a●d Avarice pernicious to Men in Command.  I made it my business to understand the Duty of an Officer, and to learn to be wise by the Exemple of such as committed Oversights, or were otherwise negligent in their Command. To which purpose I first totally weaned myself from Play, Drink, and Avarice; as knowing well, that all Captains of that Complexion, are so unfit ever to arrive at any thing of Great, as to be much more likely to fall into the beforenamed Misfortunes. That Knowledge it was that made 〈◊〉 positively resolve against all these three things, which Youth is very prone unto, and which are very prejudicial to the Reputation of a Chief. Of these Play is of such a Nature, that it subjects a man, neither to do nor intend any other thing, and that whether he win or lose; for if you win, you are evermore solicitous to find out new Gamesters, being prepossessed with an Opinion, that you shall still win more, and continue in that Error until all be lost. Being reduced to this point you run almost into Despair, and meditate nothing day nor night, but where and how to get more money to play again, and to try to recover your Losses by a better Hand. In which Condition how can you think to acquit yourself of the Charge the King has put into your hands, when you shall wholly bend your Study, and employ your whole time in another thing, and instead of contriving how to over● reach your Enemy by laudable Stratagems of War, you plot nothing else, but how to ruin your Comrade and Friend by an infamous Cheat at Cards or Dice? This must of necessity wholly divert you from your Duty; whereas you ought to be continually amongst your Soldiers, and so frequent, as if possible to know every man by his distinct Name; and▪ that for these two Ends, first to prevent any Acts of Insolence in their Quarters, for which you may expect and fear a just Reproach from the Lieutenant of the Province or your own immediate Colonel: And in the next place to take care that there happen no Mutiny amongst them; nothing being more pernicious to a Company, nor of more dangerous Consequence to an Army, than mutinous Spirits. And how can you possibly have an Eye to s●ch Disorders, or give any tolerable Account of the Trust reposed in you, when your Heart shall be wholly bend upon Play; that will alarm you a hundred and a hundred times a day, and put you besides yourself. Fly then (my dear Companions) fly I beseech you this hateful Vice, which I have often known to be the Ruin of many, not only in their Fortunes; but which is more, and that ought to be dearer, in their Honour and Reputation.  
Now for what concerns Wine; if you be subject to debauch, you cannot avoid falling into as many and as great Inconveniences as he that Plays; for nothing in the World so much stupefies the understanding of a Man, and that inclines him so much to sleep, as Wine. If you drink but little you will consequently not eat too much; for Wine calls upon the Appetite to eat, that you may the longer enjoy the Pleasure of Drinking: So that in the end being full of Meat and Drink before you rise from Table, it will be necessary to go sleep, and perhaps at such a time when you ought to be amongst your Soldiers and Companions, near your Colonel and Campmaster, to inquire what News or Orders they have received from the King's Lieutenant, that you may know when any Occasion is presented, wherein you may employ your Valour and Wisdom. To this; Excess in Wine brings along with it another and extreme Danger, which is, that a Captain being drunk knows not how himself to command, and less how to permit others to do it; but will fall to striking and beating his Soldiers without all Sense or Reason; whereas, if there were a just Occasion, he ought first to chastise his Soldier with Remonstrances, mixed with some tart Menaces and Reproofs, giving him to understand, that if he relapse into the same Offence, he is to expect nothing but an exemplary Punishment. And is it not better to chastise your Soldier with Words and Threats, than with Bastinadoes, Cuts and Thrusts, killing him or maiming of his Limbs which Wine will prompt you to do? Neither must you expect to be the more feared for such Usage of your men, but on the contrary mortally hated by all your Soldiers. And what rare Exploits can you think to perform with men that hate you? I beseech you believe me, for I have seen the Experience of it, as much as another of my Age, I have seen no less than four Captains die by the hands of their own Soldiers, who have assassinated them behind, for the ill Usage they have received at their hands. They are Men as we are, not Beasts; if we be Gentlemen, they are Soldiers; they have Arms in their Hands, which inspire Mettle into any man's Breast, that bears them. Wine is apt to make you unreasonable and bloody for the least Offence, and that without all manner of Discretion, for you are not yourselves. Moreover, neither the King's Lieutenant, nor your own Colonel, nor Campmaster will ever put you upon any Enterprise of Honour, that might perhaps procure your Advancement; but will say, Shall we entrust an Execution of this importance to such an one as will be drunk, when he ought to have his Wits about him to know and discern what he has to do? He will do nothing but throw away so many men, and by his ill Conduct bring upon us Loss and Confusion. O the vile Repute that this Wine will brand you withal, when nothing of good shall be expected from you! Fly then (my Companions) fly then this Vice, equally hateful, and more beastly, and scandalous, than the former.  
A Captain likewise should in no manner be covetous; for though Wine and Play may most aptly be termed Companions, yet Avarice is also one of the Gang that occasions a million of Mischiefs, and brings as great or greater Inconveniences upon a Leader, as any other Vice whatever. For in the first place, if you suffer yourself to be carried away by this insatiate Thirst of getting, it is most certain, that you shall never have a Soldier worth any thing under your Command; all the good Men will avoid you, and report of you, that you value a French Crown more than a valiant Man; so that you shall never have men of any Resolution about you, but such as upon the first Occasion wherein you ought to give a Testimony of your Valour and Conduct, will leave you in the lurch, where you must either fly to your eternal Infamy, or stay to lose your Life, and that without any hopes notwithstanding, whether you live or die, ever to recover your Reputation. For if you be killed, though you have done bravely in your own person, every one will be apt to say, that your great Avarice brought you to your Ruin, for want of good men to stand faithfully by you; and if you save yourself by running away, be you sure you will imprint such a mark in your Foreheads, as it will be hard ever to wash away; at least you will be obliged to hazard your Life upon all Occasions more than another man, to clear the Prejudice that all men will have against you, and to wipe away the Blemish wherewith you have spotted your Reputation; wherein 'tis great odds you will lose either Life or Limb. And after all (as it is the ordinary Recompense of men who are more than commonly adventurous upon such occasions) for the Reward of your Merit it shall be said, that the Despair of your former Miscarriage, has pushed you upon the Execution you shall have performed, and not your own Bravery and Resolution. O how many more Misfortunes could I here reckon, that have befallen, and do daily befall Commanders, who have been and are tainted with this avaricious humour?  
I know you will ask me now, what shall we do, if we do not lay up money, and clip the Soldiers Pay? When the War is at an end, we must go to the Hospital, for neither the King nor any one else will regard us, and we are poor of ourselves. But can you imagine that a wise and valiant Captain, a man of great Attempt and Execution shall be sent to starve in an Hospital, as if such men fluttered in a Camp by hundreds; It were well for the King and the whole Kingdom, if there were but a dozen such in an Army. Put forward then to get but a Leg amongst this dozen, and try to get in by your Valour, Wisdom, and Virtue. For these twelve cannot live for ever, and one being dead, though you cannot screw in your whole Body at that time, yet you may edge in the one half, and the next that dies, you are in. And can you then believe, that either the King or any of the Princes, who have taken cognizance of your Valour, will suffer you to go to the Hospital? This is an Apprehension so unbecoming a wise and valiant Captain, that it is only suitable to Drunkards, Gamester's, and mean hidebound fellows of no Value nor Account. And whoever applies himself to great and generous Actions, and has a care with Diligence and virtuous Resolution to exclude and banish from his Thoughts all the forementioned Vices, nothing can be wanting to him. I have said that it were a great deal, if there were a dozen only such men in an Army; but if there were an hundred, yet the King is rich enough to provide that men of that Merit need not be sent to the Hospital. Or suppose that the King could not suddenly provide for the support of such deserving men; 
A brave Man is never to despair of his Fortune.  there is notwithstanding no Prince, nor any other great Person, who has been engaged in the War, where you shall have signalised yourselves for men of Honour, who will not be proud to receive and take some one into his Care and Protection, and that will not take hold of all occasions of doing you a good Office to the King, and of advancing you into some degree, and then on the other side, can you think the King will always continue you in the same Condition, or leave you in the same Command? Do not believe it, but assure yourselves, that such men will be looked after, on whom to confer the Care and Honour of greater Employments, who have honourably discharged those of less moment and account.  
I pray what was I, but a poor Soldier like one of you? What were, or what yet are so many valiant Captains yet living, for whom the King and all Mankind have a singular Esteem? Have we who are yet in being enriched ourselves by nimming from our Soldiers Pay? Have we purchased any great Estates out of the Thefts of our Commands? I could name some of our own Country of Guienne (who could get nothing but I must know it, no more than I could unknown to them) who have never got five hundred Crowns by their Service; and yet are those men despised? Are they sent to the Hospital? The King, the Queen, the Monsieur, all the Princes of the Blo●d, and all the Lords of the Court have so great a Respect for these men, out of the esteems very one has of their Valour, that they have got the start of many great men in the Kingdom. Nay when they are in their own Country (where no man is a Prophet) they are there honoured by men of all sorts and conditions, not from the Families from whence they are descended, nor for the Possessions they enjoy; but upon the single account of their own Merit. Now there are some who perhaps will say, If I do not purloin from the King, and poll from the Soldier, now whilst I am in Command, how shall I make Provision for my Children? To wh●ch I shall return, Would you enrich your Children with an ill Reputation and an infamous Name? A precious Inheritance you will leave them, when for shame of your Miscarriages and Misdemeanours, they shall be forced to hang down their heads amongst the Great ones, from whom they should derive their Fortunes and receive honourable Commands. What Difference will th●re then be betwixt the Reception and Esteem the King and all the Princes will then make of the Sons of such Fathers as I have mentioned, and of yours, who will not dare to appear before Men of Honour, having their Faces covered with their Father's Shame? But perhaps some one may say, that I for my part, by the Places and Commands I have been invested withal by the King, have raised great Profits and got a great Estate, and therefore may talk at my ease: But I protest before Almighty God, and call him to witness, that in my whole Life I never had thirty Crowns more than my Pay; and what Condition soever I have been in, or what honourable Commissions soever I have had, whether in Italy, or in France, I have ever been necessitated to borrow money to carry me home.  
At my Return from Sienna, where I had the Honour to command in the quality of the King's Lieutenant, Monsieur the Marshal de Strossy gave me five hundred Crowns. When I returned a second time from Montalsin, Monsieur Beauclair, who was our Treasurer, was fain to examine all the Purses in Town to provide me three hundred and fifty Crowns to carry me to Ferrara, and yet I had no less than ten Gentlemen in my Company. The Duke of Ferrara furnished me with a supply when I put myself into Verseil, and afterwards to carry me to Lions, where I found in Catherine Ican the Post-Masters hand, two or three thousand Francs that Martinean had there deposited for me, of my Pay, with which I defrayed my Charges to Court. To a worthy and a brave man, nothing can ever be wanting. Now would I fain know, if for all this I ever went to the Hospital, and whether I have not advantaged myself a hundred times more in serving my Kings and Masters, in all Integrity and Loyalty, than by all the Tricks and Shifts I could have? Oh (my Companions) take exemple by those who for having been loyal in their Charges, can walk with their Faces erect before all the World, and are therefore honoured and esteemed by all sorts of men; and not by such who by the Conscience of their Crimes are constrained to hide their heads in their houses, or that make their Posterity blush for them. Wealth will fall upon you when you least dream on 't, or expect it; and one Reward or Bounty from the King, is worth more than all the sharking Tricks, Thefts, and Larcenies of your whole Li●e.  
O how happy are those Soldiers, who ●ollow Leaders, that for their Prowess and Virtue are esteemed by all the World! How secure are their Lives and Honours under such Captains, and into what Disasters and Disgraces do those frequently fall, who follow the more unworthy sort of men. For with the former you shall learn and acquire Honour and Renown, that will raise you to an equal degree with your Chiefs, and on the contrary following the latter, you shall learn nothing but Vices, or at least things of very little Value, and they will rather lead you on to the ruin of your Lives, than to the Advancement of your Honour and the Improvement of your Name, there being nothing else to be learned of such as have no Valour nor Virtue in themselves. A man may serve a long Apprenticeship under a bad Master, and perhaps, not be much the wiser when he has done: but provided you be free from the three forementioned Vices, and that you have Honour in your Prospect, it is impossible but that all things must succeed with you; at least you will have the Satisfaction of a noble End, if you propose to yourselves to die like men of Honour, which is the ordinary Recompense of War, and what every brave Man should heartily wish.  
There yet remains a fourth, which if you cannot wholly avoid, yet go to it as seldom, and as soberly as you can, and without losing yourselves in the Labyrinth, and that is, the Love of Women. Embark not by any means in that Affair, for it is utterly an Enemy to an heroic Spirit. Leave Love at home whilst Mars is in the field; you will afterwards have but too much leisure for those Delights. I can safely say, that never any fond Affection, or affectionate Folly of that kind could ever divert me from undertaking and executing what was given me in command. Such little Amoroso's as these are fitter to handle a Distaff than a Sword. Love is a great Enemy to a Soldier, and besides the debauch and the time lost in those little Intrigues, it is an Occupation that begets a numberless number of Quarrels, and sometimes even with your dearest Friends. I have known more People fight even upon this account, than upon the score of Honour. And what a horrid thing it is, that a man should forfeit his Reputation, and very often lose his Life for the Love of a Woman! As for you Soldiers, above all things I recommend to you the Obedience that you owe to your Commanders, to the end that you may one day learn how to command: for it is impossible that Soldier should ever know how to command, who has not first learned to obey: And take notice, that the Virtues and Discretion of a Soldier are chiefly manifested in his Obedience, and in his Disobedience lies the Ruin of his Life and Honour. A resty Horse never yet made good Proof. The Proverb will serve, and you ought not to flight the Advice I give you, if but in respect to my Experience, who have seen a great deal; and I must needs be a very ignorant and senseless fellow, if in all this time of my Life, I have made no Observations of the Successes and Misfortunes both of the one and the other. But I have committed some to memory, and that is it which has given me occasion to write this Book in the latter end of my days.  
Having in my greener years been bred up in the Family of Anthony Duke of Lorain, 
Monsieur Montlucs Education.  and now grown up towards a Man, I was presently preferred to an Archer's Place in the Dukes own Company, Monsieur Bayard being at that time Lieutenant to the same. Not long after being inflamed with the Report of the noble Feats of Arms every day performed in Italy, which in those days was the Scene of Action, I was possessed with a longing desire to visit that Country. To this end making a Journey into Gascony, I made shift to procure of my Father a little Money and a Spanish Horse, and without further delay began my Journey in order to my Design, leaving to Fortune the hopes of my future Advancement and Honour. 
His first Sally.  About a days Journey from my Father's house, and near unto Leitoure, I turned a little out of my way to visit the Sieur de Castetna●, an ancient Gentleman who had long frequented Italy, of him to inform myself at large of the State, Condition, Manners and Customs of that Country in order to my future Conduct. This Gentleman told me so many things, and related to me so many brave Exploits which were there every day performed, that without longer abode, or staying any where longer than to refresh myself and my Horse, I passed over the Alps, and took my way directly to Milan. Being come to Milan, I there found two Uncles of mine by my Mother's side, called the Stillatts, both of them men of great Reputation and Esteem, of which the one served under Monsieur de Lescut, Brother to Monsieur de Lautrec (the same who was afterwards Marshal of France, and then known by the Name of the Marshal de Foix) by whom I was presently put into an Archers place in his own Company, a Place of great Repute in those days, there being in those times several Lords and great Persons who road in Troops, and two or three who were Archers in this; but since that Discipline is lost and grown degenerate, and all things are turned upside down, without hopes that any man now alive shall ever see them restored to their former Estate.  
At this time the War betwixt Francis the First and the Emperor Charles the Fifth broke out again with greater Fury than before, the later to drive us out of Italy, and we to maintain our Footing there, though it was only to make it a place of Sepulture to a world of brave and valiant French. God Almighty raised up these two great Princes sworn Enemies to one another, and emulous of one another's Greatness; an Emulation that has cost the Lives of two hundred thousand Persons, and brought a million of Families to utter Ruin; when after all neither the one nor the other obtained any other advantage by the Dispute, than the bare Repentance of having been the causers of so many Miseries, and of the Effusion of so much Christian Blood. If God had pleased that these two Monarches might have understood one another, the whole Earth had trembled under their Arms; and Solyman who was contemporary with them, and who during their Contests enlarged his Empire on every side, would have had enough to do to defend his own. The Emperor was, 'tis true, a great and a magnanimous Prince, yet in nothing superior to our Master, during his Life, saving in a little better Success, and in that God gave him the Grace to bewail his Sins in a Convent, into which he retired himself two or three years before his Death. During the space of two and twenty months that this War continued, I had the good fortune to be an Eye-witness of several very brave Actions, which were very fit to season a raw Soldier; neither did I fail continually to present myself in all places and upon all occasions, where I thought Honour was to be purchas d at what price soever; and it is to be imagined I had my share of fight, when I had no less than five horses kill d under me in the short continuance of that Service, and of those two in two days, which Monsieur the Roquelaure, 
Five horses killed under Monsieur Montluc.  who was Cousin german to my Mother, was pleased to give me. For in this beginning of my arms I had the good fortune to gain so far upon the affections of the whole Company, that my horses being lost, every one was willing to help to remount me, and being moreover taken prisoner in Battle, I was soon after delivered by the procurement of my friends.  
Let such therefore as intend to acquire honour by feats of Arms, resolve to shut their eyes to all hazards, and dangers whatever, in the first encounter where they shall happen to be present; for that's the time when every one has his eyes fixed upon them, to observe their behaviour, and thence to form a judgement of their future hopes. If in the beginning they shall, by any handsome action, signalise their courage, and boldness, it sets a good mark upon them for ever, and not only makes them noted, and regarded by all: but moreover inspires them themselves with mettle, and vigour to perform more, 
The loss of the Duchy of Milan.  and greater things. Now you must know that in this War we lost the Duchy of Milan. Of which (though I do not pretend to be any great Clerk) I could write the true History, and should his Majesty command me, I would deliver the truth, and I am able to give as good an account (though I was myself very young at that time) as any man whatever in France, I mean of those passages where I had the fortune to be present, and no other; for I will write nothing by hearsay. But I intent not to busy myself with a Relation of other men's actions, and less of the faults, and oversights by them committed, though they are yet as fresh in my memory, as at that moment; and seeing that what I myself performed in that Country, at that time, was in the quality of a private Soldier only, I being not as yet stepped into Command: I shall no longer insist upon this melancholy Subject, which has also been writ before by others: only this I shall make bold to affirm, that Monsieur de Lautrec was by no means to be blamed, he having there performed all the parts of a good, and prudent General; and, who indeed was in himself one of the greatest men I ever knew. Neither shall I trouble myself to give a narration of the Battle of the Bicoque, in which I fought on foot, as also did Monsieur de Montmorancy, since Constable of France; A Battle that Monsieur de Lautrec was compelled to consent unto, through the obstinacy of the Swiss, quite contrary to his own judgement. A Nation whose wilfulness I have seen occasion the loss of several places, & cause great inconveniences in his Majesty's affairs. 
A Character of the Swiss.  They are, to speak the trute, a very warlike people, and serve as it were for Bulwarks to an Army: but then they must never want, either money, or victuals; for they are not to be paid with words.  
After the unfortunate loss of this fair Duchy of Milan, all the forces returned back into France, and with them the Company of the said Marshal de Foix, wherein I then had not only the place of a Man at arms; but moreover an Assignation of an Archers pay. Sometime after the Emperor set another Army on foot to recover Fontarabie; whereupon our Company, and several others were ordered to repair to Bayonne to Monsieur de Lautrec, who was his Majesty's Lieutenant in Guienne. The said Sieur de Lautrec, that he might the better make head against the enemy, (who made a show of attempting something upon the Frontier) made a sudden levy of fourteen or fifteen Ensigns of Foot; which was the occasion that I (who ever had an inclination for foot service) entreated leave of Captain Sayas (who carried the Cornette in the absence of Captain Carbon his brother) for three months only; that I might accept of an Ensign offered to me by Captain Clotte; who at last very unwillingly granted my suit, although he himself had first sent to Captain Carbon to solicit it in my behalf Suddenly after this (the Enemy being daily reinforced with fresh suplies) lafoy Clotte was commanded away to Bayonne, 
Montluc made Ensign of foot.  & a few days after that, Captain Carbon took the Companies of Monsieur de Lautrec, and the Marshal his brother, with two Companies of Foot, to wit, that of Megrin Comenge, and la Clot to conduct us through the Woods strait to St. jean de Luz, where the enemy's Camp at that time lay. So soon as we were arrived at the top of a little Hill about half a quarter of a League distant from Luz (having already passed a little River by a wooden bridge, another half quarter of a League behind this little hill, at the ●oot whereof, and before us, there ran a rivulet of fifteen, or twenty paces broad, and deep to a man's girdle, joining to which there is also a plain which extends itself in an easy descent, down to the said Rivulet; from whence one may easily discover St. jean de Luz, one of the finest Bourgs in all France, and seated upon the Margin of the Ocean Sea) Captain Carbon who commanded the Party, leaving two Cornets upon this little hill, the one whereof was carried by Captain Sayas, which was ours, and the other by Captain d' Andovins, which was that of Monsicur de Lautrec (but both of them only in the absence, the one of Captain Carbon, the other of Captain Artiquiloube,) and only twenty horse with each, together with our two Companies of foot, took the rest of the Gens-d'armes, and with them Monsieur Gramont, the same who afterwards died in the Kingdom of Naples, and who was at this time Lieutenant to the Company belonging to Monsieur de Lautrec.  
With this Party Captain Carbon passed over the little River, and having divided his men into three squadrons (as one might easily discern from the Hill where we stood) trotted along the plain directly towards St. jean de Luz. Being come to the middle of the plain, he there made a halt for an hour, or more, whilst a Trumpet went twice, and sounded the Fanfare to the Enemy, after which being about to retreat, as not believing any one would stir out of the Enemy's Camp, the forlorn which he had sent out towards the utmost skirts of the plain, returned back upon the spur, to acquaint him that all the Enemy's Camp began to move; and suddenly after we began to discover three of their Squadrons of Horse, appearing upon their march, one upon the heels of another, 
The Action at St. jean de Luz.  and making directly towards Monsieur de Carbon. Of these the first that came up, presently, and smartly charged the foremost of ours, where there were many Lances broken on both sides; but more of ours, than theirs, for as much as in those times the Spaniards carried but few Lances, and those very slender, long, and pointed at both ends. During this charge Captain Carbon was leisurely drawing off the other two Squadrons towards the place where we were, when the second of the Enemy's squadrons coming up, and uniting with the first, beat up our first to our second squadron, commanded by Monsieur Gramont, where the skirmish was very hot, and a great many men thrown to ground both on the one side, and other, amongst whom were the Signior de Gramont, who had his horse killed under him, de Luppe Standard-bearer to Monsieur de Lautrec, de Poigreffi, who is since turned Huguenot, de la Fay de Xaintonge, who is yet living, and divers others. At the same instant we discovered another great Party of Horse advancing towards us a little on our left hand, at the sight of which the Captains who carried our Colours came both of them running to me, and saying we are all lost, whereupon I told them, that it were better, than so to conclude, to hazard fourscore, or an hundred Foot, to bring off our Horse who were engaged. To which lafoy Clotte, and Megrin made answer, that that venture would only occasion a greater loss, and that moreover they very much doubted the Soldiers would hardly be persuaded to go down, seeing death so manifest before their eyes. Now you must understand there was no one present at this discourse, saving the two forementioned Captains, and myself, our Foot standing drawn up fourteen, or fifteen paces behind; and it was not amiss; for I make a great question had they heard what we said, and seeing the Gens● d' arms in manifest danger to be lost, whether I should have been so cheerfully followed, as I was. And it is a good rule, as much as a man can to conceal from the Soldier the danger of any enterprise, if you intent to have them go briskly to their work. To this last objection of the two Captains, I made answer that I would run the hazard to lead them on, and that lost, or lost not, it was better to hazard, and to lose fourscore, or an hundred Foot, than all our Geus-d'armes. And thereupon without further deliberation (for long consultations are often the ruin of brave attempts) I returned back to the Soldiers, and the Captains with me (for the business required haste) saying to them only these few words, Come on, come on Comrades, let us go, and relieve our Gens-d'armes, and was thereupon followed by an hundred Foot of our own Company, who with very great resolution descended with me to the foot of the Hill, where at the head of my men I passed over the brook, and there delivered twenty of my men to be led by the Bastard of Auzan, a Gentleman who has nothing blemished the legitimate Sons of his race; though all of them men of singular bravery, and remarkable valour.  
Now you must know that ● the Company I commanded, 
〈…〉- bows.  was no other than Crossbows, for at this time the use of the Harquebus, had not as yet been introduced amongst us; only three, or four days before six Gascon Harquebusiers came over to us from the Enemy, which I had received into my Company, having by good ●ortune been that day upon the Guard, at the great Gate of the City; and of those six, one was a native of the Territory of Mon●luc. Would to heaven that this accursed engine had never been invented, I had not then received those wounds which I now languish under, neither had so many valiant men been slain for the most part by the most pitiful fellows, and the greatest Cowards; Poltrons that had not dared to look those men in the face at hand, which at distance they laid dead with their confounded bullets: but it was the Devil's invention to make us murder one another. Being thus past the River, I ordered the Bastard d' Auz●n not to suffer his men to shoot, but only to present as if they intended to do it, to the end that he might favour mine, and give them time to discharge and retire again into their order, Now when I was under the foot of the Hill, I could not possibly see what our men did; but being advanced a little further into the plain, I saw all the Enemies three Squadrons drawn up into one body, and the great party on the left hand, marching upon a good round trot directly towards ours, who were rallyed, and stood firm, without being able either to advance forwards, or to retire back, by reason of some great stones that lay scattered in their Rear. Here it was that Captain Carbon (who had no Arms on, having before been wounded in his left arm by an Arquebuze shot) seeing me so n●a● him, came up to me, and said, Oh Montluc, my dear friend, charge up boldly, I will never forsake thee: Captain, said I, take you only care to save yourself, and your Gens-d'Armes, at the same instant crying out, shoot, Comrades, at the head of these Horse. I was not above a dozen paces distant from the Enemy when I gave them this Volley, by which (as it appeared by the testimony of the Prisoners, who were taken a few days after) above fifty Horses were killed, and wounded, and two Troopers slain, an execution that a little cooled their courage, and caused their Troops to make a halt. In the mean time Captain Carbon had leisure with his party to retire full gallop towards the brook I had passed over to relieve him▪ where such as had their horses lost, taking hold of the others horse tails saved themselves also, and all together passed over the River. Which hast they were necessitated to make, or otherwise the great party of horse on the left hand, had charged them in the Flank, had they drawn more leisurely off. In the mean time under favour of the twenty Crossbows of d' Auzan, who sustained us, we rallied again, and gave another volley. So soon as Captain Carbon had passed the River with his Horse, remounted Monsieur de Gramont, on another horse, and mounted the rest ●n Crouppe, he commanded the said Si●ur de Gramont to ride to the top of the hill, and in all haste to draw off the Ensigns both of horse and foot, at a round trot, directly to the other River, where the bridge was, that leads towards Bayonne. Which order being given he suddenly turned back again towards me, having in his company an Italian called Signior Diomed●, and the Si●ur de Maina●a●t, where he found me retreating towards a ditch, upon the edge of a Marish, and of which I might be within some twelve, or fourteen paces, which not only hindered him from getting up to me, but moreover gave him enough to do to save himself. I notwithstanding in spite of the Enemy recovered the ditch of the Marish, being still sheltered by d' Auz●n, whom I commanded to climb over in great diligence, and there to make head, which he accordingly performed.  
The Spaniards in the mean time made a show, as if they meant to charge, but they durst not attempt to break into me; neither were my six Harquebusiers idle all this while, but did wonders with their shot, when having at last retreated my men within five or six pa●●s of the ditch, I caused them all in an instant to throw themselves into it, and under favour of d' Auzan, almost as suddenly to mount the ditch bank on the other side, over which we all got safe and sound, saving three Soldiers, who were slain with Harquebus shot, for not having been so nimble as the rest; and here it was that, as in a little sort, I made head against the Enemy. Now you must know, that that party of the Enemy which came up on the left hand, made a halt at the bank of the River, when they saw our Horse were already got half way up the hill▪ and those who had fought, and to whom I had given a stop at the ditch bank, were now upon their retreat home, when seeing three Squadrons of Harquebusiers coming along the plain, and making towards them with all the speed they could, it revived their spirits, and inspired them with new courage to face about again. ay, in the mean time (having also discovered these fresh succours) began to shift along by the ditch, till being by the return of a corner of it, slipped out of their sight, I drew my men into a very narrow meadow, from whence at full speed I gained the ●oot of the hill I had descended before, and having repassed the River, soon recovered the top of the mountain. The danger wherein I saw myself to be, as well of the Horse I had pressing upon my Rear, as of the Battaillon of Infantry which I saw fast advancing towards me, did not however make me lose my Judgement in a time of so great need; nor hinder me from discerning and taking this opportunity for my retreat, during which I made the little handful of men I had march very close together; and by turns encouraging, and speaking to them, made them often face about and salute the Cavalry, who pursued me both with Cross-bow, and Harquebus shot; when having gained the top of the hill, I drew into an Orchard, making fast the Gate on the inside, that the Horse might not so suddenly enter, and by the favour of that, and several others planted with Apples, still made on towards the Bridge, till I came to a little Church called H●itée, from whence I perceived the great road to be all covered over with the Enemy's Horse, there being nevertheless a great ditch betwixt them and me, from whence I bestowed upon them some Arquebuze, and Cross-bow shot, which also very seldom failed of their effect, and compelled them (seeing they could not come up to me) some to advance forwards, and others to retire. I than put some of my men into the Church yard, thinking there again to make head; the greatest folly I committed throughout the whole action; for in the mean time a good number of their Horse gliding along by the meadow strait towards the Bridge, were already advanced so far, that I saw myself totally enclosed, without all manner of hope to escape, and to save myself.  
Now so soon as Captain Carbon had recovered the Bridge, and that the Horse, and Foot were all passed over, he commanded Monsieu● Gramont to haste away, not only a trot, but a full gallop; for he already discovered the Enemy's Infantry in the Orchards, which I could not do; neither did I ever perceive them, till they began to shoot at me; and then I made a sign to my Soldiers in the Church yard to come, and draw up to me in the great high way. Captain Carbon in the interim, being he saw nothing of me, half concluded us all for killed, or taken, and yet seeing all the Enemy's Troops of horse both on the right hand, and on the left, making directly towards the Bridge, would leave Captain Campai (an admirable good Soldier) at the end of the Bridge with five and twenty horse, and thirty Crossbows of Captain Megrin's Company, to try if there were any possible means to relieve me, were I yet alive, causing the Bridge in the mean time to be broken down. Now because that Troop of the Enemy's horse which marched on the right hand, made a great deal more haste towards the Bridge, than that of the left, I quitted the great high way, and under favour of a hedge made strait towards the River, where I was again to encounter the Horse, which notwithstanding I made my way thorough, chopped into the River, and in despite of them all, passed over to the other side: wherein, the banks of the River being high, favoured me very much, they being too steep for the horse to get down, neither was our shot of both sorts idle in the mean time. At last I recovered the end of the Bridge, where I found Captain Campai very busy at work to break it, and who so soon as he saw me, was very importunate with me to save myself, at the same time presenting me the Crupper of his horse to that end: 
A brave resolution in a Captain.  but he had no other answer from me, but this, that God had hitherto preserved me, and my Soldiers also, whom I was likewise resolved never to abandon, till I had first brought them into a place of safety. Whilst we were in this dispute we were aware of the Spanish Infantry coming directly towards the Bridge, when finding ourselves too weak to stand the shock, Campai with the Crossbows of Captain Megrin took the Van in order to a retreat, and I remained in the Rear, having gained a ditch that enclosed a little meadow, which was sufficient to defend me from the horse, it being so high, that they could not come to charge.  
I had now nothing left me but my six Harquebusiers, my Crossbows having already spent all their Arrows; nevertheless to show that their hearts were not down, I caused them to hold their Swords ready drawn in the one hand, and their Bows in the other to serve instead of a Buckler. Now Captain Campai's men had broken down the greatest part of the Bridge before they went away, by reason of which impediment the Cavalry could not so soon ●ome up to us, having been constrained to ford the River two Harquebus shot on the right hand, whilst the Foot in the mean time with great difficulty filled it over one by one by the rails of the Bridge, a posture wherein it had been a very easy matter to defeat them, had I not foreseen that then the Cavalry would have come up to enclose me, and our honour depended upon our retreat. Wherefore still getting ground, and from ditch to ditch, having gained about half a quarter of a league of way, I made a halt, that my men might not be out of breath, when looking back I perceived the Enemy had done so too, and saw by his countenance that he grew weary of the pursuit, a thing at which I was very much astonished and not a little glad, for in plain truth we were able to do no more▪ having taken a little Water and Cider, and some Mai● bread out of a ●ew small houses we met upon the way. In the mean time Captain Campai sent out some Horse to see what was become of us, believing me to be either dead, or taken. And now behold us arrived in a place of safety, with the loss of only three men in the first ditch; and the brave Bastard d' Auzan, who by loitering something too long in a little house by the Church was 〈◊〉 lost.  
In the interim of this bustle which continued pretty long, the alarm was carried to Monsieur de Lautrec to B●yonne, together with the news, that we were all totally defeated, at which he was ex●●●dingly troubled, in regard of the ill consequences that usually attend the fleshing and giving an Enemy blood in the beginning of a War. However he drew out presently into the field, and was advanced but a very little way, when he discovered our Ensigns of Foot conducted by the Sicur de Gramont, marching upon the Road towards him, who so soon as he came up, presently gave him an accounted of what had happened, and did me the honour to tell him, that I was the cause of their preservation: but that withal I was lost in the service. Captain Carbon was not yet arrived, forasmuch as he had made a halt to stay for Captain Campai, from him to learn the issue of the business: but in the end he came up also, to whom Monsieur de Lautrec spoke these words. Well, Carbon, 〈◊〉 this a time wherein to commit such a piece of folly as this? which I do assure you is not of so little moment, but that you have thereby endangered the making me lose this City of Bayonne, which you know to be a place of so great importance. To which Carbon made answer. Sir, I have committed a very great fault, and the greatest folly that ever I was guilty of in my whole life: to this hour the like disgrace has never befallen me; but seeing it has pleased God to preserve us from being defeated, I shall be wiser for the time to come. Monsieur de Lautrec then demanded of him, if there was any news of me, to which he made answer, that he thought I was lost: but as they were returning softly towards the City in expectation of further news, Captain Campai also arrived, who assured them that I was come safely off, relating withal the handsome retreat I had made, in despite, and in the very teeth of the Enemy, with the loss of four men only, and that it was not possible, but that the Enemy must have lost a great number of men. I was no sooner come to my Quarters, but that a Gentleman was sent from Monsieu● de Lautrec, to bring me to him, who entertained me with as much kindness, and respect, as he could have done any Gentleman in the Kingdom, saying to me these words in G●scon; Montluc money amic you a● oublideray jamai lou service qu'abes fait au Roy, & m'en seviera tant que you viurai. Which is, Montluc, my friend, I will never forget the service you have this day performed for the King: ●ut will be mindful of it so long as I live. There is as much honour in an handsome retreat, as there is in good fight, and this was a Lord who was not wont to caress many people; a fault that I have often observed in him; nevertheless he was pleased to express an extraordinary favour to me all the time we sat at supper, which he also continued to me ever after, insomuch that calling me to mind four or five years after, he dispatched an express Courier to me from Paris into Gascony with a Commission to raise a Company of Foot, entreating me to bear him company in his expedition to Naples, and has ever since put a greater value upon me, than I deserved. This was the first action I was ever in the quality of a Commander, and from whence I began to derive my reputation.  
You Captains (my Comrades) who shall do me the honour to read my Life, take notice, that the thing in the world, which you ought most to desire, is to meet with a fair occasion wherein to manifest your courage in the first Sally of your Arms▪ for if in the beginning you shall prove successful, you do (amongst others) two things. First you cause yourselves to be praised, and esteemed by the great ones, by whose report you shall be recommended to the knowledge of the King himself, from whom we are to expect the recompense of all our Services, and Labours: And in the next place, when the Soldier shall see a Captain who has behav●d himself well, and performed any notable thing at his first trial; all the valiant men will strive to be under his command, believing that so auspicious a beginning, cannot fail of a prosperous issue; but that all things will succeed well with him, and that under such a man they shall never fail to be employed; for nothing can more spite a man of courage, than to be left at home to burn his shins by the fire, whilst other men are employed abroad in honourable action. So that by this means you shall be sure always to be followed by brave men, with which you shall continue to get more honour, and proceed to greater reputation; and on the contrary, if you chance to be baffled in the beginning, whether through your Cowardice, or want of Conduct, all the good men will avoid you, and you will have none to lead, but the Lees, and Canaille of the Army, with whom (though you were the beroe of the world) there will be no good to be done; nor other, than an ill repute to be acquired. My Exemple upon this occasion, may serve for something, wherein though perhaps there were no great matters performed, yet so it is, that of little exploits of War, great uses are sometimes to be made. And remember, whenever you find yourselves overmatched with an Enemy, that you can bridle, and hold at bay with the loss of a few men, not to fear to hazard them. Fortune may be favourable to you▪ as she was to me; for I dare confidently say, that had not I presented myself to lead on these hundred Foot (which all played their parts admirably well) we had certainly had all the Enemies Caval●y upon our hands, which had been a power too great, for so few as we were to withstand.  
The Enemy's Camp soon after retired into Navarre, whereupon Monsieur de Lautrec disbanded the one half of his Companies, reserving only the two Ensigns of Monsi●ur de Cauna, and that of the Baron jean de Cauna, consisting each of only three hundred men (the first time they had ever been reduced to that number) they having formerly consisted of five hundred, or a thousand; a device whereby the King's Treasury was very much relieved, as it saved the pay of so many Lieutenants, Ensigns, Sergeants, and other Officers: but withal the command of a good number of men, usually invited men of Condition, and Estates into the Service, who at present disdain to accept of Commissions, where they see so many pitiful Captainetts, who are admitted into Command, without ever having struck a stroke.  
At this time you must know Monsieur de Lautrec bestowed my Captain's Company upon me, though I was then but twenty years of age, and leaving four Companies in Bayonne, took Post, and went away to Court: which departure of his encouraged the Enemy to renew his Camp, and to lay Siege to Fontarabie, which they also took before his return. The loss of this place was occasioned, either through the indiscretion, or the treachery of a Nephew to the Constable of Navarre, and Son to the late Marshal de Navarre, who having been banished from Spain, for siding with Henry King of Navarre, was, together with a Garrison of four hundred men (Exiles like himself) put into this City, where he was at this time so well solicited by his Uncle, that he revolted to his side, by which means this place was lost, which otherwise had been impregnable, though the Enemy had made two great breaches in it: but being I was not there present, and that ● will deliver nothing upon report, I shall say no more but this, that Captain Frangett who surrendered it up to the Spaniard, and who for so doing laid the blame to the said Don Pedro, was afterwards for his pains degraded at Lions. The loss of this place deprived us of very good footing we had in Spain. It was here that some years before, Monsieur de L●de won immortal glory, by enduring a whole years' Siege in all the extremities that mankind can undergo, and he for so doing carried away honour, and reward, but Frangett infamy and ruin; thus goes the world, and fortune. In the mean time, if any of the Princes, or the King's Lieutenants shall vouchsafe to peruse this Book of mine (and perhaps they may read worse) let them take notice by this exemple, and others that I have seen, and that I may perchance make mention of hereafter, that it is very dangerous to make use of a man, that has once abandoned his own Prince, and natural Sovereign; not that he is to be rejected, when he flies into a man's arms for refuge, and protection; but he ought not by any means to have a place entrusted to him, with which he may at any time make his own peace, and restore himself to his Prince's favour. Or if they shall think fit to trust him, it ought not to be however till after by a long trial, he shall have so manifested his fidelity, that there is no more question to be made of his Faith; and then in such a process of time, the Country, into which he shall come at first a stranger, or fugitive, and an Exile, will be grown natural and familiar to him, and he will have received benefits, and acquired such interests, and possessions, as may fix him there: and yet ●v●n then let it be at a sufficient distance from such as he may have had any private correspondencies, or secret practices withal: For by what I have heard from several of the Emperor's Captains, had Charles of Bourbon taken M●rselles, and Provence, the Emperor would never have committed so great an error, as to have entrusted them in his hands, though he had faithfully promised so to do. But let us proceed.  
All these Foot Companies being disbanded, excepting those which were left in Garrison, I who had no mind to be immured within the walls of a City, again put myself into the Company of Monsieur Le Mar●schal de Foix, wherein I continued till such time as King Francis went his expedition against Monsieur de Bou●bon, who, together with the Marquis of P●scara laid Siege to Marselles (which Sieur de Bourbon, for an affront that had been offered to him, was revolted to the Emperor (there is nothing a great heart will not do in order to revenge) where seeing the King would permit the Marshal de Foix to carry no more, than twenty men at arms of his own Company along with him, and finding myself at my arrival to be excluded that election, and none of the number, I took such snuff at it, that I went with five or six Gentlemen, who did me the honour to bear me company, to be present at the Battle, with a resolution to fight volunteer amongst the Foot. But Monsi●ur de Bourbon after having lain six weeks only before the City, raised the Siege. The Signior Ra●co de Cera, a Gentleman of Rome, a brave, and experienced Captain, together with the Sieur de Brion were within, with a sufficient Garrison, his Majesty had thither sent for the defence of the Town; So that Monsieur de Bourbon found himself to be deceiv●d in his intelligence, and that he had reckoned without his Host. The French did not as yet know what it was to rebel against their Prince; for so soon as he had notice of the King's approach, he retired himself over the Mountains, and descended into Piedmont, by the Marquisate of Saluzzo, and Pig●erol, and not without very great loss, fled away to Milan, which also both he, and the Vic●roy of Naples, were constrained to abandon, and to fly out at one gate, whilst we entered in at another.  
Signior Don Antonio de Leva (who was one of the greatest Captains the Emperor had, and who I do believe had he not been hindered by the Gout (with which he was infinitely tormented) would have surpassed all others of his time) was chosen in this posture of affairs to be put into Pavi●, with a strong Garrison of Germane Soldiers, supposing that the King would infallibly fall upon that place, as in effect he did. The Siege continued for the space of eight months, in which time Monsieur de Bourbon went into Germany, where he so bestirred himself with the money he had borrowed from the Duke of Savoy, that he thence brought along with him ten thousand Germane foot, together with four or five hundred men at arms from the Kingdom of Naples, with which Forces encamping himself at Lode, he came to offer the King Battle upon a St. Mathias day, our army being very much weakened as well by the length of the Siege, as by Sickness, with which it had been miserably infected. To which disadvantages the King had moreover unluckily disbanded three thousand Grisons commanded by a Colonel of their own called le grand Diart, I suppose, to contract the charges of the War. Oh that these little pieces of good Husbandry do very often occasion notable losses! Also a few days before Monsieur d' Albaine was, by the King's command, departed with great Forces towards Rome, from thence to fall into the Kingdom of Naples: but in the end all vanished away in smoke; for, to our great misfortune, we lost the Battle, and all these erterprises came to nothing.  
The Description of this Battle is already published in so many places, that it would be labour lost therein to waste my paper; I shall therefore only say, that the business was not well carried in several places on our side, which occasioned their ruin, who behaved themselves best upon that occasion. The King was taken prisoner, Monsieur the Marshal de Foix, both taken and wounded with an Arqu●buze shot in his thigh, which moreover entered into his belly, Monsieur de St. Pol taken, and wounded with thirteen wounds, with which he had been left for dead upon the place, and was stripped to his shirt: but a Spaniard coming to cut off his Finger, for a Ring he could not otherwise pull off, he cried out, and being known, was carried with the said Marshal into Pavia, to the lodging of the Marquis de Scadalfol; several other great Lords lost their Lives, as the Brother to the Duke of Lorraine, the Admiral de Chaban●s, and many others taken, amongst whom were the King of Navarre, M●ssieurs de Nevers, de Montmorency, de Brion, and others; but I shall not tax the memory of any one for the loss of this Battle; nor set a mark upon those who behaved themselves ill enough, even in the presence of their King. During all the time of my abode in the Army, I was continually with a Captain called Castille de Navarre, without any pay, which Captain having the fortune to command the forlorn hope in the day of Battle, entreated me to bear him Company, which accordingly I did, as also the five Gentlemen who came in company with me. I was taken prisoner by two Gentlemen of the Company of Don Antoni● de Leva, who upon the Saturday morning let me go, together with two of my Comrades; for they saw they were likely to get no great treasure of me, the other three were killed in the Battle. Being now at liberty I retired myself into the house of the Marquis, where Monsi●ur le Mareschal lay wounded. I found him with Monsieur de St. Pol, both together in one bed, and Monsieur de Montejan lodged in the same Chamber, who was also wounded in his leg. There I heard the discourse and dispute betwixt Si●ur Frederick de Bege, who was prisoner, and Captain Sucra who belonged to the Emperor upon the loss of this Battle, who accused our French of many great oversights, particularly nominating several persons, whose names I am willing to forbear: but I judged their opinions to be very good, being both of them very great Soldiers, and what I then heard has since been serviceable to me upon several occasions; an use that every one ought to make of such controversies, who intends to arrive at any degree of perfection in the practice of Arms. A man must seek not only all occasions of presenting himself at all rencounters, and Battles; but must moreover be curious to hear, and careful to retain the opinions, and arguments of experienced men, concerning the faults, and oversights committed by Commanders, and the loss, or advantages to the one side and the other ensuing thereupon; for it is good to learn to be wise and to become a good Master at another man's expense. The Kingdom of France has long bewailed this unfortunate day, with the losses we have sustained, besides the captivity of this brave Prince, who thought to have found fortune as favourable to him here, as she was at his Battle with the Swiss: but she played the baggage, and turned her tail; making him to know how inconvenient, and of how dangerous consequence it is, to have the person of a King exposed to the uncertain event of Battle; considering that his loss brings along with it the ruin of his Kingdom. Almighty God nevertheless was pleased to look upon this with an ●ye of pity, and to preserve it; for the Conquerors dazzled with the rays of victory lost their understanding, and knew not how to follow their blow; otherwise had Monsieur de Bourbon turned his Forces towards France, he would have put us all to our Trumpets.  
The Monday following Monsieur de Bourbon gave order that such as were taken prisoners, and had not wherewithal to pay their ransom, should avoid the Camp, and return home to their own houses. Of which number I was one; for I had no great treasure: he gave us indeed a Troop of horses, and a Company of Foot for our safe conduct: but the Devil a penny of money, or a bit of bread: insomuch that not one of us, had any thing but Turnips, and Cabbage-stalks, which we broiled upon the coals, to ●at, till we came to Ambrun. Before our departure Monsieur le Mareschal commanded me to commend him to Captain Carbon, and the rest of his friends, whom he entreated not to be dejected at this misfortune; but to rouse up their spirits, and ●nd●avour to do better than ever, and that they should go, and join themselves to Monsieur de Lautrec his Brother. After which he made me a very notable remonstrance, which was not ended without many tears, and yet delivered with a strong accent, and an assured contenance, though he was very sore wounded, and so much that the Friday following he died. I travelled on foot as far as Redorte in Languedoc, where his Company then lay; whereof Monsieur d Lautrec, after his death, gave one Tertia to Captain Carbon, a command that he did not long enjoy; for soon after a Villain native of Montpellier, who had favoured the Camp of Monsieur de Bourbon, killed him behind, as he was riding post upon the Road near unto Lumel. As great a loss as has been of any Captain, who has died these hundred years; and one that I do believe had he lived to the Wars, 
The Character of Captain Carbon.  that we have since seen, would have performed wonders, and many would have been made good Captains under his command: For something was every day to be learned by following him, he being one of the most vigilant, and diligent Commanders, that I ever knew, a great undertaker, and very resolute in the execution of what he undertook. Another Tertia was given to Captain ● ignac of Auvergne, who also did not keep it keep it long, for he shortly after f●ll blind and died. The third Tertia he gave to Monsieur de Negrepelisse, the Father to him now living, of which a Cousin German of mine called Captain Serillac carried the Ensign.  
In the mean time Madam the Queen Regent, Mother to the King, and with her all the confederate Princes of the Crown, had set several Treaties on foot, and laboured on all hands the King's deliverance, with great integrity, and vigour, and to so good effect, that in the end this mighty Emperor, who in his imagination had swallowed up the whole Kingdom of France, gained not so much as one inch of earth by his victory, and the King had the good fortune in his affliction to derive assistance even from those who at other times were his Enemies, yet to whom the Emperor's greatness stood highly suspected. His Majesty being at last returned home, and mindful of the injuries, and indignities, had been offered to him during his captivity, having in vain tried all other ways to recover his two Sons out of the Emperor's hands, was in the end constrained to have recourse to Arms, and to recommence the War. And then it was that the expedition of Naples was set on foot under the command of Monsieur de Lautrec, who (as I have already said) dispatched a Courier to me into Gascony to raise a Company of Foot, which I also in a few days performed, and brought him betwixt seven and eight hundred men, of which, four or five hundred were Harquebusiers, though at that time there was but very few of them in France. Of these Monsieur de Ausun entreated of me the one half, for the completing of his Company, which I granted to him, and we made our division near to Alexandria, 
Alexandria surrendered.  which at this time was surrendered to the said Monsieur de Lautrec, who from thence sent Messieurs de Gramont, and de Montpezat to besiege the Castle de Vig●●e; before which place, as we were making our approaches, and casting up trenches to plant the Artillery, I was hurt with a Harquebus shot in my right leg, of which shot I remained lame a long time after; insomuch that I could not be at the storming of Pavia, 
Pavia taken by assault, and half burnt down.  which was carried by assault, and half burnt down to the ground. Nevertheless I caused myself to be carried in a Litter after the Camp, and before Monsieur de Lautrec departed from Plaisance to march away to Boulongne, I again began to walk.  
Now near unto Ascoly, there is a little town called Capistrano, seated upon the top of a Mountain, of so difficult access, that the ascent is very sleep on all sides, saving on those of the two Gates, into which a great number of the Soldiers of the Country had withdrawn, and fortified themselves. The Count Pedro de Navarre, who was our Colonel, commanded our Gascon Companies to attaque this Post, which we accordingly did, and assaulted the place. We caused some 
* Moving Penthouses under the protection of which, Soldiers use to approach a wall.  Manteletts to be made wherewith to approach the Wall, in which we made two holes, of capacity sufficient for a man easily to enter in, about fifty or threescore paces distant the one from the other: whereof I having made the one, I would myself needs be the first to enter at that place. The Enemy on the other side had in the mean time pulled up the planks, and removed the boards, and tables from the roof of a Parlour into which this hole was made, and where they had placed a great tub full of stones. One of the Companies of Monsieur de Luppé our Lieutenant Colonel, and mine prepared to enter at this place, and now God had granted me the thing, that I had ever desired, which was to be present at an assault, there to enter the first man, or to lose my life: I therefore threw myself headlong into the Parlour, having on a Coat of Mail, such as the Germans used in those days, a Sword in my hand, a Targuette upon my arm, and a Morrion upon my head; but as those who were at my heels were pressing to get in after me the Enemy poured the great tub of stones upon their heads, and trapped them in the hole, by reason whereof the could not possibly follow I therefore remained all alone within fight at a door that went out into the street: but from the roof of the Parlour, which was unplanked, and laid open for that purpose, they peppered me in the mean time with an infinite number of Harquebus shot, 
The Sieur de Montluc wounded with two Harquebus shot.  one of which pierced my Targuette, and shot my arm quite through, within four fingers of my hand, and another so battered the bone at the knitting of my arm and shoulder, that I lost all manner of feeling, so that letting my Targuette fall, I was constrained to retire towards my hole, against which I was born over by those who fought at the door of the Parlour: but so fortunately nevertheless for me, that my Soldiers had, by that means, 
And the same Arm at the same time broken in two places.  opportunity to draw me out by the legs, but so leisurely withal, that they very courteously made me tumble heels over head from the very top to the bottom of the Graft, wherein rolling over the ruins of the Stones, I again broke my already wounded arm in two places. So soon as my men had gathered me up, I told them, that I thought I had left my arm behind me in the Town, when one of my Soldiers lifting it up from whence it hung, as in a Scarf, dangling upon my buttocks, and laying it over the other, put me into a little heart; after which; seeing the Soldiers of my own Company gathered round about me, Oh my Comrades (said I) have I always used you so kindly, and ever loved you so well, to forsake me in such a time as this? which I said, not knowing how they had been hindered from following me in.  
Upon this my Lieutenant, who had almost been sti●led to death in the hole, called lafoy Bastide (Father to the Savillans now living, and one of the bravest Gentlemen in our Army) proposed to two Basque Captains called Martin and Ramon●t, who always quartered near unto my Company; that if they would with Ladders storm by a Canton of the wall hard by, he would undertake, at the same time, to enter by the hole itself, and either force his entry that way, or lose his life in the attempt. To which I also encouraged them, as much as my weakness would permit. The Ladders being therefore presently brought, and tied together, because they proved too short, lafoy Bastide made towards the hole, having sent to the other Captains to do as much to the other; 
Capis●rano taken by assault.  but they did no great feats. In the interim that la Bastide was fight within, having already gained the hole, Martin and Ramon●t gave a brave Scalado to the Canton, and with so good success, that they beat the Enemy from the wall▪ and entered the Town. Of this being presently advertised, I sent to la Bastide to conjure him to save me as many women and maids as he possibly could, that they might not be violated (having that in devotion for a vow I had made to our Lady of Lor●tta, hoping that God, for this good act, would please to be assisting to me) which he did; bringing fifteen or twenty, which were also all that were saved; the Soldiers being so animated to revenge the wounds I had received, and to express their affection to me, that they killed all before them, so much as to the very children, and moreover set the Town on fire. 
Burn● to the ground.  And although the Bishop of Ascoly (this being a member of his Diocese) was very importunate with Monsieur de La●trec in behalf of the Town, the Soldiers could notwithstanding never be made to leave it, till they saw it reduced to Ashes. The next day I was carried to Ascoly, where Monsieur de Lautrec sent Messi●urs de Gramont, and de Montpezat to see how I did, with whom he moreover sent two Chirurgeons the King had given him at his departure, the one called Master Alesme, and the other Master G●orge; who, after they had seen how miserably my arm was mangled, and shattered, positively pronounced, that there was no other way to save my life, but to cut it off, the execution whereof was deferred till the next morning. Monsi●ur de Lautrec thereupon commanded the said Sieurs de Montpezat and de Gramont to be present at the work, which they promised they would, but not without some difficulty, out of the friendship they both had for me, especially the Si●ur de Gramont. Now you must understand that my Soldiers had, a few days before, taken prisoner a young man, a Chirurgeon, who had formerly belonged to Monsieur de Bourbon▪ This young fellow having understood the determination to cut off my arm (for I had entertained him into my service) never ceased to importune me, by no means to endure it; representing to me▪ that I was not, as yet, arrived to the one half of my age, and that I would wish myself dead an hundred times a day, when I should come to be sensible of the want of an arm. The morning being come, the forementioned Lords, and the two Surgeons, and Physicians, came into my chamber with all their instruments, and plasters, without more ceremony, or giving me so much as leisure to repent, to cut off my arm, having in command from Monsi●ur de Lautre● to tell me, that I should not consider the loss of an Arm, to save my life; nor despair of my fortune; for although his Majesty should not regard my service, nor take it into consideration to settle a subsistence for me, yet that nevertheless his wife, and himself, had forty thousand Livers a year revenue, wherewith to recompense my valour, and to provide that I should never want; only he wished me to have patience, and to manifest my courage upon this occasion. Every thing being now ready, and my arm going to be opened to be cut off; the young Chirurgeon standing behind my bed's head, never desisted preaching to me by no means to suffer it, insomuch that (as God would have it) though I was prepared, and resolved to let them do what they would with me, he made me to alter my determination; whereupon, without doing any thing more, both the Lords, and the Surgeons returned back to Monsieur de Lautre● to give him an account of the business, who (as they have all of them several times since assured me) said these words. I am glad to hear he is so resolved, and should also myself have repent the causing of it to be done; for had he died, I should ever have suspected myself to have been the occasion of his death; and had he lived without an arm, I should never have looked upon him, but with exceeding great trouble, to see him in such a condition; let God therefore work his will.  
Immediately after the two forenamed Surgeons came to examine mine, whether or no he was sufficient to undertake the cure; for otherwise it was ordered, that one of them should remain with me; but they found him capable enough, to which they also added some instructions, what was to be done upon such accidents as might happen. The next day, which was the fourth after my hurt, Monsieur de L●urtre● caused me to be carried after him to Termes de Bresse, where he left me in his own quarters, to the care of the man of the house, who was a Gentleman, and for the further assurance of my person, carried Hostages with him, two of the most considerable men of the Town, whereof one was brother to the Gentleman of the house, assuring them, that if any the least foul play was offered to me, those two men should infallibly be hanged. In this place I remains d two months and a half, lying continually upon my reins, insomuch that my very back bone pierced through my skin, which is doubtless the greatest torment, that any one in the world can possibly endure; and although I have written in this narrative of my life, that I have been one of the most fortunate men, that have born arms these many years, in that I have ever been victorious wherever I commanded; yet have I not been exempt from great wounds, and dangerous sicknesses, of which I have had as many, and as great, as any man ever had, who outlived them. God being still pleased to curb my pride, that I might know myself, and acknowledge all good, and evil to depend upon his pleasure: but all this notwithstanding a scurvy, four, morose, and choleric nature of my own (which favours a little, and too much of my native Soil) has evermore made me play one trick, or another of a Gascon, which also I have no great reason to repent. So soon as my arm was come to a perfect suppuration, they began to raise me out of Bed, having a little cushion under my arm, and both that, and my arm swathed up close to my body. In this posture I continued a few days longer, until mounting a little M●le that I had, I caused myself to be carried before Naples, where our Camp was already sat down, having first sent away a Gentleman of mine on foot to our Lady of Lorett● to accomplish my vow, I myself being in no condition to perform it. The pain I had suffered, was neither so insupportable, nor so great, as the affliction I had, not to have been present at the taking of Malphe, and other places; nor at the defeating of the Prince of Orange, who after the death of Monsi●ur de Bourbon (slain at the Sack of Rome) commanded the Imperial Army. Had not this valiant Prince (of deplorable memory, for the foulness of his revolt from his Lord, and Master) died in the very height of his Victories, I do believe he had sent us back the Popes into Avignon once again.  
At my arrival at the Camp, Monsieur de Lautrec, and all the other great persons of the Army, received me with great demonstrations of kindness, and esteem, and particularly Count Pedro de Navarre, who caused a confiscation to be settled upon me of the value of twelve hundred Ducats yearly revenue called la Tour de la Nunci●de, one of the fairest Castles in all the Tertitory of Labour, and the first Barony of Naples; belonging to a rich Spaniard call● d Don Ferdino. I than thought myself the greatest Lord in all the Army: but I found myself the poorest Rogue in the end, as you shall see by the continuation of this discourse. I could here dilate at full how the Kingdom of Naples was lost, after it was almost wholly conquered; a story that has been writ by many: but it is great pity they would not, or durst not relate the truth, being that Kings and Princes might have been taught to be so wary by this Exemple, as not to suffer themselves to be imposed upon, and abused, as they very often are: but no body would have the great ones learn to be too wise, for than they could not play their own Games with them so well, as they commonly do. I shall therefore let it alone, both for that I do not pretend to record the faults of other men, as also because I had no hand in these transactions, and shall only write my own Fortunes to serve for instruction to such as shall follow after, that the little Montlucs my sons have left me, may look with some kind of Glory into the life of their Grandfather, and aim at honourable things by his Exemple.  
There were no great matters performed after my coming to the Camp; neither did they busy themselves about any thing but the City of Naple●, which also they intended to overcome by Famine, and it must suddenly have fallen into our hands, had it not been for the revolt of Andrea d' Auria, who sent to Count Philippin his Nephew to bring back his Galleys to Genoa, 
The revolt of Andr●a d' A●ria.  with which he kept the City of Naples so close blocked up by Sea, that a Cat could not have got in; which he immediately did, and thereupon an infinite of provision was put into the Town by Sea, whilst our Galleys delayed to come. God forgive him who was the cause thereof, without which accident the Town had been our own, and consequently the whole Kingdom. This Philippin Lieutenant or Vice-Admiral to Andrea d' Auria, 
A great Naval victory obtained by Philippin d' Auria.  near unto Capo-dorso obtained a famous Naval Victory over Hugo de Moncada, and the Marquis de Gu●st, who came to the relief of Naples; but from this Victory proceeded our ruin: for Philippin having sent his prisoners to his Uncle to Genoa, and the King being importunate to have them delivered over to him, Andrea d' Auria would by no means part with them, complaining that he had already delivered up the Prince of Orange to the King, without any recompense▪ upon which occasion the Marquis de Guast (a man of as great dexterity, and cunning as any of his time, and a great Warrior) knew so well how to manage Andrea d' Auria's discontent, that in the end he turned his coat, and with twelve Galleys went over to the Emperor's side. The King our Master was well enough informed of all his practices, and might easily enough have prevented the mischief; but his heart was so great, and he was so higly offended with Auria, that he would never seek to him, whereof he repented at leisure: for he has since been the cause of many losses that have befallen the King, and particularly of the Kingdom of Naples, Genoa, and other misfortunes. It seemed as if the Sea stood in awe of this man; wherefore without a very great, and more than ordinary occasion, he was not fit to have been provoked, or disgusted: but perhaps the King might have some other reason.  
In the end our Galleys arrived, and brought with them the Prince of Navarre, Brother to King Henry, with some few Gentlemen only of his train, who lived but three weeks after; for he came in the beginning of our sickness. At his landing Monsi●ur de La●trec sent Michael A●tonio Marquis of Saluzzo for his Convoy (for he landed a little below la Magdaleine within half a mile of Naples) and with him a great part of the Ge●s d' Arms, with the black Italian Regiments, which were commanded by Count Hugues de Gennes, since the death of Signior Horatio Bail●one, and had been the Companies of Signior Giovanni de Medicis, Father to the Duke of Florence that now is, who had been wounded in his leg, with a Harquebus shot before Pavia, being then in the King's Service, 
The death of Signior Giovanni de Medicis.  and was thence carried to Plaisance, where he had his leg cut off, and thereof soon after died, and after his death the said Signior Horatio took upon him the command of his Companies. It seemed that God would at that time some evil to the King, when he lay before Pavia. For in the first place some one advised him to send away the Grisons, secondly to send Monsieur d' Albain to Rome with another part of the Army, and for the sum of all misfortunes God sent this mischance to Signior Giovanni, who (to speak the truth) understood more of the affairs of War, than all the rest, who were about the King, having three thousand Foot under his command, the best that ever were in Italy, with three Cornets of horse, and I do verily believe (and there are several others of the same opinion) that, had he been well at the Battle, matters had not gone so ill as they did. Signior Horatio afterwards increased the number a thousand men, which made up four thousand foot, who carried black Ensigns for the death of the said Signior Giovanni, and were moreover all put into mourning, from whence they derived the name of the Black Regiments, and afterwards associated themselves to the Marquis of Saluzzo, who temporised for about two years in Italy, and about Florence, and afterwards joined with our Army at Troy's, or else at Nocera, I am not certain which, for that I lay at the same time wounded at Terms on Bresse.  
But to return to the landing of the Prince of Navarre, because there was something of Action there performed wherein I had a share, I shall give an account of that business. Captain Artiguelaube (who was Colonel of five Gascon Ensigns which were wont to be under Monsieur de Luppée, and of five others commanded by the Baron de Bearn) was commanded, as also was Capta● de Buch, eldest son of the Family of Candale, to draw down to that place, and I also (poor wretch as I was) was one of the number. So soon as we were got down to the shore▪ the Marquis left all our Pikes behind a great Rampire, which the Count Pedro de Navarre had caused to be cast up, and that extended on the right hand, and on the left, for about half a mile in length. Close adjoining to this was a great Portal of Stone, through which ten, or twelvemen might march a breast, and that I do believe had been a Gate in former times, for the Arch, and other marks thereof were still remaining; to the checks of which Portal, our Rampire was brought up, both on the one side, and the other. Our Battaillon was drawn up about an hundred paces distant from this Portal, the Black Regiments some three hundred paces behind ours, and the greatest part of the Horse yet further behind them. Monsieur le Marquis, Monsieur le Captau, the Count Hugues, Captain Artiguelaube, and almost all the Captains as well Italians as Gascons along with them, went down as well to facilitate, as to be present at the Princes Landing; which said Seigneur Capt●● had six Ensigns, three of Piedmontoise, and three of Gascons. They were so long about their landing, that they there stayed three long hours; for they made the Prince to stay and dine abroad, before he came out of the Galley: a little delay sometimes occasions a great mischief, and it had been better, that both he, and all the company with him had made a good sober fast; but the vanity of the world is such, that they think themselves undervalved if they do not move in all the formalities of State, and in so doing commit very often very great errors. It were more convenient to move in the Equipage of a simple Gentleman only, and not to Prince it at that rate, but to do well, than to stand upon such frivolous punctilioes, and be the cause of any misadventure, or disorder.  
Captain Artiguelaub● in the mean time had placed me with thre●score or fourscore Harqucbusiers upon the cross of a high way very near to the Magdaleine, which is a great Church some hundred, or two hundred paces distant from the Gates of Naples; and upon another cross of the high way, on the left hand of me, where there stood a little Oratory, two or three hundred Harquebusiers of the black Regiments, with an Ensign of Pikes; In the same place also, and a little on the one side, was placed the Company of Seign●ur de Candale, consist●ng of two or three hundred Harquebusiers, about two hundred paces distant from, and just over against the place where I stood. Being thus upon my Guard I saw both horse and foot issuing out of Naples, and coming full drive to gain the Magdaleine; whereupon mounting a little Mule that I had, I galloped strait down to the water side. All the Lords and Gentlemen were as yet on board, caressing, and complementing one another, to whom by certain Skippers that were plying too and again betwixt the Galleys, and the Shoar, I caused it to be cry●d out, that the Enemy was sallying out of the Town by whole Troops to intercept them, and to recover the blind of the Magdaleine, and that they should think of fight, if they so pleased; an intelligence at which some were basely down in the mouth, for every one that sets a good face on the matter has no great stomach to fight. I presently returned back to my men, and went up strait to the Magdaleine, from whence I discovered the Enemy's Horse sallying out dismounted, with the bridles in the one hand, and their Lances in the other, stooping as much as they could, to avoid being seen, as also did the Foot, who crept on all four behind the walls that enclosed the backside of the Church: I then presently gave my Mule to a Soldier, bidding him ride in all haste to acquaint Monsieur de Candale, and Captain Artiguelaube therewith, whom he found already got on shore, and who upon my first advertisement, had caused a Galley to put out to Sea, from whence they discovered all that I had told them, which being in the Port they could not possibly do. This Galley upon the sight presently began to let fly whole broadsides of Canon at us, one whereof killed two men of my Company close by me, and so near that the brains both of the one, and the other flew into my face. There was very great danger in that place, for all the bullets, as well of this Galley, as of the others, which did the same, played directly into the place where I was, insomuch that seeing them still to continue their shot (for those of the Galleys took us for the Enemy) I was constrained to draw off my men into the ditches to secure them.  
In the mean time they mounted the Prince in all haste on horseback, and made him to save himself full speed towards the Camp, all his Gentlemen running after on foot. They had no great leisure to stay with us, for I believe being so lately come, they had no mind to die. Their haste was so great that they had no time to land, either the Prince's Baggage, or his Bed, and there were some, who were wise enough to keep themselves aboard the Galleys. But the Seigneur de Candale, and Count Hugues were men of another sort of mettle, and stayed upon the cross high way where their men had been placed before; and Captain Artiguelaube went to the Battaillon, that was drawn up behind the Rampire. The Game began with me, and I do not know whether it be my good or my evil fortune; 
The Fight.  but so it is that in all places where I have been, that I have evermore found myself in the thickest of the blows, and there where the business ever first began. Now a Band of Harquebusiers came directly towards me, running: and that because I had plac●d one part of my Harquebusiers behind a ditch bank that borders all along upon the high way, and the rest on the right and left hand in the ditches in file (which I did more for fear of the Artillery, that played from our own Galleys, than for any apprehension of the Enemy) and came within twenty paces of us, where we entertained them with a smart volley of all our shot, by which five or six of their men fell dead upon the ground, and the rest took their heels, and fled, we following after as far as the Magdaleine. There they rallied, and withdrew from the high way on their right hand, and on that side where Monsieur de Lavall of Dauphiné stood with his Company of Gens-d'Armes, he was Nephew to Monsieur de Bayard, and Father to Madame de Gordes, who is at this time living, and a very valiant Gentleman. Monsieur de Candalle, who had seen my Charge, and saw that the Enemy now all discover d themselves, and that both Horse and Foot drew into a great Meadow, where Monsieur de Lavall stood; fearing they might charge me again, he sent me a supply of fifty Harquebusiers, just at the time when a Battaillon of Germane Foot presented themselves within twenty paces on my right hand. The Spanish Harquebusiers in the mean time fired with great fury upon our Gens-d'Armes, who began to draw off at a good round trot towards the high way possessed by Monsieur de Candalle, where there was a great oversight committed, which I will also give an account of, that such as shall read it, may make use of the exemple, when the chance of War (as at one time or another it may) shall perhaps reduce them to the same condition.  
Count Hugues, and Monsieur de Candalle had drawn up their Pikes upon the great Road, without leaving room for the Cavalry to retire, and there was a necessity that Monsieur de Lavall must, in spite of his heart, pass that way; for betwixt Monsieur de Candalle and me there was a great ditch, that Horse could not possibly get over. Had they left the Road open, and drawn themselves up in Battalia behind the ditch, they might have given a stop to the Enemy's fury; and by that means Monsieur de Lavall, might at great ease have got off along by the high way, and have made an honourable retreat. So soon as the Enemy saw that Monsieur de Lavall was forced to his Trot they presently charged him both in flank, and rear, with both Horse and Foot at once, when having thrown himself into the Road to get clear of this storm, he encountered these Pikes upon his way, where he was constrained against his will to force his way through, and in so doing bore down, and trampled under foot all that stood before him; for our Pikes were drawn up so close that they had no room to open. This put all into confusion, and I was ready to run mad to see so great an absurdity committed; yet is not the blame justly to be laid ●pon Monsieur de Candalle, he being very young, and having never been upon such a service before: but Count Hugues is highly to be condemned, who was an old Soldier, and understood the discipline of War; yet I will not say but that he behaved himself with very great bravery in his own person: but it is not enough to be bold, and hardy, a man must also be wise, and foresee all that can happen, forasmuch as oversights are irreparable in matters of Arms, and small faults are oftentimes the occasion of very great losses, as it happened here to him, who had not provided against all adventures: For he was himself taken prisoner, as also Monsieur de Candalle, being wounded in his arm with a Harquebus shot. 
Captain de Buch, Count de Candalle slain.  Three days after, the Enemy seeing he was not likely to live, sent him back to Monsieur de Lautrec, who was his Kinsman, and the next day he died, and was buried at Bresse.  
He was a brave, and a worthy young man as ever came out of the house of Foix, and would in time doubtless have been a great Soldier, had he lived to hold on as he had begun. I never knew man so industrious, and desirous to learn the practice of arms of the old Captains, as this Lord was. To which effect he rendered himself as obsequious to the Count Pedro de Navarre, as the meanest of his Servants. He was inquisitive into the reasons of things, and informed himself of all, without fooling away his time about trifles, that other young men covet and love: and was more frequent at the Quarters of the Count Pedro de Navarre, than at those of Monsieur de Lautrec; insomuch that the Count would always say, he was there training up a great Captain. And in truth when he was brought back into the Camp, the said Count kissed him with tears in his eyes. It was a very great loss of him. All who were at the same post were ●ither killed, or taken, some excepted, who saved themsesves by the ditches, leaping from ditch to ditch, but those were very few, for the Enemy pursued their victory on that side very well.  
I on my side began to march along by the side of a hedge, with my face still towards the Germane Foot, the lesser evil of the two, and by good fortune both for me, and my Company the Enemy in my rear pursued us coldly enough. At my coming to the Portal I spoke of before, I there found a great Troop of the Enemy's Horse, commanded by Don Ferdinando de Gonzaga (for it was he who gave the charge) so that to recover the Portal I must of necessity fight with a resolution either to pass through, or die. I made my men therefore to give them a volley of Harquebus shot, for I for my part had nothing wherewith to fight, but my voice; upon which volley they made me way, so that having passed the portal, I faced about, and stood firm. At which time their Harquebusiers also came up, who at once altogether charged upon us, with all their united power both of Horse and Foot; when seeing this torrent coming upon me, I recovered the back side of the Trench, with my Harquebusiers only, who had saved themselves from the first encounter; which the Marquis seeing, he was in so great a perplexity, that he gave us all over for lost. I there disputed the portal a long half hour from the back side of the Trench, for it remained free, as well on their side, as on ours; they durst not attempt to pass, neither did we dare to approach it. If ever Soldiers played the men, these did it at this time; for all that I had with me could not arise to above an hundred and fifty men. The Marquis then came up to Captain Arteguelaube, to make him rise, they being all couched upon one knee, for had they stood upright, the Spanish Foot had had them in their aim, and cried to him, Captain Arteguelaube, I beseech you rise, and charge▪ for we must of necessity pass the Portal: But he returned him answer, that he could not do it without losing the best of our men, as it was very true, for all the Spanish Foot were then come up. I was close by the Portal, and heard all; but the Marquis not satisfied with this answer, spurred up to the black Regiments, commanding them to march up towards the Portal, which they accordingly did. I knew by the manner of their motion, what command they had received, which was the reason that I stepped out, and cried to Captain Arteguelaube, Comrade, you are about to be disgraced for ever, for here are the Black Regiments, that, upon my life, are making towards the Portal, to carry away the honour of the service; at which words he started up (for the man wanted no courage) and ran full drive towards the Portal, when seeing him come, I suddenly threw myself before the Portal, and passed with all those who followed me, marching strait towards the Enemy, who were not above a hundred paces distant ●rom us; we were immediately followed by the Foot, sent by the Marquis: but as we were half passed through, the Marquis gave the word from hand to hand, to make a hal●, and to advance no further. The Enemy seeing us come on with such resolution, and the Cavalry following in our Rear, thought it the wisest course to retire. I was by this time advanced where we were plying one another, with good round volleys of shot, at fifty paces distance, and we had a good mind to fall on to the Sword, when the Marquis, and another Gentleman with him, came himself on horseback to stay me. I think he did ill in it; for had we all passed through, we had certainly pursued them fight up to the very Gates of Naples. There was in this place very many on both sides beaten to the ground, that never rose again, and I admire how I escaped, but my hour was not come.  
That which occasioned the Marquis to retire, was the fear he had of tempting fortune a second time; he was contented with what he had already lost, without being willing to hazard any more; so that tired out, and over spent, we returned to repass the Portal, that had been so long disputed, where a great many good men lay dead upon the place. There it was that the Gentleman who was with the Marquis, when he came to command me to retire, I have forgot his name, said to him (for I heard him very well) Monsieur, I now see that the ancient proverb is true, which says, that one man is worth an hundred, and an hundred are not so good as one: I speak it by this Captain who has his arm in a scarf, and leans to the Rampire (for in truth I was quite spent) for it must needs be acknowledged, that he is the only cause of our preservation. I heard likewise well enough, though I took no notice of it, the Marquis make him this answer. That man will always do well wherever he is. A passage, that although it be to my honour, and my own commendation, I would however insert it here, without bragging nevertheless, or vain glory. I have acquired honour enough besides: but this may perhaps serve to excite the other Captains, who shall read my Life, to do the same upon the like occasion. And I must needs confess that I was then better pleased with this Character, that this Gentleman, and the said Marquis were pleased to give of me, than if he had given me the best Manor in his possession; though I was at that time very poor. This commendation made my heart to swell with courage, and yet more when I was told, that some one had entertained Monsieur de Lautrec, and the Prince with the same discourse, all the time they sat at Supper. These little points of honour serve very much in matters of War, and are the cause that when a man shall again happen to be in the like service, he fears nothing: it is very true that men are sometimes mistaken, and gain nothing but blows: but there is no remedy for that, we must give and take.  
You Captains, and Lords who lead men on to death (for War is nothing else) when you shall see a brave act performed by any of your followers, comm●nd him in public, and moreover relate it to others who were not present at the service: if his heart ●it in a right place, he will value such a testimony more than all the treasure of the world, and upon the next occasion will strive to do still better. But if (as too many do) you shall not design to regard, or to take notice of the bravest exploit can by man be performed, and look upon all things with an eye of disdain, you will find that you must recompense them by effects, since you would not vouchsafe to do it by word of mouth. I have ever treated the Captains so, who have been under my command, and even the meanest of my Soldiers; by which they thought themselves so obliged, that I could have made them run their heads against a wall, and have stood firm in the most dangerous post in the world, as (for ex●mple) I did here.  
This was the first misfortune, and the first disgrace, that had yet befallen us in all this Expedition. It seemed to all the world that the Prince of Navarre brought us all misadventure and mishap: would to God he had stayed in Gascony; neither had it been the worse for him, who came only to end his days a great way from home, without doing any thing but taking a view of Naples. He died three weeks, 
The death of the Prince of Navarre.  or there abouts, after his arrival, and was the occasion of the death of this brave young Lord (which I shall ever lament) who also had the honour to be his Kinsman. Yet was not this all, for so soon as it was known that such a Prince was arrived, every one presently concluded that he had brought some considerable succours, and relief, at least money for the pay of the Army: but there was nothing of all this; for neither he, nor the Galleys brought us one man of recruit; nor any other thing, but his own retinue, and some few Gentlemen Volunteers; which was a great discouragement to our distressed Army, and the Enemy, who were very well informed of all, took new heart at it, knowing very well by that, that the Waters of France were very low, when a Prince of his condition, came to such a Siege as this, in an equipage, as if he had only come abroad to see the world: but the fault ought not to lie at his door, they were too blame that sent him.  
'Tis a great fault in Kings and Princes, who put men upon great attempts, to take so little care of those whom they know to be engaged in an enterprise of so great importance, as was this of the Sieur de Lautre●: for the taking of Naples had very much assured the State of France, which by that means would have had its arms at liberty for many years, and we should have disputed it long, had it once been ours, for we should have been made wise by our precedent losses. The King committed yet another oversight in not sending some handsome Troop of Gentlemen, and some considerable Body of Foot with this young Prince, the neglect of which (as I have already said) made our people believe, either that he did not much regard us; or that his hands were full, and that he had elsewhere enough to do. Wherein Monsieur de Lautrec was by no means to be blamed, who never ceased to send dispatch after dispatch, and post after post, to give his Majesty an account of all; but I return to myself; for (as I have always declared) I will by no means play the Historian: if I should, I should have enough to do, and scarce know at which end to begin.  
This was the last engagement where I had any thing to do, wherein though I did not command in chief, yet had I notwithstanding the command of a very good Company of Foot, and had my full share of the fight that was very handsome; but not for all; which I have set down to acquit myself of my promise, to wit, that I would give a particular account of all those passages, wherein I had the honour to command: passing the rest lightly over, as I do the remainder of this unfortunate Siege, which we were at last constrained to raise, Monsieur de Lautrec being dead, 
The death of Monsieur de Lautrec▪  to the great misfortune of all France, which never had a Captain endowed with better qualities than he was: but he was unhappy, and ill assisted by the King, after His Majesty had engaged him, as he did first at Milan, and now lastly before Naples. For my part with that little that was saved, which was almost nothing, I returned the greatest part of my Journey on foot, with my arm in a scarf (having above thirty els of Taffata about me, 
a●d  forasmuch as they had bound my arm and my body together with a cushion between) wishing a thousand times rather to die, than to live; for I had lost all my Masters and Friends, who knew, and loved me, being all dead, excepting Monsieur de Montpezat (the Father of this now living) and poor Don Pedro our Colonel taken, and carried prisoner into the Rock of Naples, 
O● Don P●dro de Navar●e.  where they put him to death, the Emperor having commanded, that for the reward of his revolt, they should cut off his head. He was a man of great understanding, in whom Monsieur de Lautrec (who confided in few persons) had a very great confidence. I do also believe (and am not single in that opinion) that he counselled him ill in this War▪ but what! we only judge by Events.  
In this handsome equipage, I came home to my Father's house, where, poor Gentleman, I found him engaged in too many necessities of his own, to be in any capacity of much assisting me; forasmuch as his Father had sold three parts of four of the Estate of the Family, and had left the remainder charged with five children, by a second venture, besides us of my Fathers, who were no less than ten. By which any on● may judge, in what necessities we who are come out of the Family of Montluc have been constrained to follow the fortunes of the world. And yet our house was not so contemptible, but that it had near upon five thousand Livers yearly revenue belonging to it, before it was sold. To fit myself in all points I was constrained to stay three years at home, without being able to get any cure for my arm, and after I was cured I was to begin the world again, as I did the first day I came out from a Page, and as a person unknown▪ seek my fortune in all sorts of necessiities, and with extreme peril of my life. I praise God for all, who in all the traverses of my life, has ever been as ●isting to me.  
Upon the first motions of War King Francis instituted his Legionaires, 
The Legionaires instituted.  which was a very fine invention, had it been well pursued (for a start all our Laws, and Ordinances are observed, and kept, but after a while neglected, and let down) for it is the true and only way to have always a good Army on Foot (as the Romans did) and to train up the people to War, 
1534.  though I know not whether that be good or evil. It has been much controverted, though I for my part had rather trust to my own people, than to strangers.  
Of these the King gave one thousand to the Seneschal of Thoulouse, Seigneur de Faudovas, who made me his Lieutenant Colonel, and although it was the Languedoc Legion, and that he was Colonel, I nevertheless raised him all his Regiment in Guienne, and appointed him all his Captains, Lieutenants, Ensigns, Sergeants, and Corporals. A great rumour was at that time spread over all France, that the Emperor through the great intelligences he had within, was, for the conquest of such, and so great a Kingdom, coming up with vast, and invincible Forces; thinking at unawares to surprise the King; and in effect he did advance as far as Provence. The King to oppose so mighty, and so powerful an Enemy, summoned in all his Forces from all parts: in order to which summons, we used so extraordinary diligence (neither was I ever slothful) that our Regiment was the first that arrived at Marselles, where we found Monsieur de Barbezieux (which was the la Rochefoucant) and Monsieur de Montpezat, whom the King had made his joint Lieutenants there (the one having as much authority as the other) and the Signior de Boitieres and de Villebon (Provost of Paris) the Regiments of Monsieur le Grand Esevyer Galliot, and of the said Seigneur de Montpezat, who came from Fossan all dismounted, having each of them a 
* Or pad Nag.  Curtal only, for by Article at the surrender of the said Fossan (which was lost through the enormous, and perhaps unheard of Treachery of the Marquis of Saluzzo) they were obliged to leave their great horses behind. 
The treache●ry of the Marquis of Saluzzo.  The Emperor being soon after come to Aix, the Legionary Regiments (consisting of a thousand m●n each) of Monsieur de Fontrailles (the Father of these now living) and of Monsieur d' Aubigeons, came presently up to us, as also those of Christophle de Goust, with seven Italian Companies. I am not certain whether the Regiments of Monsieur de Boi●ier●s, and de Villebon were there, or no: but I very well remember that of the said Seigneur de Barbezieux; and so long as the Emperor continued at Aix, we remained at Marselles, 
1537.  where nothing however of Action past, but what I am now going to relate.  
Whilst the Emperor lay very long at Aix, in expectation of his great Canon, wherewith to come, and batter the walls of Marselles, his provisions did every day more, and more waist, and diminish. In which point of time the King● arrived at Avignon, where His Majesty was advertised, that if means could be made to destroy some Mills the Emperor had seized into his hands towards Arles, and especially one within four Leagues of Aix, called the Mill of Auriolle, the Enemy's Camp would soon suffer for want of bread. Upon which advice the King committed the execution of the burning of those Mills about Arles, to the Baron de la Garde, who had a Company of Foot, to Captain Thorines' Standard-bearer to the Count de Tandes, 
Mills burnt by the French.  and some others, who accordingly executed the design. Which notwithstanding the Spies still brought word to the King, that he must also burn those of Auriolle; forasmuch as they alone ordinarily nourished not the Emperor's whole household only; but moreover the six thousand old Spanish Foot, which he always kept about his own person. His Majesty sent therefore several times to Messieurs de Barbezieux, and de Montpezat to hazard a Regiment of men, to go, and burn the said Mills of Auriolle.  
The first to whom they recommended the execution thereof, was to the foresaid Christophle le Ghost, who positively refused to undertake it, alleging that it was five Leagues to the aforesaid Mills, 
Captain Ghost refuses to undertake the Enterprise,  where they were to fight threescore Guards, that were within it,, and an entire Company that were quartered in the Town, so that he should have five Leagues to go, and as many to return, by means whereof he should going or coming be infallibly defeated upon the way, for the Emperor could not fail of intelligence, it being no more than four leagues only from the said Auriolle to Aix; and on the other side the Soldiers would never be able to travel ten long leagues without baiting by the way. This answer was sent back to the King, who notwithstanding would not take it for currant pay; but on the contrary sent another more positive order, than the former, that it should be proposed to some others, and that though a thousand men should be lost in the Enterprise, 
and  yet let them not concern themselves, for the benefit that would accrue burning the Mills, would countervail the loss (such easy Markets Princes make of the lives of men.)  
Whereupon it was offered to Monsieur de Fonterailles, who was once in mind to undertake it: but some of his friends representing to him his certain ruin in the attempt, he pissed backwards, 
Also Monsieur de Fonterailles.  and would by no means touch. All which being sent word of to His Majesty (who continually had the manifest advantage the destroying of the other Mills had brought to His Majesty's affairs, reminded to him) he still persisted to press the aforesaid Lords, to send some one, or another to demolish these. Now one day, after I had heard how discontented the King was, and the excuses that had been alleged by those to whom it had hitherto been recommended (which in truth were very rational, and just) I began to meditate with myself, which way I might execute this design, and to consider, that if God would give me the grace to bring it about, it would be a means to bring me to the knowledge of the King, 
It is undertaken by the Sieur de Montluc.  and to restore me to the same reputation and acquaintance, I had formerly acquired; and that now by three years' idleness, and the length of my cure, was as good as vanished and lost: for it is nothing to get a good repute, if a man do not uphold, and improve it. Having therefore taken with myself a resolution to execute this design; or to die in the attempt: I informed myself at full of my Landlord of the situation, and condition of the place where these Mills were: who told me that Auriolle was a little Town enclosed with high walls, where there was a Castle well fortified, and a Bourg composed of many houses, with a fair street through the middle of it, and at the end of the said Bourg, which led from the Town towards the Mill, was a little on the left hand the Mill itself. That at the Gate of the said Town there was a Tower, which looked directly down the great street towards the Mill, before which no man could stand, without running great hazard of being either slain, or wounded; and that beyond the Mill was a little Church at the distance of about thirty, or forty paces. He told me moreover, that I was to go to Ambaigne, two Leagues from Marselles, and that from thence to Auriolle, it was three more, if we went by by the Mountains which the Horse could not possibly do; but must be constrained to go near upon a League about, where they were moreover to pass a River that was deep to the Saddle skirts, by reason that the Bridges had been broken down.  
My Landlord having told me all this, I considered, that if I should undertake this affair with a great party, I should be defeated; for the place being only four Leagues distant from the Emperor's Camp, he would have present intelligence, and would send out his Horse to intercept me in my return, as it also fell out; for immediately upon our coming to the Mill, the Captain of the Castle dispatched away in all haste to the Emperor. So that I conceived it much better for me to undertake it with a small number of m●n, and those light and active fellows; to the end that if I did the work I went for, I might either have means to retire by one way or another; or at the worst if I should throw myself away, and those who were with me, yet they being but a few, the City of Marselles would by that miscarriage be in no manner of danger to be lost, which was the thing most disputed in the Council; whereas by losing a thousand or twelve hundred men, which were thought a necessary proportion for such an Enterprise, the said City might be exposed to some danger, especially in a ● time when they expected a Siege.  
I than desired my Landlord to provide me three f●llows, who were expert in the ways, to guide me by night to the said Auriolle, and so that, as near as could be guessed, they should bring me to the Mills two hours before day; which he accordingly did, when after having some time consulted with them, I found the men were fearful, and loath to go: but at last mine Host so encouraged them, that they were all resolved; whereupon I gave to each of them a brace of Crowns, and caused them to be kept up in my lodging, which was about Noon; and having computed with my Landlord how many hours the nights were then long, we found, that provided I should set out about the twilight, I should have time enough to do my business.  
All this being done, that my design might not be known, I went myself first to Monsieur de Montpezat, to acquaint him with what I intended to do; and moreover that I was resolved to take with me no more, than six score men only, which I would choose out of the Seneschall●s Regiment, to which I was Lieutenant Colonel. In all places wherever I have been, I have still made it my study to discern betwixt the good men, and the bad, and to judge what they were able to do, for all men are not proper for all uses.  
The said Sieur de Montpezat thought my resolution very strange, and out of friendship advised me not to do so ridiculous a thing, as to hazard myself with so few men; telling me, that I might as well have five hundred if I would. To which I made answer, that I would never demand five hundred men for the execution of an Enterprise, that I could better perform with six score, and tormented him so, that in the end he was constrained to go along with me to Monsieur de Barbezieux, who yet thought it more strange, than the other, and would needs know of me my reasons and by what means I would execute this design with so few people. To whom I made answer, that I would not declare to any one living, which way I intended to proceed: but that nevertheless (if they so pleased) I would undertake it. Whereupon Monsieur de Montpez at said to him, let him go; for though he should be lost, and all those with him, the City will not for that be in the more danger to be lost, and it will give His Majesty content. Monsieur de Villebon who was present at the deliberation, laughed, and jeered at me, saying to Monsieur de Barbezieux, let him go, he will infallibly take the Emperor, and we shall all be ashamed, when we see him bring him into the City to morrow morning. Now this man did not love me, for some words that had passed betwixt us at the Port Royal; neither could I forbear to tell him, that he was like a dog in a manger, that would neither eat himself nor suffer others. All was passed over in jest though in plain truth, I was half angry, for a little spurring would serve to make me start. The Seneschal de Tholouse, my Colonel, adhered to my opinion, whereupon I had immediate leave granted me to go choose out my six score men, and no more, which I did, taking only one 
* Or Centurion, a term used as suiting that of Legion.  Centenier, and a Corporal, the rest were all Gentlemen, and so brave a Company, that they were better than five hundred others. It is not all to have a great number of men, they sometimes do more hurt than good, which made me entreat Monsieur de Barbezieux to cause the Gate of the City to be shut, being well assured that otherwise I should have had more company than I desired; which he also did, and it happened well for another reason, for in less than an hour my design was spread all over the whole City.  
Just at Sunset, I, with my six score men, repaired to the Gate, the wicket whereof was only open: but the street was so full of Soldiers, ready to go out with me, that I had much ado to distinguish my own, and was therefore constrained to make them all take hands, for I very well knew them every one. As I was going out of the Gate, Monsi●ur de Tavannes (who was since Marshal of France, and at this time Standard-bearer to the Grand Escuyer Galliot) came to me with fifteen, or twenty Gentlemen of their own Company, telling me, that he, with those friends of his were come to offer themselves, resolved to run all hazards with me in the execution of my design. I used all the arguments I could to divert him from that resolution: but it was time, and labour lost; for both he, and those with him were all positively resolved. Messieurs de Barbezieux, de Montpezat, de Boitieres, de Villebon, and the Seneschal de Tholouse, were all without the Ga●e, and before the wicket, drawing us out one by one, 
Tavannes▪  when Monsieur de Tavannes offering to pass, Monsieur de Barbezieux would not permit him, telling him, that he should be none of the party, and there some words, and a little anger passed, both on side and the other: but Monsieur de Tavannes overcame at last, and passed the wicket; for which cause they detained from me fifteen or twenty men of those I had chosen: but I lost nothing by the exchange, only these disputes deferred the time so long, that the night was shut up, before we began to march. Monsieur de Castelpers Lieutenant to Monsieur de Montpezat (who was my very particular friend) having heard how I had been railled, 
Castelp●rs.  and jeered amongst them, determined to get to horse, with some fifteen, or twenty men at arms of the said Company, being all very well mounted, and to that end had spoken to Monsieur de M●ntpezat at his going out of the Gate, to entreat him, that he would not be displeased i● he made one in the Enterprise; telling him that I was a Gascon, and that if I failed in the attempt, it would beget matter of sport for the French, and they would laugh us to scorn. Monsieur de Montpezat was at first unwilling to it, but seeing him begin to grow into a little heat, at last consented, whereupon he presently ran to mount to horse, and there might be nineteen or twenty of the party.  
Now to give a full account of this Enterprise, (which although it was not the conquest of Milan, may nevertheless be of some use to such as will make their advantage of it) so soon as we came to the Plan St Michael, I gave to Captain Belsoleil (Centenier to our Company) threescore men; and threescore I kept for myself (Monsieur de Tavannes, 
The order of the Enterprise.  and his followers being comprised in that number) to whom I also delivered a good Guide, telling him withal, that he was not to come near me by a hundred paces, and that we would continually march at a good round rate. Which order being given, and Monsieur de Tavannes, and I beginning to set forward, up com●s Monsieur de Castelpers, of whose deliberation we till then knew nothing, forasmuch as it had been resolved upon at the very moment of our going out at the wicket, which hindered us another long half hour: but in the end we agreed, that he should go the Horse way, and gave him another of my Guides, which he mounted behind one of his men; so that we had three parties, and to every party a Guide. At our parting I gave him instructions, that so soon as he should arrive at the end of the Bourg, he should draw up behind the Church, for should they enter into the street, the Company quartered in the Town, would either kill them, or their horses; and that therefore he was not to appear, till first he heard us engaged.  
We now began to set forward, and marched all night, where as far as Aubaigne, we found the way to be exceeding good: but from thence to Auriolle we were fain to crawl over the sides of Mountains, where, I believe, never any thing but Goats had gone before: by which abominable way, having got within half a quarter of a league of Auriolle, I made a halt, bidding Monsieur de Tavannes, to stay there for me, for I must go speak with Belsoleil. I therefore went back, and met him within a hundred paces of us, or less; where speaking to him, and his Guide, I told him, that when he should arrive at the Bourg, he was by no means to follow me: but to march directly to the Gate of the Town, betwixt the Bourg and the said Town, and there make a stand at the Gate, it being necessary that he should gain two houses next adjoining to the said Gate, which he must suddenly break into, to keep the Enemy from sallying out to disturb us; and that there he was to stay, and fight, without taking any care to relieve us at all; after which order given to him, I moreover past the word from hand to hand, to all the Soldiers, that no one was to abandon the fight at the Gate, to come to us to the Mill; but that they were punctually to observe whatever Captain Belsoleil should command them.  
Returning then back to Monsieur de Tavannes, we again began to march, when being come near to the Castle, under which and close by the walls of the Town, we were of necessity to pass, their Sentinels twice called out to us, Who goes there? to which we made no answer at all, but still went on our way, till coming close to the Bourg, we left the way that Captain Belsoleil was to take, and slipped behind the houses of the said Bourg, when being come to the further end where the Mill stood, we were to descend two or three stone steps to enter into the street, where we found a Sentinel, that never discovered us, till we were within a Pikes length of him, and then he cried Quivive? to which I made answer in Spanish, Espagne, (wherein I was mistaken, for the word was not then Espagne, but Empery) whereupon, without more ceremony he gave fire; but hit nothing.  
The alarm being by this means given, Monsieur de Tavannes, and I threw ourselves desperately into the street, and were bravely followed; where we found three or four of the Enemy without the door of the Mill: but they immediately ran in. The door of this Mill was ma● with two folding leaves, both which were to be bolted fast with a great Iron Bar on the inside; one of these had a great Chest behind it, and the other the foresaid Bar h●ld more than half shut, and had these fellows behind it. The Mill was full of men, bod above stairs and below (for there was threescore men in it, with the Captain, who had no dependence upon the Governor of the Town, each of them having his command apart) and we were one by one to enter this place.  
Monsieur de Tavannes would very fain first have entered and pressed forward with that intent; but I pulling him back by the arm, withheld him, and pushed in a Soldier that was behind me: the Enemy made but two Harquebus shot, having leisure to do no more, being all fast asleep, excepting these three, or four, who had been placed as Sentinels before the Mill door in the street. So soon as the Soldier was got in, I said to Monsieur de Tavannes, now enter if you will; which he presently did, and I after him, where we began to lay about us to some purpose, there being no more but one light only to fight by within. 
The Mill of Auriolle to●ken▪  In this bustle the Enemy by a pair of stone stairs of indifferent wideness, recovered the upper Room, where they stoutly defended the said stairs from the floor above, whilst I in the mean time sent a Soldier to tell the rest, that were without, that they should get up upon the outside of the Mill, and uncovering the roof, shoot down upon their heads, which was immediately performed; so that the Enemy perceiving our men to be got upon the roof, and that they already let ●ly amongst them, they began to throw themselves into the water out of a window on the backside of the Mill: but we nevertheless mounted the stairs, and killed all those that remained, the Captain excepted, who with two wounds, and seven others all wounded, were taken prisoners. Hereupon I presently sent one away to Captain Belsoleil, to bid him take courage, and stoutly to dispute the Gate of the Town, for the Mill was our own.  
The Alarm in the mean time, in the Town was very great, and those within three times attempted to Sally: but our men held them so short, that they durst never open their Gates. I sent Captain Belsoleil moreover most of my men to assist him, and in the mean time, with the rest, fell to burning the Mill, taking away all the Iron work, especially the Spindle's, and Rinds, that it might not be repaired again, never leaving it till it was entirely burnt down to the ground, and the Millstones rolled into the River. Now you must know that Captain Tavannes took it a little to heart, that I had pulled him back by the arm, and asked me afterwards upon our return, why I would not permit him to enter the first, suspecting I had more mind to give the honour of it to the Soldiers: to whom I made answer, that I knew he was not yet so crafty to save himself, as those old Soldiers were; and that moreover, that was not a place considerable enough for a man of his worth, and condition to die in; but that he was to reserve himself for a noble breach, and not to lose his life in a paltry Mill.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Monsieur de Castelpers arrived, and leaving his party behind the Church, came up to us on foot, and upon this the day began to appear: wherefore I entreated Monsieur de Tavannes, and the Castelpers to retire behind the Church (for the shot flew very thick in the street, where they could see any one pass) telling them, that I would go draw off Belsoleil; whereupon they both accordingly retired, and as I was drawing off our men one after another running down on both sides the street, Monsieur de Castelpers presented himself with his twenty Horse at the end of the street by the Church, wherein he did us very great service, for the Enemy might otherwise have ●allyed out upon us. I had only seven, or eight men hurt, who nevertheless were all able to march, one Gentleman only excepted, called Vigaux, whom we set upon an Ass of those we had found in the Mill, and presently began to retire towards the top of a mountain, which was almost the same way by which Monsieur the Castelpers had come, when the Enemy discovering us to be so few, 
The Impe●●allists makes ● Sally.  they all fallyed out in our Rear; but we had already gained the top of the Hill, when they arrived but at the foot of it, and before they recovered the height, we were got into the valley on the other side, ready to climb another (there being many little hills in that place) and yet we never marched ●aster than a foot pace; and so went strait on to Aubaigne.  
I had given order to the Soldiers that went along with us, that every one should take with him a loaf of Bread, which they eat by the way, and I also had caused some few to be brought, which I divided amongst the Gens-d'Armes of Monsieur de Tavannes, and we ourselves eat as we went; which I here set down, to the end, that when any Captain shall go upon an Enterprise, where he is to have a long march, he may take exemple to cause something to be brought along to eat, wherewith to refresh the Soldiers, that they may be the better able to hold out; for men are not made of Iron.  
So soon as we were come to Aubaigne, two leagues from Marselles, where we had thought to have halted, and to have taken some refreshment, we heard the Artillery of the Galleys, and of the Town, which at that distance seemed to be volleys of Harquebus shot; an Alarm that constrained us without further delay, or taking any other refreshment, than what we had brought along with us, to march forwards, and to enter into consultation amongst ourselves what course we were best to take; we already took it for granted, that the Emperor was arrived before the Town, and that he would certainly sit down before it; 
The Emperor Charles before Marselles.  and thence concluded it impossible for us to get in again, which made us often repent, and curse the enterprise that had shut us out, the misfortune whereof was wholly laid to my charge, as the Author of all. ●n this uncertainty what course to steer, Monsieur de Castelpers was once resolved to go charge desperately through the Enemy's Camp, to get into the City; but when he came to acquaint us with his determination, we remonstrated to him, that that would be to throw himself away out of an humour, and that since we had together performed so brave a service, and with which the King would be so highly pleased, we ought likewise together either to perish, or to save ourselves. Captain Trebous Guidon to the Company of Monsieur de Montpezat, told him the same, so that we concluded in the end to leave the great high way, and crossing the Mountains on the left hand, to fall down behind Nostre Dame de la Garde, making account, that in case we could not enter into the City, the Captain of the said Citadel would receive us in there. So we turned out of the way, and it was well for us that we did so, for Vignaux, and les Bleres keeping on the great Road strait to Marselles, had not gone on ●ive hundred paces, but they met with four or five hundred Horse, which the Emperor (having had intelligence from those of Auriolle of what had been done) had sent out to meet, and fight us upon the way; and had not the Emperor parted from Aix by night to go before Marselles, so that the Messengers of a long time could meet with no body to whom to deliver their errand, I do believe we had certainly been defeated: but the Emperor knew nothing of it, till break of day, whereupon he presently sent out those four or five hundred Horse upon the Road to Aubaigne, who did no other harm to Vignaux, and those who were with him, but only took away their Arms.  
In this manner we travailed all day from mountain to mountain in the excessive heat, without finding one drop of water, 
Retreat.  insfomuch that we were all ready to die for thirst; always within sight of the Emperor's Camp, and ever within hearing of the Skirmishes that were made before the Town, Monsieur de Castelpers, and his Gens-d'Armes marching all the way on foot, as we did, and leading their horses in their hands, till coming near to Nostre Dame de la Garde, the Captain of the Castle taking us for the Enemy, let fly three or four pieces of Canon at us, which forced us to shift behind the Rocks. From thence we made signs with our hats; but for all that he ceased not to shoot, till in the end, having sent out a Soldier to make a sign, so soon as he understood who we were, he gave over shooting; and as we came before Nostre Dame de la Garde, we saw the Emperor, who was retiring by the way he came, and Christophle Ghost, who had all day maintained the Skirmish, beginning also to retreat towards the City. We than began to descend the Mountain, when so soon as Monsieur de Barbezieux, and Monsieur de Montpezat (who, with some other Captains, were standing without the Gates of the City) had discovered us, they would have gone in again, taking us for the Enemy; but some body saying, that then those of the Castle would have shot at us, the said Sieur Montpezat presently knew Monsieur de Castelpers▪ and we thereupon arrived at the Gate of the City, where we were mightily caressed, especially when they heard of the good success of our enterprise, and they talked with the Captain of the Mill, who was wounded in the arm, and in the head, and after every one retired to his own Quarters.  
I made no manner of question, but that Monsieur de Barbezieux, so soon as the king should come to Marselles, would have presented me to His Majesty, and have told him, that I was the man who had performed this exploit, that His Majesty might have taken notice of me: but he was so far from doing me that friendship, that on the contrary he attributed all the honour to himself, saying that it was he, who had laid the design of this Enterprise, and had only delivered it to us to execute; and Monsieur de Montpezat was by ill fortune at that time very sick, and could say nothing in my behalf, so that I remained as much a stranger to the King, as ever. I came to know all this by the means of Henry king of Navarre, who told me that he himself had seen the Letters which the said Sieur de Barbezieux had writ to the King to that effect, 
Injustice of Monsieur de Barbezieux towards the Sieur de Montlu●.  wherein he attributed to himself the whole honour of that action. Monsieur de Lautrec would not have served me so; neither is it handsome to rob another man of his honour; and there is nothing that does more discourage a brave heart: but Monsieur de Tavannes, who is now living, can testify the truth. So it is, that the destroying of these Mills, both the one, and the other, especially those of Auriolle, reduced the Emperor's Camp to so great necessity, that they were ●ain to eat the Corn pounded in a Mortar, after the manner of the Turks; and the Grapes they are put their Camp into so great a disorder, and brought so great a Mortality amongst them, especially the Germans, that I verily believe there never returned a thousand of them into their own Country, and this was the issue of this mighty preparation.  
The Captains who shall read this relation, may perhaps observe, that in this Enterprise there was more of Fortune, than of Reason, and that I went upon it as it were in the dark, though it was happily brought about: but I do not suspect however, that any one will conclude it to be wholly an effect of my good fortune, but will also take notice, that I forgot nothing of what was necessary to make the design succeed; and on the other side they may observe, that my principal security was, that the Enemy within the Town by the Rule of War, ought not to sally out of their Garrison, till they should first discover what our Forces were, a thing in the obscurity of the night, which they could very hardly do▪ all which notwithstanding, I did not yet so much rely upon their discretion, but that I moreover put a bridle in their mouths, which was Belsoleil, and his Company. A man must often hazard something, for no one can be certain of the event. I concluded the conquest of the Mill for certain: but I ever thought it would be a matter of great difficulty, and danger to retreat.  
Thus did the Emperor Charles, both with shame and loss, retire, where that great Leader Anne de Montmorency (all that time Grand Maistre, and since Connestable of France) obtained renown. 
The death of Antonio de Leva  It was one of the greatest baffles the Emperor ever received, and for grief whereof his great Captain Antonio de Leva (as was reported) afterwards died. I have sometimes heard the Marquis de Guast say, that this expedition was the sole contrivance of the sai● Antonio de Leva, and yet both he and his Master very well knew, what it was to attaque a king of France in his own Kingdom.  
The Emperor being with his Forces retired, I would no longer continue Lieutenant to the Seneschal's Regiment; who, had it lain in his power, would have resigned it wholly into my hands. Monsieur de Boitieres than did me the honour to make me an offer of his Guidon, which I likewise refused to accept, having set my heart more upon the Foot, than upon Horse service. I had moreover an opinion, that I should sooner rise to advancement by the Infantry, which was the reason that I again returned home, where having made some little stay, I would go into Piedmont there to serve under Monsieur de Boitieres, who was the king's Lieutenant in that Province, and in order thereunto went first to Marselles, where I was six or seven months detained by Monsieur de Taude.  
Some time after the Emperor raised an Army therewith to go and lay siege to Theroa●e, and the King, at the same time, raised another to relieve it: whereupon I immediately took post, and went to Court, where Monsieur Le Grand Maistre gave me a Foot Company, and another to Captain Guerre, which we presently raised in, and about Paris, and were both of us received into the Guards of Monsieur le Dauphin, who was afterwards Henry the Second of France. The Army marched presently away to Hesdin, and to Anchi le Chastea●, both which places were taken by the said Grand Maistre, as also Saint Venant; neither could the Imperialists do any good upon Theroane, which Monsieur de Annebaut relieved in the very face of the Enemy, though there was a disaster happened upon that occasion, through the heat, and vanity of some young Gentlemen, who because they had a mind to break their Lances, would needs indiscreetly seek the Enemy, by whom they were defeated, and all taken, both Monsieur d' Annebaut, and all the rest.  
Soon after which the Imperialists retired and the King's Army also: As for me, seeing there was no great matters to be done thereabouts, I returned presently after into Provence, where I had left my great Horses, and my Arms: and where about ten or fifteen days after, I received a Packet from the said Monsieur le Grand Maistre, wherein there was a Commission to raise two Ensigns of Foot, and to march them away into Piedmont, whither the King himself was also going in person to relieve Turin, Monsieur de ●oitieres being shut up within it. I thereupon presently took Post to go into Gascony, and made so good haste, that in eight days I had raised the two Companies, of which I made Captain Merens my Lieutenant; when, being about Tholouse, I left the men with him, and went away Post, having heard that Monsieur le Grand Maistre was already arrived at Lions, and that he marched in great diligence to gain the Pass de Suze, wherein he showed himself to be no novice in War▪ So that seeing I could not bring up my Companies time enough to be with him at that Engagement, I was resolved to be there alone: I could not however make so great haste, but that I found the King got before me to Sorges, and Monsieur le Grand Maistre two days march further advanced: where His Majesty commanded me to return to my command, and to come up with Ambres and Dampons, who had each of them two Companies more, telling me moreover, that we were to be commanded by Monsieur de Chavigni, and giving me further instructions that we were to sit down before Barsellonette, and to seize all the Towns thereabout into our hands.  
So soon as I came to Marselles, I had news brought me, that my two Companies had disbanded themselves; for (as the ambition of the world is great) Monsieur de Lieux my Brother had sent to my Lieutenant to desire him, that he would loiter a while in expectation of him up and down the Country thereabouts, forasmuch as he was raising a Foot Company, 
Mr. Lieux, brother to Mr. Montluc.  which he intended speedily to march away under the shadow of my Commission; to which my Lieutenant very indiscreetly consented, notwithstanding the promise he had made me to march five leagues a day. But as my Lieutenant had quitted the great Road, and turned aside towards Albigeois to spin out the time, he came at last to a Town called l'Isle, where the Inhabitants shut their Gates against him, which forced him to give an assault, as he did, and carried the place, with so sudden an execution, that although my said Brother was then within a days march of him with his Company, yet would he not come up, till the business was done, where his Soldiers having sacked the Town, and being by that means loaden with booty, they were afterwards in so great fear to march, that they all disbanded, and every one run home with his spoil to his own house. By which you may understand, 
A Captain ought as seldom as he can to leave his men.  that an officer ought very seldom to leave his command, if not upon extraordinary occasion, for the great desire I had to be one of the first, made me to abandon mine, which was the cause of this disorder. I was therefore constrained to raise two other Companies in Provence, wherein the Count ●avour'd me very much, so that I had soon dispatched, mustered at Villeveufve d' Avignon, and made so great haste, that (notwithstanding this accident) I yet arrived at the Valleys two days sooner than Ambres, and Dampons, and took the Castle, and the Town of Mieulan, where I made a halt in expectation of Monsieur de Chavigni, and the Companies of the said Ambres, and Dampons, who disputed the passage of Lauzet, which they could never have obtained, for all the people of the Country were there gathered together to defend it: but that the Spaniards who were at Barselonette, and those who were gone to defend the passage, hearing that I had taken Mieulan, retired by the Mountains (for I was possessed of the great Road towards Barselonette) and the common people seeing the said Spaniards to retire, quitted the pass by night, by means whereof they entered into it.  
We than went to besiege Barselonette, 
The Sieur de Montluc shot.  before which place we lay three weeks, where I received a Harquebus shot through my left arm, but it never touched the bone, so that I was presently cured, after which the King having relieved Turin, His Majesty returned, and we for not having been present at the service, were all three commanded back; upon which order Monsieur d' Ambres went away Post to his said Majesty, with whom he prevailed so far, that he was pleased to leave him one of his Companies: which when I understood with what difficulty he had obtained, I carried mine back into Provence, where having dismissed them, I retired myself to my own house. At which time there was also a cessation (seeing no peace was to be made) concluded for ten years.  
I thought fit to commit this to writing (though there be no great matter in it) to let the world see, that I never rested long in a place; but was always ready at the first beat of Drum; for the days of Peace were whole years to me, so impatient I was of lying idle. At the end of this War, the King was pleased to honour Monsieur le Grand Maistre with the Office of Connestable of France; an employment that has ever been vacant (as it is at this day) after the death of Monsieur de Montmorency. A thing that I conceive our Kings have purposely so ordered, as well to take away all occasion of Jealousy amongst the Princes, 
The danger of creating a Connestable 〈◊〉 France.  as also for the danger of entrusting so great a power in one man's hands. Witness St. Pol, and Bourbon, the last of which indeed was very faithful, and died in his Majesty's service, ever approving himself a great, and prudent Captain: which testimony I am constrained by truth to give of him, and by no other obligation that I have; for neither he, nor any of his were ever any friends of mine.  
During the time of this Truce, I tried (forsooth) to be a Courtier, but in vain, for I was never cut out for that employment, I have ever been too free, and too open hearted to live at Court, and I succeeded there accordingly. Now after the soul, and detested assassinate committed upon the persons of the Seigmeurs Fregouze and Rincon, Ambassadors for the King our Master, 
The Truce broken by reason of the Murder of Mr. Frego●ze▪ and Mr. Rincon, ●mba●●a●dors for the Christian King  his Majesty incensed at such an outrage, and for which he could obtain no manner of satisfaction; he resolved to break the Truce, and to that end set two Armies on foot, one of which he gave to Monsieur le Due d' Orleans, which was designed for Luxemburg, and the other to Monsieur le Dauphin, who came into the County of Roussillon to reduce it to his Father's obedience, having Monsieur d' Annebaut (who since was Admiral) in company with him. I therefore hearing that the said Marshal was to take with him the Companies of Piedmont, which were commanded by Monsieur de Brissac, and also an Engineer called Hieronimo Marini, reputed the greatest man of Italy, for the besieging of places, I had a great desire to go to the Camp, to learn something of this famous Engineer. Where being accordingly come, I put myself under Monsieur d Assier, who commanded the Artillery in the absence of his Father, and who never stirred from the said Hieronimo Marini; by which means I happened to be at the approaches that were made before the City of Perpignan to which we had laid siege: but in two nights I perceived that all he did signified nothing; for he begun the Trenches so far off, that in eight days the Canon could not be mounted, as he himself declared; to which I made answer, that in that time the Enemy would have fortified their City, four times as strong as it was on that side.  
The King had for this Enterprise raised the bravest Army that ever my eyes beheld: it consisted of forty thousand Foot, two thousand men at Arms, and two thousand Light horse, with all necessary equipage for so considerabe a Body. Monsieur Montpezat had been the Author of the design: though not so secretly, but that Spain was before hand wholly possessed with the expectation of it: which notwithstanding, and that the Town was excellently well fortified; yet I dare boldly affirm that if the Marshal d' Annebaut would have given credit to my words, he had infallibly done his business. I had taken a private view of it: for some years before this, Monsieur le Connestable being gone to Leucate to treat a Peace with the Emperor's Deputy Granvelle, had sent me with General Bayard, and Precedent Poyet (who was since Chancellor) to whom the Emperor's Deputy (at the instance of Monsieur de Veli Ambassador for the King) gave permission to go, and recreate themselves three or four days at the said Perpignan. At which time the said Connestable made me put myself into the habit of a Cook belonging to Monsieur de Poyet, 
The Sieur de Montlu●●ent Spy into Perpignan.  to the end, that under that disguise I might discover the place; and yet I once thought myself to be discovered: however I found opportunity by the means of a Fleming servant to the said de Veli, which he had left behind him, to take an exact view of the place; for he had led me quite round the Town both without, and within, so that I was able to make a report to the Connestable of all the strength, and defects of the said City; who was pleased to tell me thereupon, that I had made a perfect discovery, as by several others, who had long been inhabitants there, he had been credibly informed.  
Now you must know this was only a pretended divertisement of Poyet, and Bayard, who durst by no means take the King's Engineer in their company, as the Connestable would have had them, fearing he might be discovered, and themselves, by that means, detained Prisoners: neither did they fail to relate to him afterwards the fright they were in when a Spanish Captain challenged me by my name: but I faced him out of the business, counterfeiting both my Country, and Language, and dissembling better to understand how to handle a larding-pin, than a sword, and saying that I was a Cook to Monsieur le Precedent Poyet, who himself had not a word to say, for the terrible fear he was in least I should be discovered: but General Bayard laughed the Spanish Captain out of his conceit, in private telling him, that he was not the first who had been so deceived: but that the man he took me for, was one of the best Captains the King of France had. At all this story the Constable did only laugh; but I very seriously told him, that he should never make me play the Spy again so long as he lived▪ 'Tis an employment of too great danger, and that I have ever abhorred: but so it was, that at that time I played the cook to discover the place; which I did exactly well, and that is the reason why I have said, that had Monsieur d' Annebaut given credit to me, he had easily taken the Town: but he would rather believe a suborned Gascon Mason (which the Enemy had thrust out of Town on purpose, and had ordered to give himself up, only to amuse the Marshal, and to persuade him to assault that part, which he did assault) and his Engineer, than any thing I could say Insomuch that we did nothing either worth writing, or relating, which fell out so much the worse, as it was the Dauphin's first trial of Arms, who had a mind to do as well, as Monsieur d' Orleans his Brother, who took Luxemburg: but it was no fault of his. Two days before the Camp dislodged, the said Marshal went round about the Town, where I showed Monsieur d'Estree who is yet living, the place where I would have had them to have made their Attaque, 
The Siege raised from before perp●gnan.  and that very near at hand, though the Canon, and Harquebus shot they liberally bestowed upon us, might reasonably have made us stand aloof: which after he had seen he cried out, Good God, what an error have we committed! but it was then too late to repent, for the relief was already entered in, and the time of the Rains was at hand, which would have damned up our retreat; and yet we had enough to do as it was to draw off our Artillery, so ill a place is that Country, for an Army to move in.  
During the time of this Siege the Company of Monsieur Boleves became vacant, which Monsieur le Dauphin sent to entreat for Boqual (who since is turned Huguenot) and I also writ to Monsieur de Valence my Brother, who was then at the Court at Salers; where the king was so discontented, by reason of the ill success of this enterprise, both with the Dauphin, and Monsieur de Annebaut (who had also sent to solicit it in the behalf of another) that His Majesty would neither grant it to the one, nor the other: but was pleased to confer it upon me. The Camp being raised, Monsieur de Brissac had Capestaing assign ' d him for Garrison, and Monsieur de I' Orge (Colonel of the Legionaries) Tuchant (the place to which they had drawn off all the ammunitions of corn that had been left in the Camp) assigned him for his, Where three days after all the said Legionaries forsook him, nothing but their Captains remaining behind; who thereupon sent to Monsieur Brissac, that if he did not come speedily to his relief, he should be constrained to abandon the said provisions, and to shift for himself: which made us march with all possible diligence, without being more than half a night only upon our way, and found him totally left alone, saving for Messieurs de Denez, and Fonterailles, and their servants.  
Now there was a Castle upon the Mountain towards Perpignan, about a League from Tuchant, and on the left hand of Milan, and the said Signior de Brissac and de I Orge being gone out of the said Tuchaut to hear Mass at a little Chapel about a Cross-bow shot from thence; at our coming out from Mass we heard very many Harquebus shot at the said Castle, and discovered a great many men about it, with a great smoke of Powder, whereupon I asked Monsieur de Brissac, if he were pleased that I should go thither with thirty or forty of my men, to see what the matter was; who presently gave me leave so to do: wherefore without any more delay, I presently sent ●a Moyenne my Lieutenant, to get them together, and to bring me a horse, which being suddenly brought, I marched directly towards the Castle Le Peloux woe was Lieutenant to Monsieur de Brissac had a desire to follow after, as had also Monbasin, St. Laurens (a Breton) and Fabrice, being all Launce-passades belonging to the Company of the said Seigneur, together with fifty or threescore Soldiers of the same. I made very great haste, when so soon as the Enemy had discovered me, as I was beginning to climb the Mountain, they retreated down the other side into a plain which lies below Tantavel where they clapped themselves down under the Olive trees, to stay for the rest of their fellows, that they had left behind them at Mila●. The Captain of the Castle was Barrenness, an Archer of the King's Guard, who had been placed there by Monsieur de Montpezat, and whilst the said Barrenness was showing me the Enemy, appeared Peloux with his Soldiers, and with them a Gentleman called Chamant, a very brave man, so that although we knew the Enemy to be above four hundred men (as we were also assured by Berennes) we nevertheless concluded to go, and fight them.  
This place was all Rock tufted over with a little Copse, through which we were to pass to get to them; wherefore we agreed, that Peloux should take a little path on the right hand, and I another on the left, and that the first which came up to them, in the plain, should fall upon them, the one in the Front, and the other in the Rear; which we had no sooner concluded, but that the Enemy rose up, and we discovered them all plainly at our ●ase. Monbasin, Chamant, St, Laurens, and Fabrice who were all on horseback, would needs go along with me, at which Peloux was a little discontented, forasmuch as they all belonged to Monsieur Brissac, as he himself did, excepting Chamant, who belonged to Monsieur le Dauphin. Artiguedieu, and Barrenness likewise went in my Company.  
From the very beginning of our desc●nt, the Enemy lost sight of us, and we of them, by reason of the wood, and of the Valley, which was pretty large▪ Le Peloux with his Guide took his way, and I mine, when so soon as I came into the Plain, I was as good as my word, for I charged the Enemy thorough and thorough; breaking in after such a manner amongst them, that above twenty of them at this encounter were left dead upon the place, and we pursued them fight, as far as the bank of the River, which might be some four hundred paces or more: But when they saw us to be so few, they rallied, and as I was about to retire, marched directly up to me, whereupon I made a halt, as they did also at the distance of four or five Pikes length only from one another, a thing that I never saw done before. As for Peloux, when he was got to the middle of the Mountain, he began to think that I had taken the better way, which made him suddenly to turn off, and to follow my steps: and fortune also turned so well for me, that as we were Pike to Pike, and Harquebus to Harquebus, 
A brisk skirmish.  at the distance I have already said, grinning and snarling at one another, like two Masti●●s when they are going to fight, Peloux and his Company appeared in the plain; which so soon as the Enemy saw, they turned the point of their Pikes towards us, and their faces towards the River, and so fell to marching off, whilst we pursued pricking them forward with our Pikes, and pelting them with our Harquebus shot in their Rear: but they marched so very close, that we could no more break into them as before; and when they came to the bank of the River they made a halt, facing about and charging their Pikes against us, so that although Peloux, and his Company made all the hast they could to come in to our relief, we were nevertheless constrained to retire fifteen or twenty paces from the enemy, who immediately all on a thrump leapt into the River, and through water middle deep, passed over to the other side. Mo●basin in this engagement was hurt with a Harquebus shot in his hand, of which he remained lame ever after, St Laurens and Fabri●e had their horses killed under them, and mine was wounded with two thrusts of a Pike▪ la Moyenne, my Lieutenant, was wounded with two Harquebus shots in one arm, Chamant, who was lighted off his horse, had three thrusts of Pikes in his two thighs, and Artiguedieu one Harquebus shot, and one thrust of a Pike in one thigh; to be short, of betwixt thirty and five and thirty that we were, there remained only five or six unhurt, and only three dead upon the place. The Enemy lost one Sergeant of great repute amongst them, together with twenty or five and twenty others killed, and above thirty wounded, as we were told the next day by two Gascon Soldiers who came over to us. In the mean time Messieurs de Brissac and the I' Orge doubting it would fall out as it did, mounted to horse, and came so opportunely to the Castle of Tantavel, that they saw all the fight, and were in so great despair at the Charge I had made, that they gave us twice or thrice for lost: an ● very sorely rebuked Peloux, for not having observed the agreement we had concluded amongst us; which if he had done, we had infallibly cut them all to pieces, and brought away their two Colours; yet I am apt to believe it might not be altogether his fault (for he was a very brave Gentleman) but his Guides that led him the worse way, as Peloux himself since told me. However so it fell out, that the field was mine, with the loss of three men only, and not one of the Gentlemen died.  
Soon after the Baron de la Garde came to Nice with the Turkish Army, conducted by Barbarossa, which consisted of an hundred or six score Galleys, a thing that all the Christian Princes who took part with the Emperor, made a heinous business of, that the King our Master should call in the Turk to his assistance; though I am of opinion that towards an Enemy all advantages are good; and for my part (God forgive me) if I could call all the Devils in Hell to beat out the brains of an Enemy, that would beat out mine▪ I would do it with all my heart. Upon this occasion Monsieur de Valence, my Brother, was dispatched away to Venice, to palliate and excuse this proceeding of ours to the Republic, who of all others seemed to be most offended at it, and the King would by no means lose their Alliance; who made them an Oration in Italian, which I have thought fit to insert here, until he shall think fit to oblige us with his own History; for I cannot believe that a man of so great learning, as he is reputed to be, will die without writing something; since I who know nothing at all, take upon me to scribble▪ The Oration was this.  
THe Emperor having been the cause of all the ruins, 
Oration of the Bishop of Valence to the Senate of Venice.  miseries, and calamities, which have befallen Christendom for these many years; it is a thing (most illustrious Princes) which to every one ought to appear exceeding strange, that his Ministers should be so impudent, and frontless, as to lay the blame thereof to the thrice Christian King my Lord and Master, and unjustly condemn him for keeping an Ambassador resident in the Court of Constantinople: ●ut I would fain ask those people, whether they can imagine that the practices which have been set on foot by the Command of the Emperor, and the King of the Romans with the Grand Signior for ten years past, have been kept so secret, that the greatest part of Christendom are not fully informed thereof. Does not every one know what Truces, and what treaties of Peace (〈◊〉 general, but particular) have been concluded, and what offers have been several times made to pay yearly a vast Tribute to the Great Turk, for the kingdom of Hungary? and yet he makes it a case of Conscience to endure, that a little King should hold that Kingdom under the favour and protection of the Turk, as a thing inconsistent with Christianity, and unbeseeming a Christian Prince? To which I could truly add, that at the time when the Peace was concluded betwixt your most Serene Republic and the Turk, the king of the Romans, by the secret practices of his Agents, did all that in him lay, to hinder that Treaty, as by the several Letters and Dispatches that have been intercepted, does most manifestly appear.  
The same Ministers of the Emperor do think also, that they discharges themselves from all blame, in keeping a ●lutter, and farcing their Posts and Gazettes, (as their manner is) with observations of the long abode that the Naval Army of the Grand Signior has, for some months, made in the Ports of France, and under that pretence would, by their passionate calumnies, impose upon the world a new Article of Faith, to wit, that no Prince, for his own defence, either can or aught to derive succours from such, as are of a Religion contrary to his own; not taking notice, that in condemning the King, my Lord and Master, they at the same time accuse David, a valiant King, and a holy Prophet, who seeing himself persecuted by Saul, fled away to Achish, who was an Idolater, and a professed Enemy to the Law of God; and not only so, but some time after, moreover ranked himself in the Squadrons of the Infidels, even then, when they went to fight with the people of his own Religion. They also condemn Asa King of Juda, who called into his aid the King of Syria, to deliver him from the oppression of the King of Israel. They moreover reproach Constantine, a most Christian Prince, and he, who of all the Emperors, has best deserved of the Christian Commonweal, who in most of his expeditions, carried along with him a great number of Idolatrous Goths in his Army. They likewise tax Boniface, so highly commended by St. Augustine in his Epistles, who, for his own defence, and perhaps to revenge some injury received, called into Africa the Vandals, professed enemies to our Religion.  
They calumniate Narses (the slave of Justinian, a very valiant, but, above all, a very religious Captain, as may be concluded from the testimony of Saint Gregory, and also by the Churches he has built, both in this illustrious City, and that of Ravenna,) who called in the Lumbards' to his aid, a people, at that time, abborring the name of Christian. Arcadius' Emperor of Constantinople (allowed by all Historians for a Prince equally religious, and wise) having in the latter end of his days a desire to substitute some Governor, and Protector, that might be sufficient to preserve the Dignity and Authority of the Empire, turned his thoughts towards the King of Persia, an Idolater, and entreated him in his last Will to accept the Tuition, and Protection both of his Son, and the Empire. A choice that was singularly approved by all the Christian Princes of that time, and so much the more, for that the king of Persia not only accepted the charge▪ but moreover worthily acquitted himself of his trust to the hour of his death. ●efore H●raclius suffered himself to be infected with the poison of Heresy, he served himself in an infinite number of Wars with Saracen Soldiers. Basile, and Constantine sons to John Emperor of Constantinople, took Apulia, and Calabria, by the means and assistance of a great number of Saracens, which themselves had first driven out of the Isle of Candie. I could say as much of Frederick, who by the help of the Saracens, Lorded it over the greatest part of Italy. I could present before you the Example of Henry, and Frederick, brothers to the King of Castille, who in the time of pope Clement the fourth, accompanied with Conradin, called the Saracens, both by land and sea▪ not for the security and defence of their own Country, but to drive the Fr●nch out of Italy, and with the same Army of Barbarians, in a short time, made themselves Masters of a great part of Sicily. I could speak of Ludovico S●orza, who with several other Princes of Italy, made use of the Forces of Bajazet.  
What shall I say of Maximilian of the ●ouse of Austria who not to defend himself, but to ruin your state (most illustrious Senators) tried to nettle, and incite the Turk against you, to your great prejudice and ruin? as it is faithfully recorded by Signior Andr●a Mocenigo, one of your own Historians, together with the remedies you were fain to oppose in that exigency, and distress. If yet neither natural reason, nor exemples drawn from holy Scripture, and Christian History w●re sufficient to confirm you in, or to persuade you into the truth of this cause, I could accompany them with several others, which I am willing to omit, both because I would not ●ire your lordship's patience, ●nd also for that I believe there can remain no manner of scruple in you, considering, that, by the Exemples before alleged, I have already discovered the weak foundation of that Article of Faith, lately forged by the Imperialists, to serve for their own ends. And which is more, I do say, and will maintain, that the most Christian King my Lord and So●eraign, by the Exemple of so many renowned and religious Princes, may, without any prejudice to the place he holds, or to the Title of most Christian, which be ●ears, serve himself in all affairs and necessity's, with the aid and assistance of the Grand Signior. And if this with truth and reason may be understood of all his necessary affairs; how much more ought his most Christian Majesty, not only be excused, but highly applauded, who for no need, how great soever he has to defend himself, for no single revenge His Majesty might desire for so many injuries done, and so many wrongs received, so many assassinations, and slaughters executed upon his people, by the Emperor, or by his procurement, would accept of no other succours, but only th●se which we by experience see are to all Christians, of greater utility, than disadvantage? And if any one of th●se who adhere to the Emperor's party should demand how the Turkish Army can remain in our Ports, no l●ss for the benefit of Italy, than for our own particular convenience; I could ask him by way of answer, which way be can prove that Christendom has received any detriment by our having received, and refreshed this Naval Army in our Heavens? To which I am certain the wisest, and most affectionate of the Imperial party could return me no answer, unless it were some one, who delights to argue for controversies sake, and takes more pleasure in hearing himself talk, than that he has really a desire to enter into a serious examination of things, to understand the negotiation, and to be enfomed of the reasons thereof. But that we may not leave any thing, that may beget the least imaginable doubt in the minds of such, as are not perfectly informed of this Affair, I shall handle the point us succinctly, and with as much brevity, as I can.  
So oft as your Serenity has, by the Emperor's Ambassadors, been applied unto, for leave to pass through the Territories of any of your Seignory, with his Alman, Italian or Spanish Forces, immediately thereupon there have been heard a thousand outcries, and complaints of Rapes, Assassinations, and other Riots and disorders of their Soldiers, and it is but a few months since, that the Germans, who pretended to go to Carignan to keep their Easter, to outdo the villainy of those, who before had so barbarously treated your Subjects in their persons, and so lewdly spoiled them of their Estates, displayed part of their rage, and Insolence against the Church, to the great disgrace, and contempt of Christian Religion, cutting off the ears, nose, and arms of the Crucifix, and other Images representing the Saints who are in Heaven.  
This numerous and mighty Army (most Serene Prince) departed from Constantinople, being composed of Soldiers who were strangers to our Religion, and being designed, and accordingly sent for the relief of the King, my Lord and Master, sailed through the midst of your Islands, landed in the Dominions of the Church, passed through the Territories of the Siennese, and Geno●ses (people both of them, greater favourers of the Emperor's Greatness, than friends to their own proper liberty) yet is it not to be perceived, nor can any man be found to complain of any insolence offered to him: but on the contrary, all men have been treated with all humanity, and free passage granted to all those they met upon the Seas, and just payment made for all the provisions they were necessitated to take for the support of the Army upon their March. An effect of moderation in that rough sort of men, which must chiefly be attributed to the presence, and dexierity of Captain Polin, the king's Ambassador; and with so great advantage to him, that never in times past, did either Turkish or Christian Army behave themselves so modestly upon such an occasion.  
Who is ●e (most Serene Prince) that can, or will deny, but that had not this Army been entertained by the King, my Master, for the defence of his Frontiers, Christendom had been assaulted by it to their infinite damage? Who is he that will not judge, that this Army (its puissance considered) must have triumphed over an infinit● number of Christian Souls, together with some City of great importance, had not we converted that power to our own advantage, which otherwise must necessarily have succeeded to the general advancement of the Grand Signior's affairs, and to the private benefit of his Captains, who are Enemies to our Faith? this Army then being a Body disposed to Enterprise, and capable of performing high exploits, any man of a sound judgement will con●ess, that it has been of much greater advantage to Christendom, that is has been employed in the service of his Majesty, my King and Master, than that they had 〈…〉 invade the Christian borders upon their own account. So that besides that it was needful, and necessary for the King, my Master, to serve himself with this Army, therewith to correct the insolence of the Emperor's people, who had already seized upon four of his Galleys at Toulon, it may moreover be affirmed without reply, that to this private benefit of ours, is conjoined the public utility of all Christendom.  
I flatter myself (most Serene Prince) clearly to have demonstrated to you, and to have confirmed by evident reasons, and infallible Arguments, these two principal things. First that the King without prejudice to his title of most Christian, has accepted the succours that have been sent him by the Grand Signior: and in the second place, that these succours so sent have been of greater profit, than disadvantage to the Christian Common-weal: to which I shall add a third, and that with as much brevity, as the importance of the subject will permit; and that is, that the King's Majesty has not accepted these forces, either out of any ambition of Rule, or out of revenge for injuries received; neither to enrich himself with the spoils of others; nor to recover what has been unjustly usurped from himself; but has only entertained them for his own defence, that is (Illustrious Senators) for the defence of his Kingdom, which the Emperor both by open violence, and clandestine practice, by all sorts of intelligences, and treacheries, contrary to all reason and justice, has evermore laboured to overthrow: and yet his Ministers are not ashamed to say, that his Caesarean Majesty has had no other motive to invade the Kingdom of France, but only to break the friendship that was said to be contracted betwixt the King's Majesty, and the Grand Signior. O tender Consciences! O holy pretences! fit indeed to delude the credulous, and ignorant, but that will hardly pass (Illustrious Senators) with you, who in your admirable and celebrated wisdom, even before I could open my lips, must needs be satisfied in your own bosoms of the contrary, and in your prudence easily discern the foundation of this War to have been no other than a design to ruin that Kingdom, which for th●se thousand years past has approved itself the true and willing refuge of the oppressed, and the only Sanctuary of all sorts of afflicted persons. I would fain know of these men, who invent these subtle Arguments, what holy motive of Faith spurred on the Emperor, combined with the King of England, to invade France on the side of Champagne and Picardy, an expedition that only ended in the burning of some few inconsiderable Villages, and the Siege of Mezieres, very dishonourable for him? What devotion pricked him on, at a time when Italy lived in peace, and assurance, by reason that Naples, Milan, Florence, and Genoa were possessed by several Princes, to come and shuffle all things into discord and confusion? What Religion (I say) moved him to league and combine himself with Pope Leo, to ravish away the state of Milan, which in a direct line of succession appertained to to the Children of my King and Master? What mighty zeal for Religion prompted him to cause our King to be murdered by means of a Prince of France, whom, to that end, he had suborned with prayers and tears? when seeing his execrable practice, (before it came to execution) to be wholly detected, he sent the Seigneur de Bourbon, with an infinite number of people into France, in hope to effect that by open force, which (the bounty and providence of God not permitting him) by secret treacheries he could not bring to pass? What inspiration of the holy Ghost might it be, that seven years since conducted the Emperor, with seventeen thousand Foot, and ten thousand Horse, to invade the Kingdom of France, then, when he entered by Picardy, and Provence? What command of the Gospel can ever be found out, such as these men have found, who make a show of so great devotion to the Christian Name, that can justify to the world the confederacy betwixt the Emperor and the King of England, especially the said King by the proper solicitations, and pursuit of his Caesarean Majesty being at that time by the Pope declared a Schismatic, a Heretic, and a Rebel? A conspiracy that cannot be baptised by the name of a necessary succour: but an unjust, wicked, and detestable confederacy complotted betwixt them two, to the end that they might divide betwixt them a Christian, and a Chatholick Kingdom; which in all times, when any occasion has presented itself for the propagation of our Faith, has ever showed itself prodigal, both of its Blood, and Treasure.  
But the whole world (most Serene Princes) were too little to satisfy his appetite of Rule; 
He means when Henry the eighth repudiated Queen Katherine  so precipitously is he hurried on by his Ambition and Revenge. Would he not have been sensible of the shameful affront put upon him by the English King in the person of his Aunt, had not the design to subjugate all Christendom transported him to forget that outrage? How often, to frustrate the Turkish attempts, and to prevent the manifest ruin of Hungary and Germany, have means been tried, and endeavours used, to procure a peace and union amongst those Princes, and still in vain? Whereas now all particular animosities, and private interests, the respect to Religion, the common desire of liberty, the obligation of so many benefits anciently received from our Forefathers, and of late from us, laid aside, and forgot; they are, to our great prejudice, confederated, and united like Herod and Pilate, who from mortal Enemies that they were, became friends, and Associates only in order to the persecution of jesus Christ.  
Shall then this Emperor (most Serene Prince) go about to possess himself of the Kingdom of France, and to offend this King, who, after so many injuries received, so amicably and so freely consented to the ten years' Truce? shall the Emperor go about to ruise this Prince, who after having been so many times undeservedly invaded in his own Kingdom, and as it were coming from the Obsequies of that most Illustrious and Serene Dauphin, his Son (so basely by the Emperor's corruptions poisoned) nevertheless with the rest of his Children, and Princes of the Blood, at the peril of his life, went even into the Emperors own Galley, by that security to manifest to him, how much the peace, so necessary to all Christendom, was by his Majesty coveted and desired? Shall the Emperor go about to ruin, burn, and put to spoil this Kingdom, in his passage through which, he was so welcomed, treated, honoured and caressed, as if he had been an Angel descended from Heaven? Shall ●e attempt, by all undue and all violent ways, to make himself Sovereign of this Kingdom wherein for fifty days together, by the courtesy, and bounty of the King my Lord and Master, he saw himself more highly honoured, and respected, than their own natural Prince, with a power to command all things more absolute, than if he had been in his own Palace? Shall the Almans go about to make Hinds, and Slaves of those, who for the conservation of the Germane liberty, have so liberally exposed themselves, at the vast expense, and loss of their substance, and the effusion of their own blood? Shall the Germans and the English go about to ruin the Religion, that we with our valiant Armies, and by the Doctrine of an infinite number of men, eminent for piety and learning, have esserted and published to all the world? Shall the Spaniards a people whom so often, and by di●t of Arms we have reduced to the Christian Faith, go about in revenge to compel us to forsake that Religion, which so long, and with so great honour to the name of Christ, we have maintained and upheld? If it must be so that (contrary to all duty and right) we must be abandoned by the rest of the Christian world (which God avert) we who are the Subjects of the King, my Lord and Master, may with great reason and justice, cry unto God for vengeance against them all, for so foul an ingratitude.  
These are returns, by no means suitable to the merits of our Forefathers, for (having by the divine assistance) gained so many signal victories for Christendom under the conduct of Charles Martel in those times when they fought with, and cut pieces fifty thousand Saracens, that were come into Spain. These are by no means fit rewards for the desert of our Ancestors, who (by the favour of the Almighty) acquired great advantages for Christendom, at the time, when by their Forces under the conduct of Charlemagne the Infidels and Saracens were driven both out of Spain, and a great part of Asia. These are by no means acknowledgements proportionable to the reputation our people (by the Grace of God) acquired in the time of Urban the second, who without any difficulty, or the least contradiction, dispased our King, his Princes, Nobility, Gentry, and generally the whole body of the Kingdom, against the adversaries of our Faith; insomuch that altogether, and through our assistance, they coquered the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and the Holy Land. These are by no means fit recompenses for the desert of so many expeditions against the enemies of our Faith, fortunately undertaken by our Progenitors, under the Reigns of Philip and Charles of Valois And when his Holiness shall see so many Nations confederated, with a mischievous intent to ruin the rest of Christendom, and resolved to oppress this Kingdom, which of all other has best merited of the Christian Common-weal, I cannot doubt, but that he will lend us such succours, and assistance as he shall judge necessary ●o our protection, and defence. And should his Holiness do otherwise, he would do very much against himself, and contrary to the duty of an Italian, a Christian, and a Prelate. Of an Italian, forasmuch as our Holy father does very well understand, that the servitude, and calamity of Italy, can proceed from no other accident, than from the ruin and desolation of the Kingdom of France: Of a Christian forasmuch as the name of Christ having in all Ages been defended and propagated by this Kingdom, and it being at this time invaded by the means and ambition of the Emperor, and so many Nations strangers to our Religion, it cannot in this exigency be deserted by any but such, as are no very good friends to the Christian Faith: Of a Prelate for as much as it were contrary to the duty of his Holiness, being, as he is, thoroughly informed, and very well in his own knowledge assured, that the Emperor, obstinate in his own will, and resolute to subjugate both the French, Italians, and all other Christians, would never hearken to any overture of accommodation, that has by his Holiness been propounded to him. Whereas on the contrary the King my Master (equally desirous of his own, and the public quiet) has often offered to submit all his interests, and differences to the judgement of our Holy Father. To discharge then the office of a true Prelate, and a true judge, may he not take arms against him, who has not the confidence to deny, but that he is the sole perturbator of the public peace, and the universal good? Which though his Holiness should forbear to do, yet to reprove his ingratitude in this respect, the very bones of Gregory the third, Stephen the second, Adrian the first, Stephen the fourth, Gregory the ninth, Gelasius the second, Innocent the second Eugenius the first, Innocent the fourth, Urban, and several other Popes would start up; who being persecuted, partly by the Enemy's of the Faith, and partly by the Emperors, have been relieved by the Forces of this most Christian Kingdom, and by the Treasure of this Crown, as the sacred Anchor of all Christendom, and have been protected, and restored to the holy Chair. The bones and ashes of pope Clement would rise up, who being, contrary to all reason, and equity, reduced to the extremest calamity by the Emperor (who at this very time, allied and confederated with Heretics, pr●pares, and stirs up so many Tragedies, for good, and true Christians) was delivered from all his oppressions by the arms of the King my Master, and that at the price of a great number of his people.  
I do not believe (Illustrious Senators) that you have in the least forgot the Union, and Alliance, which for seven years past, has been so inviolably observed betwixt your Illustrious Republic, and the Crown of France. Can you forget the strict league that was maintained betwixt you and us in the late Wars? Neither can you have forgot that Enterprise wherein you, and we, in so short time, conquered Constantinople. Can you then endure, that a Nation your forefathers have so loved, honoured, and esteemed, should be weakened by the means of your Enemies; a people with whom (neither you, nor we being degenerated from the virtue of our Predecessors) you may yet expect to perform more exploits; and such as may be for the enlargement of your own Dominions, and the universal benefit of all Christendom. I hope you consider (Illustrious Senators) with your wanted prudence, that if (as God forbid) any sinister accident should befall the King, my Lord and Master, the liberty of your most serene Republic, would be without all manner of Remedy, exposed as a prey to him, who aims at nothing less, than to subject us both to the same servile Yoke, as those who have ever been united for the defence of the common liberty. Which though you should not do, yet the very bones of our forefathers would rise up in our favour, those Ancestors who se●ing Philip Maria Visconti to have subdued Genoa, and already to have reduced all Tuscany to a deplorable condition, not able to suffer so great an injustice, nor to permit the Territories of so great Princes to be environed by so dangerous an Enemy, with the Assistance of the Florentines, retook Genoa, and by this means, not only frustrated and repelled the Ambition of that Tyrant, but moreover with the singular applause, and obligation of all Italy, recovered Brescia, Bergamo, and Cremona.  
I flatter myself by the remembrance of so many glorious actions, and by so many great exemples of the French fidelity, piety and honour, to have been so happy, as to have removed all difficulties, and impediments, wherewith by the calumnies of th●se of the Imperial party your Lordships may have been prepossessed, and as a most humble servant to you all, do beseech, and conjure you (most illustrious Senators) to consider the miserable estate of Italy, and generally of all Christendom, and before you resolve or declare for either party, not only to bear the most Reverend, and Illustrious Cardinal of Ferrara: but also thoroughly to weigh, and examine what be shall propose to you in the behalf of the King my Master. And once more most humbly beseech your Serene Highness with your accustomed Prudence to consider the Emperor, not only as the cause of the ruin, and misery of Italy: but moreover to look upon him as the Insidiator of the liberty of this most Serene Republic. Acknowledge, acknowledge, I beseech you, the house of Austria for your Capital Enemy, and such a one, as has at all times used all sorts of endeavour to encroach upon, and to usurp the Territories and Dominions of others, and especially those of your most Screne Republic. And on the contrary that most Christian King, my Lord and Master, for your ancient, faithful, and affectionate friend, and remember with what promptitude, and alacrity, he has ever divided his Forces with you, for the recovery of your places unjustly possessed by those of the House of Austria, of which the recovery of Brescia, and Verona may serve for a sufficient proof. Neither is there any cause to fear, that such a friendship can by any means suffer itself to be violated, or dissolved; forasmuch as there having been betwixt that Crown of France, and this Illustrious signory no kind of difference, either ancient, or of later date, and the one holding nothing of the other, the occasions must consequently be wanting upon which the amities of Princes do ordinarily dissolve: but on the other side, their Unity, Alliance, and Conformities are such that the ruin of the one does threaten, and almost assure the calamity, and dissolution of the other.  
What opinion the Senate might retain of so nice an affair, I am not able to say, neither do I know whether my Brother's eloquence made them approve of a thing, at which they had before been so highly scandalised: but this I know, that I have ever heard that action highly censured both then and since: and in plain truth, I do believe our affairs were not much bettered by it, but it is not for me to meddle with so great affairs. So soon as these mighty succours of the Turk arrived, every one thought the whole Earth had not been capable to receive them, such judgement's men make of things before they come to be tried.  
Monsi●ur d' Angui●n who was at that time the King's Lieutenant in Provence, having gathered together some Ensigns of Provençals, 
Nice besieged by the Tur●s.  came to sit down before Nice; where after a great Battery had been made, the assault was given by the Turks and Provençals together: but they were repulsed. In the end the Town surrendered, but not the Castle. In the mean time the Duke of Savoy solicited the Marquis de Gnast for relief, who accordingly with a good Army put himself into the Field. The Turks very much despised our people, yet I do not believe they could beat us number for number: they are, 'tis true, stronger men, more obedient and more patient of any hardship, than we are; but I cannot allow them to be more valiant; they have indeed one advantage over us: which is, that they study nothing but War. Barbarossa at this Siege was very much displeased, and cast out very tart and passionate language, especially when we were constrained to borrow of him powder, and bullet, insomuch that he reimbarked himself, and departed, 
Barbarossa disgusted.  without doing any great feats, as also the winter indeed drew on; but they behaved themselves very civilly towards all our confederates in their retreat, and the Provençals likewise disbanded.  
I had forgot to tell you, that after the ill success at Perpignan, the King sent us orders to march strait away into Piedmont, and Monsieur d' Annebaut (who was Admiral) went to besiege a Coney, 
Siege of Cony.  where we sped as ill as at Perpignan, and were very well drubbed in giving the assault, for not having well discovered the breach; and where I saw the brave and valiant Captain Santo Pedro Corso behave himself admirably well, 
Santo Pedro Corso.  who was almost wounded to death. The said Admiral having taken some few little places, and seeing the winter at hand, returned back into France, leaving Monsieur de Boitieres in the quality of the King's Lieutenant there, whom he sent to Garrison at Gavaret; and we to Savillan, where Monsieur de Termes was Governor, who was very glad of our coming, for he stood in need of us. During our abode there, several attempts were made both upon Turin, and upon us, and we likewise attempted something upon the Enemy, wherein our fortune was sometimes better and sometimes worse: but there being nothing that particularly concerned me, I shall pass them over, and indeed should I give a relation of all the Actions wherein I have been engaged, I should never have done.  
After that the Turks were retired, as has been said, the Duke of Savoy, and the Marquis de Guast laid Siege to Montdevi, where the Seigneur de Dros a Piedmontois was Governor 
The Swiss not good for the keeping of places.  having with him four Italian Companies, and two of Swiss, who there behaved themselves exceedingly well, though it be none of their trade to keep places, and there were given two or three Scalados. Monsieur de ●oitieres, had no possible means to relieve it, for the King had at that time very few Soldiers in Piedmont; and the Swiss, who had lost their Captains and Lieutenants with Canon shots, began to mutiny against the Seigneur de Dros the Governor, insomuch that he was constrained to capitulate. Now you must know, 
A device of the Marquis de Guast.  that the Marquis de Guast (who was one of the most cautelous and subtle Captains of his time) to take from him all hopes of relief, had counterfeited Letters from Monsieur de Foitieres, wherein he writ him word to shift the best he could for himself, there being no possibility to relieve him: which coming to the Governor's hands, and the cheat not being to be discovered, and the Swiss at the same time beginning to mutiny, he surrendered the Town upon condition, to march away with Bag, and Baggage. 
Mount Devi surrendered.  However the Articles (to the great dishonour of the Marquis de Guast) were very ill observed, and the Seigneur de Dros pursued, who saved himself upon a Spanish Horse, and it was well for him that he did so; for all the Gold in Europe would not have saved his life, for the hatred the Duke of Savoy had conceived against him, being that he, who was his Subject, had revolted to the Eenemies side. 'Twas said that he made his escape in the habit of a Priest by the means of an Italian Soldier, who had formerly served him: but I believe it was after the manner I have related: but this I can say without lying, that he was one of the bravest men, 
Commendations of the Seigneur de Dro●.  and the greatest Wits, that ever came out of Piedmont, and died afterwards very honourably at the Battle of Serizolles.  
The same day that Montdevi was surrendered, I had departed from Savillan (to the great regret of Monsieur de Termes) with five and twenty Foot, to try if I could find means to put myself into it; for with a great party it would be a matter of extraordinary difficulty; and took with me a Guide, who would undertake to conduct me by the deep valleys, and by a River that runs by Montdevi, in which we were to march a great way together, the water being but knee deep, and I do believe by that way I might have got in, though it would have signified nothing if I had, forasmuch as I must have done as the rest did, considering that the strangers by their number gave the Law: but they dearly paid for't, many of them being massacred at their marching out of the Town. I had moreover drawn out ten Soldiers, over and above my five and twenty, to convoy me over the Maupas, a place so called, and within half a mile of Marennes, where a man should hardly ever fail of meeting some of the Garrison of Fossan. And above, and on the right hand of Maupas, there stood an empty Inn, from whence one might discover all that came from Savillan strait to Cairas, and from Cairas, to the said Savillan. As I descended therefore into the plain that leads directly to Maupas, I was there aware of threescfore Italian Soldiers of Fossan, that were scouting towards that Inn, which stands upon an eminence, and presently saw the Party move, who made haste to gain the Maupas on that side towards Cairas, to sighed me in that strait, which made me turn off on the right hand with intent to fall upon their R●ar, so soon as I should arrive at the Inn; when they perceiving my design, endeavoured to recover the road of Fossan to retire: but I pursued them so close, that I constrained them to take a house, which had a stable directly opposite to it, to which I set fire; who thereupon seeing themselves lost, they began to cry out for Quarter, casting themselves headlong, some out of the Windows, and some by the door, of which my Soldiers dispatched some in revenge of one of their companions, 
A combat near Maupas.  very much beloved by them, who was killed, and two more wounded, the rest I sent back to Savillan bound together with match, forasmuch as they were more in number, than we that took them. I went thence staight to Cairas, and at the Mill below Cairas found Monsieur de Cental, Governor of the said Cairas, who told me that Montdevi was surrendered, having yet the Letters in his hand, that had been sent him to that effect. I then presently turned about to recover Savillan, and to carry the news to Monsieur de Termes, that he might send it to Monsieur de Boitieres: but as I was on this side Cairas, and upon the skirts of the plain near unto some houses there called les Rodies, looking behind me I saw a Troop of Horse, that came fromwards Fossan, along by the meadow leading towards Albe which they then held: which made me to halt at those houses, to see what they would do; in which posture, they drawing nearer, discovered me; and attempted to come up to me by a little ascent there was, enclosed with hedges on either side: but when I saw them advanced half up the Ascent, I sent out four or five Harquebusiers, who, firing upon them, shot one of their Horses, whereupon they very fairly saced about. Which I seeing, and concluding it was for fear, advanced boldly into the plain, where I had not marched five hundred paces, but I discovered them again in the said plain (for they had passed a little lower out of sight) being fourteen Lancers, and eight Harquebusiers on horseback, with another who came after leading the wounded horse. I had in all but five and twenty Soldiers, of which seven were Pikes, and Captain Favas and myself each of us a Halberd on our necks: Their Harquebusiers came up at a good round trot to charge us, firing all the way as they came, as some of ours also did at them, and their Lances made a show as if they would charge in amongst us; but it was very faintly; for upon the firing of our Harquebusiers they made a halt, and gave way, at which we took heart, and marched boldly up to them with good smart claps of Harquebus shot, upon which one of their men falling dead to the ground, they very fairly left him behind them, and descending once more into the plain retreated directly towards Albe. And thus I retired to Savillan, it being two hours within night before I got thither, which I thought sit to commit to writing, to the end, that other Captains may take exemple whenever Horse comes to charge the Foot, never to spend more than half of their shot, and reserve the other half for the last extreme, which being observ●d, they can very hardly be defeated without killing a great number of the Enemy, who will never venture to break in whilst they see the Harquebusiers ready presented to fire upon them; who being resolute men, by the favour of any little bush, or broke, will hold the Cavalry long in play, the one still firing whilst the other is charging again. For our parts we were all resolved never to yield; but rather to fight it out with the sword, fearing they would revenge what we had done in the morning, for the four horse that escaped to Fossan had carried back the news of their defeat.  
So soon as Monsieur de Termes understood that Montdevi was taken, he resolved in the morning to put himself into Beme, which he accordingly did, where being arrived he there found two company's of Swiss, which were there in Garrison (having received also the others of Montdevi) who immediately abandoned Beme, and went to Cairas, leaving only the Count's own Company, another of Italians, and that of Captain Renovare. From thence Monsicur de Terms dispatched away a M●ssenger to me on horseback, writing me word, that if ever I would do the King a timely service, I should immediately come away, and this was the next day after the said Seigneur arrived at Beme, which was Sunday, and we were but just come from Mass.  
After therefore having eaten a snap or two, I immediately put myself into the field to go thither; yet could I not make so much haste, but that it was above three hours within night before I got thither: it being necessary for me to pass through uneasy valleys, forasmuch as we believed the Town already to be besieged, all the Enemy's Camp being at Carru, but three little miles from Beme, and they having skirmished all the day before the Town. By good fortune Monsieur de St. julian Colonel of the Swiss, was at the said Beme, it being his Garrison, and Monsieur d' Aussun also, who was come to give him a visit, and to see what would be the issue of the Siege of Montdevi: 
The Sieur de Montluc puts himself into Beme.  but it was impossible for the said St. julian to detain the Swiss, for I met all the four Companies already within half a mile of Cairas. I had so much honour done me, that both the Count, and the Countess his Mother, together with several other great persons, came to meet me at the Gates of the City, who were very glad of my coming, expecting in the morning to be besieged; but two days after my arrival their Camp marched away toward Trinitat, having cast a Bridge over the River, near to Fossan; and the morning that the Camp removed, five or six light horse of Monsieur de Termes, and four or five Gentlemen belonging to the Count de Beme (who served for Guides) with five or six Harquebusiers on horseback of mine, went in pursuit of their Camp. It was so great a mist that they could scarce see one another, which was the reason that they went to the very head of their Artillery, and took the Commissary (whom they call the Captain of the Artillery;) and the day before Messieurs de Termes, d' Aussun, and de St. julian were gone away, having had intelligence that the Enemy were making this Bridge; whereof Monsieur de St. julian went strait to Cairas, where the Swiss likewise would not abide, but went thence to Carignan; Monsieur de Terms who doubted also they might go to Savillan, of which he was Governor, went thither; and Messieur d' Aussun went in great haste directly to Turin; In short every one was in fear of his own charge.  
The said Bridge was further advanced than was imagined, for those of Fossan made it in three or four days, that their Camp lay at Carr●, and at the time that the Commissary was taken, the greatest part of the Army was already passed over, and was encamped towards Marennes: particularly the Battaillon of the Germans, who were quartered in the Castle, and the outhouses of the Palace of Messire Phillibert Canebons, a Gentleman of Savillan.  
Monsieur de Termes had brought with him to Beme Monsieur de Caillac, the Commissary of the Artillery, who would needs stay with me out of respect to the great friendship betwixt us (which does yet continue) and we were in despair of ever getting any thing out of the said Commissary prisoner, till it grew to be very late, and then he told, and assured us, that the Army was gone to besiege Savillan: At which Monsieur de Caillac and I were almost at our wit's end; for the said Sieur de Caillac had his residence more at the said Savillan, than at any other place, and I also, being it was my Garrison, and where I had continued for seven or eight months before. In the end we both of us resolved to go put ourselves into it at all hazards and adventures that might befall. I had five and twenty Soldiers of mine own on horseback, which I took together with four of five more of Monsieur de Termes, which he had left at Beme (to the great grief of the Count, who would never be persuaded to permit Captain Favas, and the rest of the Company to depart) and about two hours within night, we arrived at Cairas, where we spoke with Monsieur Cental, whom we found in a very great chase, for that the Swiss had that day forsook him, and he told us that it was very great odds we should find the Camp lodged in the Country houses belonging to Savillan, the Germans excepted, who were quartered as I have said, and took up all the space betwixt that and Marennes, through which we were to pass; for my other way it was all ditches and Rivulets very troublesome to pass, especially having no Guide with us, which we had not provided ourselves of, by reason we all of us very well know the ordinary way. However we passed through the middle of the Village of Marennes, without any encounter at all (forasmuch as the Enemy's Cavalry was yet about Fossan) and so came to Savillan, about two hours after midnight, where at the Gate of the Town we found Captain Chareze, Brother to B●quemar, whom Monsieur the Terms sent to Monsieur Boitieres, desiring him to assure him, that we were all resolved to die, or to preserve the place.  
Monsieur de Caillac, and I then went to find out Monsieur de Termes at his Quarters, where stealing upon him before he heard any thing of us, we found him writing down the order of the Siege, with his back towards the door, which being open, he never heard nor saw us, till I coming behind him, and taking him in my arms said to him, Did you think to play this Farce without us? at which he suddenly start up, and leaped about my neck, being scarce able to utter a word for joy, and likewise embraced Monsieur de Ca●llac, telling me, that he wished he had given half his estate, my Company was there also with me; to which I made answer, that I would make them to fly, provided he would suddenly find a messenger to carry a Letter to my Lieutenant Captain Favas; and immediately hereupon we dispatched thither a Footman of his, who before noon got to Beme, where so soon as the said Captain Favas had read my Letter, he presently went to acquaint the Count, that he must of necessity depart. The Count was again very importunate with him to stay; but nevertheless he marched out about three of the Clock in the afternoon, and left the Flag of my Ensign as he passed by Cairas with Monsieur Cental, who plainly told him that he must not expect to pass without fight, to which he made answer, that it was also all he did desire. We had given instructionsv to the Footman, that so soon as he should come to the end of the plain, he should lead him strait towards the Mill of the said Messer Philibert, which was about a Harquebus shot distant from his Palace, and that then he should follow on along the side of the River, preparing himself to sight at the said Mill, not doubting but that he would there certainly meet with the Germans: but that nevertheless if he would avoid fight, he should by all means do it, and make it his only business to get into the Town. A caution that was very much in season, for the Germans had dislodged the very morning that we passed by, and were encamped at Marennes: but about two hours after midnight he safely arrived, which redoubled the joy, not of Monsieur de Termes only; but moreover of all the other Captains and Soldiers, and the Inhabitants of the Town; for to say the truth, I had one of the best, and the fullest Companies in all Piedmont. And indeed I would never have other than the best men I could choose, for when once I perceived any one not to be right, I ever found one pretence or another to be rid of him.  
Two hours before day, Monsieur de Termes had news brought him that the Duke of Savoy, and the Marquis de Guast were come that very night to Cavillimor, two miles from Savillan; which made us still more confident that the Camp was advancing with a resolution to besiege us, because they planted themselves upon the way by which we were to receive our relief; and so soon as the day began to appear there came some from Marennes to give us notice, that all the Infantry was upon the Road towards Montiron, and descended into the plain of St. Fré, taking the way rather towards Carignan, than Savillan, of which we had still more and more intelligence.  
I than begged of Monsieur de Terms to give me leave to go out towards Cavillemor, to follow in the Rear of their Horse, which he presently granted, causing Captain Mons his Ensign with fifty Lances to mount to horse. Now in the time that I was gone to Beme, our Colonel Monsieur de Tais had sent the Companies of Bog●edemar and the Baron de Nicolas in great diligence to Savillan, and my own men being weary, I took only Captain Favas, and those who had come in with me, who were pretty well refreshed, and some forty of the others, that were come overnight. Captain Lienard at that time Lieutenant to Gabarret with thirty or forty of his Company, and Captain Breüil the Baron's Ensign, who (as I was very lately assured) is yet living, and has since been shot in the leg of which he is lame (as I am told) with as many of the Company of the said Baron, and went strait to Cavillemor, along the banks of a great Rivulet, leading to the said Cavillemor, and on the left hand the great high way, when being advanced within half a mile of the Town, I was overtaken by one of Captain Gabarret's men, whom he had sent to me, to desire I would stay a little for him, he being mounting to horse to come after me with all possible speed. I therefore made a halt, but (as he was ever very tedious and slow) he made us there to tarry for him above a long quarter of an hour, and so unhappily for me, that had I held on my way without staying for him, I had met with the Duke of Savoy at a little Chapel without Cavillemor, towards Savillan, where he was at Mass, with only five and twenty Horse for his Guard, the Marquis being gone away with all the Cavalry towards Rovy, and already advanced above a long mile from thence upon his way. Thus a little delay oftentimes causes a great inconvenience, otherwise we had at this time perhaps light of a good booty: but so soon as the said Gabarret came up to us, I went on, and came presently to Cavillemor, where the people of the Town informed me, that the said Duke could not yet be above half a mile from thence, which made both Captain Mons, me and all the Soldiers ready to eat our own flesh, to think what a prize we had lost through the negligence of Gabarret, whom to his face we cursed to all the Devils of Hell.  
After we had here stayed a pretty space, not knowing what we should resolve to do, we at last began to put ourselves upon our return home, when the intelligence we had from Marennes coming into my head, I presently altered that resolution, and took the way through the Meadows that leads towards that plain, still hearing the Drums of the Enemy's Camp both before and behind us at the same time; for it is not above half a mile from Cavillemor to the sight of the plain, and so soon as we came within sight of it, we discovered three or four Lacquais that followed the Camp. Two or three of our light horse spurred out to take them, and accordingly brought them in, by whom we learned that after them followed two Ensigns of Foot, and a Troop of Horse commanded by Monsieur de la Trinitat: the said two Companies of Foot were those of the Count Pedro d' Apporta Governor of Fossan, which were conducted by a Lieutenant of his called Captain Ascanio, and the Horse were commanded by the said Seigneur de Trinitat, together with the ammunition, bread, and a good part of the baggage of the Camp, whereof a great deal belonged to the Gormans and Spaniards, and was guarded by fifty Soldiers of the one nation, and as many of the other; so that they might be some four hundred horses of carriage, or more, and fourscore and ten wagons laden with Provision, and the equipage belonging to the Artillery.  
Captain Mons thereupon went out to discover Monsieur de la Trinitat, and went so near, that he had his horse shot under him, who presently returning back said these words to me; Captain Montluc, yonder is enough for us both to give, and to take. Whereupon I suddenly leaped upon a little Mare of one of my Soldiers, and taking one of my Sergeants with twenty Harquebusiers along with me, went myself to discover the Enemy, who making no reckoning of those few Horse they had seen, still with Drums beating, held on their March; when being come pretty near, I saw a multitude of men and horses marching along the plain, which was the Baggage, and the Wagons, and afterwards upon the eminence on that side where I was, perceived the two Ensigns and the Horse upon their march, and counted the Foot to be betwixt three and four hundred men, and likewise the Horse to be betwixt thirty, and five and thirty Lances; which having done I presently returned back to Captain Mons, and told him, that having missed one great good fortune, we were now to attempt another, to which he made answer that he was ready to do whatever I would command him. Whereupon I desired him to stay for me, whilst I went to speak to my Soldiers, which he did, and I spurred away to them. Captain Gabarret was with the said Captain Mons on horseback, and Captain Favas, Lyenard, and le Breüil conducted the Foot, when coming up to them, I spoke both to them, and to the Soldiers, telling them, that as God had deprived us of one good fortune, he had put another into our hands, and that although the Enemy were at this time three times as many as we were, yet if we refused to fight them upon so fair an occasion, we were unworthy the name of Soldiers, as well out of respect to the honour we should acquire thereby, as in regard to the Riches we saw exposed before us, which was no contemptible prize. To which all the three Captains made answer, that it was their opinion we ought to fight, whereupon, raising my voice, I spoke to the Soldiers saying, Well, fellow Soldiers, are not you of the same opinion with these Captains? I for my part have already told you mine, that we ought to fight, and assure yourselves we shall beat them, for my mind tells me so, which has never failed me in any thing I have ever undertaken, therefore I pray Gentlemen conclude them already as good as our own.  
Now it was a custom I always had, to make the Soldiers believe, that I had a certain kind of presage, which whenever it came upon me, I was sure to overcome: a thing that I only pretended to amuse the Soldiers, that they might think themselves secure of the victory, and have ever found an advantage by it; for my confidence often emboldened the most timorous, and simple fellows, nay sometimes the most crafty knaves amongst them are easy to be gulled, as these were, who thereupon with one voice cried out, Let us fight Captain, let us fight. I then declared to them, that I would place four of my Pikes in the Rear, to keep every one from ●linching back, which if any one should offer to do, they should kill him, with which they were very well content: but I had much ado to make the said Pikes to stay behind, according to that agreement, so ardently forward was every one to be the first to fight, though it was very necessary they should do so, for that evermore disorders are most likely to happen in the Rear.  
I than began to march, when so soon as the Enemy discovered the Foot, they made a halt upon the edge of a great hollow, that had in the process of time been worn by the land floods, which stretched itself in length till it ended under the Hill where we were. I saw them in the plain with their Lances all advanced, not offering to move, and saw also Captain Ascanio upon a little grey Nag, who placed his Pikes all in file along the hollow, and then spurred up to the Wagons to draw them up at the end of the hollow, and then to th● Baggage placing them behind, and afterwards to the Horse, by which order and diligence, I knew him to be a brave man, and fell to consider with myself, what would be the issue of the fight, of which I now began to be in some doubt, through the good order of this Chief. I nevertheless nothing altered my resolution; but whilst Captain Ascanio was busy ordering his Battle, I was as diligent to order mine, giving the Harquebusiers to Captain Gabarret, who was on horseback. And you must take notice, that the Enemy's Foot was upon the top of the hollow directly over against us. I took then the three Captains with the Pikes, and left order with the Harquebusiers by no means to shoot till they came within the distance of four Pikes, and to Captain Gabarret by all means to see this order observed, which he also did. I than desired Captain Mons to lend me five and twenty of his Launceers to help me to kill; for they were so many that in a whole day, though they had had one hand tied behind them, we should have had much ado to dispatch them, and with the rest he was to fight their Cavalry, though they were a great many more than ours. To which he readily consented, and gave five and twenty of his Lances to the younger Tilladet (the same who is now called Monsieur de Sainctorens) and moreover to Captain Ydrou some light horse of the said Company, who are both of them yet living, as also several others, who were of the same Troop.  
These orders being given, all of us both Foot and Horse marched directly towards the Enemy, and when I expected their Harquebusiers should have thrown themselves into the hollow, so soon as they should see our men come full drive upon them, they quite contrary marched strait up to our men, and all at a clap gave fire within less than four Pikes length of one another. Now I had given order to our men, that so soon as they had poured in their shot, without standing to charge again, they should run up to them▪ and fall to the Sword, which they also did, and I with the Pikes ran to the end of the hollow, and fell in desperately amongst them. In the mean time Ydrou and Tilladet charged Monsieur de Trinitat, and put him to rout, and our Harquebusiers and theirs threw themselves altogether into the hollow: but ours had the upper hand, and our Pike men had thrown away their Pikes, and were fallen to't with the Sword, and so courageously fight we came all up to the Wagons, 
The Imperialists defeated.  Captain Mons, and all, which were all overturned in a moment, and all their men put to flight towards two houses which stood in the bottom of the plain, where, still pursuing our Victory, and the Horse still firing amongst them, very few of them reached the houses. At the houses some particular men were taken to Quarter: but of the rest very few were saved, and those who were left alive were so grievously wounded, that I do verily believe they had little benefit of their mercy. Our Gens d' Arms in those days wore great cutting Falchions, wherewith to lop off arms of Male, and to cleave Morions, and indeed in my life I never saw such blows given. As for the Cavalry they were all taken running away towards Fossan, Monsieur de Trinitat excepted, and five others, who being better mounted than the rest, escaped; though young Tilladet with two others only pursued him within two Harquebus shot of Fossan, and took one who attended one of the Colours, which the Ensign that carried it, had thrown upon the neck of him who carried off his horse. Presently after we began to march, leading off the Wagons, and Baggage, which were of necessity to return by the same way they had come from Marennes, forasmuch as the Carriages could pass no other way, and there I saw so great a disorder amongst our people, that had twenty of the Enemy's horse turned back upon us, we had certainly been defeated; for all the Soldiers both Foot and Horse were so laden with Baggage, and with horses they had taken, that it had been impossible for Captain Mons to have rallyed so much as one Lance, or I two Harquebusiers: insomuch that we left all the dead unrisled and untouched; but the Country people of Marennes came thither presently after, and performed that office for them, and have since several times told us, that they got there above two thousand Crowns; for not above three or four days before, those two Captains had mustered for three months. The booty is very often the occasion of ruin, wherefore Captains ought to be exceeding careful, especially when they know there are enemies Garrisons near at hand, that may sally out upon them; though it is a very hard thing to take order in, for the avarice of the Soldier is such, that he oftentimes quails under his burden, and no reason will serve his turn.  
After this defeat we returned to Savillan, where we found that two Country fellows had given an Alarm to Monsieur de Termes, having brought him news that we were all defeated, and indeed we found him almost at his wit's end, but afterwards he was the most overjoyed man, that ever he had been in his life. There a man might have had flesh enough good cheap; for we took above forty Germane Whores and more than twenty Spanish, which kind of cattle was the greatest cause of our disorder. We had an intention to have shared all the spoil equally amongst us, and found that we were but an hundred forty and five men, and fifty horse, but every one begged that he might keep what he had gotten, promising upon that condition to make me a present, forasmuch as I had not made it my business to look after spoil, which I consented to, seeing every one was content, and they gave me six hundred Crowns, as also the horse presented Captain Mons, but how much I am not able to say, and this we did that day in the Rear of their Camp. Of our people there was slain upon the place one Soldier only belonging to Captain Baron, with five or six more hurt, and one Corporal of mine, who all recovered. There are a great many both of the Horse and Foot yet living, who were present at this business, who when they shall read this Book, I am certain will not give me the lie. I cannot remember (which I wonder at myself for) whether Monsieur de Caillac was with us at the engagement or no, or whether Monsieur de Termes did not detain him at home, but I am sure that if he was not there, he was in Savillan, and may very well remember all this to be true.  
Now the design of the Marquis de Guast soon discovered itself, which was to put himself into Carignan, and there to raise a Fort, and leave in it a strong Garrison of Foot, as he did, and the very day that I gave them this defeat he encamped at a Village near Carmagnolle, on the right hand of the Road from Recoins to the said Carmagnolle (I have forgot the name) and at midnight sent the greatest part of his Cavalry to get over the Bridge at Lombriasse, over which an hour or two before there had passed two Light horse of Monsieur de Termes (who had been with us at the fight, and were stolen away with their booty, fearing they should be made to discount) who gave intelligence to Monsieur d' Aussun, and Signior Francisco Bernardin, who were both at Carignan, sent thither by Monsieur de Boitieres, on purpose to dismantle that place, call to mind that Monsieur de Termes, and the said Signior Francisco had told him four months before, that the Marquis would do so, and possess himself of it in order to the raising of some Fortifications there, which would be very prejudicial to the King's Service.  
I had nothing to do to write this, if it were not for a caution to the young Captains, who shall read this Book, that they must never attempt to retreat at the head of an Army, to which they are not strong enough to give Battle. But (as I was saying) so soon as these Light horse had spoke with Monsieur d' Aussun, and told him of the defeat we had given them, he had a great mind (as his heart was in a right place) to do something also before he retired: but the said Signior Francisco understanding by these Light horse where the Enemy was, presently concluded, that by break of day they would certainly be upon them, which made him very importunate with Monsieur d' Aussun to retire: but he would by no means hearken to him, and so soon as day appeared, they saw the Marquis de Guast, all the Infantry, and part of the Horse marching all along the side of the River, when the Marquis advancing he caused Monsieur d' Aussun to be talked withal, only to hold him in play, which Signior Francisco perceiving, called out to him, that the Marquis did only this to amuse him; but he was deaf as before, and would believe nothing (a man cannot avoid his Destiny) till two Light horse he had sent out upon the Road towards Lombriasse, came and brought him an account of the truth: but it was too late, for already the greatest part of their Cavalry was got over. There was but two Boats there, but they were very large, and they had begun to pass an hour after midnight.  
Upon this Monsieur d' Aussun commanded Signior Francisco to retire as far as the Bridge of Loges, and there to make a halt, which he did. Foot he had none, but the Chevalier Absal, with his single Company, to whom he gave order to march softly, after the said Signior Francisco, and halt very often to relieve him, if occasion were, which he accordingly obeyed, when on a sudden came up fifty or threescore of the Enemy's Horse to begin the skirmish. It is very true, that besides his own Troop, and that of Signior Francisco, he had thirty Lances of the Company of Monsieur de Termes, commanded by the elder Tilladet, which had parted from Monsieur de Termes seven or eight days before, by the command of Monsieur de Bo●tieres, and at his entreaty to send them, which the said Monsieur de Termes very much repent after, wanting them himself, at the time when he expected a Siege. The said Seigneur d' Aussun then began himself also to retire, dividing his men into three Squadrons, whom the Enemy followed very close: his Lieutenant, called Hieronymo Magrin, commanded the first Squadron, whom the Enemy sometimes beat up to the second, commanded by Monsieur de Aussun, and otherwhiles the said Hierenimo recharged the Enemy, who were continually supplied by a great number of fresh men, and who, as they found themselves the stronger, charged Captain Hieronimo with might and main, driving him back into the Squadron of Monsieur d' Aussun, who thereupon gave a charge, and repelled the said Enemies up to their main body, which again charged the said Seigneur d' Aussun, and beat him back to the forenamed Captain Tilladet, and at the same time another Troop of the Enemy, besides those, who came up upon the Gallop, charged the said Tilladet, who was advanced to relieve Monsieur d' Aussun; so that the Enemy was four times stronger in Horse, than we were, and fresh supplies, as they landed, still came up to them, insomuch that all was put to rout and confusion, 
Monsieur d' Aussun defeated, and taken prisoner.  Monsieur d' Aussun beaten down to ground his Lieutenant, and above fifty more taken prisoners, Captain Tilladet twice taken, and rescued by his men, who closing together, and often facing about, made good their retreat in spite of the Enemy even to the Bridge of Loges. Signior Francisco Bernardin, who stood drawn up close by the Bridge, seeing this torrent coming upon him, and knowing that he with his Troop was not sufficient to remedy the disorder, took it into consideration, and passed over the Bridge, where he again made head, by which means a great many more of our People saved themselves, who under his protection faced about at the end of the said Bridge. In the mean time the Chevalier Absal, who had taken his way a little on the left hand, was still retreating a foot pace, and often made a halt, which was the reason that he could never recover the Bridge; for one part of the Enemy seeing the victory already secure, ran up to him, who having seen all our Cavalry routed and defeated, any man may judge what courage he, or his men, could have, who were all cut to pieces, their Colours taken, and himself upon a little horse very hardly escaped.  
After this manner was Monsieur d' Aussun defeated, more out of vanity to do some notable feat, than out of any default of courage or conduct; for in the first place he ordered his Troops so well, that they all fought, and secondly himself was taken, overthrown to ground, with his Sword bloody in his hand, for his horse was killed under him, and would he have been satisfied with reason, he had never entered into dispute with Signior Francisco Bernardin, 
Dispute betwixt Mr. d' Aussun, and Signior Francisco Bernardin.  who had performed all, both in his person, and conduct, that a brave Leader ought to do. But the King, after the said Seigneur d' Aussun was set at liberty, made them friends; for Signior Francisco had sent him a Challenge for the wrong he had done him, in reporting to the Marquis de Guast, and elsewhere, that he had abandoned him in time of need: but Monsieur d' Aussun made him an honourable satisfaction, and indeed both the one and the other had very well performed their duty, though had Monsieur d' Aussun taken the advice of Signior Francisco, he had not been defeated; neither was it reasonable, that he should throw himself away to no purpose, when he saw it was too late to repair the fault committed in deferring the time of their retreat so long, as at last to be forced to do it in the face of an Army. I could give several exemples of it, if it were convenient so to do, where the advice of retreating at the head of an Army, has been as fatal, as it was here, witness Monchaut, where Monsieur le Marshal de Strozzy lost the Battle, not for want of courage, for he was there desperately wounded; nor through default of conduct, for he had ordered his men for his retreat to Lusignan, as well as any man upon earth could have done. I could also instance le Seigneur Marion de Santa Fiore, who lost me almost all my Cavalry near unto Piance, in attempting the same at the head of an Army. 
The danger of retreating at the head of of an Army.  Many others out of inconsideration have committed the same error, as I have already instanced, and I could name several others, which would be too tedious to recount. But, I beseech you, fellow Captains, despise not my counsel, for many brave and prudent Leaders having lost themselves after this manner, no good is to be expected. A man is only to attempt what he can, and aught to do, and not attaque his Enemy, and offer to retreat in the face of an Army stronger than himself.  
The Marquis de Guast, 
Carignan fortified.  at the same instant, with all his Camp, passed the Bridge, and put himself into Carignan, where he designed a Fort enclosing the Bourg within it, which he was not long in doing, forasmuch as the ditches that enclosed the said Bourg and the City, very much contributed to the work; and he there left two thousand Spanish, and as many Germane Foot, with Signior Pedro de Colonne to command them: wherein, in truth, he made a very prudent choice, and deceived none in the good opinion they had conceived of him; for he was a man of great judgement and valour: having then left Caesar de Naples at Carmagnolle with some Ensigns of Italians (the number of which I have forgot) and two thousand Germans; 
The Character of Pedro de Colonne.  and at Reconis, four Ensigns of Spaniards, (that is to say, Joys Quichadou, Don juan de Guibarra, Mandossa, and Argillere) and his Cavalry at Pingnes, Vinu●, and Vigon, he afterwards (having first sent back the remainder of his Camp to Quires, and the Duke of Savoy to Verseil) retired himself to Milan.  
Sometime after Monsieur de Termes carried on an enterprise, 
A notable enterprise carried on by a Merchant.  that was never discovered to any but to Monsieur Boitieres, and myself, so much as to Monsieur de Tais, though he was our Colonel; and it was thus. There was a Merchant of Barges, a great friend, and servant to Monsieur de Termes, and good French man, called Gran●chin, who, coming from Barges to Savillan, was taken by some Light horse belonging to Count Pedro d' Apport, Governor of Fossan, and being a prisoner was sometimes threatened to be hanged; and sometimes promised to be put to ransom, with so great uncertainty, that the poor man for seven or eight days together was in despair of his life: but in the end he bethought himself to send word to the Count, that if he would be pleased to give him leave to talk with him, he would propound things that should be both for his advantage and his honour. The Count thereupon sent for him, where, being come, Granuchin told him, that it should only stick at himself if he were not Lord of Barges, for that it was in his power to deliver up the Castle into his hands, the City not being strong at all. The Count greedy to listen to this enterprise, presently closed with him about it, agreeing and concluding, that Granuchin should deliver up his wife and his son in Hostage; and the said Granuchin proposed the manner of it to be thus; saying, that he was very intimate with the Captain of the Castle, and that the provisions that were put into it ever passed through his hands, and that moreover he had a share in some little Traffic they had betwixt them, to wit, betwixt the said Captain of the Castle, called la moth, and himself; and that the Scotch man, who kept the Keys of the Castle was his very intimate friend, whom he also evermore had caused to get something amongst them, and whom he was certain he could make firm to his purpose; not the Captain de la Mothe nevertheless; but that he was sick of a Quartan Ague, that held him fifteen or twenty hours together; so that he almost continually kept his bed; and that so soon as he should be at liberty, he would go and complain to Monsieur de Termes of two men that were reputed Imperialists, who had told him, and given the Enemy intelligence of his Journey, and that after having left his wife and his son in hostage, he would go and demand justice of Monsieur de Boitieres, by the mediation of Monsieur de Termes, and then would go to Barges to the Castle, and that upon a Sunday morning he would cause fifteen or twenty Soldiers that la Mothe had there, to go out (leaving only the Scotch man, the Butler, and the Cook within) to take those who had told him, as they should be at the first Mass in the morning, and in the mean time the Count should cause forty Soldiers to march, who before day should place themselves in ambush in a little Copse about an Harquebus shot distant from the Postern Gate, and that so soon as it should be time for them to come, he would set a white Flag over the said Postern. Now there was a Priest of Barges, who being banished thence, lived at Fossan, that was a great friend to Granuchin, and had laboured very much for his deliverance, and he also was called into the Council, where amongst them it was concluded, that the said Priest on a night appointed, should come to a little wood the half way betwixt Barges and Fossan, where he was to whistle, to give notice that he was there, and that if he had corrupted the Scot, he should bring him along with him, to resolve amongst themselves how the business should be further carried on.  
Things being thus concluded, Granuchin writ a Letter to Monsieur de Termes, wherein he entreated him to procure for him a safe-conduct from Monsieur de Boitieres, that his Wife and his Son might come to Fossan, there to remain pledges for him, for he had prevailed so far by the intercession of certain of his friends, that the Count was at last content to dismiss him upon a ransom of six hundred Crowns; but that if he was not abroad, and at liberty, no man would buy his goods, out of which he was to raise that sum; which safe-conduct if he should obtain in his behalf, he desired he would please to deliver it to a friend of his he named in Savillan, to whom he also had writ to desire him to make what hast he could to send his Wife and Son to the said Fossan.  
All this being accordingly procured, and done, and the said Granuchin set at liberty, he forthwith came to Savillan to find out Monsieur de Termes, to whom he gave an account of the whole business. Whereupon Monsieur de Termes (who already began to feel himself falling sick of a dis●ase that commonly held him fourteen or fifteen days at a time) sent for me, to whom he communicated the enterprise, where it was by us all three concluded, that Granuchin should go talk with Monsieur de Boitieres, and inform him at large of the whole design. To which purpose Monsieur de Termes gave him a Letter to Monsieur de Boitieres, who, having received and read it, made no great matter of the business, only writing back to Monsieur de Termes, that if he knew Granuchin to be a man fit to be trusted, he might do as he thought fit: by which slight answer Monsieur de Termes entered into an opinion, that Monsieur de Boitieres would be glad he should receive some baffle, or affront, (and indeed he did not much love him) which made him once in mind to break off the design, and to meddle no more in it: but seeing the said Granuchin almost in despair to think, that the business should not go forward, and I being more concerned than he, that such an opportunity of trapping the Enemy should be lost, earnestly entreated Monsieur de Terms to leave the whole business to my care; which he made great difficulty to grant, ever fearing, that should any thing happen amiss, Monsieur de Boitieres would do him a courtesy to the King, as the custom is: for when any one bears a man a grudge, he is glad when he commits any oversight, that the Master may have occasion to be offended, and to remove him from his command; condemning him for that he would not be governed by the wise: but in the end with much importunity, he was content to refer the management of the business wholly to my discretion.  
The said Granuchin departed then to go to Barges, where he made discovery of all to Captain la Mothe and the Scotch man, to whom Monsieur the Terms writ also, and the night appointed being come, they both went out, and alone (for Granuchin was very well acquainted with the way) and came to the wood, where they found the Priest; with whom they agreed, first that that the said Count should acquit Granuchin of his ransom, giving him as much as the Soldiers, that took him, had taken from him, and moreover appoint him an Apartment in the Castle with the Captain he should put into it, with a certain Pension for his support; and secondly that he should marry the Scotch man to an Inheretrix there was in Barges, and also find out some handsome employment for him, forasmuch as he was never after to return either into Scotland, or into France. All which was agreed and concluded betwixt them, and moreover that the Priest should bring all these Articles signed and sealed with the Arms of the said Count to a Summer house in the fields belonging to the Brother of the said Priest, to which he sometimes repaired a nights; and that the Sunday following the business should be put in execution.  
Having accordingly received all these obligations, Granuchin returned again to Savillan, where he gave us an account of all, and showed us the Bond. Now there was only three days to Sunday, wherefore we made him presently to return, having first agreed that he should bring along with him two Guides of the very best he could find out; not that he should however discover any thing to them of the business, but only show them some counterfeit Letters, wherein mention should be made of some Wine he had bought for me.  
The Guides came accordingly by Saturday noon to Savillan, when, seeing them come, I took Captain Favas my Lieutenant apart, and privately in my chamber communicated to him the whole design, telling him withal, that I had made choice of him for the execution of it; which he made no scruple to undertake (for he had mettle enough) and it was agreed that he should tie the Guides together, and that they were by no means to enter into any high way, or Road: but to march cross the fields. We had much ado to persuade the Guides to this, forasmuch as they were to pass three or four Rivers, and there was Snow and Ice all along, so that we were above three hours disputing this way: but in the end the two Guides were content, to each of which I gave ten Crowns, and moreover a very good Supper.  
We were of advice, that we should not take many men, that less notice might be taken; and at that time we were making a Rampire at that Gate towards Fossan, where, in order to that work, we had broken down a little part of the wall, and made a Bridge over the Graft, over which to bring in earth from without. By this breach I put out Captain Favas, and with him four and thirty more only, and so soon as we were without, we tied the Guides for being lost, and so he set forwards. Now the Enemy's assignation, and ours was at the same hour; so that Granuchin had directed them the way on the right hand to come to this Copse, and ours he had ordered to march on the left hand, near to the walls of the City; who, so soon as they were come to the Postern, there found Granuchin and the Scot ready to receive them, it being the hour that the Scotch man used to stand Centinel over the said Postern, so that they were never discovered, and he disposed them into a Cellar of the Castle, where he had prepared a Charcoal fire, with some Bread and Wine. In the mean time the day began to break, and as the Bell rung to low Mass in the Town, the Scot, and Granuchin commanded all the Soldiers in the Castle to go take these two men (that Granuchin had accused to have betrayed him) at Mass, so that there remained no more in the Castle, but only la Mothe himself, his valet de Chambre, who also trailed a Pike, the Butler, the Cook, the Scotch man and Granuchin.  
The Scot then pulled up the Bridge, and called out Captain Favas, making him to skulk behind certain Bavins in the base Court, kneeling upon one knee, which being done, they went to set up the white Flag upon the Postern; soon after the P●iest arrived, and with him about forty Soldiers, who were no sooner entered in, but the Scotch man shut the Gate, and at the same instant Captain Favas and his Company slew upon them, who made some little resistance, insomuch that seven or eight of them were slain; but Granuchin saved the Priest, and would not endure he should have the least injury offered to him. In the mean time a Country fellow, as he was coming from a little house below the Castle, saw the Spanish Soldiers with their red crosses enter in at the Postern Gate, and thereupon ran down into the Town to give the Alarm, and to tell them that the Castle was betrayed; at which news, the Soldiers who had been sent out to take the two men at Mass, would have returned into the Castle: but ours shot at them, though so high as not to hit them, taking upon them to be enemies, and crying out Imperi, Imperi, Savoy, Savoy, which was the reason that the Soldiers fled away to Pignerol carrying news to Monsieur de Boitieres, that Granuchin had betrayed the Castle, and that the Enemy was within it. Monsieur de Boitieres thereupon in a very great fury, dispatched away a Courier to Monsieur de Termes, who lay sick in his bed, and almost distracted at the disaster, often crying out, Ah Monsieur Montlu● you have ruined me, would to God I had never harkened to you: and in this error we continued till the Wednesday following. In the mean time the Soldiers who had entered were clapped up in the Cellar, my Soldiers taking the Red Crosses, and moreover setting up a white Flag with a Red Cross upon a Tower of the Castle, and crying out nothing but Imperi, Imperi.  
Things being in this posture, Granuchin immediately made the Priest to subscribe a Letter, wherein he had writ to the Count, that he should come, and take possession of the Town and Castle, for that Granuchin had kept his word with him, and then sent for a Labourer, who was tenant to the Brother of the said Priest, to whom he caused the Letter to be given by the Priest himself, saying, and swearing to him, that if he made any kind of Sign, either in giving the Letter, or otherwise, that he would presently kill him; making him moreover deliver several things to the messenger by word of mouth; The fellow went away, and upon a ma●e of his own made all the hast he could to Fossan, it being but twelve miles only, immediately upon whose coming the Count resolved that night to send away a Corporal of his called janin, with five and twenty of the bravest men of all his Company, who about break of day arrived at Barges. So soon as he came to the Castle, Granuchin, the Priest, and the Scot were ready to let him in at the foresaid Postern, whilst Captain Favas went to plant himself behind the Bavins as before, although Granuchin was something long in opening the Gate, both because he would clearly see, and observe whether the Priest made any sign, and also for that he had a mind those of the City should see them enter; when so soon as it was broad day, he opened the Postern, telling them that the Soldiers who came in with the Priest were laid to sleep, being tired out with the long labour they had sustained the day before, and so soon as they were all in, the Scot suddenly clapped to the Gate, and as suddenly Captain Favas start up, and fell upon them, without giving them time, saving a very few, to give fire to their Harquebusses, as ours did, who had them all ready; nevertheless they defended themselves with their Swords, so that six of mine were hurt, and fifteen or sixteen of this Company were slain upon the place, of which Corporal janin was one (which was a very great misfortune to us) together with a Brother of his, the rest were led into the Cellar tied two and two together, for there were already more prisoners in the Castle, than Soldiers of our own.  
Now this fight continuing longer than the former, the Enemy in fight st●ll cried out Imperi, and ours France; insomuch that their cries reached down into the City, and especially the rattle of the Harquebus shot, so that to avoid being so soon discovered, their design being to Train the Count thither (for to that end tended all the Farce) they all got upon the walls of the Castle, and from thence cried out Imperi and Savoy, having on their red crosses, as I said before. Now the Country fellow that had been sent with the Letter to the Count, did not return with those men up to the Castle, but stayed at his Master's Country house by the way, wherefore he was again suddenly sent for, and another Letter delivered to him by the hands of the Priest to carry to the said Count to Fossan, wherein he gave him to understand, that Corporal janin was so weary he could not write, but that he had given him in charge to render him an account of all, and that he was laid down to sleep. So soon as the Count had read this Letter, he put on a resolution to go, not the next day which was Tuesday, but the Wednesday following (when God intends to punish us, he deprives us of our understandings, as it happened here in the case of this Gentleman.) The Count in the first place was reputed one of the most circumspect (and as wise as valiant) Leaders they had in their whole Army, which notwithstanding he suffered himself to be gulled by two Letters from this Priest, especially the last, which he ought by no means to have relied upon; nor to have given credit to any thing, without having first seen something under his Corporal's own hand, and should have considered whether or no it were a plausible excuse, to say, that the said Corporal was laid down to sleep. But we are all blind when we have once set our hearts upon any thing of moment. Believe me, gentlemans, you that are great undertakers of Erterprises, you ought maturely to consider all things, and weigh every the least circumstance, for if you be subtle, your Enemy may be as crafty as you. A Trompeur trompeur et demi, says the Proverb, Harm watch harm catch, And The cunning ' stsnap may meet with his match. But that which most of all deceived the Count was, that the Tuesday those of the Town, who thought themselves to be become Imperialists, and yet in some doubt by reason of the various cries they had heard during the fight, had sent five or six women to the Castle under colour of selling Cakes, Apples, and Chestnuts, to see if they could discover any thing of Treason (for all those that remained in the Town had already taken the Red Cross;) whom so soon as our people saw coming up the Hill, they presently suspected their business, and resolving to set a good face on the matter, went to let down the little draw bridge to let them in. My Soldiers then fell to walking up and down the base Court with their red crosses, all saving three or four that spoke very good Spanish, who fell to talk with the Women, and bought some of their Wares, taking upon them to be Spaniards, insomuch that they afterwards returning to the Town, assured the Inhabitants that there was no deceit in the business: and moreover brought a Letter which lafoy Mothe writ to a friend in the Town, wherein he entreated him to go to Monsieur de Botieres, and to tell him, that he had never consented to Granuchin's treachery; which Letter he delivered to one of the Women, knowing very well, that the party to whom it was directed, was not there to be found; but would be one of the first to run away, as being a very good French man: but their design was, that the Letter should fall into the hands of those of the Imperial party, as accordingly it did.  
As the Count was coming on Wednesday morning, our people in the Castle discovered him marching along the plain, and the people of the Town went to meet him without the Gate, where being come, he asked them if it were certainly true, that the Castle was in his hands, to which they made answer, that they believed it so to be: but that at the entrance of his men the first time, there were a great many Harquebusses shot off within, and a very great noise was made: and that on the Monday morning, when the others entered, they likewise heard a very great noise, that continued longer than the former, and that they once thought they heard them cry one while France, and another Imperi and Duco: but that notwithstanding they had yesterday sent their Wives into the Castle with Fruit, Bunns and Chestnuts, whom they had permitted to enter, where they saw all the Soldiers with red crosses. The Count hearing this, commanded his Liesutenant to alight, and to refresh his horses and men, bidding those of the Town speedily get something ready for him to eat; for so soon as he had taken order in the Castle, he would come down to dinner, after which he would take their Oath of Fidelity, and so return back again to Fossan. Now you must know it is a very steep and uneasy ascent from the Town to the Castle, by reason whereof the Count alighted, and walked it up on foot, accompanied with a Nephew of his, another Gentleman and his Trumpet. So soon as he came to the end of the Bridge, which was let down, and the Gate shut; but the Wicket left open, so that a man might easily pass, and lead his horse after him; Granuchin and the Priest being above in the window, saluting him, desired him to enter; to which nevertheless he made answer, that he would advance no further, till he had first spoken with Corporal janin; seeing then that he refused to enter, Granuchin in his hearing said to the Priest (●o get him from thence) Pray Father go down, and tell Corporal Janin that my Lord is at the Gate, where he stays to speak with him, and at the same time himself also departed from the window, pretending to go down; whereupon Captain Favas and his Soldiers ran to open the Gate, which was only bolted, and all on a sudden leaped upon the Bridge. Seeing this, the Count who was one of the most active men of all Italy, and who held his horse by the bridle (the best one of them, that ever that Country bred, and which I afterwards gave to Monsieur de Tais) vaulted over a little wall which was near to the Bridge, drawing his horse after him, with intent to have leaped into the Saddle (for there was no horse so tall (provided he could lay his hand upon the Pummel) but he could a●m'd at all pieces, vault into the Seat) but he was prevented by the Bastard of Bazordan, called janot (yet living, and then of my Company) who by misfortune being he either could not, or would not, get over the wall to lay hands upon him, let fly at him an Harquebus, which taking the default of his Arms, went into his belly, 
Count 〈◊〉 Governor of Fossan woun●ded.  piercing through his bowels almost to the other side, of which shot he sunk down to the ground. Captain Favas took his Nephew, and another the Trumpet, but the other Gentleman escaped down the Hill, crying out that the Count was either killed or taken; whereupon the Lieutenant, and all his Company skutled to horse in so great a fright, that they never looked behind them till they came to Fossan. Had it so fallen out that janin at the second entry had not been slain, they had not only snapped the Count, and by degrees all his whole Troop (for they might have compelled him to have spoke to them, with a dagger at his reins ready to stab him should he make a sign) but moreover might perhaps from hence have spun out some contrivance against Fossan itself; for one Enterprise draws on another.  
These things being done, they in the evening dispatched away Captain Milhas (a Gentleman of my Company) to bring me the news, and to relate to me from point to point how all things had passed; together with a Letter from the said Count, wherein he entreated me, seeing he was my prisoner, and that greater advantage was to be made of his life than of his death, to do him the courtesy, as to send him with all speed a Physician, a Chirurgeon, and an Apothecany. Captain Milhas arrived just at the time that they opened the Gates of the City, so that he found me putting on my clothes, and there related to me the whole business, thereby delivering me from the great anxiety, and trouble wherein from Sunday till Wednesday I had continually remained; for though I was really concerned for the place, yet was I much more afflicted for the loss of my Lieutenant, and my Soldiers, who were most of them Gentlemen, and all very brave men. Immediately upon the news, I ran to Monsieur de Termes his Lodgings, whom I found sick a bed: but I dare say, that neither he nor I were ever so overjoyed; for we both very well knew, that had it fallen out otherwise, there were Rods in piss. So soon as I departed from him, I presently sent away a Physician, a Chirurgeon, and an Apothecary, whom I mounted upon three horses of my own for the more speed; neither did they either stop or stay until they came thither: but it was impossible to save him, for he died about midnight, 
His death▪  and was brought to Savillan, whom every one had a desire to see, even Monsieur de Termes himself, as sick as he was, and he was very much lamented by all. The next day I sent the Body to Fossan, but detained the Nephew, and Trumpet with the rest that were taken prisoners at Barges, until they should send me back the Wife, and Son of the said Granuchin, which the next day they did, and I also delivered up all the Prisoners.  
I beseech you, Captains, you who shall see and hear this Relation, to consider whether or no this was a stratagem for a Merchant; believe me, the oldest Captain would have been puzzled, and have had enough to carry it on with so much dexterity, and resolution as he did; wherein although Captain Favas was the performer of it, when it came to execution; nevertheless the Merchant was not only the original contriver, but also a principal Actor throughout the whole business, having the heart in order to his revenge, to expose his Wife and Son to the extremest danger. In reading of which (fellows in Arms) you may learn diligence with temper, and take notice what sleights, and polices were used, and continued for the space of four days together, such as no man either of theirs▪ (or which is more, of our own) could possibly discover, both parties being held equally suspended. The Count for a prudent Cavalier, behaved himself herein with very great levity, especially upon the second Letter; but he repaired his fault when he refused to enter the Castle, without first seeing his man; though that caution signified nothing as it fell out. Whenever therefore you design an enterprise, weigh every thing, and never go hand over head; and without precipitating yourselves, or being too easy of belief upon light foundations, judge and consider whether there be any appearance, or likelihood in the thing; for I have seen more deceived than otherwise, and whatever assurance is given you, or whatever promises may be made, be sure to raise your Counter-battery, and never rely so wholly upon him, who is to carry on the work, but that you have still a reserve to secure your venture, should his faith, or conduct fa●l. It's not, I confess, well done to condemn him who has the management of an affair, if it do not succeed; for men should always be attempting how ever they speed, and hit or miss 'tis all one, provided there be neither treason nor absurdity in the case. Men must try, and fail; for being we are to confided in men, no one can see into their hearts: but however go warily to work. I have ever been of opinion (and do think that every good Captain ought to have the same) that it is better to assault a place upon a surprise, where no one is privy to the design, than to have perhaps some Traitor for your Guide; for as much as you are certain there can be no counter-treason against you; and though you fail, you retire with the less danger, for your enemy can have laid no ambuscadoes to entrap you.  
Caesar de Naples being this day at Carmagnolle, had there news brought to him of the Count's disaster and death, at which he was extremely afflicted; and to secure F●ssan, would send thither three Companies of Italians, which had formerly been in Garrison there, to wit, that of Blaise de Somme a Neapolitan, that of Baptista a milanese, and that of Ra●ssanne a Piedmontois, who nevertheless refused suddenly to depart (fearing we would fight them by the way) and would not stir till they might have a good and strong Convoy; and the Germans he had with him would not be persuaded to go, by which means he was constrained to send to R●conis to the four Spanish Companies which were in Garrison there; that is to say, that of Don juan de Guebara Campmaster, of Lovys de Quichado●, Aquilbert, and Mendoza, which made it two days before they durst set out to march. In the mean time Monsieur de Termes was advertised by his spy, that the said Italian Companies were to set forth the next morning, to go put themselves into Fossan, and that they were to have two Troops of Horse to conduct them: but he had heard nothing that the Spaniards were to go.  
The said Seigneur was at this time but newly recovered of his sickness, who the same morning communicated the affair to me, and at the very instant we concluded to draw four hundred Foot out of all our Companies, all picked and choice men, to wit, two hundred Harquebusiers, and as many Pikes wearing Corslets. Captain Tilladet (who had lost but two or three of all his Lances) was not yet returned to Savillan, which was the reason that Monsieur de Termes his Company was not so strong; and on the other side Monsieur de Bellegarde his Lieutenant was gone to his own house, and had taken some few with him, by which means Captain Mons could make but fourscore Horse in all; 
A design to cut off the succours of Fossan.  and the Spy told us, that the Italian Companies were to take the same way by which their Army had marched when they went to Carignan, which was by the Plain, where we before had fought the Italians. We therefore concluded to take the way of Marennes, and to be there before them; when as we were going out of the Town Monsieur de Cental arrived, who came from Cental, having with him fifteen Lances of Seigneur MaurYé, and twenty Harquebusiers on horseback, which hindered us a little, forasmuch as he entreated Monsieur de Terms to give him a little time to bait his horses, for he was also of necessity to pass the same way we were designed to march, to go to his Government of Cairas. To whom we made answer, that we would go but very softly before, and stay for him at Marennes: but that he should make haste; for in case we should hear the Enemy was passing by, we could not stay for him. Monsieur de Termes had once a great mind to have gone along with us himself; but we entreated him not to do it, both because he had been so lately sick, and also that the Town being left in a manner naked, should any misfortune happen to us, it would be in great danger to be lost.  
Being come to Marennes, we there made a halt, staying for Monsieur Cental, where we orderdered our Battle in this manner, to wit, that the Captain's Gabarret and Baron should lead the two hundred Corslets, and I the two hundred Harquebusiers, with whom I presently took the Van, the Corslets following after me, and so marched out of the Village. Captain Mons also divided his Horse into Troops: but to whom he gave the first I am not able to say, they being all Comrades, but I do believe it was either to Masses, Mousserie, Ydrou, or the younger Tilladet; and when we had marched a little way, before we would discover ourselves to the valley, through which the Enemy was to pass, we made a stand. I than took a Gentleman along with me called lafoy Garde (he being on horseback) and advanced a little forward to discover the valley, where presently on the other side in the plain of Babe, (a Castle belonging to the Castellano of Savoy) I discovered the three Italian Companies, and the Cavalry marching directly towards Fossan. At which I was ready to run mad, cursing Monsieur de Cental, and the hour that ever he came, thinking there had been no more than those I saw on the other side, who were already got a great way before us; when being about to return to tell the rest, that they were already passed, and looking down into the valley (for before I had only looked into the plain on the other side) I discovered the Spanish Foot showing them to la Garde (who before saw them no more than I) having almost all of them yellow breeches▪ and moreover saw their Arms glitter against the Sun, by which we knew they were Corslets. We never dreamed of meeting any more than the three Italian Copanies only, so that had we not by accident made some stay in expectation of Monsieur Cental, we had met the Spaniards and the Italians together, and do ver●ly bel●eve had been defeated, considering what defence the Spaniards made alone. I presently then went and gave the rest of the Captains an account of what I had seen, advising them withal, by no means as yet to discover themselves; for the Spaniards had made a halt, and stood still. I also began to lose sight of the Italians, who marched directly to Fossan: it was a very great oversight in them to separate themselves as so great a distance from one another; lafoy Garde then returned, and told me, that Monsieur Cental was coming hard by, bringing a Trooper along with him, whom I made to stay above, keeping always his eye on the Italians, whilst I, with la Garde, went down to number their men, who let fly some Harquebus shot at me: but I notwithstanding went so near, that I made shift to count them, to betwixt four and five hundred men at the most, and presently returned to the top of the Hill, where I saw their Cavalry returning towards them, having left the Italians, who were already a great way off, and clean out of sight. I than sent the Soldier to my Companions to bid them presently march, for the Spaniards began to beat their Drums to return. The Troops of Horse they had were those of the Count de Saint Martin d' Est, Kinsman to the Duke of Ferrara; who himself was not there, but his Lieutenant only, and of Rozalles a Spaniard. Their Companies of Foot were those of Don juan de Guibara, Aguillere, and Mendoza, with one half of that of Lovys de Guichadou, h● with the other half having put himself into the Castle of Reconis. Here Monsieur de Cental and Captain M●ns came up to me, they two only, and saw as well as I, that the said Spaviards pu● themselves into ●ile, which we judged to be eleven or thirteen in F●le, and in the mean time their Cavalry came up to them.  
Now they had already discovered us, although they had hitherto seen no more than five, and I for my part was particularly known, when I went down to discover, by the Sergeant of Mendoza, who had been taken at the defeat of the Italians, and delivered three days after; whereupon they placed all their Cavalry before, and only twenty or five and twenty Harquebusiers at the head of them, a great Company at the head of their Pikes, and the remainder in the Rear; in which order with Drums beating they began to march. I took my Harbuebusiers which I divided into three Squadrons, the first whereof I gave to Captain Lienard, the second to le Pallu Lieutenant to Monsieur de Carces, who had his two Companies at Savillan, and I myself led the third in the Rear of them, the Corslets following after; where, at the first coming up, I had la Garde killed by my side. The Enemy still held on their march, without making any show of breaking, firing upon us all the way with very great fury, and we also upon them, so that I was constrained to call Captain Lienard to come and join with me, forasmuch as a Squadron of Harquebusiers was drawn off from their Front, 
Encounter betwixt the Imperialists and the French.  to reinforce their Rear. I likewise called up le Pallu, and after this manner they marched on till they came within sight of the Castle of St. Fré, which was three miles, or more, continually plying us with their Harquebus shot. I had once almost put them to rout, at the passing over a great ditch, near to a house where was a base Court, where we pursued them so close, that we came to the Sword, whereupon twenty of five and twenty of them leaped into the base Court, and there some of curs falling in pellmell amongst them, they were all cut to pieces, whilst in the interim of that execution, the rest got over the ditch: Our Cavalry had thought to have charged them, but did not, being kept off by the Harquebus shot, by which many of their horses were slain, and as for Captain Gabarret and Baron, they committed an error, who, seeing us in the ditch, all shuffled pellmell together, forsook their horses, and took their Pikes, yet could they not come up in time, which if they had, and that the Corslets could have marched at the rate the Harquebusiers did, they had there been infallibly defeated: but it was not possible, being hindered by the weight of their Arms, so that the Enemy marched on, still ridding ground, till being come near to a little Bridge of Brick, I▪ left our Harquebusiers still fight, and galloped to our Cavalry, that was in three Bodies, Monsieur de Cental leading his own, which still keeping at distance out of the reach of the shot ma●ch'd sometimes before, and sometimes a little on one side, to whom, coming up to him, I said, Ah Monsieur de Cental Will you not charge? do you not see that the Enemy will escape us, if they once ge● over that Bridge, and immediately recover the wood of St. Fr●? which if they do, we are never more worthy to bear Arms, and for my part I will from this h● ur for swear them. Who in a great fury made answer, that it stuck not at him, but that I was to speak to Captain Mons, which I also did, saying to him these words. Ha Comrade! must we this day receive so great a disgrace, and lose so fair an opportunity, because your 〈◊〉 will not charge? Who thereupon answered, What would you have us do, your corslets cannot come up to the fight, would you have us fight alone? To which I made answer, swearing for rage, that I had no need of Corslets, wishing they were all at Savillan, since they could not come up to fight; he then said to me, go speak to the foremost Troop, and in the mean time I will advance; I than spurred to them, where I began to remonstrate to Monsieur de Termes his Gentlemen, that it was not above nine or ten days since we had fought with the Italians, and beaten them, and now that we should fight with the Spaniards to obtain greater honour, must they escape from us? Who thereupon with one voice all cried out, It does not stick at us, It does not stick at us. I than asked them if they would promise me to charge so soon as I should have made the Harquebusiers betake themselves to their Swords, to run in upon them, which they did assure me they would upon pain of their lives. There was at that time amongst them a Nephew of mine called Serillac (who after was Lieutenant to Monsieur de Cyplerre at Parma, and there taken prisoner with him, and since slain at Montepullsianne, and, in truth, amongst these thirty Lances there were the best men that Monsieur de Termes had in all his Troop) to whom I said; Serillac, thou art my Nephew, but if thou dbst not charge in the first man amongst them, I benceforth disclaim thee, and thou shalt no more be any Kinsman of mine; who immediately returned me answer, You shall presently see, Uncle, whether I will or no. Which said he clapped down his Beaver, as also did all the rest, to charge. I than cried out to them to stay a little, till I first got up to my men, and thereupon ran to my Harquebusiers, where being come, I told them, that it was now no longer time to shoot, but that we must fall on to the Sword. Captains, my Comrades, whenever you shall happen to be at such a feast as this, press your followers, speak first to one, and then to another, bestir yourselves, and doubt not but by this means you will render them valiant throughout, if they but half so before. They all on a sudden clapped hands to their Swords, when so soon as Captain Mons, who was a little before, and Monsieur de Cental, who was on one side, saw the first Troop shut down their Beavers, and saw me run to the Harquebusiers, and in an instant their Swords in their hands, they knew very well that I had met with Lads of mettle, and began to draw near. I for my part lighted from my horse, taking a Halberd in my hand (which was my usual weapon in fight) and all of us ran headlong to throw ourselves in amongst the Enemy. Serillac was as good as his word, for he charged in the first, as they all confessed, where his horse was killed at the head of the Enemy's Harquebusiers, and our own Horse, with seven Harquebus shot. Tilladet, Lavit, Ydrou, Montselier, les Maurens, and les Masses, all Gascon Gentlemen of the same Troop, and companions of the said Serillac, charged the Horse through and thorough, whom they overturned upon the head of their own Foot. Monsieur de Cental also charged in the Flank, quite through both Horse and Foot, 
The Imperialists overthrown.  Captain Mons charged likewise on the other side, so that they were all overthrown, and routed both Horse and Foot. And there we began to lay about us, above fourscore or an hundred men being left dead upon the place. Rozalles, Captain to one of the two Troops of Light horse, with four others got away, as also did Don juan de Guibara upon a Tu●k with his Page only, who happened to be on horseback, being shot through the hand, of which he ever after remained lame, and I do believe is yet living.  
This is the true relation of this fight, as it passed, there being several at this day alive, who were present at it, and I desire no other testimony to prove whether I have failed in one tittle of the truth. Monsieur de Cental carried away prisoner with him the Lieutenant of the Count St. Martin, he having been taken by some of his people, together with some others both of Horse and Foot, and with us went Captain Aguillere, and Mendoza the Lieutenant of Rozalles, he that carried the Cornette, and he that carried that of the Count Saint Martin, (though they had not their Colours with them) and all the rest both of Horse and Foot to Savillan. In ten days were all these three Actions performed, to wit, the rout of the Italians, the death of Count Pedro d' Apport at Barges, and this defeat of the Spaniards. I must needs therefore say, for what concerns myself, that if ever God accompanied the fortune of a man, 
The good fortune of Mr. de Monluc.  he went along with mine; and do steadfastly believe, that had he not put to his Almighty Arm, we had been overcome. But he sent us Cental, who deferred the time in very good season for us, which had it fallen out otherwise, a more fuious combat had never been heard of then that had been▪ for if they were brave and hardy, we were nothing indebted to them. Ours was a marvellous sprightly little Body, and (that I may leave nothing imperfect) I would not that any one should imagine, that the Corslets came not up to the fight for want of courage, nothing hindering them from advancing so fast as need required, but the weight of their Arms: for we had scarce made an end, when they arrived upon the place of Battle, cursing their arms, that had hindered them from having part of the feast.  
Now these three Companies and a half of Spaniards thus defeated, the three that went to tho●e who were retired with the Duke of Savoy, and the Marquis de Gu●st, and the four thousand German and Spanish Foot, which were l●ft in Carignan, had altogether very much weakened the Enemy's Camp; so that after some time Monsieur de Boitieres resolved (having Monsieur de Tais and de St. julien with him) to draw all his Forces in the several Garrisons together, to make a slying Army. To this end he sent me order, with my own Company, the two Companies of Monsieur de Carces, and that of Count Landriano an Ilian, to meet him at Pignerol. He also sent to Monsieur de Termes, that he should only keep two Companies with him at Savillan, namely those of Gabarret, and Baron; where also the Q●arters were so good, that the forenamed Gentlemen were very glad, that Monsieur de Termes invited them to stay with him. I will write a word or two to serve for a caution to my fellow Captains, and to show them, that they ought to consider all the inconveniences that may happen to them, and to provide remedies against every accident that may befall.  
Monsieur de Termes had a mind to perform an exploit at Castillholle in the Marquisate of Sal●zzo, upon three Ensigns of the Enemies, that had put themselves into three Palaces, one close by another, having Bastioned the Streets in such manner, that they could go from one Palace to another, within their own lines, and his design was to kill two Birds with one stone; that is, to accompany me as far as Castillholle, and with two field pieces he intended to carry along with him to force the Palaces, and that from thence I should go on to Pignerol, and he (taking the two Companies of Baron and Nicholas to guard the Artillery) would return to Savillan. Now all the Enemy's Forces were quatered at Pinguons, Vimus, and Vigon, and in two or three adjacent places; so that I had no great stomach to this enterprise, forasmuch as the Enemy's strength lying so near to the said Castillholle, they might in seven or eight hours' time have intelligence of any thing should there be attempted, and consequently in as much more be upon us: But Monsieur de Terms, who had set his heart upon this design, would hear no argument of mine to the contrary, especially being that not four months before Monsieur de Aussun and St. julian had at the same place defeated two Companies, and taken their Captains, where I was present with them, they having borrowed me of Monsieur de Boitieres, and my Company also: but I represented to him, that these were the same Captains, that having paid their ransoms, were newly come out of prison, and who having seen the error whereby they had lost themselves before, had doubtless now provided against such surprises. For after a man has once been trapped in a place, he must have a damnable thick skull, if, when he shall be again exposed to the same danger, he look not better about him than before, and become wise at his own cost. And I have heard great Captains say, that it is convenient to be beaten sometimes, because a man becomes more circumspect by his disasters: but I am very glad that I never was, and had rather learn to be wise at another man expense than my own.  
All my remonstrances could do no good, so that in the beginning of the night we began to march, and an hour before day arrived at the place. Monsieur de Termes then planted his Canon within an hundred paces of one of the Palaces, which le Baron and Nicolas immediately undertook to guard, and Captain Pallu, the Count de Landriano and myself were to fight. I won one of the Palaces, not that which was battered by the Artillery, but by breaking through from house to house, till at last I had broke a hole into the Palace itself, through which nev●r●heless they kept me from entering (besides I very well remembered the Hole where I had been so well cudgelled, in the voyage to N●ples) which made me set fire to a little house adjoining to the said Palace. They then retired into one of the others, the fight having continued until two of the clock in the afternoon, without any other laying to a helping hand, save our four Companies only. I there lost fifteen or sixteen of my men, Monsieur de Carces as many of his▪ and the Count de Landriano escaped not scot-free. We had notwithstanding compelled them to quit the other, which the Artillery had battered, and to retreat to the third; where, being we were to unwall two Gates, som● were of opinion not to make any further attempt, but that Monsieur de Termes should return with all speed to Savillan, and I, with my four Companies to take my way directly to Pignerol, which (to my great grief) was concluded; for I would either have made an end, or, with the remainder of my men, have perished in the attempt. And it is a vice that has ever been observed in me, that I have always been too obstinate in fight: but let them all say what they will, I have ever done better than worse. But Monsieur de Termes consented to give over, fearing he might lose some Captain, for which he might afterwards receive a rebuke, the King's Lieutenant having no knowledge of the enterprise; and I marched on strait to Barges. When I came to Bo●rg the night fell upon me, and I had yet three long miles of plain to march over, before I could come to Ca●ours, where I intended to bait, and to take three or four hours repose; when being entered into the Plan, I sent Captain Lienard (who was with me) to go speak with Monsieur de Boitieres, to know what kind of way it was to Cabours (for I had never been in that Country before) who brought me word that it was all plain. I than made a halt, and fell to discourse with Captain Lienard, that we had set out from Savillan the night before, that in seven or eigh● hours Caesar de Naples might have intelligence of our motion, and that two days before it had been known all over Savillan, that I was to go 〈◊〉 Pignerol▪ of which Caesar de Naples might have notice, and it was not above six or seven miles to Vigon, where the greatest part of their Cavalry lay, wherefore we could not possibily pass over this plain without running a manifest danger, which (especially in the night, where there is no shame) we might without any dishonour avoid. Captain Lienard confessed that all this might be, but that nevertheless I had no other way to go, unless I would go three or four miles about, and pass the straight near to the source, where he thought we should however meet with water. Upon this my Guides overhearing our discourse, told me that there was water up to the middle of the thigh, and there was not a man amongst them, but was of a contrary opinion to mine: but I, contrary to the opinion of all, turned on the left hand, and took the way directly towards the Mountain, ●inding the water, by good fortune, but knee deep, so that we recovered the side of the Mountain leading strait to Barges, whither we did not however expect to come till break of day; which we did without sleeping from the day we set out: For the evening we slept not, at night we began to march, all day long w● fought at the Palaces, and the night after we marched to Barges, which was eight and forty hours. I have done the like without sleeping five or six times in my life, and six and thir●y several times. You must (fellow Soldiers) enure yourselves betimes to labour and hardship, without sleeping, or eating, to the end, that in time of need, you may support all sorts of toil, and travel with patience.  
Now you must know, that my suspicion was not vain, for Caesar de N●ples, having had intelligence of our design, parted from Carmagnolle with five hundred Harquebusiers on horseback, drawing out of Vinus and Vigon five hundred Horse, with which he came, and laid an Ambuscado in the middle of the plain, about a Cross-bow shot on the one side of my way, where he lay all night; so that when I came to Barges, a little after Sun-rise, as I was just laid down to sleep, I heard the Arrillery of Cabours, which shot at them as they went off; for they were of necessity to pass by the Suburb of the said Cabours. I was not certainly enfo●n'd of this Ambuscado, till three days after my coming to Pignerol. that Monsieur de Boitieres put himself into the field, at which time we went directly to Vigon, to force the Cavalry that were there, for Foot they had none at all; where we gained the houses adjoining to the Gate: but being we could not enter the Town, our Camp retreated a mile off, and in the night the Cavalry secretly abandoned the place; insomuch that at br●ak of day, when we had thought to have gone on to the assault (Monsieur de Boitieres, having sent for two pieces of Canon from Pignerol) we found no body there, and the place totally empty. The same also did those of Vinus, Pingues, and the other places, withdrawing themselves to Carmagnolle.  
I thought fit to discourse this affair, and commit this passage to writing to rouse up our Captians spirits, that they may look about them, and whenever they shall sinned themselves engaged upon the same account, may carefully compute, what time the Enemy may have wherein to be advertised of their motion, and also what time is required wherein to make their retreat. Whereupon if you shall find, that your Enemy has time enough to take you upon your march, and that you are not strong enough to fight them, never scruple to turn out of your way, for the 〈◊〉 of going three or four leagues about; for it is better to be wary, than to be killed or taken. You must not only have your eye at watch, but your understanding also. 'Tis under your vigilance and care, that your Soldiers repose, consider therefore every thing that may happen, always measuring the time, and taking things at the worst, and despise not your E●●my▪ If you have the art, with cheerful and srolick expressions to cajole and rouse up the Soldier, by times representing to him the danger of a little delay, you may make them do what you list, and without giving them leisure to sleep, convey th●m and yourselves into a place of safety, without engaging your honour, as several, whom I have known taken a bed a la Franç●ise (as the saying is) have done. 
The nature of ●he French.  Our Nation cannot suffer long, as the Spaniard and German can; yet is not the fault in the air of France; nor in the nature of the people, but in the Chief. I am a French man, impatient (they say) and moreover a Gascon, who exc●ed the other French in choler and impatience, as I think they do in valour; yet have I ever been patient of all sor●s of toil and suffering, as much as any other could be, and have known several of my time, and others wh●m I have bred, that have enured and hardened themselves to all pain and travel, and believe me (you that command in arms) if you yourselves be such, you will make your Soldi●rs the same in time. I am sure, had not I done so, I had been killed or taken. But let us return to our Subject.  
The next d●y we went to pass the River of Pau, over which we made a Bridge of Wagons for the Foot only, the Horse fording it over at great ●ase, it being no more than belly deep: we were all night in passing, and at break of day when they were almost all got over, I with a Company of Harquebusiers went up close to the Town, where I f●ll to skirmishing, having some Horse also with me. Caesar de Naples then immediately put his men in order to quit Carmagnolle, and began to march, retiring towards a River there to retreat to Quires. Where had it not been that our Cavalry fetched a great compass to get clear of the ditches, we had certainly fault, and perhaps defeated them, as (to say the truth) we might have done however, had some been so dispose●. I'm sure it stuck not at our Companies; nor at Monsieur de Tais: But Monsieur le Precedent Birague, if he will speak the truth, knows very well where the fought lay, for he was then in the Army with Monsieur de Boitieres, and both heard and saw all they said and did, and knows very well that I with two hundred Harquebusiers pursued them upon their retreat, fitting all the way for above a mile and a half together, and ready to tear my flesh to see how faintly they advanced, which showed they had no great stomach to fight.  
'Tis an ill thing when a General is in fear of being beaten, and whoever goes timerously to work will never do any thing to purpose: had there been no greater men in the Company than myself, without trifling after that manner, I had done as I did by the Spaniards, which I defeated but fifteen days before. There were a great many excuses however on all sides, why we did not fight, and not only there, but also throughout all Piedmont, where they spoke of us God knows with what Characters of honour. After the report of this Cowardice (for it can be called by no other name) was spread abroad, Monsieur de Boiti●res was not very well satisfied with himself: but I shall leave this discourse, and fall upon some other Subject; only this I must say, that the world had after, no great opinion of him; he was ill obeyed, and worse respected: ●f there was any fault on his part or not, I leave others to judge, and there are enough yet living, that can tell better than I; yet was he a prudent and a good Cavalier: but God makes no body perfect at all points.  
Three or four days after came Ludovico de Birague, who proposed an enterprise to Monsieur de Boitieres, which was, that in case he would leave Monsieur de Tais about Boulongne (where he was Governor) with seven, or eight Companies of Foot, that then 〈◊〉 would ●ngage to take Cassantin, St. german, and St. jago; a thing that, because Monsieur de Boitieres was upon the design of breaking the Bridge at Carignan, he made very great difficulty to consent unto, until the said Bridge should first be broken down: but Monsieur de Termes, being come with his own Company, and the two Companies of the Baron de Nicolas, it was concluded amongst them, that Monsieur de Tais might be spared to go with Signior Londiné, with seven Ensigns, being that still there would remain five or six; the three Companies of Monsieur de Dros, which he had again recruited, and seven or eight others of Italians. I do not well remember whether Monsieur de Strozzi was himself yet arrived or no, for the last named were his men: but it may suffice, that we made up, what French and Italians, eighteen Ensigns besides the Swiss. It was therefore concluded in the Council, that before they should take in hand the breaking of the Bridge, they should first see how the enterprise of the said Signior Ludovico should succeed▪ which should it miscarry, and that they were defeated, all Piedmont would be in very great danger. But in a few days after news was brought to Monsieur Boitieres, that they had taken St. Germane and St. jago, with four or five other little enclosed Towns. Neither must I forget that Monsieur de Tais stiffly insisted to have had me along with him, insomuch that there arose some dispute about it: But Monsieur de Boitieres protested he would not undertake to break the Bridge unless I was there: Monsieur de Termes, Monsieur d' Aussun, the Precedent Birague, and Signior Francisco Bernardin stood very high on Monsieur Boitieres his side, so that I was constrained to stay, very much against my will, I having a very gr●●t desire to have gone along with Monsieur de Ta●s, both because he loved me, and had as great confidence in me as in any Captain of the Regiment; 
The enterprise of breaking the Bridge of carignan.  as also that he was a man of exceeding great mettle, and would seek all occasions of fight: however the forementioned news being brought, the breaking of the Bridge was conccluded, and after this manner.  
It was ordered that I with five or six Companies of Gascons, should go fight the hundred Germans, and hundred Spaniards that had every night kept Guard at the end of the Bridge, ever since our Army had been at Pingues. To which I made answer, that I would not have so many; for being to pass through narrow ways, so great a number of men would make so very long a F●le, that the sixth part of them could never come up to fight: and in short, that I would only have an hundred Harquebusiers, and an hundred Corslets, to be equal to the Enemy; not doubting, but, before the Game was done, to make it appear, that our Nation were as good, as either Germane or Spaniard: but withal that Boguede●ar, la Pallu, and another Captain (whose name I have forgot) should bring all the rest of the men after, at the distance of three hundred paces, to assist me in case the Enemy should sally out of Carignan, to relieve their own people. Which accordingly was left to my discretion.  
There was a house on the left hand the Bridge, which it was ordered the Italians (who might be between twelve and fourteen Ensigns) should possess themselves of, to favour me, should the Enemy make a Sally; that Monsieur de Boitieres should advance with all the Cavalry, and the Swiss within half a mile; that Captain Labarda● with his Company should advance on the other side of the River, with two pieces of Canon, to make some shot at a little house which was on the Bridge end on our side, where the Enemy kept their Guard, and that Monsieur de Salcede (who but a little before was come over to us) with three or fourscore Country fellows (every one bringing a hatchet along with him) should attempt to break the Bridge. 
Order for breaking the Bridge.  For whom also seven or eight Boats were prepared wherein to convey themselves under the said Bridge, where they were to cut the Posts, not quite thorough, but to the thickness of a man's leg, and that being done, to cut the long beams that supported the Bridge above, which dividing from one another the Pillars would totter and break of themselves; they had moreover certain fire works delivered to them, which they were made to believe, being applied to the Pillars, would in a short time burn them down to the water. Every one then going to execute the orders they had received; I with my two hundred men, chosen out of all the Companies, went full drive directly towards the Bridge, where I could not however so soon arrive, but that the Canon had already made one shot at the little house, had broken into it, and killed a Germane, whom at my coming I found there not quite dead. And although it was night, yet the Moon shone out so clear that we might easily see from the one end to the other, saving that by in●ervals there fell a mist, which continued sometimes half an hour, and sometimes less, during which we could not see a yards distance from us.  
Now either frighted at the report of the Canon, or at the noise I made at the house (it being not above an hundred paces distant from the Bridge) the Enemy took their heels, and fled away towards Carignan, after whom I sent some Harquebus shot: but followed no further than the end of the Bridge. At the same time also Monsieur de Salcede, with his Boors and his Boats, arrived underneath, who at his first coming presently fastened his artificial fires to the Pillars: but it was only so much time thrown away, and he must of force make the fellows fall to't with their Axes, who having tied their Boats fast to the said Pillars, began to lay on at that end where the Swiss were, cutting on strait towards me, who kept the other end of the Bridge towards the Enemy.  
This fury of the Clowns lasted for four long hours, continually laying on upon the Pillars, insomuch that though they were ranked four and four together, and of a very great thickness, yet before we had any disturbance, they were all cut to the very place where I was. Monsieur de Salcede ever caused one Company to rest themselves upon the Bank of the River, where he had caused a little fire to be made, and from hour to hour made them to relieve one another; during which employment, the Enemy sent out thirty or forty Harquebusiers to discover what we were doing, just at a time when the Fog fell, whom I could neither see nor hear for the noise of the axes, ●till they were got within four Pikes length of me, and let fly amongst us, which having done they immediately retired: yet could they not see us by reason of the mistress Messieurs de Termes then and the Mon●ins with three or four horse came up to us to know the meaning of those Harquebus shots; and sent back to Monsieur de Boitieres to tell him that it was nothing, and that for them we nothing desisted from the work, themselves alone still remaining with me. They had not stayed an hour but that the mist again began to fall, and the Enemy as soon returned upon us, that is to say, six hundred Spaniards chosen men, and six hundred Germane Pikes, Pedro de Colonne (as I have since understood) having ordered the business thus. That two hundred Harquebusiers again chosen out of the six hundred should charge full drive directly upon us, the other four hundred to march at an hundred paces distance, in the Rear of them, and the six hundred Germans two hundred paces after all. Now I had placed the Captains who led the Ensigns after me, against a great ditch bank some two hundred paces behind me, and sometimes Captain Favas my Lieutenant, and sometimes Bogutdemar came to me to see what we did, and again returned back to their place. On that side of the Bridge towards the Swiss we p●●dv●●●ure had broken down some twenty paces, having begun to cut the beams above, and found that as the Bridge divided it fell down for fifteen or twenty paces together, which gave us hope that we should make an end of the work. In the mean time Monsieur de S●lcede still made the Pillars to be cut over again, yet not quite thorough; but only a little more than before, which was the reason that he had divided his workmen into three parts, whereof one was in the Boats, the other upon the Bridge cutting the Traverse beams, and ten or twelve by the fi●e ●ide. As God is pleased sometimes to be assisting to men, he this night wrought a real miracle; for in the first place, the two hundred Harquebusiers came up to me, finding me in such a posture, that scarce one Soldier had his match cocked, for they went by ●●●ns ten or a dozen at a time to the Country men's ●ire to warm their hands, having two Sentinels out a hundred paces from me, upon the way towards the City and not doubting but the Italians on their side would also have the same, for they were a little nearer than I; but it was a little on one side. How they ordered their business I cannot tell, for I had no more than my two Sentinels, who came running in to me, and as they came in with the Alarm, the Spaniards also arrived crying out Spain, Spain, all the two hundred Harquebusiers firing upon us together. Whereupon Messieur, de Termes and the Moneins being on horseback, and alone, ran unto Monsieur de Boitieres, who had already seen the beginning of the disorder; and note that almost all the the two hundred men I had at the end of the Bridge ran away strait to the Ensigns, and on a sudden the Ensigns also fled, and in like manner at the sam● time the Italians who were on our left hand did the same, neither once looking behind them till they came to the head of the Cavalry, where Monsieur de Boitieres himself stood. Our word was St. Pierre, but that did me no good; seeing which, I began to cry out Montluc, Montluc, you cursed cowardly whelps will you forsake me thus? By good fortune I had with me thirty or forty young Gentlemen, who had never a hair on their faces, the handsomest and the bravest youth that ever was seen in one little Company, who thought I had run away with the rest: but hearing my voice, returned immediately towards me; with whom, without staying for any more, I charged strait to the place, from whence the shot came whizzing by our ●ars: but to see one another was impossible for the mist that fell, together with the thick smoke that was mixed with it, and in running up to them my men discharged all together, crying our France, as they cried out Spain; and I dare affirm that we fired at less than three Pikes distance, 
Disorder in the night.  by which charge their two hundred Harquebusiers were overturned upon the four hundred, and all of them upon the six hundred Germans; so that all in a rout, and confusion, they fled full speed towards the City, for they could not discover what we were. I pursued them about two hundred paces: but my pursuit was interrupted, by the great noise in our Camp (I never heard the like) you would have sworn they had been all stark string mad, calling and bawling upon one another: yet these great bawlers are none of the greatest fighters. There are a sort of men who bustle up and down, call, command, and keep a great clutter, and in the mean time for one step advance, retire two paces backward: but this hideous noise was the reason, that I could never discover the enemy's disorder; neither could they discover ours, by reason of the great outcry they made, at their entrance into the City, which was no other than a Postern near to the Castle, into which three or four men only could march abreast. Thus than I returned to the end of the Bridge, where I found Monsieur de Salcede all alone, with ten or a dozen of the Country fellows whose turn it was to rest; for the others that were in the Boats, cut the Ropes, and fled away with the current of the River strait to Montcallier, those on the top that were cutting the travers● beams, on that side towards the Swiss leaving their axes and hatchets upon the Bridge, cast themselves into the water, which was there no more than wast deep, they being not yet come to the depth of the River. The Swiss, likewise, who heard this dismal noise, fell to running towards Carmagnolle, having an opinion that both we and all our Camp were in a rout, and taking the two Cannons along with them made all the hast they possibly could to recover Carmagnolle. I sent one of my Soldiers after the runaway, to inquire news of my Lieutenant Captain Favas, whom he met (having rallyed thirty or forty of his men) returing towards the Bridge, to see what was become of me, believing me to be slain; who presently dispatched away to Boguedemar, la Pallu and some other Captains, who had made a halt, rallying some part of their men, whom he caused in all haste to march directly towards the Bridge, telling them, that I had beaten back the Enemy, who thereupon came at a good rate, to seek me. Captain Favas was the fi●st that came, all torn and tattered like a skare-crow; forasmuch as the Soldiers in a crowd all run over his belly as he thought to have rallyed who found Monsieur de Salcede and me at the end of the Bridge consulting what we were best to do. So soon as he came he gave us an account of his fortune, and that of the rest of his companions, when seeing him so accoutred, we ●urn'd all into laughter; but the hubub in our Camp continued above a long hour after.  
The other Captains being come up to us, we concluded to make an end of breaking down the Bridge▪ or there to lose our lives: whereupon I presently took fif●y or threescore Soldiers, and Monsieur de Salced● the ten or twelve Country fellows he had left, giving order to Captain Favas, Boguedemar and la Pall● to remain at the end of the Bridge, and to set out Sentinels almost as far as the Gates of the City. I believed that the Italians notwithstanding the hurly-burly in our Camp, were yet at their post, and therefore commanded Captain Favas himself to go and see if they were there or no; who at his return found, that I had caused fifteen or twenty Soldiers to take up the axes the Peasants had left upon the Bridge, who, together with the ten or twelve Country fellows, were cutting the cross beams above; where he told us, that he had been at the house, but that he had found no body there. This news put us a little to a stand, what we were best to do: but nevertheless we stopped not to execute our former resolution; and so soon as the tumult was a little over, came Messieurs de Termes and the Moneins, who brought me a Command from Mr. de Boitieres immediately to retire. The said Sieur de Moneins alighted from his horse, for Monsieur de Termes could not for his Gout, and came to me on foot, where he found that since the disorder, we had at two cuttings made above thirty paces of the Bridge to fall, and were falling upon the third, each of them being fifteen, or twenty paces long; who thereupon returned to Monsieur de Boiti●res to acquaint him how all things had passed, Monsieur de Salcede having lost almost all his Peasants: but that our Soldiers had taken their axes, with which they did wonders in cutting, and that all the Captains and Soldiers, Monsieur de Salcede and I were resolved to die rather than depart from thence, till first the Bridge was totally broken down. Monsieur de Boitieres thereupon sent him back to protest against me for any loss, that might happen contrary to his command, which the said Sieur de Moneins did, telling us moreover, that the said Sieur de Boitieres was already upon his march to return, though he halted within a mile of us; which I conceive he did to the end, that by that means he might draw me off; for he wanted no courage, but he was always in fear to lose. Whoever is of that humour, may perhaps make a shift to save himself, but shall never achieve any great conquests. Monsieur de Termes had made a stop at the end of the Bridge, so soon as he had heard Monsieur de Boitiere● to be upon his march, and returned no more back with Monsieur de Moneins to carry my answer; but presently sent orders to his Company not to stir from the place where he had left them, and so we cut on all the remainder of the night, 
The Bridge broken down.  till within an hour of day, that we marched towards the little house upon the Hill. Monsieur de Moneins returned again to us, just at the instant when the last blow was given, and Monsieur de Termes ran to his Company, to cause them to advance a little towards us, that they might favour our retreat, and Monsieur de Moneins ran towards Monsieur de Boitieres, whom he found expecting his return; so that having deprived the Enemy of a great convenience, we retired without any manner of impediment at all. I was willing to commit this to writing, not to magnify myself for any great valour in this Action; but to manifest to all the world, how God has ever been pleased to conduct my fortune. I was neither so great a Fop, nor so fool hardy, but that could I have seen the Enemy, I should have retired, and perhaps have run away as fast as the rest, and it had been madness, and not valour to have stayed. Neither is there any shame attends a rational fear, when there is great occasion; and I should never have been so senseless, as with thirty or forty Foot only to have stood the fight.  
Captains by this may take exemple, never to run away, or (to put it into a better phrase) to make a hasty retreat, without first discovering who there is to pursue them, and moreover having seen them, to attempt all ways of opposition till they shall see there is no good to be done. For after all the means that God has given to men have been employed, and to no purpose; then flight is neither shameful nor unworthy: but believe me (Gentlemen) if you do not employ it all, every one will be ready to say (nay, even those who have run away with you) if he had done this, or if he had done that, the mischief had been prevented, and things had fallen out better than they did; and such a one vapours most and speaks highest, who perhaps was himself the first that ran away. Thus shall the reputation of a man of honour (let him be as brave as he will) be brought into dispute with all the world. When there is no more to be done, a man ought not to be obstinate, b●t to give way to fortune, which does not always smile. A man is no less worthy of blame for wilfully losing himself, when he may retire, and sees himself at the last extremity, than he who shamefully runs away at the first encounter: Yet the one is more dirty than the other; and this difference there is betwixt them, that the one will make you reputed rash and hare-brained, and the other a Poltroon and a Coward. Both extremes are to be avoided. You are never to enter into these ridiculous and senseless resolutions, but when you see yourselves fallen into the hands of a barbarous and merciless Enemy; and there indeed you are to fight it to the last gasp, and sell your skin as dear as you can. One desperate man is worth ten others. But to fly, as they did here, without seeing who pursues you, is infamous and unworthy the courage of a man. It's true that the French man is accused for one thing, that is, that he runs and fights for company: and so do others as well as they. There are ill workmen of all Trades. Now after the place was surrendered, I will tell you how I cam● to know the Enemy's disorder. It was by the people of Carignan themselves, and from Signior Pedro de Colonna's own mouth, who related it to Snsanne, in the presence of Captain Renovard, who conducted him to the King by the command of Monsieur d' Anguien, according to his capitulation after the Battle of Serizolles, which you shall have an account of in its proper place.  
The breaking of this Bridge was not undertaken but upon very mature consideration, and the Enemy soon after began to be very much distressed, being no relief was to be had from Quires, as before they had every night duly received. So soon as Monsieur de Tais and Signior Ludoulco de Birago had heard the success of this enterprise of the Bridge, they sent word to Monsieur de Boitieres, that if he would come into those parts where they were, they believed they might carry jureé. Whereupon both Monsieur de Boitieres and his Council were of opinion, that he ought to go, leaving Garrisons at Pingues, Vinus, Vigon and other places, nearest to Carignan. And as I remember Monsieur d' Aussun, with twelve or fourteen Italian Ensigns, and three or four of ours, his own and some other Troops of Horse (which I have forgot) remained behind to command in chief. The Enemy had no Horse at all at Carignan, which was the reason they were kept to short on every side.  
Monsieur de Boitieres then departed, with Messieurs de Termes, de St. julien, Precedent Birague, and the Sieur de Mauré, and went to join Forces at St. jago and St. German, and afterwards sat down before jureé, where we did just nothing, because it was not possible to break the Causey that damned up the water; which thing could it have been done, we had infallibly taken the place, forasmuch as there was no other defence but the River on that side: but we were constrained to let it alone, and to go to besiege St. Martin, which also we took upon composition, after it had stood out two or three hundred Canon shot; and some other places thereabouts. And as we were returning towards Chivas, in the interim of the Siege of jureé, Monsieur de Boitieres had notice given him, that Monsieur d' Aussun was coming to command in his stead.  
The King, in truth, was highly dissatisfied with him; both for that he had suffered Carignan at so much leisure to be fortified, and also upon other particular accounts. A man must walk very upright to satisfy all the world. The said Sieur de Boitieres was however very angry at it; and 'twas said thereupon withdrew from before jureé in despite, which otherwise in the end 'twas thought he might have taken: but I am not of that opinion. So it was that Monsieur d' Anguien arrived, bringing with him for supplies seven Companies of Swiss●, commanded by a Colonel called le Baron; and, as I remember, it was at this time, that Monsieur de Dros with seven or eight Ensigns, what of Provençals and Italians, came up also, and Monsieur de Boitieres retired to his own house in Dauphiné. There is much to do in this world, a●d those who are in great command are never without vexation; for if they be two adventurous, and come by the worst, they are looked upon as fools and mad men; if tedious and slow, they are despised, nay reputed Cowards; the wife therefore are to observe a mean betwixt both. Our Masters in the mean time will not be paid with these discourses, they expect to have their business done, but we must ever be prating, and censuring others, when were we in the same condition we should find we had enough to do.  
The End of the First Book.   

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARSHAL of FRANCE. The Second Book.  
AT the arrival of this brave and generous Prince, which promised great successes under his conduct, he being endued with an infinite number of shining qualities, as being gentle, affable, valiant, wise and liberal; all the French and all those who bore arms in our favour, did very much rejoice, and particularly I, because he had a kindness for me, and was pleased to set a higher esteem upon me than I could any way deserve. Af●er he had taken a view of all the Forces, 
Mr. d' Anguien the King's Lieutenant in Pi●dmont.  Magazines and Places that we held, and that he had taken order for all things after the b●st manner he could, about the beginning of March he dispatched me away to the King, to give his Majesty an account how affairs stood, and withal to acquaint him, that the Marquis de Guast was raising a very great Army, 
Monsieur de by Montluc sent Monsieur d' Anguien to the King.  to whom new succours of Germans were also sent, and moreover that the Prince of Salerna was also coming from Naples with six or seven thousand Italians under his command. It was at the time when the Emperor and the King of England were agreed, and combined together jointly to invade the Kingdom of France, which they had also divided betwixt them. I had waited at Court near upon three weeks for my dispatch, 
1544.  having already acquitted myself of my Commission, which was in sum only to demand some succours of the King, and to obtain leave to fight a Battle. And about the end of the said Month came Letters also to the King from Monsieur d' Anguien, wherein he gave him notice that seven thousand Germans were already arrived at Milan, of the best of those the Emperor had had before Landreci, where there were seven Regiments of them; but being he could not at that time fight with the King, he commanded the seven Colonels to choose each a thousand out of their respective Regiments, ordering them to leave their Lieutenants to get their Regiments ready, and so sent them into Italy to join with the Marquis de Guast. Wherefore the said Monsieur d' Anguien humbly besought his Majesty to send me speedily away to him, and also requested him, that he would please to do something for me, as a reward for my former services, 
The Sieur de Montluc made a Gentleman Waiter.  and an encouragement to more for the time to come. Upon which Letter his Majesty was pleased to confer upon me the Office of a Gentleman Waiter (which in those times was no ordinary favour; nor so cheap as now a days) and made me to wait upon him at Dinner, commanding me in the afternoon to m●ke myself ready to return into Piedmont, which I accordingly did. About two of the Clock Monsieur de Anneba●● sent for me to come to the King, who was already entered into the Council, where there was assisting Monsieur de St. Pol the Admiral, Monsieur le Grand Escuyer, Gallio●, Monsieur de Boissy (since grand Escuyer) and two or three others, whom I have forgot, together with the Dauphin who stood behind the King's Chair: and none of them were set, but the King himself, Monsieur de St. Pol, who sat hard by him, and the Admiral on the other side of the Table over against the sad Sieur de St. Pol.  
So soon as I came into the Chamber, the King said to me, Montluc, I would have you return into Piedmont to carry my determination, and that of my Council to Monsieur d' Anguien,, and will that you hear the difficulties we make of giving him leave to fight a Battle according to his desire, and thereupon commanded Monsieur de St. Pol to speak. The said Monsieur de St. Pol then began to lay open the enterprise of the Emperor, and the King of England, who within six or seven weeks were determined to enter into the Kingdom, the one on the one side and the other on the other; so that should Monsieur d' Anguien lose the Battle, the whole Kingdom would be in danger to be l●st: for as much as all the King's hopes (for what concerned his Foot) resided in the Regiments he had in Piedmont, for that in France there were no other but what were now Legionary Soldiers, and that therefore it was much better, and more safe to preserve the Kingdom than Piedmant, concerning which they were to be on the defensive part, and by no means to hazard a Battle, the loss whereof would not only lose Piedmon●; but moreover give the Enemy footing on that side of the Kingdom. The Admiral said the same, and all the rest, every one arguing according to his own fancy. I twittered to speak, and offering to interrupt Monsi●ur de Galliot as he was delivering his opinion, Monsieur de St. Pol made a sign to me with his hand, saying not too fast, not too fast, which made me hold my peace, and I saw the King laugh. Monsieur le Dauphin said nothing, I believe it is not the custom, though the King would have him present, that he might learn; for before Princes there are evermore very eloquent debates, but not always the soundest determinations; for they never speak but by halves, and always soothe their Master's humour, for which reason I should make a very scurvy Courtier; for I must ever speak as I think. The King then said these words to me, Montluc, have you heard the Reasons for which I cannot give Monsieur d' Anguien leave to fight? to which I made answer, that I had both heard and weighed them very well; but that if his Majesty would please to give me leave to deliver my opinion, I would very gladly do it: not that nevertheless for that his Majesty should any ways alter what had already been determined in his Councils. His Majesty then told me that he would permit me so to do, and that I might freely say whatsoever I would. Whereupon I began after this manner. I remember it as well as it had been but three days ago; God has given me a very great memory in these kind of things, for which I render him hearty thanks; for it is a great contentment to me now that I have nothing else to do, to recollect my former fortunes, and to call to mind the former passages of my life, to set them truly down without any manner of addition; for be they good or bad you shall have them as they are.  
SIR,  
I Think myself exceedingly happy, as well that you are pleased I shall deliver my poor opinion upon a subject that has already been debated in your Majesty's Council, 
The Sieur de Montlucs speech to the King to obtain leave to fight a Battle.  as also that I am to speak to a Warlike King; for both before your Majesty was called to this great charge, which God has conferred upon You, and also since, you have as much tempted the fortune of War, as any King that ever ruled in France, and that without sparing your own Royal Person any more than the meanest Gentleman of your Kingdom; wherefore I need not fear freely to deliver my opinion, being to speak both to a King and a Soldier. (Here the Dauphin, who stood behind the King's Chair, and just over against me, gave me a nod with his head, by which I guessed he would have me to speak boldly, and that gave me the greater assurance, though, in plain truth, I had ever confidence enough, and fear never stopped my mouth.) Sir, said I, we are betwixt five and six thousand Gascons upon the List, 
Gascons.  for your Majesty knows that the Companies are never fully complete; neither can all ever be at the Battle; but I make account we shall be five th●usand, and five or six hundred Gascons complete, that I dare make good to your Majesty upon my Honour: Of these every Captain and Soldier will present you with a List of all their names, and the places from ●h●●ce we come, and will engage our heads to you, all of us to fight in the day of Battle, if your Majesty will please to grant it, and give us leave to fight. 'Tis the only thing we have so long expected and desired, without sneaking thus up and down from place to place, and hiding our heads in corners. Believe me, Sir, the world has not more resolute Soldiers than these are, they desire nothing more than once to come to the decision of Arms. To these there are thirteen Ensigns of Swiss: 
Swiss.  Of which the fix of St Julien I know much better than those of le Baron, which Fourly commands, yet I have seen them all mustered, and there may be as many of them as of ours. These will make you the same promise we do, who are your natural Subjects, and deliver in the names of all to be sent to their Cantons, to the end that if any man fail in his duty, he may be be cashiered, and degraded from all practice of Arms for ever. A condition to which they are all ready to submit, as they assured me at my departure. And being of the same Nation, I make no doubt but those of le Ba●●n will do the same. Your Majesty may have taken notice of them all before Land●ecy. Here then, Sir, are nine thousand men, or more, on which you may depend, and assure yourself that they will fight to the last gasp of their lives. 
Italians, Provençals, and Fribourgers.  As for the Italians and Provencals which are under Monsieur des Cros, and also the Fribourgers that came to us before jureé; I shall not take upon me to become security for them, but I hope they will all do as well as we, especially when they shall see how we lay about us (at which I lifted up my arm (in the earnestness of speaking) as if I were going to strike, 
Gensd'Armes.  whereat the King smiled. 
Archers. ) You should also, 
Light horse.  Sir, have four hundred men at arms in Piedmont, of which there may well be three hundred, and as many Archers, as well disposed as we. You have four Captains of Light horse, which are Messieurs de Termes, d' Aussun, Francisco Bernardin and Mauré, each of which ought to have two hundred Light horse, and amongst them all they will furnish you with five or six hundred H●rse, all which are ambitions to manifest the zeal they have to your Service. I know what they are, and what they will do very well. The King then began to be a little angry to hear that the Companies of the Gens-d'Armes were not all complete: but I told him that it was impossible; forasmuch as some of them had obtained leave of their Captains to go home to their own houses to refresh themselves, and others were sick: but that if his Majesty would please to give leave to those Gentlemen who would beg it of of him, to be present at the Battle, they would very well supply that default. Since then, Sir, said I, (continuing my discourse) that I am so happy as to speak before a Soldier King, who would you have to kill ten thousand Foot, and a thousand or twelve hundred Horse, all resolute to overcome or die? Such men as these, and so resolved, are not so easily defeated; neither are they Novices in War. We have have several times attaqu'd the Enemy upon equal terms, and for the most part beaten them. And I dare boldly say that had we all of us one arm tied behind us, it would not be in the power of the Enemy to kill us all in a whole days time, without losing the greatest part of their Army, and the choicest of their men. Imagine then when we have both our arms at liberty, and our weapons in our hands, how easy it will be to beat us. Truly, Sir, I have heard great Captains discourse, and s●y that an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men is sufficient to confront an Army of thirty thousand; for 'tis not the crowd but the courage that overcomes, and in a Battle the one half of them never comes to fight. We desire no more than we have, let us deal it out. (The Dauphin all this while stood laughing behind the King's Chair, and still made signs to me, for by my behaviour I seemed already to be in Battle.) No, no, Sir, these are not men to be beaten, and if these Lords who have spoken, had once seen them at their work, they would alter their opinion, and so would your Majesty too. These are not men to lie dozing in a Garrison, they require an Enemy, and have a mind to show their valour; they beg leave of you to fight, and if you deny them, you take away their spirits, and give it to your Enemies, who will be puffed with vanity to see themselves feared, whilst your own Army shall moulder away to nothing. By what I have heard, Sir, all that these Lords stumble at, who have delivered their opinions before you, is the apprehension of losing the Battle, and that makes them always cry, if we lose, if we lose; but I have not heard one of them tell you, if we win it, what great advantages will thereby accrue. For God's sake, Sir, fear not to grant our request, and let me not return with such a shame upon me, that men shall say you durst not trust the hazard of a Battle in our hands, who so voluntarily and cheerfully make a tender of our lives to do you service.  
The King who had very attentively harkened to me, and that was delighted at my gestures and impatience, turned his eyes towards Monsieur de St. Pol, who thereupon said to him, Sir, will you alter your determination at the importunity of this Coxcomb, that cares for nothing but fight, and has no sense of the misfortune; nor the inconveniences that the loss of a Battle would bring upon you? Believe me, Sir, 'tis a thing of too great importance to be referred to the discretion of a young hare-brained Gascon. To whom I made answer in these very words. 
The Sieur de Montlucs reply to Monsieur de St. Pol.  My Lord, assure yourself I am neither a Bragad●chio nor so arrant a Coxcomb as you take me for; neither do I say this out of Bravado, and if you will please to call to mind all the intelligences his Majesty has received sinse we returned from Perpignan into Piedmont, you will find th●t wherev●r we encountered the Enemy, whether on horseback or on foot, we have always beaten them, excepting when Monsieur d' Aussun was defeated; who also miscarried through no other default than for attempting to retreat at the head of an Army, which a prudent Captain never ought to do. It is not yet three months (I am sure you have heard it, for it is known to all the world) since the two brave Combats we fought both on foot and on horseback in the plain over against St. Fr●, first against the Italians, and since against the Spaniards, and both in ten days time; and M●nsieur d' Aussun fifteen days before he was taken, fought and defeated an entire Regiment of Germans. Consider then we that are in heart, and they in fear; we that are Conquerors, and they beaten; we who despise them, whilst they tremble at us; what difference there is betwixt us. When should it be that the King should give us leave to fight, if not now, that we are in this condition in Piedmont? It must not be when we have been beaten, that his Majesty ought to do it; but now that we are in breath, and fl●sh'd with conquest. Neither is there any th●ught to be taken, save only to take good heed that we assault them not in a Fortress as we did at the Bicoque: but Monsieur d' Anguien has too many go●d and experienced Captains about him to commit such an error; and there will be no other question, if not how to tempt them into the open field, where there shall be neither hedge nor ditch to hinder us from coming to grapple with them, and then, Sir, you shall hear news of one of the most furious Battles that ever was fought, and I most humbly beseech your Majesty to expect no other news but that of a great and glorious victory, which if God give us the grace to obtain (as I hold myself assured we shall) you will so stop the Emperor and the King of England in the midst of their Career, that they shall not know which way to turn them. The Dauphin still continued laughing more than before, and still making signs, which gave me still the greater assurance to speak: All the rest than spoke every one in his turn, and said, that his Majesty ought by no means to rely upon my words: only the Admiral said nothing, but smiled; and I believe he perceived the signs the Dauphin made me, they being almost opposite to one another; But Monsieur de St. Pol replied again, saying to the King; What, Sir, it seems you have a mind to alter your determination, and to be led away at the persuasion of this frantic fool: to which the King made answer, By my Faith, Cousin, he has given me so great reasons, and so well represented to me the courage of my S●●diers, that I know not what to say. To which Monsieur de St. Pol replied, Nay, Sir, I see you are already changed; (now he could not see the signs the Dauphin made me, as the Admiral could, for he had his back towards him) whereupon the King directing his speech to the Admiral, asked him what he thought of the business, who again smiling returned his Majesty this answer, Sir, will you confess the truth? You have a great mind to give them leave to fight, which if they do, I dare not assure you either of victory or disgrace; for God alone only knows what the issue will be: but I dare pawn my life and reputation, that all those he has named to you will fight like men of honour; for I know their bravery very well, as having had the honour to command them. Do only one thing, Sir, (for we see you are already half overcome, and that you rather incline to a Battle than otherwise) address yourself to Almighty God, and humbly beg of him, in this perplexity, to assist you with his Counsel, what you were best to do. Which having said, the King, throwing his Bonnet upon the Table, lift up his eyes towards heaven, and, joining his hands, said; My God, I beseech thee, that thou wilt be pleased to direct me this day what I ought to do for the preservation of my Kingdom, and let all be to thy honour and glory. Which having said, the Admiral asked him, I beseech you, Sir, what opinion are you now of? When the King, after a little pause, 
The Battle concluded.  turning towards me, with great vehemency cried out, Let them fight, let them fight. Why then, says the Admiral, there is no more to be said, if you lose the Battle, you alone are the cause, and if you overcome the sam●, and alone shall enjoy the satisfaction, having alone consented to it. This being said, the King and all the rest arose, and I was ready to leap out of my skin for joy. The King then ●ell to talking with the Admiral about my dispatch, 
Words of Mr▪ de St. Pol to the Sieur de Montluc.  and to take order for our Pay which was a great deal in arrear. Monsieur de St. Pol in the mean time drew near unto me, and smiling said, thou mad Devil, thou wilt be the cause either of the greatest good or the greatest mischief that can possibly befall the King (now you must know that the said Sieur de St. Pol had not spoken any thing for any ill will that he bore me, for he loved me as well as any Captain in France, and of old, having known me at the time when I served under Marshal de Foix) and moreover told me, that it was very necessary I should speak to all the Captains and Soldiers, and tell them that the confidence his Majesty reposed in our worth and valour had made him condescend to permit us to fight, and not reason, considering the condition he was then in. To Whom I replied, 
Montlucs answer.  My Lord, I most humbly beseech you not to fear, or so much as doubt but that we shall win the Battle, and assure yourself, that the first news you will hear will be, that we have made them all into a Fricassé, 
The King's saying to the Sieur de Montluc.  and may eat them if we will. The King then came to me and laid his hand upon my Shoulder, saying, Montluc, recommend me to my Cousin d' Anguien and to all the Captains in those parts, of what Nation soever, and tell them that the great confidence I have in their fidelity and valour has made me condescend that they shall fight, entreating them to serve me very well upon this occasion, for I never think to be in so much need again as at this present, that now therefore is the time, wherein they are to manifest the kindness they have for me, and that I will suddenly send them the money they desire, 
His answer▪  To which I made answer, Sir, I shall obey your commands, and this will be a cordial to cheer them, and a spur to the good disposition they already have to ●ight, and I most humbly beseech your Majesty, not to remain in doubt concerning the issue of our fight, for that will only discompose your spirit; but cheer up yourself in expectation of the good news you will shortly hear of us; for my mind presages well, and it never yet deceived me; and thereupon, kissing his hand, I took my leave of his Majesty. The Admiral then bid me go and stay for him in the Wardrobe, and whether it was Monsieur de Marchemont or Monsieur Bayart that went down with me, I cannot tell: but going out, I found at the door Messieurs de Dampi●rre, de St. André and d' Assier, with three or four others, who demanded of me, if I carried leave to Monsieur d' Anguien to fight, to whom I made answer in Gascon, haresy harem aux pics, & patacs; go in presently, if you have any stomach to the entertainment, before the Admiral depart from the King, which they accordingly did, and there was some dispute about their leave: but in the end his Majesty consented they should go: which nothing impaired their feast; for after them came above a hundred Gentlemen post to be present at the Battle. Amongst others the Si●urs de jarnac and de Chatillon, since Admiral, the Son of the Admiral d' Annebaut, the Vidame of Chartres, and several others; of which not one was slain in the Battle, save only Monsieur d' Assier, whom I loved more than my own heart, and Ch●mans who was wounded when I fought the Spaniards in the plain of Perpignan; some others there were that were hurt, but none that died. There is not a Prince in the world, 
Praise of the French Gentry.  who has so frank a Gentry as ours has, the least smile of their King will inflame the coldest constitution, without any thought of fear, to convert Mills and Vineyards into Horses and Arms, and they go Volunteers to die in that bed which we Soldiers call the bed of honour.  
Being arrived soon after at the Camp, I acquitted myself of my charge towards Monsieur d' Anguien, and presented him my Letters from the King, who was infinitely overjoyed, and embracing me in his arms, said these very words: I knew very well that thou wouldst not bring us peace, and turning to the Gentlemen about him, Well my Masters, said he, the King is pleased to gratify our desire, we must go to't. I than gave him an account of the difficulty I had met witht in obtaining that leave, and that the King himself was the only cause of it, which ought the more to encourage us to behave ourselves bravely in the Battle. He was moreover very glad when I told him, that the forementio●ed Lords were coming after me, being certain that several others would also follow after them, as they did. Bidding me by all means go discharge myself of his Majesty's commands to all the Colonels, Captains of the Gens-d'Armes, Light horse and Foot; which I did, not observing one that did not mightily rejoice, when I gave them to understand, what assurance I had given the King of the victory. Neither did I satisfy myself with speaking to the Officers only; but moreover went amongst the Soldiers, assuring them that we should all be highly recompensed by the King, making the matter something better than it was; for a man must now and then lie a little for his Master.  
During the time of my absence Monsieur d' Anguien had blocked up Carignan, being he could not carry it by fine force without infinite loss, 
Carignan blocked up.  quartering in the mean time at Vimeus and Carmagnolle, and soon after the arrival of these Gentlemen, the Marquis de Guast departed with his Camp upon Good Friday from Ast, and came to lodge at the Mountain near Carmagnolle, and upon Easter day removed his Camp to Cerizolles. The Company of the Count de Tanned, was this day upon the Guard, to which Captain Vanrines was Lieutenant, who sent word to Monsieur d' Anguien, that the Camp was upon their march, and that their drums were plainly heard. Monsieur d' Anguien thereupon commanded me presently to mount to horse, and to go in all haste to discover them, and to bring him certain intelligence of their motion, 
The Sieur de Montluc sent to discover the Enemy.  which I also did, Captain Va●rines giving me twenty Launciers for my Guard. I went so far that I discovered the Cavalry, who marched through the Woods belonging to the Abbey of Desteffarde, and heard the Drums, some marching before and some following after, which put me to a stand to guests what the meaning of this order might be. At my return I found Monsieur d' Anguien, Messieurs de Chatillon, de Dampierre, de St. André, Descars, (the Father of these now living) d' Assier and de jarnac, in the Chamber of the said Seigneur d' Anguien, talking with him, having caused their Arms to be brought and laid upon the Beds in the said Chamber, where I made a report to him of what I had seen, whereupon all the Gentlemen cried out to him, Let us go, Sir, let us go to fight to day, for it is a good day, and God will assist us. Upon which the said Seigneur commanded me to go bid Messieurs de Tais and de St. julien to draw out their Regiments into the field, at the same time sending another Gentleman to the Gens-d'Armes and the Light horse to do the same, which was performed in an instant, and we drew out of Carm●gnolle into a plain leading toward Ceriz●lles, where we were all drawn up into Battalia. Monsieur de Mailly Master of the Ordinance was there ready with his Artillery, as soon as any of us all, and we heard the Enemy's Drums almost as plainly as we heard our own. In my life did I never see so cheerful an Army, nor Soldiers so well disposed to fight, as this of ours was, excepting some of the great ones of the Army, who were evermore persecuting Monsieur d' Anguien, not to put it to the hazard of a day, representing to him what a blow it would be to the King should he lose the Battle, which might perhaps occasion the loss of the Kingdom of France; and others were still persuading him that he ought to fight, the King having granted leave, and expecting he should now so do; so that amongst them they put this poor Prince, being yet very young, into so great a perplexity, that he scarce knew which way to turn him, 
Mon●●eur d' Anguien in suspense concerning the Battle.  nor what to do. You may imagine whether I was not mightily pleased with these doings, and whether I would not have spoke at mouth, had I had to do with my match; neither as it was could I altogether forbear. The Lords who were lately come from Court, were all for fight, and I could very well name both the one and the other, if I so pleased; but I shall forbear to do it; for I have not taken my Pen in hand to blemish any one: but the Admiral Chatillon and Monsieur de jarnac, who are both living, know it as well as I. Both the one and the other had reason for what they said, and were not prompted by any fear of their own persons; but only the apprehension of losing all witheld them; and some perhaps (as I have often seen) argue against their own inclinations, and the plurality of voices, to the end that if any thing fall amiss, 
Dissimulation amongst Soldiers.  they may afterwards say, I was of a contrary opinion, I told him as much, but I was not to be believed. Oh there is great cunning in daubing, and in our trade especially of all others.  
Just as we should have marched to go to fight, four or five drew Monsieur d' Anguien aside, alighting from their horses, where they entertained him walking up and down for above half an hour, whilst every one gnashed their teeth for rage that they did not march: in the end the result of all was, that all the Regiments of Foot should return to their Quarters, and also the Artillery and the Gens-d'Armes, and that Monsieur d' Anguien with four or five hundred Horse, and some of the Captains of his Council, should go to the plain of Cerizolles to discover the Enemy's Camp; that I should bring after him four hundred Harquebusiers, and all the rest to retire to their Quarters. I than saw a world of people ready to run mad for veaxtion, and do verily believe that if God had so pleased that Monsieur d' Anguien had marched according to his determination, he had won the Battle with very little difficulty; for the Drums that I had heard return into the Enemy's Rear, were all the Spanish Foot, who went back to draw off two pieces of Canon, which were set fast in such manner that they could not be stirred either backward or forward; so that we had had nothing to fight with but the Germans, the Italians and the Horse, none of which, nor even the Marquis himself, could have escaped us. But after we had stood above three hours facing the Enemy, which were in a plain betwixt Sommerive and Cerizolles, who expected no other but to fight; (and the Marquis told Monsieur de Termes since (being a prisoner) as he has assured me, 
The Marquis de Guast in fear.  that he was never in his life in so great fear of being lost as that day, for his chiefest hopes was in the Spanish Harquebusiers) Monsieur d' Anguien returned back to Carmagnolle as discontented as ever Prince was, and at the descent of a Wood, as we were upon our return to the said Carmagnolle, I said to him as we rid along, Messieurs de Dampierre and de St. André being by, 
A saying of the Sieur de Montluc to Mr. d' Anguien.  these words; Sir, Sir, this morning what you arose what could you have desired of God Almighty more than what he has this day given you; which is to find the Enemy you have so much desired in the open field; where there was neither hedge nor ditch to obstruct you? but I perceeve you are more inclined to believe those who counsel you not to fight than those who advise you to it. At which he fell to swear and curse, saying, that hereafter he would believe no one but himself, by which I well perceived him to be nettled, so that still going on to appease him, I said, No Sir, no, in God's name believe no body but yourself; for we all know very well that you desire nothing more than to ●fight, and God will proper you, and so went on straight to Carmagnolle, vexed to the blood, remembering what I had so largely promised to the King in his Council.  
So soon as the said Seigneur came to Carmagno●le, he presently called a Council of War, and I at my arrival found our whole Regiment both Officers and Soldiers up to the ears in mutiny, demanding their pay: but they held them in hand with the coming of Monsieur Langey, who brought some money along with him. I was then entreated by Monsieur de la Molle the elder, who commanded two Ensigns, and the next day was slain, to speak to Monsieur d' Anguien in the behalf of all, and that he would bear the blame▪ and as we were all waiting in the Hall, by fortune Messieurs de Dampierre and de St. André came in, and finding all in mutiny said to us these words; Have a little patience I beseech you, till Monsieur d' Anguien rise from the Council (and I do believe they had been talking to him by the way, for I found him riding betwixt them) and so they entered into the Chamber, where they stayed not long, but came out again. Monsieur de Dampierre came out first, who, because Monsieur d' Anguien immediately followed him, looking at me, he laid his finger upon his mouth, for a sign that I should say nothing, and Monsieur d' Anguien all in rage went strait to his Chamber, and the other Colonels and Captains every one to his own quarters; but we stirred not from thence. Presently after Messieurs de Dampierre and de St. André came out into the Hall, and said to us these words: 
Resolution to fight.  Get you home to your Quarters, and prepare yourselves, for to morrow we must fight; as they came out we take notice of those who were for fight, all of them smiling upon us, by which also we guessed before hand how the matter went. In the evening when I accompanied Monsieur de Dampierre to his lodging, he told me the whole story, and what Monsieur d' Anguien had propounded to the Council, insisting upon the Error he saw he had committed in not fight, by which he had lost an advantage that he could not again recover, entreating them all to consider of it, and to resolve upon a Battle. Whereupon some fell again to discourse the same thing they had said before, of what a loss it would be to the King, with many other reasons to divert him from that resolution; and others maintained the same opinion they had over done, that he ought to put it to a Battle: But Monsieur d' Anguien, who saw himself fallen into the same dispute that before, broke out in a violent passion, saying, that he was resolved to fight at what price soever, and that if any one should any more dispute the contrary, he should never think so well of that man again, so long as he lived. Whereupon one in the Company, who before had so highly argued against it, made answer: O Sir, is it then a resolution you have taken that you will fight? yes replied Monsieur d' Anguien, then says the other there is no more to be said; and thereupon it was concluded, that every one should repair to his command, and that an hour before day, we should be all in the same Plain where we had been the day before, to march directly towards the Enemy, wherever he was to be found; which was accordingly performed, some remonstrating in the mean time to the Captains and Soldiers, that it would be out of season to sta●d upon telling them out their pay in the face of the Enemy, and that they were to stay till the Battle was over, which was only a device to amuse those who were so importunate for their Pay.  
Now being we had the day before left the Enemy in the Plain betwixt Sommeriv● and Cerizolles, Monsieur d' Anguien did not very well know whether they might be at Sommerive or at Cerizolles, notwithstanding that the Governor of Sommerive had sent him word, that the Camp intended to quarter there. Signior Francisco Bernardin therefore sent out three or four of his Light horse towards the said Cerizolles, who went so near that they discovered their Camp, which was already in arms, and the Drums beginning to bear. That which had made them return to Cerizoll●s, was to stay for the Spanish Foot, who were gone for the two pieces of Canon, as has been said before. Monsieur de Termes likewise sent out again three or four of his people also, and in the mean time we marched underneath toward Sommerive; but so soon as the Light horse returned with the same intelligence, we turned on the left hand, and come up into the Plain, where the whole Army was, and there made a halt. And there Monsieur d' Anguien and Monsieur de Tais gave me all the Harquebusiers to lead, for which honour I returned him my most humble thanks, 
The Si●ur de Montluc commands all the Harquebusiers.  telling him that I hoped, by God's assistance, to acquit myself so well of my charge, that he should remain satisfied with my service, and said as much to Monsieur de Tais, who was my Colonel, and who came and commanded all the Captains and Lieutenants, that I would take, to obey me equally with himself.  
I than took four Lieutenants, namely le Brüeil (whom I have mentioned before) le Gasquet, Captain Lienard and Captain ●avas, who was my own Lieutenant. To Favas and Lienard I gave the right wing, and myself with the two other took th● left, leading towards the little house, 
The order of the Battle of Cerizolles fought the 11. of April, 1544  that was afterwards so much disputed; and it was ordered that the Swiss which were commanded by Monsieur de B●itieres (who a little before the rumour of the Battle had been recalled from his own house) and we should fight together in the Vanguard: the Battle was to be conducted by Monsieur d' Anguien, having under his Cornet all the young Lords that came from Court, and the Rearguard was commanded by Monsieur d' Ampierre, wherein were four thousand Fri●ourgers, and three thousand Italians, led by the Sieur de Dros and des Cros, together with all the Guidons and Archers of Companies. Now there was a little Eminence, that dipped towards Cerizolles and Sommerive, which was all on a little Copse, but not very thick: The first of the Enemy that we saw enter into the Plain to come towards us, were the seven thousand Italians conducted by the Prince of Salerna, and in the ●lank of them three hundred Launciers, commanded by Rodolpho Baglione, who belonged to the great Duke of Florence. 
The beginning of the Battle.  The Skirmish began by this little Hill, on the descent whereof the Enemy had made a halt just over against us, and so soon as the skirmish was begun, I gave one Squadron to Captain Brueille, being that which was nearest to me, and the hindmost to Captain Gasquet, about two hundred paces distant the one from the other, and of my own I gave forty or fifty Harquebusiers to a Sergeant of mine called Arnaut de St. Clair, a valiant man and one that very well understood his business, and I myself stood for a reserve. Being at the foresaid little house, I discovered three or four Companies of Spanish Harquebusiers, who came full drive to possess themselves of the house, and in the mean time Favas and Lienard fought the Italians in the valley on the right hand. The skirmish grew hot on both sides, the Enemy one while beating me up to the house, and I again other while driving them back to their own party; for they had another that was come up to second the first, and it seemed as if we had been playing at Base: but in the end I was constrained to call Captain Brueille up to me, for I saw all their Foot embody together, with a Troop of Horse to s●ank them. Now had I not so much as one horse with me, notwithstanding that I had advertised Monsieured Anguien that their Cavalry was also with the Harquebusiers that came up to me. Let it suffice, that of a long time no body came, insomuch that I was constrained to quit the house; but not without a great dispute, which continued for a very great space. I than sent back Captain Brueille to his place, the skirmish continued for almost four fours without intermission, and never did men acquit themselves better. Monsieur d' Anguien then sent Monsieur d' Aussun unto me, commanding me to repossess myself of the house, 
Monsieur de Montlucs contest about the fight.  which was neither of advantage nor disadvantage to me; to whom I made answer, Go and tell Monsieur d' Anguien that he must then send me some Horse, to fight these Horse that slank their Harquebusiers (which he also saw as well as I) for I am not to fight Horse and Foot together in the open field. He then said to me, It is enough for me that I have told you, and so returned to carry back my answer to Monsieur d' Anguien; who thereupon sent Monsieur de Moneins to tell me, that one way or another he would that I should regain it, with whom also came the Seigneur Cabry, Brother to Seigneur Mauré, bringing with him threescore Horse, all Launciers, and Monsieur de Moneins might have about some five and twenty, he being then but beginning to raise his Troop. To whom I returned the same answer I had given before to Monsieur d' Aussun, and that I would not be cause of the loss of the Battle: but that if they would go charge those Horse that slanked the Harquebusiers, I would quickly regain the house. They then answered, that I had reason, and that they were ready to do it. Whereupon I presently sent to Captain Brueil to come up to me, and to Captain Gasquet to advance to his place, and immediately Captain Brueil coming up on the right hand, and the Horse in the middle, we marched at a good round ●rot directly up to them; for we were not above three hundred paces distant from one another. All this while the skirmish never ceased, and as we drew within a hundred or six score paces off them, we began to fire, upon which the Cavalry faced about, and their Foot also, and I saw their Launciers turn their backs, retreating to their Troops. Monsieur de Moneins, and Seigneur Cabry went immediately hereupon to Monsieur d' Anguien, to tell him what they had seen their Cavalry do, and that if he did not send me up Horse to second me, I could not choose but be routed. I sent back Captain Brueil and Gasquet into their places.  
Now there was a little Marish near unto Cerizolles, and a great hollow way, which hindered the Enemy that they could not come up to us drawn up in Battalia: and the Marquis de Guast had caused six pieces of Artillery to pass over this marish, and they were already advanced a good way on this side, when seeing their people driven back, they were afraid that the whole Army followed the pursuit, and that they should lose their Canon. Wherefore they presently made the Germans to passover this marish, and through the said hollow way, who, so soon as they came into the plain, drew up again into Battalia; for it was not possible for them to pass, but in great disorder, and in the mean time the Cavalry and Spanish Harquebusiers came up to me as before; insomuch that having no Horse with me, I was necessitated to quit them the place, and to retire to the place from whence I came.  
Now I had discovered their Germane Foot and their Artillery, and as I was retiring Monsieur de Termes and Signior Francisco ●ernardin ca●e, and placed themselves on the right hand of our Battaillon, and upon the skirt of the Hill (which was very strait) and over against the Battaillon of the Italians; for their Launciers were exactly opposite to our Pikes. Monsieur de Boitieres with his Company, and that of the Count de Tanned advanced on the left hand of our Battle, and the Swiss were three or four score paces behind us, and a little on the one side: In the mean time our Harquebusiers that were conducted by Lienard and Captain Favas sometimes beat back the Enemy as far as their main Battalia, and sometimes the Enemy repelled them up to ours. I saw then that I must of necessity disarm our Battaillon of the Harquebusiers that made our slank on that side where Monsieur de Boitieres stood, and give them to them, wherewith to make a Charge, which they did, and with great fury beat them up to their Battle; and it was high time; for their Harquebusiers had almost gained the flank of our Horse. 
A furious skirmish.  I therefore ran up to them, and we began a furious skirmish, which was great, and obstinately fought, for all our Squadrons were closed up together, and it continued a long hour or more.  
Now the Enemey had placed their Canon by the side of the little house, which played directly into our Battaillon; Monsieur de Mailly then advanced with ours and placing himself close by us, began to shoot at those of the Enemy by the little house; for there where we maintained the skirmish he could not do it, without killing our own men: when, looking towards our own Battle, I saw Monsieur de Tais, who began to march with his Pikes, charged directly towards the Italians; whereupon I ran up to him, saying, Whither do you go, Sir, whither do you go, you will lose the Battle; for here are all the Germans coming to fight you, and will charge into your flank. The Captains were the occasion of this, who ceased not to cry out to him, Sir, lead us on to fight; for it is better for us to die hand to hand, than stand still here to be killed with the Canon. 'Tis that which terrifies the most of any thing, 
The Canon frights more than it hurts.  and oftentimes begets more fear than it does harm; but however so it was, that he was pleased to be ruled by me, and I entreated him to make his men kneel on one knee, with their Pikes down; for I saw the Swiss behind laid at their full length squatt to to the ground, so as hardly to be seen; and from him I ran to the Harquebusiers. The Enemy's Harquebusiers by this time were beginning to retire behind the house, when, as I was going up to charge strait up to them, I discovered the Front of the Germans Battaillon, and suddenly commanded the Captains Brueile and Gasquet to retire by degrees towards the Artillery, for we were to make room for the Pikes to come up to the fight, and I went to our Battle, where being come, I said to my men these words.  
Oh my fellow Soldiers let us now fight bravely, 
Th' Sieur de Montlucs Speech to his Soldiers.  and if we win the Battle we get a greater renown, than any of our Nation ever did; It was never yet read in History, that ever the Gauls fought the Germans Pike to Pike, but that the Germans defeated them, and to set this honourable mark upon ourselves, that we are better men than our Ancestors, this glory ought to inspire us with a double courage to fight so as to overcome, or die, and make our Enemies know what kind of men we are. 
A pardonable mistake in a Soldier not well read in History.  Remember, Comrades, the message the King sent to us, and what a glory it will be to present ●ur selves before him after the victory. Now, Sir, said I to Monsieur de Tais, it is time to rise, which he suddenly did, and I began to cry out aloud, Gentlemen, it may be there are not many here who have ever been in a Battle before, and therefore let me tell you, that if we take our Pikes by the hinder end, and ●ight at the length of the Pike, we shall be defeated; for the Germans are more dextrous at this kind of fight than we are: but you must take your Pikes by the middle as the Swis●e do, and run headlong to force and penetrate into the midst of them, 
The Sieur de Montlucs advice to the Pikes, concerning the manner of their fight.  and you shall see how confounded they will be. Monsieur de Tais than cried out to me to go along the Battle, and make them all handle their Pikes after this manner, which I accordingly did, and now we were all ready for the Encounter.  
The Germans marched at a great rate directly towards us, and I ran to put myself before the Battle, where I alighted from my horse; for I ever had a Lackey at the head of the Battaillon ready with my Pike; and as Monsieur de Tais and the rest of the Captains saw me on foot, they all cried out at once, Get up, Captain Montl●c, get up again, and you shall lead us on to the fight. To whom I made answer, that if it was my fate to die that day, I could not die in a more honourable place than in their Company, with my Pike in my hand. I then called to Captain la Burr, who was Sergeant Major, that he should always be stirring about the Battaillon, when we came to grapple, and that he and the Sergeants behind and on the sides should never cease crying, put home, Soldiers, put home, to the end that they might push on one another.  
The Germans came up to us at a very round rate, insomuch that their Battle being very great, they could not possibly follow; so that we saw great windows in their body, and several Ensigns a good way behind, and all on a sudden rushed in among them, a good many of us at least, for as well on their side, as ours, all the first Ranks, 
A furious Charge.  either with push of Pikes or the Shock at the encounter, were overturned; neither is it possible amongst Foot to see a greater fury; the second Rank and the third were the cause of our victory; for the last so pushed them on, that they fell in upon the heels of one another, and as ours pressed in, the Enemy was still driven back: I was never in my life so active and light as that day, and it stood me upon so to be; for above three times I was beaten down to my knees. The Swiss were very sly and cunning; for till they saw us within ten or a dozen Pikes length of one another, they never rose; but then like savage Boars they ●ush'd into their slank, and Monsieur de Boitieres broke in at a 
* Or Corner.  Canton. Monsieur de Termes and Signior Francisco in the mean time charged Rodolpho Baglione, whom they overthrew, and put his Cavalry to rout. The Italians, who saw their Cavalry broken, and the Lansquenets and Germans overthrown and routed, began to take the descent of the valley, and as fast as they could to make directly towards the Wood Monsieur de Termes had his horse killed under him at the first encounter, 
The Sieur de Termes taken prisoner.  and by ill fortune his leg was so far engaged under him in the fall, that it was not possible for him to rise, so that he was there by the Italians taken, and carried away Prisoner, and, to say the truth, his legs were none of the best.  
Now you are to take notice, that the Marquis de Guast had composed a Battaillon of five thousand Pikes, namely two thousand Spaniards and three thousand Germans, out of the number of six thousand, being the same tha Count Laudron had brought into Spain, where he had remained ten years, or more, and who all spoke as good Spanish as natural Spaniards. He had form this Battaillon only to claw away the Gascons; for he said that he feared our Battaillon mo●e than any of the other, and had an opinion that his Germane (being all chosen men) would beat our Swiss. He had placed three hundred Harquebusiers only in the nature of a forlorn hope, at the head of this Battaillon, 
A mistake of the Marquis de Guast.  which he reserved to the forenamed effect, and all the rest maintained the skirmish. Now as he was by the little house on the same side with the Germans, he saw the Fribourgers, who were all armed in white, and took them for the Gascons, and thereupon said to his men, Hermanos, hermanos, a qui estant todos Gascones, sarrais á elloes. They were not gone two hundred paces from him, but that he perceived our Battle, which start up, and saw his error when it was too late to help it, for we all wore black arms.  
This Battaillon of five thousand Pikes marched then at a good round rate directly upon the Fribourgers, and they were of necessity to pass hard by Monsieur d' Anguien who by some body or other was very ill advised; for as they passed by he charged with his Gens d' Arms quite through their Battaillon in the Flank, 
The errot of Monsieur d▪ Anguien.  and there were slain and wounded a great many brave and worthy men, and some of very considerable quality, as Monsieur d' Assier, le Sieur de la R●chechovard, with several others, and yet more at the second charge; there were some who passed and repassed quite through and thorough; but still they closed up again, and in that manner came up to the Fribourgers Battalia, who were soon overthrown without so much as standing one Push of Pike, and there died all their Captains and Lieutenants who were in the first rank and the rest fled strait to Messieur des Cros: 
Monsieur d' Assier and Mr. de la Rochechovart slain, and the Sieur des Cros.  but this Battaillon of Spaniards and Germans still at a very great rate pursued their victory, and overthrew the said Sieur des Cros, who there died and all his Captains with him; neither could Monsieur d' Anguien any way relieve him, forasmuch as all the horses almost of his Cavalry, in these two furious, but inconsiderate charges were wounded and walked fair and softly over the field towards the Enemy. He was then in the height of despair, and cursed the hour that ever he was born, seeing the overthrow of his Foot, and that he himself had scarce an hundred Horse left to sustain the shock, 
Monsieur d' Anguien rousted.  insomuch that Monsieur de Pignan of Montpellier (a Gentleman of his) assured me, that he twice turned the point of his Sword into his Gorget, to have offered violence to himself, and himself told me at his return, that he was then in such a condition, he should have been glad any one would have run him through. The Romans might have done so; but I do not think it becomes a Christian. Every one at that time passed his censure upon it according to his own fancy. For our parts we were as well as heart could wish, and as much pleased as the Enemy was afflicted; but let us return to the blows, 
The Cowardice of the Fribourgers.  for there were yet both to give and to take. The cowardice of the Fribourgers occasioned a great loss on that side of the field; in my life I never saw such great lubbers as those were, unworthy ever to bear Arms, if they have not learned more courage since. They are indeed neighbours to the Swiss, but there is no more comparison betwixt them than betwixt a Spanish Horse and an Ass. It is not all to have a great number of men upon the list; but to have those that are true bred; for a hundred of them are worth a thousand of the other. And a brave and valiant Captain with a thousand men, that he knows he may trust to, will pass over the bellies of four thousand.  
After the same manner that Monsieur d' Anguien had seen his ●●●ple massacred before his eyes, 
The Marquis de Guast routed.  without any power to relieve them, did the Marquis 〈◊〉 Guast behold his people also trampled under 〈◊〉 by an equal fortune, so wantonly 〈…〉 on both hands with these two General●; for as he saw Rudo●pho Baglione and his Germans, both of them routed and overthrown, he took his horse and re●reated towards Ast. Monsieur de Sr. julien, who that day discharged the Office of Campmaster and Colonel of the Swiss, was on horseback (and, to say the truth, he was but weak of person and wanted strength to support any great burden of arms on foot) saw their Battle overthrown on the one side 〈…〉 other, and before he went to Monsieur d' Anguien saw us Swiss and Gascons 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 thousand Spaniards and Germans, killing on all hands. And then it was that he turned back and overtook Monsieur d' Anguien near to the Wood that leads towards Carmagnoll, but very poorly accompanied, and cried out to him, Sir, Sir, face about, f●r the Battle is won, the Marquis de Guast is routed, and all his Italians and Germans out to pieces. Now this Battaillon of the Spaniards and Germans had already made a halt, giving themselves for lost, when they saw neither Horse nor Foot of their own come up to them; by which they very well knew that they had lost the Battle, and began to take on the right hand strait towards the mountain from whence they had departed the day before. I thought I had been the cunningest snap in all the whole Army, having contrived to place a row of Harquebusiers betwixt the first and second rank, to kill all the Captains fi●st, and had said to Monsi●ur de Tais three or four days before, that before any of ours should fall, I would 〈◊〉 all their Captains in the first rank: but I would not tell him the secret till he had given me the command of the Harquebusiers, and then he called to him Burr the Sergeant Major, bidding him presently make choice of the Harquebusiers, and to place them after that manner. Upon my faith I had never seen nor heard of the like before, and thought myself to be the first Inventor of it; but we found that they were as crafty as we, for they had also done the same thing, who never shot no more than ours, till they came within a Pikes length, and there was a very great slaughter, not a shot being fired but it wrought its effect.  
So soon as Monsieur d' Anguien understood the Battle to be won, which before (by the defeat of those on his side of the field, and those cowardly Fribourgers, to encourage whom he had done all that in him lay) he had given over for lost; he presently put himself in the Rear of those Germans and Spaniards; which as he was doing, several of those who had taken fright, and were shifting for themselves, rallyed up to him, some of which now appeared wonderful eager of the pursuit, who had run away but a little before, and others had broke their bridles on purpose to lay the fault of their own fear upon the the poor horses, who by this means were to bear more than the weight of their Masters. He had a little before the Battle, by good fortune, sent to S●villan for three Companies of very good Italian Foot, to be present at the business, who being as far as Reconis upon their way from thence heard the thunder of the Artillery, by which being assured that the ●attel was begun, they mounted all the Harquebusiers they could on horseback, and coming all the way a gallop, arrived in so opportune a season, that they found Monsieur d' Anguien in pursuit of the Enemy, 
Monsieur d' Anguien pursues the victory.  not having one Harquebusier in company with him; where, alighting from their horses, they put themselves in the Rear of them, whilst the said Seigneur d' Anguien with his Cavalry, one while in their Fl●nk and another in their Front, still pushed on the victory. He than sent a Trooper to us in all haste, to bid us turn that way, for there was more work to do, which messenger found us at the Chapel hard by the Gate of C●rizolles, having just made an end of killing with so great fury and slaughter, that not so much as one man remained alive, save only a Colonel called Aliprando de Mandr●ca Brother to the Cardinal of Trent, 
Great slaughter at the Battle of Cerizolles.  who being laid amongst the dead with seven or eight wounds upon him, Caubois a light hors●●●longing to Monsieur de Termes, as he came through the dead bodies, saw him, 〈◊〉 yet alive, but stripped stark naked, spoke to him, and caused him to be carried to 〈◊〉, to redeem Monsieur de Termes in case he should recover and live, as he 〈◊〉 did. 
The Swiss revenged for the foul play at Montdevi.  The Swiss, in killing and laying on with their two-handed Swords, 〈◊〉 ●i●d out Montdevi, Montdevi, where those of their Nation had received no 〈◊〉, and in short, all that made head against us on our side of the field were slam.  
We had no sooner received the command from Monsieur d' Anguien, but that immediately the Battaillon of the Swiss and ours turned towards him: I never saw two Battaillons so soon reunited as these were; for of ourselves we rallyed, and drew up into Battalia as we went, marching all the way, side by side. In this posture the Enemy, who went off at a great rate, firing all the way, and by that means keeping the horse at distance, discovered us coming up to them, who so soon as they saw us advanced within five or six paces, and the Cavalry in their Front ready to charge in amongst them, they threw down their Pikes, surrendering themselves to the horse: but here the Game began, some kill and others endeavouring to save, there being some who had fifteen or twenty men about him, 
Another body of the Imperialists defeated.  still getting as far as they could from the crowd, for fear of us Foot, who had a mind to have cut all their throats; neither could the Cavalry so well defend them, but that above half of them were slain; for as many as we could lay our hands on were dispatched. Now you shall know what became of me.  
Monsieur de Valence, my Brother, had sent me a Turkish horse from Venice, one of the fleerest Coursers that ever I yet saw; and I had an opinion which all the world could not dispossess me of, that we should win the Battle, wherefore I gave my said horse to a servant I had, an old Soldier, in whom I reposed a very great confidence; bidding him be sure always to keep behind our Battaillon of Pikes, and telling him that if it pleased God I did escape from the skirmish, I would then alight, and engage with the Pikes, and that when we came to close, if he should see our Battaillon overthrown, that then he might conclude me to be slain, and should save himself upon the horse; and on the contrary, if he should see us prevail over the Enemies Battaillon, that then he should still follow, (without offering to break in) in the Rear of our Battaillon. when so soon as I should be certain of the victory, I would leave the execution, and come to take my horse to pursue the Cavalry, and try to take some prisoner of Condition.  
I had a whimsy came into my head that I should take the Marquis de Guast, or die in the attempt, 
A conceit of the Sieur de Montluc,  trusting to the swiftness of my horse; for which I had already in my imagination swallowed a mighty ransom, or at least some remarkable recompense form the King. Having then a while followed the victory, I stayed behind, thinking to find my man; and indeed I was so weary with fight, running, and moreover so spent with straining my voice to encourage the Soldiers, that I was able to do no more, when I was assaulted by two great mastiff Germane, who had thought presently to have done my business; but having rid myself of one of them, the other betook him to his heels, but he went not very far; in truth I there saw very brave blows given. I then went to seek out that Son of a whore my man; but the Devil a man that I could find, for as the Enemy's Artillery played upon our Battaillon, and very often shot over, the shot falling behind it, had removed my Gentleman from the place where I thought to find him; who very discreetly went, and put himself behind the Swiss▪ when seeing the disorder of the Fribourgers and Provençals, he very learnedly concluded us to be in the same condition, and thereupon fled back as far as Carmagnolle. Thus are men oftentimes deceived in their choice; for I should never have suspected that this fellow would so soon have had his heart in his breeches, and have run away with so little ado. I then found Captain Mons, having no more than one servant only with him, who had done a great deal better than mine; for he had kept a little pad Nag ready for him, upon which he took me up behind him, for I was extremely weary, and so we passed on, still seeing the Germans knocked down all the way as we went, till being sent for by Monsieur d' Anguien, we both alighted and went on foot, till the entire defeat of the Germans and Spaniards; when presently I saw my man come back, calling him a hundred Rogues and Cowards, for so basely running away; who replied that he had not done it alone, but in company with better men and better clad than himself, and that he had only run away to bear them company; by which pleasant answer my anger was appeased, and upon my word he hit upon it in a lucky hour; for I was very near showing him a trick of a Gascon.  
We than rallyed together some twenty or five and twenty Horse, what of those of Monsieur de Termes, of Signior Francisco Bernardin and the Sieur de Mauré, and rid a round gallop after the Marquis de Guast, and with us moreover a Gentleman whose name I have forgot, but he was one of those who came post from Court to be at the Battle, and as we went we met by the way two light horse leading prisoner Signior Carlo de Gonzaga, whom they had taken in the rear of the Enemy's party, which still more encouraged us to spur forward. So soon as we came so near to the Enemy as to discover what posture they were in, we perceived that they were rallyed and closed up to the Crupper, still marching on in very good order, at a good round trot, and their Lances ready in the Rest. Which made me say to those of our Company, these people are ready for us, and therefore I do not think it convenient to charge in amongst them, lest instead of taking some of the chief of them, it fare with us as with the Scotch man who took a Tartar. So that we returned without attempting any thing more upon them; but I am yet of opinion, that had not that rascally man of mine played me that dogtrick I had taken some man or other of Command amongst them. 
The Enemy rallios upon their retreat.  As we were upon our return, the Gentleman I spoke of before accosting me, said these words, Jesus! Captain Montluc, what danger was this Battle in once to day of being lost? To which I (who had neither seen nor heard of any disorder, and thought that the last we had defeated had been those of Carignan, who were drawn out of their Garrison to be present at the Battle) made answer, why, which way were we in any danger, seeing that all day we have had the victory in our hands? I perceive then, said he, that you know nothing of the disorder has happened, and thereupon told me all that had befallen in the Battle. As God shall help me, I do believe, that had he given me two stabs with a dagger, I should not have bled, for my heart was shrunk up, and I was sick at the news, in which fright I continued for three nights after, starting up in my sleep, and dreaming continually of a defeat.  
Thus than we arrived at the Camp, where Monsieur d' Ang●●en was, to whom I went, and making my horse curver, said to him sportingly these words; What think you, Sir, am I not as pretty a fellow on horseback as I am on foot? to which he made answer (though yet very melancholy) you will always behave yourself very well, both in the one posture and in the other, and bowing his body was pleased to embrace me in his arms, and knighted me upon the place; 
The Sieur de Montluc Knighted upon the place of Battle by Monsieur d' Anguien.  an honour I shall be proud of so long as I live, both for being performed upon the field of Battle, and by the hand of so generous and so great a Prince. Accursed be he that so basely deprived us of him. But no more of that; I then said to him, Sir, have I served you to day to your satisfaction? (for Monsieur de Tais had already told him, that I had fought with them on foot) to which he replied, Yes, Captain Montluc, and so well that I will never forget how bravely you have behaved yourself; neither, do I assure you, will I conceal it from the King. Why then, Sir, said I, it lies in your power to do me the greatest kindness that ever you can do a poor Gentleman so long as you live: At which words, drawing me a part, that no body might hear, he asked me what it was that I would have him do for me, to which I made answer, that it was to dispatch me suddenly away with news of the success of the Battle to the King; telling him withal, that it was an office more properly belonging to me than any other, considering what I had said to his Majesty and his Council, to obtain leave to fight; and that the last words I had said to the King were, that he was only to expect news of the victory. To which, turning towards me, he made answer, that it was all the reason in the world, and that I should be sent before any other. And so all the Army returned victorious to Carmagnolle: but as I expected to have been sent away post in the night, I was told that Monsieur Descars had gained every one to speak for him, that he might go. Monsieur de Tais had also passed his word to me; but in the end he suffered himself to be overcome, as also did Monsieur d' Anguien, which was the greatest misfortune that possibly could have befallen me: for having overcome the King's Council and their deliberation, and that his Majesty had done me the honour to condescend to my opinion; here to have carried him the certain news of what I had promised and assured him so few days before, I leave every one to judge whether I should have been welcome or no; and what wrong I had done me, especially having been that day in a great and honourable command, and acquitted myself of it to my General's content. It had been a great good fortune for me, and also a great honour, to have carried to the King what I had before promised, and assured him of; there was however no remedy, and I was forced to submit, though they had much ado to appease me: but it was to no purpose to be angry or to complain of the injury was done me. I have since repented me a thousand times that I did not steal away the same night, which if I had done, I would have broke my neck or have been the first that should have brought the news to the King, 
The Sieur de Montluc discontented.  and, I am confident, he would not only himself have taken it in good part, but moreover have made my peace with others. But I, from that time forward, gave over all thoughts of advancement, and never after expected to come to any thing, which made me beg leave of Monsieur d' Anguien to be dismissed, that I might return into my own Country. Which said Seigneur promised me great matters (knowing me to be discontented) and Monsieur de Tais did the same, using all the persuasions he could to make me stay: but I pressed my departure so much that at last I obtained leave, upon my promise to return; and for f●rther assurance of me, the said Sieur d' Anguien made me accept a Commission from him for the speedy raising of one thousand or twelve hundred Foot, to bring into Piedmont, to recruit the Companies, for in plain truth we had lost a great many men.  
Now I shall tell you what advantages accrued to the King from this victory, which I only had from Monsieur de Termes, to whom the Marquis de Guast had told it, 
The great ad●vantages that the winning of the Battle of Cerizolles brought to the King.  lying wounded in bed of a Harquebus shot in his thigh. He told him that the Emperor and the King of England were agreed at one and the same time to enter the Kingdom of France, each on his own side▪ and that the Emperor had sent him the seven thousand Germans purposely to make him so strong, that Monsieur d' Anguien might not dare to fight him, and afterwards to march directly to Lom●rias there to throw a Bridge over the River, and to put in●o Carignan the provisions that he brought along with him, and as much more as he could provide besides, and thence to draw out the four thousand Spanish and Germane Foot, who were to return towards juré, leaving four thousand Italians in their stead; which being done, he was to send back the seven Germane Colonels, with their Regiments to the Emperor. That then there would still remain with him in his Camp five thousand Germans, and as many Spaniards, with which at the same time, that the King of England should enter the Kingdom, he was to descend by the valley of Ostia, through which he should march strait to Lions, where he should mee● no body to oppose him but the Inhabitants of the C●ty, nor any Fortress at all: where lying between the two Rivers he might command all the territories of the Duke of Savoy, together with Dauphiné and Provence. All this was told me by Monsieur de Termes after his return; an enterprise that had not been hard to execute had we not won the Battle, in which betwixt twelve and fifteen thousand men of the Enemy were slain. The victory was very important, both in respect of the Prisoners, which were many of them very cosiderable, as also for the Baggage, which was exceedingly rich; and besides many places surrendered out of fear, and in the end Carignan itself, of which I shall not meddle with the particulars, because I was not present at the surrender. Had they known how to make their advantage of this Battle, Milan had been in a tottering condition: but we never knew how to improve our victories to the best. It is also very true that the King had at this time enough to do to defend his Kingdom from two such powerful enemies.  
His Majesty having intelligence of the great preparation that was made both by the one and the other, withdrew the greatest part of his Forces out of Piedmont, where I arrived at the time when Monsieur de Tais had received a command to bring away all the men he could; for I never could stay long at home, and never hated any thing so much as my own house, so that although I had once put on a resolution (for the wrong that had been done me) never to go any more into that Country, yet when it came too't I could not forbear to go. Monsieur de Tais had made choice of two and twenty Ensigns, the Companies whereof were now very well recruited, to which he moreover raised a new Company, which, at my request, he was pleased to give to Captain Ceste●geloux, who had been assisting to me in the raising, and conducting of my men, and had formerly carried my Ensign in the Kingdom of Naples. And so we began to set forwards towards France, dividing cur Companies into five and five. Of these I had the first Division, and went before to Suzanne, to prevent the Soldiers from getting thither before us, and to take order for the provisions, much of which I found upon the way going thither, which made me redouble my diligence. I arrived in the night two hours before day, at Villaume, and at the Inn where I alighted, found Signior Pedro de Colonna, whom Captain Renovard carried prisoner to the King, according to the capitulation at Carignan. They were already got up and the said Captain Renovard carried me into the Chamber of the said Signior, who at my coming told me, that he understood it was I who had broken the Bridge at Carignan, and that had commanded the Harquebusiers at the Battle. After which, falling into discourse concerning the said Bridge, I told him, that had his people followed their fortune, they had found no body to fight with, but myself and some forty men at most; and that our whole Camp was in so great disorder, that had he pursued them, we had all been defeated; and Captain Renovard also assured him, that what I said was true. At which, after a little pause turning towards me he said: E v●i dicete che si la nostra Gente seguto havessi la sua fortuna: no havena a combatere piu di voi co quarante soldati, & havessimo poste in fuga tuta la v●stra gente. Io vi dico che si v●i h●vesti seguita la nostra m' haveresti messo ●●●ri di Carignan●, per che la mia gente havia pigliato il spavento c●ssi forte che la citta no era bastante di vassecularli. Which in English is this. You tell me that if our people had followed their fortune, they had had to deal with no more of yours than forty Soldiers only, and had put your whole Camp to flight. And I tell you, that had you pursued your fortune, you had driven me out of Carignan, forasmuch as my people had taken so terrible a fright, that the strength of the City had not been sufficient to reassure them: And thereupon told us the great disorder his people were in, saying, that he had once thought the Spaniards had been men without fear, but that he was now satisfied, they had as much of that passion about them as other men; and that he was then in so great extremity that he was constrained to throw himself before the Gare, to try to stop them: but that in so doing he was like to have been born down by the torrent, and that they entered in such a crowd, that they had like to have lifted the Gate 〈◊〉 the hinges. And so soon, said he, as they were all entered in this disorder. I stepped to the Gate to clap it to, and knowing all the Captains called them name by name to come to help me; but not a man would come, inso much that had it not been for a servant of my own, that heard me call out, and came to my assistance, I could never have shut it. Nay the disorder in the Town was moreover so great, that above four hundred threw themselves over the Curtines, who in the morning returning back were ready to die for shame, and this is the reason why I have told you, that if you had followed your fortune, you had taken the Town with forty men. By which account of his I knew the Proverb to be true, that says, 
* If one Army knew what the other Army did, that Army would soon be defeated.  Que si l'ost sçavoit ce que fait l'ost, souvent l'on defferoi● l'ost.  
Now notwithstanding that after the surrender of Carignan the inhabitants of the City assured us of this disorder, yet could we not by any means believe it, especially at the first; or at least that it could be so great; it seemed so unlikely and so exceedingly strange: but after it had been confessed by their Governor himself, we were bound to believe it to be true: and that they were pursued by some Phantom, or possessed by some evil spirit; for we did them no harm, being as much frighted as they, and and it may be more: But the night is terrible when a man cannot see by whom he is assanlted. However this make me conclude, that all befell me through good fortune; for it cannot be called valour, but rather the greatest folly that any man could commit; and I do believe, that of all the good fortune God has pleased to bestow upon me, this was the most remarkable and the most strange: but let us proceed to our business.  
The thirst of Revenge had prompted the Emperor (contrary to the faith he had engaged to the Pope) to league and confederate himself with the King of England, who was fallen off from his obedience to the holy Chair, out of despite; which two Princes (as it was said) had divided the Kingdom (for so both the Marquis de Guast told Monsieur de Termes, and I have since heard the same from an English Gentleman at Boulogne) but however it was but disputing the bears skin. 
The strength of France.  France well united within itself can never be conquered till after the loss of a dozen Battles; considering the brave Gentry whereof it is fruitful, and the strong places wherewith it abounds. And I conceive they are deceived who say, that Paris being taken, France is lost. It is indeed the Treasury of the Kingdom, and an unexhausted Magazine, where all the richest of the whole Nation unlade their Treasure, and I do believe in the whole world there is not such a City, for 'tis an old saying, that there is not a Crown in Paris but yields ten Sols revenue once a year; but there are so many other Cities, and strong places in the Kingdom, as are sufficient to destroy thirty Armies. So that it would be easy to rally together, and to recover that from them again, before they could conquer the rest; unless the Conqueror would depopulate his own Kingdom, to repeople his new Conquest. I say this because the design of the King of England was to run directly up to Paris, whilst the Emperor should enter into Champagne. The Forces of these two Princes being joined together consisted of fourscore thousand Foot and twenty thousand Horse, with a prodigious train of Artillery, by which any man may judge whether our King had not enough to do, and whether it was not high time to look about him. Without all doubt these poor Princes have greater care and trouble upon them than the inferior forts of men; and I am of opinion the King did very well to call back his Forces out of Piedmont, though some are pleased to say, that the State of Milan might otherwise have been won, and that the Emperor would have been necessitated to have called back his Forces out of France to defend that Duty: but all this depended upon event. So it was that God would not suffer these Princes to agree betwixt themselves, each of them being bend upon his own particular advantage; and I have often heard, and sometimes seen, that when two Princes jointly undertake the Conquest of a Kingdom, they never agree; for each of them is always 〈◊〉 of being over reached by his companion, and evermore jealous of one another. I have not, I confess, much conversed with Books; but I have heard say, that after this manner we first lost the Kingdom of Naples, and were cheated by the King of Spain. This suspicion and jealousy at this time preserved us, as it has at other time's ●one several others, as the H●storians report. For my part, I should more apprehend one great single Enemy than two who would divide the Cake between them, there will always be some exceptions taken, and two Nations do not easily agree, as you see here. The English King came and sat down before Boulogne, 
Boulogne surrendered to the English.  which was basely surrendered to him by the Si●ur de Vervin, who lost his life for his labour; an example that ought to be set before all such as undertake the defence of strong holds. This by no means pleased the Spaniard, who reaped no advantage by it, saw very well that his confederate would only intend his own business.  
Our Colonel, Monsi●ur de Tais, brought three and twenty Ensigns to the King, being all the same which had been at the Battle, saving one n●w Company; but I fell sick at Troy's, and came not up to the Army, till they were advanced near to Boulogne, where the said Sieur de Tais delivered me the Patent his Majesty had sent me for the Office of Campmaster; 
The Sieur de Montluc made Campmaster.  but there was nothing done worthy remembrance, till the Camisado of Boulogne. As we arrived near to la Marquis, the Dauphin who commanded the Army had intelligence that it was three or four days since the Town had been taken (though he knew it before) and that the K●ng of England was embarked and gone for England. It is to be presumed that this Prince had made such haste away only to avoid fight, forasmuch as he had left all things in so great disorder; 
The King of England retires.  for in the first place we found all his Artillery before the Town in a Meadow, that lies upon the descent towards the Tower of Ordre; secondly there was found above thirty Casks full of Corslers which he had caused to be brought out of Germany, therewith to arm his Soldiers, which he had left for the defence of the Town; thirdly he had left all the ammunition of victual, as Corn, Wine, and other things to eat in the lower Town, insomuch that if Monsieur de Teligni be yet living (as I am told he is) the Father of this who is a Huguenot, and who treated the peace during these troubles, and was taken upon the Camisado in the lower Town, (where not one man but himself escaped alive) he will bear witness that there was not in the higher Town provision to serve four days, for himself told it me.  
The occasion of the Camisado was this. 
The Camisado at ●ullen;  A Son in law of the Marshal de Bies (not this fine Monsieur de Vervin, but another whose name I have forgot) came to Monsieur de Tais, and told him that a Spy of his, who came from Boulogne, had assured him, that as yet nothing had been removed to the higher Town; but that all still remained below, and that if they would speedily attempt to take the lower Town (which might easily be done) they would in eight days time have the upper come out to them with ropes about their necks: and that if Monsieur de Tais so pleased, he would in the morning lead him, where he might himself discover all: the Spy morcover affirming, that as yet not one breach in the wall was repaired; but that all lay open as if it were a village.  
Upon this information Monsieur de Tais was impatient to go to take a view of all, and took me along with him, together with this Son in law of the Marshal. We might be about a hundred Horse drawn out of the several Troops, and just at the break of day we arrived before the Town, leaving the Tower of Ordre some two or three hundred paces on the right hand, and saw five or six Pavilions upon the descent in the great high way leading to the Gate of the City. We were no more than five or six Horse only, Monsieur de Tais having left the rest behind a little Hill. This Son in law of the Marshal, and I therefore went down to the first Pavilion, and passed close by it into the Camp on the left hand, till we came to the second, from whence we discovered all their Artillery, 
Monsieur de Tais and the Sieur de Montluc discover the Town.  at no further distance than fourfcore paces only; nei●her did we see any more than three or four English Soldiers that were walking up and down by the Canon, and in the foresaid second Pavilion we heard them jabber English. The Mareschals Son in law than made me return back to Monsieur de Tais, who immediately upon my telling him what we had seen, went down with me to the place from whence I came, and there with the foresaid Gentleman stood still. In the mean time it grew to be fair broad day, so that the Sentinels very well perceived us to be none of their own people, and thereupon presently gave the alarm: but for all that we saw not a man offer to sally out of the Tower (I have indeed since been told that Dondellat, whom Monsieur de St. Pol had bred up of a Page, had the Guard at the Tower) and so we returned.  
Monsieur de Tais than with the said Gentleman presently went to find out the Dauphin, and Monsieur d' Orleans, where it was concluded, that the next inorning at break of day a Camisado should be given, 
A Camisado concluded on.  and that Monsieur de Tais, with our Companies, should give the first onset by three Breaches that were in the wall, on that side where we had been to discover; which were Breaches that had only been made for pleasure. The Rheingrave then entreated the Dauphin that he and his Germane might go on with us to the Assault: but Monsieur de Tais had already promised Count Pedemarie, that he would speak to the Dauphin to give him leave to go on with us, which was a very great misfortune: for had the Germans gone on with us to the Breach, the Enemy had never fired one shot, which would have invited a great many more to come in to our relief much sooner than they did.  
We set out in the night with shirts over our Arms, and met the Rheingrave with his Germane ready and resolved to pass over a Bridge of Brick there was near unto la Marquis, which resolution he was not to be persuaded from; but would pass over after us, what promise soever he had made to the Count Of which Monsieur de Tais sent present word to the Dauphin, and whilst they were in dispute about it, came the Admiral Annebaut, who so far prevailed with the Rh●ingrave, that at last he was persuaded to retire behind, giving us leave to pass, and the Italians after us; but for his own part he would not stir from the Battle of the Gens d' Arms, that was drawn up near to la Marquis and Monsieur Dampierre also, who was Colonel of the Grisons, came up as far as the Tower of Ordre, where he drew up his men into Battalia. Now Monsieur de Tais had given me one part of his men with them to fall on by the high way on his right hand, being the same he had discovered the day before. I than charged up strait to the Artillery, and those who remained with Monsieur de Tais and the Italians fell on by the three broaches, which they bravely carried; and being there was neither Gate not breach on that side where the Artillery was, I was fain to go all along by the wall on that side towards the River, where I at last found a breach of some ten or twelve paces wide, which I entered without any manner of opposition, and went on strait to the Church: where I saw no Captain of ours, save one only, who was running along by the River directly to the forementioned breaches, and him I called to, but he heard me not.  
Now you must know that Monsieur de Tais was wounded, 
Monsieur de Tais wounded.  and enforced to retire; what became of Count Pedemarie I know not: but I was afterwards told that all the Captains, both Gascons and Germans, were gone out of the Town, and had made no stay there, by reason of an Alarm, that the English had recovered the breaches by the outside of the Town, as it was true: but there were of them not above two hundred men, that were sallied out on the outside from the higher Town: and I was moreover told that it was Dondellet, who ●led from the Tower of Ordre strait to the Town. All our Ensigns were left in the Town, but I never perceived any thing of all this: for had I seen the disorder, I do believe, I should have done as the rest did; I will not pretend to be braver than I am. Before the Church I found two Italian Captains only with their Companies and Colours, where so soon as I arrived, I fell to assanlting three or four houses, and forced them, wherein were a great number of English, and most of them without arms; some of which were clad in white and red, others in black and yellow, and a great many Soldiers also without those colours; but I soon understood that all those in Liveries were Pioners; because they had no Arms, as the other had, who defended themselves, and so, that above two hundred of them were slain in the houses. I than marched strait to the Church, where I found the said Italian Captains (the one called Caesar Porto, and the other Hieronimo Megrin, and with these Italians Messieurs D' Andelot and de Novailles, who was Lieutenant to Monsieur de Nemsurs) ask them where all our Captains were; who returned me answer, that they knew not what was become of them. I than began to perceive there was some disorder in the case, not seeing one man of all our Companies; excepting those who were entered with me, and about fifty or threescore others, who had stayed behind to plunder, and were rallyed to me at the assault of the houses: whilst I was considering with myself what the matter should be, all on a sudden there came a great number of English full drive directly upon us, as we stood before the Church, and in the street adjoining, crying out, Who goes there? to which I made answer in English, A friend, a friend, (for of all the Languages that are scattered mongst us, I have learned some words, and the Italian and Spanish passably well, which has sometimes been very useful to me) but the English proceeding to further Interrogatories, they soon put me to to the end of my Latin; by which perceiving what we were, they presently fell on, crying out, Kill, kill, kill; I then called out to the Italian Captains, saying, 
* Which I conceive is to be Englishe● thus (for Mr▪ Montluc, by his leave, was no very good Italian) Assist me and stand ready by me, for whilst I go to assault them, there is no reason that you should permit them to enclose me behind.  Ajutate mi, & state appreso me, perehe io me ne vo assablir li, no bisogno lassiar mi investire. Which having said, I ran full drive upon them, who immediately faced about, and pursued them, laying on in their rear, to the end of the Street, where they turned off on the right hand along by the wall of the upper Town; from whence they discharged at us some small pieces, and a whole Cloud of of Arrows. I then retired back to the Italians, where I was no sooner come and settled in my former order, but that they returned to charge me again: but I had taken a little heart, having found them so easily to run away, and therefore gave them leave to come up close to us, where I than charged them, and we thought they ran away with greater facility than before; I therefore retired once more before the Church: but then there fell such a furious storm of Rain, that it seemed as if God Almighty had been disposed to drown us all; during which shower there came up ten or twelve Ensigns of ours from one of the breaches, at which they had entered, not having above six Soldiers with them; and I might have about as many Ensigns with me. One of the Ensigns than told me that the Breaches were all taken, and that the Captains were fled away: Which having heard, I desired the two Italian Captains that they should a while make good that Canton, 
The English put to flight,  where the Church stood (for there was a wall before the door of it) and I would go dispute the Breach by which I had entered, which so soon as I should recover, I would send them word, that they might draw off and come to me, and if peradventure the Enemy in the mean time, should come up to them, that then they should remember what they had seen me do, and boldly charge them.  
I than went to the breach, where I saw already ten or twelve English got thither, two of which stood upon their defence; but of the rest, some leaped over the Breach, and others slipped on the right hand along the inside of the wall, and so soon as we were got out, we saw moreover fifteen or twenty that came running towards us, along on the outside the wall, and seeing us turned on the right hand towards the other breaches, by which our people before had entered. I than entreated a Gentleman of Burgundy (whose name I have forgot) who was mounted upon a horse he had taken, that he would go to Caesar Porto and Hieronimo Megrin to call them away, which he was very willing to do, provided I would promise to stay for him, which I assured him upon my life I would do, and that dead or alive he should find me at this Breach. The Rain still continued more and more violent, when the said Gentleman returning, told me that he could not possibly get to them; and that they were either retreated into the Church, or all dead. when behold on a sudden three or four hundred English came at a good round trot directly upon us all along by the wall, just as we▪ were upon the point to enter again to go relieve the Italians: but seeing them come full drive upon us, we were constrained to alter that resolution.  
Messieurs d' Andelot, de Novailles, this Burgundian Gentleman and three or four others had never stirred from my side, from the time they had first met me before the Church (and it was well for them, for if they had they had gone to pot with the rest) and as the English came on in this fury, there arose a hubub amongst us, some crying out to me to fly towards the River, 
The French in fear.  and others towards the Mountain: but upon the instant I resolved ro remonstrate to them, What have you to do to go to the Mountain? in our way thither we must of necessity pass close by the higher Town; for to go directly to the River, do you not see that it is rising, and got so high already that we shall be all drowned? let no one therefore think any more of that; but let us make ourselves ready, for we must fight these people. Whereupon Monsieur d' And●lot 
The courage of Mr. d' A●delot.  cried out aloud, I, I, Captain Montluc, I pray you let us fight them; for that is the best. He was a man of very great courage, and 'tis great pity he afterwards turned Huguenot; for I do believe he was one of the bravest Gentlemen in the Kingdom. We therefore marched directly up to them, when so soon as we came within four or five Pikes length of them, they let fly a great shower of Arrows upon us, and we ran up to them to push a Pike; for there were but two Harquebus shot fired, and immediately they faced about, and fled the same way they came. We followed after, and very close, and when they came to the Canton of the Town towards their own people, who kept almost all our Ensigns enclosed, they seeing them come, and we pursuing in the rear of them, quitted the Breaches to relieve their own men, and rallying all together came running directly upon us, who were all at the foot of the Mountain of the Tower of Ordre. I than cried to Monsieur d' Andelot, and to all the Ensigns and Sold●ers, Get away as fast as you can and climb the Mountain; for I, for my own part, with four or five Pikes, would stay to see the event of all, retiring towards a Rivulet which was by the Artillery. So soon as the English had quitted the breach, to come to us, our Ensigns leaped out of the Town towards the valley, by which they had come, and being got to the foot of the Mountain, where Monsieur d' Andelot and the Ensigns were marching up, the Enemy saw that our Ensigns were again passed over the Breaches, and that the said Andelot with the other Ensigns were got half way up the Hill; they than thought to turn after the others, as they did, but could never overtake above eight or ten Soldiers at the most, whom they cut all to pieces. Five or six English than came up to me, and I passed the Rivulet, where the Water was more than knee deep above the Banks. They bestowed some Arrows upon me, and shot them into the Target, and another through a sleeve of Mail I wore upon my right arm; which for my part of the Booty I carried home to my Quarters, 
The Sieur de Montluc came the last man out of Bullen.  and having received them, went to mount the Hill on the backside of the Tower of Ordre. Monsieur le Dauphin, having with him Monsieur d' Orleans and the Admiral, made his Lansquenets to march to relieve us within the Town; but before they could come near the disorder was already happened, and they found Messieurs d' Andelot and de Novailles with the Ensigns, who were got up to the top of the Mountain.  
In the interim of this confusion the Vidame of Chartres, and my Brother Monsieur de Lieux, advanced as far as the bottom of the Hill, to see if they could learn any news of me; but they were sent back with a vengeance, and told the Dauphin that they did certainly believe I was slain within the Town: forasmuch as they had seen all the Captains, me only excepted; and whilst they were in this discourse Monsieur d' Andelot arrived, of whom the Dauphin demanded if he knew what was become of me, to whom he made answer, that I had been the preservation of him and all those that were with him: but that (it seemed) I had not known how to save myself, which I might have done, if I had so pleased, as well as the rest. The said Sieur d' Andelot concluded me for dead, believing that I had suffered myself to be snapped about their Artillery, or by a Ship that lay upon the Rivulet I passed over; but I was no such fool: for I call God to witness, and let him punish me according to my perjury, if of all that day I ever lost my understanding, and it was a great blessing that God was pleased to preserve it to me entire; for had I lost my judgement, we had received a very great disgrace, which we could neither have concealed nor excused, and I had been in great danger never to have been a Marshal of France. We had lost all our Ensigns, and those that carried them withal, which nevertheless God gave me the grace to save. When a man is once possessed with fear, and that he loses his judgement, as all men in a fright do, he knows not what he does, and it is the principal thing you are to beg at the hands of Almighty God, to preserve your understanding entire; for what danger soever there may be, there is still one way or other to get off, and perhaps to your honour: But when fear has once possessed your judgement, God ye good even! you think you are flying towards the poop, when you are running towards the prow, and for one Enemy you think you have ten before your eyes, as drunkards do, who see a thousand candles at once. Oh 'tis a wonderful advantage to a man of our Trade, when his danger does not deprive him of his sense, he may then take his opportunity, and avoid both shame and ruin●.  
In the evening I went to the Dauphin for the Word, because Monsieur de Tais himself was wounded and could not go; when, so soon as I came into his presence, Monsieur d' Orleans, who always delighted to jest with me (as the Dauphin also himself sometimes would do) began to sing the Camisado of Bullen, and the assault of Coney, for the old Soldiers of Piedmont, jeering and pointing at me with his finger: at which I began to be angry, and fell to cursing those who had been the cause; at which the Dauphin laughed, and at last said to me; Montluc, Montluc, in plain truth, you Captains can by no means excuse it, that you have not carried yourselves very ill. Which way, Sir, (said I) can you conceive me to be any way in fault? if I knew myself to be guilty I would at this instant go, and cause myself to be killed in the Town: but in truth we were a company of Coxcombs, to venture our lives in your service. Whereupon he said No, No, I do not mean you, for you were the last Captain that came out of the Town, and above an hour after all the rest. He gave me very well to understand, when he came to be King, that I had not failed of my duty, by the value he was ever pleased to put upon me; for when he went his expedition into Piedmont, he sent an express Courier to fetch me from my own house, to which I had retired myself by reason of a certain piqu●e, that Madam d' Estampes had conceived against me, about the quarrel betwixt Messieurs de Ch●staign ray, and de jarnac. A man has evermore one good office or another done him at Court, and the mischief on't is, the women evermore rule the roast: but I shall not take upon me to be a Reformer, Madam d' Estampes sent better men than myself packing from Court, who have made no boasts of it: but I wonder at our brave Historians that they dare not tell the ●●uth.  
This was the success of the Camisado of Boulogne, 
Oversight in the Cam●sado at Bull●n.  whereas had the Camp followed after us, they might all have quarrered in the Town, and in four or five days (as I have already said) the higher Town had been our own. Let any one ask Monsieur de Teligni, if he be the man who was taken prisoner there, and see whether or no I tell a lie. I do not know who was the cause that the Dolphin did not march, but I shall always affum that he ought to have done it, and know also very well that it did not stick at him; but it were to enter into disputes to say any more of that business. Had they come, the English would not have known which way to turn them. I discovered them to be men of very little heart, and believe them to be better at Sea than by Land.  
The Dolphin seeing the Winter draw on (having left Monsieur le Mareschal de Bies at Monstr●uille, to b●●dle and keep Boulegne in awe) returned back to the King, who also had concluded a Peace with the Emperor: 
Peace concluded betwixt the Emperor and the King of France.  all this great preparation, and those invincible forces, to our great good fortune, vanishing through the ill intelligence betwixt these two Princes, I mean the Spaniard and the English. Evil befall him that will ever love the one, or the other. Three months after I quitted my command of Campmaster, to go to defend a little estate that had been left me by an Uncle of mine. I had much ado to obtain leave of the King to go; but in the end the Admiral wrought so effectually in my behalf, that it was granted upon condition that I would promise him to take upon me the same employment in case the said Admiral should have the command of the Army. He failed not of that command, nor thereupon to summon me upon my promise I had made him, but obtained a Commission from the King (which he sent me) to be Campmaster to fifty or thre●score Ensigns that his Majesty would set on foot for the English voyage. I brought the men accordingly to Haure de Grace, where I delivered them into the hands of Monsieur de Tais. We then put to sea, Our Navy consisted of above two hundred and fifty sail, and the most beautiful Ships that ever eyes beheld, with their Galleys. The ardent desire the King had to revenge himself on the King of England made him enter into a very vast expense, which in the end served to very li●le purpose, although we first landed, 
A Naval Engagement betwixt the French and the English A●no 1545.  and afterwards fought the English upon the sea, where many Ships were sunk on both sides: When at our setting out I saw the great Carrick (which was certainly the goodliest V●ssel in the world) burned down to the water, I had no great opinion of our Enterprise. But being that I for my particular performed nothing in that expedition worthy remembrance, and that moreover a perfect account of that Naval Engagement has been given by others, I shall let it alone to give a Narrative of the conquest of the Territory of Oye: 
The French no very good seamen.  and indeed our business lies more properly by land than by water; where I do not know that our Nation has ever obtained any great victories.  
So soon as we were returned from the Coast of England, and disembark'● at Haure de Grace, the Admiral went to attend the King, and Monsieur de Tais went along with him, carrying all the Companies to the Fort of Outreau before Boulogne, where Captain Villefranche had been left with the old Companies in the quality of Campmaster, he having been put into the Command that I had formerly quitted. The Marshal de Bics his Majesty's Lieutenant in that Country, 
The Marshal de Bi●s before Bullen.  had something to do, as Monsieur de St. german, whom the King had given him for an assistant, can very well witness; for all the Pioniers had forsaken him, and were stolen away, as is usual with those rascally people, if they be not narrowly looked unto: and yet had he all the Courtine leading towards the Bridge of Brick to make. Of which affair though there be no fight in the case, I think fit to give an acco●nt in this place, that it may serve for an example to others in command, upon the like occasion.  
The Marshal being frequently solicited by the King to put this fort into a posture of defence to block up Boulogne, told me that there was a necessity the Soldiers should work, since the Pioners were wanting; of which I accordingly carried word to the Captains, and they from me to the Soldiers, who all at once flatly denied to do it, saying They were Soldiers, 
The Captains refuse to work at the For●●●cation.  and not Pioners. With this answer the Marshal was highly offended, and in great anxicty what to do, forasmuch as the Courtine remained open, and that the King of England had sent fresh supplies of men into Bullen. Wherefore the Marshal having sent throughout all the Country for Pioners, and none being to be got, I contrived a way to make the Soldiers work, which was by giving them five pence a day, the ordinary pay given to the Pioners. The Marshal very readily consented to the motion, but notwithstanding I could not find one who would once put his hand to the work. Seeing therefore their refusal, to invite them by my example, I took my own Company, that of Monsieur de Lieux my Brother, with those of Captain Leberon my Brother-in-law, and Captain Labit my Cousin German; for those I knew durst not refuse me. We wanted no tools, for the Marshal had made provision of very great store, and moreover the Pioners who were run away, had left all theirs in a great Tent, which the Marshal had caused to be set up to that purpose. So soon as I came to the Courtin I began myself first to break ground, and after me all the Captains. I had caused a Barrel of wine to be brought to the place, and with it my dinner, which I had ordered to be much greater than ordinary, and the Captains also had brought theirs along with them, together with a Sack full of pence which I showed to the Soldiers; and after having wrought a start every Captain dined with his own Company, and to every Soldier we gave half a loaf, some wine and a little flesh; of which also we were more liberal to some than to others, pretending they had taken more pains than their fellows, on purpose to encourage them; and so soon as we had dined we again fell to our work, singing and plying our business until late in the evening, insomuch that one would have thought we had never followed any other Trade. So soon as we gave over, three Treasurers of the Army paid to every man five sols, and at our return to our Tents, the other Soldiers by way of derision called ours Pioners and Delvers. The next morning Captain Forcez came to tell me, that all his men also wo●ld come to the work, and those of his Brother likewise (who is also yet living) all which I received, and we did as the day before; the third day they would all come, so that in eight day's time we had finished the whole Courtin; and all the Engeneers told Monsieur de St. Germ●in (who himself had never stirred from the work) that my Soldiers had done more in eight days, than four times so many Pioners would have done in five weeks. And observe that Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns stuck all the while as close to the work, as the meanest Soldier did, and served as inciters to the rest.  
I thought fit to commit this Exemple to writing, to let the Captains see, that it is not the Soldiers fault, if they do not perform whatsoever you would have them do: but than you must get the knack to make them do it cheerfully, and with a good will, and not by force; put your hands first to the work yourselves, and your Soldiers will for shame follow your exemple, and do more than you would have them do. But if you come to ill words and blows, it must be when out of spite they refuse to do a thing to which they are no ways obliged; and to that we are indeed sometimes by necessicy constrained. O Comrades, how often have I, seeing the Soldier weary, and ready to faint, alighted ●rom my horse to walk with them on foot, to encourage them to make a long march! how often have I drunk water with them, that they might cheerfully suffer by my exemple.  
Believe me, gentlemans, that all depends upon yourselves, and that your Soldiers will conform themselves to your humour, as it is ordinarily seen. There is a mean in all things, sometimes a little roughness is very requisite, but than it must not be against a whole Company, but some particular person, who would grumble, and hinder the rest that are well disposed. I have ere now made some surly stubborn rascals feel my anger of which I now repent me.  
Sometime after the Marshal de Biez would attempt to seize upon, and lay waste the Territory of Oye, 
Oye is a County of Picardy wherein are the Cities of Calais, Oye, and some others of less note extending itself as far as Duaki●k in the Low Countries, and was possessed by the English 210 years.  having in vain tried to tempt the English to a Battle. All our new Companies therefore marched, for the old stirred not out of the Fort, but were kept there to guard it, and the Marescal took six or seven pieces of great Artillery along with him; so that we set out secretly in the beginning of the night, and went to some little Villages that had formerly been burnt. This Enterprise was taken in hand contrary to the opinion of all the Captains in the Army, out of the hope the said Marshal had to bring it to a Battle, which had drawn several Princes and Lords to come from the Court: Where after there was no more hopes of drawing the English into the field, the Marshal deliberated to take some Forts from them in the County of Oye. Now so soon as they drew very near to one of these Forts, the Marshal, Messieurs de Brisac, and de Tais, drew themselves apart (I think Monsieur de Estre was with them, being then newly come out of prison) Monsieur de Bordillon, and three or four others (whose names I have forgot) and got up to a little eminence under the shadow of a Tree, from thence peeping and considering which of the said Bastions, that were opposite to us, they should assault; and in the mean time I caused all our Ensigns to make a halt for the last, which were yet a league behind. Now you must know I had never been there till this time; nei●her have I ever been there since, but to the best of my memory I shall describe the s●i●nation of the place.  
I was to descend about thirty or forty paces, 
Description of the English Fort.  to enter into a great Meadow, where on my right hand there was one Bastion, and on my left hand, at the distance of a good Ha●quebuz shot, another, and so consequently all along the C●ur●ine leading towards Calais (which Courtine was only of earth, and about two fathoms high) there was also two great Ditches with water middle deep, and betwixt the two Ditches there was a Terrace of earth. Whilst they were in cosultation under this Tree on my left hand, I took Captain Favas, and la Moyenne, having both been my Lieutenants, and about 300 Harquebuzeers, to whom I gave the leading of the sust Division, and I stood behind in the Rear of them. 
attempt upon the English Forts.  There presently sallied out of the Fort an hundred or sixscore English, who came into the Meadow, having planted five or six Muskeieers upon their Terrcss, betwixt two Ditches, and plied us smartly with their shot, having left betwixt the said Bassions and Ditches a little path, by which one man only could march a breast, to enter in, and sally out of their Fort, confident, it seems, that under favour of their Muskers, those of ours on the outside would not dare to charge them. Our men began then to Harquebuz it at a good smart rate, and they to let sly their arrows: but me-thought they had still an eye towards their retreat; wherefore being mounted on a little pad Nag, I came up to the Captains, and said these words to them. Comrades, these people are mainly inclined to retreat, and I see it is out of a confidence they have in their Muskets, charge then briskly through and through, and I will second you. I needed not to bid them twice, for before I could return to the head of my men, I saw them together by the ears, and in a moment the English put to ●ligh●: wherefore I stop● my men from falling on, to make sirm in case any more should sally out. This little path was something narrow, and adjoining to the Bastion, under which the one part of them stood sirm, the rest cast themselves into the Ditches in so great haste, that they had not leisure to carry off all their Muskets, for our Soldiers leapt into the water as soon as they, and brought away sour of them; and there were four or five of the said Soldiers that passed over the said Terrace, and the other Ditch, to the very foot of the Courtine, who brought me word that the greatest depth of water was in the first Ditch; for the other next the Courtine was not above knee deep. I then presently spoke to the Captains, Favas and la Moyenne, that they should draw up my Division and theirs together, and finding Captain Aurioqui, and almost all the other Captains entreated them them to make two Divisions of theirs; for that so soon as I had spoken with Monsieur de Tais, I would go on to an Assault. They then told me, that they wanted near half of their Soldiers, who were not yet come up, to which I made answer, that it was no matter, seeing that with those we had we could do our business, who thereupon without further reply began to divide themselves into two Bodies, and I ran to speak with Monsieur de Tais, whom I found with the Marshal and the rest, and said to him; Let us go, Sir, let us go to the Assault, for we shall carry the Courtine; I have tasted them, and find, that they have more mind to run than fight. The Marshal then said to me, What is it you say Captain Montluc, would to God we were certain presently to carry it with all the Artillery we have. Whereupon I answered him aloud; Sir, we shall have strangled them all before your Artillery can come up to us, 
The Sieurs de Tais and Montluc, go on to the Assault.  and taking Monsieur de Tais by the arm, said to him; Let us go, Sir, you have believed me at other times, and have not repent; neither shall you repent you of this. I have discovered by these approaches, that these people are little worth. Let us go then, answered he, and as we were entering into the Meadow, we already found our two Divisions of Pikes and Harquebuzeers separated apart. Look you, Sir, than said I, take your choice on which hand you will fight, whether on that of this Ensign over against the Bastion below, or on that of the Engsin opposite to those I have fought with: who thereupon said to me, Fight you that Body you have already attaqu't, and I will go fight the other, and so we parted.  
So soon as the Marshal de Biez saw us begin to march, he (as Monsieur de Bord●llon told me afterwards) said these words; now we shall see if Tais with his Gascons be so brave as he pretends. I than called all the Sergeant's of my Division, saying to them aloud at the head of our Battle; You Sergeants have ever been accustomed, when we go to fight, to be in the Flanks behind, but I will have you now fight in the first Rink. Do you see that Ensign there? if you do not win it, as many as I shall meet slinking off in my way as I go, I shall make bold to cut his hamstrings; you know I am pretty dextrous that way: then turning towards the Captains, I said, and you, Comrades, if I am not there as soon as they, do you cut mine. I than ran to Captain Favas and la Moyenne (who might be at the distance of some thirty paces) and said to them, March, and throw yourselves headlong into the Ditch, and in an instant returned to my men, when having 
* A Ceremony formerly used when Soldiers went on to an Assault, or to any desperate Enterprise.  kissed the ground, I ran strait up to the Ditches, making the Sergeants still to march before, and passing over the first and the second, came up to the foot of the Courtin. I then said to the Sergeants, Help one another, help one another with your Halberds to get up, which they speedily did, and others pashed them on behind, throwing them headlong into the Fort: I had also a Halberd in my hand. In the mean time arrived all the Captains and Pikes, who found me making a great show of endeavouring to get up with my Halberd, holding with my left hand by the wood; 
An Assault given to the English Fort.  when some of them, not knowing who I was, took me by the breech, and pushed me quite over on the other side, making me by that means more valiant than I intended to be; for what I did was only to encourage the rest to get over: but that follow, whoever he was, made me forget my policy, and take a leap that I had no intent to have taken; and indeed in my whole life I did never see people so soon get over a C●urtine. After I had taken this leap, Captain Favas and la Moyenne, who were in the Ditch of the Bastion, put themselves into the little pa●h, and past on the other side into the Bastion, where all they found within it they put to the sword. Monsieur de Tais, who went on to his encounter, seeing us scrambling, up the Courtine, threw h●mself into the Ditches of the other Fort, 
The English put to flight.  when the English seeing their people put to flight, and we entering into it, quitted the Fort, and ran away as fast as they could towards Calais. The Marshal this while seeing us run on so bravely upon the Enemy, cried out (as I was told after) Oh heavens! they are already got in; whereupon the Signior de Brissac and de Bourdillon came full speed upon the spur, and the said Seigneur de Brissac General of the Horse, put his horse into the little path, where one man could not very easily pass, stretching out his legs at full length upon the horse neck, at whose mercy he passed over, Monsieur de Bordillon after him, and after them followed some forty or fifty horse, all leading their horses in their hands. Monsieur de Brissac then presently came up to me, whom he found drawing up all the men into Battalion, believing that we should be fought with, and that those of Calais would certainly issue out to relieve their men. I had got an Ensign we had won upon my shoulder, which in his presence I restored to the Sergeant who had taken it, bidding him go and carry it to Monsieur de Tais, which he did, and the said Sieur de Tais so soon as he had received it, sent it by the same Sergeant to the Marshal, who was very busy with his Pioners, breaking down the Courtine (which was only of earth) to make way for the Gens-d'Armes to pass over; and now we were all within, Artillery and all; where so soon as we were all arrived, Messieurs de Brissac and de Bordillon, with the forty or fifty horse that had entered with them, took the right hand toward the Sluices which separate the County of Artois from the County of Oye, where they met with forty or fifty of the English, bearing Lances, who presently began to retire full gallop towards Calais. Monsieur de Brissac was jealous, that these had only run away to draw him into some Ambuscado, and therefore made a halt, sending out Castegeac to discover a little valley that was on his left hand; which said Castegeac presently brought him word that he had seen above 400 horse, but it was no such thing, those he saw being no other than Countrymen and women of the neighbouring Villages, who were flying towards Calais, which was a great misfortune; for otherwise Monsieur de Brissac had pursued them, and they were all the Cavalry that the Enemy had in Calais, which had been no inconsiderable defeart. A General of all things ought always to send out an old Soldier, or some one whose intelligence he may absolutely rely upon, to discover; for men of little experience soon take the alarm, and fancy Bushes to be Battaillons. I will not say that Castegeac 
The mistake of Castegeac.  was no Soldier, but upon my word he here committed a very great error.  
Our Cavalry being got over the Breach, the Marshal had caused to be made, Monsieur de Tais would himself lead the Harquebuzeers, ordering me to remain with the Battle of Pikes. There were ten or twelve Ensigns which retired towards Calais, and had been coming to have disputed our entry, which, could they have come up in time, had found us enough to do, with our Artillery and all, as the Marshal had told me when I went to call Monsieur de Tais to go on to the Assault: and although I know very well at whom it stuck, that we did not fight them ten or twelve Ensigns, I will however forbear committing it to writing, 
Fault of the French  forasmuch as in delivering the truth, I should be obliged to speak ill of some particular persons, and those none of the least, which I will by no means do: But if Monsieur de St. Cire (who was Lieutenant to fifty men at arms belonging to Monsieur Boissy, who died Grand Escuyer) were alive, he could tell where the fault lay, for he was there grievously wounded, had his horse killed under him, and above forty horses more of the same Troop killed and wounded. There followed a great quarrel upon it, which proceeded so far as almost to bring two men to fight in Lists. It was indeed a most infamous cowardice, and of great prejudice to his Majesty's service; for had those been defeated, there had no body been left in Calais but old men and women, and I have since heard the Marshal de Biez say, that had those Ensigns been cut off, with his Artillery he had taken the Town in two days. But seeing those people to be retreated safe into the City, they concluded to retire, which two days after we did; as also the season of the year began to settle into very great rain.  
Let me tell you Captains you ought not disdain to learn something of me, who am the oldest Captain in France, and who have been in as many Battles, or more, as any Captain of Europe, as you will judge at the end of my Book. Know therefore that the reasons which induced me to attempt this affault, were these. First, because I had felt the pulse of the English at my first arrival, and found them a very easy Enemy. Secondly, because they had abandoned their Fortifications, which we gained, having the Bastion that served them for a Flanker. Thirdly, because from the little eminence where I had made a halt before I went down into the Meadow, I had seen coming along the Plain on the inside toward Calais a great number of people coming from thence, and observed all the Courtine to be full of men, by which I saw it was high time to fall on; and for a fourth reason, because that in the Ditch next to the Courtine there was very little water, and from the said Ditch to the said Courtine it was but two good steps, where the Soldiers might stand well enough, and with a little help of their Pikes or Halberds, and the assistance of one another (the Courtine being no more than two fathoms high) we should carry the place. When (Captains) therefore your eye shall have discharged its office in discovering the number of your Enemy, and the strength of the place where he is, and that you have tasted, and found him apt to fly, charge him whilst he is in the fear you have possessed him withal, for if you give him time to recover his senses, and to forget his fright, you will be more often in danger of being beaten, than likely to beat. Wherefore you ought evermore to pursue him in his fear, without giving him leisure to reassume his courage, and carry always about you the Motto of Alexander the Great, which is: Defer not that till to morrow thou canst do to day; for many things fall out betwixt the lip and the cup, especially in war, and then it will be too late to say, I should never have thought it. You shall execute many things in your heat, which, if you give yourselves leisure to consider of, you will think of it thrice before you once attempt it. Push home then, venture, and do not give your Enemy's leisure to consult together, for one will encourage another.  
Being returned to the Fort of Outread; there was hardly a day past that the English did not come to tickle us upon the descent towards the Sea, and would commonly brave our people up to our very Canon, which was within ten or twelve paces of the Fort: and we were all abused by what we had heard our Predecessors say, that one English man would always beat two French men, and that the English would never run away, nor never yield. I had retained something of the Camisado of Bullen, and of the business of Oye; and therefore said one day to Mousieur de Tais, that I would discover to him the mystery of the English, and wherefore they were reputed so hardy: which was, that they all carried arms of little reach, and therefore were necessitated to come up close to us to lose their arrows, 
A discourse concerning the valour of the English.  which otherwise would do no execution; whereas we who were accustomed to fire our Harquebusses at a great distance, seeing the Enemy use another manner of sight, thought these near approaches of theirs very strange, imputing their running on at this confident rate to absolute bravery: but I will lay them an Ambuscado, and then you shall see if I am in the right or no, and whether a Gascon be not as good as an Englishman. In ancient time their Fathers and ours were neighbours.  
I than chose out sixscore men, Harquebuzeers and Pikes, with some Halberds amongst them, and lodged them in a hollow which the water had made, lying below on the right hand of the Fort, and sent Captain Chaux at the time when it was low water, strait to some little houses which were upon the Banks of the River almost over against the Town to skirmish with them, with instructions that so soon as he should see them pass the River, he should begin to retire, and give them leave to make a charge. Which he accordingly did: but it fortuned so, that he was wounded in one of his arms with a Hurquebuz shot, and the Soldiers took him and carried him back to the Fort, so that the skirmish remained without a head. 
Encountet betwixt the English and the French.  The English were soon aware of it, and gave them a very brisk charge, driving them on fight up to the very Canon. Seeing then our men so ill handled, I start up out of my Ambuscado sooner than I should have done, running on full drive directly up to them, commanding the Soldiers not to shoot, till they came within the distance of their arrows. They were two or three hundred men, having some Italian Harquebuzeers amongst them, which made me heartily repent that I had made my Ambuscado no stronger: but it was now past remedy, and so soon as they saw me coming towards them, they left the pursuit of the others, and came to charge upon me. We marched strait up to them, and so soon as they were come up within arrow shot, our Harquebuzeers gave their volley all at once, and then clapped their hands to their swords, as I had commanded, and we ran on to come to blows; but so soon as we came within two or three pikes length, they turned their backs with as great facility as any Nation that ever I saw, and we pursued them as far as the River, close by the Town, and there were four or five of our Soldiers who followed them to the other side. I than made a halt at the ruins of the little houses, where I rallied my people together again, some of whom were left by the way behind, who were not able to run so fast as the rest. Monsieur de Tais had seen all, and was sallied out of the Fort to relieve the Artillery, 
A pleasant discourse of the Si●ur de Montluc concerning the English.  to whom so soon as I came up to him, I said, Look you, did I not tell you how it would be? We must either conclude that the English of former times were more valiant than those of this present age, or that we are better men than our forefathers. I know not which of the two it is. In good earnest, said Monsieur de Tais, these people retreat in very great haste▪ I shall never again have so good an opinion of the English, as I have had heretofore. No Sir, said I, you must know that the English who anciently used to ●eat the French, were half Gascons, for they married into Gascony, and so bred good Soldiers: but now that race is worn out, and they are no more the same men they were.  
From that time forwards our people had no more the same opinion, nor the same fear of the English, that before. Therefore (Captains) as much as you can, keep your Soldiers from apprehending an Enemy; for if they once conceive an extraordinary opinion of their valour, they ever go on to fight in fear of being defeated. You are neither to despise your Enemy, neither should your Soldiers think them to be more valiant than themselves. Ever after this charge I observed our men always to go on more cheerfully to ●●●aque the English, and came still up closer to them; and let any one remember when the Marshal de Biez 
The remarkable valour of the Marshal de Biez.  fought them betwixt the Fort of Andelot, and the Town, whether our people needed to be entreated to fall on. The said Sieur de Biez there performed the part of a very valiant Gentleman, for when his Cavalry were all run off the Field, he came alone to put himself in the head of our battalion, and alighted, taking a Pike in his hand to go on to the fight, from whence he came off with very great honour. I myself was not there, and therefore shall say nothing of it; for two or three months after our return out of the County of Oye, I had asked leave of Monsieur do Tais to go to Court: but the Historians in the mean time are very unjust to conceal such brave actions, and that was a very remarkable one in this old Cavalier. Being at Court I prevailed so far with the Admiral, that he procured me a dismission from the King, for as much as I had reassumed the office of Campmaster upon no other terms, but only to command in the first Expedition that the Admiral should go upon; and having remained a month at Court, attending the King in the quality of one of his Gentlemen Waiters (who was now grown old, and melancholic, and did not caress men, as he had wont to do, only once he talked with me about the Battle of Serisoles, being at Fountain-Bleau) I took my leave of his Majesty, and never saw him after. I then returned into Gascony, from whence I never stirred till King Henry by the death of his Father was become King, 
Bullen delivered up to the French the 25. day of April, 1991.  having all that while been oppressed with troubles and sickness. And that is the reason why I can give you no account of the surrender of Bullen, which the King of England by the obstinacy of Francis the first, 
The death of Francis the first.  was constrained to quit for some consideration in money. A little after he died, and our King stayed but a very little behind him. We must all die; but this Surrender of Bullen happened in the reign of King Henry, my good Master, who succeeded his Father.  
Our new King having peace with the Emperor, and after the redelivery of Bullen, being also friends with the King of England, it seemed that our arms were likely long to rust by the walls; and indeed, if these two Princes sit still, France may be at rest. After having continued some time at home, the King was pleased to call me away, and to give me the command of Campmaster, and the government of Montcallier 
The Sieur de Montluc Governor of Montcallier.  under the Prince of Malphé his Lieutenant-General in Piedmont, Monsieur de Bonnevet being our Colonel: he remembers me very well, and if those who have governed since had loved me as well as he, I had had as much riches and honour as any Gentleman that has come out of Gascony these many years. I there remained eighteen months, without doing any thing all the while worthy to be remembered; for I will write nothing, but that wherein I had some command. Having obtained leave to retire myself to my own house, I returned into Gascony, where I heard a little while after, that by reason of the age and infirmness of the Prince of Malphé, the King was about to send thither Monsieur de Brissac 
Monsieur de Brissac Lieurenant General in Piedmont.  in the quality of his Lieutenant General there, which was the occasion that Captain Tilladet (who had also been dismissed) and myself went together to Court, where at our coming, we found that the said Seigneur had taken his leave of the King in order to his Journey. We then presented ourselves before his Majesty, who very graciously received us; and to the Constable, who was returned to Court, and in greater favour than ever in the time of King Francis, which many did hardly believe he would have been: but the Ladies had now lost their credit, and others were entered in. Immediately upon our coming his said Majesty, who was all this time in a little Town betwixt Melun and Paris, called Ville-neufve Saint George, commanded us to go to Paris, and repair to Monsieur Brissac. The next day after our arrival, the said Sieur de Brissac departed, being very glad that we were come to him, and so we went as far as Suze, where we found the Prince of Malphé, 
The death of the Prince of Malphé.  who had put himself upon his way, to come to end his life in France, as also within an hour after our arrival he died. Which, though I served some time under his command, is all I shall say of him, having very little opportunity to know more of him, than what I have taken upon trust; and it is a great misfortune to a Captain, so often to change his General; for before you can come to be throughly acquainted with him, you are old; and new friendships, and new acquaintance are troublesome. Monsieur de Brissac presently hereupon dispatched away Monsieur de Forquevaux to the King with an account of all, whom his Majesty sent speedily back again with the Patent of Marshal of France, 
Monsieur de Brissac made Marshal of France.  which he was pleased to confer upon him.  
We lay idle five or six months without any war; but it is hard for two so great Princes, and so near neighbours, to continue long without coming to arms, and indeed soon after an occasion presented itself: the King having taken upon him the protection of Duke Octavia, whom the Pope, and the Emperor his Father in Law, would deprive of his Dukedom. In order whereunto Don Ferrand de Gonzaga had laid siege to Parma, wherein was Monsieur de Termes, and to Miranda where Monsieur de Sansac commanded, who ●ere acquired very great reputation, for having worthily acquitted and approved himself a singular good Captain, as in truth he was; which he has also manifested in all places wherever he has been. 
The war betwixt France and Spain renewed.  He was one of the best Horsemen that ever was in France: but being I can give no account of these affairs, but by report only; nor of what passed at these two Sieges, I shall let them alone.  
The King having intelligence that the Emperor's forces were wholly taken up in Parmesan, sent to the Marshal de Brissac, 
This war begun in the year 1550.  that he should break the Peace, and upon the rupture to attempt to surprise some Town or other upon the Frontier, which he did. For he took Quires, and St. Damian: but the attempt upon Cairas did not succeed, as did the other two. Monsieur de Bassé went to execute that of St. Damian, which he surprised betwixt break of day and Sun rise, and the Marshal himself executed that of Quires after the manner I am going to relate, and I think Monsieur le President de Birague, who was there present, will in this Book find that I have not much miss it in the relation.  
Monsieur d' Ausun was chosen to go execute the design upon Cairas, who took with him the Baron de Cypi, and two or three other French Companies, together with Monsieur de Gental, and some Italians. The Scalado was given with great fury; but they were as well received. 
The Enterprise of Cairas.  There died one of the Brothers of Monsieur de Charry, who was gone as far as Savillan, and being in their way as they marched in the night, went along with them, and mounted a ladder the first man, from which he was beaten down. He was ill enough followed, as it was said. In the mean time Monsieur de Bassé took some Companies with him, with which by break of day he arrived within half a mile of St. Damian; they were once upon the point to return, seeing they should be discovered before they could come to the place, but in the end marched on to try their fortune. The custom of St. Damian was, that the Soldiers constantly opened the Gates every morning at break of day, to let all the people out to work, and afterwards placed some Sentinels upon the wall; so that the Sieur de Bassé entered with his ladders into the Graff, and had reared them to the wall before he was discovered. The Captains mounted first, and before they were espied by any, the one half of our people were got into the Town, 
St. Damian taken.  where there was only one foot Company, which retired into the Castle, where there was not provision for one day, and in the morning yielded up themselves. By which, Captains, you may see of how great importance it is to be careful never to leave a wall naked of Sentinels, or at least to have them upon some Tower or Gate, especially about break of day, for that is the time of greatest danger. People are weary of watching their walls, but your Enemy is not weary of watching his opportunity. All these three erterprises of Cairas, St. Damian and Quires should have been executed in one night; and indeed whoever will break a Peace, or a Truce, let him do all the execution he can, and make all the noise at one clap; for if he go piece by piece, he is certain to lose either a leg or a wing.  
Three days before the Marshal had been in consultation about the manner how to execute this enterpize upon Quires, 
The Enterprise of Quires.  at which Council were assisting Messieurs de Bonivet, Precedent Birague, Francisco Bernardin, de Bassé, and d' Aussun; and I cannot certainly say whether Sieur Ludovico de Biraga was present or no; but I am almost confident he was, forasmuch as the Marshal resolved upon nothing without his advice, he being a man of a most approved judgement. It was there concluded that we should give a Scalado on the upper side by the Vineyards upon the way from Agnasse to Quires. I had no fancy to this Scalado, neither did I think it likely to take effect, which made me entreat the Marshal, that seeing he was himself resolved to go in person upon this design, and that it was the first place he had undertaken since his Lieutenancy, it might be ordered so, as to succeed, and redound to his honour: for if in his first trial he should fail of success, men commonly judging of things by the event, would look upon it as an ill omen, and be apt to suspect his fortune, which is a very great prejudice to a man in supreme command. That therefore he should with great secrecy cause four or five pieces of Canon to march all night, 
The opinion of Monsieur de Montluc.  that they might arrive at the same time that the Scalado should be given at the Port jaune, and so by one way or the other he would not fail to carry the place; for since he was resolved to attempt it, he was to try all ways conducing to the end proposed. Now the Artillery was already mounted on carriages, and fit for present service, before the Castle of Turin; for so soon as the Marshal understood that his Majesty had taken upon him the protection of the Duke of Parma, and that the war was already broke out in those parts, he made no question but the rempest would soon fall upon him, and therefore had wisely made his preparations before hand, that he might not be to seek in time of need, being indeed one of the most prudent and circumspect Commanders that I ever knew.  
This advice of mine suffered a great dispute; for it was objected that in one night the Artillery could not be drawn to Quires, 
His opinlon disputed.  and that all the three erterprises would be discovered by the rattle of the Carriages, and the voice of the drivers of the Artillery: but in the end it was concluded that at Vespers the Gates of Turin should be shut, and that Oxen should be taken about Rivolle and Veillamie, and should be all brought in the Evening into the City, and great Guards kept at the Gates, to the end that no one living should stir our. It was moreover concluded, that I at the same hour should draw some Canon, and the great Culverin out of the Castle of Montcallier, and should take the Oxen belonging to the Gentlemen and Citizens of Montcallier, which grazed on the further side of the Bridge towards the Lodges. They made account that by one of the clock at night the Artillery would be at Montcallier, by the way beyond the Bridge, and Monsieur de Caillac and I were to stay together to convoy the Artillery with my Company, and the Marshal, Messieurs de Bonnivet, and Francisco Bernardin would go the other way with all the rest of the Forth. The said Marshal also left me Monsieur de Piquigni with his Company, and another, who were to go before us with the Pioners, and ten Gabions that we took with us from the Castle of Montcallier, in which order we arrived both the one and the other at the time appointed before Quires. 
The Ecalado fails.  But the Camisado vanished into smoke; for as much as all the ladders proved too short, and ●he Graft was much deeper than had been reported to the Marshal: which was the reason that we all turned to the Port jaune, where we found that they had already filled the Gabions, and were ready to lodge the Canon for Battery. The Marshal's good fortune began here to discover itself; 
The good fortune of the Marshal de Brissac.  for had the ladders been of a sufficient length, and that we had gone on to the Afsault, all the Citizens as well as the Soldiers were resolute to defend their walls to the last man; so that in my opinion we should have been very well swinged, and beaten off: for as much as they would neither suffer themselves to be surprised by night, nor taken by force: and we could not carry our design so close, but that they had had notice of it the day before; so that it had been no hard matter for them to give us a repulse, which perhaps might have discouraged them to do, as they afterward did. Don Ferrand at his departure from thence had there left an Italian Governor with three Companies, and had drawn out all the Spanish foot, to take them along with him to Parma.  
Our Battery having for some space played against the Town, 
Quires battered.  wrought its effect, and made a breach on the left hand of the Port jaune: but there fell thereupon so violent a storm of rain as almost spoilt all our work; yet notwithstanding by eleven of the clock the breach was eight or ten paces wide. Hereupon the Inhabitants of the Town, who desired nothing more than a fair opportunity of putting themselves into the King's obedience, by reason of the ill usage they had received from the Spaniard, began to ask the Governor if he thought himself sufficient with his Soldiers to withstand the Assault; to whom he made answer, that he was, provided the Townsmen also would take arms to assist him. Whereupon they plainly told him, that they would not do it, and moreover that they had not been so well entreated by the Spaniards, that they should take arms against the French. 
Division in Quires.  By which answer the Governor, who was an understanding man, perceived himself to be lodged betwixt my Lord and my Lady, and doubted that those of the Town were more likely to assault him behind than otherwise, which made him say to them, Have a little patience friends, and I will make such a Capitulation with the Marshal, as shall preserve you from any injury, and be honourable for ourselves; and thereupon caused a Trumpet to sound a parley, sending out a man to desire the Marshal, that he would send him Signior Francisco Bernardin, and the Signieur de Monbasin, and in the mean time cause his Battery to cease. The Marshal immediately then sent to us to give over shooting, which we accordingly did; and it was thereupon agreed, that the Governor should send out two or three in Hostage, and that then the two forenamed should enter in to Capitulate, 
The Capitulation of Quires,  and I think Precedent Birague went in with them, by reason he would not the Town should be sacked, his Wife being a Daughter of Quires, and the most part of the Gentry in the Town being by that means allied to him: but that I may not li●, I am not certain whether he went a third or no. Neither would the Marshal himself by any means, that any violence should be offered to them, being this would be an exemple to the other places that were in the Enemy's possession, to draw them on, that when they should happen to be in the like condition, out of consideration of the Civility he should show to those of Quires, they might be the more inclined to take part with the French.  
The greatest difficulty that happened betwixt our Deputies and the Governor, and Inhabitants, was, that the said Governor, it being already almost night, said he could not possibly retreat to Ast, and consequently should be in danger of being defeared by the way; wherefore he desired that the Surrender might be deferred till the next day: The Marshal who stood upon thorns, fearing lest this night they might be relieved from Ast, demanded then to have la Roquette delivered up to him, to put into it threescore men, and that they should choose out of our Captains any one whom they would, to enter in with them; in the mean time making our Companies still advance nearer to the Breach, which the Governor having notice of, he himself came upon the wall of the Roquette, where he called to me, entreating me to make the Soldiers retire, and telling me that they had concluded with the Marshal. The conclusion of which agreement was, that they were to march away with Bag and Baggage, their Colours furled up, without beat of Drum the next morning; and for further assurance it was agreed, that la Roquette should be put into our hands. 
La Roquette surrendered.  The Town then sent to the Marshal to entreat, that I, with the threescore men might be put into it; for I had in Piedmont acquired the reputation of a man of good discipline, to prevent all sorts of disorder in the Soldier: and I ordered it so well here, that not any one of the Citizens lost the worth of a straw. The avarice of a little plunder does oftentimes turn the hearts of such as otherwise are inclined to favour one's party. This business was very well considered by the Marshal; for that very night 400 Harquebuzeers set out from Ast to try if they could get into the Town; but they met intelligence by the way, that we were possessed of la Roquette, which made them return. There was one error committed in this business; for it was propounded in the Council, that without doubt the Enemy would come to us at the report of this Siege, and that therefore at the same time the Roquette should be delivered up to us, we should send out a good strong party to go the patroville on the high way towards Ast, which had it been done as it ought to have been, we had certainly cut off this Relief.  
The next morning Monsieur de Bonivet who was encamped upon the road of A●dezun, with fifteen or twenty Gentlemen in company with him came to Quires, just at the time when the Italians were marching out of the Town, who being entered in, stayed at the Gate to sec them march away, when so soon as they were gone, Monsieur de Bonivet being under the second Gate to enter into the City, and the Marshal having commanded me not to suffer any person whatsoever to enter till he himself was first come in, I heard my Lieutenant very loud and angry at the Breach, where I had placed him to watch, that none should pass in that way; at which Monsieur de Bonivet said to me, there is some disorder, whereupon I presently ran to the place, and found that they were Thiefs of the very Town of Quires itself, who would have entered in to pillage the City: at which going hastily down the Breach to fall upon them, the ruins of the wall made my feet shp from under me, so that I sell upon my left side amongst the stones, with so great violence, that I put my hip out of joint. I do think that all the tortures in the world are not comparable to this, by reason of a little nerve we have in that joint, where the bones are all enchac'c into one another, which was extended, in so much that I have never walked upright since; 
Monsieur Montluc hurt with a tall.  but have ever had pain more or less, notwithstanding all the Baths and other remedies I could use to remove it. Monsieur de Bonivet caused me to be carried by the Soldiers into a Lodging, and I before had brought in the Quartermasters, who were ordering the Quarters. About an hour after I was hurt the Marshal entered the City, and did me the honour to ●light at my lodging to see me, expressing as much sorrow for my mischance as if I had been his own Brother; and indeed he heartily loved, and had a very esteem for me. During our abode there he came three times to keep his Council at my Bed's head, as Precedent Birague, who is yet living can witness. He took great delight to hear men discourse in his presence, but in few words; and if any one said any thing, he would presently demand his reason. At the said Quires, and at Montcallier I kept my bed two months and a half of this unlucky fall.  
Don Ferrand leaving the war of Parma, came to Ast to draw his Forces together, thereof to form the Body of an Army, having left in Parmesan Signior Carls and the Marquis de Vins. The King having notice thereof, commanded the Admiral that he should in all hast send away six of his Companies to the Marshal de Brissac, which were conducted by Captain Ynard, 
The arrival of the French Nobility in Piedmont.  who at that time was Sergeant Major only. Monsieur d' Aumale, who was General of the horse, came also, as did Monsieur de Nemours a few days after; and presently after him Messieurs d' Anguien, and the Prince of Conde, Brothers, than Monsieur de Montmorency, who is now Marshal of France, and eldest Son of the Constable Monsieur le Compte de Charmy, and his Brother Monsieur de la Rochefoucault, having a great number of Gentlemen of very good quality in their Train, insomuch that three Companies of foot being quartered in Quires, the Marshal was constrained to dislodge them to accommodate the Princes, and the Lords of their Train. Certainly there is not a braver Nobility in the world than the French, 
The Praise of the French Nobility.  nor more ready to put foot in the stirrup for the service of their Prince; but than you must take them in the heat. Certain days after their arrival the Marshal laid a design to go and take the Castle of Lans, which Garrison very much infested the Road betwixt Suze and Turin, by reason of a valley that extends itself from Lans to the high way, so that the Soldiers of the said Lans were almost continually there, having a little Castle in the mid way, that served them for a retreat. The Marescal then sent for me to Montcallier, whither six weeks after my fall I had caused myself to be conveyed in a litter: upon whose summons I made myself to be set upon a little Mule, and with extreme pain arrived at Quires, every day striving by little and little to walk. Behold these were the successes of the taking of Quires and St. Damian, and I will now give an account of the taking of Lans.  
The Marshal then, 
The Enterprise of Lans.  and all the Camp (wherein were all the abovenamed Princes and Lords) marched directly to Lans, and because there are some of them yet living, who love me, and others that have an unkindness for me, I will come as near to truth as my memory will give me leave, to the end that those who hate me, may have no occasion to reprehend me, speaking the truth; and that the rest who love me, may take delight in reading what I have done, and call me to their remembrance, for the Historians I see mince the matter.  
The Marshal with all the Camp went before, leaving me with five Ensigns of foot, and the Masters of the Ordnace, Messieurs de Caillac and du Noguy, who were also at the taking of Quires, to conduct the Artillery. The day after he departed from Quires he arrived at Lans about noon, and we with the Artillery came up in the beginnging of the night. The Bourg of Lans is large, and enclosed with scurvy wall; the Marshal took up his quarter in another Bourge, about a mile distant from the said Lans, and round about him the Gens d' Arms, and all the Cavalry. All the Princes and Lords would be quartered in the Bourg of Lans, with some French and Italian Companies of foot, and particularly Monsieur de Bonivet, with his Colonel Company. At their arrival they went to the foot of the Mountain, 
Description of Lans.  on the right hand as you come out of the Bourg. The Sergeant Major had already got to the top of the said Mountain behind the Castle round about which were very great precipices, and especially behind it, where the Marshal was of necessity to go to take a view of the Place. There is nothing but precipice, saving in the front of the Castle, which looks towards the Town, and there were two great Bulwarks, and the Gate of the Castle between them. To plant the Artillery there, was only to lose so much time, and to place it on that side by which we came, we should be enforced to point the Mussel of the Canon upward, so that it could batter but one half of the wall, and besides we were to climb above a thousand paces, with the greatest difficulty imaginable; before we could come to the foot of the said wall. On the right hand it was the same, and behind the worst of all: for ●alling thence, a man should tumble headlong a quarter of a mile down into the River. By reason of which great difficulty of bringing up Canon behind the said Castle, where there was a little even plot of some twenty or five and twenty paces broad, the Enemy had made no other fortification on that side, saving that they had cut a paltry Ditch of about half a pikes depth in the Rock, with two Ravelins on either side, that slanckt the Ditch; and it had not been above three months before, 
The opinion of the Engineers.  that two of the Emperor's Engineers had been there, and had declared, that it was not possible for all mankind to bring up Artillery, either by this side, or any of the others, if they did not plant it on the Town side, before the Gate of the Castle, which also would be so much labour lost.  
The Marshal at his fi●st arrival with all the Prince and Lords, and the Engineers he had with him, went to take a view of the backside of the Castle, up an ascent of above 300 paces, and as uneasy ones as ever they went in their lives, where after they had discovered, and remained above two hours upon the place, they all concluded it impossible to be taken. At night I came with the Artillery, when it was presently told me, that the next day we were to return back again; at which I was very much dashed; but was so intolerably tormented with my hip, that I presently threw myself upon a Matrice, and saw not the Marshal that night; for he was gone back to his Quarters, very much displeased with some who before had represented the Enterprise so easy to him, and would undertake to bring it about, and yet when it came to the push concluded it impossible. In the morning he came again, and again went to view the place; but the more they looked, the worse they likeed, and still discovered greater difficulties than before. Just as I had dined Messieurs de Piquigny, de Touchepeid, and de Vinu, came to seek me out, and told me, that the resolution was concluded to return, and that I would not be unwilling to it, if I had seen the place, putting so many whimsies into my head, that they got me upon my little Mule, and carried me behind the ridge of the Mountain, 
The Sieur de Montluc goe● to take a view of Laus.  where Harquebuz shots were very good cheap, unless a man took on the right hand towards the River, and there it was hard to pass, and more hard to discover any thing; and both the Marshal and all the Princes had gone up, and come down at the mercy of the Enemy's shot. Whom God defends is well defended. I have seen the time when a thousand Harquebuz shot have been discharged within an hundred paces of me, and done me no harm: but we all four made such shift, that at last we got up to the top, and they led me the same way by which the Marshal and all his Company had ascended and descended before.  
I will here set down for an exemple to those that shall follow after us, how I found the thing feasible, and which way Canon was to be got up to this level; not however without very great difficulty: but how hard soever it appeared to be, we concluded to bring up the Artillery to the top of the Mountain, and there to plant it in Battery. In the first place to look up from the foot of the Mountain to the height of it, was a perpendicular the Angels themselves would have enough to do to climb; but I began to take notice, that making one advance of about an hundred paces, to a little place which might be some ten paces in circumference, that there we might have conveniency to rest the Piece, for the little place was almost even. I then conceived that we might make another Stage, crossing over on the left hand towards the Castle, to another little even spot, that was sufficient to repose the Canon, and afterwards that we were to make another Stage, crossing again to the right hand to another level spot; and from thence indeed we had the ascent something steep to the backside of the Castle; but we should before have got past all the Rocks and Precipices.  
By all these three resting-places we descended the Mountain in great danger of our necks, where I showed them that each of them, was to undertake to advance the Canon from one reposing place to another, all which they took especial notice of, and afterwards remounted me upon my Mule; for before they had led me all the way under the Arms like a Bride, and so we went directly to the Marshal's Quarters, where I found them all set in Council, to take order for our return. So soon as I came into the room, the Marshal said to me, How now Monsieur de Montlu●, where have you been? I have sent for you twice to come to the Council, that you might hear the determination we have made to return. You must carry back the Artillery by the same way you came. To which I made answer, what Sir, will you return without taking this place, that is a resolution unworthy Monsieur de Brissac? I have been to view the place, and by the same way that you have viewed it yourself, and do assure you that we will bring up the Artillery to the top of the Mountain. He then told me, that it must be God alone that must work such a miracle, for that it was not in the power of man to do it; to which I made answer, that I was not God, and yet that I would undertake to bring them up. He then said to me, yes in eight or ten days time perhaps with the help of Engines, and in the mean time Don Ferrand, who is at Verseil, shall gather together all the Forces he can make, both in the field, and out of the Garrisons, and come to give us Battle, who has 3000 Germans, and I have neither Germans nor Swiss to match him. Sir, than (said I) I will pawn to you my life and my honour, in two mornings to plant you four Pieces of Canon ready mounted on the back side of the Castle; notwithstanding which he was still harping upon the 3000 Germans; at which growing at last a little angry, I said, Do you make so great account of Don Ferrand's Germane? The Admiral has here six Companies commanded by Captain Ynard, Monsieur de Bonnivet shall give him four more of his, with which Ensigns he shall undertake to fight the Germans, and Monsieur de Bonnivet with the remainder of his shall fight the Spaniard●. Our Italians will engage to fight theirs, and for Cavalry you have (reckoning the Train of the Princes) a third part more than Don Ferrand. If Captain Ynard h●d rather sight with the Spaniards than the Germans, Monsieur de Bonnivet and I will fight them, ●nd let him take his choice. To which Captain Ynard made answer, that he was ready to fight either the one or the other, as the Marshal should please to appoint; Monsieur de Bonnivet also said, it was all one to him, whereupon I said, and must we then make such a piece of matter of the Germans? I dare lay a good wager of those three thousand, fifteen hundred have ne'er a tatter to their arses, whereas our Soldiers have most of them breeches of Velvet and Satin, and think themselves all Gentlemen. Seeing then themselves so well clad as they are, shall they be afraid to fight with the Germans? let them but come to us once, and we shall handle them as we did at Cerisolles. Monsieur de Montmorancy than stood up, 
The Sieur de Montlucs contest in the Council.  and said, Sir Monsieur de Montluc is an old Captain, methinks you ought to give credit to what he says; to which the Marshal made answer, You do not know him so well as I, for he will never think any thing impossible, and one time or another will make us lose all; whereupon I made answer again, that where I saw a difficulty I feared my skin as much as another; but that in this I could discover no inconvenience at all. Monsieur de Nemours then spoke, and said, Sir, let him have his own way for once, 
A dispute in the Council concerning his advice.  and see what he will do; Messieurs the Prince of Condé, and Monsieur d' Anguien laid as much, and Monsieur d' Aumalle the same. Monsieur de Gurnort who is now Marshal of France, and Monsieur de la Rochefoucaut, the Count de Charney, the Sieurs de la Fayette, and the Terride, were all of the same opinion: which the Marshal seeing, said, Well Gentlemen, I perceive you have all a desire that we should play the fools; let us do so then, for I intent to let you see, that I am as great a one as any of you all. And thus I got the victory against the whole Council.  
Things being thus concluded I said to Monsieur de Nemours, Sir, it will be necessary that you Princes and Lords put your helping hands to this business, and lead the Soldiers the way, to the end that if you would shrink away, and avoid the great toil and labour they are to undergo for the execution of the thing in question, we may reproach them, that the Princes and Lords put to their hands before them. In the mean time I told him, that it would do well if he so pleased, that he with his own Company should take a Canon he himself had brought thither with him, and conduct it to the foot of the Mountain, who answered me, that he would very willingly do it. Now the Artillery was of necessity to be drawn through the Town, and they were moreover constrained to break three or four Corners of houses, to draw them out, and also to levelly a little descent at the going out of the Town, from whence they fell into a plain way to the very foot of the Mountain upon which the Castle stood, about a thousand paces distant from the City. I said as much to Monsieur d' Anguien, and the Prince of Condé, who very readily consented to take upon them the charge of other two, to whom also Monsieur de Montmorancy very frankly offered himself. As to the fourth piece of Canon, I cannot remember who it was, that undertook the care of that, 
The order about the Battery.  for it was not Monsieur d' Aumale, being he was to go back to his Quarters to the horse with the Marshal: but however it was they rested not of all night, all by Torchlight they had brought the Artillery to the foot of the Mountain. But before they went out of the Council, I said to Monsieur d' Aumale; Sir, will you go along, 
The Princes assist.  and I will show you which way we will get up the Artillery behind the Castle, and Sir (speaking to the Marshal) I know you will not yet retire to your Quarters. Monsieur d' Aumale than went willingly along with me, having only Monsieur de la Rochefaucault, the Signior Piquigny, 
The Sieur de Montluc goes again to view the Castle of Lans.  and myself in company with him; who, though I was damnably plagued with my hip, nevertheless forced myself that they might see with their own eyes which way it was to be done. So soon then as we had ascended the Mountain, and taken a view of the place, we returned back to the Marshal, who stayed expecting the said Monsieur d' Aumale, who at his coming told him that my reason was very good, and that no body had taken notice of what I had perceived; nor observed those resting places in the Rock. All the Princes and Lords were yet in the Hall where the Marshal had dined: where Monsieur de Bassé at that time was, I do not certainly remember, for the Marshal sent for him to come with his Company, and two French Companies more, with command to Captain Tilladet, and Savallan, to advance night and day, and come to join with him, which they accordingly did.  
The next morning I went to see which way we were to get up this Mountain, without being galled by the shot from the Castle; and here I first discovered five little loopholes made for Harquebusses only, to which we lay open and exposed all the way we were to go: To countercheck these I entreated Captain Ynard to bring me three hundred Harquebuzeers of the b●st marksmen he had in all his Companies; which, so soon as they came we divided to be set ten to each loop-lole, who shot as they do at a mark one after another, and all open; and when the last of the ten had made his shot, the first always began again. There was in the Town a house higher than the rest, from the roof of which one might play into the Castle, and all along the Curtain: but the Enemy, to shelter themselves from this inconvenience, had nailed several planks one above another, in such sort that those who were upon the top of the house could see nothing within the wall. Now these planks were very thin, and before the beginning of the War I had put it into the Marshal's head to cause four hundred Harquebusses to be forged at Pignerol, of a bore to carry point blank three or four hundred paces, of which he might distribute twenty to each Company, with order to the Treasurers to allow twelve 
* A Frank▪ ● Livre, and ● Cardecu are twenty pence English.  Francs pay to such as should carry those arms. These Harquebusses were already made, and distributed, wherefore I entreated Captain Richelieu (the same who was since Campmaster) to place twenty of those Haquebuzeers upon the said house, to shoot through the Planks along the Curtain, whose shot broke thorough with as much ●ase as if they had been paper; insomuch, that what with the Harquebuzeers, that from the top of the house played along the Curtain, and what with the other who fired by ten against the loopholes, the Enemy were in such a condition, that not a man durst venture to pass to and fro on the inside of the Curtain.  
We then delivered to every one of the three who had viewed the way up the Rock, twenty Pioners and three Masons, with great hammers and picks of iron, wherewith to break some Rocks that were in the way. And thus about eight a clock in the morning we began to work upon the way, which by two in the afternoon was brought to perfection, 
The Artillery mounted,  and at one of the clock in the night they began to mount the first Piece, with fourscore Soldiers of my company I had there with me (the rest being left behind at Montcallier) which they also mounted. This Piece gave them more trouble than all the other three; for they were after so well acquainted with the way, that the rest came up with much greater ●ase. M●nsieur de Piquigny all the way carried a little Lantern to light the wheels of the Carriages, by the aim of which the Enemy began to shoot, but no shot ever touched us. Messieurs de Caillac and de Duno were in the mean time busy behind the Castle above, placing the Gabions, and filling them with earth; and as the Pieces were hall'd up to the top of the Mountain, they still came to receive, and plant them in battery: but not a man ever put a hand to the drawing up of the foresaid Canon but my Soldiers only; for although Monsieur de Bonnivet had brought one Company, and Captain Ynard another to assist them; yet would they not accept of their service, but told them that they needed no help, and that since they had had the honour to hale up the first Piece, they would likewise have the advantage to bring up all the rest: Which I was very glad of, because they were already very perfect in all the turns, and by three of the clock in the morning all the pieces were planted ready to batter. 
and plan●ed in Battery.  The Marshal and Monsieur d' Aumale were by this time come from their Quarters, where I believe they had not slept much that night. The Marshal out of the fear he had that it was not possible to hale the pieces up, and Monsieur d' Aumale on the other side was in no less pain, forasmuch as after he had viewed the place, he had assured him that I would infallibly mount them. The Princes and Lords, who had been at work the night before, took their rest, till the Marshal sent to rouse them, which was not until Captain Martin (a Basque, who had a Company in his own Regiment) came and assured him that he had seen the last piece brought up to the top of the Mountain: Which Captain Martin I do verily believe made that night fifty journeys to and fro, for the Marshal had sent him almost every moment to see in what forwardness we were.  
The Marshal and all the Princes and Lords being come, they found that all the four Canon were ready mounted to begin the batter. I had caused half a Sack of a very excell●n● sort of apples, four great leather Bottles of wine, and some bread to be brought to the place wherewith to refresh my Soldiers: But first the Marshal, and after him all the Princes and Lords robbed me of all my apples, and whilst they stayed expecting the break of day, out of an ugly pot drunk two bottles of my wine. I leave those who shall read this History to judge, whether or no I did not swagger the Marshal, seeing he had so highly opposed me, about the bringing up of the Artillery. I think in my whole life I was never in so good a humour, as well in respect to the con●entment I discovered in the Marshal, as also in all the other Princes and Lords, who were present, and had all had their share of the 〈◊〉. In the morning by break of day we made three or four volleys against the Wall, which pierced it, and through the Stables entered into the Base-court, and from thence into the Lodgings of the Castle. The Marshal had also caused three pieces of Canon to be planted below, on that side by which we came, which battered upwards, only to terrify the Enemy, for hur● they could do none: But so soon as our Artillery, 
Lans surrendered.  had given their three or four volleys, they began to sound a parley, and presently surrendered. The Marshal left Captain Brueil, brother-in-law to Monsieur Salc●de, with his Company in Garrison there, ●e being one of the Captains belonging to the Admiral; which being done, he march'● with all his Horse and Foot towards the plain of Ca●uge, to see if Don Ferrand might not be upon his way to relieve the Castle: but he had there intelligence, that he was yet at Verseil; whereupon the said Marshal returned to Quires, and I returned to Montcallier, where I fifteen days kept my bed of my hip, and do verily believe, that had I not so bestirred my limbs in this action it had never been cured.  
This (fellow Captains) ought to teach you never to trust one or two to discover a place, and without relying on your own judgement, to call those to your assistance, whom you conceive to be men, not of the greatest experience only, but moreover of the greatest courage; for what one cannot see, another may perhaps discern. Neither must you refu●e to take pains, where you discover a little difficulty in the thing, in order to the execution of a brave exploit, and learn to be wise at your enemy's expense. When you have taken up a resolution to defend a place, take notice to smooth and cut off all the resting places that shall happen to be in any of the avenues, for wherever Canon shall find such places to repose in, as will allow the men time to pant, and take breath, they will in the end infallibly mount● them. Neitherwithout this convenience could I possibly have brought what I had undertaken to pass. The taking of this place deprived the Enemy of a mighty advantage, and was very convenient for us in order to the prosecution of this War.  
Some time after the Princes (seeing no likelihood of Don Ferrand de Gonzaga's being drawn to a Battle, nor hearing of any preparation he made for the assaulting of any Town) returned back to Court. And soon after their departure, the Marshal by the advice of Precedent Birague, 
The Character or Monsieur de Brissac Marshal of France.  Signior Ludovico, and Francisco Bernardin deliberated to go take certain places about Tvr●é, to keep those in Yurcé the better in awe. He was a General every way worthy his Command, always in action, never idle; and I do think that sleeping his fancy was evermore at work, and that he was ever dreaming of undertaking, and executing some notable enterprise.  
To the forementioned end we marched with all the Army directly to St. Martin, wherein was a Company of Italians, and where the Castle was battered, and taken, together with the Castle of Pons, Casteltelle, Balpergue, and some others about Yureé, and we began to fortify the said Castle of St. Martin. Now Messieurs de Bassé and de Gordes had taken Sebe, wherefore so soon as the Fort of St. Martin was brought into a pretty good condition, the Marshal went to Quires, that he might be nearer to Monsieur de Bassé, to assist him in time of need; for he had already received intelligence, that Don A●bro de Cendé gathered together the Army in Alexandria (and I think Don Ferrand was at that time sick) which made the Marshal doubt that he might have some de●●gu upon Sebe, and therefore left Monsieur de Bonnivet, Signior Francisco, and me, making Signior Ludovico to retire to Chevas, and Bourlengue, to have an eye to those places, of which also he was Governor.  
Eight days were not passed before the Marshal sent orders to Monsieur de B●●nivet, and to me, that we should march in all diligence day and night directly to Montdevi, with five or six French Companies we had at St. Martin, leaving Signior Francisco to pursue the Fortification, which accordingly he did, marching night and day, as it was necessary we should, for the Marshal was engaged in Sebe, for the relief of Monsieur de Bassé: but when Don Arbro heard of our coming, that we had drawn another Company out of Savillan by the way, and that he saw us arrived at the corner of the Town, he presently drew off, and having recovered a Bridge of brick, began to pass over his Baggage; whether Signior Ludovico de Biraga was with us, or no, I am not able to say, because we had some Italian in our Company.  
The Marshal seeing himself disengaged, ●allyed out of the Town with all the Forces he had brought with him, and went to attaque the Enemy at the Bridge, where it appeared Don Arbro had an intention to have encamped, for we there found many Huts, ready set up. 
Don Arbro de Cende a brav● Spanish Captain,  The skirmish was great, and smart on both sides; nevertheless I am of opinion that had we charged him home horse and foot and all, we had put him very hardly to't, and perhaps given him a shrewd blow; for after he had past the Bridge, he was to climb a steep mountain, where the way was so narrow, that they could only go one by one. But he made us know that he was a very able Soldier; for he first passed over all his horse, fearing that ours would charge and overturn them upon his foot, than he passed over his Germans, and himself remained behind with a thousand or twelve hundred Harquebuzeers, with which he still made good the Bridge, by the favour of three houses that stood at the end of it, which we could never gain from him, he having opened them so, that they flanked and defended one another.  
On the top of the Mountain there was a Plain that extended itself to a little Town they held, being about the length of 1000 paces, or thereabouts, where he first caused his people to make a halt, and afterwards retired. But at his departing from the houses, we had thought to have fallen in amongst them, which we also attempted, and there were in that place some men slain, both on the one side, and the other, and we continually followed in their Rear up the forementioned narrow path, still plying them with our Harquebuz shot; for we saw not the preparation he had made for us on the top of the mountain. Messieurs de Bonivet, and de la Moth Gondrin, and I were all on horseback, and amongst the Harquebuzeers to encourage them, when so soon as we●came to the top, he gave us a charge with a 1000 or 1200 Harquebuzeers, which sent us back with a rattle directly to the Bridge, and full drive upon the Marshal; Monsieur de la Moths horse was killed under him, and mine so hurt that he died five or six days after; and God was assisting to us, in having put it into our minds, to draw our men into two divisions, on the right and left hand of the way, though the ascent was very difficult and steep, for by that means we lost but very few of our men, whereas had we been all cluttered together in the narrow path, we had received a very great defeat, and had ourselves remained upon the place. Take notice of this (young Captains) when you shall happen to be in the like Ground, upon the like occasion; for the old and circumspect have been often snapped in such places as these, and know well enough how to avoid them. The Marshal then withdrew with all his Army about Sebe, and the next day carried away the Canon, that Messieurs de Bass● and the Gordes had brought along with them when they took it, ●●aving there three Companies, two French and one Italian, and so retired by Montdevi towards Turin and Quires. How Sebe was after lost I do not remember, but lost it was, for we returned a year after to recover it, when it was much better defended, and longer disputed than before, as hereafter you shall hear.  
Sometime after Don Ferrand set an Army on foot, by much exceeding all the forces the Marshal could make, he having neither Swiss nor Germane Foot: wherefore (being advertized by the Signeurs Ludovico de Birague, and Francisco Bernardin, that this Army was designed for the retaking of St. Martin, and the other Castles we had taken before; and also to take Cassal, some seven leagues distant from Turin, and to fortify it, to the end that Turin might receive no relief from the mountains and valleys of Lans, and especially from Cassal, from whence we had most of the fruit and wood that was brought to Turin) So soon as Don Ferrand's Army was ready to march directly to St. Martin, 
Monsieur Brissac calls a Council at the approach of the Spanish Army.  the Marshal called a Council of his Officers to deliberate what he should do concerning Cassal, seeing it was neither fortified nor tenable: who amongst them concluded to quit ●t, and to dismantle it, though the dismantling could signify nothing; forasmuch as Don Ferrand would soon have repaired it again. I was the same night advertized at Montcalli●r of this determination, which was the reason that I went early the next morning to the Marshal to Turin, where I made bold to ask him if it were true, that he had taken a resolution to abandon Cassal, who told me, that yes, because he could find no one, who would hazard his life and reputation in putting himself into it, and that therefore they had concluded in the Council, to put only one Company of Italian Foot into it, which was to surrender the Town so soon as they should see Don Ferrand approach with an intention to attaque it. I than told him that that would signify very little, for the Captain himself would however tell the Soldiers as much, to make them willing to stay; but that he must Garrison it in good earnest, and not after this manner. And who (said he) would you have so senseless as to undertake the defence of it? to which I made answer that I would be the man. He then told me that he had rather lose the best part of his estate, than to suffer me to engage myself in it, considering that the place could not in a years time be fortified to resist Canon. To which I made answer, Sir, the King does entertain, and pay us for three things only: one to win him a Battle, to the end that he may overrun a great space of ground, and subdue several strong holds to his obedience; another to defend a Town; for no Town can be lost, but a great deal of ground goes along with it; and the third to take a Town; 
The Sieur de Montluc undertakes the defence of Cassal.  for the taking of a Town brings a great number of people into subjection; all the rest are only skirmishes, and rencounters, that signify nothing to any body but ourselves, to make us known unto, and esteemed of our Superiors, and to acquire honour to our own particular persons; for the King has by this no advantage at all, nor by any other effect of war, saving by the three ferementioned services; wherefore before this place shall be so quitted I will lose my life in its defence. The Marshal hereupon disputed it very strongly with me, to divert me from this intention; but seeing me resolved, at last gave me leave to do as I would. He was a man that would be governed by reason, without relying too much upon his own judgement, as did Monsieur de Lautrec, who was ever observed to be guilty of that fault, as I think I have said elsewhere.  
Cassal is a little City enclosed with a rough wall of Flints without any one Axler stone amongst them; 
Description of Cassal.  a Graft that environs it, into which the water comes and goes, so that the Gra●le can neither be made deeper, nor the water retained in any place, to be much above knee deep. There was no manner of Trench either within or without, neither were the four Flankers filled at all, so that the Enemy having once battered me a Curtain by the Canton, they might afterwards batter me in the flank. I demanded of the Marshal 500 Pioners of the Mountain, which he sent presently to raise, so that within four days they were all at Cassal: I demanded likewise a great number of Instruments, and iron Tools, wherewith to furnish my Soldiers also for the work, which he also suddenly sent me, together with great store of grain, bacon, lead, powder, and match; I demanded moreover the Baron de Chipy la Gardiner (Nephew to the Baron de la Guard) le Mas, Martin, and my own Company. All these five Companies were exceeding good, and their Captains also; who having understood that I had made choice of them of my own accord, took it for a great reputation, and a high honour to them. I demanded of him also le Gritti a Venetian, who had a Company of Italian foot: all which were granted to me,  
In the morning than I went to put myself into it, and at night all the Companies arrived. Monsieur de Gye, eldest Son of Monsieur de Maugiron was there in Garrison with the men at arms belonging to his Father, to whom the Marshal sent order to march away, and to carry his Company to Montcallier: but he writ an answer back, that he had not continued so long in Garrison at Cassal, to abandon it at a time when a Siege was going to be laid before it, especially when so old a Captain as I had undertaken the defence thereof, and that therefore he was resolved there to live and die with me. The Marshal would not take this answer for currant pay; for the next day betimes in the morning he came himself to Cassal, having Monsieur d' Aussun, Monsieur de la Mothe-Gondrin, 
Monsieur de Brissac visits Cassal.  and the Viscount de Gourdon in company with him. I had there already assigned all the Quarters for the Foot, without dislodging the Gens d' Arms, forasmuch as I saw Monsieur de Gye, and all his Company obstinately resolute to stay. And although the Marshal himself was come in person, yet could he never prevail with Monsieur de Gye to depart the Town, who plainly told him, that he, if he so pleased, might command his Company away from him, but for what concerned himself, he was resolved not to stir a foot; which was the reason that the Marshal returned very much dissatisfied with himself, that he had granted me leave to take upon me the defence of that place, which was conceived to be so desperate an undertaking, that Monsieur de la Mothe-Gondrin, and the Viscount de Gordon wept at parting with me, and all of them gave me over, as also did Precedent Birague himself, who is yet living, for lost either in my life o● my honour, and so after dinner they departed. At their going away I entreated the Marshal and all my Companions, that they should no more come to see me, for I would not be hindered so much as a quarter of an hour from intending my fortification. I moreover desired the Marshal to send me Colonel Charomond, who was at Riboulle, to assist me in the said fortification, with two Engineers which the said Marshal had, one of which was slain at the taking of Ulpian, and the other is the Chevalier Reloge, who is now in France.  
We began then to fill the four Cantons, 
The diligence of the Sieur de Montluc in the fortifying of ●assal.  each Captain of four having taken one, and afterwards divided the other two Companies to the four Curtains, and also the 500 Pioners, for all the Inhabitants of the Town above ten years of age carried earth for the four Captains. But (that I may deprive no one of his due honour) I shall tell you that Monsieur de Gye had an Ensign of Dauphiné called Montfort, and the Guidon Monsieur de l' Estanc, who being arrived at Montcallier in the Evening, bega● to consider and lament their Captain's condition, insomuch that all the Company mutinyed, resolving to go and die with him, and never to stir from his side. Whereupon l' Estanc entreated the said Captain Montfort to stay, for it might fall out that the Marshal would let them all go, when he should see that one part were already gone; and to the end the Marshal might not be overmuch offended, that he should keep with him all those who were willing to stay; which being agreed betwixt them, the said Estanc fearing lest the Marshal should have any inkling of his design, stole away at midnight, and was followed by the whole Company; for not a man save only two Gens d' Arms and three Archers would stay behind with the said Montfort. They left their great horses and arms, excepting their Cuirasses and pots, mounted themselves each upon a little Curtall only, and leaving their Lances at their Quarters, took every one a Pike and a Footman, and so at sunrise came to Cassal, six miles distant from Montcallier. Monsieur de Gye and the Baron de Chipy had undertaken to Terrace up the Gate, from whence they saw these people coming, and stood still a good while to discover what they were, and then both ran out together to meet them. 
Commendation of Monsieur de Gye.  I saw by this that Monsieur de Gye was well beloved by his Company, and he did very well deserve so to be; for I dare boldly say he was one of the worthiest and the bravest Captains in France. Monsieur de Mon●fort went in the morning to the Marshal, and told him that he had lost the Guidon and all the Company, who were stolen away by night to their Captain, and therefore begged his leave that he might follow after with two men at arms, and three Archers only that were left behind, which he would by no means permit him to do, but expressly forbade him, and made him return back to Montcallier.  
Now our order in the Town was thus, that every morning generally all, as well Captains, Soldiers, 
The excellent order in the City of Cassal,  and Pioners, as men and women of the Town, came every one before day upon pain of death to their work, which to compel them to I erected a Gallows, that they might see what they were to trust to; and indeed I had, and have ever had so, a little scurvy Character of being liberal of the rope, so that there was not a man great nor small who did not fear my Gascon humour and complexion. It being then winter, and in the shortest of days, they were to work from break of day till eleven of the clock, and then every one went to his dinner, and at twelve returned again to his work, which he afterwards never left till it grew to be dark. As for their dinner, every one dined of himself: but the supper was always at my Quarters; or at those of Monsieur de Gye, or at one or another of the Captains, every one in his turn. To which place constantly there repaired all the Engineers and Commanders of the work, where if any one had not advanced his work so much as another, I assigned him either Soldiers or Pioners, that by the next night his work might be as forward as his neighbours. Now my business was to run up and down every where on horseback, one while to the Fortifications, then to those who were sawing the planks at the Mill, of which I made a great many half a foot thick, and other posts and beams of timber, that were very necessary for us. The water of this Mill did us great good service, for by means of that the Saw never rested; and the most part of the night I went by torchlight quite through the Town; one while I went out to the place where they digged the Turf, another while where they made the Gabions, then returned into the Town, and went the round within: afterwards I went out again to view all the places, and never rested in a place, excepting at dinner, no more than the meanest Soldier in the Town, encouraging in the mean time all people to work, and caressing all both small and great.  
I there learned what it is to take a business in hand where all people generally concur to the bringing a thing to pass, as also what a mass of people, ambitious to acquire honour in the place they have undertaken to defend, may do; and moreover that there is great praise to be obtained in so well ordering of things, and disposing of time, that not so much as a quarter of an hour shall be spent in vain; and indeed a Commander shall never do any thing worthy speaking of, if they be not all of one mind, and have not equally a desire to come off from the Enterprise in hand, with great honour and reputation, as it was in this place. This (Captains) is a thing that principally depends upon you, if you have once got the knack to win the Soldier by a word, you shall do more than with a thousand Bastinadoes; it is true, that if there be some mutinous stubborn spirit amongst them, which gentle ways cannot reclaim, you are to make others wise at his expense. But I will return to Monsi●ur de Gye, who never stirred from the Gate with his Gens d' Arms, till it was fully and sufficiently terrassed both within and without, who there all of them wrought as hard as the meanest common Soldier in the Town.  
Oh (Captains) what a beautiful exemple you have here, if you please to observe it, when an occasion shall present itself, to undertake the defence of a place! I will moreover say that I had taken such order, that there was not a morsel of bread eaten, nor a glass of wine drunk, but by weight and measure; and if you will take exemple by Cassal, you shall not only be able to undertake the keeping of a Town, let it be as ill fortified as it will; but even a Meadow enclosed with no more than a contemptible ditch only, provided there be unanimity amongst you, as there was here: for we had all one will, one desire, and one courage, and the labour was a common delight to us all.  
Now my good fortune was such, that Don Ferrand gave to Caesar de Naples the one half of his Army, almost all his Infantry, with a part of his horse, to lead them to Riverol seven little miles from Cassal, Ulpian being between; and the said Caesar de Naples stayed two and twenty days about the taking of St. Martin, and the other Castles. During this time I had by my great diligence put the Town into a good posture of defence, and had caused great Trenches and Rampires to be made behind all our Cantons, well terra●●ed all the Gates, and gabioned all the upper Gabions with a do●ble row of Baskets, well resolved to cause ourselves to be sound battered, and get a brave share of honour. At last Caesar having taken St. Martin, and the other Castles, arrived at Riverol with his C●mp, where immediately Don Ferrand called a Council to determine, whether he ought to attaque us, or to let us alone, considering the time I had had wherein to fortify myself, and that I had finished all the fortification I intended to make for my defence; where also he forgot not to put them in mind, that we were six Companies within, all resolute to fight it out to the last; and that he doubted he should lose more valiant Captains, Spaniards, and Italians in the assault than the Town was worth, giving them an account withal of all that I had done within. 
A consultation of the Spania●ds concerning Cassal.  The Spanish and Italian Captains, who were present at this Council, seeing the danger would fall upon them, caused it by their Camp master to be remonstrated, that the Emperor had there the best Officers he had in all Italy, and of whom he made greater account than of all the rest, and that therefore they entreated Don Ferrand to reserve them for a Battle, or some Enterprise of considerable moment, and not to expose them for the gaining of so trivial a place as that of Cassal. There followed thereupon a great dispute, and three days the Council were in debate about this very business. Caesar de Naples, and the Governor of Ulpian obstinately maintained, that they ought to assault us; but the Spanish Soldiers who understood what Caesar de Naples had said, plainly told their Captains, that they might then go on to the assault with the Italians, if they so pleased, for as for them they would have nothing to do in the business, being resolved to stand to what by their Campmaster had been proposed. All these disputes came to the Marshal's knowledge▪ after Don Ferrand was risen from before Riverol, by Letters that he writ to the Precedent of Milan, which by some of Signior Ludovico de Biragu's people were intercepted, and whilst they were disputing about a Town that was none of their own, 
Alb● surprised 〈◊〉 the Spa●iard.  the Marshal surprised Alba from them by Messieurs de la Mothe-Gondrin, Francisco Bernardin, and de Panau, the Lieutenant to his own Company, and some others whom I do not remember. The Marshal by break of day had notice of the surprise (for our people entered at eleven of the clock in the night) who presently dispatched a footman of his to me with a Letter which contained these words. Monsieur de Montluc, I have just now received intelligence that our design upon Alba has taken effect, and our people are within is which it, the reason that I am just now mounting to horse to go thither in all diligence. The Footman came to me about ten of the clock, and being the Governor of Ulpian detained a Trumpet of Monsieur de Maugiron, 
A Bravado of 〈◊〉 Si●ur de Montluc.  I sent thither a Drum of Captain Gritti, to whom having showed the Mareschals Letter, I gave him charge to tell the Governor of Ulpian, that Don Ferrand could not better revenge himself for the loss of Alba, than to come and attaque us at Cassal. So soon as the Drum came to the Gates of Ulpian he found that the Governor was gone by break of day to the Council to Riverol, and therefore told the Soldiers at the Gate of the taking of Alba, at which they were so incensed, that they would thereupon have killed him, and in order thereunto began to pinion and bind him; but the Governor in the interim arrived, to whom I sent word, that he should restore me my Trumpet, considering that we had always made fair war, and that he should take heed of beginning to show foul play; for our people also had given good quarter at Alba. The said Governor than took the Drum from the Soldiers, and carried him to his lodging, where he told him, that if what he had said concerning Alba did not prove to be true, he would hang him; to which the Drum replied, that provided he would give him but a Teston, if it was true, he would be content to be hanged if it proved otherwise. Whereupon the Governor returned to horse, and went again to Riverol, where they continued all night in Council, to consider whether this news could be true, or no: but the next day arrived the Captain of the Castle of Montcalvo, who brought them certain intelligence from the Governor of Ast, that Alb● was certainly taken; which was the reason that the next morning Don Ferrand departed in all haste, and went to pass the River at the Bridge of Asture, to go directly to the said Alba to try if he could not recover it before the Marshal could have leisure to better fortify the place.  
So soon as I saw myself delivered from all apprehension of a Siege, I immediately sent away my Pioners to the said Alba, who at that time stood the Marshal in very great stead. I did not there stay for a Command, and it is often necessary to do before we are bidden, provided there be no hazard in the case. Monsieur de Bonnivet, and Santo Pedro Corzo, with seven Ensigns put themselves into it. Now of Don Ferrand's arrival at the Bridge at Asture, and of his passing over the River there, Monsieur de Salvazon who was Governor of Berüe gave me speedy notice. 
The Sieur de Montluc sends succours to Alba.  I therefore suddenly sent away the Baron of Chipy, lafoy Garde, and le Mas, who were the next morning by break of day at Alba, of whose coming the Marshal was exceeding glad, as also was Monsieur de Bonnivet, forasmuch as they came from a place where they had undergone extraordinary labour in fortifying, hoping that these would show others the way, as they also did. Monsieur de Maugiron would remain at Cassal, because it was a very commodious quarter for horse; I there left Captain Martin with him, and sent le Gritti to his Garrison, and Colonel Charamond, and I went to wait upon the Marshal at Turin, who was then but newly returned from Alba, and my Company went back to Montcallier. If I was welcome 〈◊〉 no to the Marshal, or whether caressed by Precedent Birague, and the whole Court of Parliament after such a service, I leave every one to judge.  
When (Captains) therefore from any undertaking great profit and commodity may accrue, as there did from this (considering that Turin, had Cassal been possessed by the Enemy, would have suffered a mighty inconvenience) do not stick boldly to hazard your persons for the defence of any place whatsoever. And when you shall be there, remember after what manner, and with what diligence I carried on my work; for by that means you shall make your Enemy afraid to attaque you. He is more afraid to affault, than you are to defend. He meditates and considers who are within, and that he has to do with men that know how to fortify themselves, which is no little advantage to a Soldier. It is true that Caesar de Naples committed a great error in squandring away so much time about those paltry Forts, and in the mean time giving us so much leisure to fortify; for had he come directly to us at first, he would have put us to our Trumpets: but I think he was afraid. My good fortune also would have it, that Don Ferrand should divide his Forces, who had he come to attaque us at the beginning, would have been the death of a great many good men; but we should have sold our skins very dear.  
Now as Don Ferrand was at Ast, in his way towards Alba, he there met intelligence that Monsieur de Bonnivet was very strong within it, and that lately three Compa●ies were entered into the Town of those that I had at Cassal, together with a great number of Pioners, which made him enter into a very great debate, whether or no he should go to Alba, 
Delays and negligence ruinous to Martial affairs.  as he did before at Riverol whether or no he should go to Cassal. After five or six days than he departed from Ast with all his Cavalry to go take a view of Alba, where, after he had spent a whole day in discovering the place, he went to sit down before St. Damian, having been told, that the Marshal had taken thence almost all the ammunition of powder, bulle●, and match, to put into Alba, and had given order to some one to lay in as much more; but oftentimes the sloth and negligence of men entrusted with the care of affairs occasion very signal disadvantages; I never saw man that was slow about his business, idle or negligent in war, that ever performed any great matters; neither indeed is there any thing in the world, wherein diligence is so much required. A day, an hour, may a minute is enough to make the bravest erterprises vanish into air.  
Now the Marshal conceived that Don Ferrand was more likely to put himself into Carmagnolle to fortify the Town, and to take the Castle, than to make any attempt upon any other place, believing St. Damian to be replenished with powder, and therefore came himself thither to take order for the security of that Fort, where Monsieur de Bass● who was Governor of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, would undertake the defence of the place. The Marshal then went to Carignan, leaving me with the said Sieur de Bassé to assist him in pu●●●ng provision and ammunition into the Castle, which he did at the request of Monsi●ur de Bessé himself, and the very same day that the Marshal departed from us, 
Th: Siege of St. Damian.  the had in ●●ligence by a letter from Messieurs de Briquemaut, and the Cavig●y, that the En●my was 〈◊〉 down before St. Damian, and that they therefore entreated him to relieve them with powder, bullet, and match for the Harquebuzeers, they having not received that which he had promised, and taken order for; at which the Marshal was the most highly concerned imaginable, and immediately sent thither six loads of powder, and four of bullet, with a proportionable quantity of match, sending order to the Governor of lafoy Cistern (a Fort two little miles distant from St. Damian) who had three Conpanies of Italians in Garrison with him, that he should by all means venture that night to put those ammunitions into the Town. Monsieur de Bassé, and I had already heard that the Camp was set down before St. Damian by the same Massinger that carried the news to the Marshal, he being of necessity to pass by, Carmagnolle, as also did this ammunition, three or four hours after, which was in the close of the Evening. Monsieur de Bassé and I exhorted him who had the conduct of the Ammunition to remonstrate to the Captains, that the powder must of necessity he put into the Town that very night; for otherwise it could not be possibly conveyed into it; and that he who undertook the conduct of it, was likewise to enter in himself: but we found the fellow so cold in the business, that we very well perceived he would do no good: It is very easy to discover by a mass counternance if he be afraid or no, and whether he have the heart to execute what he hath undertaken; 
A man's courage is to be known by his countenance.  and we saw so much by this fellow, that we were rather afraid he should dishearten the Captains when he came to lafoy Cistern, than any ways encourage them to the Enterprise enjoined; which made me, resolve to go myself, to try by this relief to save the place, and Monsieur de Bassé would that Monsieur de Class his eldest Son, with ten men at arms, he being Lieutenant of his own Company, should go along with me,  
At one of the clock at night than we departed, and by eleven the next day came to la Cistrene, where I found the Governor and his Captains in a great perplexity, forming a great many difficulties about the conduct of the Ammunition, and which way it was possible to be conveyed into the Town; and in truth they had some reason so to do; For St. Damian is a little place, and Don Ferrand had in his Camp 6000 Germans, 6000 Italians, 
Monsieur Montuc undertakes to relieve St. Damian.  and 4000 Spaniards, 1200 Light-horse, and 400 men at arms, and all these were encamped close by the Town, about which the Court of Guards in a manner touched one another, so that to carry it into the Town upon the horses that had brought it to lafoy Cistern had been impossible, for it was a snow knee deep, and all the ways were full of Soldiers Huts. But I presently caused a great many Sacks to be brought me, and made them to be cut each Sack into three parts, which by certain women, who were ready for the purpose, were handsomely sowed together again, and into these bags I put the powder. I than got together thirty Country fellows, upon whom I caused the powder and bullet to be tied, with the match at their Girdles, and gave to each of them a good staff in his hand to support him. Monsieur de Briquemant, the Governor of St. Damian, had sent six Swiss of his Guard out of the Town, who could not get in again, and so happened to be at la Cistern, who also took their share of the Ammunition.  
Being then ready to set out, there arrived the Signior de Pied-de-fou, and de Bourry (who I am told is sinceturned Huguenot) de St. Romain (Nephew to Monsieur de Fayette) and three or four Gentlemen more, who were going to put themselves into the Town, and slighting put themselves on foot, and sent back their horses. The Marshal had writ to two of the Captains, who were at lafoy Cistern, that they should attempt to put the powder into St. Damian; 
An old Soldier feats death.  which said Captains were old Soldiers, which made me that I had no great hopes of their doing any thing to purpose; for whoever would execute a hazardous enterprise, and where there is like to be good store of blows, must of all things take heed of employing an old Captain and an old Soldier, for as much as they too well understand the peril, and too much apprehend the danger of death, so that you shall seldom have any good account of their undertaking, as I have found by experience both in this, and upon other occasions: whereas a young fellow is not so apprehensive of his danger (it is true that there ought to be conduct in the case) and will easily undertake any execution where diligence is required; he is prompt and active, and his youthful heat inflames his heart, which in old men is often cold and bloodless.  
About two hours after midnight they departed, and so soon as they were gone out of the Town▪ I went up to a Platform hard by the Gate, from whence I could discover the Enemies whole Camp, excepting a little on the other side of the Town; and in the mean time sent out the Governor's Lieutenant to give an alarm on the left hand by the Springs, which signified very little, the Enemy making very small account of it. So soon as our people were arrived at a little eminence near to the City, from whence they might discover all the fires, 
The relief cannot get into St. Damian.  and even the men by the light of them, one of the Italian Captains said to Monsieur de Pied-de-fou, and the rest. Videte il Campo, Echo la Caval●●ie ecco la Gendarmerie, ●●co li ●ud●sci, echo li Espaniolli, echo li Italiani (pointing to them with his finger) non si intrareble una Gatta, bisogns tournar en dietra. Behold the Camp, see yonder the Cavalry, see the Gens d' Arms, see the Germans see the Spaniards, see the Italians, a Cat cannot possibly get in; and therefore 'tis convenient to turn back again. All this while I remained upon the Platform, with my pain in my hip, which plagued me to death, of which I was not yet cured, nor of two years after.  
Behold then at break of day all our people returned, where they gave me an account of what they had seen, which gave me trouble, but no satisfaction; wheresore I presently dispatched away a Messenger post to the Marshal (who knew nothing of my being at lafoy Cistern, but believed me to be at Carmagn●lle with Monsieur de Bassé to whom I gave an account of all that had passed, and with: Il scent him word, that he was not to hope that these Captains would ever put the powder into St. Damian; for that I had already proved the contrary, entreating him therefore to send away post to Montcallier to Captain Charry who carried my Ensign, that he should forthwith come away with fifty of the best Soldiers I had, to wi●, thirty Harquebuzeers, and twenty Pikes, and that he should n●t fail to be at la Cistern by midnight. The Marshal wondered to hear that I was there, and presently dispatched away a Messenger post to Captain Charry, to whom I had also writ a word or two in haste to the same effect.  
This valiant young man, full of spirit, and good inclination to the service, needed not to be entreated twice, but immediately came away with his fifty men, and about an hour after midnight came to lafoy Cistern, where I had in Cellar prepared three or four good Charcoal fires, and a long Table full of meat, having locked up the Country fellows on the one side, whom whilst the Soldiers drank and made good cheer, I caused to be loaden, together with the Swiss; and would no more speak to the Italian Captains to go with Captain Charry, save only that I encreated one of them to lend me his Ensign called Pedro Antonio, a vain young Coxcomb, whom I had known at Montcallier, 
Captain Charry undertakes the relief of St. Damian.  and had there twice laid him by the heels for misdemeanours he had committed in the Town. I took him then aside, and said to him, Pedro Antonio, I will do thee more honour than thy Captain; thou hast seen what a fault thy Countrymen last night committed, in not striving to enter into the Town, from whence you all returned with a company of pitiful excuses. For my part I am a man that take no excuse in payment, where the loss of a Town, and the men of honour within it, are in concern. I know thou hast courage enough, but thou art not wise; and if thou wilt now give a testimony of thy discretion, as thou hast at other times done of thy valour, I do engage to thee my word to make the Marshal give thee a Company, and thou hast n●w an occasion offers itself, wherein to let him see, that at thou art bold to execute, thou art also prudent to command. I will therefore that thou take fifty men of thy Captain's Company, to whom I will presently speak to deliver them to thee, 
A discourse of the Sieur de Montluc to Pedro Antonio.  and at thy going out of the Town I will place all the Peasants and the Swiss that carry the Ammunition in the midst of the fifty Soldiers, and will moreover that thou take three Sergeants, which I will also cause to be delivered to thee, to place one in either Flank, and one behind, to the end that they may encourage to Soldiers to follow thee, and have an eye that the Peasants do not steal away: but when Captain Charry shall attaque a Court of Guard, pass thou on without staying to sight, unless any on oppose thy way, and make still forwards, whether thou meet any opposition or no, until thou comest to the very gates of the City. He hereupon returned me answer in Italian. Credete Signior, Chio la faro a pena di Morir, & voi connoscerle che Pietro Antonia sara divinuto Saggio; Whereupon taking him in my arms, I said to him▪ Io ti prom●tto ancora, che io mirecordero d ite, & i ti s●rarecognosciuto il servitio; no mi mancar di gratia, io ti giuro per la nostra Madonna se tu non sai chello che un huomo de bene debbe fare, io ti ●●rro un tratto de Monluco. Tu sa come io ho manegiato non suono quindeci die uno delle n●●stri facendo d'il poltrone, Io non dimando sino un puoco di prudenza con prestezza. And indeed he kept his promise with me, and carried himself very discreetly in the action. The Captains gave him whatever he desired, being glad themselves to be rid of the employment; I also entreated Pied-de-fou, and the rest before named, that since they were resolved to put themselves into the Town, they were to do it so as to be assisting to the conservation of the place, and not to lose themselves together with all those who were within it; forasmuch as the preservation of the said Town consisted only in supplying it with ammunition, and that therefore it would be necessary that they should divide themselves, some into the Flanks, and others into the rear, to the end that whilst Capta●● Charry should be fight, they might encourage Pedro Antonlo 's men to go on; which they accordingly did.  
All of them therefore having received their instructions from me what every one was to do, as well Italians and Peasants, as my own Soldiers; they all in the order prescribed, marched out of the Town; when going out at the Gate, I told Captain Charry in the hearing of all my Soldiers, that I would never see him more, it they did not enter, or die upon the place, as many as were of my Company; to which he made answer, that he only desired me to go to my rest, and that I should presently hear news of him. In truth he was a Soldier without fear. In his Company there was a Corporal of mine called le Turk, a Picard by birth, who said to me, What do you make a question of our entering into the Town? Par la mort bien, we should have spent our time and our blood very well, having above an hundred times fought with you, and ever remained victorious, if we should now stand suspected to you; at which I leapt about his neck, and said to him these words. My Turk, I do assure thee upon my faith, I think so worthily of you all, that I am confident if any men upon earth can enter, you will do it; and so they departed, and I went to place myself again upon the Platform, where I had stood the night before, and the Captain of the Watch kept me company.  
About two hours after I heard a great alarm on that side by which our people were to enter, 
Relief put into St. Damian.  and several volleys of Harquebuzshot: but they continued but a very little while, which put me into some fear that our men might be repulsed, or at least that that the Peasants were run away: who so soon as they were come to the enainence where the Italian Captains had told, them, that a Cat could not get in, they made a halt. There the Guides showed them the Courts of Guard, from which, by reason of the excessive cold and the snow, the Sentinels were not twenty paces distant. Capatin Charry then called Messieurs de Pied de-fou, Bourg, St. Romain, and Pedro Antonio, to whom he delivered two Guides, reserving one for himself, and said to them, this is the last Court of Guard of foot, for the rest are all horse, which can do no great matters by reason of the snow; so soon therefore as you shall see me attaque this Court of Guard, run on as fast as you can, and stop not for any thing you shall meet in your way, but make directly to the Gate of the City▪, who thereupon all of one accord see themselves in a posture to charge through. Captain Charry then drew near to the Court of Guard, which he put to rout, and overturned upon another Court of Guard, and both of them betook themselves to flight; which being done he passed on forward strait to the Gate of the Town▪ where he found Pedro Antonio already arrived, and where they immediately delivered their Ammunition, without making any longer stay than whilst Messieurs de Chavigny and Briquemant ●mbrac't Captain Charry entreating him to tell me, that since I was at lafoy Cistern, they thought themselves certain to be relieved with all things they should stand in need of, and that it would be very necessary to send them in some more Ammunition: but whilst the Enemy busied themselves about taking th' 〈…〉 hers of the Guards that were run away (of which a Captain was the next day hanged) Captain Charry and Pedro Antonio, with their Peasants, taking them in this disorder, charged them thorough and thorough, and came clear away. I there lost not so much as one Soldier, either French or Italian, neither was there any one hurt, not so much as Peasant, but all arrived safe at la Cistern, it being fair broad day, where they found me still upon the Platform. I hereupon immediately sent away a dispatch to the Marshal to entreat him to send me some more powder, for bullet and match they had enough already, which he also speedily did from Quires: to which place he was removed▪ that he might be nearer to me.  
Behold the age a Captain ought to be of, to whom you should entrust the execution of a hazardous and sudden enterprise, and I can affirm with truth, that these hundred years there has not died a braver, nor a more prudent Captain for his years than Captain Charry was, and am assured, 
The Character of Captain Charry.  that Monsieur de Briquemaut will say the same, though he be of the Religion of those by whom he was since assassinated at Paris. The manner of his death I have nothing to do to meddle withal; for the King, the Queen, and all the Princes of the Court, knew it well enough, and besides it was so foul an act, that I will not blot my Paper with the relation, and I am sure very unworthy a Frenchman. When I lost him, together with Captain Montluc my Son, who was slain at the Island of Madera, belonging to the King of Portugal, it seemed to me that my two arms were lopped offf from my body, the one being my right, and the other my left. He had ever bred up Captain Montluc from the age of twelve or thirteen years, and wherever he went had this young boy evermore hung at his Girdle: Neither could I have put him to a better Tutor, 
The Character of Captain Montluc.  to teach him the trade of War: and in truth he had retained a great deal of his precept, insomuch that I may without shame say (although he was my Son) that had he lived he would have made a great Soldier, daring, and discreet; but God was pleased to dispose otherwise of him. I shall therefore leave this discourse (which extracts tears from mine eyes) to pursue my former subject.  
Monsieur de Briquemant sent me word by Captain Charry, that they had no Engineers within, nor any one that understood where a Gabion was fifty to be placed, with which he desired me to acquaint the Marshal, entreating me moreover to send back to him Captain Charry, and my fifty Soldiers, whom he esteemed as much as the best Company he had in the Town, in return of which kindness he would be my servant for ever; which I did. Monsieur de Gohas that now is, was at that time one of my Company, and one of the fifty, though he was then but 17 years of age, it being in the beginning of his arms. The Marshal therefore sent away post to Alba for the Engineers that were there, of which the Chevelier Reloge was one. So soon as Captain Charry returned back from St. Damlan, the Pikes took the Powder, and hung it at their own Girdles, as the others had done before, and would have no convoy at all, but took their way a little on the right hand on that side where the horse lay, where they charged through, and without the loss of one man got safe into the Town; for Captain Charry was a man that understood his business very well. So soon as he was got in, he entreated Messieurs de Briquemaut, and de Chavigny, to entrust him with the defence of the Ditch, which they immediately did, and he there covered himself with logs of timber, planks, and Gabions after the best manner he could, and so soon as ever the Guides returned back to me, I sent away to the Marshal to give him an account of all, beseeching him to send me Captain Caupenne my Lieutenant, with another fifty of my Soldiers, which he did, whom two days after his arrival I made venture to carry some more powder to the besieged. He went on that side where the Gens d' Arms lay, where the Enemy had now placed a Court of Guard of foot, who were aware of him at distance enough, 
Captain Ca●penne carries powder into St. Damian.  and did all they could to stop his way: which notwithstanding he made shift to lay down the powder upon the edge of the ditch of the Gate, and by him the forenamed Signior sent me their service, withal desiring me to assure the marshal, that the place was no more in danger of being lost, forasmuch as they now had every thing they needed or desired. The Baron de Chipy who was with Monsieur de Bonivet at Alba, would afterwards try to put some powder into the Town, by that side towards the said Alba, and accordingly charged after the same manner that mine had done: 
The Baron de Chipy enter into S. Damian.  but he lost his powder, and Peasants, and almost all his Soldiers, at least to fourteen or fifteen only who charged thorough with him, and got into the Town. There is luck in all things.  
Now the Camp lay sixteen or seventeen days before the Town, and the Battery continued for seven days, in which time Caesar de Naples had wrought two Mines which were carried on under the Ditch towards the Breach, and were already brought up almost to the wall. A Pioneer running away from the Enemy was taken by our Italians, who told me all, and whom so soon as it grew to be dark I delivered to Captain Mauries, (who was at that time my Sergeant, 
The Mines at St. Damian discovered.  and in this last war Serjeant Major to Monsieur de Montferrand at Bourdeaux) who bound him, and would take no more but one Soldier only to guide him, with which he carried the business so well, that he met but two Sentinels by the way, who also suddenly retired to their Court of Guard, insomuch that he passed without any difficulty at all, and carried the Pioneer into the Town, where he remained all night, and so soon as it was fair light day, Messieurs de Cavigny, and de Briquemaut, carried him upon the wall of the Battery, from whence he might discover the place where the Mine lay. They then presently descended into the Ditch, and began to dig and scrape, so that they presently found the holes, and as we after understood, must but very little of trapping Caesar de Naples there, who was come thither to view the Mine. Now the two last days they made a very great Battery, and Don F●rrand had caused a great number of Bavins to be made, which by the Spaniards, Italians, and Germans were thrown into the Ditch, having cut the Counterscarp in two or three places; but as many as they threw in, Captain Charry, who lay in the Ditch, conveyed into the Town through a hole they had made under the breach, so that thinking the said Ditch to be filled, they sent to discover in open day, being all drawn up in Battalia, ready to go on to the Assault: but they found all was gone, and not a Faggot left in the Ditch, which made them ply the Battery for two days with wonderful fury, and moreover part of the night by the light of the Moon; when after all, seeing the good countenance of our people within, and that neither their Mines, nor their Bavins had done them any good, they resolved at last not to attempt an assault, but to raise the Siege and depart. The last night that they gave over the Battery I made Captain Mauries again venture into the Town, who heard the rising of the Camp, and the drawing off the Artillery, 
The Siege of St. Damian raised.  for Messieurs de Cavigny, and de Briquemaut would not let him depart, till he were first assured of the truth, that he might bring me certain news; and so he passed and repast at his ease, without out encountering any one person, forasmuch as all the Camp was already in Battalia, and gone from their Huts. So soon as he returned to me, which was about two hours before day, I immediately dispatch him away upon very good horses to the Marshal, whom he found yet in bed, because he ●●●ad not slept one wink of all night, having been all day with Precedent Birague, and Signior Francisco Bernardin upon the shore of Quieras, where from two of the clock in the afternoon, having observed the Artillery to cease, and having stayed till one of the clock at night, without hearing any thing at all, they all concluded the place to be taken, or surrendered; but in the morning, a little after sunrise, and just as his man had opened his Chamber door, when Captain Mauries stepped in, and told him the news, I leave you to judge how he was overjoyed A●● sent me word to come speedily away to him.  
Now you must know I here played the part of a young Captain; for 〈…〉 ●ain Mauries had told me that the Enemy's Camp was rising, I went in 〈…〉 Damian, 
The Sie●● de Montluc goes to St. Damian, and narrowly ●scapes.  where so soon as Captain, Charry, who was upon the wall 〈…〉 sallied out with my other Soldiers, which I had afterwards cause to 〈…〉 Enemy had clapped themselves down slat upon their bellies behind a 〈…〉 fifteen or twenty fair to be seen; a sight by which I was so 〈…〉 forsooth go and charge them, and did so; but so soon as I came 〈…〉 rest, they all start up and charged me on all sides, and followed 〈…〉 the very walls of the Town, which relieved me (in good time for 〈…〉 volley of Harquebuz shot from the wall, and there Captain Charry was wounded, and taken, 
Captain Charry taken prisoner.  and had it not been for my Lieutenant whom I had left at the Gabions, they had cut me, with all the fifty Soldiers of Captain Charry, to pieces. I lost seven or eight men, of which three were slain, and Monsieur de Gohas was once round enclosed, but afterwards escaped. The joy I was in to see the Siege raised, and the great mind I had to get some prize of the Enemy, were the occasions of this ridiculous sally of mine. This being done after. I had seen Messieurs de Chavigny, and de Briquemaut, I returned back to la Cistern, and the same ●ight went to Quires, where I was as much welcomed by the Marshal, and all those who were with him, as any man in the world could be▪ Which said Marshal presently dispatched away Monsieur de Byron to the King, to carry his Majesty news of the issue of this Siege, entreating of him the place of a Bedchamber man for me; and moreover at my great instance and importunity (and being I was eternally tormented with my hip) was pleased to discharge me of my Office of Campmaster though it was a request very unpleasing to him: but to gratify me in whatever I would ask of him, he was willing to content me in that particular. And the said Seigneur de Byron being at Court, the King would not transfer to any one the said Office of Campmaster, till first he should be better informed whom he ought to give it to: and therefore ordered that the Marshal should name one, Monsieur de Bonivet another, and I a third: I therefore nominated Monsieur de Chipy, which was the reason that the said Sicur de Byron continued very long at Court, because of the dispatches to and again, that he was enforced to make, during which I still continued Campmaster, till the return of the said Seigneur de Byron (who at that time carried the Marshal's Guidon) who brought me my discharge, 
The Sieur de Montluc quits his office of Campmaster.  his Majesty having transferred that command to the Baron de Chipy, whom I had named, and also brought me the place of Gentleman of his Majesty's Bedchamber, for he would not depart till he had first seen me enrolled in the room of one of the old ones that was vacant, and moreover brought me a Patent for the Government of Alha, which I never dreamt of, and less imagined, that the King should prefer me to three or four others, in whose behalf the Marshal had written to him. Behold the services I performed for the King, and the Marshal his Lieutenant, all within fifteen or twenty days of one another.  
Happy (fellows in arms) is he who serves his King under a General who will not conceal the merits of such as perform any remarkable exploit, which Monsieur de Brissac would never do: for never did any man under his command do any handsome thing, or any the least action which he thought worthy his Majesty's knowledge, but he did forthwith give him notice of it: he was a Gentleman that would not clothe himself with the spoils of another man's honour, nor conceal the bravery of any from the greatest to the least. When therefore it shall please God that you are employed under such a General, fear not to hazard your lives, and employ all your vigilance and diligence to do them the best service you can, if you have an intention to advance yourselves by your arms and virtue, if not, get you home, and never meddle with the practice of Arms. 'Tis an extreme grief and disappointment to a man, when he shall have exposed his life for the a●chievment of honour, to have his name then concealed from his Prince, from whom we are to expect the reward of our fidelity and valour. There is no these comparable to that of robbing another man of his honour, and yet Generals for the most part make no conscience of it.  
During the time that Monsieur de Byron remained at Court, I still continuing Campmaster, as has been said before, and in the beginning of june when corn began to ripen, Don Ferrand would not suffer the great Army he had to lie idle, but at the persuasion of Monsieur de Trinitat, Brother to the Count de Been, 
The Siege 〈◊〉 Been.  would go lay siege to Been, the said Monsieur de Trinitat advising him to cut off the water which turned certain Mills within the Town, saying that they had not within corn nor meal to serve them for a month, and moreover assuring him▪ that he would get him a pay for the Army, by cutting the corn that was now almost ready for the Sickle, which he would presently cause to be thrashed up by 300 Peasants he would take along with him for that purpose, knowing very well that those of Langues, and de Bernisse la Paille would be ready to buy it, and that so in a month's time the Town would be surrendered without one Canon shot.  
Monsieur de Savoy, who was then very young, that being his first ●a●ly into Arms, 
The Duke of Savoy in the Spanish Army.  was at this time with the Army, and they came to set down their Camp within a mile of Been, upon the Banks of a River that was there, of which they so turned the current, that not so much as one drop came into the Town. Now, by ill fortune, the Marshal had ordered a Governor (whose name I shall forbear) to cause twelve h●ndred sacks of corn and meal, half of the one, and half of the other, to be brought into this place from his own Government, as the custom had been. I will no publish the occasion why the said Governor did not accordingly send in the said provisions, being it would too nearly reflect upon thin honour, and it is not my purpose to speak ill of any: But Precedent Birague knows the reasons very well, he being present at the Council, when the Marshal was pleased to send for me, and where there was a very great clutter, and high dispute about that affair. The Enemy's Camp had already been eight days set down before Been, and made no show of any intention to assault it, hoping they should soon have it for want of victuals, although the Town was of itself sufficiently fortified, and that the Count and the Countess were very affectionate to the King's service. There was in all but three Companies of foot within it, to wit, that of the Count, that of the younger la Molle, and of Lovys Duke, which was that of Montdevi, making in all two Companies of Italians, and one of French. The said Captain la Molle was sick, and by order of his Physicians for change of air, had caused himself to be carried to Montdevi; so that the Count had no man of Command with him, but the said Lovys Duke, and which was worse, 
The Count de Be●●e in great perplexity.  had never before been besieged, which put him into a very great perplexity, having no body with him who understood at all the defence of a Town. An affair wherein the most ●ardy are apt to be astonished when they hear a furious rattle about their ears, and see a mighty preparation against them, if they have not been at such work before: and on the other side he saw himself totally without provisions; insomuch that he resolved to send the Marshal word of all, and of the fear he was in, the place would be lost; as he had just reason, it being that where his chiefest interest lay, the Town being his own. He therefore presently dispatched away the Lieutenant to the Company of Montdevi, who arrived just as the Marshal rose from dinner, he being then at Carmagnolle, and with him M●ssieurs de Bonivet, Precedent Birague, d' Aussun, Francisco Bernardin, lafoy Moth-Gondrin, and some other whose names I have forgot. So soons, and that the Governor (whose name I have omitted) had not sent any in according to his order, though he had still pretended to have done it, both he and all the company entered into a very great despair, and concluded the place for lost, being the Marshal had no visible way to relieve it, forasmuch as he had not men to resist the third part of the Enemy's Army. He then demanded of the Lieutenant what Captain he desired to have come to him to assist him, to which he made answer, that the Count loved me exceeding well, and often said, that I had once relieved him, and that he would give the one half of his estate, upon condition that I was with him. I was then but newly recovered of a Fever, with which my mouth and lips were much swelled and broken out. The Marshal then sent for me by his Valet de Chambre to come presently to his lodging, 
The Count de Been demands the Sieur de Montluc to be sent to his relief.  where I found him in this trouble. He there made the Lieutenant to give me an account of the extremity they were in in Been, as he did, and moreover complaining of the Governor by whom they had been so deceived, earnestly entreated me to go and put myself into the tower. To which I made answer, What would you have me do, there being neither corn nor meal? I can work no miracles; to which he returned, that the Count had 〈◊〉 high an opinion of me, as also all those in the Town, that If I could once get in, they were very confident the place would not be lost, but that I would find some expedient to save it.  
Every one knows how these great Lords, when they would make one undertake an impossible thing, can wheedle and flatter a man into a good opinion of himself, and accordingly they hear represented to me the ex●mples of Lans, St. Damian, and other places where I had had to do, and had ever been so fortunate, as that all things had succeeded according to my own desire. The Precedent Birague then began to persuade me on the other side, but Monsieur de Bonivet and the rest said nothing, knowing very well how dangerous an Enterprise it was for the loss of my honour, and that I must in the end of necessity come to a Capitulation; as the Marshal himself also told me, that for the last refuge I must proceed to that; to which I made answer, that I had rather die, than that my name should be found upon record subscribed to a Capitulation, or that any place should be surrendered I had once taken upon me to defend; but that I would do as God should direct me, in whose assistance I reposed my only confidence and trust. Monsieur de Bonivet than commanded twelve or fifteen Gentlemen of his to go along with me, (of which number the Governor de la Moth Rogue, who is yet living was one, and I took as many of my own, making up thirty horse, without taking any servant with me, save only a Valet de Chambre and a Cook) and writ to the Viscount de Gordon at Savillan, to furnish me with a good Guide, and to Captain Theodore Bedeigne, that he should convoy me with his Troop, 
The Sieur de Montluc puts himself into Benn●.  and this was upon the Saturday. Upon Sunday morning by break of day I entered into Been, and the Count, if he be yet living, and will speak his conscience, will say that it was one of the greatest joys that ever he had in his whole life, as also the Countess, and the whole Town will witness the same. I presently laid me down to sleep in the Castle, and two hours after I awake we went to dinner. The Count in the mean time had appointed all the head men of the Town, as also all the Masons and Carpenters to repair to the Town-Hall, to which place the Count, the Countess, and all of us likewise came.  
I there proposed all that was necessary to be done, the Count complained of the little corn he had, 
Been unfurnished of provisions.  and the Townsmen declared, that they had not sufficient for eight days; so that although the Town was situated advantageously enough, yet were they in a very great necessity, by reason it was the latter end of the year, and on the other side they had sold all their corn to the Genoeses, and to those about Savona, being tempted so to do by the rates they gave, it being at that time sold for three Crowns a sack: and the Count who was a man that lived at a very great expense, had sold all his in expectation, and upon the assurance of the 1200 sacks which the Governor, that I forbear to name, aught to have sent in thither. We than fell to disputing in case we had corn, which way we 〈◊〉 get it ground: But so soon as the Count had told me whereabouts the Camp 〈◊〉 presently conceived that I should make a shift to get corn, though I would not say any thing to any one, till after we were returned from the Council, than I told it to the Count and the Countess only. Whilst we were sitting in Council there was a little man a Mason of above threescore years of age, who presented himself before us, saying that he had formerly got several great stones to lay upon the Graves of the dead, from a Quarry that be named hard by, and that he conceived if those stones were taken off the Graves, they would some of them at least, if not all, be proper to make Millstones: whereupon we deputed two of the Town, together with the Countess, who would needs go along with them, to make trial with the Masons, whether they could be of any use or no: and not long after the said Lady returned with great joy, and offered herself to take the pains to cause the Millstones to be made; 
The Countess of Been herself takes care to see the work of the Town go forward.  which at the first I would by no means endure; but in the end she would be obeyed, and was so diligent in the business, that in two days and two nights she had got eleven hand-Mills finished complete, which were distributed amongst those of the Town, who would thereupon undertake to nourish the Soldiers, provided there might be a way found to get corn. We then concluded with those of the Town, that at one of the clock at night they should bring me five or six hundred men and women, the one carrying little ropes, and the others Scythes and Sides to cut the corn, and that the Gates of the Town, should in the mean time be kept shut, to the end that no body might go out to carry intelligence to the Enemy; for Monsieur de Trinitat had several friends in the City, that the Count himself had in some suspicion. I then dispatched away two of the Inhabitants with a letter to Captain Hieronimo, 
The way to ge● 〈◊〉.  the Son of Colonel Gi●vanni of Turin (who lay at a little Town, the name of which▪ I have forgot, but it was about a mile distant from the place where the Enemy had cut, and diverted the current of the River) entreating him that this night he would by one way or another attempt to repair what the Enemy had broken down, and do all that in him lay, if possible to send the water to us again, which that very night ●e accordingly executed, though he was but a very young Gentleman, for I believe he was not then above twenty years old. We than went home expecting the night, when being returned back to the Castle, I told the Count, that it would be convenient we should go alone upon the walls to look out a field of corn that should be nearest to the City, which we were to cut all that night, whilst I sent out Captain Theodore with 200 Soldiers to give a strong and furious alarm to the Court of Guard, who were set to ●inder those of the Town from cutting any Corn. So soon then as we had made choice of one, we returned back to supper, and after we had supped, carried out Captain Theodore and two others, Commanders of Companies, that were there present upon the Wall of the Town, to show them on which side they were to give the alarm, and the others to fight the Court of Guard. After which we appointed ten of the Townsmen on horseback to overlook the people that cut the corn, to hasten them in their work.  
At one of the clock at night all these people went out, the Soldiers to fight, 
Great diligence in the people  and the people to cut; so that nothing was to be heard all night long but alarms, as well in the Camp, as at the Court of Guard, and as the people cut and bound up the corn, they still ran back to the Gate of the City, and there threw down their burdens, and immediately went again for more; for some were appointed to reap, and the rest to bind and carry. In the mean time the day appeared, when we caused those to whom the field belonged to convey away the corn from off the place, so there was not one sack of corn loft of all night. The Enemy who saw this field all cut, and carried away, plac●● thereupon stronger Guards, and nearer than before; but the people who began to taste the sweetness of their gain, resolved to hazard themselves to get their corn off the ground, rather than the Enemy should have it; insomuch that at the beginning of the night there sallied out above two hundred of the Inhabitants of the Town, of which some ventured further, and others did their business nearer at hand. Now Been you must know is almost totally surrounded with velleys, 
The situation of Been.  which are pretty we covered with Copse, and watered with several Rivulets: so that when they heard any body coming, they hid themselves with their corn, and in the morning at the opening of the Gates returned back to the City. The next morning after my arrival the water by the diligence of Captain Hieronimo, began to come down to the Mills, and for two days and two nights continued its course; whereupon ensued a great confusion at the Mills; but we made an order that no one should grind any more than to make ten or a dozen loaves only, by which means every body got some to serve them a little while, and two days and two nights after Captain Salines a Spaniard came to view the water, which the same night was again taken from us. I than gave Captain Hieronimo notice of the place where they had again returned to cut it off from us, who never ceased till he had made up the Bank again: but he could not do it so as to send the water to us for above a day; for from hour to hour the Enemy still came to visit the work: but by this time to Countess had made an end of her work, so that we no more cared for the water.  
Now by means of frequent skirmishes, which were here as many, 
Handsome skirmisthes before Been.  and as handsome as in any place where I ever had the fortune to be, and by the diligence was used in cutting by night, we had at last as much corn as the Enemy. When Don Ferrand seeing himself frustrated of the assurance had been given him by Monsieur de la Trinitat, began to be highly discontented with him. Captain Theodore the night after we had made the first cutting, 
Don Ferrand discontented with Monsieur de la Trinitat  in which he also was engaged, returned back to Savill, and in going a way had three or four horses and men of his Troop wounded, who therefore stayed behind at Been; but he failed not to send away an account to the Marshal of what I had done upon my arrival; of which the Marshal was exceeding glad, as also all those who were with him; and thenceforward began to entertain some hope of the conservation of the place: though I am of opinion that had Don Ferrand bettered the Town with his Artillery, they must infallibly have been conforc'● to a surrender: but he was still buzzed in the ●ars with this water, 
Don Ferrand' s error.  and the want of provisions in the Town, which rendered him very much dissatisfied with those who had advised him to this course, and made him entertain some kind of jealousy of Monsieur de la Trinitat himself; wherefore he raised his Camp the three and twentieth day after my arrival, having been ●et down ●ight days before I came. The Count is yet living as I am told, 
The Siege of Been raised.  and Precedent Birague I know to be still in being, with several others who can bear witness, if I have inserted any thing but the truth; but whether Monsieur de Coff● was yet returned back to the Marshal I am not able to say; for he was a little before gone into France. Thus than the Town was saved, and a few days after the Baron de Chipy, who was gone to Cour●● to give his Majesty thanks for the donation he had made him of the aforesaid office returned, and having taken upon him his command of Campmaster, I went to Alba to take possession of my new Government.  
Oh Captains, the great things that a man may do, how little soever his judgement or experience may be, if he will intend nothing but that wherein he is immediately engaged thence to come off to his own honour, and the advantage of his Master! and on the other side nothing but misfortune can attend him, who minds nothing of business, and only spends his time in pleasure, play, and feasting; for it is impossible but that the one must make you forget the other; we cannot serve so many Masters: whenever then you shall be engaged upon such an account as this, strip yourselves of all your vices, and burn them all, to the end that you may remain in the white Robe of loyalty and affection that we all owe to our common Master: for God will never prosper the vicious and voluptuous man; but on the contrary will ever assist him who is clad in the white Robe of loyalty. I give you the same advice that I ever gave myself, and it was therefore that God has ever assisted and been so favourable to me, that I have never been defeated, and have never been in any engagement (if I commanded) that I was not always victorious. Neither could I fail, for God evermore inspired me, and prompted my memory with what I had to do, and that is the reason that I have ever been blest with so good fortune. And he will also assist y●u, as he hath done me, if you study, nor busy yourselves about nothing but how to serve your Master with the loyalty and fidelity we all owe him. Afterwards when we have nothing else to do, we may freely enjoy our pleasures and delights, for than it will be no prejudice to the King, nor to him we serve under him. Then you shall enjoy a sweet and pleasing repose, when you shall return home laden with honour, and shall present yourselves before your Prince, to whom it shall be told what you have done for his service. All the treasure in the world is not comparable to that. Take then (Comrades) exemple by me, who have never had other thought, nor design, that how to acquit myself worthily of my charge, and doing so it will be impossible, but you must acquire great honour and reputation. In the mean time you that are put in trust to attaque or block up places: whenever you have a design to reduce a Town by famine, if you find you cannot totally hinder the besieged from fetching in corn from the fields adjoining, set them on fire: for taking this commodity from them, they will be sufficiently distressed; but to say you preserved it for yourself, it must be concluded that you were very improvident to offer to attaque a place without having means and power to carry away all near unto, and in the very face of the Town you would attaque; in such cases you must have no pity, for this affair requires scurvy remedies.  
Some time after the Marshal undertook to go take Courteville, 
The Enterprise of Courteville  which is a Castle and a little City in the Langues; the Castle is strong, and the River runs through the midst of the Town, over which there is a fair Bridge of Brick, and a Bourg adjoining to it. The said Marshal then came to Alba, and took me in his way along with him, with the one half of my Company, which he entertained for the Guard of his wone person, leaving the other half in Alba and being come to the said Courteville, lodged in the Bourg on the further side of the River, on this side of which, and near unto the Castle was a Monastery wherein he lodged three Ensigns, which notwithstanding those of the Castle commanded us more than we commanded them. Monsieur de Salcede had kept this place all the time when he was with the Spaniard. 
Courtevilla battered by Monsieur de Brissac.  The Marshal planted on this side the Bridge eight or ten pieces of Canon wherewith to batter the Curtain that was opposite to the Monastery, in which during the Battery, Monsieur de Bonnivet lodged himself, where although I was no longer Campmaster, I nevertheless never left him whilst the Battery continued day nor night. In two or three days time than we spent 1200 Canon shot against this Curtain, and in the end were never the nearer, forasmuch as they had raised a great and thick rampire behind the wall within; so that when that was beaten down, the place remained stronger than before, by reason of the said Rampire. The Marshal thereupon remained three days in suspense what he were best to do, whether he should send for more ammunition, or return without making any further attempt upon the place. Captain Richelieu had in the mean time gained the Town, and was with his own and two other Companies lodged within it: but so soon as I saw the Marshal in this perplexity, I passed the River on that side by the Monastery: for although I followed Monsieur de Bonnivet, I nevertheless now retired at night to the Marshal. There was a Gate of this Monastery, that went out into a great high way, upon which one might ma●ch undiscovered and secure, without being seen by those of the Castle: but betwixt the Gate and the highway there were some fifteen or sixteen paces, which were to be nimbly dispatch●, for the whole Curtain played upon this Gate. Afterwards it was necessary to go stooping up to the Bridge at the entry into the Town, and then to run full speed till you was within it. So soon as I had past this danger, and was got into the high way, I began to look about me if it was possible to carry Canon into the Town, which I perceived it a matter of great difficulty to do, and that was the reason that I went into the Town to take Captain Richelieu along with me, with whom I went to discover the backside of the Castle, which looked into a great space uninhabited, betwixt the Castle and the Wall of the Town. 
The Sieur de Montluc goes to discover the place.  There was there a little house close by the wall of the City, into which we put ourselves to observe at our ease, whether or no the Castle were much fortified on that part, and there I observed some cracks and chinks in the wall, through which one might plainly see the light on the other side, and showed Captain Richelieu, that if by any invention we could bring three pieces of Canon to this place we should certainly take the Castle, forasmuch as it had not been fortified on that side, by reason of the impossibility of bringing up Artillery to force it.  
That which appears impossible to one, is feasible enough to another, and many places are so taken. I then returned by the way near to the Abbey, and Captain Richelieu with me, where we fell to discourse about the business, and began to consider if there was any way to be found to get Canon to the backside of the Castle: whereupon it suddenly came into my head to cause the River to be sounded, to see if the bottom was firm ground; to which purpose I caused a Soldier of the Abbey to be called, to whom so soon as he came to me I made an offer of ten Crowns, if he would venture to ●ound the River, telling him withal that he must creep on his hands and knees, till he came into the water, and that then he should chop up to the neck. I than called another Soldier by whom I sent word to the Captains in the Abbey, that they should send out fifteen or twenty Soldiers, which should go to the very foot of the wall, as if they went to skirmish, which accordingly was done, and by that means I saved the Soldier, insomuch that the Enemy never perceived him, till he was got into the water. First he went directly to the wall of the City, where the water dashed against it, and thence waded upwards as far as the foard, where we used to pass over betwixt the Mareschals Quarters and the Abbey, 
The River founded to pass over the Canon.  and behind the Abbey he entered into it, whether we ran full drive to avoid the danger of the shot, and found him already got into the Abbey, and the Soldiers that had been sent out to skirmish returned a pretty while before, where he told me that the bottom of the River was very good, and the water no deeper than to the ●ave of the wheels. Whereupon I presently mounted to horse, and went to acquaint the Marshal with what I had seen, the two Masters of the Ordnance Balazergues and Duno being by, for Monsieur de Caillac was not there. 
Dispute betwixt the Sieur de Montluc and the Masters of the Ordnance.  There Duno disputed it against me, affirming he had discovered all, and I affirming the contrary, till at last the Marshal said it was their trade, and that to undertake a business, and not to effect it, were only to lose time and a great many men to no purpose. At which I began to moved, having been nettled by Duno before, and said to the Marshal. Sir I have had the honour a great while to know Monsieur de Brissac, and never saw him so much afraid of Arquebuz shot, that he would forbear to discover a place he had a mind to see. I take you to be the same man, and that you are not become a Coward for being the King's Lieutenant. Mount to horse, and I will make you confess, after you have seen it, that you shall take the Castle without the expense of ten Canon shot. We hereupon all in a fume got to horse, taking Duno along, and leaving Balazergues behind, and went to pass the River above the Abbey, into which we entered, and I had taken with me the Soldier who had founded the River. Now to get into the high way it was necessary suddenly to open the Gate, to which the Enemy had evermore an eye, and run fifteen or twenty paces till we got into it, out of the danger of the Curtain of the Castle. The Gate then was suddenly thrown open, and I pas● running and the Marshal did the same; but as he was running they fired three Harquebusses, with some of which I verily thought he had been shot, for I heard the noise of a Bullet, as when it enters a man's body, and when he came up to me, looked him in the face, and saw that he shaked his head, and smiled, and sitting down by me upon the ground (for we were to keep very low) I have 'scaped a scouring (said he) for the bullets flew betwixt my legs. 
The Marshal de Brissac in great danger.  You are very unwise Sir, said I, to follow me, do you not perceive that I aim at being the King's Lieutenant if you die? which is the reason that I would be rid of you, and have brought you hither to that purpose; at which he laughed only, seeing very well by my countenance, that I was very glad he had escaped the misfortune; for the fault would have been laid at my door, though God knows I could not have helped it: for those that go to such Weddings as these often bring away red Liveries.  
In the mean time Duno and the Soldier arrived, to whom the Marshal engaged to pay the ten Crowns I had promised him; but that he must return and do the same again in his presence, and he would give him ten more, which the Soldier undertaken to do. Duno then caused his Boots to be pulled off, and went in his doublet only with the Soldier to enter into the water behind the Abbey, for the man had heart enough, and men of his trade must no more care for a Bullet than a Coddling, We saw them the one after the other wade down the River, and afterwards came to the wall of the City, into which they went, landing hard by the Gate: Which was not performed without infinite danger both for them and us, for it was there very hot; so that I often wished Monsieur de Brissac at his Quarters, being more afraid of him than of myself. Seeing then Duno and the Soldier passed over, we ran at the mercy of the Harquebuz shot, and recovered the Town. Whom God defends are well defended; for it was a miracle that some one of us at least was not peppered: but either my fear or my affection made me go more upright and nimbly than I was wont, so that I felt no great pain of my hip. I than carried the Marshal, and showed him all that Captain Richelieu and I had seen before; when after he had heard Duno's relation concerning the depth of the River, and found the truth of what I had told him, he began to break out into some passionate expressions against Duno; but I told him that he ought not to be angry, but intent the taking of the Castle, for that no one was 〈◊〉 wi●e but he might be deceived. Whereupon he gave order to Captain Richelieu to get together thirty or forty great Wine-pipes, which at the beginning of the night he should cause to be carried to the place where Duno should appoint, and to another Captain to pull down a house, to furnish planks to put upon the Pipes after they should be filled with earth to raise the defence still higher, because of the great Tower of the Castle, that looked into the recoil of the Canon, commanding the other Captain also to provide great beams of Timber wherewith to raise the whole so high, that the Tower might not look into the recoil of the Canon. And before we departed from the little house which was behind the Castle, I showed the Marshal; a Rock where thirty or forty Harquebuzeers might lie covered to shoot at the Battlements of the Tower, when the Enemy should present themselves to shoot at the Artillery; for they must of necessity show themselves from the Girdle upward.  
We afterwards went up the River to the Wall of the Town to measure what height the Canon was to mount to get into the City, and found that it was not two foot, because the way was very low, When a Gentleman belonging to the Marshal came to us, the said Marshal having expressly forbid that any other should advance further than the Abbey, to whom I caused the charge to be committed of breaking the wall, and making it fall into the River, which being done we returned, and Duno stayed with Captain Richelieu. At the beginning of the night than came the aforesaid Gentleman with thirty or forty Pioners, and after him another Gentleman of the said Marshal's with fourscore or an hundred more, where they found that Captain Richelieu had already got above half the Pipes upon the place. Monsieur de Bonnivet and I accompanied Balazergues, who drew three pieces of Canon with horses (the Marshal having provided enough to draw ●ix) and went on horseback above twenty paces in the River with the Canon, as also did Balazergues himself, and the Carters up to the Codpiece in water: we then turned to go down behind the Abbey, and so went into the Town, where though the Enemy shot very hard, yet could they see nothing by reason of the extreme darkness of the night, and therefore shot at random, and the level of fortune, which at this time smiled upon us; yet does she not always do so, especially upon me: there are some indeed so happy as never to be touched, as for exemple that brave Cavalier Monsieur de Sansac (I do believe there are not two Gentlemen alive, 
The good fortune of Monsieur de Sansac.  who have been in more engagements than he and I) and yet he was never hurt that I know of, excepting at the Battle of St. Denis: wherein I have not been so fortunate as he. Now when we came to the place where the Gentleman was, we ●ound the brickwall already broken down, and tumbled into the River, and thereupon caused the Pioners to break down two corners of houses that hindered the passage of the Canon, which presently came to the Wall, through which the horses entered the Town, and by the help of the Soldiers we thrust the Canon in after them; which being done Balazergues returned to fetch the other two, which also we brought after the same manner to the place where Duno had filled the Pipes; so that two hours before day they were ready to Batter, and the Soldiers lodged behind the rock to shoot at the Battlements.  
The Marshal in the interim had intelligence brought him that Don Arlro de Cende was come to St. Stephe, within five miles of us, and would march by night to relieve the Castle, which caused the said Marshal to send us word that he was going to possess himself of a mountain of advantage, and to fight him by the way, and that in the mean time we should do the best we could with the six Companies we had in the Abbey, and in the Town. The Marshal accordingly gained the said Mountain by night, and set his people in order to defend the pass.  
At the break of day when we had thought to have given fire to the Canon, the Drum of the Castle began to beat a Parley. There was a Spaniard Governor there whose name was Don Diego, 
Don Diego Governor of Courteville.  as proud a vainglorious Coxcomb as could walk upon the earth, and so he was reputed. Monsieur de Bonnivet made the Capitulation, for I was laid to sleep in the little house upon a Matrice the said Sieur de Bonnivet had caused to be brought thither for himself, till I was called to sign the Capitulation, for Don Diego knew me, he having been Lieutenant to one of the four Spanish Companies the King had when he took the County of Oye. The Marshal in the mean time sent out a party of Horse to meet Don Arbro whom they found upon his retreat, by reason he had had notice that the Marshal had gained the pass, so that about an hour after dinner he returned back to us, where he found that Don Diego with his three Companies, one whereof was Spanish, was marched away two hours before. There were several who made suit to the Marshal for the Government of this place, it being very commodiously situated for the King's service: But Monsieur de Bonnivet, and I agreed together to cause it to be given to Captain Richelieu, who was Lieutenant to one of his Colonel Companies, and accordingly at our request the Marshal was pleased to confer it upon him, and moreover writ to the King to confirm it, which his Majesty did, and Monsieur de Bonnivet left with him his Company for some time.  
Are these (Captains) I mean the taking of Lans, and that of Courteville two things fit to be omitted, weigh well I beseech you all that we did both at the one place and the other, and the account I gave of them both, without trusting to the report of others. And you Princes, and his Majesty's Lieutenants, do not so much fear your skins, that you will not search into depth of things. Why have you that great authority, and those noble Commands; to ●it still in your Closets? Observe how Monsieur de Brissac did; he needed not be importuned to go to discover, but rather to be withheld; he was all bravery and courage. And ●ou that shall see yourselves engaged in a place, learn to be wise at the expense of these Bragadochio 's, who surrender at the first summons, and yet pretend to be rowland's. Whoever is stout of his tongue, aught to be doubly tall of his hands. I am very sure, that if Don Diego had so pleased, he might have found us enough to do: but to lose a place, and to carry away no honour, either alive or dead, he that put you into it does you manifest wrong, if he do not cut off your head. Without all doubt he might have been relieved, or at least he ought to have stood an assault, for we could not have carried it at the first push, but it would have cost us very dear. What pitiful place soever you have to defend, if you resolve to stay for the Canon, after it has endured a breach, it is very necessary, that he who commands it for his own honour, shall also abide an Assault, if he be not totally unprovided of all things, and have no means to make any entrenchment within.  
A few days after the Marshal would go take Seve, and writ to me to Alba, 
The Enterprise upon Seve▪  that I should mak● myself ready, and that he would pass by Alba. So soon therefore as he had given me this notice of his departure, and that I should draw three Ensigns out of Alba to carry them along with me, I presently made them ready, and likewise two Culverines', which he had writ for also. Waiting then in expectation of his coming, I went in the mean time to Sarvenal, which is a little Town about four miles from Alba towards the Langues, and two other little places upon the same Road, where the Enemy had Garrisons, especially at Sarvenal, where there were an hundred men strangers. After I had a while battered it by the Gate, those within began to parley with me; but in the mean while my people entered by another side through a Window with Ladders; so that whilst their Captain was dodging with me about the Capitulation, those within saw themselves taken, and were therefore enforced to render themselves upon discretion. 
The hours of a Parley dangerous for surprises.  The moments of a Parley are always dangerous, and it is then that they ought the best to man their walls, to avoid surprises: for betwixt the Fruit and the Cheese, as the Proverb says; at such an unexpected time a great mischief may be done. I have seen many very foolishly surprised; therefore follow the Italian rule, which is, No te fidar, & no serai inganato: Do not trust, and thou shalt not be deceived: a lesson that ought to be very much studied by you Governors of places: for when a woman once endures a Parley, and has patience to hear, farewel Gossip, you have already one foot in the stirrup. In like manner when a Town once begins to hearken to a composition, you may certainly conclude it for lost. It is true, that you must not then give them leisure to consider better of it; for there are certain Catch-dol●s, who make a show of parley, but it is only to work their own advantage. If you therefore fear a relief, or that you find yourselves weak, take them at their word, make use of your time, and get Hostages betimes if you can. And on the other side, you who would defend a place, of all things take heed you never open your mouths to parley if you have not an intention to surrender, and are not necessitated so to do: for your Enemy presently gets a marvellous advantage by it. 'Tis better the overture be made by some particular person, and it is better becoming the Besiegers than the besieged, though both the one and the other aught to set a good face upon the matter, it will soon be seen who has the worst of the Game. At these times however be sure especially to have an eye to the main chance; for so soon as ever it is rumoured, that there is a surrender towards, those within instead of looking after their defence, think, one of saving his money, another his arms, and so forth; and those without seeing themselves defeated of all hope of Booty, if the Capitulation take effect, will try to show you a slippery trick; for than they approach at greater ease to the wall, because of the Truce. Remember then that the hour of a Parley is dangerous.  
The other two little places surrendered upon summons, and sent me their Keys; and the next day after the Marshal arrived, 
The situation of Seve.  who was very well pleased with my exploit, and so we marched directly to Seve. Seve is a little Town very nearly built, and enclosed with a very good wall. A River runs either through it, or close under the walls, I am not certain which, for I was never there, but when Monsieur de Bonnivet and I came to relieve the Marshal, and at this time when we retook it, and then lay there but one night only: for the Marshal sent me back in the morning, because Don Arbro with his forces was within five miles of us, and in Alba there was only left my Lieutenant, and the half of my Company. Now there is above the Town a Mountain, on the top of which there stands a Church, and in the Rock an Hermitage, the entry into which was over a plank from the Church into the said Rock, and within were Altars for Mass, and a Chamber for the Hermi●e, but no light into it, save only by the door where you come in, which looks towards the Town; and they had so ordered the matter, that by pulling in to them the plank, that lay over betwixt the Hermitage and the Church, all the world could not take them. They had also made another Fort on the right hand, at the distance of some twenty paces from this, which they had contrived after the manner of a pit, and the Counter●carpes very high; so that coming upon the Counterscarp, no man could show so much as a finger's length of his head without being discovered and killed, and they had moreover cast up a Trench that ran along from this Fort to the very body of the Church.  
As Signior Francisco Bernardin and I, who were for that time Mareschaux de Camp, came to encamp near to this place, and being about to lodge the Army, there sallied out two or three hundred men, what out of the Fort, the Trench, and the Church, and furiously charged upon us. I had no body with me but Captain Charry, with 50 Harquebuzeers, and some few horse to Guard us. Wherefore the Baron de Chipy, Campmaster, sent to reinforce me with 100 Harquebuzeers: but I was constrained to send him word that he must send me more, for that we were already at it, and very near to one another: at which instant of time Monsieur de Bonnivet returned post from Court, who hearing the skirmish without alighting, said to the Baron de Chipy, Halt here till the Marshal come up, and in the mean time I will go find out Monsieur de Montluc. The Captains followed him, and some Harquebuzeers on horseback, when just as we were embracing, the Enemy camp up and charged our men, seeing which I said to Monsieur de Bonnivet, ●Sir for your welcome alight, and let us go charge these people, and beat them back into the Fort: whereupon every one immediately alighted, and he said to me, charge you directly upon those who would recover the Fort, which said he clapped a Target upon his arm, and I catcht up a Halberd, for I ever loved to play with that kind of Cudgel, saying to Signior Francisco Bernardin, Comrade, whilst we charge do you make the Quarters; to which he replied, is that all the reckoning you make of the employment the Marshal has entrusted us withal? if it be so, I will be a fool for company, and once play the part of a Gascon; and so alighted, and went on with me to the charge. He was armed with very heavy arms, and moreover age rendered him unwieldy of himself, which made him that he could not go so fast as I. At such kind of Banquets my body me thought did not weigh an ounce, and I fancied that I did not touch the ground, I had quite forgot my hip. I than charged up strait upon those on that side by the Trench, and Monsieur de Bonnivet did as much on his side, so that we thundered them back with such a vengeance, that I passed over the Trench pellmell amongst them, and pursued them, killing all the way as far as the Church. I never laid so about me, nor did so much execution at one time. Those within the Church seeing their people in such disorder, and so miserably cut to pieces, quitted the place, and took a little path that went all along the rock of the Mountain down into the Town, where one of my men caught hold of him that carried the Ensign; but he disengaged himself very bravely from him, and leapt into the path, making to the Town as fast as he could trip. I ran after him, but he was too quick for me, as well he might, for he had fear in his heels. The Captain was killed, whom they very much esteemed, and I believe was a man of threescore years old, for he was all over white. They could not all recover the path, which made part of them return back into the Church, where they very bravely defended themselves. They had made a Raveline before the Gate, which we gained from them, and then they retreated into the Hermitage, and drew the plank after them like a drawbridge.  
Monsieur de Bonnivet was very rougly handled, for he lost at least twenty of the best men he had, and had above thirty more wounded: for as our people would throw themselves at a venture from the Counterscarp into the Fort, before they could discover the Fort they were knocked o'th' head, and amongst others we lost four of those he had brought with him out of France; who came but too soon for them, as also two Basques, as valiant young men as the earth ever bore; I had known them before, but those people have such uncouth names I cannot remember them, which I am very sorry for; but after the loss of so many men the said Monsieur de Bonnivet was constrained to leave this Fort, and come to me to the Church.  
The Marshal in the mean time had caused all the Camp to make a halt about a mile off, expecting when Signior Francisco and I should bring him the Billets for the Armies Quarters; when hearing no news of the one or the other, he sent a Gentleman to see what was become of us; who found us at the Church, where he told us, that the Marshal was discontented, and very angry, not knowing where to lodge, nor where the Quarters were made. To whom I then said, Get you back to him, and tell him that he has made two wise Quarter-Masters, who have thought of nothing but how to quarter him and his Army, but it has been by sending people into another world. The Gentleman perceiving by this answer that there was nothing done, returned back, it being almost night, so that the Cavalry was constrained to draw into a valley on the left hand, and the Infantry into another on the right. The Marshal himself then came up to us, and could have found in his heart to have been very angry, but seeing what we had done was well enough satisfied, and began to laugh at the Mareschaux de Camp he had made. Signior Francisco Bernardin laid the fault upon me, and I again upon him; but the Marshal said, I know the white-head was too wise, and therefore it must needs be a Ga●con extravagance.  
With the Marshal came Colonel Santo Pedro Corso, and those of the Hermitage ask'● for him, because there were many Corpse's amongst them, and the Captain himself who was killed at the Gate was one. The Colonel assured them of the death of the said Captain, and that if one or two of them would come out, he would show them his body: Which they did, and the Marshal was still with us, and stayed there all night, for he knew not where to lie, and a great many were laid down, 
The Hermitage surrendered.  who gave me many a black good-night After they had seen their Captain dead, they surrendered themselves upon the Colonel's word, that they should march away with bag and baggage, whereupon the said Colonel entered the Hermitage with five or six of his own men only, and so soon as the day appeared they went out, and almost all of them listed themselves under the said Colonel, 
The Fort surrendered.  sending their Drum to those of the Fort, to let them know that they had surrendered, and that they advised them to do the like; which they likewise did upon the same conditions; 
The Town surrendered.  for Colonel Santo Pedro managed the whole business. We than went down, and presently the Governor surrendered the same, and at the same instant march'● away with those men he had left; and the Marshal lodged himself there with some few only, that the provision might not be devoured, and to prevent any disorder in the Town. Of which he made Captain Loup Governor, 
Captain Loup.  having with him four Ensigns of foot, and some Light-horse; which being done he retired back by the same way he came, and I (as I have already said) about one of the clock in the afternoon came to Alba.  
This is all that I did in Piedmont worthy remembrance whilst I stayed there with me Marshal de Brissac: But if I should give an account of all the skirmishes wherein I have been engaged, I must have double paper, and especially that of Andesan, which was the greatest and most furious skirmish wherein I have ever been; 
The skirmish of Andezan.  all the foot of two Armies being therein totally ●ngag'd, amongst whom I had no more but four and thirty Soldiers of my own Company, forasmuch as I then lay in Garrison at Savillan, and Monsieur de Termes would not suffer my Company to go out of the Town. I covered all my Soldiers Morrisons with yellow Taffeta, out of respect to Monsieur de Termes, whose that colour was, who for so few men performed so great and almost miraculous ●●ats of arms, that whilst any ma●s memory shall live, who was then alive, the yellow Morrions of Montluc will be talked of in Piedmont: In truth these four and thirty were worth five hundred others, and I have myself an hundred times wondered at what these people did; I may therefore very well say, it was a little body, but a very good one. I gave found that it is of great use to give your Soldiers some particular distinction; for seeing themselves to be so distinguished and known, it redoubles their courage. I am sure these did very well, and obtained for themselves such a mark of reputation, that every one pointed at them as they marched along, showing for a wonder the yellow Morrions who had performed such noble feats of arms. I have since also been in several other skirmishes, which I will not trouble my Reader withal, for being too tedious: though I cannot forbear making mention of one, which the Baron de la Garde may please to remember, when he brought the Galleys, 
The Skirmish before Bullen.  we being then before Bullen. The great skirmish was at his landing, which continued for two hours, where the Canon-shot flew so thick that they seemed volleys of Harquebuzeers. I had all the Forces of Bullen upon me, notwithstanding which I made one of the bravest and most honourable retreats that man could possibly make. The late Monsieur de Guise saw it all, who had no more but five and twenty horse, and therefore could no ways relieve me; to do which he must of necessity have come down into the plain, where he would immediately have been swallowed up by the Canon, and no man believed that I could possibly have made my retreat without manifest running away; but I did it always at four Pikes length, often facing about, and must needs say, that I never performed any thing from whence I derived more honour than from this action. Monsieur de Guise did sufficiently magnify it, and commended me but two much. But I shall speak no more of these kind of things, and content myself with writing what I performed commanding only, wherein such as will do me the honour to read my book may learn some thing as to the practice of Arms, which is not altogether so easy as is believed. Great and commendable parts and qualities are required to the making up of a complete Captain. 
What parts are required to make up a complete Officer.  It is not all to be hardy and brave, we must have other pieces in our harness besides. Neither will I pretend to be one of the first form of Soldiers; but being the eldest in this Kingdom, my opinion will nevertheless be allowed a vote in the Chapter, which may serve to inform such as know less that I, and as for the rest they need no Tutor.  
I than left Piedmont to go home a little to refresh myself, and to take some repose, by reason of a great distemper I was fallen into: but what just occasion soever I might have to ask it, 
The Sieur de Montluc returns into Gascony.  I had nevertheless much ado to obtain leave of Monsieur de Brissac, though he at last was pleased to dismiss me, upon my promise speedily to return. At my coming home I found myself honoured and esteemed of all the greatest persons of the Country. My name was up, and therefore for one thing I had done they would persuade me I had done four: Report goes evermore increasing; and also at the time Piedmont was the only Scene in vogue for a Nursery of war. I did not however continue long idle at home, my Masters neither giving me leisure, nor my own disposition inclining me so to do, I having ever proposed to myself by the way of Arms to arrive to all the degrees of honour, to which man can attain; and you who are Gentlemen born aught to consider that God has sent you into the world to bear arms for the service of your Prince and Country, and not to hunt the Hare, and follow after Mistresses; when peace comes you may take your share of pleasures and delights. Every thing in its due time and season.  
The End of the Second Book.   

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARSHAL OF FRANCE. The Third Book.  
WHilst the War was kept on foot in Piedmont, after the manner I have before related, 
Piedmont the Nursery of War.  under the conduct of this great Soldier, Monsieur de Brissac, who there established so admirable a Military Discipline, that it might with good reason be said to be the best School of War in Europe; they did not sleep in Picardy, Champagne, and Mets, which was at this time besieged by the Emperor. There it was that the great Duke of Guise acquired immortal glory. I was never more troubled at any thing in my whole life then that I had not the good fortune to see this Siege: but a man cannot be in so many places at once. The King, who desired to discompose the Emperor's affairs in Italy, prevailed so far by the practices and dexterity of some Cardinals of his party, 
Sienna revolts to the French the 5th of August, 1552.  and of Monsieur de Termes, that he made the Inhabitants of Sienna to revolt, which is a very beatiful and important City in Tuscany, insomuch that the Spanish Garrison which was in it was driven out, and the Citadel razed to the ground. So soon as these people had thus shak'● off the Spanish yoke, and saw themselves at liberty, having set up the Ensigns of France, they were not wanting to themselves in imploring succours and assistance from the King, 
The Sieur de Strozzy the King's Lieutenant in the State of Sienna.  who accordingly gave the charge thereof to Monsieur de Strozzy, (the same who was afterwards Marshal) who by the help and concurrence of the King's confederates and friends in those parts drew some forces into the field, being therein assisted by the Signiors Cornelio Bentivoglio, Fregosa, and other Italians, with the Sieurs de Termes, and de Lansac; where, though he had all the Forces of the Emperor and the Great Duke of Florence to deal withal, he nevertheless carried himself with so much bravery and conduct, as to make head against the Marquis de Marignano, who prosecuted the War with might and main. Notwithstanding which Monsieur de Strozzy in despite of him took several little Towns belonging to the State of Sienna, the particulars whereof I shall not meddle withal, forasmuch as I was not there present: but, by what I have heard, he there performed several very brave exploits: for the Emperor and the Duke of Florence desired nothing more, than to drive the King out of Italy, out of the apprehension they had, that having got in a foot, he should afterwards screw in his whole body: But we never yet knew how to husband our Conquests; I know not what we may do hereafter, though I fear that matter will never be mended, at least I see no signs of it yet; God grant I may be mistaken.  
Monsieur de Strozzy then sent to the King to acquaint him, that it was not possible for him both to keep the field, 
Want of a Governor in Sienna.  and to govern in Sienna too, and that therefore he most humbly besought his Majesty to make choice of some person in whom he might safely confide to command in the Town, so long as he should continue in the field. The King having received this dispatch, called for the Constable, Monsieur de Guise, and the Marshal de St. André, where he acquainted them with Monsieur de Strozzy's request, desiring them to name each of them one for this employment; for all things passed through the hands of these three, and nothing was determined without them. All our Kings have ever had this trick, to suffer themselves to be governed by some particular men, and perhaps too much, so that it looks sometimes as if they stood in awe of their own subjects. Of these the Constable stood in the highest degree of favour, and was ever more beloved by the King than any other; he therefore first named his man, Monsieur d● Guise another, and the Marshal a third. Which having done the King said to them, you have none of you named Montluc, 
A dispute about the nomination of Monsieur de Mon●luc for the Government of Si●nua.  to which Monsieur de Guise made answer, that it was out of his head, and the Marshal said the same, Monsieur de Guise moreover adding, if) you name Montluc I have done, and shall speak no more of him I nominated before; nor I said the Marshal, who has since related to me the whole debate. The Constable then stood up, and said, that I was by no means proper for this employment, as being too humorous, peevish, and passionate, to which the King made answer, that he had ever observed and known me to be peevish and passionate, upon the account of his service only, when I saw h●m not served so well as he ought to be, and that he had never heard I ever had a quarrel with any one upon my own particular account. Monsieur de Guise and the Marshal said also the same, adding moreover that I had already been Governor both of Montcallier and Alba, without so much as any one man's opening his mouth to complain of my Administration; and that also had I been a person of that temper, the Marshal de Briss●c. would never have loved and favoured me at the rate he did, not have reposed so great a confidence in me as he had ever done. The Constable hereupon answered very roundly again, and made good his former objection with great vehemency, and would by all means that the person he had nominated should stand: for he was impatient of being controverted, and more of being overruled; neither indeed did he ever much love me, nor any of his. The Cardinal of Lorraine was there present, who may better remember than I, who it was that the Constable named: but (if I be not deceived) it was Boccal, who is since turned Huguenot: however in the end the King would carry it, having Monsieur de Guise and the Marshal de St. André on his side, and dispatched away a Courier to the Marshal de Brissac to send me into Avignon, where accordingly I stayed expecting a Gentleman his Majesty sent to me, who brought my dispatch to go presently away to Sienna.  
Now the Marshal had some days before given me leave to retire to my own house, by reason of a sickness I was fallen into, as I have said elsewhere; who had no mind to do it, as he himself confessed to me since; and has done me the honour to tell me, that had he known of what importance the loss of me, would have been to him, he would nat have so commended me to the King as he had done, and that in his life he never repented any thing so much as the letting me depart from him, telling me of a great many things wherein he had not been so well served after my departure out of Piedmont. Monsieur de Cossé, Precedent Birague, and several others can witness how oft they have heard him lament any absence's, especially when matters did not succeed according to his desire. And if any one will take the pains to consider what I performed while I was there under his Command, he will find that what I say is very true, and that he had some reason to regret me. I was always at his feet, and at his head. I will not say nevertheless, that any thing would have been better done for my being there: but however I must needs speak the truth, and there are who can say more if they please.  
He then writ a Letter to the King, 
Advice of the Marshal de Brissac to the King concerning his nomination of the Sieur de Montluc for the Government of Sienna.  and another to the Constable, wherein he sent his Majesty word, that he had made a very ill choice of me to command in Sienna, for that I was one of the most cross-grained choleric f●llows in the whole world, and such a one as that for half the time I had been with him, he had been necessitated to suffer much from me, knowing my imperfections. That indeed I was very good for the maintaining of discipline and justice in an Army, to command in the field, and to make the Soldiers to fight: but that the humour of the Siennese considered, it would be fire to fire, which would be the only means to lose that State, which was to be preserved by gentleness and moderation. He moreover entreated the Constable to remonstrate as much to the King, and in the mean time dispatched a Courier to me, who found me very sick, by whom he sent me word, that the King would send me to Sienna; but, that as a friend of mine, he advised me not to accept of that employment, 
The Marshal de Brissac's▪ policy to detain Monsieur de Montluc,  entreating me not to forsake him, to go serve elsewhere under another, and assuring me withal, that if any Command happened to be vacant in Piedmont, that I had more mind to than what I already had, I should have it; which were all artifices to detain me.  
O that a wise Lieutenant of a Province ought to have an eye, and to take heed of losing a man in whom he may absolutely confide, and whom he knows to be a man of valour, and aught to spare nothing that he may keep him; for oftentimes one man alone can do much. You must eat a great deal of Salt with a man before you can rightly known him; and in the mean time you are deprived of him with whom you were throughly acquainted, in whom you reposed your trust, and of whose fidelity you have already had sufficient proof. The said Marshal had moreover sent word to the King, that I was in Gascony very sick, and in the morning as the Letters were read, the Constable, who was mighty well pleased with the contents, said to the King, Did not I tell your Majesty as much, you find the Marshal to be of the same opinion, and no man living can know Montluc better than he who has so often seen him at work. To which the King (who naturally loved me, and had ever done so, after he had seen my behaviour at the Camisado of Bullen) replied, that although all those of his Council should speak against me, yet should they prevail nothing by it: for it was his nature to love me, and that he would not after his election let them all say what they would. Monsieur de Guise than spoke and said, here is a letter very full of contradictions: for in the first place the Marshal de Brissac says that Montluc is cross-gained and choleric and that he will never suit with the Sie●nois, but will ruin your service if you send him thither; and on the other side commends him for qualities that are required in a man of command, to whom the trust of great things is to be committed: for he speaks him: 
Choleric men the best.  to be a man of an exact discipline, and great justice, and fit to make the Soldiers fight in great Erterprises and Executions; and who ever saw a man endued with all these good qualities, that had not a mixture of Choler amongst them? Such as are indifferent whether things go well or ill may indeed be without passion, and as to the rest, since Sir your Majesty has yourself made the Election, I humbly conceive you ought not revoke it. The Marshal de St. André spoke next, and said, Sir, what the Marshal de Brissac complains of you may easily correct, by writing to Montluc, that yourself having made choice of his person above all others for this employment, he must for your sake at much at he can govern his passion, having to do with such a fickle●headed people as those of Sienne. To which the King made answer, that he did not fear but that after he had writ me a letter, I would do as he should command me; and immediately thereupon dispatched away a Courrie: to me to my own house, by whom he sent me word, that although I should be sick, I must nevertheless put myself upon my way to go directly to Marseilles, where I should meet my dispatch, and should there embark myself with the Germans that the Rhinceroc brought, and ten companies of French foot, to which place he would also send me money for my journey, and that I must for a while leave my passion behind me in Gascony, and a little accommodate myself to the humour of that people. The Courier found me at Again very sick, and under the Physicians hands, notwithstanding which I told him, that in eight days I would begin my journey, which I did, and verily thought I should have died at Tholouse, from whence by the advice of the Physicians I was to return back again, which I would not do: but caused myself to be hall'd along as far as Montpellier, where I was again advised by the Physicians to go no further, 
Choleric Captains more valiant than others.  they assuring me that if I ventured to proceed on my journey I should never come alive to Marseilles: but whatever they could say, I was resolved to go on so long as life lasted, come on't what would, when just as I was going away there came another Courier from the King to hasten me, and from day to day I recovered my health in travelling; so that when I came to Marseilles I was without comparison much better than when I parted from my own house.  
In plain truth the King my good Master had reason to defend my cause, for my choler was never prejudicial to his service, it has indeed been sometimes prejudicial to myself and some others, who would not avoid not comply with my humour. I never lost Place, Battle, nor Rencounter, nor ever was the occasion of losing any one of his Subjects; my choler never so far transported me as to do any thing prejudicial to his service, and if it be violent and prompt, it is the sooner gone: I have ever observed that such people are better to be employed than any other, for they have no malice in them, nor no dangerous reservations, and if they be more sudden, they are also more valiant than those who by their moderation would appear to be more wise: but leaving this discourse I shall return to my voyage.  
At my coming to Marseilles I found that the Baron de la Garde was already departed with the Army to go to Algiers, 
The Siege of Sienna was in the year 1555.  there to prevail with the King of Argier to convoy him with his Fleet, forasmuch as the said Baron had been advertized, that Prince Auria lay waiting for him with a great Navy to intercept him by the way; and the King's Fleet of itself was not strong enough to undertake him, which was the reason that we delayed the time for a few days. So soon then as the Baron arrived, having the Argier Fleet with him, 
The Baron de la Garde.  we embarked ourselves at Toulon, and by the way met eight of nine Vessels laden with Corn, la Garde that came out of Sicily, and was going for Spain, which the Baron caused to be set on fire, excepting two that he took along with him for the support of his Army, and so went on to Port' H●rcole, at which place we could not possibly land, forasmuch as the Marquis de Marignano lay with his Camp near unto the way by which we were of necessity to pass to go to Sienna. We were therefore constrained to reimbark our men, and to fall back, to land with greater safety, near to Escarlin, where Monsieur de Strozzy lay with his Camp. 
The Prior of Capua slain.  We there heard news that the Prior of Capua had but two days before been slain in viewing Escarlin, which was a very great loss, he being as brave a man as lived, both by land and sea, and a true Servant of the Kings. He was Brother to Monsieur de Strozzy, and it was said, was killed by the hand of a Peasant, that fired a Harquebuz at him from behind a Bush. Behold what a sad misfortune this was, that so great a Captain should perish by the hand of a Rascal with his fire stick. And so we marched on to Bonconvent, Monsieur de Strozzy going always a little before us for conveniency of victual, and there all the Army joined together.  
Before the Germans and the French arrived at the said Bonconvent, Monsieur de Strozzy went out in the morning before, with the three thousand Grisons (of which Monsieur de Fourcavaux was Colonel) and the Italians, to make room for the Germans and French who had need to lie and rest an hour or two. I went over night to wait upon Monsieur de Strozzy, and in the morning departed with him, that I might come betimes to Sienna; where we found Monsieur de Lansac, who at our coming treated Monsieur de Strozzy, Monsieur de Fourcavaux and me at dinner. At the coming up of the Grisons and Italians there happened a great skirmish at St. Bonde, a Monastery of Nuns near unto St. Mark another Monastery of Religieux. The Marshal de Marignano lay with his Camp at the Palace of Diau which is upon the road to Florence, within a little mile of Sienna, and this very morning had raised his Camp to go to St. Bonde, there to assault Captain Bartolmeo de Pesera, whom Monsieur the Strozzy with his Company had quartered at that place. The said Marquis had left his Italians at the said Palace of Diau, and taken all his Spaniards and Germans along with him, 
The Skirmish before Si●nna.  and as we were at dinner the skirmish began very br●sk and round at St. Bonde. The Grisons and Italians halted at la Palassot, half a mile from Sienna, and our Italians also, by the command or Monsieur de Strozzy, to the end that he might both the sooner determine where he should lodge the Army, and also because he would, that before they should be lodged, the Germans and the French should be come up, that they might all at once sit down in their Quarters: but before we had made an end of dinner, we heard some little pieces go off at St. Bonde, that the Marquis had thither taken along with him. At which I said to Monsieur de Strozzy, Sir, the skirmish grows very loud, and is mixed with Artillery, they will deprive you of Captain Bartolomeo de Pesera, pray let us go see what they are doing; to which he replied, let us go then, and we must go however to see where we are to lodge the Camp. Monsieur de Lansac lent me a grey Turk, for I had not brought my horses by sea; and I then asked Monsieur de Strozzy if he were pleased that I should go see what the business was, whilst he with Messieurs de Lansac and de Fourcavaux went to take order about lodging the Camp? to which he answered, with all his heart; and so we went out at the Port St. Mark. I went then directly to the place where the skirmish was, and they a little on the right hand to see where they should lodge the Army. So soon as I was on the other side the Tress, where the skirmish was, I there found not so much as one Captain; so that the skirmish looked like a very disorderly business, and the Enemy had got the advantage of our people; for they had drawn them from the little hills near unto St. Bonde, and driven them to the Meadows that lie upon the banks of the River Tress. At my arrival I asked for the Captains, but met not one that own●d that title, from whence a great disorder ensued: but upon the instant I saw one coming upon a grey horse, and galloped presently up to him, to ask him if he was a Captain or no, who told me he was; I than asked him his name, to which he made answer, Io mj chiamo Marioul de Santa Fiore, and I said to him. Signior Capitano Io mj chiamo Montluco audiamo ensiemi, Now all the Army had already heard that I was coming with the recruits; 
Captain Mari●ul de Santa Fior.  so that though we had never seen one another's faces before, yet we knew one another well enough by our names. I entreated him them to rally his men, and give a charge upon the Enemy, to beat them back again up the H●ll, which he did, and we accordingly drove them up to the very top. In the mean while the skirmish extended itself all along the ridge of a Hill, and by the Vineyards directly to the Pall●ssot, which is a little Palace, behind which were the Grisons, and on the back of the Mountain a little further the Artillery played, which the Marquis had brought to St. Bonde. There all the Italian Captains, and Signior Cornelio Bentivoglio, who was there Colonel, were at the corner of the Vineyards looking towards St. Bonde and St. Mark, behind a little Oratory, by which they were covered from the Canon shot.  
Now betwixt la Pallassot and the little Oratory it might be about three hundred paces, and Signior Marioul and I so ruffled the Enemy, that we drove the skirmish all along the ridge of the Vineyards directly upon them: I had brought with me Captain Charry, who was my Lieutenant at Alba, with thirty good Soldiers, almost all Gentlemen, who would by no means by left behind with my brother Monsieur de Lioux, to whom the King had given the government of Alba, at the humble request of Monsieur de Valence my Brother, and I had preferred in his behalf. About which there happened a very great dispute, for the Marshal de Brissac deferred to accept him till he had first had on answer from me; who so soon as he understood the King's resolution to send me to Sienna, he sent me another Courier, 
The Sieur de Liouz Governor of Alba  entreating me not to quit the Government of Alba, and that I might name, either my own Lieutenant, or any other to command in the place till my return, assuring me that he would accept whomsoever I should appoint, and in the mean time would take care that my pay should be kept for me, so that I should not lose so much as a denier; advising me withal to consider, that the Command the King gave me at Sienna would not be of so long continuance as that of Alba. But I most humbly besought him to approve of my Brother, assuring him that he would be as much his effectionate servant as I was, and that if it should please God I ever returned from Sienna, I swore to come and find him out, and to serve him in the condition of a private Soldier, though the King should not please to confer any command upon me, that I might have the honour to be near his person. Now to give you an account of the humour of the Marshal, I will say and maintain, that he was one of the bravest Gentlemen, and the best Masters that has been these fifty years in France, for such as he knew to be zealous and affectionate to the King's service; and if Precedent Birague will lay his hand upon his heart, he will swear the same. 
Character of the Marshal de Brissac.  He was a man that had evermore a greater regard to another man's profit than his own, a man could never lose any thing by him, but every man had his share both of advantage and honour, and so to the rest, he loved and honoured a worthy man, even to the meanest Soldier. The best men he knew by their names, and would give ear to the advice of all, without relying too much upon his own head-piece as Monsieur de Lautrec was too much inclined to do. But to return to the Skirmish, I found at the Oratory Signior Corneli●, and Colonel Charamont, whom I had not before seen, since my arrival. Betwixt the said Oratory and la Bonde there is a great Highway, and by the side of it two little houses, some ten or twelve paces distant from one another. In this Highway we gave the Enemy a charge, and gained from them the two houses, into one of which Captain Charry put himself, and our Italians into the other, they there continued about three quarters of an hour, almost always fight, insomuch that the Marquis sent thither all his Spanish Harquebuzeers, and even the Italians who were at their Fort of St. Mark, and planted six Ensigns of Spanish foot upon the great Highway to maintain the fight. Now the hottest of the skirmish was on the right hand, and on the left amongst the Vines, so that the Cavalry could do nothing. Signior Cornelio then by the advice of his Captains was about to retire, when I remonstrated to him that he must by no means offer to stir, till first he had some horse, and also the Grisons to make good his retreat, to whom I would presently go, and entreat them to come up half way betwixt the Pallassot and the Oratory, and would likewise go to request the same of the Count de la Miranda, who was Colonel of the horse, and had halted in a Valley behind a little Wood near unto la Pallassot; which they approved of very well; and so I presently ran to the Grisons, entreating them to advance but two hundred paces only; but the Colonel that commanded under Monsieur de Fourcavaux would by no means be persuaded to it. I than spurred up to the Count, and prayed him to send out four Corners of horse, which he presently did, and they were the Count de Pontavala, Cornello, joby, the Baron de Rabat, and my Nephew Serillac, who commanded the Company of Monsieur de Cipierre. Now as the Cornets were advancing at a good round gallop, I saw Signior Cornelio, who at the importunity of his Captains was again beginning to retire, and presently ran to him, remonstrating that the six Ensigns were upon their march, and that they were Spaniards, whose colours being so large, it was a sign the Marquis was there in person with all his Army, who would infallibly charge him so soon as ever he should begin to descend the Hill, entreating him therefore to return back to the same place, which he did, being departed from it not above thirty paces. I then returned to the Corners, and stopped them in the midway betwixt the Pallassot and the Oratory, which having done, I once more went to the Grisons, who after I had made them sensible of the danger we were in to lose all the Officers, arose and began to strike up their Drums, and marched up close by the Horse. The Marquis seeing the Cavalry and the Grisons begin to appear in the field, thought it now convenient to withdraw his six Ensigns out of the great Highway; there was not one Officer of ours on horseback but myself and Signior Marioul, who never stirred from my side, so that I could plainly see all the Enemy did: I then said to Signior Cornelio, Look you Sir, the Spanish Ensigns having discovered our Cavalry, and the Grisons are facing about, now charge them home, for now it is time: which being said, Signior Marioul alighted, and clapped a Target to his arm, having his sword in his hand; I then said to Captain Charry, that he was now to show what he had ever been, and must let these strangers see what a Gascon could do, bidding him be sure to charge in before them all. Monsieur de Fourcavaux had brought four hundred Italian Harquebuzeers from Parma, very brave men, who were drawn up close by the Oratory (for my part) I will not make myself more valiant than I am, for I alighted not, I already began to play the King's Lieutenant, and we divided the men to the right and left, all along a great Highway, and there we made our charge, which was a brave one, if ever any was, and such that we drove them as far as a descent on the left hand of St. Bonde, where the Marquis stood with the remainder of his Spaniards and Germans, and being the Spaniards stood just upon the edge of the ascent, those who were put to flight rushed quite through them, and both one and the other ran full drive upon the Germans. The Marquis who saw the torrent of this disorder coming upon him, began, as well as he could, to retire by a Valley, without sound of Trumpet, or beat of Drum. Those who were come out of St. Marks, retreated also in very great haste, carrying off with them the four little pieces with which they had battered St. Bonde, into their Fort. The Marquis told me after, when I came out of Sienna, as he accompanied me two miles from the Town, that had we followed the pursuit we had put all his Army to flight, and given him a total defeat: but we were not aware of his disorder; we thought ourselves very happy, that we had come off so good cheap; and our Enemies thought themselves happier than we.  
Monsieur de Strozzy, who was in a Valley on the other side the Port St. Mark, as he was consulting with Messieurs de Lansac and de Fourcavaux about the situation of the Camp, heard very well that there was a very great skirmish; but he knew that all the Captains were there, and that I was also gone thither; neither did they ever imagine it had been half so sharp as it was; but in the end hearing it grow so loud, they left all and came galloping to us; yet could they not come time enough to the charge, which the said Monsieur de Strozzy was very much troubled at, and something discontented that no notice had been given him of the fight, and Monsieur de Fourcavaux was the same, forasmuch as the Grisons, of which he was the chief Officer, were come up just to fight, and that his Harquebuzeers had fought. But I excused it to them both, telling them that I had never a horseman with me, but Signior Marioul, and that he was too brave a Gentleman to leave the skirmish, having besides three or four Ensigns under his command, wherefore it had not been possible for me to send them word. Now Monsieur de Strozzy at his rising from dinner had sent away Signior Roberto his Brother in all haste, to cause the Franch and Germans to advance, which he did, and found the Germans beginning to drink, 
The Germans are eating and drinking in the midst of the skirmish.  and consequently could not suddenly get them from the Tables; for the said Signior de Strozzy had caused meat to be set ready for them upon the great Highway, which had he not done they had held on their march, and just in the nick had come into the heat of the fight, and so the Battle had been won; but we must say with the Italian. Fa me indevino, & io ti daro denari. This was that which was done the first day that I arrived at Sienna, where I so signalised myself to the Siennese, and all the Italian Captains, that knew me not before, as purchased me a very great esteem, both with the Inhabitants of the City and the whole Army; for by running up and down amongst the foot now here, now there, ordering these on the one side, and those on the other, I gave them to understand that this was not the fist skirmish by a hundred wherein I had been engaged.  
The Marshal then lodged his Camp betwixt Porto Novo and Porto Tuffo, in the beautiful Suburbs that are there, and not only there, for I dare boldly say, that if the Suburbs of Sienna had stood altogether, they would have been bigger than the City; for in the Suburbs were more goodly Palaces, and finer Churches and Monasteries than there were in the body of the Town. The next morning Monsieur de Strozzy carried us up to that part of the wall looking towards the Enemy's Camp, where we fell into consultation, 
A Consultation held at Sienna about fight a Battle▪  whether or no it were good to hazard a Battle; and there the opinions were various, some thinking it the best, and others conceiving it not convenient so to do. Those who were of opinion that we ought not to fight objected, that we could not go to the Palace of Diau, without passing close by a little Fort the Marquis had made, betwixt the little observance and the aforesaid Palace, where there was three or four pieces of great Artillery (as it was true), and that leaving that behind, we should also leave our own Fort of Camolia naked of defence. I then propounded that for any harm the Artillery of the little Fort could do us, we could pass by a little before day, and might leave an Ensign or two to bridle the little Fort from daring to sally out, and as for the Fort of Camolia, we could leave three or four Companies of the City to keep them likewise in awe, 
The Sieur de Montlucs advice.  and that I on my part with the rest of the Forces of the City would go out by Porto Fontebrando, and should by break of day to got to the top of a little Mountain, ready to present myself in the Plain at so opportune a time, that just as our Camp should appear near to theirs, I should at the same instant be got so near them, that they must of necessity enter into some apprehension, to see us come the one on the one side, and the other on the other.  
The Siennese made accounted that they could draw four thousand good men out of the Town. There were some who approved of my proposal, and of the Siennese also which was to fight; and others were of a contrary opinion. The Game could not be played without being lustily disputed, 
The Forces of the Marquis of Marignan.  for the Marquis had three Tertia's of Spaniards, namely that the Sicily, that of Naples, and that of Corsica (which we call Regiments) the two first composed of old Soldiers, and that of Corsica of new-raised men (wherein nevertheless there were very good Soldiers) together with two Regiments of Germans, each of them containing twelve Ensigns, and four or five thousand Italians. As to the Cavalry I think ours would have beaten theirs, for we had very good Officers, and very brave Light-horse; and for the rest, our Army consisted of ten Ensigns of Germans, ten of Grisons, fourteen of French, 
The French Forces.  and betwixt five and six thousand Italians. Of all this day Monsieur de Strozzy could not resolve what to do, by reason of the diversity of opinions, nevertheless I think he was resolved the next day to have fought them; for the Siennols were stark mad of fight, and I do believe fight for their liberty would have played the devils: 
The Marquis de Marignan dislodges his Camp.  But the Marquis either had some knowledge of his intent, or else his design was not to stay any longer there; for he departed an hour before day in the morning; so that had God inspired Monsieur de Strozzy, that he had this day gone out to fight, we had in the morning found them all dislodged, and had fought them upon their retreat, and in disorder: but I must repeat what I said before, Fa me indevino, & io ti daro denari.  
The Marquis took the way towards Mauchaut, where the Marshal had left four Ensigns, or else the Marquis held it, who went to another place hard by, and Monsieur de Strozzy directly to Mauchaut, I do not certainly remember whether: but so it was that their Camps lay eight or nine days within seven or eight miles of one another, the one going to take some place, and the other following after to relieve it. Nevertheless the Marquis at last arrived before Mauchaut, and began to batter either to take or retake it. I was not there, for I stayed behind at Sienna, according to the King's intention, and in relation to my command; yet had it not been for a sickness that I began to fall into, I do believe Monsieur de Strozzy would have taken me along with him, and have left Monsieur de Lansac Governor, as before; but in the end, as Monsieur de Strozzy marched away, Monsieur de Lansac took his way towards Rome, to acquit himself of his Commission of Ambassador. 
Monsieur de Lansac goes Ambassador to Rome.  So soon as the Marquis was sensible of Monsieur de Strozzy's coming, he gave place, and drawing off his Artillery, placed himself a little on the right hand, at the distance of a hundred and fifty or two hundred paces from the Town, where he made his advantage of two or three little Mountains, under which lie entrenched himself on that side by the Fountains. Monsieur de Strozzy than came and encamped his Army all along a hollow way that there was betwixt the Marquis and the Town. Now Monsieur de Strozzy placed himself so near in design to fight the Marquis, if he could once tempt him out of this Trenches, and there they lay seven or eight days to see which should first dislodge. The Marquis knew very well, that in case he should first move, Monsieur de Strozzy would infallibly fight him; and therefore would by no means be drawn to do it, being expressly forbid to put any thing to hazard, as we were after told by Don juan de Luna 
Don juan de Luna.  himself, who was present with the Marquis at that time, and in his own person, a very brave Spaniard.  
Now betwixt the two Camps there was no more than the breadth of one little field, and that not above fifty paces over, wherein there daily happened skirmishes betwixt the foot of both Armies, and so disadvantageous to us, that we always came off with the worse, by reason of the Artillery the Marquis had planted upon the three forementioned little Mountains; so that Monsieur de Strozzy lost more men by their Canon than by their smaller sho●. The said Sieur de Strozzy was possessed of one Fountain only, upon which the Artillery from one of the Mountainers continually played, and killed a great many men; so that they were constrained to ●etch all their water by night; neither could he ever draw up his Cavalry into Battalia, 
The Fench very much annoyed by the Enemy's Canon.  but that the great shot did great execution upon them, and I was told that in three or four day's time he had above sixscore men and horses killed, insomuch that our Cavalry was infinitely discouraged, and the foot also very much baffled and out of heart. Notwithstanding all which Monsieur de Strozzy persisted obstinate not to remove his Quarters, and that both out of the hope he had that the Marquis would first dislodge, and give him an opportunity to fight him, as also out of punctilio, that he would not give him that advantage, as the first to forsake his ground. Both the one and the other of these Generals had mettle enough, and both of them had glory in their prospect: but it is better to do one's Masters business, than to stand upon niceties of honour; I mean if there be no manifest shame in the case.  
Monsieur de Strozzy every day sent an account of all he did, both to me and to the Senate, as we also met every day in Council to debate upon what he writ to us, and I every hour advised, and entreated him not to consume his Forces with continual loss, which would encourage the Enemy's Soldiers, and dishearren his own: the Lords of the Senate likewise counselled h●m the same; but he had so passionate a desire to fight with the Marquis, that that longing alone blinded his judgement, and deprived him of the knowledge of his daily loss. I died with desire to go to him, but the Senate would by no means consent unto it: at last he writ me word, that within two days he would retire in the face of the Enemy, directly to Lusignano, whereupon I immediately dispatched away a Gentleman to him, who was present when the Letter came, called the Sieur de Lescussan, by him entreating and conjuring him not to make his retreat by day, since the loss in the skirmishes had happened on his side (for by ill fortune our people had lost more the two last days, than of all the time before●● and that whoever might advise him to the contrary, I begged of him to be ruled by me, and to retire by night, for it was no more than two miles to Lusignano; 
The Sieur de Montlucs advice to Monsieur de Strozzy upon his resolution to retreat in the face of the Enemy.  beseeching him withal to remember that King Francis had retreated from before Landrecy after this manner, and was so far from being condemned for so doing, that on the contrary he was highly applauded for it, and it was looked upon by all the Princes and Potentates of Christendom for the most prudent thing he ever did; yet had he sustained no loss by skirmishes. I gave him moreover to understand, that hitherto I had never seen a good retreat made after this manner, neither by Friend nor Enemy, if they who made it were closely pursued. I further represented to him the retreat that Messieurs de Montegean and de Boissy would make at Brignolles, who would not be persuaded to retire without seeing the Enemy, for all the Captains who were present with them could do or say, which was the cause they were defeated within less than half a mile of their Quarters. I also set before him the exemple of Monsieur d' Annebaut, at that time Marshal of France, at Theroanne, of Monsieur d' Aussun at Carignan, and several others: 
Retreats at the head of an Army dangerous.  and that since so great a Prince, and so great a Soldier, as King Francis was, had by all the world been commended for that discreet way of proceeding, he ought to take him for his precedent, considering also that so many valiant Leaders had lost themselves in retreating at the head of an Army; and that by such a loss (if it should so unhappily fall out) he might guests what would become of the City of Sienna. In short Monsieur de Lesussan brought me word, that once Monsieur de Strozzy was resolved to do it after his sort, 
Thom. d' Albene the cause of Monsieur the Strozzy's misfortune.  and had it not been for one unlucky fellow called Thomas d' Albene he had with him, he had retreated after the manner I advised: but as there are some men in the world, whom God has appointed to do good, so has he created others to do mischief, as he did this Thomas; for he represented to Monsieur de Strozzy so many things, and so preached what a dishonour it would be to him to steal away by night, that in the end he made him to alter his determination; who thereupon sent me word that he was resolved to make his retreat in the face of the Enemy: Whereas before, to let me see that he was resolved to follow my advice, he had at one of the clock in the night sent away two pieces of Canon he had with him strait to Lusignano; at which place I do believe they were already arrived (for it was but two little miles) before he altered his resolution. It was four of the clock in the morning before Monsieur de Lescussan parted from him, who brought me his determination, and arrived at seven of the clock in the morning a la mode de France. This happened to be in August, and presently I sent to the Senate, desiring them all to meet me at the Palace, for that I had something of importance to deliver them, 
The Sieur de Montluc sick.  which they did. Now my sickness was still more and more increased upon me, and was at last turned into a continued Favour, with a flux, notwithstanding which about nine of the clock I came to the Palace, where I began a Speech to them in Italian, which I spoke better than than I can write it now, which is one reason why I have here set it down in French, as also to the end that the Gentlemen of Gascony, who few of them understand that Language, and shall read my Book, as I am confident they will, may not be put to the trouble to have it interpreted to them. I very well remember what I said, and do truly believe I do not miss ten words, for my discourse was only what was dictated to me by nature, without any help of Art.  

Gentlemen, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Harangue to the people of Sienna.   
I have requested you to this Assembly, that I might remonstrate to you four things, which I conceive to be very important to your conservation, and have been moved so to do, by reason that Monsieur de Strozzy has this night sent me word by Monsieur de L'Escussan of the resolution he has taken this morning to retreat in open day to Lusignano, in the very face of his Enemy. You all know very well what persuasions and entreaties we have used, that he would take heed of retreating after this manner, and particularly what arguments and exemples I laid before him by the said Sieur de l'Escussan, which he relished very well at first, and was once resolved to do as King Francis did before Landrecy; nevertheless, by I know not what misfortune, he suffers himself to be carried away by a man he has with him, one Thomas d'Albene, who has made him alter his determination, by making him believe that to retreat by night would be dishonourable to him: God grant the ill counsel of this man do not prove dishonourable and ruinous both to him and to you also. Now Gentlemen, whilst we are in expectation what will be the issue of this Battle, I have four things to remonstrate to you. The first, and which most nearly concerns you, is, that you will please to call to mind, that you are Sovereigns in your own Republic, that your Predecessors from Father to Son have left you this honourable Title: that this War aims at nothing but the ruin of that Sovereignty; for if the Enemy remain victorious, you are to hope for no other, than from Sovereigns to be converted into Subjects, and Slaves; and that therefore it is much better for you to die with your arms in your hands in the defence of this honourable Title, than tamely to part with your Birthright, and to outlive the loss of your Privileges and Liberty with shame and infamy. The second is, that you will consider the friendship the King my Master has towards you, who pretends to no other advantage from you, than that your amity be reciprocal to his, and that since he has generously taken you into his protection, you will have this confidence in him, that he will never forsake you: for should you go less in your resolution for one little blow of fortune, consider with what contempt the whole world will look upon you; there is not a Prince upon the earth that will aid and assist you, should they once disover you to be a m●table and irresolute people. 
The Sieur de Montluc presages the loss of the Battle.  For all these considerations therefore I beseech you to continue firm and constant, and approve yourselves magnanimous and faithful in adversity, when you shall hear news of the loss of the Battle, which I very much fear you will soon do, considering the resolution Monsieur de Strozzy has taken, though God of his goodness divert the misfortune. The third is, that you will consider in what a height of reputation your forefathers lived and died, which also they have left you to inherit, that you may for ever carry the name of the most valiant and warlike people of all Italy, and have moreover left behind them honourable memory of the Battles they have won of those of their own Nation. You also derive yourselves from the ancient warlike Romans, and pretend to be their true legitimate Sons, giving their ancient arms, which is the Wolf with Romulus and Remus, Founders of their proud City, the Metropolis of the World. 
Monsieur de Montlue is a little mistaken in this point, for the Siennese are not descended from the ancient Romans but from the Gauls.  I therefore most earnestly beseech you Gentlemen, that you will call to mind who you are, and what your Progenitors have ever been; which title of honour should you once lose, what a shame and infamy would it be to your famous Ancestors, and what cause will your children have to curse the hour that ever they were descended of such Fathers, who have abandoned their Liberty, to submit their necks to the yoke of servitude and subjection? The fourth thing I have to trouble you withal is to remonstrate to you, that as I have an entire confidence, you will manifest your valour and virtue upon this occasion, you in order thereunto will suddenly think of making provision of all things necessary to the conservation of your City; for the Battle I already give you for lost, not that it will nevertheless proceed from any default in Monsieur de Strozzy, but from the losses we have sustained in the several skirmishes that have been fought before Mauchaut, it being impossible by reason thereof, but that our people must be mightily Crestfallen and dejected, and those of the Enemy in greater heart and courage. 'Tis an effect of victory to be exalted, and fear is the issue of misfortune and disgrace; neither do the little losses in skirmishes, which are the usual forerunners of a Battle, ever portend any thing but disaster and ruin. On the other side also, those who retire must of necessity show their backs to the Enemy; where, although they often face about, yet must they still make forwards, where it will be impossible but they must meet with some hedge or ditch, over which they must of necessity pass in disorder; for upon a Retreat every one will strive to be foremost, 
Fear ever accompanies a Re●●eat.  because fear and terror are the ordinary concomitants of those who would retire; and for never so little disorderly haste they shall make all will be lost, if the Enemy have but half the courage that men should have. Remember (Gentlemen) the Battle that Hannibal gained of the Romans at Cannee near to Rome. 
The Battle of Canuce.  The Romans who were at home in the City never suspected it possible that their people should be beaten, and therefore made no kind of provision, nor took any order in their affairs; so that when news came of the defeat, they were struck into so great a terror, that the Gates of Rome remained for three days and three nights wide open, not a man so much as daring to go shut them; so that had Hannibal pursued his victory, he might without any opposition have entered the City; as Titus Livy reports in his History. Therefore (Gentlemen) give present order for the securing of your Gates, and appoint men to guard them, which you must also choose out of those of best repute for the bravest and most faithful amongst you: In the next place cause proclamation to be made throughout the City, that all those who have Corn or Meal at the Mills, shall make haste to get their Corn ground, and bring it all into the City. 'Cause also all those who have grain, or any other sorts of ptovision in the Villages immediately to fetch it into the Town, upon penalty of having it burned, or put to sack if by to morrow night it be not all brought within the walls; and all this to the end that we may have wherewith to support ourselves, and maintain the Siege till the succours the King will send us shall arrive; for he is not so inconsiderable a Prince, but that as he has had the power to send you these aids that are already come, he is yet able to send you more; and moreover command your three Standard-bearers to have all their Companies in a readiness at the beat of Drum. My Fever pressing upon me, I am constrained to retire to my lodging, in expectation of such news as God shall please to send us, and you I hope in the mean time will take present order about such things as I have put you in mind of, in which assurance, for the service of the King my Master, and particularly your own, I make you a tender not only of the little experience God has given me, but moreover of my life for the defence of your City, and the ancient privileges thereof.   
Thus than I departed from them, who immediately resolved to have patience in what fortune soever God should be pleased to send them, and to eat to their very children, before they would for any misfortune that should befall them, depart from the Amity and Protection of the King of France. I perceived both by their countenance and their speeches, that they were a people very well resolved to defend their liberty, and to preserve inviolate the friendship they had promised and sworn to me. A resolution at which indeed I was mightily well pleased. They immediately then caused proclamation to be made, upon which every one ran to the field to fetch in what they had, and about five a clock in the Evening arrived Captain Cambas, Campmaster to the French Infantry, who came to bring me news that the Battle was lost, and Monsieur de Strozzy wounded to death, 
Monsieur de Strozzy defeated the 3d of August 1●55.  whom they had laid upon Poles to carry him to Montalsin, and that that very night all those of the Army who had escaped the Battle would be at the Gates of Sienna. I leave any one to judge what a condition I was in, being sick of a Fever and a Dissentery, seeing our General dead, or what was as bad, it being not above fourteen or fifteen days since I arrived in this Republic, not having any acquaintance with any one person in the City, and consequently not knowing who were good Frenchmen, and who were not. Time is required to the knowledge of men. Monsieur de Strozzy had left me but five Italian Companies, of which I did not know so much as one Captain, and those he had left in the Citadel and the Fort of Camolia, which were the Keys of the City. I than sent Captain Cambas to carry the news to the Senate, who were nothing dismayed at it, but told him that three or four days before I had remonstrated to them, that this retreat would be dangerous; and that although by what I had said to them they had give● the Battle for lost, they would nevertheless nothing after the good inclination they had for the King, nor despair of being relieved by him.  
Do not think it strange (fellow Captains) if foreseeing the loss of a Battle, I also foretold it to the Siennese, which I did, not to dishearten, but to assure them, to the end that the sudden news thereof might not strike a general astonishment throughout the whole City; 'twas this mad them resolve, this made them take counsel to prepare themselves▪ and in my opinion men do better in expecting the worst, than in being over confident of their Fortune. Upon what I had said to them every one put on a resolution to die in the defence of their walls, and every thing was presently brought into the City. At break of day in the morning the Infantry arrived, for Cavalry were gone away with Monsieur de Strozzy; neither had there indeed at Sienna been any thing for the horses to eat. Colonel Rheincroc, and Signior Cornelio Bentivoglio came to my lodgings, where amongst us it was determined, that the Rheincroc should out of ten Ensigns that he had make six Signior Cornelio six of Italians, and Captain Cambas six of French, and that all the rest should be sent away to Montalsin. The Foot were never permitted to enter the Town, till first the Election was made, and with the remainder we also sent away five Ensigns of Italians to go to the said Montalsin: to which place I writ to Monsieur de Strozzy (upon the assurance Signior Cornelio had given me that there was yet hopes of his life) to give him an account of the order I had taken, which he did also very well approve. The Marquis knew not how to follow his victory, 
The Marquis de Marignan knows not how to make use of his victory.  which if he had, all the Army had been cut to pieces, and all the earth could not have saved Monsieur de Strozzy from being put to a cruel death by the Duke of Florence. 'Tis the ordinary fault of Conquerors. You Generals of Armies therefore that shall come after us, learn to be wise at the expense of so many others, and suffer not yourselves to be so far transported with joy for the winning of a Battle, that you forget to improve it to the utmost; follow your blow, and do not give your Enemy leisure to recollect himself. The Marquis came not till the next day to Lusignano, for he feared lest Monsieur de Strozzy might again rally his Army, considering that he had lost none of his horse, and not knowing him to be wounded, and came not of three days before Sienna.  
I shall not undertake to give any account how this Battle was fought, nor how it was lost; both because I was not present there, and that also there is some dispute about it, and various reports made of those who had done well and ill. This is like a trial at Law, all parties must be heard before judgement be pronounced: for I have heard the French and the Lansquenets accuse the ●risons and Italians for behaving themselves ill in this Battle (though they deny it) and the Cavalry much worse. 
Disputes about the loss of the Battle.  Others say, and affirm that there was treachery in the business: for my part I can say nothing to't, for I know nothing but by hearsay; but shall stick to what I said before, that these retreats by day in the face of an Enemy are dangerous, and to be avoided, if possible; or if not, 'tis better to lay all at stake,  
Monsieur de Strozzy lay thirteen days without discovering any hopes of life, 
The diligence of Monsieur de Strozzy▪  which notwithstanding he failed not to send out Captains towards Romania to raise new Forces, and to furnish all the Garrisons upon the Sea Coast, and about Montalsin with foot and horse. He was a man of great vigilancy, diligence, and wisdom; but 'tis impossible to be always fortunate. 
The Sieur de Montluc sick almost unto death.  Now seeing myself reduced to the last extremity, at the door of death, and given over by all my Physicians, I assigned over the Government of the City to Signior Cornelio: but Monsieur de Strozzy hearing of my desperate condition, sent away post to Rome for Monsieur de Lansac to come and command there; who accordingly being come as far as Montalsin, he was there advised to go by night, and on foot with two Guides and one Servant, and to balk the great highways, by which means he might the better escape the Enemy's Guards: but as he was come hard by Sienna, he was there met by some Soldiers who were going to the war, 
The Sieur de Lansac taken prisoner.  by them taken and carried to the Marquis, and by him sent away to Florence, where he remained prisoner during all the time of the War, and a good while after. The said Sieur de Lansac was in this very ill advised, for he might have passed well enough, had he known how to carry his business. Had he come I do certainly believe I had died; for I had then had nothing to do, whereas my mind was so wholly taken up with the care of my business, that I had not leisure to think of my disease. Monsieur de Fourqueva●x was wounded, and taken prisoner at this Battle, and Captain Balleron Colonel of the French Foot, with several others, to the number of betwixt four and five thousand. 'Twas said that Monsieur de Strozzy in his own person, behaved himself like a brave and valiant Leader. And this was the success of this unfortunate Battle.  
This History may serve for exemple to such as have a vanity in making retreats in the face of an Enemy, and I should ever advise that they would rather put it to the push of a Battle, than to retire after this manner; for I find nothing in the whole practice of Arms so difficult as a retreat. Of this that of the Constable at St. Quentin gives us moreover sufficient proof; a man who in his time had known both how to show, and teach other Commanders what they ought to do, though such was his misfortune here, that he could not make use of those precepts himself had at other times give to others. Though I must nevertheless needs say, that had he been well seconded by the Captains of Foot, who were without with him, he might perhaps have made his retreat; for they had only needed to hazard three or four hundred Harquebuzeers with the Marshal de St. André, who might very well have kept the Count d' Aignemont from seeing the disorder that was amongst the Baggage, which was yet mixed with the horse, and he would never have charged the said Marshal, had he been sustained by the Harquebuzeers, forasmuch as the said Count had no foot at all, 
The Constable defeated at St. Quentin.  and the Constable had had above half an hours time wherein to be gaining ground, as he had already begun to do, and had recovered the wood to save his Infantry, and so had retired with all the Cavalry to la Fere, by which means they could have lost no more than the Harquebuzeers, and part of the Marshal's horse only; which it had been much better to do, than to lose the General, and all, as they did. I have since talked with several of the Foot Officers, who are yet living, and remonstrated to them what a riddle this business was to all men of understanding, telling them that I at the age of eighteen or nineteen only had very well discovered in the retreat of Captain Carbon and Monsieur de Grammont, at St. ●ean de Luz, that a small party was to be hazarded to save all, of which I myself had had experience, as I have writ in the beginning: but they excused themselves upon the Campmaster, and laid all the blame to him, which was all they had to say for themselves. All these exemples I have set down that they may be of use to others for the time to come, and cannot forbear often to repeat, and much to insist upon the fault committed by these kind of retreats, by reason of the great inconveniencies that ensue upon them, to the loss of a Battle. It were not worth so much repentance, if they were resolved upon a Battle, and to fight it out, that every one might do his best: but to be beaten when they have a mind to retire, and apparently decline ●ighting is intolerable.  
You Generals and Lieutenants of Provinces may here see of what importance these errors are; when that of St. Quentin put the whole Kingdom in danger, and was the occasion that we quitted all our Conquests; and this put the King's affairs of Italy in a very ill condition. Be not then ashamed to cover your designs with the shades of night, which is so far from being shameful, that it is on the contrary honourable to fool and deceive your Enemy, that watches an opportunity to do you a mischief; and who when the day appears shall find nothing but the empty nest, and the birds flown and gone: it is a much greater shame and dishonour to you to be beaten turning your backs. If you be so nice of your honour ●ight in good earnest in God's name; ●it still in your Fort, if it be a place of the least advantage, and there quietly expect either till your Enemy shall be weary of waiting upon you, or that he comes to attaque you in your Camp, and so you shall be sure at least to play your game above board as they say.  
Now the Marquis lodged the Tertia of C●●sica at the little Observance, the Tertia of Sicily at the Chartreux, 
The Marquis de Marignan before Sienna.  where he entrenched them so well, that we could by no means come to them, and himself with the residue of his Camp remained at Arbeirotte, and part of his Cavalry were quartered at Bonconvent. He trusted to the Garrison he had in the Fort St. Mark every night to go the Patroville, and so scour the road on that side towards Fontebrando, that no provision should enter into Sienna; yet could he not order it so, but that there entered Cows and Buffles for six weeks together. I think the thing that made the Marquis proceed with so much leisure and moderation, was that he waited for my death, and that of Monsieur de Strozzy; making account that we being once dead, and Messieurs de Lansac and the Fourqueva●x taken prisoners, our people wanting a Frenchman to head them would deliberate to retire: 
The hopes of the Marquis of Marignan.  Monsieur de Strozzy nevertheless recovered, and being told that I was dead (for by reason I had for three days been looked upon as a dead man, no one entering into my Chamber but the Priests to take care of my soul, for my Body was given over by the Physicians, they had sent him such word) Monsieur de Strozzy, I say, seeing Monsieur de Lansac taken, and me dead, would venture to come from Montalsin, and to put himself into Sienna. According to this resolution than he departed in the beginning of the night from Montalsin, with six Companies of foot and two Troops of horse, one of which was commanded by my Nephew Serillac, who before he set out bethought himself to borrow three or four Trumpets of his Companions, fearing that would fall out which did; for Monsieur de Strozzy could not so secretly depart, 
The Sieur de Strozzy goes to relieve Sienna.  but that the Marquis had intelligence of his design, and with all his Camp lay in wait for him about Fonte●rando, and all along the River Tress.  
Monsieur de Strozzy had placed all his Foot before, and his Cavalry behind, being himself mounted upon a very little horse, and having his leg sustained in a Scarf fastened to the pummel of his Saddle, and with him was the Bishop of Sienna. So soon as our Italian Foot came into the Enemy's Ambuscado, they fell upon them with so great fury, and so sudden a terror, 
Monsieur de Strozzy in very great danger.  that without much resistance they betook themselves to flight, and bore Monsieur de Strozzy over and over, who with the Bishop got amongst the ruins of some old houses, where he stayed holding his horse in his hand. The noise was so great that it was heard to Sienna, it being not above a mile off at the furthest. The Enemy followed their victory with great execution, when S●rillac with his Trumpets charged through the midst of them; who hearing so many Trumpets, and seeing the horse fa●n in amongst them, faced about in rout and confusion, and ran full drive upon the Marquis, who seeing the disorder was constrained to retire to Arberiotte. Now those who had given the charge, and who also had received it, 
The flight and fright of both Armies.  were Spaniards and Italians mixed together, insomuch that our people fl●d on the one side, and the Enemy on the other. Two or three hundred Italians of ours recovered the walls of Sienna, others fled away twelve miles from thence, and old Captains too, whom the Marshal very much esteemed: but the bravest men in the world having once lost their judgement, and giving all for lost, know not where they are. By this you may see how great the dangers of war are, and how infamous a thing it is to run away, without first seeing an apparent danger. During this bustle the day began to appear, when Serillac remaining upon the place, found he had lost no more than three or four of his Troop only, who were also run away with the Foot: but I believe there were not many left of the other Troop, they having only a Lieutenant to command them. Monsieur de Strozzy hearing now no more noise, with much ado again mounted on horseback, beginning to discover our Cavalry, and was looking if he could find Serillac amongst the dead bodies: when seeing him come to him, 
Serillac and Monsieur de Strozzy meet.  I leave you to judge what joy there was both on the one side and on the other, and so they marched together strait towards the City. Now I must needs say that Monsieur de Strozzy herein committed one of the greatest follies that any man in his command ever did, as I have told him an hundred times since; for he knew very well, that had he been taken all the world could not have saved him from being put to an ignominious death by the Duke of Florence, so professed and inveterate a hatred he had conceived against him. And although Serillac be my Nephew, I may with truth give him this honour and commendation, that he was the only cause of Monsieur de Strozzy's safety; which I may the better be bold to write, because Monsieur de Strozzy himself told me so. His Troop indeed was a very good one, being for the greatest part Gascons and French; for it was the old Company of Monsieur de Cypierre. Of Captains there came to the Town only Caraffa, who was since Cardinal, and another, as I was told, whose name I have forgot, and two or three hundred Soldiers, whom Monsieur de Strozzy would not suffer to come into the Town, but that night sent them away with the aforesaid Captain, and kept Caraffa with him.  
So soon as Monsieur de Strozzy came into the City he presently enquired how I did, and was answered, that for three or four days they had begun to conceive some hopes of my life, 
Monsieur de Strozzy goes to visit the Sieur de Montluc in Sienna.  whereupon he came and alighted at my lodging, the Bishop and the said Gentleman being with him, where he found me so miserably worn away, that my bones had pierced through my skin in several parts of my body. He comforted me after the best manner he could, and there stayed twelve days expecting how God would dispose of me; when seeing me from day to day recover strength, and grow into a better posture of health, he resolved the thirteenth day in the beginning of the night to depart, without acquainting any one with his intention but myself only. A little before he took horse he and the Bishop came to take their leaves of me, knowing very well that his being there would cause the Marquis to proceed with greater vigour against the Town, and also that being abroad he might find some way or other to relieve me; where at parting I promised and assured him to hold out to the last gasp.  
The Marshal had set Guards upon all the Roads to catch him, 
Monsieur de Strozzy goes out of Sienna.  but he chose to retire by a way, by which of all other the Marshal never suspected he would attempt to pass; for he went out at the Port Camoglia, from whence he descended on the right hand down into the Valley, leaving the Fort of Camoglia above, and going all along by the River towards the Palace of Dian. During his stay in Sienna he perfectly recovered of his wounds, so that he armed, and mounted himself upon a good horse. He met by the way forty or fifty of the Enemy's foot, which gave him some alarm, but he still held on his way, without losing any but some few servants only belonging to some Gentlemen who went out of the City to attend him. It was not however without peril. In a few days he escaped three great dangers. A little after his departure I recovered my health, and caused myself to be carried in a Chair about the Town. The Marquis losing no time, shut us up on every side, and every day we had very handsome skirmishes: but I knew very well that the Marquis would have me for want of bread; which was the reason that I made this Harangue to the Captains, whom I had assembled together to that effect.  

Gentlemen, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Harangue to the Captains of Sie●●a.   
I believe there is none of us who does not desire to come off from this Siege with honour and repute; the thirst of honour has brought us hither. You see we are here shut up for a long time, for we are not to imagine that the Enemy will ever rise from before us, till he have us by one way or another, seeing upon the reducing of this place depends his victory. You see also that the King is at a great distance from us, and that therefore of a long time it will not be possible for him to relieve us, forasmuch as he must of necessity draw our succours from Germany, and out of his own Kingdom of France, the Italians themselves without the help of others not being sufficient to raise the Enemy's Siege, who have not only the Forces of Italy, but moreover of almost all other Nations. Now in expectation of this relief we are to have a long patience, in husbanding as much as is possible our provisions; in order whereunto I am to tell you, that I have deliberated to lessen the Size of bread from four and twenty, to twenty ounces. I know very well the Soldiers would murmur at this, if you did not remonstrate to them how far we are distant from the King; that his Majesty cannot suddenly-relieve us, and that you will rather die of famine, than that it shall be laid in your dish, that had you had the patience to lessen your diet the Town had not been lost. It would be an infamous reproach to have it said, that you filled your bellies to starve your honour; you have not shut yourselves up within these walls to occasion the loss and ruin of the City, but to defend and to save it. Represent to them that they are here amongst strange Nations, where they may set a mark of honour upon their own. What glory do men acquire, when they not only obtain honour and esteem for their own particular persons, but moreover for the Nation from whence they come? 'Tis what a generous heart should principally propose to himself for the reward of his doing and suffering. You Germane shall return home proud of the hardships you have sustained, and the dangers you have undergone, and we Frenchmen also: and as for you who are Italians, you shall acquire this renown, with invincible courages to have ●ought for the liberty of your Country, a reputation we can none of us obtain, but by a long patience, in giving the King my Master time to relieve us; and believe I beseech you, that his most Christian Majesty will in nothing fail of the friendship he has promised and sworn to you. If you remonstrate all this to your Soldiers, and that they see and know, that you yourselves are thus resolved, I am assured they will follow the same ways you take. Therefore, Gentlemen, never think to excuse yourselves upon them; I have never known a mutiny happen (and yet I have seen many) through Soldiers alone, if they were not by their Officers set on, and encouraged to it, If you lead them the way, there is nothing they will not do, no incommodity they will not suffer. Do it then I beseech you, or resolve betimes to discover the bottom of your hearts, and plainly tell us you have no mind to undergo the length and inconveniencies of a Siege, that such as had rather dishonourably spend their time in eating and drinking, than stake their persons upon an account of honour, may depart, and not divert others from nobler resolutions.   
Now because the Germans did not understand my Gibberish, I bade the Rheincroc's Interpreter tell his Master what I said, which he did, and the Rheincroc made answer, that both he and his Soldiers would put on the same patience that we ourselves did: and that although it was said of the Germans, 
The Germans answer.  that they could not endure without eating and drinking their fill, both he and his upon this occasion would manifest the contrary. I was in plain truth the most afraid of these people, because they love to make good cheer more than we. As for the Italian he is more enured to hardship and suffering than we are. Thus than every one retired to his own Quarters to call their Companies together, to whom they accordingly remonstrated the same things that I had represented to them before. 
The resolution of the Captains and Soldiers.  Which having heard the Soldiers all held up their hands, and swore they would suffer to the last gasp of their lives before they would yield, or do any thing unbecoming men of honour. I then sent to the Senate, entreating them the next morning to assemble all the chief men of the City to the Palace, to hear a remonstrance I had to make to them, that concerned them and their affairs, which they did, and there in Italian I made them this following Oration.  

Gentlemen, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Speech to the Siennese. Sienna.   
had Almighty God been pleased sooner to restore to me my health and memory, I had sooner thought of what we are to do for the conservation of your liberty, and the defence of this City. You have all seen how I have by sickness been reduced to the very door of death, and how God at last has rather by miracle than any operation of Nature raised me up again, to do yet more service for this Republic in such and so great a necessity. Now, Gentlemen, I very well see, that the conservation of your City and Liberty consists in nothing but the making your provisions hold out; for should the Marquis attempt to have us by force, we shall I hope give him such an entertainment as shall make him curse the hour that ever he came to besiege Sienna: but I pierce he has no mind to go that way to work; on the contrary he intends to reduce us by famine; against which we must if possible provide, and defeat him of that expectation. I yesterday called together the Colonel of the Germans and his Captains, Signior Cornelio here present with his, and Combas also with his French Officers; to whom I remonstrated, that to prolong time, and to give the most Christian King leisure to relieve us, it would be necessary to lessen the Soldiers bread, from four and twenty to twenty ounces. Telling them that so soon as all the world should know, and particularly the King, that we are resolved to hold out to the last morsel, it will incite his Majesty to fall speedily in hand with levying of succours, that so many brave men may not be lost, and that he may not seem to abandon those he has taken into his protection in a time of the greatest necessity and danger. Now, by what I have been told you have, during the time of my extremity, taken account of your provisions, and have only found so much as to last to the fifteenth of November. Of which you have also sent word to his Majesty, a thing that may very well give him occasion to grow cold in sending us relief, considering the great distance betwixt him and us, and that also Winter is drawing on. Armies do not fly, nor ride post. His succours will be worthy a great Prince, suitable to the friendship he bears to you, and sufficient to force the Enemy from your Walls, and therefore cannot so suddenly be set on foot. Now (Gentlemen) after I had remonstrated thus much to the Captains, I found them all ready to suffer to the last gasp of their lives, and Nation for Nation went to make the same Remonstrance to their Soldiers, whom they found all willing to have patience, and so have both promised and sworn. 
Orders proposed by the Sieur de Mountluc to the Siennese.  See then what you Siennese ought too do, seeing it concerns the loss of your Liberties and Seigneuries, and peradventure of your lives; for you are to expect no good usage, having put yourselves under the King's protection. I beseech you therefore, that since we who have nothing here to lose, neither wives nor fires have showed you the way, you will consider of it, to regulate the expense, and appoint Commissaries to take an account of all the corn you have in the City, and also of the mouths; and this being done, begin to reduce your bread to fifteen ounces, for it is not possible, but you must have some little conveniency in your houses, that the Soldiers cannot have. And of all this good order I shall advertise the King's Ministers at Rome, and from thence shall cause a Gentleman to go on forwards to the King himself, to the end that his Majesty may judge what time he may have wherein to relieve us, and for the rest rely upon me, who will have no more privilege than the meanest Citizen. The Fast that we shall keep shall not only be for our ●ins, but also for the saving of your lives; for the conservation of which I well willingly lay down my own. Crede●e Signiori, che sin a la morte, io vi gardaro quello che vi o promisso, riposate vi sopradime.   
They then returned me very many thanks for the good advice I had given them, which only tended to their own preservation▪ entreating me to retire to my lodging forasmuch as they would go into the great Hall, where all the most eminent persons of the City were assembled, to whom they would give an account of what I had said to them, and that within two hours by two of their Senators they would return me an answer, and so I departed from them. They were as good as their words, and my Proposition being represented in this Assembly, they at last all with one voice resolved to eat to their very wives and children rather than not to wait the King's pleasure, upon the confidence they reposed in him of a certain relief, and immediately went about taking of order for the contracting the allowance ofbread, and for the taking an Inventory of both Corn and other provision, 
Monsieur de L'Escus●an sent to the King to acquaint him with the estate of Sienna.  which in five or six days was dispatched. I than sent away Monsieur de L'Escussan, but with very great difficulty, for the Marquis caused strict Guard to be kept to hinder any from bringing us in any provisions, and as many Countrymen as were taken attempting so to do, were immediately hanged without mercy. L'Escussan went first to Montalsin, there to give Monsieur de Strozzy an account of all proceedings, that he might give notice thereof to the King's Ministers at Rome, and from thence went to his Majesty to represent unto him the miserable condition of the Siennese, as I had given him in charge to do, and this might be about the middle of October.  
From this time forward I could do nothing worth speaking of until Christmas Eve, saving that a little after the departure of the said l'Escussan, we again abated the Soldiers bread to eighteen ounces, and that of the City to fourteen, though all the while there were frequent skirmishes, and very handsomely fought on both sides. Upon Christmas Eve, about four of the clock in the afternoon, the Marquis de Marignano by one of his Trumpets sent me half a Stag, six Capons, six Partridges, six Borachio's of excellent wine, and six loaves of white bread, wherewith the next day to keep the Feast. I did nothing, wonder at this courtesy, because in the extremity of my sickness he had permitted my Physicians to send men through his Camp to fetch certain Drugs from Florence, and had himself three or four times sent me a very excellent sort of Birds, a little bigger than the Becca●icco's that are taken in Provence. He had also suffered a Mule to enter the Town laden with Greek wine, which was sent me by the Cardinal of Armagnac, my people having sent the Cardinal word, that in the height of my sickess I talked of nothing but drinking a little Greek wine. Whereupon he so ordered the business, that the Cardinal de Medici writ to the Marquis his Brother to suffer it to come in to me, it being sent under pretence of making me a Bath. The wine came at a time when I was at the last gasp, and so was not delivered to me; but the half of it divided amongst the bigbellied women of the Town. Whilst Monsieur de Strozzy was there I gave him three or four bottles of it, the rest I drank as they do Hippocras in the Mornings. All these civilities I had received from the Marquis before, which made me nothing wonder at the Present he sent me now: Part of which I sent to the signory, part to the Rheincroc, and the rest I reserved for Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, and myself, because we commonly are together. Such little civilities as these are very gentile and commendable, even betwixt the greatest Enemies; if there be no thing particular betwixt them, as there was not betwixt us two. He served his Master, and I served mine: He ar●aqu't me for his honour, and I defended myself for mine. He had a mind to acquire reputation, and so had I. 'Tis for Turks and Saracens to deny an indifferent courte●ie even to an Enemy: but than it must not be such a one, or of such importance as to break or endamage your design.  
But whilst the Marquis caressed me with his Presents, 
The Marquis of Marignam gives a Scalado by night to the Citadel and the Fort of Camog●ia.  which I only paid back in thanks, he was preparing for me another kind of feast; for the same night about an hour after midnight he with all his Army gave a Scalado to the Citadel, and to the Fort Cam●glia. 'Tis a strange thing, that above a month before my mind gave me, and seemed to presage that the Marquis would give me a Scalado, and the Captain St. Auban would be cause of the loss of the Fort. This was evermore running in my head, and that the Germans also would occasion the loss of the Citadel, into which an Ensign of that Nation every night entered, to keep Guard there; and that was the reason why I placed an Ensign of Siennese in Guard overagainst the Gate of the Citadel. Signior Cornelio prevailed so far with the Rheincroc, that he promised him that in case of an Alarm, and that the Enemy should offer an assault to the Citadel, the Germane Captain that he placed there every night upon the Guard should from him have command to let in the Siennese to help to defend it, though I think he that night forgot so to do. Every night I went to see a Company of French Foot mount the Guard in the Fort Camoglia, and another of Siennese betwixt the Fort and the Gate of the City, under a great Market-house, which on the two sides was enclosed with a little Trench; but in the front of it, which went directly to the Fort, it was all plain with the pavement, and it might be from this Court of Guard to the Fort threescore or fourscore paces, and as much to the Gate of the City. I placed this Guard there for two reasons, whereof one was to relieve the Fort if occasion should be, as the other Company of Siennese was to do the Citadel, and the other to watch that the Enemy did not storm the Wall of the City; forasmuch as on the left hand, at the going out of the Town, the wall was very low, and moreover a part thereof fallen down. I had several times before said to Signior Cornelio, 
The Sieur de Mo●tluc presages some disa●ter through the default of St. Auban a Germane Captain.  and to the Count de Gayas, seeing Captain St. Auban's Company enter into the Fort, these words. Would you believe that it eternally runs in my mind that we shall lose this Fort through the default of Captain St. Auban and his Company? I never saw him enter into it, that it did not put me into a ●it of an Ague, out of the ill conceit I had of him. I could never fancy him in my heart, because he never had twenty men of appearance in his Company, for he valued a Teston more than the bravest man under the Sun, and as to himself he would never stir from his lodging, for any thing either I, or any of his companions could say to him. I could have wished him far enough off, I had so strange an aversion to him. And these were the reasons why I ever fancied that this man would bring upon me some mischief or other.  
Our Fort of Camoglia was environed with a ditch of a Pikes length in wideness, 
Description of the Fort Camoglia.  and as much in depth, and not much more on three sides; and in the front of it which butted directly upon the Siennese Court of Guard, nothing but a little Rampire of six or seven foot high, and no more; and about the middle of the Rampire there was a little len●h or half pace, where the Soldiers had so much room only as to sustain themselves upon their knees. The Enemy had another Fort three times as big as ours, and just opposite to it, within an hundred and fifty paces the one of the other. So that neither they nor we durst pop up a head without being hurt from that Quarter; and in ours there was a little Tower exactly overagainst theirs, where for greater security we had evermore thre● or four Soldiers which served us for Sentinels, and who got up into it by a little hand ladder, as they do into a Pidgeon-house. The said Tower had been broke through on that side towards the Enemy's Fort, and we had there placed barrels filled with earth, for the hole had been made by the Artillery from their Fort. Which Fort of theirs Monsieur de Termes had caused to be made; but when he went away it was not wholly finished: nevertheless when the Duke of Florence broke with the King, the Marquis in one night made a very long march, carrying a great number of Pioners along with him, and possessing himself of it (for there was no Guard kept there) immediately put it into defence.  
Now, as I have said before, at one of the clock in the night the Marquis at once gave me a Scalado 
The Scalado;  both to the Citadel and the Fort Camoglia, where by ill luck the Company of St. Auban was this night upon duty. The Marquis with the Spanish and Germane Foot assaulted the Citadel, where by good fortune they had but three Ladders long enough, and at the very first so overcharged those three with men, that one of them broke. Our Germane defended, and the Sienno●s presented themselves at the Gate, as they were appointed to do. But the Captain of the Germans who had the command of the Gate would by no means let them in. 
The Citadel seized.  This dispute lasted for above half an hour, during which five or six of the Enemy entered, and forced the Germans, who began to turn their backs and fly. They then opened the Gate to the Siennese, who ran to the head of the Citadel, where the Enemy began to enter, and met these five or six, who were already entered, whom they cut in pieces, two of them being the Marquis his Kinsmen, one whereof did not immediately die; and this cooled the courage of the rest who were upon the point to enter. At the same time they gave a Scalado to the Fort Camoglia. St. Auban was in the City, in bed at his ●ase, and his Lieutenant called Comborcy was at the Fort, a young man of no experience; but that I think had he had good men in his Company would have done his duty. They are both of them turned Hugonots since. So soon as the Enemy presented their Ladders by the three Courtins, all his Company betook them to their heels, and the Enemy consequently entered in; and of the four that were in the Tower, three threw themselves headlong down, and the fourth beat down the barrels from the hole, and drew the Enemy in. 
The Fort Camoglia seized by the Enemy.  This Rogue had been taken a few days before, and had remained above ten day's prisoner, and I do believe it was upon his account that the Marquis resolved upon this Scalado; for he went away with them, and we never saw him after. Now Signior Cornelio and the Count de Gayas were lodged near unto the Port Camoglia, who immediately upon the Alarm ran to the Gate, where they found the greatest part of the Company of the Siennese before it, and the rest were firing at the Enemy, who fallyed out of the Fort to fall upon them. Signior Cornelio then left the Count de Gayas at the Gate, and came running to give me the Alarm, where he met me coming out of my lodging with two Pages, each of them carrying two Torch's, and whom I immediately sent back, bidding him both he and the Count de Gayas to go out, and of all things to take care that the Siennese did not forsake their Court of Guard, and to encourage them the best he could, for I would presently come out after him. He did as I bid him, and came in so opportune a season, that he found all abandoned, and gave the Enemy a charge with the Siennese, and beat them back into the Fort they had taken. The Alarm was already throughout the whole City, and some ran to the Citadel, and others to the Fort of Camoglia. As I arrived at the Gate there came to me la Moliere and l' Espine, both on horseback, the one being Muster-Master, and the other Treasurer, whom I commanded, the one to the Port St. Mark, and the other to Port● Nuovo, and that by the way as they went they should cry out victory, the Enemy is repulsed. Which I did, fearing le●t some in the Town might have intelligence with the Enemy, who hearing this cry would not dare to discover themselves. In the mean time I was at the Gate of the City, 
A device to break Intelligences.  sending out the Captains and French So●t●iers to succour Signior Cornelio, and when I saw there were enough gone out, I commanded the Lieutenant of Captain Lussan to stay at the Gate, and to shut the Wicker so soon as ever I was out, and that in case I should be beaten back, he should by no means open it, but rather suffer us all to be killed without, and me in the first place. I than went out with my four Torches, and found Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, and the other Captains I had sent out, who had recovered the Rampire, and had placed the Soldiers upon the little half pace upon their knees, who shot at the Enemy into the Fort, and they again at ours, who could not put up their heads without being discovered, and on the other two sides the Enemy assaulted, and ours defended. Now whilst I was putting the men out at the Wicket St. Auban slipped by without my seeing him. The Gate into the Fort which we had lost was contrived after the manner of a hole, having one step forwards, and another one side, waving and winding to and fro, and so strait that one man only could enter a breast, In this Entry I found Captain Bourg, who was Ensign to Captain Charry, Signior Cornelio, and the Count de Gayas close by him. Monsieur de Bassompierre Master of the Ordnance was always with me, and one of his Cannoneers. I saw very well that the fight was like to continue, and fearing l●st our powder should fail us, bad Monsieur de Bassompierre dispatch away two of his Cannoneers to fetch more, which he did, and I dare boldly say, he was as much the cause of our safety as all our fight, as you shall hear. Those that we fought withal were Italians, for the Spaniards and Germans stormed the Citadel. I continually run first to one, and then to another, crying out to them Courage friends, courage comrades, and presently on that side on the right hand of the Gate, where the three forenamed stood, I spied St: Auban, to whom (running to him, and setting the point of my sword to his throat, I said Rogue! Son of a whore! thou art the cause that we shall lose the City, which notwithstanding then shalt never live to see, for I will at this instant kill thee if thou dost not immediately leap into the Fort: to which (sufficiently terrified) he made answer, Yes Sir, I will leap in, and then called to him Lussan, Blagon, and Combas, who were his Companions, saying to them, Come on Comrades, second me, I pray leap in after me; to which they made answer, Do thou leap, and we will follow; whereupon I said to him, T●ke th●● no care, I will follow thee myself, and we all set foot upon the half pace with him, and immediately after his first step, without any more delaying (for if he had he had died for't) he threw himself desperately in, having a Target upon his arm, and his Companions also, for he was no sooner in the air, but the rest were also with him, and so all four leapt in together, and it was within two steps of the Entry, that le Bourg, Signior Cornelio, and the Count de Gayas disputed. I then immediately made fifteen or twenty Soldiers leap in after the four Captains, and as all these were within, le Bourg, Signior Cornelio, and the Count de Gayas passed and entered into the Fort. I caused the Torches to be set upon the Rampire, that we might see, and not kill one another, and myself entered by the same way Signior Cornelio had gone before me. Now neither Pikes, Halberds, nor Harquebusses could serve us for any use here, for we were at it with Swords and Steelettoes, with which we made them leap over the Curtains by the same way they had entered, excepting those who were killed within. There were yet however some remaining in the Tower, when Captain Charry came up to us, though but eight days before he had received an Harquebuz shot in his head, and such a one as that thereupon we had given him for dead, notwithstanding there he was with his Sword and Target, and a Morrion upon his head, ever the Cap that covered his wound: a good heart will ever manifest itself; for though he was desperately hurt, yet would he have his share of the fight. 
The Fort recovered by the French.  I was at the foot of the Ladder, and had sent Signior Cornelio and the Count de Gayas out of the Fort, to encourage those who defended the Flanks, bidding them take the one the one side, and the other the other, as they did, and found work enough to do. I than took Captain Charry by the hand, and said, Captain Charry, I have bred you up to die in some brave service for the King, you must mount the first; which said, he (who was certainly a man of as much courage as ever any man had) without any more dispute began to climb the Ladder, 
The courage of Captain Charry.  which could not be above ten or twelve staves, and he was to enter by a Trap-door above, as I have said before. I had very good Harquebuzeers, whom I made continually to shoot at the hole of this Trap-door, and put two of the said Harquebuzeers upon the Ladder to follow after him: I had two Torches with me (for the other two Signior Cornelio and the Count had taken along with them) by the light whereof we saw so clearly, that the Harquebuzeers did not hurt to Captain Charry, who mounted step by step, still giving our Harquebuzeers time to fire, and so soon as he came to thrust up his head into the Trap-door, they fired two Harquebusses, which pierced through his Target and Morrion without touching his head. The Harquebuzeer who followed next after him discharged his Harquebuz under his Target▪ by which means Captain Charry advanced the last step, and so they all three leapt in the one after the other, where they killed three of the Enemy, and the rest leapt out at the hole. Those in the Flanks were also beaten off, and so our Fort was regained on every side.  
Now the Marquis had given order to him that commanded at the Scalado of the Fort, which was the Governor of their Fort of Camoglia, that in case he the Marquis should first enter by the Citadel, that then he should come away to him with all his Italians▪ and if also he should first gain the Fort, that then he would come with his Spaniards and Germans to relieve him. According to this Agreement, so soon as the Governor of the Fort had gained ours, he presently sent to acquaint the Marquis with it; but there being several little valleys betwixt the Citadel and the Fort Camoglia, the said Marquis could not come so soon as he would, though he had made so good haste, that when we had thought all had been at an end, 
The Marquis de Marignan comes to relieve his men at the Fort Camoglia.  we saw their whole Camp coming upon us, having above an hundred and fifty torches with them; at which time by good fortune Bassompierr's two Cannoneers returned with the powder, which in great haste we divided amongst the Harquebuzeers, for they had none left, and turning about, I bade him send them again for more. At the same instant la Moli●re and L' Espine returned to me, when I immediately sent back lafoy Moli●re to the Standard-bearer of St. Martin to send me two hundred of the best Harquebuzeers he had, and send them by the son of Misser B●rnardi●, a young man that carried a Colours in his Regiment, full of courage, and of Whom I had taken particular notice in several skirmishes, who accordingly came in all haste, and found us at it with the whole Camp. I then left Signior Cornelio and the Count de Gayas with the other Captains to defend the Fort, and myself, Bassompi●rre, and the Muster-master went along the Flanks, doing nothing but ●un up and down from place to place to encourage our people. It might be about three hours after midnight when we rebegan the ●ight, and it lasted till the day took them off. They there committed one of the greatest pieces of folly that ever men did; for by the light of so many torches we saw them more plainly than if it had been broad day, whereas had they taken the advantage of the night, 
Error of the Marquis.  and advanced with few lights, they had put us a great deal more hardly to't than they did. The two hundred Si●nnois Harquebuzeers, that the Son of Misser Bernardin brought, did us notable service, as also did the Powder that Bassompierre sent for, for we had use for it all before we parted, by reason of the long continuance of the fight, where it was well assaulted, and better defended.  
This was the issue of the fight, the greatest, and of the greatest duration without a Battle wherein I have ever been, and where I believe God Almighty did as much assist me, if not more, preserving my judgement allthe while entire, as at any time in my whole life; for had I failed in the least particle of command we had all been lost, and the City to boot; for on that side we had not fortified at all, and all our confidence was in this Fort: I prot●st to God, that for at least three months after my hair stood an end, so oft as I called to mind the danger we had been in. The Enemy there lost six hundred men killed and wounded, as we were informed by prisoners we took, and we lost but an hundred and fifty in all both hurt and slain. That which made them lose so many was the light of the Torches, which gave our men such aim that they could not miss, especially being within a Pikes distance or two at the most of the one another, which made a great incongruity in the Marquis, as I said before: for we having but little light, and they so much, we discovered them so plain, as gave us a mighty advantage. So soon as it was fair light day we went to take a view of what dead we had in the Fort amongst theirs, where I found my Valet de Chambre and my Groom, who both leapt in after the Captains; in my life I never had two better servants. Signior Cornelio and the Count d● Gayas went likewise to visit the Citadel, for I was no longer able to stand, being yet so weak with my great sickness, that with a puff one might have blown me down; so that I wonder how I was ever able to take such pains: but God redoubled my forces in time of need; for in truth during all this great and tedious fight I never ceased running and skipping, now here, now there, without ever feeling myself weary, till there appeared no more an Enemy to molest us. They came and gave me an account of all that had passed, to be carried to their Lodging, and his wounds dressed.  
I will not forget to insert here for an Exemple to others, that if ever man was well seconded in a time of so great danger, I was, and would for no consideration deprive the Chiefs who were there of their due honour, nor the common Soldiers: for from the time that Signior Cornelio and the Count went out before me and charged the Enemy; neither after I was gone out to them did so much as any one man ever offer to come in again (as Lussan's Lieutenant, whom I had left at the Gate, swore to me) excepting Bossompierr's two Canoncers, who were sent for powder. 
Loyalty of the Sie●●ois.  All the whole City remained in arms during the whole time of the fight, and I will give the Siennese this commendation, with truth (as God is true) that there was no so much as any one man, who stayed in the houses, and who did not take arms, both young and old, nor a man that discovered the least affection to the Emperor; which gave me a great assurance of two things, one of their Loyalty, and the other of their Courage. Three days after the Marquis sent me a Trumpet (the same who had brought me the Present before) to see if any one of those was living who had entered the Citadel, and that he would not deny to me, but that there were two of his Kinsmen▪ Signior Cornelio then carried him to look upon that who was yet alive, and he proved to be one; whereupon the Trumpet immediately returned to the Marquis to acquaint him with it, who at the same instant sent him back again, entreating me to restore him back to him, and that he would be responsible to me for his ransom, which I did in a Litter he had sent to that purpose: but he died three days after he came into their Camp.  
Methinks you Governors of places ought here to take a fair exemle to present yourselves to the fight: For there are some who say, that a Governor, or a Lieutenant of a Province never ought to hazard his own person, arguing that if he chance to miscarry all is lost. I grant them, that he ought not to expose himself at all times, and upon every light occasion, like an ordinary Captain; but when all lies at stake, what is it that you are made Governors and Lieutenants for? what question will be made of your courage? and how will your honour and reputation be brought into dispute? Will it think you acquit you to say, I would not hazard myself in the fight, left losing myself I should lose all: especially in the night to relieve a Fort or a Citadel, considering I was however able to defend the Town? This excuse will not serve your turn; and believe me the loss of a Fort is of so great importance, that your Enemy has by that means one foot upon your throat already, you are therefore to die, or to recover what you lost, as I did, having at my going out caused the Wicket to be shu●, to take from us all hopes of retreat, being resolved to die, or to expel the Enemy, and also letting them alone with their Conquest I had been infallibly lost.  
And you Captains my Comrades, take notice and exemple by St. Auban, that you may value valiant men above money, for the love of money will lead you to the loss of your lives and reputations, and valiant men about you will defend both one and the other, and preserve you from danger and dishonour. Admire, and follow as near as you you can the great heart of Charry, who although half dead, would yet come to the fight, and presented himself to enter the first, and pass by a Ladder through a hole, than which a more dangerous passage could not possibly be; for in such a place an Enemy has a mighty advantage. No danger nevertheless could deter this brave Soldier from running the hazard. To conclude, I shall tell you Governors of places, that whenever you entertain an ill opinion of an Officer, you provide against his remissness, cowardice, or infidelity, as I did, by placing the Companies near to the Forts. But I had done better, St. Auban being suspected to me, since I could not totally rid my hands of him, to have employed him in some other place. It has since taught me to be wiser, and I have found advantages by it, having never since that time entrusted any man of whom I had a mislike. There are ways enough to shake them off, without either offending any other, or disincouraging the party himself.  
A little after, as we understood, there came a Gentleman of the Emperor's Bedchamber, who brought letters to the Duke of Florence, and to the said Marquis, wherein he writ them word, 
The Emperor complains of the Marquis his slow Proceeding against Sienna.  that he thought it very strange this War should continue so long, and that he very well knew Sienna was not a place to resist Canon, but that it was the Marquis his custom evermore to spin out a War in length. In answer whereunto the Marquis remonstrated, that he had done all that in him possibly lay, and knew very well that Artillery would not take the Town, for I had valiant men within, and the whole City were resolute to stand to me to the last, speaking more honourably of me than I deserved, commending my vigilancy, and the provision I had made for my defence, so that he very well knew by the good order I had taken in the City, he should but lose so much time by attempting to batter. Notwithstanding the Gentleman being come from the Emperor to this effect, and having already spoke with the Duke of Florence, they together ordered it so, that they made the Marquis at last resolve upon a Battery. He had before omitted nothing that a good Soldier ought to do, having cooped us close in, without any hopes of relief, and yet he was accused of a design to protract the War: But it is the ordinary reward of a man's endeavour, when things do not succeed according to the appetite of such as talk of things at their case. The desires of those we serve and fight for run a great deal faster than we are able to follow.  
About the twentieth of January we had notice that the Artillery set out of Florence, to the number of six or eight and twenty Canon, 
The Siennese frighted with the coming of the Artillery.  or double Culverin to come to the Camp. The Siennese hearing this news were so curious as to send out a spy, that they might be certain of the truth of this report, who at his return bringing them word back, that the Artillery was already come as far as Lusignano, it put the whole City into some apprehension, and made them resolve the next day to assemble all the Gentry and the chief of the City to the Palace, there to determine amongst themselves, whether they should abide the assault, or surrender upon composition. Now I was not to huff and vapour with these people, for they were stronger than I: I was therefore necessitated to win them by gentle remonstrances, and civil persuasions, without the least heat or show of anger, and you may believe it was not without great violence to my own nature, that I proceeded after this manner, contrary to my disposition, and the image the Constable had represented of me to the King, as he had seen me in my younger and more precipitous age. A prudent and stayed Governor, when he is amongst strange Nations must try as much as in him lies, to conform himself to the humour of the people with whom he has to do. 
A Governor ought to conform himself to the humour of the people over whom he is placed.  With the Germans and Swiss you must be choleric and rough: with the Spaniards you must observe their starched face and formality, and pretend to be a little more religious and devout than you perhaps really are: with the Italians you must be discreet and circumspect, neither to offend them in themselves, nor to court their wives: as for the French man he is for any thing: but so it was that God gave me the grace, who am a Gascon, sudden, choleric, wilful, and forward, so to deport myself with this jealous and mistrustful Nation, that not so much as any one Citizen could ever complain of me. Now as all the Gentry and the Heads of the Corporation were going to the Palace, Misser Hi●ronimo Hispano, a Gentleman of Sienna, a principal man in the City, and one of the eight of the Council of War, before he went to the Palace, came in all haste to speak with Signior Cornelio, where he told him that all the chief of the City were summoned to repair to the Palace, and that it was to determine, whether they ought to stand out a Ba●tery, or to enter into Capitulation with the Duke of Florence, and the Marquis of Marignano, and that he had already heard that the major part of them had voted, that they ought to condition, and not to endure a Battery, and an Assault, for fear they should come by the worse; that he was now going thither to them, wherefore he entreated him to give me notice of it. Hereupon Signior Cornelio came to me, and found me ready to take horse to go view the Guards: but so soon as he had told me the news we both went up into my Chamber, where we long debated by what means we might divert this blow; and whilst we were in this deliberation came Signior Bartolomeo Cavalcano, who told me as much as I had heard before, and moreover, that he thought the resolution was already taken throughout the whole City, and that he only went to the Palace, to cast in his lot, and that after the lots should once be cast it would be too late to speak.  
We were all three in a very great strait, they which way to advise me, and I was as much to seek whad advice to take. In the end I resolved to go to the Palace, and to take with me the Rhinecroc and his Captains, Signior Cornelio with his Italians, and Captain Combas with the French Officers. Our Germans began to suffer much for want of wine, and their bread was very small, for as for flesh there was no more talk of any, unless of some horse, 
Great scarcity of all things in Sienna.  or some ass, that was exposed to sell in the Butchery, and as for money there was no such thing in nature; for Monsieur de Strozzy had no possible means to send any in to us: all which considered, it put us into some fear, lest the Germans should join with the City to enter into composition, which was the reason that I desired Signior Cornelio to go to the Rhin●●roc, and entreat him from me to bear me company to the Palace, and to bring his Captains along with him, and that he would in the mean time leave his Lieutenants and Ensigns every one in his own Quarters, to the end there might be no surprise about the Walls whilst we should be at the Palace: I wished him also himself to do the same, and ordered Captain Combas to come likewise, which being done, I sent Bartolomeo in all haste to the Palace, to try if he could secretly gain any one to his party that might help to break this design: for I had an opinion, that if I could but divert this one blow, 
The Sieur de Montlucs practice.  I would deal with so many people afterwards, that the blanks should be the greater number in the Lottery, and so they all went out of my Chamber without being further acquainted by me what I intended to do.  
I was yet so extremely lean, and worn with my late sickness, and the cold was at this time of the year so very great and sharp, that I was constrained to go continually with both my Body and my head so wrapped and muffled up in Furs, that as they saw me go up and down the streets of the City, no one had any hopes of my recovery, believing that my inwards were decayed and perished, and that I would fall down and die on a sudden. What shall we do said the Ladies and the Citizen's Wives, what will become of us if our Governor should die? we shall all be lost; for next after God all our hope is in him; it is not possible he should escape. I do verify believe that the prayers of those good women redeemed me out of the extremity and languishing weakness I was in, I mean that of my body; for as to the vigour of my mind, and the quickness of my unnderstanding, I never perceived any decay there. Having then before been accustomed to go so wrapped and mu●●led, and observing what moan the people made for me, to see me in so lamentable a plight, I called for a pair of Breeches of Crimson Velvet, which I had brought from Alba, said over with gold lace, finely cut, and very near, for I had made them at a time when I was forsooth in love. We had there leisure enough for those folks whilst we lay in Garrison, and having little else to do, it was fit to give the Ladies some part of our time. I put on a Doublet of the same, under which I had a Shirt finely wrought with crimson silk and gold twist very rich: (for in those days they wore the neck-bands of their Shirts a good way falling over the collar) I then took a buff Collar, over which I put on the Gorget of my Arms, which was very finely gilded. I at that time wore grey and white, 
A pleasant Sally of the Si●ur de Montlu●.  in honour of a fair Lady to whom I was a Servant when I had leisure; I therefore put on a Hat of grey silk of the Germane fashion, with a great silver Hatband, and a plume of Heron's feathers, thick set with silver spangles; the Hats they wore in those days were not so broad as they wear them now: I than put on a short Cassock of grey Velvet garnished with little plaits of Silver, at two fingers distance from one another, and lined with cloth of silver, all open betwixt the plaits, which I wore in Piedmont over my Arms. Now I had yet two little bottles of Greek wine left of those had been sent me by the Cardinal of Armag●ac, with which I wet my hands, and with them rubbed my face, till I had brought a little colour into my cheeks, and then drank a small draught with a little bit of bread, after which I looked myself in the Glass. I swear to you I did not know myself, and methought I was yet in▪ Piedmont, and in love as heretofore. At which I could not forbear laughing, for methought I had got on a sudden quite another face.  
The first that came to me with his Captains was Signior Cornelio and the Count de Gayas, Monsieur de Bossompierre and the Count de Bisque, whom I had also sent for; who finding me dressed after this manner, all fell a laughing. I strutted up and down the room before them like fifteen Spaniards, and yet had not strength enough to have killed a Chicken, for I was so weak as nothing more. Combas and the French Captains came also, and the whole Farce tended to nothing but laughter for all the company: the last that came was the R●intcroc and his Captains, who seeing me in this posture, laughed to that excess that he sobbed again, when pulling him by the arm, I said to him, What Colonel, do you think me to be that Montluc that goes every day dying through the streets? No, no, you are mistaken, that fellow's dead, and I am another Montluc sprung up in his room. His Interpeter told him what I said, which made him laugh still more, and Signior Cornelio had already acquainted him with the reason why I had sent for him, and that it was necessary by one means or another to dispossess the Siennese of their fear. Thus than we went all on horseback to the Palace, where so soon as we were got up to the top of the stairs, we found the great Hall full of Gentlemen, and such other Burghers of the City as were of the Council. Within the great Hall on the left hand there is a lesser room, into which none were to enter but the Captains of the people, the twelve Counsellors, 
Of what the S●nare of Sienna consists.  and the Eight of the Council of War, all which are called the Magistracy. Thus than I entered into the great Hall, where I put off my Hat to them, but was known by no body at first; they all believing me to be some Gentleman sent by Monsieur de Strozzy into the City to command at the Assault, by reason of my great weakness. I then entered into the little Hall, with all the Colonels and Captains after me, who kept at distance by the door whilst I went and sat down by the Captain of the people, in the place where those who represented the person of the King were used to sit, as I myself upon that account had often done. In going up with my Hat in my hand, I smiled first upon one, and then upon another, they all wondering to see me, and two had already delivered their opinions, when I began to speak to them in Italian to this effect.  

Gentlemen, 
Harangue of the Sieur de Montlue to the Siennese.   
I have been told, that since the time you have been certain of the truth of the Enemies bringing up Artillery to your walls, you have entered into some debates which have rather begot amongst you fear and astonishment, than any noble resolution to defend your City and Liberty by Arms. Which I have thought very strange, and greatly wondered at, not being able to persuade myself to believe any such thing. However in the end I resolved with the Colonels and Captains of all the three Nations the King my Master has in this City, to come to you to this place, and to understand from your own mouths the truth of all that has passed. Now I besiech you Gentlemen weigh and consider well what you shall determine in this Council to which you are called; for upon this Council, and the resolution that shall be the issue of it, depends all your honour, greatness, authority, and the security of your State, your lives and honours, and the conservation of your ancient liberty; and on the contrary, all the shame, dishonour and reproach, with a perpetual infamy to your posterity, and dishonour to your famous Ancestors, who have left you for inheritance the Grandeur you now possess and uphold, having themselves ever defended and maintained it by Battles, with their weapons in their hands, against all those who have attempted to take it from them. And no● when you ought to have purchased the occasion that presents itself at the price of half your wealth, that therein you might to all Christendom manifest and approve yourselves the true legitimate Sons of those Ancient Warlike Romans, and of those Noble Ancestors, who have so often, and so bravely fought to assert and maintain your liberty, is it possible that so great and so generous hearts as those of the Siennese should enter into astonishment for hearing talk of Canon? will you be afraid for this? I cannot think that this proceeds from you, who have given so many, and so ample testimonies of your valour; neither is it out of any want of friendship to the most Christian King, nor out of any distrust you have in him, that he will not certainly relieve you, neither can it be out of any diffidence you have in one another, by reason of any factions in your City, for I have never observed the least division among you: But on the contrary, the greatest unanimity for the conservation of your liberty and Republic. I have ever seen you resolute to die with your swords in your hands, rather than suffer it to be ravished from you. I have ever seen all men of all conditions move with the same motion, and inspired with the same resolution. Neither can it be for want of courage, for I never saw you sally out to skirmish, that some of your young men did not evermore sigualize themselves above our people, though much older Soldiers than they, who in a longer practice of Arms have performed acts worthy to be praised and esteemed of all. I cannot then believe that men who do so well, should for the noise of Canon, which brings more terror than harm, enter into astonishment, and resolve to surrender themselves slaves to that insolent and insupportable Nation of the Spaniards; or your neighbours, your ancient and professed enenemies. Since then this apprehension cannot proceed from any defect in yourselves, it must of necessity proceed from me, who have the honour to be Lieutenant for the King of France your good Friend and Protector. If as to what concerns me, you apprehend, that I shall want health and vigour to undergo that toil and labour that will be necessary, and required at the time when the Enemy shall assault us, by reason of the weakness wherein I now am, through my great sickness; that consideration ought not to beget in you the least distrust, arms and legs do not do all: The great Captain Antonio de Leva, 
Commendation of Antonio de Leva.  gouty and impotent as he was, has won more victories in his chair, than any other of our Age has done on horseback. God has ever been pleased to preserve my judgement, to preserve you. Have you ever known me fail? Was I than stretched at ease in bed when the Enemy gave you the great Camisado, and Scalado? Do but mark I beseech you, gentlemans, the great grace God was pleased to show me on a sudden, supplying me with as much strength as I had never been sick; by which you may perceive, that Almighty God loves us, and that he will not that either you or we perish. I feel myself strong enough now to wear my Arms, you shall no more see me swathed and furred up as before. If perhaps you do it out of fear of my incapacity, or little experience, you do therein a great wrong to the King, that being as much, as to give all the world to understand, that His Majesty has hither sent you a man void of all ability, and poorly experimented to know how to order what should be done for the defence of your City? What? do you believe the King has so little kindness for you, as to send me hither, had he not had a great confidence in my capacity, and before hand made sufficient trial elsewhere both what I am, and what I can do? I shall tell you nothing of myself, it would not become me to be my own Trumpet, something you have seen yourselves, and the rest you may have heard from others. You may then well judge, that the King has not singled out me, amongst so many Gentlemen of his Kingdom, and has not sent me to you, without having well weighed what I am able to do by the long experience he has had, not only of my Politics in point of Gorvernment, of which you may hitherto have taken some notice: But moreover, of my conduct in matter of Arms, when an Enemy would carry a place by fine force. Do you fear, Gentlemen, my courage will fail me in time of need? what then do all those testimonies I have given you since my coming hither being sick avail? You have seen me sally out from the time I have been able to mount to horse, to go to see the skirmishes so near, that myself commanded them. And have you altogether forgot the day, that I entered into this City, and the great skirmish I then made? Your people saw it, and had a share in the sight; and upon Christmas Eve yet a greater, where the sight lasted for fix long hours together? Did I not then ●ight in my own person? Did you not then see, that I neither wanted judgement to command, nor valour to fight? I am ashamed to say so much of myself; but seeing you all know it to be true, I need not blush to speak it. I will tell you nothing, but what yourselves have seen, I am no bragging Spamard, I am a Frenchman, and moreover a Gascon, the most frank and plain dealing of all that Nation. Now methinks, Gentlemen, you have so much experience of yourselves, as will render you worthy of a perpetual reproach, should you go less in your resolution, besides the ruin it would infallibly bring upon you. Methinks you ought to know me sufficiently, having been so long amongst you, and that I have omitted nothing of what the King proposed to himself, I should perform for his service, and yours in the greatest necessity and danger. All this that I have remonstrated to you, as well for what concerns your own particular, as what relates to myself, aught to make you lay aside all apprehension, and to assume the courage and magnanimity that your Predecessors and selves who are now living have ever had. Wherefore I beseech you, that you will unanimously take up such a resolution, as valiant men, such as you are, aught to take, that is, to die with your weapons in your hands, rather than to lose your Sovereignty and the liberty you have so long exercised and enjoyed. And for what concerns me, and these Coloness and Captains, whom you see present here, we swear in the presence of God, that we will die with you, as at this instant we will give you assurance. It is not for our benefit, nor to acquire Riches, neither is it for our ●afe, for you see we suffer both thirst and hunger: it is only in pursuance of our duty, and to acquit ourselves of our Oath, to the end that it may one day be said, and by you, that it was we who defended the liberty of this City, and that we may be called Conservators of the Liberty of Sienna.   
I than rose up, bidding the Germane Interpreter to remember well all I had said, to repeat it to Rhinecroc, and his Captains, and then directed my speech to the Colonels, and said to them, Signori mi & fr●●talli juriamo tutti & promettiamo inanzi Iddio, che noi moriremo tutti l'arme in mano conessi loro, per adjutar lia deffendere lor sicuressa & liberta: & ogni uno di noi ● obligi per le soi Soldati, & alsate tutti le vostre many. Which being said, every one held up his hand, and the Interpreter told it to the Rhinecroc, who also held up his hand, 
The Oath of the Soldiers, Foreigners.  and all the Captains crying, Io, io buerlie, and the other, O●y, o●y, we promise to do it, every one in his own Language. Whereupon the Captain of the people arose, and all the Council, returning me Infinite thanks; and then turned towards the Captains, whom he also very much thanked, and with great cheerfulness. They then entreated me, that I would retire to my Lodgings, till such time as they had spoken with all the Council, who were in the great Hall without, and given them an account of what I had remonstrated to them▪ which I accordingly did, and at my going out of the little room, I there met with Miss●r Bartolomeo Cavalcano, who knew nothing of the Proposition I had made (for he entered not into the Council Chamber) who told me in my ear, that he thought they had all taken a resolution, not to endure a Battery. I than carried him back with me to my Lodgings, and three hours after, came four of the Magistracy, of which Misser Hieronimo Espano was one, having in charge from all the Signory in general, to return me infinite thanks; and he told me, that Misser Ambrosi● Mitti had made a speech in the accustomed chair, which is in the middle of the great Hall, against the wall, giving them to understand, what a Remonstrance I had made to them, wherein he forgot nothing (for he was a man of great Eloquence and wisdom) and the Oath that all the Colonels and Captains had taken, finally exhorting them to resolve all to fight. I do not remember whether they put it to the 
* That is a casting of Lots by little Balls, in use in most Cities of Itlay.  Balotte, or if they held up their hands as we had done: But they all four assured us, that they had never seen a greater joy, than what generally appeared amongst them, after the Proposition of the said Ambrosia Mitti. Telling me moreover, that after I had been in the said Hall, and made an end of the forementioned Harangue, the two Gentlemen, who had delivered their opinions before, that they ought to capiculate, and come to a composition with the Enemy, had requested the Senate to do them that favour, as to conceal what they had said, and take no notice of it, but give them leave to vote anew; which being accordingly done, they again delivered their opinions, that they ought to ●ight, and enter into no kind of composition, 
The resolution of the Sienois.  but rather die with their Arms in their hands. I than told Misser Hieronimo Espano, that I would retire myself for all that day, and for all that night, to write down the order of the fight; which having done, I would immediately send it to the Germans in their Language, and to the French in theirs.  
Governors and Captains, you ought to take some example here, forasmuch as there are some, who say, they have surrendered a place, that the Soldiers would not defend, and moreover, that the Inhabitants of the Town went about to betray them, and by that means compelled them to Capitulate. These are mere excuses, believe me they are mere excuses. The thing that compels you▪ is your own want of experience. Gentlemen and Comrades, when ever you shall happen to be at such a Wedding, put on your best Clothes, make yourselves as fine as you can, wash your faces with Greek wine, and rub a good colour into your checks, and so march bravely through the streets, and amongst the Soldiers with your faces erect, having nothing in your months, but that very soon, by God's help, and the strength of your own Arms, you will in despite of them, have the lives of your enemies, and not they yours; that it is not for them to come to attaque you in your own Fort; that it is the only thing you desire, forasmuch as upon that depends their ruin, and your deliverance. And by carrying yourselves after that manner, the very women will take courage, and much more the Soldiers: But if you sneak up and down with a pale face, speaking to no body, sad, melanchollick and pensive, though all the City, and all the Soldiers had the hearts of Lions, you will make them as timorous as sheep. Speak often to those of the City in four or five words, and likewise to the Soldiers saying to them, Well friends, are you not in heart? I look upon the victory as our own, and hold the death of our Enemies already for certain: For I have I know not what Prophetic spirit, which whenever it comes upon me, I am always certain to overcome, which I have from God, and not from men. Wherefore rely upon me, and resolve all of you to fight, and to go out of this place, with honour and reputation. You can die but once, and 'tis a thing that is predestined, if God has appointed it so, it is in vain for you to fly. Let us then die honourably; but there is no appearance of danger for us, but rather for our Enemies, over whom we have the greatest advantage imaginable. And who Governors and Captains, would you have dare to say he is afraid, seeing you so bravely resolved? Let me tell you, that though they trembled before, they will lay aside their fear, and the most cowardly will become as bold as the most courageous of the Company. 
All things depend upon the Chief.  The Soldier is never astonished, so long as he sees the confidence of his Chief continue firm and unshaken. As the Chief therefore carries away all the honour, and the rest have nothing, but what he shall give them, in his report of their valour to the Prince; so ought he to resolve never to discover the least shadow of fear: For behaving himself after that fearless manner, the Soldiers themselves will be sufficient testimony for him, so that the reputation he shall have acquired, shall remain indisputably his own, without any one being able to contradict it. I do not then advise you any thing, I have not first tried myself, not only here, but in many other places also; as you will find in this Book, if you have the patience to read it. 
The design of the Author.  Now this is the order I set down for the fight, and for all the whole City, all which particularities I represent to you, without contenting myself to say, that Sienna was besieged, where I nine or ten months sustained the Siege, and was at last constrained to Capitulatety Famine; for of such a General account as that, a King's Lieutenant, a Captain, or a Soldier, can make no benefit. This is the Historians way, and of these kind of Writers, there are but too many: I write of myself, and will instruct others that come after me; for to be born for a man's self only, is in plain English to be born a Beast.  
I then ordered in the first place that the City should be divided into eight parts, 
The order at Sienna for the Fortification.  of which the eight of the Council of War should have every one a part; that every one of the Council of Eight should appoint a person for whom he should himself be responsible, to take a List of the Quarter should be assigned him, how many men, women, and children there were in that division, from twelve the males to sixty, and the females to fifty years of age, which were to carry Baskets, Barrels, Shovels, Picks, and Mattocks, and that each one of his own Quarter should make Captains of every Trade, without mixing them together: that every one should be commanded upon pain of death, so soon as ever their Captain should send for them to come to the place appointed immediately to haste away, as also the women and children; that every one should forthwith make provision of such things as were proper for his or her employment, and that the Masters of Man-servants and Maids, or their Mistress' should be obliged speedily to take order, that their Men and Maids be furnished with tools and utensils wherewith to labour at the work, for which they shall be appointed, upon pain of two hundred Crowns, and the City to furnish the poor, who have not wherewith to buy them, at the expense of the public Treasure: that the said Deputies shall make their Catalogues, and shall go from house to house to Register their people; and that so soon as the Captains▪ every one in his own Quarter should cry out Force, Force, every one both men and women should run to their tools, and present themselves at the place to which the Captain should lead, or appoint them to come; and that the Deputies should deliver in the Lists of all both men and women, they shall have found in their respective Precincts to each of the Eight of the Council of War, Quarter for Quarter; that the old men and women above the forementioned Ages shall remain in their Master's houses, to get meat, and to look to the house. That the said Deputies should take a List of all the Masons and Carpenters, who should be found in their Quarter, which List they should also deliver to him of the Eight of the Council of War by whom they shall be deputed. And this was the order for the Laborers and Pioners.  
The order for those who bore arms, 
Order for the Fight.  was, that the the three Standard bearers, namely of St. Martin, of Ciotat, and of Camoglia, should forthwith take a view of all the Companies, which were four and twenty, and examine every man's arms, if they were in good order for fight, and if not to make them presently to be repaired: that they should re●ine all the Powder, and cause great store of Bullet and Match to be made: that the three Standard-bearers should every one keep in his own Quarter without stirring thence, till one of the Eight of War should come to give them order what to do; that the ancient Gentlemen who were not able to bear arms, nor to work, should present themselves to solicit the Pioners of that Quarter where their houses stood, and to assist the Captains of the said Pioners. Now I had ever determined, that if ever the Enemy should come to assault us with Artillery, to entrench myself at a good distance from the Wall, where the● Battery should be made, to let them enter at pleasure, and made account to shut up the two ends of the Trench, and at either end to plant four or five pieces of great Canon, loaden with great chains, nails, and pieces of iron. Behind the 
* A Trench within the wall of a City to retire into in case of an Assault.  Retirade I intended to place the Muskets, together with the Harqu●buzeers, and so soon as they should be entered in, to cause the Artillery and small shot to fire all at once, and we at the two ends then to run in upon them with Pikes and Halberds, two banded Swords, short Swords and Targets. This I resolved upon, as seeing it altogether impossible for the King to send us relief, by reason that he was engaged in so many places, that it would not be possible for him to set on foot Forces sufficient to raise the Siege, neither by sea nor by land; and Monsieur de Strozzy had no means to relieve us, wherefore I would permit them to enter, and make little defence at the Breach, to the end that I might give them battle in the Town, after they had past the fury of our Canon and smaller shot: For to have defended the Breach had in my opinion been a very easy matter; but then we could not have done the Enemy so much mischief, as by letting them enter the breach, which we would have pretended to have quit, only to draw them on to the ●ight.  
For five or six days before the Artillery came I every night sent out two Peasants 
Sentinels perdues.  and a Captain, or a Sergeant, as Sentinels perdues, which is a very good thing, and of great safety; but take heed whom you send, for he may do you a very ill turn. So soon as the night came the Captain set a Peasant Centinel at some fifty or sixty paces distant from the Wall, and either in a ditch or behind a hedge, with instructions, that so soon as he should hear any thing he should come back to the Captain at the foot of the Wall, which Captain had in charge from me, that immediately upon the Peasant's speaking to him they should clap down upon all four, and so creep the one after the other to the place where the Peasant had heard the noise, or rather fall down upon their bellies close to the earth, to discover if there were not three or four who came to view that place, and to observe if they did not lay their heads together to confer; for this is a certain sign that they came to view that place in order to the bringing up of Artillery. To do which as it ought to be done, they ought to be no other than the Master of the Ordnance, the Colonel or the Campmaster of the Infantry, or the Engineer, the Master Carter, and a Captain of Pioners, to the end that according to what shall be resolved upon by the Master of the Ordnance, the Colonel, and Canoncer; the Master Carter may also take notice which way he may bring up Artillery to the place; and the Cannoneer ought to show the Captain of the Pioners what is to be done for the Esplanade, or plaining of the way, according to the determination of the rest. And this is the discovery that is to be made by night, after you have discovered a little at distance by day; for if those within be an Enemy of any spirit, they ought either by skirmishes, or by their Canon to keep you from coming to discover at hand. The Captain had order to come give me a present account of what he and the Peasants had heard or seen, and to leave the Peasants still upon their perdue, and a Soldier in his own place till his return. Three times the Enemy was discovered after this manner, and immediately upon the notice, having also the List of the Eight Quarters, and of the Eight of War who commanded those Quarters, I suddenly acquainted Signior Cornelio, who could presently tell me both the Quarter against which it was, and the Gentleman of the Eight of War that commanded it. I had never discovered my intention to any one, but to Signior Cornelio only, who was a man of great wisdom and valour, and in whom I reposed a very great confidence; who, so soon as he knew that I meant to give them Battle in the City, we did nothing of one whole day but walk the round both within and without, taking very good observation of all the places where the Enemy could make a Battery, and consequently by that knew where to make our Retirade. And so soon as ever notice was given me by the Captain who stood Centinel without the City, I presently advertized the Commander of that Quarter, and he his Deputy, and his Deputy the Captain of the Pioners, so that in an hours time you might have seen at least a thousand, or twelve hundred persons beginning the Retirade. Now I had ordered the City to make great provision of Torches, so that those who had discovered were hardly returned to the Marquis, but that they saw all that part within the Town covered with torches and people, insomuch that by break of day we had very much advanced our Trench, and in the morning sent back those to rest, calling in another Quarter to the work till noon, and another from noon till night, and consequenty others till midnight, and so till break of day, by which means in a little time we performed so great a work, that we could by no means be surprised. After this manner I still turned the defences of the Town towards the Marquis his attempts, 
* A phrase signifying that a man is nonplussed, and knows not what to do, which is properly to lie at the house of Guillot the Dreamer.  who lodged at the house of Guillet the Dreamer, and Signior Fernando de Sylva, brother to Signior Rigomez (who commanded on that side towards the little Observance, with whom I had some discourse upon the public faith, the Friday before we departed out of the City, betwixt their Quarters and the Fort Camoglia) told me that the Marquis had some jealousy, that some one of their Council betrayed to me all their deliberations, seeing he had no sooner designed to batter any part, but that we always fortified against that place; for by night the least noise is easily heard, and so great a bustle cannot be concealed; and because he told me that he had compiled a Book of the particularities of the Siege of Sienna. he entreated me to tell him by what means I so continually discovered their intentions, whereupon I told him the truth.  
But to return to our subject, 
A new Enterprise upon Sienna.  the Marquis in the end came and planted his Artillery upon a little Hill betwixt Port Oville and the great Observance. The choice of this place put me, who thought myself so cunning, almost to a nonplus, forasmuch as at Port Oville there is a very spacious Antiport, where the houses of the City do almost touch, having nothing but the street between, which made it impossible for me of a long time to make the necessary Retirade, to do which I must be constrained to beat down above an hundred houses, which extremely troubled me; for it is to create so many enemies in our entrails, the poor Citizen losing all patience to see his house pulled down before his eyes. I gave to the Count de Bisque the charge of terrassing up this Gate, for which use we took the earth out of the Gardens, and vacant places that lie a little on the left hand. O the rare exemple that is here, which I will commit to writing, that it may serve for a mirror to all those who would conserve their liberty.  
All these poor Inhabitants, without discovering the least distaste or sorrow for the 
The noble resolution of the Siennese.  ruin of their houses, put themselves their own hands first to the work, every one contending who should be most ready to pull down his own. There was never less than four thousand souls at labour, and I was showed by the Gentlemen of Sienna a great number of Gentlewomen carrying of Baskets of earth upon their heads. 
The praise of the Ladies of Sienna.  It shall never be (you Ladies of Sienna) that I will not immortalize your names so long as the Book of Montluc shall live; for in truth you are worthy of immortal praise, if ever women were. At the beginning of the noble resolution these people took to defend their liberty, all the Ladies of Sienna divided themselves into three Squadrons; the first led by Signiora Fortagu●rra, who was herself clad in violet, as also all those of her Train, her attire being cut in the fashion of a Nymph, short, and discovering her Buskins; the second was lafoy Signiora Picolhuomini attired in carnatian Satin, and her Troop in the same Livery; the third was lafoy Signiora Livi● Fausta, apparelled all in white, as also her Train, with her white Ensign. In their Ensigns they had very fine devices, which I would give a good deal I could remember. These three Squadrons consisted of three thousand Ladies, Gentlewomen, and Citizens, their Arms were Picks, Shovels, Baskets, and Bavins, and in this Equipage they made their Muster, and went to begin the Fortifications. Monsieur de Termes, who has often told me this story (for I was not then arrived at Sienna) has assured me, that in his life he never saw so fine a sight. I have since seen their Ensigns, and they had composed a Song to the honour of France, for which I wish I had given the best horse I have that I might insert it here.  
And since I am upon the honour of these women, 
Of a young Mai● of Sie●na.  I will that those who shall come after us admire the courage and virtue of a young Virgin of Sienna, who, though she was a poor man's daughter, deserves notwithstanding to be ranked with those of the nobl●st Families. I had made a Decree at the time when I was Dictator, that no one upon pain of severe punishment should fail to go to the Guard in his turn. This young Maid seeing a Brother of hers who was concerned to be upon duty, not able to go, she took his Morrion and put it upon her head, his Breeches, and a Collar of Buff, and put them on, and with his Halberd upon her neck, in this equipage mounted the Guard, passing when the List was read by her Brother's name, and stood Centinel in turn, without being discovered, till the morning that it was fair light day, when she was conducted home with great honour. In the afternoon Signior Cornelio showed her to me.  
But to return to our subject, it was not possible of all that day, nor the night following for the Count to perfect his Terrace, nor we our Retirade, at which we wrought exceeding hard, leaving about fourscore paces to the Marquis, if he had a mind to enter there. We had made a Traverse by the Port Oville, where we had placed three great Culverins, laden as I have said before, at which place were Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, and three Can●neers, who were there left by Monsieur Bassompierre. On the right hand upon an Eminence was the great Observance, betwixt which and the walls we had planted five pieces of Canon rammed with the same, which the said Bassompi●rre commanded in his own person; yet both the one and the other were so well concealed, that the Enemy could discover nothing from the ●t●e hills about us. Well did they perceive, that above at the Observance there were people; for they had evermore a clap at that: but we were all behind a Trench we had cast up betwixt the Observance and the Wall of the City, tapist, and squat, so that we could not be seen. The Soldiers were all before the houses, through which they had pierced several holes to come, and go under cover. Behind the Retirade, which was not much above the height of a man, they were also sheltered from being seen. Signior Corneli● was also under cover, by reason that he lay in a low place, and under the shelter of a very thick wall, which joined to Port Oville. The order of the fight was thus.  
Signior Cornelio had with him one Ensign of Germans, two of French, four of Italians, 
The order and design of the Fight.  and four of Siennese, having also the Count de Gayas to assist him: and with me at the Observance was the Rhinecroc, with three Companies of Germans, two of French, two of Italians, and four Ensigns of Siennese. In all the two Troops both of Signior Cornelio's and mine there was not so much as one Harquebuz, but Pikes, Halberds, and two hand-Swords, (and of those but few) Swords and Targets, all arms proper for close fight, and the most furious and kill weapons of all other; for to stand popping and pelting with those small shot is but so much time lost; a man must close, and grapple collar to collar, if he mean to rid any work, which the Soldier will never do so long as he has his fire arms in his hands, but will be always fight at distance.  
All the night the Enemy were placing Gabions for six and twenty or seven and twenty pieces of Ordnance, and by break of day they had planted twelve, as they would in that time have done all the rest, had it not been that they had been necessitated to draw their Canon up to this Mountain by strength of hand. The Wall is good enough, which not long since by one of the two Popes Pius', who were of the house of Picolhuomini, and of the Order of the people, had caused to be made. At break of day they began their Battery within a foot or two of the bottom of the Walls, 
The Battery of the Imperialists.  at the distance of about an hundred paces; which they did to cut the Wall by the bottom, making account the next day with the rest of the Artillery in a short time to beat down the whole wall: but for all that the Count de Bi●que ceased not continually to fill the Antiport, leaving us Flankers, so that we could see all along the breach. About noon they gave over their Battery below, and began to batter the middle of the wall, when so soon as I saw them begin to let in light, I left Signior Cornelio, who continually went up and down from place to place, and took Monsieur de Bassomp●erre, with whom I went to the Fort Camoglia, from whence we could plainly see into the recoil of their Canon: but I shall leave this discourse to finish the Order.  
I left a French Company at the Fort Camoglia, another at the Citadel, there being already two Companies of Siennese at each, more than two Companies of Germans at the place, each a part by themselves; one of Italians at the Port St. Mark, and all along the wall towards Fonde-brando, Siennese, and towards Porto Novo the same, having given the word to the two French Companies, that in case I should stand in need I would send for them, leaving the Siennese still in the Citadel, and in the Fort. The same Instructions I left with the Germans, and had taken order that from six hours to six hours we would change the word, as well by day as by night, to the end that whilst every one lay close at his post, if there should be any Traitor amongst us, he might go to no place where he might have any Intelligence with the Enemy, to draw men from that part to weaken that Post, to carry them to another: but that no one should be believed if he did not bring the word, in changing of which it should be carried to the Siennese by two of the Council of Eight, by the one to the one half, and by the other to the other; so that unless those themselves brought the word they were not to stir from their Post. I was ever afraid that the Marquis had some intelligence in the City, which made me take this course to prevent him. The Germans who were at the great place had the same command, and moreover that an Officer, or a Sergeant of the others should come to fetch them: to which end there were six Sergeants chosen out of our Italian and French Companies, who had in charge, that during the time of the Battery, or of an Assault, they should continually be moving along the Curtain of the Wall to the Quarters I had appointed, and never to abandon their Quarter. It was also ordained that no one upon pain of death, of what Nation soever, not so much as the Siennese themselves should dare to abandon the Retirade, being of the number of those who were there appointed for the fight, and the same was carried quite round the walls of the City. It was also ordered, that o● eight of the Council of War, four were continually to remain with me and Signior Cornelio, to the end that the two who remained with him might go continually on horseback with the word, to fetch such succours as Signior Cornelio should send for, to relieve him if occasion should be, and my two the like; that is to say of the Captains of the City, and the other four should go to the places where the six Sergeants were appointed to be, to the end that they might jointly encourage the Soldiers to fight, if necessity should require. And there where there was no business to be done, and that any came to them with the word for succours, they should deliver him the one half, and keep the rest to defend that Post. That the Officers of the King, as Controulers, Commissaries of victual, Treasurers, or their Deputies, should ordinarily be, part by day, and part by night, still on horseback, riding up and down the streets of the City, and that from hour to hour one of them should bring me news how all things stood in the body of the City, and about the Walls, bringing us still some token or another that they had spoke with the four of the Council, and the Sergeants who were deputed with them. This was the order I gave, at least as much as I remember, never failing myself every day to visit the Companies, and to encourage the Inhabitants to do well.  
I now return to what we did at the Fort Camoglia: Monsieur de Bassompierre ran to fetch a Canon we had in the Citadel; but as he went out to remove it the Carriage broke, so that instead of it he brought a Demy-Canon, which a Siennese the said Bassompierre had entertained in the quality of a Cannoneer evermore shot in, and so well that he could hit with it as small a mark as if it had been a Harquebuz. He was assisted by some Italian and French Soldiers of the Citadel to bring it, whilst I was making ready a Platform with the Soldiers of the Fort, till my Company of Pioners came, which I had sent for in all haste, and in less than an hour and a half we dispatched it, where I mounted my Demy-Canon. I gave ten Crowns to our Siennese, that he might make some good shots with that Piece here, as he had done several at the Citadel before. The Enemy had placed Gabions on the Flank of their Battery towards us. Bassompierre and I went a little on the right hand, and observed the Bullet in the air like a hat on fire, flying very wide on the right hand, and the second as much on the left, which made me ready to eat my own flesh for rage: Monsieur de Bassompierre always assured me, that he would presently take his level right, and still went and came to and fro betwixt him and me. The third shot light upon the bottom of the Gabions, and the fourth played directly into their Artillery, and there killed a great many of their men, whereupon all those that assisted fled behind a little house which was in the rear of their Canon. At which I ran and took him in my arms, and seeing him with his Linstock ready to fire again, said to him, Fradel ●io da li da seno, per dio facio, ti present da●teri dieci sco●di, & d'une biechier de vino Graeco. I than left him the French Captain, who had the Guard of the Fort, to furnish him continually with such things as he stood in need of, and Monsieur Bassompierre and I returned to our Post. There then advanced a Germane Ensign to the Enemy's battery, who came along by the other Gabionade with his colours flying, and this might be about four of the clock in the afternoon, we could see him march from behind the Observance, and was no sooner come to the Artillery, but our Piece fired and killed the Ensign, upon which the Germans immediately fled away, retiring to the place from whence they came. And this Sienuois made so many brave shots, that he dismounted them six pieces of Canon, and their Artillery remained totally abandoned till the beginning of the night, without playing any more than two pieces of Canon, that were covered with Gabions, and flanked towards the Fort Camoglia, which our Artillery could not touch, because they shot over by reason of the height of the Gabions, and in the twilight they made seven or eight shots at the Observance where we were, and the houses adjoining, and of all night after shot no more. We worked exceeding hard all night to finish our Retirade, and the Count de Bisque was no less diligent at the Antiport, so that two hours before day all was perfected, and every one settled in his Post where he was to fight. That which made us make so much haste, was, that we heard a great noise at their Artillery, and thought they were bringing up the rest, which made me put out a man to discover their Battery, who brought us word, that they had cut above fourscore paces of the wall, within a span or two of the bottom, and that he believed in a few hours they would have beaten it totally down, which we did not much care for though they did, for we hoped to sell them their Entry very dear; and about an hour before day they ceased their noise, which made us think that they only expected the break of day to give fire. I then mounted upon the wall, having Captain Charry always with me, who by main force would needs have me down when the day began to break, and soon after I perceived, that at the Windows of the Gabions there was no Artillery, 
The Marquis draws of his Canon.  and that instead of planting more they had drawn off those there were. I then called out to Signior Cornelio, that we were out of danger of an Assault, and that the Enemy had drawn off their Canon; at which news every one began to come upon the wall, where the Siennese sufficiently rated the Enemy in their language, saying, Coioni marrani, venete qua vi metteremo per terra vinti brassis di muri▪ They were constrained to stay three days at the foot of the mountain to repair their Carriages, which the Demy-Canon we had brought to Fort Cam●glia had broken and spoilt them.  
Now (as I have already said) the Gentleman of the Emperor's Bedchamber had all the while kept a great deal of clutter what Canon would do to the winning of the Town: but after he had been an eye witness of all that has been related, and that the Marquis had remonstrated to him that the Retirade, and those other Fortifications I made within, was to let him enter, and to give him Battle in the City (for if I knew what he did, he was no less informed of my proceeding, there being evermore one Traitor or another amongst all people) he then was of the same opinion with the Marquis and the other Captains, 
The Marquis his resolution.  that the Town was never to be taken by force; but that it was to be reduced to famine, and therefore thought it convenient that the Artillery should be sent back to Florence. He then returned back to his Master to give him an account of what he had seen, and that the Marquis could do no more than what he had already done. I do not know whether or no he acquainted the Emperor with the fright he had been in, which the Marquis himself gave me a relation of at my going out of Sienna, as he went along with me above two miles of my way, where he told me, that at the time when their Artillery was forsaken, by reason of the Havoc our Demy-Canon made amongst them, he was close by the side of the little house in his Litter, being then very lame of the Gout, where his Litter being set down upon the ground, this Gentleman of the Emperor's was talking to him, having his hands upon the Cover of the Litter, 
The Marquis his danger and fright.  and his head within it, whispering with the said Marquis; when our Governor seeing the Artillery abandoned, and every one retired under the shelter of the little house made a shot at it, with which a part of the wall, which was of brick fell upon the Litter, so that the said Gentleman was by it beaten down upon the Marquis' Legs, sc astonished as nothing more, and the Marquis swore to me, that in his life he was himself nev●r in so much f●ar of being killed, as at that time: that they drew the Gentleman out from off his legs, and himself after with much ado, all the Litter being full of the ruin, and covering of the said house. And the said Marquis moreover told me, that at the great fright he was in his Gout left him, for the whole ruin fell at once upon him, and upon the Gentleman, who verify thought himself to be killed. I have often heard that the apprehension of death has cured many diseases; I know not if the Marquis his Gout be returned since, but he assured me he had never had it after from that fright, till the time I saw him. If it be returned or no I leave others to inquire.  
This might be about the middle of january, 
The Germans can no longer endure the want of bread and wine.  and not above eight days after we began to perceive that the Germans grew very impatient at the little bread they had, having no wine, which was the most insupportable of all. The Rhinecroc himself, who was sickly, could no longer endure, there being nothing to be had unless it were a little horseflesh, or a piece of an Ass. Signior Cornelio and I then began to contrive which way we might get these Germans out of the City, and conceited that if they were gone we could yet keep the Town above two months longer, whereas if they stayed we should be necessicated to surrender: we therefore concluded to send a man privately to Monsieur de Str●zzy to remonstrate all this to him, and to entreat him to send for them after the most plausible manner he could (which I also directed him how to do) and sent to him Captain Cosseil, who is now my Ensign, very well instructed. It was with exceeding great difficulty that he was to pass, which that he might do, we were to fight two Courts of Guard, by reason that the Marquis had already cast up a great number of Trenches, which came up close to the walls of the City on every side. Of these Captain Charry fought the one, and the Count de Gayas with a Company of Italians the other; so that whilst they were fight he got over the Trench, and recovered the rear of the Camp with his Guides, and two days after returned in Company with an Italian Gentleman called Captain Flaminio, who brought Letters to the Rhinecroc, and to me also wherein Monsieur de Strozzy writ to me to send the Rhinecroc with his Companies out to him, for that he intended to set on foot a flying Army, having with him great store of Italian horse and foot, 
A device of the the Sieur de Montluc to be rid of the Germans.  and that without some of those Tramontane sinews he should never be able to relieve me, and that he would protest against me if the City was lost. To the Rhin●croc likewise he sent very obliging letters, having beforehand made Captain Flaminio very perfect in his Lesson. The Rhinecroc upon the receiving these orders broke out into very great complaints, saying that Monsi●ur de Strozzy reduced him to the greatest extremities, and that it was impossible for him to get away without being defeated: but that he would however speak to his Officers, which he did, and which begot a very great dispute amongst them. At length one of them in whom he reposed the greatest confidence, and who served him in the quality of Campmaster, remonstrated to him, that he had much better hazard with his sword in his hand to make his way through the Marquis his Camp, than stay to die of famine, or by a Capitulation to surrender himself to the Enemy's discretion, which however in a few days he must of necessity do; for there was nothing left to eat, and their Soldiers began to murmur, insomuch that they evermore expected when a great part of them should go give themselves up to the Enemy, which made them resolve to depart. The Rhinecroc was not much to be blamed for his unwillingness, it being a very perilous Journey, for at the very ●allying out of the Gate, he was of necessity to fight several Spanish Guards, and half a mile from thence another, at a Trench the Enemy had cast up near unto a certain Mill, which was in his way. Upon their determination to depart, I gave express charge that no one living should speak of this sally, causing the Gates of the City to be close shut, and at the beginning of the night they all came with their Baggage to the great place before Porto Novo.  
The Siennese, 
The Germans go out of Si●●na.  who understood nothing of all this, at the seeing the Germans in this marching posture, began in all haste to repair to the Palace in very great despair. I than caused three Companies to sally out, two of French, and one of Italians; the first whereof was led by Captain Charry, the second by Captain Blacon (who since died a Huguenot at ●●●tonge) and the third by the Count de Gayas. Captain Charry had order to fight the first Court of Guard, which was in a great street of the Suburbs, the second was at the Augustins in the same street, and the third at S. Lazaro. They had in command from me, never to give over ●ill they had fought all the three Courts of Guards, and the Count de Gayas took the way on the outside of the Suburbs on the right hand all along by the houses, still marching softly on to rally our men together, as they should be separated and scattered by the fight. The Tertia of Sicily lay at the Charter-house, consisting of very good Soldiers, and the Rhinecroc at the going out of the Gate took on the right hand, entering into a valley, and the Count de Gayas remained upon the eminence moving still softly on, which produced two effects for the relief of our people, the one as has been said, by gathering our squandered men together, and the other to succour the Rhinecroc also, if he should stand 〈◊〉 need; and so we began to open the Gate, it being about one of the clock in the night. Captain Charry marched out first (for it was he who always led the dance) Blacon after him, the Count de Gayas' next, and then the Germans, who in a trice put themselves into the Valley. 
The Fight betwixt the French and the Imperialists.  We immediately heard the fight betwixt our French and the Spaniards: Captain Charry routed the two Courts of Guards, the one after the other, and beat them up as far as that of St. Lazaro; whereupon those of the Charter-house came out to relieve their people, and came to the Augustins (where Blacon had made a halt expecting Captain Charry) and there clapped in betwixt them. Captain Charry having done his business, thought to return (hearing very well that they were fight with Blacon) and met the Enemy, which redoubled the fight. The Count de Gayas could not come to assist him, by reason that I had expressly forbid him to engage in the fight, till he should first be sure that the Germans were out of danger: but in the end he was constrained to do as the rest did, our two French Companies being driven upon him. The Fight continued above a long hour. Signior Cornelio and I were without the Gate by the Portcullis, and nothing was open but the wicket, and there as the Soldiers came one after another, we put them in, when on a sudden we heard the fight coming towards us, some crying France, and others Spain, when at last they all came up pel mel together to the Portcullis. We had torches within the Gates, and through the wicket saw a little light, by which we drew the Soldiers in. I must needs say, there were very valiant men, both on the one side, and the other; for not so much as either French or Italian, ever once ran furiously upon us, but still faced about at the Portcullis, and never retired, but step by step, till we pulled them in. All the three Captains were wounded, and we there lost what slain, and wounded above forty of the best Soldiers we had, both French and Italians, and in the end we got in all the rest of our people. And because before the Sally, the Siennese were astonished at the departure of the Germans, I made Signior Cornelio to go about to the several Guards, and to the Forts, to reassure our men, for no one knew that the Germans were to go away, and I myself went to the Palace, where I found all the Senate in a very great distraction, to whom I spoke as followeth:  
I see well (Gentlemen) that you have here assembled yourselves upon the occasion of 
Speech of Monsieur de Mo●tluc to the Siennese.  the Germans departure, and that you are entered into some apprehension and jealousy, that by that means your City will be lost: But I must tell you, it is the conservation, and not the loss of your City; for those six Ensigns devoured more, than the twelve of the Italians and French. On the other side, I know you must have heard that the said Germans already began to mutiny, being no longer able to endure. I also discovered well enough, that even their Captains were not like to govern them, themselves apprehending that they would go over to the Enemy, and you yourselves have for five or six days last passed heard the Enemy call out to us at the very foot of our walls, that we were lost, and that our Germane would soon be with them. Yet did not this proceed from any default in their Officers, but from the impatience of the common Soldiers, who were no longer able to suffer. Now (Gentlemen) should you appear dejected upon their departure; the world would say, that both your courage and ours, depended only upon theirs, and so we should dishonour ourselves, to honour them; to which I shall never give my consent: for you knew all the great fights that have happened in this siege, have been performed by you, and us only, and they have never so much as sallied out of the Town, save once only, that in spite of me the Rhinecroc would send out his people under the conduct of his Nephew and his Campmaster, and would accept of no one of any other Nation, than his own, at which time you saw how soon, and how easily they were beaten back, even into the ditch of the Ravelin of Porto Novo; so that if, by good fortune, 
The Germans by no means proper for a siege.  I had not been there, and had not made the Italian Guard sally out to their rescue, not a man of them had come off alive. I will not disparage them, but they are much more proper for a Battle, than a Siege. Why then (Signiors) should you be concerned at their departure? I will say one thing more to you, that although I had also sent away the t●elve Companies that remain with me in this Town, I would yet undertake to defend your City, provided the Captains stayed behind to relieve me. You must make your Ensigns Captains of the Watch by turns, who shall have two nights of intermission, and ours shall have but one, and we must begin to contract our allowance of bread to fourteen ounces, and you of the City to ten. You must also put the useless mouths out of Town, and appoint six persons to take a lift of their names to morrow, without further delay, and that without regard of persons, and speedily thrust them out of your City, by which expedient we shall make our bread last three months longer, which will be a sufficient time for the King wherein to relieve us, especially now that the Spring is drawing on. Cease therefore your apprehensions, and on the contrary approve what I have done in order to your service. If I have done it without pre-acquainting the Senate with my design, it was not out of any disrespect to them, but to keep this departure secret, which was of very great consequence, as you yourselves may have observed; I having been constrained to put Monsieur de Strozzy upon the business to deliver myself from a people so entirely devoted to their bellies.  
The Senate having heard my Remonstrance, desired me to go to my repose, and that they would consider of what I had said, rendering me very many thanks for the comfort and good counsel I had given them. In the morning my whole Speech was divulged all over the City, and there was no more thought of fear amongst them: But they could not well agree amongst themselves about the unprofitable mo●ths, 
The Sieur de M●ntluc choseo Dictator at Sienna for a month.  forasmuch as every one was willing to favour his own relations and friends; wherefore by Ballotte they created me their Dictator General for the space of a month, during which time neither the Captain of the people, nor the Magistracy had any command at all, but I had the absolute authority and dignity, anciently belonging to the old Dictator's of Rome. I thereupon created six Commissaries, to take a list of all the useless people, and afterwards delivered the roll to a Knight of Malta, accompanied with five and twenty, or thirty Soldiers, to put them out of the Town, 
The useless mouths thrust out of Sienna.  which in three days after I had delivered in the List, was performed. A thing, that had I not very good witness of, both of the Siennoi●, the King's Officers, and the Captains who were then present in Sienna, I should not however have mentioned in this place, lest the world should take me for a liar: but it is most perfectly true. The List of these useless mouths, I do assure you amounted to Four thousand and four hundred people, or more, which of all the miseries and desolations that I have ever seen, was the greatest my eyes ever yet beheld, or that I believe I shall ever see again; for the Master was hereby necessitated to part with his servant, who had served him long, the Mistress with her maid, besides an infinite number of poor people, who only lived by the sweat of their brows; which weeping and desolation continued for three days together: and these poor wretches were to go thorough the Enemy, who still beat them back again towards the City, the whole Camp continuing night and day in Arms to that only end; so that they drove them up to the very foot of the walls, that they might the sooner consume the little bread we had left, and to see if the City out of compassion to those miserable Creatures would revolt; but that prevailed nothing, though they lay eight days in this condition, where they had nothing to eat but herbs and grass, and above the one half of them perished, for the Enemy killed them, and very few escaped away. There were a great many Maids and handsome women indeed, who found means to escape, the Spaniards by night stealing them into their quarters, for their own provision, but it was unknown to the Marquis, for it had otherwise been death; and some strong and vigorous men also forced their way, and escaped by night: But all those did not amount to the fourth part, and all the rest miserably perished. These are the effects of War. We must of necessity sometimes be cruel, to frustrate the designs of an Enemy. God had need to be merciful to men of our Trade, who commit so many sins, and are the causers of many miseries and mischiefs.  
You Captains and Governors of places, if you be not perfect already, learn these Arts and Stratagems: It is not all to be valiant and wise, you must also be circumspect and cunning. Had I entreated the Rhinecroc to depart the City, he would have been displeased, and have reproached me, that I sent him to the slaughter, but I proceeded more discreetly, serving myself with the authority of Monsi●ur de Strozzy, wherein I had no other end, but to gain time to tyre out my Enemy, and to give the King leisure to relieve us: But as I have said before, he emploed his Forces there where he had the most concern. Nearer is the skin than the skirt. Never f●ar to discharge yourselves of useless mouths, and bar your cars from all cries of the afflicted: Had I obeyed my own disposition, I had done it three months' sooner, which if I had, I might peradventure have saved the Town, or at least I had longer held my Enemy in play; and I have a hundred times since repented me, that I did not.  
The Marquis seeing that I had put the Germans out of the Town (who were the greatest 
The Germans defeat.  part of them defeated by the way, and through their own great fault, which I shall not however give any further account of, for they were not defeated about Sienna, but elsewhere upon their march, where their own fear surprised them, without any great reason) and seeing also that I had driven out the useless people, both which would help to prolong the Siege, with the contracting our allowance of bread (which he had also learned from those that went out) these things made him to think of some other way, 
The Marquis his design.  to bring us to his bow; fearing l●st some ●now should fall in the Spring (as it often falls out in those parts at that time of the year) which should it so happen, he should then be constrained to raise the Siege, and repa●● to the Cities to eat, for he was almost in as great necessity ' as we, and the Soldiers of his Camp were fain to ●at Mallows, and other herbs, 
The Marquis his sufferings.  as well as ours, by reason that oftentimes their provisions could not be brought in due time; for it all came from about Florence, which was thirty miles' of●, and upon little Asses, excepting 100 Mules, and those were to bring sufficient to serve whilst they could go and come, which was five or six days, and every return some of their beasts of burden died. For about the Camp there was no more, so much as one herb; neither hay, straw, nor grain to be found, and much less any one Inhabitant within ten miles of the Road. And all his Cavalry lay ●et ten miles beyond Florence, excepting the Company of Signior C●bri the Marquis his N●phew, which consisted of no more than fifty Horse, and was also every fifteen days to be relieved, by fifty others that were quartered at Banconvent. So that had God been pleased to send us a little snow, though but for eight days only, his Camp would have been necessitated to rise, and to shift for themselves in the most commodious quarters abroad in the Country. All these things together put the Marquis upon an attempt to shorten the War, wherein his design was one way or anotherto sow division amongst the quarters of the City, seeing us weak, and knowing very well, that although we had yet twelve Companies, there was nevertheless not eighteen hundred men: To which effect by those of the Siennese who were banished the City, and were with the Marquis, an invention was found out to gain a Citizen of the Town called Messer Pedro, a man with one eye, and of the order of the people (which was that wherein we most confided, together with the order of the Reformators) and that by the means of certain little boys, who went with little sacks to gather herbs in the Meadows upon the River Tress. By whom the Marquis so ordered the business, that he corrupted this man, and made him a Traitor to his People and Country; and the form of this practice was, 
The Marquis his practices in Sienna.  that Messer Pedro should receive several blanks, signed by the Siennese, who were in the Marquis his Camp, which he himself should write over at his own discretion.  
The plot of this design was thus, that Messer Pedro should in his Letters write these words, that they wondered they should thus suffer themselves to be so manifestly abused by the Seigneur de Montluc; and that a child might discern all the assurances he gave them of relief from the King of France to be no other than gulleries and deceits: That although they had unworthily been thrust out of the City, yet did they nevertheless, with tears in their eyes, infinitely lament to see them so miserably lose themselves, and that if they would send out a man to go so far as Rome, to inquire if the King was raising an Army for their succour, they would then infallibly discover the Cheat: That they begged of them not to suffer themselves to be reduced to the last morsel, which if they should do, they would not then come off cheaper, than at the price of their heads, the ruin of their estates, their wives' and children: That they had yet means to make their peace with the Emperor, by the Mediation of the Marquis, if they would let him into the Town, which was a thing ●asie enough to do, if they would consult and join with some of the City, who had already engaged themselves to them; and that they might know who were of the intelligence, they were to go into such a street, and where they should see a little whi●e Cross under the door, the Master of th●t house was one. This one eyed Dog performed his o●●ce exactly well, and directed his Letters to one of those in whom we reposed an absolute trust, being very certain, that he would forthwith carry it to the Magistrate, and that the Magistrate would also in the morning send into the street mentioned in the Letter, and would seize upon the Gentleman of the house, at whose door the Cross should be found. However he resolved ever to make his Cross at some house of the orders of the Noul, and the Gentlemen, forasmuch as the other two Orders had them in suspicion, and the Marquis thought (knowing the humour of the Siennese, and the hatred they bore to one another) that immediately, so soon as that person should be taken, they would hurry him without any other form of Justice to the Scaffold, by which means those two Orders of the Novi, and of the Gentlemen, would enter into so great an animosity and despair, that to save their lives they would be constrained to betake themselves to arms, to possess themselves of a Canton of the City near unto the walls, to favour the Enemy, and to help them into the City.  
This cursed Rogue than began to forge his first Letter, and by night went and thrust it under the door of the house of one of the Gentlemen, who was unsuspected, and made his little Cross in another street at the house of one of the richest Gentlemen of the Order of the Novi; so that in the morning the Gentleman to whom the Letter was directed, found it in the Entry of his house, presently read it, and careird it to the Magistrates, who so soon as they had looked upon it, immediately sent it to me by Misser Hieronimo Hispano, sending me word withal, that they had determined to go apprehend the said Gentleman, and forthwith to carry him directly to the Scaffold. Whereupon I sent the Signiors Cornelio and Bartolomeo Cavalcano back to them, to entreat them not so precipitously to proceed to blood, for that it might be an invention of the Marquis to set division amongst us: but that they might do well to commit him to prison, which they accordingly did. Two days after there was another Letter found in the same manner, in the house of a Gentleman of the Order of the Novi, a man no more suspected than the other, and the little Cross under the door of one of the Order of the Gentlemen: At which the Senate was so incensed, that I was fain myself to go to the Palace, where I had much ado to obtain the favour, that they would defer execution for five days only, to see if in that time God would please to give us further light into this Fact. All the whole City was enraged, and talked of nothing but cutting off heads. As God help me, it could never sink into my head, that it was any other, than a device of the Marquis, for I knew very well with whom I had to do. I than entreated Messer Bartolom●o Cavalcano, that he would never cease day nor night, to go visit the said Gentlemen, and the Citizens of the Orders of the Gentlemen, 
The Sieur de Montlucs wisdom.  and the Novi, whom the misfortune concerned, to entreat them not to despair, and to tell them, that I would take order no blood should be shed, and that I gave no credit to those Letters and Crosses. Signior Cornelio also assisted me very much in this affair, who had a very great interest in the City, by reason of the Cardinal of Ferrara, with whom he had always lived during his abode in this City.  
Now three or four days after this, thinking the fury to be over, behold another Letter, and another Cross found in the same manner as before: At which every boody lost all patience, and would immediately drag all three to execution. I than ran to the palace, taking Signior Cornelio and Signior Bartolomeo along with me. As I was going it came into my head, that I had no way to divert this blow; but by a colour of devotion, and so soon as I came there, I found the great Hall already almost full of men of the Reformators, and of the Order of the people: when so soon as I entered into the Hall of the Magistracy, they all began to cry out, that it was now no longer time to forbear, but that they were to proceed to a speedy execution of justice; whereupon having taken my place, I spoke to them in Italian, as at other times, after this manner.  
Gentlemen, since the time that I have had the honour to Command in your City, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Harangue to the Senate of Sienna.  by the appointment of the King my Master, you have never undertaken any thing, whether as to matters of War, or as to the Government of your Corporation, without first communicating to me your intention, and ask my opinion and advice. Wherein, by God's good pleasure, I have been so happy, that I have hitherto never advised you to any thing which has not succeeded to your advantage and honour; neither would I do it for the world, my own life and safety not being dearer to me, than your preservation. Seeing then (Gentlemen) I have been so fortunate, as ever to have given you sound and useful counsels; let me beseech you to retain the same opinion of me now, and to give credit to me in an affair of so great importance, as this that presents itself before you, with which your judgements seem to be very much perplexed. I beg of you with joined hands, and in the name of God, that of all things you take heed of embruing your hands in the blood of your Citizens till the truth shall be fully known; neither can it possibly be long concealed: 'tis to much purpose to cover the fire, the smoke will however issue out; in like manner they may endeavour to mask and disguise this practice, but the truth will infallibly appear. All the world (and I beseech you be of my opinion) cannot make me believe, that this is any other than an Artifice, and a trick of the Marquis, who having found that the Lion's skin will do him no good, has therefore put on that of the Fox, the better to bring about his design. Which to do, he had no better, nor more subtle way, than by sowing division in the heart of your City. And which way could he better do it, than by making you believe there are Traitors among you, and within your own walls? Knowing very well that that would make you not only to imprison such suspected persons, but also to put them to death, and by that execution to set discord in your City, for true blood cannot lie. The Parents and friends of the sufferers will bear the death of their kindred, though it should be just, with great sorrow and discontent, and will eadeavour to revenge them; by which means behold you have created so many domestic enemies, much more dangerous than those without, and you will be perplexed about the death of your own people, at the time when you meditate that of your open and declared foes. See then (Gentlemen) what joy, what satisfaction and delight you will administer to your enemies when they shall know that you busy yourselves about cutting off the heads of your own Citizens, and of those, who I dare say and swear are innocent. However it may prove to be, the expectation of the truth can no ways be prejudicial to you, for you have them in sure hold: you are secure of your prisoners, you have them under safe custody. I will also be vigilant on my part, why then should you make such haste to put them to death? For the honour of God believe me, you will not repent your patience. I have no interest but yours, let us have recourse to God in so great a necessity. Command that all your Clergy to morrow ordain a general Procession throughout the whole City, and let every one be enjoined to be assisting at it, and let them join in prayer, that it may please God to do us that grace as to discover to us the truth of this affair, the treason, if treason there be, and the innocency of the Prisoners, if there be none. I assure myself that God will hear us, and you will soon be satisfied of the truth, after which you may proceed to justice against the guilty if cause require: but to do it before, and in heat to imbrue your hands in the blood of your Citizens, without having maturely weighed every circumstance, you would in my opinion do very ill, and bring a great mischief upon your City. Gentlemen, the sole affection I have to your service, your safety, and conservation, has made me speak thus freely to you without any other consideration, and I once more most earnestly beseech you to grant me this favour, as for a few days to supersede your sentence, which in the mean time we will employ in prayers and supplications, that God will please, by manifesting to us the truth, to direct our justice.  
I had no sooner ended my Speech, but that a confused murmur arose throughout the whole Hall, some saying I, and others no, for there will be evermore some opposers; but in the end my advice was followed, and presently intimation given to the Churches, and to all the people, to prepare themselves against the next day for a general Procession, to pray unto Almighty God; for as for fasting we had enough of that already. 
A General Procession.  I was myself assisting at the Procession, and all the Captains, together with all the Gentlemen and Ladies of the City, the Kindred of the Prisoners followed weeping; and to be short, all the whole body of the City this day, and the day following were in humiliation and prayer, every one beseeching of God, that he would please to afford us that grace, as to discover the truth of this treason. In the mean time I slept not, for all the night Signior Cornelio and I were in consultation, which way this practice of the Marquis could be set on foot. I considered with myself, that the business being gone thus far, he who carried on the design would not rest there, and that the Council of the City would not be kept so secret, that the Marquis would not infallibly have intelligence of what had been concluded, there being evermore some tell-tales in these great Assemblies; and then very well knew that I had committed an error, in so openly declaring that I was assured it was a trick of the Marquis, it being to be feared that it would make him enter into some jealousy of his Agent. Now because it was likely he would by his Letters and Tickets give us some new alarm, I thought fit to cause certain men to walk up and down the streets of the City by night, after the most private manner they could, to try if by that means something might not be brought to light, and after this manner caused Centinel to be made two nights together. 
The prudence of the Sieur de Mo●tluc.  By day I caused the people to be taken up with Processions in three respective Parishes, and when any of the Signiory came to tell me, that it was so much time lost, and that they must proceed to Justice, I entreated them to have patience, assuring them that I began to discover some light into the business; for it was necessary to proceed after this manner, to restrain the fury of the people.  
Now it happened that the third night about midnight this M●ss●r Pedro was seen to pass by, and stopping at a house, put his hand to a Casement, which was low, and happened to be shut, and one of the three Letters had been found to have been put into a low window as that was. He then kneeled down, and under the door put in the Letter as far as he could thrust his arm, which having done he went his way along the street. A Gentleman who lay at watch went presently after him, and taking him by the arm said, c●e siete voi? to whom the other replied, Io sono Messer Piedro (I cannot remember the surname of this Rascal) the Gentleman then knew him, 
The Traitor surprised.  and said to him dove andate? who made answer me ne vo á lafoy guardia, to which the Gentleman returned, addo addo; which having done he knocked, and made them open the door, where he found the Letter of the same contents with the former. He then immediately went and carried it to the Magistracy, who sent me two of their Council, to give me an account of the whole business, and those two went and called up Signior Cornelio, who came along with them; where amongst us it was concluded, that the Gates should not be opened in the morning, nor the Guards and Sentinels relieved, till he was first taken; and in the morning Signior Cornelio went with a hundred men to beset the house both before and behind. Signior Cornelio knew the man, and so soon as he had placed his Soldiers, knocked at the door, where he found him yet in bed, and presently sent me word of his being taken. Whereupon, the time of my Dictatorship being expired, I made use of entreaties, as before, requesting the Senate that he might be forthwith put upon the Rack, for he both denied the Letter, and also that he had seen the Gentleman of all that night. As he was upon the Rack he begged that they would torment him no more, 
Misser Pedro confesses his treason.  for he would confess the truth, which he did from point to point, together with the Marquis his practices to set division in the City. Upon which confession they would in the heat have presently hanged him at the windows of the Palace: but I entreated them not to do it yet, and so he was clapped up in a Dungeon. I than entreated the Captain of the people to deliver to me the three Gentlemen, who were prisoners, for that I had a desire to talk with them at my Lodging; which he accordingly did.  
They were brought by Signior Cornelio and Bartolomeo Cavalcano, and so soon as they were come to my Lodging I remonstrated to them, that they ought by no means to stomach their imprisonment, nor to bear the S●na●e any ●ll will for se●●ing of their persons, affairs being reduced to such te●ms, that the Father ●ught not to trust his Son, nor the Son his Father, since it concerned no less than their lives and fortunes; and that therefore I desired they would go to the Magistracy to give them hearty thanks that they had not proceeded to speedy execution, but had had patience till such time as God had discovered the truth. They returned me answer, that I should pardon them, that being a thing they would never do; neither was it they that had saved their lives, but that it was I, and that they would give God thanks and me; but that they had no obligation to them at all. We were all three above a long hour labouring to persuade them, where I remonstrated to them, that not to do the thing I requested of them was to accomplish the Marquis his design, and to give him his hear●s desire, which was, that they should remain in division and mortal hatred; and whatever else I could contrive to say, that might any way serve to persuade them to go, I represented to their consideration to pacify and appease them. In the end remembering how highly they stood obliged to me for the saving their lives, they promised me that they would do it, and Signior Cornelio, and Messer Bartolomeo at my request went along with them, for I was afraid they might repent by the way; where so soon as they came before the Magistracy, 
The Prisoners go to the Senate.  one of them spoke for the rest, remonstrating their innocency, and the wrong that had been done them; which nevertheless they would no more remember, considering the necessity of the time, and the Estate of the City, affectionately beseeching them to esteem them for their good Citizens and friends, and loyal to the Commonwealth; and that for the time to come neither they nor their posterity might have any blemish upon their names upon this occasion, they desired they would please to grant them Patents sealed with the broad Seal for their satisfaction. The Captain of the people than made them a very ample Remonstrance, wherein he entreated they would excuse them, if the public safety being in question, they had been constrained to shut their eyes to particular interests, and by the importance of the affair had been constrained to be so severe in their inquisition: but that they did acknowledge and esteem them to be good and loyal Citizens. Whereupon they all descended from their seats and embraced them, and as Mess●r Bartolomeo told me, the most of them with tears in their eyes: and so every one retired to his own house.  
Now because this one-eyed Villain was of the Order of the People, which was the greatest party in the Town, and wherein was most Soldiers, I was afraid that should they put him to death, those of his Order might make some s●r in the Town, saying, that now it was well enough known of what Order the Traitors were, 
The Sieur de Mo●tluc b●g● the Tray●●●● life.  which might occasion some mutiny or sedition, and make them in the end betake themselves to arms, which was the reason that I made a request to the Senate to give me his life, and to banish him for ever, that all things might be hushed up, and that the Marquis might not say that any of his policies had succeeded any more than his attempts by arms. And thus were all things discovered and huddled up, for the Senate granted my request.  
I have often since wondered how I came to be so discreet, and so moderate in an affair of this importance, considering how reasonable it was, that an exemple should be made; but it would peradventure have done more hurt than good. We must not always be so severe, and the seeing others so hot upon blood I do believe made me a little more temperate. And you (Gentlemen) who have the charge of places, do not suffer yourselves to be transported at the first appearance of things, nor upon too light information; consider and weigh the circumstances, and hinder the violence of the people over whom you command by one pretence or another, as I did, amusing them with Processions; nor that that was not nevertheless well done, but I would see if time would make any discovery; and had I suffered these men to have been put to death, their kind●ed might perhaps have been prompted with some spirit of revenge. Above all things endeavour to preserve un●on amongst those over whom you shall happen to command, as I did in this City, where all was accommodated and appeased. Consider also with what enemy you have to do; for you may well imagine that he will leave no stone unremoved, nor no artifice untried, to set division in your City; as I have formerly read in Livy, the great Captain Han●ibal did to sow dissension amongst the Romans. Your wisdom and prudence (Governors of places) must discern if there be appearance in the thing; whether or no the party accused be a man capable of practice, or have any means whereby to bring his purpose about, and whether or no he have done any thing any ways tending to such a design. If in apprehending him you discover any confusion in his countenance, 
Worthy considerations of a Governor.  or variation in his answers. You ought in this to be very circumspect and discreet, and to consider that there is nothing more easy than to calumniate a man. God be praised. all here passed with moderation, and the Prisoners with their friends came to give me thanks.  
Now after the Marquis saw himself disappointed of his expectation, and that all his plots and stratagems came to nothing, he suffered us to rest in peace, not expecting to have us till we should be reduced to the last morsel of bread; and we began to enter into the month of March, when we were in the greatest necessity of all things; for of wine there had not been one drop in the whole City from the middle of February: We had ●aten all the Horses, Asses, Mules, Cats and Rats that were in the Town. Cats sold for three and four Crowns a piece, and a Rat for a Crown. And in all the whole City there was only remaining four old Mares, so lean as nothing more, which turned the Mills, two that I had, the Controller la Moliere his, the Treasurer P Espine another, Signior Cornelio a little Bay pad-Nag, that was blind with age, and Misser Hieronimo Hispano a Turk of above twenty years old. These were all the Horses and Mares that were left in the City in this extremity, which was greater than I can represent it, and I do believe there is not in nature so dreadful a thing as Famine. We had from Rome some hopes sent us of succours, and that the King was sending away the Marshal de Briss●c to relieve us, which was the reason that we again lessened our bread to twelve ounces, and the Soldiers and Citizens of the Town to nine: whilst in the mean time by little and little we lost several Inhabitants and Soldiers, who fell down dead as they walked the streets, so that they died without sickness. At last the Physicians found it out that it was the Mallows they fed upon, that being an herb that does relax the stomach, and obstructs digestion. Now we had no other herbs all along the walls of the City, they having been all eaten before; neither could we come by these without sallying out to skirmish, and then all the women and children of the Town went out to gather them. But I saw I lost so many men in these skirmishes, that I would no more permit any one to sa●ly out. Now to hear any more news of the Marshal de Brissac was henceforward impossible, for the Trenches were brought up to the very Gates of the City, 
This memorable sally of the Siennese was in the year 1526.  which Trenches the Marquis had also redoubled for fear we should sally out upon him in despair, and give him Battle, as the Siennese in their ancient wars had formerly done, as themselves report.  
In this condition we languished on till the 8th of April, that we had lost all manner of hopes of relief, and then it was that the signory entreated me not to take it ill if they began to think of their preservation. When seeing there was no other remedy, unless to eat one another? I could not deny them, cursing to the pit of hell all those who engage men of honour in places, and then leave them in the lurch. Yet did I not herein intent to speak of the King, my good Master, he loved me too well for that; but those who gave him ill counsels to the prejudice of his affairs, and I have ever observed more evil than good Counsellors about Princes. 
The people of Sienna begin to capitulate.  They then sent out one of their people to the Marquis to entreat of him a safe conduct for two of their Senate, whom they would send to him, which he granted, and they began to capitulate. The Marquis himself did very much facilitate the Treaty, and they began to enter into great confidence of him, for he very well saw, that to cause the City to be sacked and ruined would be no profit, neither to the Emperor, nor the Duke of Florence, and would only benefit the Soldier, and on the other side he feared left if the Siennese could obtain no good conditions, we should sally out upon him, a lafoy desesperade, having already lost above the third part of his men, who were either dead through the length of the Siege, or run away, so that he had almost no Italians, 
The extremity of the Marquis.  who were quartered at the Fort St. Mark; and the Marquis had remained for above a month with no more than six Ensigns for the Guard of his own person, all the rest being in the Trenches; neither could he ever relieve them with more than ten Ensigns, and those had only one night of intermission, and some such Guards there were that were not relieved in six days. To this condition was he reduced without, as well as we within; neither could he make any use of his horse, no more than Monsieur de Strozzy could of the Cavalry he had, by reason that there was no manner of thing upon the ground, to give the horses to ●at from M●ntalsin to Sienna, and from Sienna to Florence.  
I will now give an account of myself after what manner I lived. I had no manner of advantage, no more than the meanest Soldier, and my bread weighed no more than twelve ounces, and of white bread there was never above seven or eight made, whereof three were brought to my Quarters, and the rest were saved for some Captain that was sick. Neither those of the City, nor we from the end of February to the 22th of April ever eat above once a day; neither did I ever hear so much as any one Soldier complain, and I can assure you the Remonstrances I often made to them served to very good purpose; for if they would have gone over to the Enemy's Camp, the Marquis would have created them very well; for the Enemy very much esteemed our Italian and French Soldiers, and in the skirmishes that had happened betwixt us had had very sufficient trial of their valour. I had bought thirty hens and a Cock to get me eggs, 
The Sieur de Montlucs provisions.  which Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, and I eat, for we all three constantly eat together; at noon in one place, and in the evening at another; but towards the end of March all these were eaten, the Cock and all. 'Twas pity we had no more: and so I remained without ●lesh, and without eggs, and had nothing to eat but my little loaf, with a few pease boiled with a little Bacon and Mallows, and that but once a day only. The desire I had to acquire honour, and to put this bafflle upon the Emperor, so long to have held his Army in play, made me find this so sweet that it was no trouble to me to fast: and this pitiful supper with a bit of bread was a feast to me, when returning from some skirmish, I knew the Enemy to be well drubbed, or that I knew them to suffer under the same necessities we did.  
But to return to the Capitulation; the Marquis sent to the Duke of Florence, and Don juan Manricon, who was Ambassador from the Emperor to the Pope, and resided at Florence by reason of the Siege; whereupon the said Duke sending a safe conduct, the Siennese also sent to the Pope (which was Pope julio, 
Pope julic.  who died two or three days after) from whom they received a very scurvy answer, he reproaching them with their obstinacy, and commanding them to submit to the Duke of Florence his mercy without any condition. He was a terrible Pope: but the Duke proceeded after a more modest and courteous manner, as a Prince ought to do, who would gain the hearts of a people, and indeed he was one of the greatest Politicians of our times. It behoved him so to be to establish his Principality, in the time of two of the greatest and most ambitious Princes that ever were, who had both of them a great mind to get footing in Italy. But the Spaniard was more subtle than we, and this Duke managed his business very well; 
The wisdom of the Duke of Florence.  his name was Cosmo, and I believe he is yet living. In the mean time Commissioners for eight days together went, and came betwixt Florence and the Camp, and upon Monday night the Capitulation was brought to Sienna, and the morning before the Marquis had sent a Trumpet to me, entreating I would send two Gentlemen out to him in whom I might confide, he having something to say to them that he desired I should know, and that he was come to St. Lazare to that effect. I thereupon sent out to him Signior Cornelio, and Captain Charry, who being come to him, he there acquainted them with the terms of the Capitulation, which would that night be brought to the City, and that amongst other things there was one Article which expressed, that the Sieur de Montluc with his Italian and French Companies, and all the Officers of the King, should march out with Bag and Baggage, Colours flying, Drums beating, with match lighted, and Bullet in mouth: but that this Article would do me no good, forasmuch as we did not belong to the Siennese, but to the King of France; and being we did not belong to them, they consequently had no power to capitulate for us; that therefore I was myself to capitulate in the name of the King my Master, which if I thought fit to do, 
A Proposition of the Marquis de Marig●ano to the Sieur de Montluc.  he assured me I should have what conditions soever I would demand, and that his service to the Emperor excepted, he would do as much for me as for the Cardinal his Brother: that he and I were two poor Gentlemen, who by our Arms were arrived to such degrees of honour, that the greatest both of France and Italy would be glad to have our places, telling them withal he would there stay to expect my answer. They found me at Porto Novo walking with Messer Hieronimo Espanos, where after I had received his Message, I bade them go back and tell him, that I very well knew he had read the Roman History, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Answer.  wherein he might have taken notice, that in the times of the ancient warlike Romans they had sent one of their Colonies to inhabit Gascony, near to the Pyrhenean Mountains, of which Province I was a Native, and that if he would not content himself, that the Siennese had comprised me in their Capitulation, I would at my coming out let him see, that I was descended from those warlike Romans, who would rather have lost a thousand lives, could they have had so many to lose, than an inch of their honour: that I had rather the Siennese should capitulate for me, than I for them, and that for my part the name of Montluc should never be found subscribed to a Capitulation. They then returned to him, to whom having repeated my answer, he said to them in Italian. Che vol dir questo? mi p●re che vol jocar a la desperata. Altre volte io rose due fortress con ragione, ne per questo ne sui maj represo de l'Imperat●re, & no resta s● Majesty a servir si di me. Signior Cornelio then told him, that I was positive in this determination, and would rather put all to the hazard of the sword, than to the hazard of a Capitulation. Well then said he, recommend me to him, and tell him I will let him see that I am his friend, and that he may march out in all assurance upon the Capitulation of the Siennese, or after what manner he pleases himself; and so they returned.  
Oh Comrades, you have here a fair exemple before you, when you shall find your selves in such an affair, never to discover any fear, for nothing in the world so much heartless an Enemy, as to see the Chief with whom he has to do to be undaunted in all extremities, and that he gives him to understand he will rather run the hazard of a Fight than a Capitulation; nothing so much puzzles him as that, besides the encouragement it gives to your own people. I was as much afraid as another, seeing myself so desperately engaged, and no news of any relief, neither of victuals nor men: but ask any one who is yet living, whether they ever saw me any more dejected than the first day I came into the City. And at the last of all, when we were reduc'● to the extremest necessity of all things, I was more resolute to fight than before, which I believe conduced much to the obtaining of so good conditions both for the Siennese and for us, as we could have had, had we capitulated the first day the Enemy sat down before us.  
Late at night came the Capitulation, and upon Tuesday morning four of the Senate brought it to me, wherein I found an Article, that every one of what mean condition soever should go out with Bag and Baggage, their Wives and Children, who had a mind to depart the City, except the Exiles and Rebels to the State of the Emperor, the King of England (which was King Phi●ip) and the Duke of Florence. I then very well understood that this Article would fall heavy upon the poor Florentines who were with us in the City, and who had been banished upon Monsieur de Strozzy's account. There were also Neapolitans, and Milanese; so that I there clearly saw above a hundred men thrown away, and their heads surrendered to the Scaffold, which made me desire the Senators to return, and that in an hour I would come to them to the Palace, and show them the de●●it that was couched in their Capitulation, entreating them in the mean time speedily there to assemble all the principal members of the City, which they did, and I took along with me Signior Cornelio, and Bartolomeo Cavalcano, who was ready to die for fear when he understood my proposition, for he was a Florentine; where being come I made to them this Remonstrance.  

Gentlemen, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Speech to the Senate upon the Capitulation.   
I have seen your Capitulation, which tends rather to the cutting off of your heads, than to any indemnity for your Lives and Estates. You have there one Article, that every one generally shall enjoy the benefit of the Capitulation, their Lives and Estates saved, excepting such as are Rebels to the Emperor, the King of England, and the Duke of Florence. Now you know very well that the Emperor, has caused you all to be declared Rebels in his Imperial Chamber, as Subjects, of the Empire, for having rebelled against him. By which you see you are declared Subjects, and you say you are not Subjects, but only stand in recommendation to the Empire. The dispute is not yet determined, whether you are Subjects or recommended, and when the Enemy shall once be got within your walls, and that you are in their power, what Judges will you have to determine of the Question, except the Hangman, and with your heads, for it will certainly be by that way that they will go about to assert their title. Behold than you will all be put to death, your Estates confiscate, and your Wives and Children a prey to the Conqueror. 
Soldiers pass every where.  As for me, and the Soldiers they will permit us safely to depart, for Soldiers pass in all places, and ever better cheap than other sorts of men. They know we have nothing to lose but our Arms, and that we are bound to obey our Prince; should they offer any outrage to us, we shall have our revenge in turn at one time or another, for men do sooner meet than mountains: But all the mischief will fall upon you, considering the hatred the Emperor and the Duke have conceived against you. A Prince rarely pardons Subjects who have once rebelled against him; but if ever he can pick a hole in their coats, he will be sure to take hold of the occasion. Since than we have so long lived together, without ever having so much as one unkind word pass betwixt us, and that I have received so many honours at your hands, if you will take my advice, we will make the Marquis think of something he never thought of yet, that is we will sally out with our weapons in our hands to the fight, and give him battle, and we ought to believe, that God will be on our side, and assist us, considering the cruelty they would exercise upon you. For my own part, I freely offer you my life, and those of all my Captains and Soldiers to die with you, that as we have lived, so we may die together, rather than to see you so basely betrayed and sold to slaughter. Credete à me, à me dico ●he son vechio, & à c●i sono passate molte cose inanti li occhi.   
Now I knew very well, that this exception did not point at the Siennese, but only at those I named before, so that this was only a device of mine, to make the Siennese engage with us in the fight, for I had rather have put all to the hazard of the sword, than that any one of those who were within with us, and who upon my account had been obstinate in the defence of the City should be lost. They took it however for current pay, and after I was departed from them, 
The Siennese resolve to fight.  all of them resolved to fight it out to the last man. I then presently sent them word what they were to do, which was, that the Standard-bearer should command all their Powder to be refined, their Swords, Halberds and Pike-heads to be scoured and ground: that upon pain of Death, every one who was able to bear arms, should be ready in two days, and that the Priests and Religicux, who had taken arms for the defence of the Town at the Battery, should now take them again under the same Captains they did before; insomuch that I do believe that for two or three days so great a bustle in the City had never been seen. The two Deputies hereupon of the Duke of Florence and the Marquis, who had safe conduct into the City, returned about three of the clock in the afternoon back to the Marquis, where they showed him this Article, which had put not only the whole City, but also the Soldiers, into despair of fair Quarter, telling him how we were all resolved and by what means they came to understand the hubub, and preparation that was making in the City to give him Battle, which was the reason that he sent all night to the Duke of Florence and Don juan Manricou, whom I since saw with the Queen of Spain at Bayonne, giving them an account how all things stood, and entreating them withal, that since he was now upon the point to have the Town surrendered to him, they would not for this one Article put him in danger of losing all; but consider, that he had to do with a great Captain, and an old Soldier, commending me more than I deserved: that as themselves very well knew, he had lost near upon the one half of his Army, and had a great many sick of those he had left, and that he had not twenty Horse, there being nothing upon the place to support them, nor any means by which to bring them any from other places; and that they would do well to weigh and consider of this affair, for as for his part, he must discharge himself upon them, if any thing fell our amiss. So soon then as the Duke of Florence and Don juan saw the Siennoi● resolution, they dispatched to him le Co●signou the Duke's chief Secretary, with a Blank to put in whatever we would demand, for he stood upon thorns, till he was Master of the City. It was upon Wednesday morning that the Cousignou came to the Camp, when the said Marquis sent for the two Deputies, 
The Capitulation again concluded.  who had been on Tuesday night returned into the City, where they inserted in the Articles, that all those who had been banished, and Rebels of the State of the Emperor, Empire and Duke of Florence, should go out in all security, as well as the rest, and in this posture we remained till Sunday morning the 22 of April, that we went out in the order following:  
Before any one of us stirred out of the Town, 
The manner of the Surrender of Sienna.  I restored the Citadel and the Fort Camoglia into the hands of the Siennese, where they put an Ensign of the City into each, as I also made them to place an Ensign at every Gate of the City that stood open, which being done, I returned to Porto Nov●. The Marquis had planted all his Spanish foot all along the street that leads to S. Lazaro, on both sides the street, his Germans were drawn up in Battalia, a little on the right hand in a Camp, and at S. Lazaro was Signior Cabry his Nephew with fifty or threescore horse, which was all they could make (as I have said before) and three hundred Italian Harquebuzeers, 
The Surrender of Sienna was upon the second of April, 1555.  which they had drawn out of the Forts of Camolia and S. Mark, and was the Convoy the Marquis had appointed to conduct us. Signior Cornelio then, and the Count de Gayas, armed at all points, with their Pikes shouldered went out side by side, with a Company of Harquebuzeers at their heels, after them went out two Captains at the head of the Pikes, amongst whom were a great Company of Croslets, and in the middle of the Pikes, the Ensigns displayed and advanced, and in the rear of them the rest of the Harquebuzeers, with two Captains in their rear. I had overnight sent to the Marquis, 
The courtesy of the Marquis of Marignan●.  that he would be so civil to the ancient women and children, who were to go out with us, as to lend them forty or fifty of his carriage Mules: which he did, and which before I went out, I distributed amongst the Siennese, who put upon them the ancient women, and some children in their laps. All the rest were on foot, where there were above an hundred Virgins following their Fathers and Mothers, and women who carried cradles with Infants in them upon their heads, and you might have seen several men leading their daughter in one hand, and their wife in the other, and they were numbered to above eight hundred men, women and children. I had seen a sad par●ing at the turning out the useless mouths; but I saw as sad a one at the separation of those who went out with us, and who remained behind. In my life I never saw so sad a farewell; so that although our Soldiers had in their own persons suffered to the last extremes, yet did they infinitely regret this woeful parting, and that they had not the power to defend the liberty of these people, and I more than all the rest, who could not without tears behold this misery and desolation of a people, who had manifested themselves so devout for the conservation of their liberty and honour. So soon as Signior Cornelio was gone out, all the Italians followed, 
The French march out of Sienna.  and the Citizens in the rear of the Italians. Then at the head of our French went out S. Auban and Lussan armed, with pikes upon their shoulders, and a Company of Harquebuzeers after them, two Captains at the head of the Pikes, with another company of Harquebuzeers led by Charry and Blacon, having each of them a Halberd in his hand, and the Ensigns in the middle of the Pikes, after the same manner the Italians had passed before. After these I went out armed, and Messer Hieronimo Espanos' side by side with me, for I was afraid they would have seized upon him, he having been a principal Actor in the revolt of the City. He was mounted upon an old Turk, and I upon another miserably lean and haggled our, notwithstanding which I set a good face on the matter, and made the best mien I could. I left two Siennese Ensigns at the Gate, entreating them to clap to the Gate immediately after me, and not to open it till the Marquis himself came. The said Marquis rid up and down, and Signior Chiapino Vitelli with him through all the files, to take care that no one meddled with the Siennese, for as to our Baggage, it was so little, as it made no number. The Spanish Camp-Masters than came to salute me, and all their Captains. The Camp-Masters alighted not, but all the Captains did, and came to embrace my knee, after which they again mounted on horseback, and accompanied me till we came to the Marquis and Signior Chiapino, which might be about 300 paces from the Gate, 
Discourse betwixt the Marquis of Marignano, and the Si●ur de Montluc.  where we embraced, and they placed me betwixt them. After this manner we passed on discoursing all the way of the siege, and the particularities had happened upon it, attributing much honour to us, the Marquis particularly saying, that he had great obligation to me, for that besides he had learned several stratagems of War, I was the cause be had been cured of his Gout; telling me the fear, that both he and the Emperor's Gentleman had been in, which did not pass without much laughter: Whereupon I told him, that he had put me into a much greater fright the night of the Scalado, and yet that I was not for all that cured of my ●eaver; adding moreover, that he had done very ill to come upon me, as the jews did to take our Lord, for he brought along with him Lanterns and Torches, which gave me a great advantage: to which he replied bowing his head (for he was a very courteous Gentleman) Signior, on altrovolte sero piu savis. I than told him, that had he continued his Battery, he would have had no very good bargain of us; for the Gascons were an obstinate people, but that they were ●lesh and bone as other men were, and must eat. With this, and other discourse of the same nature we entertained ourselves, till we were got a mile beyond S. Lazaro, and there the Marquis bad Signior Chi●pino Vitelli go to the head of our people, and speak to Signior Cabry, to take care there should be no disorder, and that if any one offered to take any thing from us, he should kill all such as should attempt it, and that he should give the same command to the Captain of the three hundred Harquebuzeers. So soon as Signior Chiapino was gone from us, the Marquis embracing me in his arms said these words, in as good French as I could have spoke myself. Adieu Monsieur de Montluc, I pray present my most humble service to the King, and assure him, that I am his most humble and affectionate servant, as much (my honour safe) as any Gentleman in Italy. I than returned him thanks for the good inclination he had towards the King, and the courtesies I had received at his hands, which I would proclaim in all places wherever I should come, and when it should ever lie in my power to do him service, would requited. He offered me the same, and so we fell to embrace again. He had then no more than four or five horse with him, they being all behind in the same order he had left them, and so he returned back towards the City, and soon after Signior Chiapino Vitelli returned, where we also embraced and parted.  
We than went to Arbierroute, a little Village upon the Tress, or else the River itself is called Arbie, and there we found eighteen Asses loaden with bread, which the Marquis had sent thither to distribute amongst us upon the way; of which one part I gave to the Siennese, 
●outtesie betwixt the Sould●ers.  another to the Italians, and the third to the French. To do which, as I passed through the Spaniards, I saw that the Soldiers had also purposely brought bread along with them to give to our people. I dare boldly say, and that by the testimony of those who were then with me, that this bread saved the lives of two hundred persons, and there are many who will affirm, that it saved the lives of four hundred, and yet could it not go so far, that there was not above fifty who died that very day; for we had been from Wednesday till Sunday without eating any more than six ounces of Biscuit a day a man; and upon the Thursday of two horses I had, I killed one, that would now be worth 900 Crowns, he was then indeed very lean, which I divided amongst the Italian and French Companies, causing all the oil to be taken out of the Lamps in the Churches, which I likewise divided amongst the Soldiers, who with Mallows and Nettles boiled this flesh and oil, 
Great famine in Sienna.  and so sustained themselves till Sunday morning, when not a man amongst us at our going out, had eaten one bit of any thing in the world? The Marquis also caused four Borachio's of wine to be brought for me, together with five or six loaves of white bread, and so soon as we came to Arbierroute, we halted, and under some Sallows that were by the River side, eat our bread. I gave two of my Bottles of Wine to the Siennese, the other two we drank ourselves, each one a little, and afterwards went on our way directly towards Montalsin, when so soon as we came to Boncovent, Signior Cabry made the foot Convoy to return: but till he saw Monsieur de Strozzy, who came out with a party of horse to meet us, would himself never leave us; and then he bade me farewell, taking me in his arms, as he did Signior Cornelio, the Count de Gayas, 
Signior Cabry his Character  and all our Captains, for he was a very worthy Gentleman, and a brave Soldier, as any they had in their Camp. So soon as we came up to Monsieur de Strozzy, we embraced, without being able either of us to utter one word; neither am I able to say which of us had his heart the most full of the remembrance of our fortunes. In this manner then, nothing but skin and bone, and more like Ghosts than men, we arrived at Montalsin, which was upon Sunday, and all Monday and Tuesday we were shut up with the Treasurers and Comptrollers, to examine and state our accounts, and to see what I had borrowed to lend the Soldiers, where we found that the King was four months to us in arrear, and Monsi●ur de Strozzy gave me 500 Crowns of his own money to carry me into France. I dare swar● he had not half so much more left; for Signior Cornelio and I had been constrained to borrow 400 Crowns to disengage his great Order, which he had pawned to a Jew at the beginning when he came to Sienna. I would afterwards have restored it to him, and namely at Thionville, though he would never receive it, but laughed at me; and this was the end of the Siege.  
O Comrades, you who shall do me the honour to read my Book, will you not grant me what I have said before, that God did ever as much go along with my fortune, as with that of any other Captain of my time? You have observed the great adversities I sustained in this Siege, and the little helps I had, nothing being to be expected from without, his Majesty having his hands so full on eve●● side. You have heard that no art nor force was spared to reduce me, you have also seen the great famine I endured, the traverses the Marquis perplexed me withal, and the extremities to which I was at last reduced, which if you please maturely to consider, 
The good fortune of the Si●ur de Montluc.  you will find that I have been as much assisted by Almighty God, as any man that has born Arms these hundred years. I cannot lie in my Book if I would, there are too many witnesses alive for that. Do you not then see, that I spoke the truth, when I said before, that we are to employ all that God has given to men, before we give ourselves for overcome? Pray consider, whether or no any thing was here to be omitted, or whether I ever omitted or forgot any thing in what condition soever I was, but put this poor City, and moreover the King's honour and reputation in dispute throughout the whole world. I never call it to mind, but it makes me sad to think what a folly I committed in exposing this City, together with his Majestities' reputation, and all the rest of us, to the Enemy's discretion, at the last morsel of bread. For the King would by no means have had me reduced to that, and let any one ask Monsi●ur la Chappelle, whom his Majesty expressly dispatched away to me, to give me advice, that I should not suffer myself to be reduced to that extremity, as to come off to his dishonour. Princes are proud, and fight more for glory than for purchase; and I must needs say, that it was not the work of man, but of God, that we came off so good cheap, as we did.  
Two days before we came out of Sienna, the Senate gave me my discharge in Patent, 
The Declaration of the Siennese in honour of the Sieur de Mentluc.  signed with their broad Seal, acknowledging therein, that I would neither Capitulate for the City, nor for ourselves: but that considering the extremity to which they were reduced, I would not hinder them from doing it, calling me to witness of the loyalty and fidelity they had manifested to his Majesty's service, wherein they had in nothing failed of the Oath they had made to him, and that I went out upon their Capitulation, and not they upon mine. Now where will you find in any History, that ever man went out of a place without capitulation, if he did not steal away by night, but not after the manner I went out. For every one will confess that I did not belong to the Siennese and that consequently they could not capitulate for me; as the Marquis told Signior Cornelio, and Captain Charry. So it was, that by the good will of God, I came out after this manner, and the Patent is to be seen in the King's Treasury, as I shall say hereafter.  
I know very well (Gentlemen) that many of you will take delight in what I have to say to you, concerning the Government and Conservation of places, and that others will make little account of it, forasmuch as there are a sort of people so good natured, as to think they know all things of themselves, and nothing value the knowledge and experience of other men, as if God had sent them into the world like S. john Baptist, inspired from their Mother's wombs. Which is the reason we are not to wonder, that so many fall into mishaps; for their own arrogancy and self conceit, leads them by the hand till they come to a Precipice, from whence they tumble headlong from the top to the bottom, with so great a fall, that they are never able to rise again. Yet was this nothing, if the fall hurt no body but themselves; but the King and his people suffer also by it. Do not then disdain to learn, and although you may have great experience of your own, yet can it do you no great harm to hear and read the discourses of old Captains. When I was but five and twenty years old, I took more pleasure in hearing an old Soldier talk, than ever I did to sit and chat with the finest woman that ever I was in love with in my life; therefore I beseech you take a little notice of what I am going to say.  
When your Prince shall give you a place to keep, you are to consider three things; first the honour he does you in reposing so much confidence in your valour and wisdom, as amongst others to make choice of you, to entrust with a Command of that importance. Wherein the honour he does you, is no little one, forasmuch as he does not only honour you in your own person, but moreover sets a mark of reputation upon your whole race, by entrusting in your hands a Key of his Kingdom, or some City of very great importance to him as this was, the Siege whereof I have related to you. This honour, I say, that he does you, draws so long a train after it, that your renown does not only spread itself through the whole Kingdom from whence you come, and the Country's adjoining to the place you defend, but moreover throughout the whole world. Every body is curious to inquire who does well or ill, and who is a good or bad Commander; nay, although we have no concern in the affair, yet are we evermore inquisitive after news, for such is the nature of man: by which means thorough all Foreign Nations your name will be for ever known, either to honour or infamy. For whatever is done, is committed to History, without which the greatest part of men of Honour, would not care for acquiring renown, 
The desire of eternising a man's name.  it costs so very dear. Never did any men ever purchase it upon harder terms than I; but the laudable desire we have to perpetuate our names, makes the pain seem easy to him who has a generous heart. Methought all the time when I read Titus Livy, that I saw all the brave Scipio's, Cato's, and Caesar's alive, and when I was at Rome, and saw the Capitol, call to mind the things I had heard (for I for my own part was ever a bad Reader) methought I ought to find those ancient Romans there. The Historians then, who omit nothing of any kind in their writings, will mark your name in white or black, with glory or with shame, according to your desert, as you see they have done by so many Captains who have gone before us.  
The second thing that you ought to set before your eyes, is to consider if you lose the place committed to you, first what a loss it will be to the King, it being part of his estate, and his house, there being no Garrison, that is not properly the Kings own house, besides that the revenue is his, of which you deprive him in losing the place, every his Enemy, and augment his reputation, whilst you dishonour your own Master, who shall read in the Histories dedicated to Eternity, that in his Reign such a Town, such a Castle, such a Fortress was lost. You ought then to reflect upon the miseries you bring upon his poor Subjects, how many curses will they load you with, who shall be neighbours to the place you have lost; for they will certainly be destroyed, and by your carelessness or cowardice ruined and undone. They will curse the hour that ever you was born, and especially the poor Inhabitants, who through your fault, must either change their King and Master, or taking their children upon their backs, be constrained to seek another habitation. O that the poor English who had above three hundred years been settled in the Town of Calais, have reason to curse the cowardice and treachery of him, who so infamously lost so strong a place! How can you ever have the confidence to look up, should you once fall into such a misfortune as this? Before you were honoured and esteemed, and every one rejoiced at your coming, praying to God to preserve and bless you; but should you once fall into a misfortune like this, instead of prayers and acclamations, you shall meet with affronts and injuries; for prayers, maledictions; and they will curse you to all the Devils in Hell. Instead of caressing, they will turn their backs upon you, every one will point at you, so that a hundred times a day, you will curse the hour that you were not killed upon a platform, or in a breach in the defence of your Garrison, rather than so shamefully to have given it up to your Enemy.  
And not only your Master, the Princes and Lords will look upon you with an eye of contempt, but the very women and children; nay, I will say more, your own Wife, though she make a show of love, 
Women hate Cowards.  will hate and despise you in her heart; for the nature of all women is such, that they hate all Poltrons, let them be never so proper men, or never so handsomely dressed, and love the bold and courageous, let them be never so slovenly or deformed. They participate of your shame, and although being in your arms in bed, they may pretend to be glad of your return, they with in their hearts you had been smothered, or carried away by a Canon shot: for as we conceive it to be the greatest disgrace to a man to have a Whore to his Wife, the women also think that the greatest shame can befall them is to have a Coward to their husband: and thus Monsieur le Gouvernor, you who have lost your place, you will be in a marvellous happy condition, when you shall be cursed in your own bed.  
But what shall we say of your Children? people will not only reproach them, that they are the sons of a Cowardly father; 
Children defamed by the Father.  but they will moreoever themselves see his name in Print, and the mischiefs of which his Cowardice has been the cause. For a Town is never lost, let it be never so considerable, that it does not draw a great deal of inconvenience along with it. It brings so mighty an inconvenience upon your children, that to extinguish your ill repute, and to raise their own to some tolerable degree of esteem, they must hazard their lives upon all occasions, without either fear or wit, and few escape being killed, who by this means to wipe off the stain from their family, would signalise themselves. How many have I seen in my time, who by endeavouring to repair some notorious fault, have lost themselves and exposed themselves to death upon the first occasion has presented itself, being ashamed to live. And though your children should escape these dangers, yet will the King be afraid (what great reputation soever they may have acquired) to trust a Town to their custody, left the Son should take after the Father, as it ordinarily comes to pass. Thus shall you not only ruin yourselves, but your whole Family.  
To avoid and to break the neck of your ill fortune; and of all these mishaps, there is a good remedy, which I have learned myself, and am willing to ●each it you, if you know it not already. First you ought to consider all this that I have told you, and set on the one side the shame, and on the other the honour you will obtain, if you bravely defend your place, remaining victorious; or at the least having done all that a man of Honour could do, to come off Triumphant, and like a Conqueror, though you be overcome, as you see I did in this Siege. Imagine still that you see your Prince and Master before you, and what countenance you ought to hope for, if by your Cowardice you lose his place. And seeing nothing ever had a beginning, but that it had likewise an end, consider from the beginning what the end is like to be, and remember that your Master has not entrusted this place in your hands to deliver it up, but to defend it; that he has put you into it, not to live there only, but to die there also bravely fight, if occasion be. If you ask him at your going away to your Command, Sir, must I die before I surrender the place you have given me in trust? he will tell you, that you are to fight to the last moment of your life; for being you are his Subject, 
A Saying of the Sieur de jarnac to the King.  your life is his. The Seigneur de jarnac one day told the King, that it was the greatest craft and Policy, that ever Kings found out, to make their Subjects believe, that their lives were theirs, and that it was the greatest honour they could have to die for their service: but that it was a great simplicity in us to believe it, and to keep such a clutter with this fine bed of honour. It is nevertheless true, that our lives and estates are the Kings, our souls belong to God, and our honour is our own, for over my honour the King has no power at all.  
To return to what I was saying before, if in accepting the charge committed to you, you have not this resolution within yourselves, you would do a great deal better to make an excuse. There are ways enough to put it off, and there will be enough, 
A Captain must never fear death  who will be glad to accept of what you refuse. If you accept it with a resolution to bring it to a handsome issue, do one thing, never think of dying. ` 'tis for a Coxcomb to fear death, till he see it within three inches of him, and yet cannot he forbear representing it to his imagination, though it be a hundred Leagues off. On the contrary, meditate how to kill your Enemy; for if you once enter into an apprehension and fear of death, you may assuredly give your place for lost; for that is to take away your understanding and your judgement, which is the best piece in your harness. 'tis to much purpose to be valiant, if this fail you at need; which if you intent to preserve, you must by no means enter into this fear of dying; for fear is of itself, and by the frailty of our own nature ●oo apt to intrude upon us, without our needing to assist it with our own imagination. If then it present itself before you, you must reject it, and have sudden recourse to the intention of the King, and to what end he placed you there. Think of the shame and dishonour you are running into. Read often, or cause to be read to you, Books that speak of the honour of great Captains, principally those of our own times; as for example, Langey and another, who has writ in Italian (I cannot think of his name) who has writ to well since King Charles the eight. I have often read him, and he is a very good Author. Would to God that all of us who bear arms would take up a custom to write the things we see and do; for I am of opinion it would be better done by our own hands (I mean as to feats of war) than by those lettered men, for they too much disguise the truth, and this relishes of the Clerk. Read then these Books, and meditate with yourselves, if I do like Antonio de Leva at Pavia, 
Captains that have well defended places.  the Sieur de Lude at Fontarabie, the Signior de Bovillon at Peronne, the Signior de Sansac at Miranda, and Montluc at Sienna, what will they say of me? what honour shall I carry back to my own house? and on the contrary, if I surrender, what shame and infamy for me and mine? Then apply yourselves to Almighty God, and beg of him that he will defend you from falling into these misfortunes, resigning up all things into his hands. After this assist yourselves with all that he has put into the power of men, as you see I did in this Siege, and above all things be always diligent and vigilant, evermore mindful of your charge, if you do this (forgetting withal death and danger) you will find means to defend your place, though it were but a Dove-Coat; and though it should be lost, you having performed your duty, you must conclude it to be by the hand of God. We must however always try; for I have seen a place lost that was never suspected to be in danger, and such a one saved as has been given over for gone. If you there die in your defence, you will neither dishonour yourselves nor your posterity, but shall be laid in your grave with an immortal renown, which is all that a man of arms ought to desire. For a man that fears to die aught never to go to the wars, 
A man that fears dying must never go to wars.  there being in the world so many other employments to which he may apply himself, especially in this Kingdom of France, where there are so many orders, what of Justice, and what of the Finances; too many indeed for the good of the King and of his Kingdom, such a brave and numerous youth living idle, who would be fit to bear arms. As I have entered sometimes into the Parliaments of Tholouze and Bourdeaux, since my being the King's Lieutenant in Guienne, I have a hundred times wondered how it was possible so many young m●n should eternally amuse themselves in a 
* Or Hall, or Court of Justice, or Law.  Palace, considering that the blood ordinarily boils in young men; I believe it is nothing but custom, and the King could not do better, than to drive away these people, and to enure them to arms. But to return to you who have the Government of places, and you who have a mind to put yourselves into a Town to defend it, if you so much fear death, never go, though it be but a folly to fear it, for those that blow the fire at home in their own houses are no more exempt than the others, and I do not know what choice there is betwixt dying of a Stone in the kidneys, and being knocked o'th' head with a Musket bullet, though, if God would give me my choice, I should not be long in choosing.  
Above all things (Comrades) you must be sure to be evermore intent upon your Enemy, and have your Judgement Centinel to spy what he can do against you; and play two parts, saying to yourself, If I was the Assailant, what would I do? on which side should I make my attaque? for you ought to believe that your opinion, and that of your Enemy do very often jump. Communicate then what you have thought of to such as you know to be of understanding, sometimes in common, that you may give no distaste to the rest; but most frequently in private. When you shall find yourselves engaged with a people, where you are to piss small, and have not the ruling power, apply yourselves to their humours, and bite your tongues rather than speak too much. Reduce them by sweetness and obligation, and above all things, when you are to suffer, yourselves show the way. For if you (Monsieur le Governor) will keep open house, and in the mean time cut others short of their bread, you will draw upon you the hatred of all your Captains and Soldiers, and it is but reasonable that you who have the greatest share of honour, should likewise have the greatest share of suffering.  
I will put you in mind of another thing, 
A Governor ought frequently to show himself to the people.  which is, that when extraordinary want presses upon you, you seldom remain shut up in your Cabinet, but show yourselves to the Captains and Soldiers, and appear to the people with a cheerful and assured countenance, Your single presence will redouble their courage. I have in my time known several of the King's Lieutenants, who have driven away the Gentlemen, by making them sometimes wait too long in their Halls, without vouchsafing to speak to them. A Gentleman will be civilly used, especially a Gascon, and in the mean time they pretend to be wonderfully busy. I have known one once in my life (whom nevertheless, because he was Master of a great many very good qualities, I shall forbear to name, for no man is perfect) who two hours in a day would constantly lock himself up in his Closer, pretending to be busy about some dispatch of importance, but it was to read Orlando Furioso in Italian, as his own Secretary told us, which we took highly ill from him, we being in the mean time left to measure his Hall, or to take a survey of his Court. Do not use men of condition so. Your hours of vacancy and pleasure ought to be spent in walking upon the Rampires, and visiting the Magazines, to see that nothing be wanting.  
If you happen to be in a place where you shall be reduced to great scarcity, 
Error of the Sicur de Montluc.  forget not to serve yourselves with the means I used to rid myself of the Germans, and take exemple by my Error; for I deferred it too long: but it was because I thought the Marquis would force me by the sword, and not by famine; but he was as subtle as I. 
Artifices of a Governor●  If you suspect any treason, and cannot discover the bottom of it, cause some counterfeit information to be given you, and without naming the person, say you are informed that there is treason plotted against you, and that you are upon the point to discover it; pretend also to have some intelligence in your Enemy's Camp, though you have none, for this will be a Countermine. I will say but this one word to you more, which is, that you set at once before your eyes the favour and displeasure of your Prince, for you have your choice. A King's inchgnation does not cool like that of another man. They seldom forgive a man that makes them lose any thing, for they would always win. How was that brave Monsieur de Lautrec received at his return from Milan, and yet God knows he was not in fault. He was wont to say, it was the greatest affliction of his whole life. Suffer then all sorts of extremities, and omit nothing that men of honour ought to do. I know very well that men must lose and win, and that no place is impregnable; but choose rather a hundred thousand times to die, if all other means fail, than to pronounce that infamous and hateful, I yield.  
Monsieur de Strozzy lent me a Galley to carry me back into France, and sent a Kinsman of his, a young man of twenty years of age, and a Knight of Malta to Civita Vechia to make it ready, 
The Sieur de Montluc at Rome.  and would that the Knight should himself conduct me to Marseilles. On Wednesday morning than I took post, and went to Rome, where I arrived about four of the clock in the afternoon, having sent the Captains Lussan, Blacon, and St. Auban to stay for me at Civita Vechia; Monsieur de Strozzy having given them leave for four months, the rest remained with the said Signior. The Cardinal of Armagnac lodged me in his own Palace, and I was received with as much honour by all the King's Ministers, as any Gentleman could be. They had already heard of my coming out of Sienna, the Marquis having sent word of it by an express Courier to the Cardinal his Brother. I there found Monsieur le Cardinal of Guise, and the Duke of Ferrara, the Father of this that now is, being yet there since the creation of Pope Marcellinus. His Holiness asked the Cardinal of Guise if I was arrived, as he had been told, to which the Cardinal making answer, that I was, he entreated him to bring me to him, for he had a great desire to see me. The Cardinal found me at the Ambassadors Monsieur d'Avanson, where he told me that I must go to his Holiness, who had a desire to see me, and Monsieur d'Avanson lent me his own Coach. I found the Pope newly got up, and set in a Chair by his Bed side, so ill that he had much ado to speak: but nevertheless he entertained me with very great favour. I told him that I would not now trouble his Holiness with discourse, but that I hoped God would in two or three days restore him to his health, and that then I would come and give him an account how all things had passed at Sienna. He then told me that he had already been informed of me, but that he should be glad to hear it again from my own mouth; adding these words, That I might say never any man, of what Nation soever, had ever had so much interest, love, and esteem among the Siennese as I. I then took my leave that I might not be a trouble to him, and returning back found the Cardinal de Guise still at the Ambassadors, to whom I said, that they might again go enter the Conclave to choose another Pope, for that this by tomorrow night would not be alive, and my words proved true; for the next day about Vespers he died, 
The death of Pope Marcellinus.  and the day after I took leave of all my friends, and went to Civita V●chia, which was on Friday, and upon Saturday morning by break of day I went aboard. The pomps, pleasures, delights and curiosities of this City could not detain me a day longer, conceiving I might elsewhere be serviceable to the King my Master. One thing I must needs say, though it be in my own commendation, that as I passed along the streets, and going to the Castle of St. Angelo, every one ran to the windows, and to their doors to see the man that had so long defended Sienna. Which only served to inflame my courage the more to acquire more honour; and though I had scarce money to carry me home, I fancied myself as rich as the greatest man in France.  
About break of day we set sail, with as good a wind as we could desire, and in the close of the evening came to Capocorea, we there came to an Anchor, and two hours before day passed the strait betwixt Sardignia and Corsica, and about nine of the clock in the morning came to Bonificaio, where was Monsieur de la Molle. I had heard at Civita Vechia, that Prince Auria was gone towards Piombino with three or four thousand Soldiers, which he had embarked in two and fifty Galleys, 
Mons●●ur de 〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉.  and that he went to fight Monsieur de Termes, who was bat●ring Calvy. This intelligence was the reason that I went to Bonificaio, to give notice of it to the said Sieur de la M●lle, who immediately thereupon sent away to the said Sieur de Termes, and so seasonably, that he was scarce risen in time to avoid being surprised, and was constrained, as he himself told me since, to tumble three pieces of Canon into the Sea, which he afterwards went to fish out again. I there did him a good turn, and a good piece of service for the King my Master. You who bear arms, and have a desire to serve your Princes well, have evermore an eye to every thing that concerns them, to give notice of every thing that you conceive conducing to their service. I have known some such good friends, as have rejoiced at the miscarriage of their Companions, thinking to augment their own glory by their disgrace: I never did so, nor would I do it to the greatest Enemy I had in the world. Of this I could produce great and notable exemples; but I pass them by to return to my business. The Baron de la Garde lay also in a Sea port near unto the place where Monsieur de Termes was, and had speedy intelligence, that prince Auria's Fleet was out at sea, but he knew not where, however suspecting the worst, he speed●'y hoist sail, making directly for Marseilles, which was the cause of Monsieur de Terms his safety; for as Prince Auria thought to have surprised the Baron de la Garde in this Haven where he lay, he had intelligence that he was gone away not above five or six hours before, which made him to follow after, steering the same course (which was upon the same Saturday, that I had the good gale of wind) and pursued him as far as the Isles Dicrcs. The Baron without staying held on his course towards Mars●illes, and it was well he did so, for had he stayed at the Islands he had been trussed, forasmuch as he had no more than fourteen or fifteen Galleys. I departed from Monsieur de la Molle upon Sunday about ten of the clock, and of all day could make no way, the wind being contrary: but about two hours before day the same wind we had upon Saturday before returned, and we set forward, it being Monday morning.  
About break of day I asked the Knight, if they had no bigger sails, who told me, these were the largest they had, enquiring of me why I asked that question, and whether I had a mind to make more haste, to which I made answer that I had, whereupon he presently clapped a sail upon the Missen, and about break of day there fell a great mist, which continued till the Sun grew pretty high, that it began to disperse: the Watch then from the Maintop began to cry out a sail, a sail, and presently after a Galley, a Galley, at which the Knight told me, 
Two and fifty Galleys of Prince Auria.  that they could be no other than either Prince Auria, or the Baron de la Garde.: When the mist suddenly clearing up we saw ourselves in the middle of two and fifty Galleys, whereof fourteen that were separated from the rest of the Fleet stcered their course toward Sardignia, and we were between them. Every one in the Galley then began to despair; the Pilots would make for the Coasts of Barbary to escape; the Master was not of this opinion, but rather that we should make forwards by force of O●●s and Sails: St. Auban and the other Captains were in the greatest fright that possibly could be, saying, that being newly come out of so great an extremity as the Siege of Sienna, they were upon the point to be reduced to that misfortune, as to see themselves chained to the Oar, which rather than to undergo, they had far better die with their swords in their hands. What face soever I might set upon the matter, I was in no much better heart than they, and would have been glad to have been planting Cabbages. On a sudden four of the fourteen began to turn their prows to fall upon us, whilst the others in the mean time stroke sail to stay for them; and as the other had made all the sail they could to come upon us with all their Oars amain, the heads of their Galleys were just over against our Cook-room. Now the Knight all this while not speaking one word, whilst every body in the Galley was crying out in a miserable confusion, I said to him, O Knight, you seem to lose yourself; you have been br●d with one of the bravest men that ever went to Sea, which was the Prior of Capua; to which he made answer, No me perde, no me perde per Dio: mas io gardo la mie. The Enemy's Galleys in the mean time came within a Harquebuz shot to enclose us, and then the Knight running from Poop to Prow, encouraged every one, making them to row amain, insomuch that when they thought to have hemmed us in, we were got above fifty paces before them, and began to bestow upon them some Harquebuz shot. They pursued us about half a league; but by reason of our three sails, together with our fear that lent us wings, it seemed as if our Galley flew before them, so that they presently gave us over, and tacked about, and our Seamen plied them with their courteous kind of language, every one striving who should pay them most with railing; and thus by the great diligence of our Seamen, we in despite of them escaped. Towards night the wind began so to slacken, and change upon us, that we could not get to Marseilles till Tuesday supper time, where we found the Count de Tanned, the Countess, and the Baron de la Garde at supper in the Garden of Monsieur Blancart, who were all astonished to see me, having made account that I was dead, and Sienna sacked and burnt down to the ground; for they being in Corsica had heard news day by day from Romania, that I was at the last extremity without any hopes of composition; the Baron de la Garde had been confident in this belief all the while he was with Monsieur de Termes in Corsica, and also after he was come back to Marseilles, and that I would play a desperate game at my coming out, in case the Marquis would not give me such conditions as I would have. Others said that I had lost my understanding, and that God would punish me for my great temerity and folly. They were talking of me just as I entered into the Garden, but they would not let me tell them any thing till I had supped, for they had almost done. I had soon dispatched, for I was forbid to eat much after I had fasted so long, which I think was the death of very many after they came out; for nature must by little and little be composed, and restored to her usual habit. I afterwards gave them an account from point to point of all that I had done, which they thought very strange. The Baron was very much astonished when I told him, that Prince Auria had pursued him as far as the Isles Dieres, giving God thanks that he had not yielded to the importunity of those he had with him, who would have persuaded him to cast Anchor at the Islands, and gave Monsieur de Termes for lost, or at least all his Artillery: but I told him, that upon my intelligence Monsicur de Molle had dispatched away to him in all diligence to give him notice. The next day I dispatched away the Sieur de Lecussan to the King, to give his Majesty notice of my arrival, for the Count had told me, 
The King dissatisfied with the Sieur de Montluc.  that the King was very much dissatisfied with me, for suffering myself to be reduced to the last morsel, by reason whereof he could expect no other than the loss of me, and the ruin of the City, upon which depended all his reputation in Italy. See what hazards we run to serve these Princes! but there is no remedy, they are born to command, and we to serve and obey; and God knows if I had not cause to complain to be so abandoned, and left a prey; but 'tis all one they think it yet too much honour for us to die in their Quarrels. The Baron mightily pressed me to send thither, and moreover made Lecussan promise him to ride night and day, which he did. I stayed with them until Friday morning, that I took post and came to St. Mathurin the 9th or the 10th of May, where I found the said Sieur de Lecussan, who stayed there to tell me the great joy the King was in when he heard the whole story, his Majesty wondering at my fortune, and saying to every one, that he thought me the most fortunate man upon earth, after such and so long a Siege, and without hopes of relief, to come so honourably away, especially having to do not only with the Emperor, but also with the Duke of Florence, who desired to be revenged of the Siennese. He looked also upon the escape I had by Sea, out of the clutches of Prince Auria, for a singular good fortune. The next morning I was at the rising of Monsieur de Guise, who could never have his fill of embracing me, and led me to the King's Bedchamber, who was yet in Bed, but awake. At his entering into the Chamber he began to cry out aloud, leading me in by the hand, Sir, here is your lost man, and I then drew near to kiss his majesty's hands, who embraced me with both his arms, holding my head to his bosom, almost as long as one might be saying a Pater noster, saying to me twice whilst he held me in this posture. O Monsieru de Montluc, you are infinitely welcome, 
The Si●ur de Montluc arrives at Cour●.  I never thought to have seen you more, to which I made answer, that God had preserved me to do his Majesty yet once in my life one good p●ece of service. He said he believed it, and was assured that I would not spare my life to do it; whereupon he again embraced me, and then start out of his bed. I then retired myself to the apartment the Vice-Chamberlain by his majesty's order had appointed for me, as well satisfied with the gracious countenance of my Master, as if he had given me the noblest Present; for I have ever been proud, 
The Ga●con● proud.  and 'tis natural for me to be so, being a Gascon. This alone had been sufficient to have made me have gone through impossibilities. The Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Constable were at this time at Ardres, treating a Peace betwixt the Emperor and the King.  
After, when his Majesty had dined, about one of the clock he retired into the Gallery, Monsieur de Guise only being with him, where he was pleased to call for me, and so soon as I was entered Monsieur de Guise shut to the door. 
The Si●ur de Montluc makes a Narrative to the King of the Siege of Sienna.  After which his Majesty would have me to give him an account at large of all the particularities of this Siege, from the first day I entered into Sienna, to the last, which made the story continue so long, that the Captains who were come along with me, and waited without upon the Terrals, told me, that they heard the clock strike five times whilst I was in the Gallery with the King. He was very much delighted with the order I took about the retrenchment of the bread, and the manner after which I did it, together with the Remonstrances I made to the Captains, and to the Senate. He was also mightily pleased with the resolution I had taken to give the Marquis battle in the City, and above all things with the order I had drawn in reference to it, which was at that time much fresher in my memory than it is now, and was printed in Italy; and I remember the last time I returned out of Tuscany the Duke of Urbin told me at Pesero, that he had it by him, and had never in his life read any thing that pleased him so much as that. His Majesty would also that I should make a Narrative of it in writing, which I did, and whereof he distributed several Copies to divers Governors, and one I remember he caused to be sent to Mariambourg, where the Marshal de Cosseé commanded, or else Monsieur de Fumel. He expressed a great sense of pity when he heard the business of turning out the useless mouths, and in conclusion was pleased to ask me two questions. 
A question of the King's to the Sieur de Montluc.  The first was, how I could make the four Nations, mortal enemies to one another, agree so well together; for all of them in general, as he had been told, had behaved themselves so exceedingly well to one another, without the least disorder, that they could not possibly have done it better: A thing that every one looked upon as a miracle, so much as the Emperor himself, wondering I could compose these people after this manner (the Italians themselves, who came out of Italy reporting it to him) as an unheard of thing. 
His pleasant Answer.  To which I made answer, that I had found it a very easy matter, and (being I saw he had a mind to hear it, and that I saw he took a delight in my Narration) I told him, that I went one Saturday into the Market, where in the sight of all the people I bought a Sack, and a little Cord to tie it with, together with a Faggot, all which having before them all laid upon my Shoulder, when I came to my Chamber I called for fire to light my Faggot, and after took the Sack, and there put into it all my ambition, all my avarice, my particular hatreds, my lechery, my gluttony, my sloth, my partiality, my envy, my particularities, and all my Gascon humours, and to be short, all that I conceived might hinder me from considering every thing I was to do in order to his Majesty's service; and told him moreover, that if all his Ministers to whom he entrusted the commands of men and places would do the same, his Majesty's affaiss could not but prosper; for my mind was ever free and undisturbed with any thing that might hinder me from considering what I had to do, and bring about my design, which was never to go out of that place but with the last morsel in my mouth; and I will say moreover, that whoever shall strip themselves of the forementioned vices, and burn them, God will ever be assisting to them, who favouring our designs, we cannot fail to effect whatever we have a mind to undertake. For God ever goes along with such people, and on the contrary abandons those who do not serve their Masters after this manner, because they forfeit the Oath they have taken, having sworn loyally and faithfully to serve him, which no man can possibly do retaining these vices. His Majesty laughed at my discourse, commanding me to tell him one thing, and to tell him true, to which I made answer, that I would no more lie to him than I would to God Almighty. 
Another question of the King's to the Sieur de Montluc.  He then asked me whether Monsieur de Strozzy could not have relieved me if he would; for his Ministers at Rome had several times sent him word, that he was in a capacity to do it, and that it only stuck at him that I was not relieved? To which I answered, that his Majesty asked me a thing himself was better able to resolve than I. How can that be said he, seeing I have not been upon the place? Sir, said I, you Kings and Princes have so long ears, that you hear every thing that is done, though you be a hundred leagues off: notwithstanding I told him that his Majesty being engaged in Scotland, at Calais, at Mariambourg, and other neighbouring Castles; at Metz, and Piedmont, and in Corsica, he ought better to know than I, whether after having provided all things necessary for all these places, wherein his honour was engaged, he had been in a condition to send money to the said Sieur de Strozzy wherewith to raise a sufficient Army of horse and foot to fight so great forces as the Marquis had before Sienna; 
The Sieur de Montluc justifies Monsieur de Strozzy to the King.  which if his Majesty had not been able to do, how could he imagine Monsieur de Strozzy should relieve me, who had not a man to make head against the Spaniards and Germans? That of Italians it was true, he might have had but too many: but that had been no equal match: that Monsieur de Strozzy was full of courage, and very affectionate to his service; but that no one could fly without wings; and that three several times he had run very great hazards for his service, of which I also gave him a particular account. His Majesty then told me, that he was satisfied with my answer, and that he believed Monsieur de Strozzy to be his servant, and too much a man of honour to be any way in fault; making me thereupon very many excuses, for that having been engaged in so many places at once, it had not been possible for him to send an Army into Italy to the said Sieur de Strozzy strong enough to raise the Siege, and to give the Marquis battle. Why then Sir, said I, you are neither to blame Monsieur de Strozzy, nor yourself, both of you having done all that lay in your power, but this will reach you another time to look better to your affairs. This was a charity had been done the said Monsieur de Strozzy, who was as much concerned as the King, and more about the loss of Sienna, for the hatred he bore to the Duke of Florence. After we had ended our discourse, his Majesty went out to look the Queen, and Madam de Savoy that now is, to whom he repeated all that I had said to him, especially that about Monsieur de Strozzy, which the Queen was very glad of, and the next day did me the honour to give me thanks for the office of friendship I had done Monsieur de Strozzy, who was a concern of hers. I had no reason to do otherwise, for besides that I had lied, I had a particular honour for him, and it was just I should have so, forasmuch as he loved and esteemed me more than any Gentleman that ever came out of Gascony.  
This was upon Monday and upon Tuesday, Madam de Valentinois 
Madam de Valentinois.  told me, that she had never known any man return from an employment with whom the King was better satisfied than he was with me, and that he did highly commend me. Which whether or no she said to flatter me, I cannot say: but she better knew then any other, for she had very much gained the King's heart, and told me that I was very happy. As I was talking with her, the King came, and put me again upon some passages of my voyage. Now I had there the Patent and Declaration the Senate had given me under their broad Seal; wherein was declared, that I would never consent to the Surrender of Sienna, nor Capitulate in the name of the King: but also that they called me to witness, whether they would ever hear of any Capitulation, till they were reduced to the utmost extremity, and the last morsel of bread. His Majesty took the Patent, and read it; after which he asked me, Why I would not Capitulate for myself and the Soldiers, telling me that he wondered the Marquis did not defeat me at my coming out. To which I made answer, 
The resolution of the Sieur de Montluc.  That it was for two Reasons, whereof one was, that I had made a resolution never to surrender any place; but rather to die, and that the name of Montluc should never be found to a Surrender or a Capitulation, having never put myself into a Town to deliver it up, but to defend it to the last moment of my life, as I had sent word to the Marquis by Signior Cornelio and Captain Charry. The other Reason why I would not Capitulate was, that in case either His Majesty, or any of his Successors, should hereafter reconquer Sienna, and that the Siennese should fortify themselves with his protection, as they had done before, he might herein be left free to his own liberty and discretion. For they could not say, that his Lieutenant Montluc had consented to their Surrender, and that His Majesty ought not to quit his own interest; nor that of those who were to succeed him to the Crown of France. The chances of War, Sir, said I, are divers and variable. Milan and Naples have been the one twice, the other three times in our possession, and Sienna may be ours again. I have done nothing to prejudice your title, His Majesty liked my Reason so well, that he remained very well satisfied, commanding me to lay up the Patent amongst the Records of my Family, that it might be preserved for ever. Madam de Valentinois then put in, and said, that the Archives of a private Gentleman, was not so secure, as the Treasury of a King, and that if this Patent was of so great importance, his Majesty might do well to cause it to be laid up in his. He then took it out of my hand, and gave it to one of his Gentlemen, or else to Madam de Valentinois to deliver it to Monsieur le Garde de Sceaux, who since was Cardinal of Sens, commanding him to lay it up in his Treasury, amongst the Evidences of the Crown. This cannot be above sixteen or seventeen years ago: So that if it would please the King his Son, who now reigns, to command Monsieur de Fizes, who was at that time Secretary to the Cardinal, to search for the Patent, I am confident it would be found. I would I had given 500 Crowns for a Duplicate of it, that I might have such a Record of myself, and insert it in my Book. For that will testify that I came out of Sienna with Colours flying, Arms shouldered, and Drums beating, without any Capitulation at all. A thing not to be found in any History, that ever any man did the like. So that no one ought to think it strange, that I so much desire a Copy of that Patent; neithet ought the King so much to despise it, as to be out of hopes one day to make it useful to him, and His Majesty ought rather to be curious than I to have it sought out; for he is the most concerned.  
The day following being Wednesday, Monsieur de Guise in the evening told me, that His Majesty was the next day resolved to give me the Order; which in those times was so noble a thing, and so much sought for, that the greatest Prince in France would not have been satisfied without it, and would rather the King should never confer any honour upon him, than deny him that; for it was then a mark of honour, that was not so profaned as it is now adays. The next day then, 
The Sieur de Montluc made Knight of the Order.  being Thursday in the morning, the King was pleased to honour me with it, and after dinner I begged leave of him, that I might go to Paris, to put myself into some tolerable Equipage, for that I was too torn and tattered for a new Knight of the Order. He was pleased at the first word to grant me leave, and before I went gave me an allowance of three thousand Francs in Pension out of the Exchequer, and three thousand Livers Revenue out of his Demeasn, wherein the County of Guar●, where part of my own estate lies, was comprised, and Bregeyrac made up the rest. I two years enjoyed the County, but not Bregeyrac, forasmuch as it was mortgaged before. I very much desired to disengage it, because Monsieur de Valence my Brother had a Priory there, and had rather have settled himself in Perigort, than any other part of France. If I could have done it, I should very well have prevented the Roguery that has been hatch there since. His Majesty also gave me two thousand Crowns in ready money, 
Recompenses given by the King to the Si●ur de Montluc.  bidding me moreover ask him any thing else that I wanted. I than asked him two Councillors places in the Parliament of Thoulouze, to help to raise my daughter's Portion, whom I married to Monsieur de Fontenilles, Monsieur de Valence having sent me instructions from Paris to ask that of the King, of which I should sooner raise money than of any other thing. His Majesty was pleased at the first word to give me this also, and with this money I married my said daughter, together with some little more that my wife had. His Majesty moreover promised me the first Company of Gens d' Arms that should become vacant. I had not the first, nor the second, but I had the third; for Kings promise so much, that it is not possible for them to keep their words with all. This vacancy happened after my return from Montalsin, the second time his Majesty had sent me beyond the Mountains, and was the Company of Monsieur de la Guish. There were the benefits I received from the King at that time, which were no small ones, and in brief I had whatever I desired. I am sure since the death of this good Prince my Master I have a hundred times wished my own, considering the traverses have been given me, and the crosses I have had. 
The good nature of King Henry the second.  It had not been in the power of mankind to have done me wrong if he had lived, for he never forgot any services, let them be never so inconsiderable; neither was it in the power of calumny to take away his good opinion from any one that did him good service. And on the contrary when any one failed in his duty, what good countenance soever he might show them, out of complacency to such as would dispossess him of the ill opinion he had conceived, it never came from his heart, as the Marshal de St. Andre ' has often assured me, who told me his humour. He was very familiar with him, and understood him very well. Five or six days after, his Majesty came to Paris, where I asked leave of him to go home to my own house, to see my family, which he freely granted. I shall never conceal the benefits, and the honour my Masters have conferred upon me, that being only worthy, and becoming a mean and dirty nature, and an ungrateful heart.  
The End of the Third Book.   

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARSHAL of FRANCE. The Fourth Book.  
I Had scarce been three weeks at my own house, 
The King's command to the Sieur de Montluc.  when His Majesty dispatched a Courier to me, commanding me forthwith to repair to him wherever he was, without reply, or staying for any other command: which I presently did, having scarce seen my house and my friends: But Glory is a notable spur. At my arrival His Majesty told me, that I must of necessity go into Piedmont to Monsieur de Brissac, who had sent to demand me to command the Foot, making account that to relieve S. jago, where Monsieur de Bonnivet was shut up, he must be forced to come to a Battle. Two days after I had my dispatch, the King manifesting great tokens of Friendship to me, and to be very well satisfied with my service. I found Monsieur de Brissac at Turin very ill of the Gout; and the next day went to seek out Monsieur d' Aumale, 
Monsieur d' Aumale commands the Army.  who commanded the Army at S. Valant near Ulpian, which consisted of five thousand foot, a thousand men at Arms, and twelve hundred Light Horse. The King at my going away, gave me a Courser of his own, which was an exceeding good one, and which I ordered with my Train to follow after me, for I went post. The same day that I came to Monsieur d' Aumale, I would go to take a view of Ulpian, in order to a siege; for the Duke of Alva had made a fool of the work, and quitted S. jago; and the laid Sieur d' Aumale lent me a little grey Nag. I went then in open day to discover the place, with in less than fifty paces of the wall; for I would let them see, that for having been lately with my Wife, I had forgot nothing of what I was wont to do. This discovery was made in the sight of Monsieur d' Aumale, and several others: where at my return I gave him so good an account, that he found I had told him the truth of all. The next day he drew part of the Army toward the Castle, where the Enemy had cast up a great Platform, environed with a large ditch, with a 
* A Tenaille is a kind of Fortification of the shape of a pair of Pincers.  Tenaille that covered the Castle, and betwixt the Tenaille and the Castle, there was fourscore paces or more; in which space they had moreover cast up a Trench in the middle; to the end, that in case they should lose the head of this great Bastion and Tenaille, before they could get to the Castle, they might retire to this Trench. Monsieur d' Aumale had at this time for Engineers Duno and Balasergues, who began their Trenches above five hundred paces from the Town, where they found the earth so full of little slints, that a hundred men could not cast up twenty paces of Trench in a day, and the said Monsieur d' Aumale spent two days in this kind of work. I was very much discontented that they would not do 
The Siege in Sep. 1555.  as I would have them; but in the end Monsieur d' Aumale was resolved himself to see what I would counsel him to do, so that an hour after daylight, we went on that side by the corner of the Town on the left hand, and behind a little Chapel, which was within fifteen or twenty paces of the Counterscarp. He took no soul living with him but me and Fequieres, who as I have been told, has since faced about to the House of Guise, though the said Seigneur showed him as much favour and respect, as any Gentleman about him. Monsieur d' Aumale and I went upon the Counterscarpe, 
Monsieur d' Aumale goes himself to discover.  and Fequieres went underneath, where we measured how much of the Counterscarpe we were to cut, to plant the Artillery upon the brink of the Ditch; and to discover also if the Enemy's Harquebuzeers might not see into the Recoil of the Canon, and us also, should we lodge on the other side of the Counterscarp. We went upon it, and all along by the Ditches above sixscore paces, and whispering to one another, passed by two of their Sentinels, without being questioned by them: so that had we brought two Ladders with us, Monsieur d'Aumale would have tempted Fortune, to have seen what would have been the issue (for she often presents herself, when we least dream of any such matter) and when we came to the third Centinel, he called out and waked the rest, who as I believe were certainly asleep, which made the said Seigneur and me retire towards the little Chapel, much better accompanied at our return, than when we went, but it was with good round volleys of Harquebus shot, so that we were constrained to run into the Chapel, the backside of which Fequieres recovered. Now this Chapel was open towards the Town, and that part to which the door had been hung, when it had one, was a square pillar of stone, about the thickness of a man that was not very gross, 
The danger of Monsieur d' Aumale and the Si●ur de Montluc.  and the Harquebus shot put us in such haste, that Monsieur ● Aumale was forced on a sudden to clap behind this pillar bolt upright, and I behind him, for all the Chapel besides was open. In my life I never heard so great Harquebus shots; I know not whether it was not our fear, that made them seem so, but I am sure there was good cause to be afraid, for the Bullets almost continually slapt against the pillar with which Monsieur d' Aumale sheltered himself: He served me for a shield, and I held my head and my body close to him. They kept us there above a long half hour besieged, and it is most certain they had heard us; for when we were entered into the Chapel, we heard them in Spanish cry out, juro a Dios elloes son en la Capilia, io los è entendidos. Monsieur d' Aumale has often since talked to me of the frights we were in; for I do verily believe that above a hundred Harquebuzeers came to take aim at us, they also threw wisps of flaming straw into the ditch, that they might aim the better. We were in a fine case, said Monsieur ● ' Aumale, should they sally out upon us. Sir, said I, those of the house of Lorraine were never so unhappy as to be taken skulking: neither will the rule of War permit them to sally out, without knowing what we are: We have here a good Buckler of Barcelona: All this while the bullets clattered against the stones, and it was convenient for us to tweak in our buttocks. Fequieres played here one very senseless trick; for not knowing where we were, he whistled to call to us, which I believe was the reason they shot so very long. In the mean time the Alarm run quite thorough the Town, and in the end they grew as weary of shooting, as we were of being shot at, and so we walked out and found Fequieres behind the Chapel, who had made a cunninger choice of his retreat then we, and there Monsieur d' Aumale concluded the night following to bring the Artillery to the edge of the grass, and all our Ensigns. And there I got the victory of the Engineers, who said, that all our men would be killed there, and that we should be forced to quit the Canon; and hereupon by good fortune arrived Monsieur de Caillac. In the morning Monsieur d' Aumale in my presence told him all we had seen over night, and sent Fequieres along with him, to go to discover behind the Chapel: for the same night the said Seigneur had appointed two Ensigns, that lay a great way from the Chapel, to go and immediately to encamp themselves just behind it. The besieged committed there a great incongruity, for they ought not to have contented themselves with laying the Chapel open only, but they ought moreover to have razed it to the ground. Monsieur de Caillac at his return was of our opinion; whereupon Monsieur d' Aumale permitted Monsieur de Caillac and me to go and carry along with us the Pioners to cut the Counterscarpe, ordering Duno and Balasergues to bring the Canon after, and caused a Gabionnade also to be made in the Meadow, some forty or fifty paces from the Counterscarp, wherein to lodge the powder: so that by break of day we had cut the Counterscarpe, and the Artillery was planted in Battery so near, that the very mussel of the Canon hung over the Graff. Beginning to batter, Monsieur de Bonnive●e went to and fro in the very face of the Bastion, betwixt the Battery and the place where Monsieur d' Aumale was, and the Marshal de Coss did the same. Two nights before we had cast up the Trenches at the head of the Bastion, which covered the Castle to approach to the Ditch, the Baron de Chipi, who was Campmaster, put his Soldiers into Camisado, and threw himself headlong into the Ditch pell-mell amongst them, 
Chipi Campmaster.  and gained two Cazamatts that flanked the Ditch, killing those that were within them, for they could not retire: and at the same instant Monsieur d' Aumale commanded the Engineers to mine at the head of the Bastion, which they did, and made three. Monsieur de Cossé than ran to the Bastion to see if the Mines were ready, and so returned to Monsieur d' Aumale to the Battery we were making. Hitherto I could make no mention of Monsieur d' Angui●n, 
Three Princes at this Siege.  the Prince of Condé his Brother, and Monsieur de Nemours, they being only there for their pleasure, and without any command, being come post from Court, upon the report of a Battle speedily to be fought; no one ●elieving that the Duke of Alve would have returned without striking a blow: However they were never absent from the work, and at the Assault went on together, and Monsieur de Bonniv●t with them. There came along with them several other Lords, and amongst others Monsieur de Ventadour, de Lude, de ● ' Ausun, de Malicorne, and de la Chastaigneray. Now two of the Mines wrought a very great effect; for they overturned almost all the top of the Bastion into the ditch, and in the cloud of dus● that was raised, the Baron de Chipy, and the Captain with him upon the ruin came to blows with fourscore or a hundred Spaniards (that were entered but four or five days before, but not without the loss of a great many of their men at their entry) and two or three hundred more, all choice men, and culled out of all the Spanish Companies; and there d●●d there above fourscore; and our people moreover won from them the Trench they had ●st up in the space betwixt the Bastion and the Castle, for they would have retired to their Trench, and ours followed so close, that they entered with them. They then attempted full speed to recover the Castle, but he who commanded within it would not let down the drawbridge, so that there all the rest were dispatched. This was the success of the Bastion, which was bravely carried. There was there slain Ceasar de Naples, a Nephew of the Duke of Alva, and among the Prisoner's Signior Sigismundo de Gonzaga, and Captain Lazaro, Lieutenant of the Duke of Alva's Guards, with several others, whose names I have forgot. I must now return to the breach, which to speak the truth was reasonable enough. It was assaulted at the same time with the Bastion, as it ought to be, where though all these Princes and Lords behaved themselves with very great bravery, mounting the breach themselves to encourage the Soldiers, yet did they within gallantly de●end it, and sent us back again very well beaten. Here was slain the Count de Creance, and several others bore him company; yet knowing what had been done on the other side it comforted us a little, and gave every one hope that we should bring about our design. Being mounted upon the Platform of the Bulwark which was left entire, I sent Duno to tell Monsieur d' Aumale that he must lodge three or four pieces of Canon upon this Platform, to thunder the Enemy in the Town; which accordingly was presently done, so that in the morning they all began to play.  
Here there is wanting several particularites of this Siege writ by Monsieur de Montluc, as appears by the sixth Book.  
This so much astonished those within, that they began to lay their hands upon their hearts, and to parley. In the end the Capitulation was concluded; and also for the Castle, against which (to save the Governor's honour) we made fifty Canon shot. In the mean time news was brought that Monsieur de Termes was coming in the quality of the King's Lieutenant, which gave great occasion of discourse, and several reasons were by several men given for this change. The next day about noon came a Secretary of the Marshal de Brissac called Verbin, with letters to all the Princes, wherein he excused himself, assuring them that this command of Monsieur de Termes did not proceed from him: And the said Verbin told me from the Marshal, that he earnestly entreated me to speak to all the Princes, that they might not entertain that opinion of him; which I did, though perhaps I had not that credit with them that several others had: but I know not how it came to pass, I have ever had more than I could hope for. Now you shall hear what was made of one word only that I said to this Verbin, The thing I said to him was this, that Monsieur de Gonnort, de Gourdon, and I conceived the Marshal might do well to write to the King, that his Majesty would please for a few days to defer the coming of Monsieur de Termes, being that perhaps these Princes would make a difficulty of obeying a Gentleman (the said Sieur de Termes having as yet no other title) which might perhaps cause them to leave the Army, a thing they could not do without drawing so many people along with them, as might be prejudicial to his service. 
The Sieur de● Mon●luc's advice ●m●sinterpreted.  This was every tittle of what I said to him: but this honest man went, and told the Marshal, that I had flatly told him, that I would not obey Monsieur de Termes, which God knows was the furthest end of my thought; for I had formery obeyed him, and was not now so high in the instep as to play the Prince. He was ever a very great friend both to me and to all my Brothers, and has as great an esteem for me, if not greater, than any Gentleman of Guienne, and we have ever lived together at this rate.  
This past after this manner, and we marched strait to Montcalvo, expecting the arrival of Monsieur de Termes, who came to the Siege, and behaved himself with great modesty: for he was very discreet, and would never take upon him to command. We laid Siege to the Castle (for the Town was carried at the first, neither indeed was it strong) and battered by the base of a Bastion on the right hand the Gate: but it was impossible to do any good by making a breach there, forasmuch as we must have stormed it with Ladders, so that our people having made an attempt were repulsed. 
〈◊〉 discovered.  I went then in the night to discover the Ditch, and went so far as under the very Draw-bridge, which was close under the Wall, to see if there were not a Flancker that defended the Gate, and found that there was one below, which played all along the Ditch: the Enemy threw down fireworks upon me, and there hurt me a Sergeant of the Company of Monsieur de Lieux my Brother; and yet we were no more than three that entered into the Ditch.  
At my return I consulted with Monsieur de Caillac to place two pieces of Canon upon the Counterscarp, just overagainst the Gate, to the end that we might shoor directly against the beams to which the chains were fastened, that the drawbridge might fall down, after which we should soon beat down the Gate on the inside. We told all this to Monsieur d' Aumale, who gave us leave to do as we thought fit. The night following we lodged the Gabions, and three pieces of Canon, which was done by one of the clock at night. All the Princes came to see our work, and Monsieur d' Anguien taking me about the middle said to me, You have formerly been my Soldier, I will now be yours. Sir, said I, you are very welcome, neither aught a Prince disdain to play the Pioneer in time of need; here is work for you. Monsieur de Cossé came presently after, whom I took by the hand, and led him to see all that we had done, when after these Princes and Lords had seen all, they retired themselves to repose till day, and I remained upon the place. In the morning when the Captain of the Castle saw himself cooped up after this manner, he began to found a Parley, and surrendered upon free quarter, 
Moncalvo surrendered.  with bag and baggage, and liberty to draw away a little piece of Artillery to save his honour. The Capitulation being signed, he presently marched, and went strait to Pont d' Asteure, where their Campmaster Don Arbro lay, who gave him no leisure to enter any ho●se to give an account of his fortunes but immediately 
The Governor hanged.  hanged him up, as he deserved; for at least he ought to have endured an assault, which if he had, upon my word he had found us enough to do.  
You who put yourselves into places, beware never so soon to enter into fear, and though your enemy may have played his game very well, and that you have reason to suspect your own condition to be dangerous enough; yet if there be never so little possibility of defending yourselves, rouse up your spirits, and do the best you can, entrench yourselves within, and consider that your enemy is more afraid to attaque you, than you are to defend yourselves; for it must be a very ill place indeed, if you have not some means to withstand an Assault, seeing you durst hold out a Battery. Do not think to save your honours by carrying away a Flag, or some small piece of Artillery, as this Captain did: for all this is of very little moment, and he who lies before you will easily grant such trifles as these, provided he has his end, and you the loss and shame. Do but think what sorrow and repentance this poor Captain, who so easily surrendered himself, had upon the Gallows, and if then he would not rather have chosen to have died in the Breach. When you have done all that men of honour can do, there is then no remedy, you must submit.  
The taking of this place was of very great importance, 
The importance of Moncalvo.  for Montcalvo bridled and kept in awe, not only le pont d' Asture, but also all the places upon the River Pau, and in the plain of the Marquisate of Montferrant, and moreover very much assured Cazal. The Army stayed there seven or eight days, during which time news was brought to the Princes, and to Monsieur d' Aumale, that the King was something dissatisfied at the disobedience I made mention of before. I also was put into the fine story, some honest man having done me that good office, 
The Sieur de Montluc traduced to the King.  as to affirm that I was the Incendiary, and the greatest Mutineer of all, which (how false soever) was so far believed, that the Constable sent me a letter, wherein he writ, that the King had commanded him to send me word, that I should forthwith retire to my own house, and that he would not I should any more intermeddle in this expedition. This did not much astonish me, for I knew the King would do me the honour to hear my justification: but the Marshal de Brissac was however so kind as to send his Brother Monsieur de Cossé to Court, by whom he assured his Majesty of the contrary to what he had been informed against me; with which the King was satisfied, and acquitted me at my arrival: (for this occasioned me a Journey to Court) where his Majesty received me with as much favour as ever, 
A caution for such as have the privilege to talk with their Princes.  particularly informing himself from me of the affairs of Piedmont, and especially about the Princes in our Army, with whom he was not very well satisfied: but I had a care of prating too much, for as much as I was sure either the Constable, or Madam de Valentinois would have known it, and so from hand to hand it would have been carried about, that Montluc had been the Author.  
O that a man that lives amongst the great ones had need to be discreet, and to carry his cup even! These tale-carriers have never any good meaning with them: they would have done as much by Monsieur de Strozzy at my return out of Italy, and it was well for me that I spoke discreetly of him; for both the Queen and he took it very kindly at my hands: if you know any thing of importance to your Master's safety, or his service, you are obliged in fidelity and duty to give him notice of it; but to go and tattle to him saying, Sir, such a one does not do well, such a one goes negligently about his business, such a one does this and that, you very well deserve to have your throat cut: for great persons are not to be talked of at that rate; and he that told the King I was the occasion of the disorder in the Army, was no better than a Rascal, for there was no such thing: but it is no wonder people should make such stories of me who am but a poor Gentleman, when they dare to slander Princes and others the greatest Nobility of the Nation. These are ordinary things at C●urt, and 'tis there a kind of trade; forasmuch as the depression of one is the advancement of another▪ they play at thrust out the harlot, where the weakest go to the walls. There is no remedy, a man must run through this inconvenience, for a good heart cannot stay at home, and he that will warm himself, must either approach the fire, or the Sun. Our Sun is the King that illuminates and warms us with his rays wheresoever we are; if any one step in before you, you must arm yourselves with patience, 
The Duke of Guise his Motto.  and the Duke of Guise his Motto Chacun a son tour.  
After I had stayed some time at Court I took leave of his Majesty, and retired home to my own house, where I remained five or six months in repose, and when I was busy about ordering the affairs of my Family (which I never had leisure to look into,) his Majesty dispatched away a Courier to command me to come post away to him, writing to me to send away my Train strait to Marseilles, without giving me the least intimation whither he intended to send me. I forthwith obeyed his command, for I was never resty, and being come to Court, I there found two Gentlemen of Sienna, 
The Siennese send again to the King for Monsieur de Montluc to command them.  who were come in the behalf of their whole Country, to beseech his Majesty to send me to command them, making great complaints of Monsieur de Soubize; not that he any way tyrannised over them, or did them any injury, but by reason he had lost some places belonging to their State, though I believe Monsieur de Soubize had done all that in him lay, but no one takes any loss whatever in good part, and all the world judges of things by the event. At my arrival the King told me that I must return to Montalsin to be his Lieutenant General there. I contested a great while not to go, 
Monsieur de Soubizade.  not that the command was not highly honourable: but I was afraid I should embark without Biscuit, and to speak the truth, whoever would do his business well, must not go so far from home; for a man is never remembered at that distance. If any thing presents itself for your advancement, you are sure never to hear of it: but for the acquiring honour and renown ' ●s often better to be further off, than near at hand. Your fame shall more increase, and you will be more honoured and esteemed by Strangers than your own Countrymen. On the other side I had more mind to be employed in the Wars of France near to his Majesty's person: but no excuses would be allowed, neither indeed could I heartily deny my good Master. The Siennese so soon as they saw that I was come, were again importunate with his Majesty to send me away, speaking much more in my commendation than I could any way deserve: without further delay than I departed, and took my way to Marseilles, where I found seven Ensigns of foot the King was sending away to Rome under the command of Monsieur de la Molle, in which Regiment my eldest Son Marc Antoine had a Company, and Captain Charry another. The Baron de la Garde embarked us, and landed us at Civita Vechia, where I immediately took post and went to Rome.  
Now Cardinal Caraffa being come into France to entreat the King, that if there should be occasion at Rome for the Pope's service I might make some stay there, his Majesty commanded me so to do, and I found the Cardinal already come to Rome before me, where I was very welcome to the Marshal de Strozzy, to the said Cardinal and the Duke de Palliano his Brother, by whom I was the next morning carried to kiss the Pope's feet, who made exceeding much of me, ask of me several particularities concerning France. The Duke of Alva had his Camp already within twenty miles of Rome, 
The Duke de Alva against the Pope.  and the said Cardinal had made a Levy of three thousand Swiss, who were already come thither. I was ever of opinion that we should march out into the Field, ten miles from the City, and there to encampour selves, till such time as the Duke of Alva should approach the walls of the City, ever fearing that would happen that did fall out, though Signior Cornelio Vrsino, who governed the affairs of war for the Pope, would never hearken to my advice; but began to design Fortifications within the City near to the wall, where I had a Post assigned me. Above three weeks past, the Duke of Alva never approaching nearer than five or six miles, during which time the Romans every night gave the Alarm amongst themselves. so that nothing was to be seen, but people running some towards St. Peter's, others to the Palaces of the Cardinals who were of the Spanish Faction, and in my life I never saw so great disorder. 
The people of Rome nothing 〈◊〉.  This People are not very warlike; they are also composed of sundry Nations, I think they are not of the Race of the Caesars, Cato's, Scipio's, and other brave Romans, there are too many delights and luxuries amongst them to produce many men of war. Now the Cardinals of Armagna● and du Bellay, de Lansac, and de Avanson, were of opinion, that if I made a speech to the Captains who commanded in the City, to acquaint them with the order I had observed at Sienna, they would take it better from me than from any other, both they and all the City remembering the reputation I had acquired at that Siege, and the Marshal de Strozzy and Cardinal Caraffa being also of the same opinion, they caused all the chief men of the City, their Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns to assemble in the base Court of Monsieur d'Avanson, who was then Ambassador there, and there in the presence of the said persons I made them the following Oration in Italian. Monsieur de Lansac is yet living, who so soon as I had done, told me, that he could never have believed that a Gascon could have made so good an Italian.  

Gentlemen, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Harangue to the Romans.   
since the time that the Duke of Alva is approached something near unto your City, it appears to us French that you have conceived some new apprehension, and without any great cause, insomuch that upon the least Alarm you enter into an extraordinary fear and astonishment; so that should the Enemy approach your walls whilst you are in this confusion, they might enter at pleasure without any great opposition; forasmuch as when you ought to keep silence in your City, especially in the night, and that you ought rather to run to your walls, than to shuffle yourselves into the strange disorder you do; you on the contrary run some to S. Peter, others to the Churches, and others to the Palaces of the Spanish Cardinals, with the greatest confusion in the world. This must of necessity proceed from one of two causes, either from want of courage, or from a defect in your conduct, in that you do not strictly command such order as your people ought to observe both by day and by night in a time of danger. If you do it for want of courage, it is then a sign you have not well considered what people your enemies are: and what can they be other than men as you are? do not we bear the same arms they do, and are they not as good as theirs are? are not they as vulnerable and as subject to die by our blows as we are by theirs? Is not the Pope's quarrel holy and just, and better than theirs? This aught to make us hope that God is on our side. And what part or portion has the King of Spain in Rome, what right or title to any of the Pope's Territories, or to your habitations, that God should assist him more than us? What is become of the valour of those ancient Romans, who have left you the great renown they acquired in their days? What other Nation does now inhabit Rome, that may have deprived you of the courage left you by those, from whom you pretend to be from all antiquity lineally descended? Oh Gentlemen, how infinitely do you wrong the reputation of your famous Ancestors in discovering yourselves to be afraid of people who are no other than men as you are? And you do your enemies the greatest kindness imaginable, in giving them occasion to boast, that they are terrible to those who formerly made all the Nations of the world to tremble at their arms. If this fear proceed from the evil order you have hitherto established, there is nothing so far amiss, that in one day may not easily be remedied, for by entering into present consultation from whence this default proceeds, the business is done: and so you shall manifest to all the world, that it is not want of bravery, but of good discipline; and your people shall recover heart, seeing themselves secured by the good orders you shall give. Do not think it strange if I declare that I am ashamed of what I see in your City, when having been formerly in Sienna commanding a People besieged by the Marquis of Marignano, 
Praise of the Si●nnois.  with forces double to what the Duke of Alva has, I can say to the great honour of the Siennese, that in all that time I never observed so much as any one Citizen afraid. Happy are those Siennese who have manifested themselves to be extracted from, and the true legitimate Sons of your ancient Fathers, who founded these walls and theirs also, as they have themselves assured me, and do also bear the same arms you do. And although their City be lost, their valour and renown is not for all that buried nor obscured, but sit to give every one hopes that it may one day be recovered by their valour and virtue: whereas if you behave yourselves no better hereafter than hitherto I have seen you do, I cannot forbear to tell you, that I would sooner undertake to defend Sienna, with the women of that City only to fight under my command, than to defend Rome with the best Romans you have. Pardon me (I beseech you) if I tell you the truth▪ for I do it not for any advantage I expect should accrue either to the King my Master or to myself; but for your own good, and to prevent the total ruin of your City, which if it shall be assaulted by your enemies, will be miserably sacked, and worse handled, than it was in the days of Monsieur de Bourbon. You may be confident, Gentlemen, that could I take any pleasure in your ruin, I should not now make you this remonstrance in the presence of these honourable persons: but being sorry, as your servant (you being good friends and confederates of the King my Master) and desiring to die with you for your conservation, I am constrained to be thus plain, and to say this to you I have done; these Gentlemen the King's Ministers having also assured me, that you would take it better from me, than any other, for the esteem you have of me since the Siege of Sienna. I beseech you therefore take my advice, and if in any thing I may be assisting to you, upon the least summons I will immediately attend you in your counsel. 'Tis possible the remembrance of the Sack of your City by the Seigneur de Bourbon may have put you into some apprehension; but you are to consider that you were then surprised; but you have now your weapons in your hands. Doubt nothing, fear not your enemies, but divide your City, and appoint every one his place to repair unto upon occasion, to the end that your own confusion do not deprive us of the means to relieve you, if the enemy present himself to the assault: dispossess your Citizens of their fear, if they be afraid, that there may be no confusion, and for the rest trouble not yourselves; for knowing the good order you have taken, you shall soon see your enemies forced to retire.   
They all returned me very many thanks, and so departed, assuring us that they were going to give such orders, that the accidents which had happened before should never be again, earnestly entreating me to come the next morning to their Council, and that there they would show me the order they were going to take, to receive thereupon my opinion and advice. Which was accordingly done, and we altogether provided so well for their affairs, that there was no more mention of fear, nor sign of disorder. I went to the heads of the people, and showed them what they were to do, whom I found cheerful enough in the business: yet this great multitude is composed of divers humours, but a man may reduce them all to one, when they see it is for their own good and safety. In short, all things were very much better, which the Pope also took exceeding well at my hands.  
Now a few days after the Duke of Alva removed his Camp, 
The Duke of Alva retires.  and took his way towards Tivoly twelve miles distant from Rome. I know not whether because he understood the City stood better upon its Guard than before, and that the order of things was changed there, or that his intention was not to approach any nearer to the City. And being that in Tivoly was Signior Francisco Vrsino with five Italian Ensigns, and that the Town was not strong, the Marshal, the Cardinal Caraffa, and the Duke de Palliano were afraid that the Duke of Alva was gone to take Tivoly, and cut all those in pieces within it, which was the reason that they entreated me to march all night to go fetch off the said Signior Francisco, giving me the two Troops of light horse of the Pope's Guards, two Troops of horse of the Duke de Paliano, commanded by the Captains, Bartolomeo and Ambrosio, and four hundred Harquebuzeers under the command of my Son Marc Antony, 
Marc Antony, eldest Son to Sieur de Montluc.  and Captain Charry. Cardinal Caraffa had assured me upon his honour, that the Enemy could not pass the Tiber, and that I might make my retreat at pleasure, having evermore the Tiber betwixt the Enemy and me. By Sun-rise I was at Tivoly with the Horse, and the Foot arrived two hours after, where I found that Signior Francisco had heard no manner of news of the enemies, and after I had told him, I was in no small doubt what would become of us; for I very well knew before I set out from Rome, that the Duke of Alva had taken the way of Tivoly, and now perfectly understood, that he came privately to surprise Signior Francisco, forasmuch as he had had no intelligence of his motion. I therefore eating only a snap or two, causing the horses to be baited, and the foot to have a little refreshment, ordered Signior Francisco to cause the Drums to beat, that we might presently dislodge, and put ourselves into the field, entreating him to lend me a Troop or two of his people who were acquainted with the Country, for that myself would go play the Scout, whilst every one was making himself ready to depart: and it was well for me I did so; for Signior Francisco having sent out two of his men to discover, they returned as we sat at dinner, and had brought word that there was no news of any Enemy in all the Country; but I would not trust to that, and therefore went with my two Troopers, when so soon as I was out of Tivoly upon a ridge of a hill, I placed myself under a Tree, for it began to be very hot, when presently all along a little Copse, I perceived a great number of horse ma●ching strait down to the Tiber, and others in a valley, who came directly towards me, and in the midst of a plain on this side the little Copse, I saw something which I could not discern what it should be; I then presently sent word to Signior Francisco, that I had discovered the Camp, and that he should in all diligence get his men out of the Town, 
The Sieur de Mon●luc f●tch●s off Signior Francisco 〈◊〉 from Tivoly,  and march them away on the other side of the Tiber. The Soldier whom I had sent to carry him this intelligence was scarce got into the City, when behold eighteen or twenty Spanish Ensigns, who were laid down in the Plain, got up, and put themselves upon their march. I then galloped away myself, where I found, that as yet not so much as one man was got out of the City, and hasted the Italian Ensigns with all diligence to march away, causing the gate of the City to be shut, and there I played a very cunning trick, for I carried the keys along with me, thinking the enemy could not of a long time break down the ga●es; for the Tiber passed through the middle of the Town, where there is a Bridge, and very fair and good Mills in the City itself, which I had caused to be begun to be broken from my first arrival; but that work could not be finished. 
The Sieur de Montlucs diligence.  I left Captain Charry at the Gate, and my Son Marc Antony at the Bridge to sustain him, and I went and came running to and fro to hasten the Italians to march, when so soon as they were all out of the Gate I went to draw off Captain Charry, and we began to break the Bridge, which was of wood, and immediately the Enemy was in the City. I placed Ha●quebuzeers all along in the houses that looked into the street, the Soldiers using extraordinary diligence to break the Bridge, after which I marched directly to the Gate. I had placed the Cavalry before the Italians, and we were inevitably to pass through the straight of the Rocks, where we could only pass one by one. Till we came to the going out of the Gate we had the Enemy continually upon us, and it is no more than fifty paces from the Gate to that strait; so that seeing they could not themselves get to us, but one by one, they gave us over, and returned to risle the City. Their Italian foot came after the Spaniards, and thought to have entered the City to have had their share of the spoil, but the Spaniards would never let them in, but held them in talk at the Gate whilst they were busy at their plunder. So soon as we came to the Pein I made my Son and Captain Charry with the four hundred Harquebuzeers turn on the right hand along the ridge of a Hill, about a thousand paces distant from us, and the two Companies of the Duke de Paliano, telling them the mystery, that in case the Enemy should pass the Tiler, they should still make forwards along the ridg towards Rome, and take no care for me. And indeed we had as good have lost all the Ensigns Monsieur de la Mole had, as these four hundred Harquebuzeers, for they were the very ●lower of all the Companies. I was not got half a mile into the Plain, when behold all the Cavalry upon the banks of the Tiber, and their Germans, who began to pass, and particularly some horse by the Mill, where they could only pass one by one. I than gave all for lost, for I was to retire twelve miles before the whole Army, and made no question but that the Cavalry would carry over a great many of Foot behind them: but if I lost the one, I would not lose the other. 
The Retrea●.  Now Signior Francisco marched still at a good round rate, at about a Harquebuz shot distance from the Tiber, and the others along the ridg over against us. When fifty or threescore of the Enemy's Horse came up to us, I then took one of the Captains of the Guard with his Cornet, whilst the other still marched on in the rear of the Foot, causing them to mend their pace, and faced about upon the Enemy; who thereon made a halt; and so soon as I made a show as if I would charge them, turned their backs to retreat, though I cannot imagine why, and I turned about to pursue my way. After that they never offered to come towards me, though more of their own people came continually up to them, but it was only three or four at a time: so that seeing me a good way advanced, they turned back again and fell to taking Cattle that were grazing in the fields. Now you must know what my deliberation was, by which you may see whether I had a mind to lose myself with these people, or to escape with our own. The Duke de Palliano had given me a grey Turk, that flew upon the ground, and was an extraordinary fleet one; my design therefore was to engage the Enemy with this Troop, and in case I should see no possibility of saving that party, 
The Sieur de Montlucs design.  I would then retire to our own people, who were going directly to a Castle that held for the Pope, and in which there was a Garrison, where I made account to secure most of the horse, it being not above five miles to that Castle. Two days after a Trumpet told us that the Duke of Alva would never permit Signior 
Ascanio de la Corne.  Ascanio de la Corn to pass the Tiber, forasmuch as he had not one Harquebuzeer, but Germans, all the Spanish and Italian Foot being at Tivoly. And thus I retreated strait to Rome, sending to our people to come to us, and we rallyed at the Bridge nearest to Rome, over which we passed, it being three hours within night when we came to Rome. This is the fortune I had in this Retrea●.  
When ever (Captains my Companions) you shall be in any place where you are the least in doubt, never trust to the report of others: for it is evermore the custom at your first coming for every one to caress you, and to entreat you to repose yourself: but do not do it; examine the place where you are, and discover it very well. One of the greatest Captains the Emperor ever had (which was Signior P●scaro) for trusting to the report of 
Signior Pescaro.  others at his arrival in a City of Italy, was taken; yet he had no less than four thousand men with him, which was a great dishonour to so great a Captain: though he laid the fault to another, as himself told me. Had I done so, Signior Francisco had made me suffer a great disgrace, and perhaps to have lost my life.  
Two nights after the said Signiors gave me two Companies of Italians to conduct them to the Duke de Somma at Balistra, which stands by the Seaside, six or seven miles behind Marino. I marched all night, having with me the two Companies of the Duke of Palisano; and when I came there, gave order that our Hor●e should be baited, and ready in an hour and a half to return. The Duke de Somma would by all means have compelled me to stay that night, but he could by no means persuade me to it; for I well imagained, that the Duke of Alva was not without spies at Rome, considering there were so many Spaniards, and others of the King of Spain's Faction in the City; and therefore having eaten a bit or two, put myself upon my way, which coming and going was five or six and forty miles, and arrived three hours within night at Rome. It was well for me I did so; for two hours before day there came six hundred horse, and five hund●ed Harquebuzeers on horseback to Mariano, where they heard news that I was returned. This was another good fortune that befell me, wherein there was no need that I should have left my understanding at home. And I will now tell you of another that befell me six days after, though it is only to make such laugh as shall vouchsafe to read this Book, and the story of my life.  
Five or six days after this rencontre, the Duke of Alva's Camp lying still at Tivoly, The Baron de la Garde sent word from Civita Vechia to the Marshal de Strozzy, that if he would send him four hundred Harquebuzeers, he would embark them in his Galleys, and land them at Neptuno, a very strong place upon the Margin of the Sea, which flows into the ditches of it, and that there they might burn the Boats the Duke of Alva had brought thither wherewith to make a Bridge at Ostia, 
Marc Anthony and Captain Ch●rry at Civita Vechia.  to pass over to this side of the Tiber, as he afterwards did. The Marshal therefore leaving this affair wholly to my direction, I sent thither my Son Marc Anthony, and Captain Charry with the four hundred Harquebuzeers, who went in emulation of one another, and so soon as they came to Civita Vechia the Baron took them aboard, and accordingly went to land them at the said Neptuno: but they could not possibly burn the Boats, forasmuch as they had moved them into the Ditch, which was defended by the Fortress. Now (as the affairs of War depend upon odd accidents) it fell out that the same day they arrived at Neptuno, where they stayed two days. I went in the Evening to walk without the Gate that leads towards Marino, where I met a man that came from thence, and asked him what he was; to which he made answer that he was a Beadsman belonging to the Hospital of Marino. I discovered by his tongue that he was no Italian, which he also confessed to me, telling me that he was a Frenchman, but so poor that he was reduced to the Hospital of Marino. I than asked him who was at Marino, to which he answered, 
Marc Antoni● de Colonna.  that that very morning before he came away, Signior Marc Antonio de Colonna arrived with his Company of fifty men at Arms, having nothing with him more, neither Horse nor Foot; (for the Companies of Gens d' Arms of Italy have no Archers belonging to them, as ours have.) Marino belongs to this Marc Antonio, whom I had heard of at Rome, where he had been deciphered to me for a young Lord of twenty o● two and twenty years of age, full of metal, and rich to the value of fourscore thousand Crowns yearly revenue. Paliano was also his, which the Pope had taken from him, and given to his Nephew, who thereupon was called the Duke of Paliano, though he did not long enjoy that title, the other recovering it again not long after.  
B'ing parted from my Hospitaller, 
A pleasant hope of the Sieur de Montluc.  it entered into my fancy that I might easily take this Roman Lord prisoner, and that if I could snap him I should be made for ever, for I should have at least fourscore thousand Crowns for his Ransom, which would not be thought unreasonable, being no more than one years' Revenue of his Estate. I walked then contriving with myself, that Monsieur de la Molle should go along with me with three hundred Harquebuzeers only, whom I would leave in the midway at a Tower where were certain Sheds for the shelter of Cattle (for I had taken notice of the way going and coming from Balistra) and that I would take Captain Ambrosio Lieutenant to one of the Companies of the Duke de Paliano, with five and twenty of the best and fleetest horse of his whole Company: that I would moreover borrow of Signior Aurelio ●regosa 
Aur●lio Fr●gosa  his Lieutenant, and his Corne●, with five and thirty Lances only of the best, and the best mounted he had. That I would leave Captain Ambrosio with the five and thirty Lances about a Harquebuz sh●t from Monsieur de la Molle, on that side towards Marino, and with those of Signior Aurelio would go place myself in Ambush under the Vines a little on the left hand the great highway near unto Marino; which having done, I I would then send six Lances to give the Alarm a little before day to the City; upon which I made account that Signior Marc Antonio being young, and full of mettle, would not fail to sally out, but would precisely sally by break of day, when my six Launc●ers would draw him into our Ambuscado, with whom we would also run away in his sight, would make him pursue me a main seeing a Colours, which he would be eager to take for the greater honour of his victory.  
Having thus contrived the business with myself, I accounted him as sure my prisoner as if I had already had him in my hands, and thereupon returning into the City, spoke to Signior Aurelio, who lent me his Lieutenant and his Cornet, with the five and thirty Lances, 
Captain Alexis is a Grecian.  I spoke to Monsieur de la Molle, and to Captain Ambrosio, and the Lieutenant of Signior Aurelio was called Captain Alexis. We appointed to meet in the beginning of the night at the Gate of the City: but I would discover nothing of my design either to the Marshal, or to any of those I took along with me, till first we were got into the fields, and then I took aside Monsieur de la Molle, and the Captains Ambrosio and Alexis, and acquainted them with the Enterprise, which they all three approved of, wherein we were one as wise as another. So that we thought the time long till we was there, they making the business wonderful easy, all of them affirming that they knew him, and were confident he would not fail to sally. Thus than we set forwards, each Company apart, and m●ne always the foremost, till we came to the Tower, where I left Monsieur de la Molle, and further behind a little Chapel Captain Ambrosio. Now so soon as Captain Alexis and I were come to the edge of the Vines near Marino, he would needs have his Ensign to be one of the six that were to give the Alarm, and delivered the Colours to another: For which use I lent him a Gentleman of mine, and we clapped ourselves down in a Marish (where in Winter there was always water, but in Summer none at all) there being no other place where we could conceal ourselves; and s● the six marched up directly to the Gate of the City. Presently the day began to appear, when hearing nothing of Alarm, I began to think that either Signior Marc Antonio would not be tempted out of his Quarters, or else that he was gone back.  
Now on the right hand of us there was a great valley, 
The Sieur de ●ontluc discovers the Enemy.  and I was got up to a little eminence, where was the ruins of some house or Chapel, and began to discern on the hill on the further side of the valley, three or four horsemen, who one while moved, and another while stood still. I showed them to Captain Alexis, who was lower than I, and who thereupon sent out two Lances all along by the Vines, upon the edge of the descent of the valley. I had not as yet cast my eye into the valley, forasmuch as the day but just began to break; but looked always towards the mountain where these three or four horse appeared, about fifty paces distant from us: but when I turned my eye that way, I there saw three great parties of horse, in the first whereof there might be a hundred or more, in the second two or three hundred, and in the third seven or eight hundred horse. Now you are to understand upon what account these came to be here, which was thus. As the Baron de la Garde landed our people at Neptuno, those of the Town dispatched away two Horsemen post to the Duke of Alva at Tivoly, who thereupon immediately sent away Signior de la Corn with twelve hundred Horse, and twelve Ensigns of Foot, who marched all night, and an hour before day arrived at this Valley▪ where they had made a halt till Signior Antonio could make himself ready, to whom he had sent five and twenty Lances to make him mount to horse, who coming to the Gate of the City, they there met with our six Soldie●s (the day then but just beginning to break) where demanding of one another who they were for, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Avaunt Coureurs put to flight.  they charged ours in such manner that they were constrained to return back towards us, and to fly towards the road that leads from Balistra to Rome, where the Enemy pursued them over the Roman Plain even to Rome itself, and there gave the Alarm to the Marshal and the whole City, who thereupon concluded that it was not possible but that I must be taken, and all those lost who were with me. Now so soon as Captain Alexis had called in his two Horsemen, we began our treat by the same way we came, when behold the hundred horse in our Rear, the party of two or three hund●ed after those, 
The Retreat of Monsieu● de Montluc.  and the seven ●r eight hundred in the rear of them, who followed us at a good round trot, the Ensigns of Foot making all the haste after they could; in which order they pursued us seven miles, till we came to Captain Ambrosio, with their Lances continually couched upon our horse cruppers. I was upon the Grey Turk the Duke of Pali●no had given me, one of the fle●test horses I ever came on the back of, and the best leper of a ditch: so that sometimes I leapt out of the way into the fields on the right hand, and sometimes on the left; and when we fled along the road, Captain Alexis and I were evemore in the Rear, and he ●hat carried the Cornet in the Van; I still all the way encouraging the Soldiers, and bidding them to fear nothing, now on the one hand, and then on the other, when the furthest that ever we were before the Enemy was not above three or four Lance's length. Now so soon as we drew near to Captain Ambrosio he came out from behind the Chapel, seeing which I cried out to our people volse volte, who thereupon immediately faced about, and I gave them a sudden charge, beating them back to the other Body, who having seen our Ambuscado had halted to discover what it might be, the two Bodies closing together, 
The Error of the Sieur de Mon●luc.  and making a show as if they meant to charge us. I than saw that I had played the fool egregiously, in having given this charge, when as God would have it, Monsieur de la Molle presented himself upon the road with his Harquebuzeers, which made the Enemy to step short, and forbear to charge me. Captain Alexis then said to me, Quelli primi checi sequitano, sono graci, per che l● ò intesi à lorogridi. Me ne vo a vedere, si potero fermar li, per tratener mi con essi loro, which he did, demanding to speak with them upon their word, whilst I in the mean time made Monsieur de la Molle march off his Foot, recovering a little descent; ●o that the Enemy could no more see what we did: when I ordered them to make towards the pillars of an Aqueduct, by which the Romans in former times conveyed their water to Rome, commanding the Horse to keep still in their Rear, at a good round trot, and all them to march as f●st as they could. I then returned to Signior Alexis, having fi●st cooled my horse's mouth in a ditch by the Tower, whom I found after as fresh as he was but new taken out of the S able. Now so soon as the two Troops were closed up together, and had made a halt, the great party behind did the same, and the Foot likewise halted, Captain Alexis still talking with them. I could all this while from the place where I stood see our people, when so soon as I saw them got near to the Aqueducts, I called to Captain Alexis, saying to him Retiriamo si, Capitano, retiriamo si, upon which the Enemy asked him who it was that commanded in chief, whereupon naming me they began to exclaim, saying, that in eight or nine days time they had three times failed of taking me, which was at the retreat of Tivoly, at my return from Balistra, and now; which made Captain Alexis retiring laugh at them; when seeing him turn his horse to go away, several of them called out to me A dio Signior di Montluco a dio, and I also cried to them a dio a dio, who thereupon faced abo●t, and went directly to Marino, where they heard news that the Baron de la Garde had reimbarked our people, and was gone to Civita Vechia. Signior Ascanio sent me back three Launce●rs I had lost by the way, but not their horses; for as their horses stumbled they fell down, when I leaping into the way with my Turk, struck them upon the buttocks with the flat of my sword, and made them close up to the Party. He sent them back by a Trumpet of his, who made us laugh, when speaking of his Master, he said, that had he known I had been of the Party, he would have accompanied me to the Gates of Rome to have taken me prisoner: but never by the way asked his Prisoners who commanded them till after we were got off. And the Trumpet moreover had told me, that had I been taken, I had not needed to fear that any one would have offered me the least injury or offence; for I should have been as much made on, and used with as much honour and respect, as in our own Camp. Neither indeed can it be said, that ever any Prisoner went out of my hands, or any place where I had to do, discontented, or dissatisfied with my behaviour to him, and it is a great baseness to flay men to the bones, when they are persons of honour, and bear arms; especially in a War betwixt Prince and Prince, which is rather out of sport than unkindness to one another.  
After this manner I made my retreat to Rome, where after I had put off my Arms, I went to seek out the Marshal, the Cardinal de Caraffa, and the Duke de Paliano, whom I found in a house of the Town altogether, being newly returned from the Palace of St. Peter's, who all of them fell upon me, saying, that it seemed as if I had a mind to lose myself out of wantonness, and that had they known of my design, they would have stopped my journey. They would then needs know the occasion of my Enterprise, which I recoun●ed to them from point to point, telling them that all the way as I went, I accounted Marc Antonio as sure my prisoner as I was alive, and had already set his ransom at fourscore thousand Crowns, which had not been unreasonable, being no more than one years' revenue of his Estate, of which forty thousand I intended to give to Monsieur de la Mo●●e, the Captains and Soldiers, and the other forty thousand I meant to keep to myself, to purchase me an Estate in France somewhere near to the King, for Gascony was too remote from Court, and that I already fancied I had a house near Paris, of which I was so confidently persuaded, that it would not out of my head of all night. At which account of my project they all burst out a laughing to that excess, that I think they never laughed so much at one time in their lives, to think that I had made myself so sure of my prize, the ransom, and purchasing of Lands and Castles in the Isle of France; whereupon the Marshal, who when he has a mind to rally always spoke Italian, said to me with a very good grace, Signior quando che vi anderemo visitar, fareti voi à noi altri tre bonn chi●ro nei castelli que volete comprare a presso parigi? they were merry at my expense.  
They were at this time busy about sending a dispatch to the King, and sent Monsieur de Porrieres of Provence to his Majesty, who had his share of laughing, and all the rest that were with them. And as there are a sort of people, who are prone to do more hurt than good, some honest man sent news by the way of the Bank of Lions, that I had lost all the Pope Cavalry in the Roman Plain, and was myself run away no body knew whither, nor could any one hear what was become of me. I do believe these men are hired and suborned to disperse ill news, only to discourage those of our party. This was writ by the Post from Lions to the Constable, and by him told the King, who was very much troubled at the news: and Monsieur de Porrieres being to pass through the Grisons Country, could not arrive so soon at Court, but that the news was got thither four days before him, insomuch that whereas the Marshal and the rest had laughed at my folly, 
A false report spread at Court of the Sieur de Montlucs defeat.  the King was very much offended with me, saying that it was the most ridiculous and senseless piece of folly that ever was committed by man; adding moreover that I had hitherto been fortunate, but that now I had lost my fortune, and my reputation, which he was very sorry for; especially that such a disgrace should befall me at the Gates of Rome. This news was not kept so secret at Court, but that it was presently carried into Gascony, where I leave you to judge how I was dissected by them that did not love me: for one must be a God to have no Enemies, nor emulators, or else must take upon him to meddle with nothing but his Garden or his Orchard: But so soon as Monsieur de Porrieres arrived the King sent for him into his Cabinet, where after he had read his letters of Credence, and his other dispatches, finding therein no syllable of this affair, and Monsieur de Porrieres making no mention of it neither, his Majesty said to him, And what Monsieur de Porrieres, is Montluc heard of yet? he has made a pretty piece of work on't. To which he made answer, that he had left me at Rome; whereupon the King proceeded and said, that he knew that I had lost all the Pope's Cavalry, and was myself run away. Monsieur de Porrieres was very much astonished at this news, and replied, that if this had happened after his departure, it might be so, and yet he had been no more than nine days in coming. His Majesty then made them look how long it was since this news came, which they did, and found it to be four days, at which the King said he thought it was only a lie, and Banker's news, enquiring of Monsieur de Porrieres what piece of folly it was I had committed, who thereupon made answer (as he has himself told me since;) Sir I will tell you, 
Monsieu● de Porrieres gives the King an account of the Sieur de Montlucs Enterprise.  and I make no doubt but your Majesty will laugh at it at much as we did. after which he related to him the whole story, and what I had said at my return to the Marshal de Strozzy, Cardinal Caraffa, and the Duke of Paliano, at which I do assure you I have been told his Majesty laughed very heartily, and more than he had been seen to do of a great while before, as also did the Constable, and all the rest that were present, insomuch that I was told the King above eight days after, seeing Monsieur de Porrieres, said to him, Well Porrieres, has Montluc purchased those places about Paris? and never called the story to mind but he laughed. And as to what I say in my Book, that for these hundred years never any man was more fortunate in War than I have been, I pray examine and see if you will not acknowledge me to be so in these three occasions, which in eight or nine day's time befell me, one after another (besides several others you will meet with in this life of mine) to have escaped without loss, three such dangers, which were no little ones.  
A few days after the Duke of Alva understood that Monsieur de Guise was coming into Italy to succour the Pope, which made him to retire his Camp a little nearer to the sea, and afterwards he came and sat down before Ostia. The Marshal then marched out of Rome with some Ensigns of Italians, two of Germans, and five or six of French; but the Pope would by all means that he should leave him for his defence, my Son Marc Anthony and Captain Charry, with their Companies. The Marshal went then and encamped on this side the Ty●er, over against Ostia, where he entrenched himself. The Duke of Alva before his arrival had made his bridge, and erected a Fort above Ostia, on the same side where the Marshal was encamped. I then sent to him to know if he would have me come to him with five or six Italian and French Ensigns, but he would not permit me so to do, for fear left the enterprise of Montalsin might not as yet be fully sifted to the bottom. And because the said Marshal, with those Italian and French Companies he had with him, had not been able to discover the Enemy's Fort, to see if there was water in the ditch or no, he was in the greatest perplexity imaginable (for the Duke of Alva was departed from Ostia, 
Monsieur de Stroz●y at Ostia  and retired towards the Kingdom of Naples, having left only four Italian Ensigns in the Fort, and as m●ny in Ostia) and therefore had caused Artillery to come from Rome to batter the said Fort, and had sent to entreat the Pope, that my Son and Captain Charry might come to him; which the Pope also granted to my great misfortune, and the ruin of my poor Son, who so soon as he and Captain Charry came before the Marshal, he complained to them, that he had not been able to discover the Fort. The next night it being m● Sons turn to mount the Guard, he determined with himself to effect that wherein 〈◊〉 had fa●l'd, and communicated his design to Captain Charry and the Baron de Begnac, 
Marc Anthony de Montluc discovers the fort.  who was also at that time upon the Guard. He failed not accordingly to execute his resolution, for the next day seeing the Enemies sally out, according to their custom, to fetch in Bavins, he followed them, and without fear of the Harquebus shot, pursued them fight to the very ditch of the Fort; where he discovered as exactly, and with as much judgement as he had been an old Captain: but in his return, a cursed shot hit him in the Body, 
His hurt before Ostia.  notwithstanding which he went upon his own feet to the said Mareschals quarters, saying, that before he died, he would give an account of what he had seen. The said Marshal so soon as he arrived at his Tent, laid him upon his own bed, where the poor Boy almost expiring, told him what he had seen, assuring h●m that the ditch was dry, whatever he might have been told to the contrary; 
His death.  presently after which he gave up the Ghost. The Marshal the next day sent his body to the Cardinal of Armagnac, and the Sieur de Lansac to Rome, who interred him as honourably ●s he had been the Son of a great Prince. 
His honour at Rome.  The Pope, the Cardinals, and all the people of Rome expressed great sorrow for his death. Had God been pleased to have preserved him to me, I had made him a great Soldier; for besides that he was very stout, I ever observed in him a discretion above his age. Nature had done him a little wrong, for he was but little, but strong and well knit, and as to the rest, eloquent and desirous to learn. If the Marshal de Coss be yet living Marc Anthony served under him at Mariamburg, 
His praise,  and he if he pleases can testify, should any one contradict what I write, whether I lie or no; and though it does not very well become Fathers to commend their own children, yet being he is dead, and so many witnesses of the truth of what I deliver, I shall, I conceive, appear excusable and worthy to be pardoned.  
Now to execute the command the King had given me in Tuscany, I asked leave of the Pope to go to Montalsin, who after great importunity, would permit me but for fifteen days only, making me leave my great horses, and all my baggage behind, which Monsieur de Strozzy was fain to send out after me, saying they were his own, and by his own servants. The Cardinal of Armagnac also sent me out my Sumpter Mules, covered with his own Sumpter-cloths, pretending to send them to the house of another Cardinal, where he used to stay sometimes twelve or fifteen days together; by which means I got all my things out of Rome. During the time of my stay in those parts, his Holiness did me the honour evidently to manifest to all the world, that he reposed a great confidence in me, and had my person in particular esteem.  
Upon my coming to Montalsin, Monsieur do Soubize departed and went to Rome, I found Montalsin in a manner besieged; for at S. Crico● there lay some Germans; at the great Inn two Harquebus shot above Montalsin was another quarter of the Enemy, and at a Palace three Harquebus shot on the left hand, likewise another, as also in another towards Grossette, within a mile of Montalsin another. All which were found seized by the enemy at the time when the Tru●e came; so that the King was possessed of nothing on that side, as far as the very gate of Sienna, which I think was the principal cause that the Siennese had Monsieur de So●bize in so little esteem. 
The Siennese dissatisfied wi●h Monsieur de Soubize.  It is much ado to please all the world, and though a man does all that in him lies, yet if all things do not succeed as people would have them, he does nothing: but I for my part shall neither accuse nor excuse him at all. The Truce which had been agreed upon for ten years between the King and the Emperor, yet continued: The affairs of these two Princes being so perplexed and confused, that it had not been possible to conclude a peace, which was the reason that all Treaties of accommodation ended in a Truce only: but I had heard that Monsieur de Guise had taken his leave of the King, and was coming for Italy, which made me think, that although the succours he brought along with him, were designed for the Pope, yet that the Truce would nevertheless by that means be broken on the King's part, and therefore laid a design to go give a Scalado to the Germans at S. Cricou, a little Town four miles from Montalsin, intending from thence to go and surprise all the other forementioned places. I know not whether or not the Germans had any intelligence of my design, or whether they were not commanded away from thence, but so soon as I was got out of the City two hours within night, a Gentleman of Sienna, who had his house in Cricou, and whom I had sent thither, came and brought me word that they were gone away in the beginning of the night. I sent then to inquire news of those at the Inn and the Palace, and found that all were marched away at the same time, by which means we had liberty to go out a little more at large, as far as Altesse, a pretty strong Castle about three miles from Montalsin, and near unto the road of Sienna. I went then to Gr●ssette, where Colonel Ch●ramond, who was Governor there, Lorded it over all that Country, as it had been his own, not acknowledging the Siennese at all: At which they were very much incensed, and there we agreed that the Inhabitants should acknowledge the signory, and not him who was not to take upon him any Authority in that Country, that the King would not pretend to for himself: And thus in a few days all things were changed to the great satisfaction of those of Sienna.  
Cardinal Burgos commanded in Sienna for the King of Spain, 
Cardinal Burgos Lieutenant for the King of Spain in Sienna.  and had a design upon Montalsin, which he thought easily to carry, that aught to have been put in execution the same week that I came: but hearing that I was come, deferred it for a few days, to see if nothing was discovered: when seeing nothing was come to light, he sent for Captain Montillou a Spaniard, and Governor of Pont-Hercole to execute the design, when I having at the same time sent out some horse to forage, they met with him, and took him, a Secretary of Cardinal de Burgos, and four servants, and brought them to me. They would very ●ain have excused themselves, pretending to be taken contrary to the Truce, which as yet had not openly been broken; 
The Sicur de Montluc discovers Cardinal Burgos his design upon Monta●sin.  but I caused a servant of his secretly to be put upon the Rack, who confessed, that he thought Cardinal Burgos had sent for his Master to put in execution a design he had upon Montalsin. We could not discover what it should be, but so soon as it was known at Sienna that Captain Mantillou was taken, it began to disclose itself, and so far, that a Gentleman of Sienna sent his servant to me, to give me notice of the place by which they intended to give an assault; who came to the gate of the City, but would not come in, only he desired to speak with me. I than went out to him, taking Messer Hieronimo Espanos along with me, where he told us all, and that there were some French Soldiers of the Garrison of the plot, and that if we searched well in the houses nearest that place, we might peradventure find the Ladders. We gave the fellow ten Crowns, and so he returned. Messer Hieronimo Espanos then and I went secretly to view the place, and as I remember we took Monsieur de B●ssoonpierre along with us, and observed that part of the wall to be very low, but that there was a Turret wherein were continually two Sentinels, who being of the Conspiracy, the taking of the place was easy, and more than easy. Messer Hieronimo then, who was at that time of the Magistracy, presently appointed two men to search the houses nearest to the place, who stayed not three hours before he brought us above a horseload of Ladders of ropes, the best and the fineliest made of any I had ever seen. In the house where these were found, no body had lived of a great while; but we knew very well, that people commonly went in and out, and further we could not discover. I than took order with the Sergeant Major, that he should every night set four Sentinels in the Turret, which also were continually to be chosen by lot. I do think, that would they have made an attempt by day, they might have done their business, and much better by day, than by night, being that from the great Palace, which was not above three Harquebuz shot from the Town, they might come all along through a little Valley, shaded with Copse, close up to the very wall.  
About a month after A Siennese called Phoebus Turk, 
Phoebus' Turk.  came and addressed himself to me, desiring that he might tell me something in private, whom I sent for into my Wardrobe.  
I had nothing but a Dagger by my side, and when he came in, I perceived him armed with a Coat of Mail; in my life I never saw so fierce a countenance of a man, so that I was once about to call some body in to me: When he still telling me, that no one should hear his business but myself, I took heart at last, thinking myself strong enough to grapple with him, should he attempt any thing against me. Where he told me, that the Cardinal of Burgos had often sought to him to be assisting in an Enterprise he had upon Montalsin, which at his importunity he had at last consented unto, and that he had been himself twice to speak with him in disguise; having with him three Soldiers, who were also of the Plot, which he was to name to him a day before the said execution, which also he was to execute before Don Arbro de Cenda should arrive who was coming to Sienna to command the Soldiery, and that if I would, he would order the business so, as to put them all three into my hands. In conclusion, we agreed it should be within four days, and that he should that very night return to Sienna to conclude the business with the Cardinal de Burgos, 
Preparition and countermine of the Sieur de Montluc●.  which being concluded betwixt us, I put him out of the Town over the wall, for the Gates were already shut, and in the morning dispatched away a Messenger to Colonel Charemond at Grossette, that he should come the next day to Pagamegura, half way betwixt Grossette and Montalsin; and the same day that I sent away to the Colonel, I called in the Captains who were at Chuze, Montizel, and the Hospitallet by Piance, whom I swore upon the Crucifix to discover nothing of the Enterprise, and so sent them back to make themselves ready against I should send for them: I than sent away my light horse to la Rocque de Baldoc under pretence of keeping Garrison there, and the next day went to meet the Colonel at Pagamegura, with whom I concluded that he should have four hundred Harquebusiers in readiness. My design was, that as the enemy should give the Scalado, Colonel Charemond should come behind them, and the Garrisons of Chuze and Montizal should step betwixt them and the Palace, and my Company also; and so soon as they should be repulsed I was to sally out upon them with four hundred men from the City. At my return from Pagamegura I found the said Phoebus returned, but he said not a word to me of all night, which gave me a little suspicion of him. In the morning he came to tell me, that the Cardinal would not put the business in execution yet a few days, 
Phoebus' Turk taken prisoner.  and so drove me off from day to day, till in the end I was advised to take him prisoner, and to compel him to discover the truth, he being no other than a crafty Rogue, sent purposely to betray me: which I accordingly did, and clapped him into a close Dungeon of the Castle, where by misfortune he found some piece of wood, or iron. Now because he was a Siennese, I was willing to try if the Siennese themselves could win him by fair means to tell the truth, which made me defer putting him to the question; but in the mean time with this piece of iron he broke through the wall, and fled away to Sienna; by reason of which accident I could do nothing considerable in this Enterprise. He was too cunning for me. I have nevertheless this obligation to him, that he has taught me in an affair of this importance, never to spare a Prisoner again, but to squeeze out the sudden truth: for without doubt this fellow was a Traitor,  
After my arrival at Montalsin I procured Signior Marioul de Santa Fiore to return into his Majesty's service, 
Marioul de Santa Fiore returns into his Majesty's service.  together with the Prior his Brother, who through some disobligation had withdrawn themselves from his dependence; We had been very intimate friends ever after the skirmish at Sienna, so tha● in the end I made shift to overcome him, and they went to Court, where the King received them with great demonstration of favour and esteem. His Majesty gave him a Troop of light horse, and the Prior a Pension, who both of them afterwards were continually with me. At this time Don Arbro de ●enda contrived an Enterprise to come and take Piance, a little Town near unto Montizel, which I had caused to be repaired after the best manner I could, and there lodged a Company of Italians. I therefore gave to Signior Marioul my own Company, and those he had gathered together of his own, together with part of that of the Count de Petillano, and sent him to Piance to fetch off the Italian Company I had left there, and to carry them to Montizel, where was Captain Bartolomeo de Pezero.  
Some few days before Don Arbro came out of Sienna, Captain Serres, 
Captain Serres  who was Lieutenant to my Company of Light-horse, and my Kinsman, had fought Captain Carillou Governor of Bonconvent in the fight of Montalsin, who had with him ten men at arms of the Marquis of Piscara's Company, and the Ensign of the Company had eight Lances of a Company of light Horse, and eight Harquebuzeers on horseback, who were come to vapour before Montalsin, below in the Plain towards the Inn, not thinking there had been any Cavalry in Montalsin, for I had taken my Company along with me to Grossete, and had sent Captain Serres with eighteen Lances to scour the field on the left hand towards Sienna, where they met and fought about Chuze, so that mine had the better. At his return Captain Serres went to repose himself a day or two at Montalsin. afterwards to come and find me out at Grossette, and to conduct me back to Montalsin. Captain Serres then seeing himself thus braved by the Enemy, sallied out with his eighteen Lances, two Gentlemen of Sienna armed with Coa●s of Mail, and two foot Soldiers that followed him: When so soon as Captain Carillon saw the Launceers he would have retired, Captain Serres always following in his Rear, when as Captain Carillou would pass a narrow Rivulet, Captain Serres charged him with might and main, and so close that he took them all, saving one Captain, who had his Company in Bonconvent. These Harquebuzeers on horseback belonged to him, and he received a shot from one of the two Harquebuzeers that went out with Captain Serres quite through the Body; but he got over the Rivulet, and another with him, who conveyed him to Bonconvent, where he died at the very gate of the Town, and ●ll the rest I kept prisoners at Montalsin.  
Don Arbro marched directly to Piance with three pieces of Canon, 
Don Arb●o de Ce●da's Enterprise up●n Piance.  and two Culverins, which made me suspect that he did not carry so much Artillery with him for Piance, it being not so strong as to require Canon; and so soon as Signior Marioul understood that he was within three mile of Piance he went out with all the horse to meet him, commanding the Captain who was there before in the mean time to draw out his Foot, and to make with all speed to Montizel, which was no more but two miles from thence. In the mean time to hold the Enemy in play, he skirmished so briskly, and engaged so far that he could not afterwards disengage himself, but was charged by three Troops of their horse at once with so great fury, that twelve or fourteen light horse of my Company were there taken, of which Captain Gurgues who belonged to the Marshal de Strozzy was one, and of those of the Count de P●tillano, and Signior Marioul as many, or more. After this brush, getting off the rest, and coming to halt before Piance, he found that the Captain had not as yet got so much as one man out of Town, but the Enemy still pressed upon him, and there again were some more Lances broken, whilst the Captain in the Town was drawing out his men, till in the end he was again charged with all their horse, and constrained to retire to Montizel. Captain Serres, and the Baron de Clermon my Nephew▪ who carried my Cornet, escaped to the little Hospital. The foot Captain lost the third part of his Company of those who had been slow in getting out, and he with his Ensign and the remainder of his men escaped and made head at the pass of a little River, by that means giving Captain Bartolomeo time to come in to relieve him; (for it was within sight of Montizel) as also Signior Marioul who was yet retreating before the Enemy's Horse. This a man gets by skirmishing at the head of an Army (as I have said before) and by retreating by day in the face of an Enemy stronger than himself.  
Don Arbro having stayed three days at Piance, he parted thence in the beginning of the night, and with torches took his way through a valley that leads towards La Rocque de Baldoc. Signior Marioul was gone post to Rome to fetch some Launceers that had been promised him to repair his Company, but the Prior was with me the night that Don Arbro departed. The Prior and I had been abroad on horseback to take the Air without the Gates of Montalsin, when night coming on we turned about to go home, discoursing by the way what Don Arbro intended to do with this great Artillery: upon which discourse it presently came into my head, that it was to go assault La Rocque de Baldoc, in which place there was a Florentine Captain, Monsieur de Soubize had placed Governor there, whom I had in some suspicion, forasmuch as the Gentlemen of Sienna who were with me, had told me that they had heard he had sent twice to Florence. So soon therefore as we came near to the Gates of Montalsin, I commanded two light-horse of my Company to go and scout all along upon the Hills betwixt Piance and la Rocque, and not to stir from thence till break of day, unless they should discover the Enemy upon motion. Now some days before this, 
Monsieur de Guise in Italy.  Monsieur de Guise, who was come to Rome, and was already marched towards the Kingdom of Naples, had sent to call away Charemon with his Company at the request of the Siennese, who could not agree with him, and had sent me Monsieur de la Molle Captain Charry, and three or four other Companies in his room, as also he had sent for some of mine; and had given the Government of Grossette to Monsieur de la Molle. I was scarce laid down in my bed, when my two light horse returned telling me that Don Arbro was marching by Torchlight along the Valley I spoke of before towards la Rocque: whereupon● I immediately acquainted the Prior with the news, and presently got to horse with all the Cavalry we could make, commanding Captain Andre Casteaux, Nephew to the Cardinal of Tournon, to march his Company without Baggage in all haste after me, and that he should march through the woods, to which end I gave him two Gentlemen of Sienna to be his Guides. In the mean time, and an hour before day I arrived at la Rocque de Baldoc, and by break of day came Andre Casteaux with his Company, who was scarcely entered in, when the Avenues were all seized by the Enemy, and the Guides taken, who had led me the way, as they were upon their return, together with the Quartermaster of my Company, from whom the Enemy learned that I had put myself into it. I then dispatched away two Peasants through the woods to la Grossette, by whom I writ to Monsieur de la Molle, that he should with all possible speed go, and put himself into Montalsin, and that he should there command as the King's Lieutenant; for that I was shut up in la Rocque, and resolved to defend the place. Don Arbro quartered his Camp at Avignon over against la Rocque; and there stayed three days debating with himself whether he should attaque me, or no: but in the end he resolved to retire, knowing with whom he had to do, and saying, juro a Dios, a quel Capitan tiene alguns Diabolos en su poder, o ai algun tradudor tras nos otros & si lo p●edo saber yo tengo de cortar li los brassos, y los piernos: this was his care, but my mind was evermore at work, and day and night meditating what I should do if I were in my Enemy's place: he has the same understanding that you have, and stratagems as well as you; so that meditating of what he meditates, you shall often jump, and by that means counterplot to what he his plotting against you: whereas if you stay expecting what he will do, you shall very often be surprised. You ought therefore to be in a perpetual jealousy of your Enemy's designs, and still guessing at what he intends to do, whether to attaque this place, or that part: if I were in his stead I would do this thing or that, and often consult your Captains; for it may fall out, that he of whom perhaps you have the least opinion, may often give you the best advice. But in the end Don Arbro returned, and went to quarter his Army at Altesse, which is no more than three miles from Montalsin, where seeing his design I returned to my own Quarters, and sent Monsieur de la Molle back to Grossette. Don Arbro put three Companies into Piance, two of Italians, and a third half Spanish, and half Italian, for the Governor he had left there was a Spaniard, and Signior Bartolomeo de Lest●pha, Nephew to Signior Chiapino Vitelli, who had one of the best and the strongest Companies in all Italy, kept all the prisoners, to the number of betwixt fifty and threescore in the Palace. After a few days he retreated with his Army to Sienna, all his Erterprises vanishing into smoke. The Marquis of Pescaara's Ensign went too and fro, and took great pains in labouring the deliverance of their people in exchange of ours; upon which Treaty Don Arbro sent me a Jeer, 
A rant of Don Arbro de Cenda.  saying, No sera dico, que yo rendra un Frances, que yo no tenga tres Espagnoles y per estas barbas yo heart l'os mios: & elloes non hauran los suos. Cardinal Burgos was by no means pleased with this manner of proceeding, and would have been glad that all the prisoners might have been set at liberty both on the one side and the other; for I had the Captains Montillou and Carillou, Governors of Pont-Hercole and Bonconvent, and above twenty others, twelve of which were natural Spaniards, besides the two Governors. I took the hus●ing answers Don Arbro sent me in very high disdain, and to mend the matter had almost every day news brought me that he almost starved his Prisoners to death, whilst I on the contrary treated his exceedingly well. In this indignation I resolved upon an Enterprise, which was to go and give a Scalado to Piance: 
The King of Spain gives Sienna to the Duke of Florence.  for I had been advertized that the King of Spain had given Sienna to the Duke of Florence, together with the other places he held in Tuscany, and that the said Duke was sending three Companies of Foot, and a Troop of Horse to Piance. I very well foresaw, that after he had once taken possession there, we could not possibly recover it without breaking with the Duke of Florence, which I would by no means do, that the Duke of Guise might not be necessitated to weaken his Camp to relieve me; and moreover I had ever been upon very good terms with the Duke of Florence, without creating any thing of a Quarrel. In affairs of this tickle nature we must go warily and discreetly to work; for a little thing will serve to break the Alliance of Princes, which once broken is not so easily pieced again, and several rash young people have by their indiscretion set their Princes together by the ears contrary to their own desire.  
Captain Fa●stin de Peyrouse, who had been in Piance, had told me that there was a hole in the wall on that side toward Montalsin, by which the filth of the Town was evacuated, and that in this place, where there were two walls, the outer wall was above the reach of a Ladder, and that within some fourteen or fifteen staves high; and that so soon as one should be passed through the hole, which must be upon his belly, and in the dirt, he should find himself betwixt these two walls. Upon this information I had caused a Ladder to be made of the height required for the inner wall, but it was so very weak and slender, that it might pass through this hole, that a man could very uneasily support himself upon it. In this part of the wall there was a Bastion at the corner of the Town, that Don Arbro had caused to be perfected, which was of a sufficient height, 
An Enterprise of the Sieur de Montluc.  and betwixt the hole and the Bastion was a gate the enemy had walled up with brick and clay only, not caring to make it of better matter, forasmuch as they had cast up a Rampire of earth within.  
I ordered that Captain Blacon with his own Company, and another of Italians that I had caused to come from Grossette, and the Baron de Clermont my Nephew with my Company, and about twenty Lances of that of the Count de Petillano, together with thirty or forty Gentlemen of Sienna, should go put themselves betwixt Piance and Montepulsiano to fight the Duke of Florence his people, who came to take possession of the Town. I had also caused three hundred men to come from Chusi, that the Duke of Somme had sent me, who was returned from the Duke of Guise his Camp, upon some words that had passed betwixt Cardinal Carassa and him, and those were to storm by a corner of the Town on that side by which they came; Captain Bartolomeo de ' Pesero, was to fall on by the Gate, that on his side looked towards Montizel, which the Enemy kept open for their going in and out, and to which they were to set fire, if they could, and I with the Ladde●s was to assault the Bastion, the ditches of which were not yet made. The top of the Gate, that was walled up, flanked the Bastion, and I had with me the two Companies of Abanson and Andre Casteaux, that is to say, the half of each, for the rest I had left at Montalsin, and the half of that of Captain Luss●n, who lying at Castetlotie, and by that means having the furthest to march, had so hea●ed himself with his diligence, that he fell so extremely sick by the way, as constrained him to stay at the little Hospital, but he sent me his Son, 
The death of Captain Lussan.  who was his Lieutenant, and five or six days after died of that sickness: he sent me also the half of Captain Charry's Company, whom to his great grief I had left behind me in Mentalsin, I having no body also to leave there, Signior Mari●ul being gone to Rome, and the Prior his Brother upon some business of his own to their own house. To be short, I might have on my side four hundred men in all, three hundred that came from Chusi, and an hundred men that Captain Bartolomeo had, which was all the Forces I had at this assault. We had altogether concluded, that the Duke of Sommas Italians should be of the party, who also himself very much desired to be there: But I would not send for him, forasmuch as Chusi, of which he was Governor, was a place of very great importance, and should I chance to be killed, I would not that the Garrisons should be left without some good Chief to provide for their defence, till Monsieur de Guise could send some sufficient person to command the Country. We must provide for all adventures, as well in case we be beaten, as if we overcome, by which means in going to execute an Enterprise, we shall do nothing unadvisedly, and for which we may reasonably be condemned. We had appointed to be every one of us two hours before day at the place where he was to fall on, where those of the Duke of Somma and Captain Bartolomeo were to fall on first, to the end they might divert the Enemy's Forces from that side by which I was to attaque the place, that side I was to undertake, being by much the strongest, by reason of the Bastion, and the Flankers over the Gate, the wall where the hole was, making a part of the corner. I gave the charge of carrying the Ladder to the Gentlemen of my Train, who were paid by the King, entreating them to enter the hole, those were Captain Trappe, who is now with the Admiral, Ausillons Nephews to my late Wife, Captain Cosse●l, who now carries my Ensign, Captain la Motte, Castet, Sagret, Captain Bidonnet, Captain Bourg, who is yet living, and has a foot Company, and two or three others, and after them twenty Italians that Captain Fau●tin de Peyrouse (the same who had been broken at the going out of Piance) had brought with him, all chosen men, who were to mount the Ladder, after mine should be gotten up. The said Captain, and another of his own Company were first to pass through the hole, and draw in the Ladder, because they known the place, which none of my people did.  
I arrived then within a quarter of a mile of the Town, where I made a halt, whilst the Baron de Clermont and Blacon marched forward, and went to plant themselves about a mile from the Town, upon a road that leads towards Montepulsiano; and when I had stayed about an hour, without longer expecting when the Italians should begin, as I had given order they should, 
Those of Piance have intelligence of the Sieur de Montlucs design.  knowing the day began to approach: I sent one of my Guides to discover after the most secret manner he could, and my Valet de Cambre, who is yet living, went up within twenty paces of the Bastion, and heard no noise in the Town, no more than if there had been no body within it, saving that they heard a little Dog bark. They known of my coming over night, and so with their matches ready cocked, in great silence expected my assault. I could not, it should seem, march out so secretly, though I had caused the gates to be shut up three hours before, but that some honest man or another had got out and carried them intelligence of my design. Now, so soon as the Guide and my Valet de Cambre were come back, and had told me that they could hear no noise at all, I would myself go with them once again, when being come within fifteen or sixteen paces of the Bastion, I perceived a man within five or six paces of us, who went creeping along, and retired towards the Bastion, and I believe entered by the said Bastion, where we now heard them talk, and thought they spoke Dutch, but they were Alban●is, for Signior Bartolomeo Lestaffa had of them in his Company, and the said Signior had taken upon him the defence of the Bastion. Seeing then that the day would presently break upon us, 
The Sieur de Montluc goes to discover Piance  and having lost all hopes of our Italians (who though they were come as I understood after, yet the Duke de Somma had given the command of them to some one, who had no mind to die the first, or else (as being the King's Lieutenant) would give me the honour to begin; but this Rascal did not do it our of respect) Captain Bartolomeo also expecting when the one or the other should begin the Game, I was by these delays constrained myself first to fall on, and although I knew both by this Centinel Perdu, and the great silence in the Town, that the Enemy had me in the wind, yet having taken the pains to come so far, I was resolved to try my fortune.  
The Italian and French Gentlemen above named took the Ladder, and we took the other Ladders to storm the Bastion, which I caused to be carried by the Captains, Lieutenants, Sergeants, Corporals and Lance-passades, and in this manner marched up directly to the Bastion, where, at our first approach they gave us a great Volley of Harquebuz shot; but we desisted not for all that to rear our Ladders, 
An order of the Sieur de Montluc.  and I had made an Order, that all the Commissaries both of War and Provisions, Treasurers and Comptrollers, should evermore be provided of great horses and arms (for these people have always money) which I always took with me under my own Cornet to Troop up and make a show, to deceive the Enemy. Monsieur de Guise had sent Monsieur Malassise (who is now Lord of Roissi) to be chief Treasurer. I gave this man a Turkish horse, if I had now such a one, I would not take for him five hundred Crowns, a courtesy that he very scurvily repaid, and as ill returned my friendship, for he brought me into disgrace with the Duke of Guise, as he does now with the Queen, as much as in him lies, as I am informed from Court; and I have myself also perceived it, and wish God would do me the favour, as to put her Majesty in mind, how much I am her Servant, and have formerly been where occasions have presented themselves, which have perhaps been greater than ever Queen was involved in, that her Majesty might take notice, she ought not lightly to give credit to my Enemies to my prejudice, especially such as never have done, nor never will do, so many and faithful services as I have done. But I shall have patience in God, having my conscience clean, both as to that and all other affairs concerning the service of the King and his Crown. I had at this time discovered nothing of the practices of the said Sieur the Malassise, who prevailed so far, that Monsieur de Guise called me to his own person, and gave my command to Monsieur de la Molle, for he had an opinion that they two together could manage affairs better, and more to their own advantage than I. I shall not here set down the Reasons, forasmuch as it might be said, I did it in revenge of the ill will he bears me, and consequently that I bear him, being a little impatient of injury as I am, and who would willingly bear in my device, if I had not one already, what one of the House of Candale gave for his Motto Qui m'aimera, ie l'aimerai. But there are many worthy persons yet living who very well know the occasion, which if they please to tell it, the story will not be much to his advantage.  
But to leave this discourse (not much caring whether he wish me well or ill;) I left him with Captain Charry, though the Captain had been very importunate to go along: but I made account that he being in the Town, if I happened to die, would be much assisting to the Citizens in encouraging them, whilst in expectation of him the Duke of Guise should send, for he was man of understanding, and very eloquent to persuade. To return then to my Treasurers and Commissaries, I made them gallop round about the Town (they being fitter to put people in fear, than to do any execution) by this means to divert the Inhabitants from one place to another.  
We gave the Scalado then almost all at once, and our men were three times beaten off, and our Ladders all broken saving one or two. Now I must tell you to what use served the taking of this hole. All of them entered into it one after another, and so soon as they had set the Ladder to the lower wall to enter the Town, my Gentlemen all mounted, and from the top of the wall leapt down upon a Dunghill into the Town; when so soon as Captain Faustin● and his twenty men saw ours got in, they would follow after in all haste, in doing which they so overcharged the Ladder that it broke. These inconsiderate ardours oftentimes occasion the miscarriage of brave Erterprises. The hole was within four or five paces of the gate that was walled up, and the Enemy over it minded nothing but shooting at our people, who were storming the Bastion, and having their backs towards the hole, knew nothing of our people being entered in. The Italians tried to piece the Ladder with girdles, but it would not be, wherefore they were constrained to creep out at the same hole by which they had entered, 
The French repulsed.  and Captain Faustino came to tell me the misfortue of my people, which put me to my wit's end, seeing that in attempting to recover those who were already prisoners, I had been so unfortunate as to lose all the Gentlemen I had, and was resolved to play a desperate Game. It was already broad day, and the Sun began to rise, all our people being beaten off, and skulking behind certain walls that were there, when at the same time Captain Bartolomeo sent me word that they were all beaten off on his side also. I than leapt from my horse to the ground, for I was not yet alighted, and called all the Captains together (Avanson Son to Monsieur d' Avanson, who was Ambassador at Rome excepted, who was hurt in the hand with a Harquebuz shot) where I began to remonstrate to them, that I was come to no other end, but to take the Town or to lose my life, and that if they would follow me, I would lead them the way: but withal that I was resolved to turn back upon those who should be resty, and would kill every man that did not behave himself as he ought to do upon so brave an occasion. 
The Sieur de Montlucs Speech to his men.  Let us go on then friends, said I, follow your Captain, and you shall see we will acquire honour. Which having said, with my sword in my hand, and a Page with my Halberd close by me, I went directly up to the Gate. I had twelve Swiss of my Guard that followed me, and also did all the rest, where I observed, as I had done at other times before, what the example of a Leader can do when he goes on in the head of his men, and leads them the way. 
A Captain can do much by his example.  I presently put myself under the Gate, where three or four men might stand unseen from the Flanks of the Bastion, whilst the Enemy who were over the Gate plied our people with a tempest of shot and stone. The Swiss in the mean time with their Halberds did their endeavour against this Wall of Brick. I had my sword in my left hand, and my dagger in my right, with which I broke and cut the bricks, when having made a hole wide enough to put in my arm, I gave my sword and dagger to the Captain of my Swiss, and thrust both my arms into it. The Wall was the thickness of one brick only, and there was but very little clay, for it was in a manner a dry Wall: when having found the inner rim of the Wall, and the●thickness of it, I pulled the Wall towards me with such force, that all the upper part fell upon me, and covered me all over, insomuch that the Captain of my Guard was fain to draw me out from under the bricks and the rubbish, which he did, and again set me upon my feet; after which with our Halberds we presently beat it totally down to the ground. The Enemy had not finished the Terrace they had cast up behind this Gate, of which there wanted about two foot to the top of the Arch, and there I had two Swiss killed, and the Captain wounded with a Harquebuz shot in his thigh, and fourteen or fifteen Soldiers slain or wounded. I again made the Ensigns by the two Ladders renew the Assault to the Bastion, 
The Bastion assaulted.  but for all that they ceased not to shoot from the Flanks of the Bastion. Now from the Bastion to the Gate where I fought, it was no more than thirty paces only: I then called out to the Soldiers, to go fetch me the Ladders that had been broken against the Bastion, telling them that the shortest were the best; for the height of the Terrace was not above two yards; I think hardly so much; and so soon as the Ladders were brought I clapped them side to side, and put a Harquebuzeer upon the one Ladder, and myself upon the other, and three one in the heels of another, after the first Soldier, and two of my Swiss after those three. I then spoke to him who was foremost, and went up first, that he should presently get up, and discharge his Harquebuz amongst them within, which he accordingly did, and as he fired I took him by the breeches, and pushed him in, making him take a leap he never intended, for our two Ladders touched; and then I began to cry out to those who were upon the other Ladder, and to push them forwards, saying, leap Soldiers, and I will leap in after you; which said I pushed that fellow in, another after him, and the other after him; and when they were all tumbled in, he that could first rise clapped hand to his sword, my two Swiss leapt in after; seeing which I leapt down on our own side, 
The Town taken.  and again began to cry fall on Captains, fall on, the Town's our own, our men are in; whereupon they one after another threw themselves headlong into the place. Those Gentlemen of mine who were entered by the hole had been perceived at break of day, and being charged by the Enemy had recovered a house, the door of which they stoutly defended; which did me a great deal of good, part of those who defended the Gate being run thither, not thinking it possible I should enter there; and so soon as the Enemies who assaulted the Gentlemen heard the cry of France, France, behind them, they forsook the Gentlemen, and would have returned to the Gate; when the Gentlemen sallying out after them, and hearing the same cry of France, France, they knew our people were entered the Town, so that by fortune they were engaged betwixt our two parties, and there all ●ut to pieces. Now immediately upon the kill of these, an Ensign of theirs who was in the place came running directly towards the Gate, but my Gentlemen being joined with those that entered last, the said Ensign found whom to talk withal, and they handled him as they had done the rest. At the same time that our people entered, I cried out to them, that they should assault the Bastion on the inside within the Town, which they did; but they there found a very great resistance, by reason that the greatest part of the Company of Gens-d'arms was there, who fought it to a miracle.  
Now (as the courages of men increase when they see themselves in hopes of victory) to forget nothing of that they ought to do in well and furiously assaulting; having encourraged my people, I left the Gate, and ran to the Ensigns who were upon the Ladders of the Bastion, crying out to them, that all our men were got in, and that therefore they should throw themselves headlong into the Bastion, which they did, without meeting the opposition they expected, forasmuch as our men held them so short, that they were not able to answer us both within and without▪ and so soon as I saw our Ensigns got in, I remounted to horse, and with the Commissaries and Treasurers road all along by the walls, where all those that leapt over the walls to escape away I caused to be slain.  
Now to return to our first Prisoners, our people followed their execution, till they came to the place where they found Signior Bartolomeo de Lesteffa, with the remainder of his Company, who made no great defence, for already our people ran all along the streets of the Town, and even along the very Walls of it. The Italians came to enter by the Wall, that was not too high, and helped one another up; Captain Bartolomeo de Pezero had also set fire to the Gate, as he had promised to do, but was there hurt with a Harquebuz shot through the buttocks, and could not possibly enter there, by reason of the furious fire that flamed in the said Gate. They had placed eighteen or twenty Spaniards for the Guard of the P●isoners that were in the Palace, fifty or three●●ore in number, and had tied them two and two together, as they told me after, who so soon as ever they heard the Cry of France, France, in the great place adjoining to the Palace, 
The Prisoners free themselves  they began to justle one another, particularly Captain Gourgues, who was the first that got his arms at liberty, when being all freed from their bonds, they flew upon their Guard with such fury, that what with their own weapons, and what with stones, they killed the greatest part of them upon the place, and the remainder kept prisoners, and brought them out with them. And this was the fortunate and unexpected deliverance of our Prisoners.  
It now remains to know what succeeded upon the command I had given to the Baron de Clerimont, and Captain Blacon. The Duke of Florence his Companies both of horse and foot had set out of Montepulsiano, and were coming towards Piance, it being no more than three miles from the one to the other, when being in the midway, and hearing such Volleys of Harquebuz shot, they sent out six horse before to see what the matter was. Of these, three fell into our Ambuscado, and were taken, the other three got away, and made their people return faster than they came: so that the Baron could▪ not possibly come to fight them. In the forementioned action of the taking of Piance, Signior Bartolomeo Lestepha his Lieutenant and Ensign were all taken, and the Governor who was a Spaniard also, but his Ensign was slain. Captain Pistoye (so called for being a Native of Pistoye) his Lieutenant and Ensign were likewise taken, together with the Lieutenant and Ensign of an Italian Captain, called Aldetto Placito, a Siennese, who two days before was gone out to solicit for their pay before they departed the Town.  
This was the success of the Scalado of Piance, which happened upon St. Peter's Eve, an action highly reputed throughout all Italy. All the Captains and Soldiers, as well Italians as French, said I had taken the Town myself alone, and not they, and that had I not done as I did, and had they not seen me so courageous and resolute, they would never more have come near the Walls, having been three times so smartly repulsed. Had it been Gods will that those the Duke of Florence sent from Montepulsiano to Piance had set out but an hour sooner, they had not heard our Harquebuz shot by the way, and had fallen into the Baron de Clerimont, and Captain Blacon's Ambuscado, who lay so ready and well planted for them, that they would easily have been defeated and cut to pieces; for they no sooner heard the report of the three horse that escaped, but that they immediately all faced about, and in disorder fled away towards Montepulsiano. I left in Piance to command there Captain Faustino, who had been there before, and had yet fifty or threescore of his Company left, which Captain Bartolomeo Pezero had ever kept for him, and moreover now lent him his Lieutenant with a hundred Soldiers of his own Company: and about noon as I was about to mount to horse to return to Montalsin, and sending every one away to his own Garrison, the Captains with their Lieutenants and Ensigns brought me a hundred or sixscore horses of service, which had been taken in this action, besides Pad-nags and Mule●, entreating me to take of them what I pleased for my own use; and amongst others Captain Trape entreated me to accept of a Courser of Naples, the most beautiful and the best horse in all Italy, though I accepted none of all those they offered me, but that of Captain Trape only, which Monsieur de Guise afterwards sent to entreat of me, and I gave him to him.  
I came back to Montalsin with no more than the three half Companies I had taken 
The Sieur de Montlucs return to Montalsin.  thence with me, after which I ordered to march all the Captains we had taken prisoners, and some few Soldiers who were prisoners also, for there were not many saved: Next after the Prisoners I marched myself, and all my Captains with their Colours flying, and behind me the Gentlemen of my Train carried the horse Cornet, and the three Ensigns we had taken: and in the rear of all the foot marched the Baron de Clerimont with my Troop, and the Gentleman of Sienna all on horseback in the rear of all. I do believe there was not a man nor a woman left in the whole City, for they were all come out to see me enter, excepting the Captain of the people, the Council, and Magistracy, to whom I had sent a Gentlemen before to entreat them not to stir from the Palace, at which I went and alighted, and entered in armed as I was, with the foresaid Ensigns we had taken carried before me, where first in few words I gave them an account of the means I had used to bring about so hazardous an Enterprise, and after what manner the Town had been taken, not without observing by their looks, that they had so great a performance in high admiration: After which I exhorted them to continue the fidelity they had promised to the King my Master, and not to abandon the hopes of recovering their liberty and Capital City, God having manifested to them by so great and so happy a victory, that he would neither forsake them, nor any who fought in their Quarrel. And to show them that I bore arms in order to their service only, and for the recovery of their Country, I presented the horse-Corner, and the three Ensigns I had taken; which having received with the greatest acknowledgements, and the highest applause that could to man be attributed, they upon the instant caused to be set up in the great Hall of the Palace displayed, a thing that did no whit lesson the reputation I had acquired either with them at Rome or elsewhere, where the report of this Enterprise and execution was divulged and spread abroad.  
After this no occasion presented itself worth speaking of saving two, 
The Siege of Chuzy.  of which this was one. Don Arbro went to besiege Chuzy, which Captain Moretto Calabras, who was at Montepescayo, had by practice surprised from the Enemy. The said Don Arbro had thirty Ensigns of foot before it, three pieces of Canon, and six hundred horse. I departed then a little after noon from Montalsin with five Ensigns of foot, and about fourscore or a hundred horse, and by break of day came to Montepescayo, where I caused little sacks to be made to carry powder in, to the number of twenty, which all of them might contain about three hundred pound of powder. From Montepescayo to Chuzy it is six miles. Their Artillery was not yet arrived, but it came the same morning that I came away, and about noon I departed from Montepescayo, and went to encamp myself just over against the Enemy's Camp, at the distance of a quarter of a mile, and about as far from the Town, for they were already encamped before it, and never so much as once sent to discover me. The place was worth nothing, for we had not had time to fortify it, and in the beginning of the night I took the Lieutenant of Captain Avanson, called St. Genies, with thirty Pikes and thirty Harquebuzeers, which I meant to venture to try if there might be any means to preserve it; and being that there was a little Rivulet not above three paces broad betwixt them and me, I sent the said St. Genies and Captain Charry with a hundred Harquebuzeers to accompany him, whilst I with the Horse and a hundred Harquebuzeers went to give them an Alarm in their Camp. St. Genies got in with the powder, and all the Soldiers, four or five Pikes excepted, and all night long I kept them in Alarm to make them think that I would repose myself in the morning: when having discovered me they would come to fight me, considering I had no more Forces but five foot Ensigns only; wherein I deceived them, for without taking any rest at all, and without sound of Trumpet or beat of Drum I began to retreat through the Woods, and to take my way directly for Montalsin, marchingtwelve miles without stop or stay; and then upon the banks of a small River I made a halt, where all both horse and foot baited upon some provision I had caused to be brought upon Asses; where neverthless I did not stay above an hour and a half, but went on strait to Montalsin. Now the same day that I departed from Chuzy, about noon they had planted their Artillery without being able nevertheless to make a breach till the next morning.  
The same day that I departed from Chuzy I arrived in the Evening at Montalsin, which was thirty miles, and after I came home made them to work all night to make ready a Canon, and a great Culverin we had, with which about nine of the clock the next morning I went to batter Altesse a strong Castle betwixt Bonconvent and Montalsin. I ba●te●'d it by the Gate where it had been the least fortified, and in the Evening they surrender upon Quarter only, 
Altesse taken▪  there being threescore men in it. The next morning I went to take three or four Castles thereabouts, which were not strong, but only supported themselves under favour of the For●●ess of Altesse. Of all this day the Artillery never stirred from Altesse, but however I took the Castles. After this I was advised to go and batter B●nconvent, whereupon I went to view it, and caused Gabions speedily to be made before it, making show as if I intended a Siege; though it was only to divert Don Arbro from making any further attempts, fearing lest after he had taken Chuzy (which I made no question but he would do) he might go and sit down before Montepescaillo, where Captain Moretto was, and two or three other places, which only subsisted under the protection of Montepescaillo; and the same day that I made a show of besieging Bonconvent, I sent Signior Marioul de Santa Fiere, Captain Serres my Lieutenant, and the Baron de Clerimont my Ensign to scour the field as far as the walls of Sienna, where they had the fortune to meet with a foot Company that was going from Sienna to put themselves into two Castles hard by those I had taken, 
The Sienn●●● defeated.  which they cut all in pieces, excepting the Captain, the Lieutenant, and the Ensign, who being all mounted got away. All this was performed in three days, reckoning from the day that I departed from before Chuzy. The Alarm of this defeat was so great at Sienna, that Cardinal Burgos sent in all haste to Don Arbro to leave all and return to Sienna, for that he greatly feared the Siennese would revolt and receive me into Sienna, considering the violent affection they had for me in the City. So that h●d those of Chuzy been able to hold out a day longer he had given them over, but the second day having made a very great Breach, for the wall was a very weak one, and there being but few men within it, they were forced to surrender. The Lieutenant of Captain Moretto Calabres was in it with part of the Company of the said Moretto, and about five and fifty that entered with St. Genies only, so that there was not above a hundred men in all. The next day after Signior Marioul had defeated this foot Company, all the Captains who were with me were of opinion that I should go and batter Bonconvent; but I said to them these words. You know Gentlemen that since yesterday two of clock in the afternoon we have not heard the Artillery play at Chuzy, which we heard plainly from Altesse, by which you may conclude, either that they are surrendered, or taken by force. If they be surrendered Don Arbro will not stay an hour there, to try if he can snap us in the field, for there is no qustion to be made, but that he has received the Alarm of the foot Company you defeated yesterday by Sienna; and that thereupon Cardinal Burgos has sent to him to come back to save the rest of the Castles which are nearest to Sienna (for as I took the other Castles I immediately dismantled and pulled them down, (as I also did by Altesse.) Let us therefore consider things a little; if our people be surrendered the Camp will not tarry above two hours before Chuzy: if they be taken by assault, the Town is so poor that the Soldiers would need but this last night only to sack it, and will be this morning two hours before day upon their march, which though it be thirty miles off, yet will the Artillery be here before noon: for Don Arbro knows very well, that I have not a hundred horse in all I can make, nor above six hundred men in these five Ensigns, wherefore the reason of War requires you should do as I say. Let me entreat you therefore that we presently fall to drawing off our Canon, and our foot, and if things do not fall out as I have said, let me bear the blame. Captain Moretto's Lieutenant, and St. Genies had what conditions they desired, for the haste Don Arbro was in to return; for they marched out with Bag and Baggage, and Ensign they had none. I than set fire to the remainder of Altesse that could not so suddenly be pulled down, and left Captain Serres with twenty horse upon a little eminence by Altesse, from whence they might discover as far as a Wood, which was Don Arbro's way to return; and when I was got within a mile of Montalsin Captain Serres sent two Troopers full speed to tell me, that he began to discover their Caval●y coming out of the Wood; whereupon I left the foot Captains with ropes, and the strength of the Soldiers to help the Oxen away with the Artillery, and Signior Marioul and I with the horse returned back to Captain Serres. But so soon as we came to Captain Serres, we from another little hill discovered the Body of their Cavalry already in the Plain, which I suppose had halted to stay for another Troop that was coming out of the Wood I left Signior Marioul there to sustain Captain Serres, and sent to Captain Serres by no means to engage himself in a charge, nor suffer the Enemy to come near him, but begin by little and little to retire; and having left the same order with Signior Marioul, 
A handsome Retreat.  I galloped back to the Artillery, which I found within a quarter of a mile of the Ascent, and hastened it all I could; when so soon as I had got it to the foot of the Hill, I saw Signior Marioul coming at a good round trot, and Captain Serres following the same pace after. I made them still lug the Artillery up the hill, and could not get it within fifty paces of the Gate of the City, but that I was constrained to take out the Oxen, and hurry them into the Town, placing all our Infantry along the Vines, and upon the Wall, and draw the horse (they being of no further use) into the Town, which I had no sooner done but the Enemy came up to the very forth of the hill. Thus I saved all, and lost nothing by well computing the time they had to come from Chuzy to be upon us, and through the great diligence wherewith I made my retreat.  
Take notice then Captains, and remember when you shall be in place where you are to re●i●e before an Enemy stronger than yourselves, to compute the time wherein he may come to fight you, and be diligent in your retreat, whether by day or by night, by which means you shall very hardly be surprised. Take all things at the worst, and imagine your Enemy to be as diligent to surprise you, as you are to prevent being surprised. The reason of war required that I should do as I did, and men must evermore be at watch when they are near an Enemy, so that if he be three hours march distant from you double your speed, and if it be possible do that in two hours which he may do in three: by which means having the start, without an infamous flight, you shall leave him nothing but the empty Nest. I but (a man may object and say) perhaps he will never come near me at all, and in the mean time I retreat without seeing an Enemy: but let me tell you, if you stay for that, you will be defeated and lost, especially if you have Canon to draw off with you, which you cannot abandon but with dishonour.  
I performed another pi●ce of diligence to relieve Monsieur de la Montjoye, a Kinsman of mine, 
Tallamou relieved by the Sieur de Montluc.  whom I had put into Tallamon. The King of Spain's Galleys were departed from Cajetta to surprise this place, and came to an Anchor before Mount Argentan, whom so soon as Monsieur de la Montjoye had discovered by break of day in the morning, he dispatched a man post away to me to give me notice, who made so good haste, that he came to Montalsin by four of clock in the afternoon, though it be no less than five and thirty miles. Without staying an hour therefore after I heard the news, I departed with four hundred Harquebuzeers, and my own Troop of horse, marching all night without stop or stay, until I came to a Village within three miles of Grossette, which was seven and twenty miles, and I came thither by Sun rise, where I made the Soldiers eat something, and bait their horses, whilst I galloped away to Grossette, where I heard that the Enemy were all about Tallamon, which made me suddenly to cause three hundred Harquebuzeers of those of the Garrison of Grossette to pass a River half a mile from thence, upon Asses and Horses; so that by that time my own men whom I had left baiting were come to the River, the three hundred men were passed over, and upon their march▪ I than sent two Troopers to the said Sieur de Montjoye, to bid him stand firm, for that I was there to relieve him, though he could scarce believe the news, not thinking it possible I could be there so soon, but that some body had sent him such word only to put him in heart.  
The Enemy had landed three or four hundred men, and two Galleys came and plied him with a great number of Canon shot, the thunder of which I no sooner heard, but that I advanced with my Horse, and the three hundred Foot, that were already got over, and lest Captain Charry to pass over those that I had brought from Montalsin; when, so soon as the Enemy saw so long a Train of men, and that I advanced with the three hundred Foot and the Horse, they all cast themselves into the water; so easily were they persuaded out of their fury. It was excessively hot, and many of them were in the water to the armpits: I had made account to have fought them, let them be what number they would, for I was very sure they had no Horse: but I found that part of the Galleys were reimbarking the Soldiers about Tallamon, and at the old Port, so that before I could get to them they were all aboard, and put out to sea toward Mount-Argentan, where the rest of the Galleys lay. I believe they thought that Monsieur de Montjoye would surrender upon the Canon shot they played from the Galleys, but he was too brave a Gentleman to be so easily frighted as they imagined. He was since slain in the late troubles at Aubeterre under Monsieur de Causeus, who can give testimony of hisvalour.  
Captains (my Comrades) you ought not to think it strange that I have never been defeated, nor surprised where I have commanded in chief, as you shall never be, if you carry yourselves with the same vigilance and diligence that throughout my whole life I have ever done. I perhaps have made my Soldiers do that never any one made men do before; for I ever had my tongue at command to remonstrate to them (when I have been in place where diligence was required) their own honour, and the service of the King; and also that by diligence only we were to save our own lives. 'Tis that both adds wings to their feet, and inspires them with resolution when the one or the other is necessary. Which remonstrances of mine never failed of their effect; and when a long march was to be performed, I caused bread and wine to be carried along wherewith to refresh them; for it you will have your Soldiers make a long march, and take nothing wherewith to refresh them, humane bodies are not made of iron, you must either leave them by the way, or at least when you shall come to fight they will be so weak, that they will be able to do you very little service, but taking provisions along with you to refresh them, together with remonstrances, you shall not only make them go, but run also, if you desire them; so that a man must never think to excuse himself upon the Soldier, for no man in Christendom has had more experience of it than myself, and I never saw any defect on their side, but always in the Officers: for a good and prudent Captain will make good and discreet Soldiers; amongst a great many good men ten or a dozen Poltrons and Cowards will grow hardy, and become valiant; but a cowardly, imprudent and improvident Captain loses and spoils all. This in gross was all that was done whilst I stayed at Montalsin.  
Now Monsieur de Guise having been informed that I was like to have been surprised at Altesse, 
Monsieur de Guise is angry with the Sieur de Montluc.  he writ me a very angry letter, wherein he told me, that it seemed I had a mind to lose myself, the Country, and all, to go out after this manner upon every occasion into the field, and that if I should chance to be defeated the whole Country would be lost, he being already so weak in men, that he should not be able upon any disaster to relieve it; that this way of proceeding was commendable enough in a private Captain, but not in a King's Lieutenant, who ought not to expose his own person but upon very great occasion. To which I writ in answer, 
He excuses himself.  that I had been necessitated to do as I did, or otherwise Don Arbro would foot by foot deprive me of the whole Country, that on the other side he might assure himself I should rise so early, and use such diligence, that I would look well enough to myself for being at any time surprised, and that therefore he should not take any thought concerning me; for although Don Arbro had evermore thirty Ensigns in the field, and I but five or six to answer him withal, I would nevertheless so well look to his water, that I would well enough prevent him from bringing about his designs. After this I retired myself to the Abbey of St. Salvadour, fifteen or sixteen miles from Montalsin towards Rome. About a mile distant from the Roman Way there is a little walled Town, and an Abbey of Augustins, which was founded by King Charles the Little at his return from Naples; for he made some abode at this place. All the Church is covered with Flower-de-luces', and the foundation recorded in Parchment; the Religious of this place are very holy men.  
Being there I received a letter from the Cardinal of Ferrara, 
News of the loss of the Bartail of St. Quentin.  (who was at this time at Ferrara) wherein he writ me the sad news of the Constables being defeated at St. Quentin, and that it was more than necessary I should now more than ever intent his Majesty's affairs, and that if God did not assist the King, all was gone in France, all the Forces his Majesty had being lost at this defeat. Immediately upon this Letter I returned back to Montalsin, for fear lest the Siennese hearing the news, should be totally dismayed, where, by remonstrances and persuasions I comforted them the best I could, and afterwards tried to comfort myself. I had need so to do, for I gave the Kingdom for lost, and it was only saved by the good pleasure of God, and nothing else, God miraculously blinding the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy's understandings, so as not to pursue their victory directly to Paris: for they had men enough to have left at the Siege of St. Quentin against the Admiral, and to have followed their victory too; or after they had taken St. Quentin they had as much time as ever, and yet knew not how to do that any simple Captain would have done. 
Discourse upon this defeat.  So that we must all acknowledge it to be the bounty of Almighty God, who loves our King, and would not suffer his Kingdom to be destroyed. However I did not to the Siennese make the matter altogether so bad as it was, but told them that the Letters I had from France, assured me the loss was but small, and that the King was setting an Army on foot, which he would command in his own person.  
Monsieur de Guise being at Rome, by reason the King had called him home to his succour, sent for me to come to him, which I did post; where being come, he there demanded of me what it would be necessary for him to leave me wherewith to maintain what we had in Tuscany; to which I made answer that I had need of that which it was not in his power to give me; for he had no money to leave me, nor-many men, that would not be more serviceable in France than in Tuscany: but that nevertheless I would do as God should direct me, in whom I reposed a confidence, that he would no more forsake me now, than hitherto he had done; and that I humbly begged of him to make all the haste he possibly could into France; for if God did not preserve the Kingdom men could do very little towards it, all the Forces of the Nation being defeated and lost. The Marshal de Strozzy, who was present, very much approved of my answer, and as highly commended me, forasmuch as others would have demanded men and money, of both which I had in truth very great need: but France was of greater concern to the King than Tuscany, 
The Sieur de Montlucs request to the Duke of Guise.  where I would try to draw money from the Country, and with war make war. Only I besought Monsieur de Guise humbly to entreat the King to recall me into France, to help to defend the Kingdom; for I had nothing to lose in Tuscany; whereupon he promised me to deal so effectually with the King, that his Majesty should send for me, but upon this condition, that so soon as I should be returned into France, I should promise forthwith to repair to him. He had not given credit to all the false reports had been made of me, he knew me too well, and ever loved me so long as he lived. I engaged my word to him, that I would do so, and so he went to embark himself at Civita Vechia, and carried back his Forces entire into France, wherein he manifested himself to be a great and prudent Captain. As for me I returned back to Montalsin.  
Before my licence came to return for France, at the request of Captain Carbayrac, that Monsieur de Guise had sent Governor to Grossette (for he had taken out Monsieur de la Molle with seven or eight foot Companies he had, and sent him to Ferrara, and had sent me Monsieur de Giury with thirteen Ensigns of Foot in his stead, wherein I lost nothing by the change) I went in all haste to Grossette, to see to a disorder was fallen out there; which was, that all the Ammunition of Corn that I had laid in there (which was sufficient for above a year) was so embezzeled, that there was not above a hundred Sacks in all to be found. There was a Commissary, whose name was Louberiac, who laid the blame of this business upon Monsieur de la Molle; whereupon I sent post after Monsieur de la Molle, to acquaint him with what this fellow had deposed against him; and Monsieur de la Molle on the contrary charged the fault upon the said Louberiac. I lay that night in a pair of damp sheets, and it was in Winter, not having at that time brought my field-bed along with me, 
The Sieur de Montluc falls sick.  because I would let my Mules rest in order to my Jurney into France, by which means I got a continued fever, that in ten days deprived me of all knowledge even of my own servants. Without which sickness I had taken an order with Louberiac for ever robbing the King's Ammunitions again, as I did another at Sienna who had done the same.  
So soon as I began a little to recover my senses, and to know people, my dismission came, his Majesty writing to me withal, that I should go to Ferrara there to remain some time with the Duke to advise him in his affairs, he being at that time engaged in a War. The great joy of this dismission put me into so much heart, 
The Sieur de Montluc has leave to return into France.  that four days after I departed, causing myself to be carried in a Chair by six men to Montizel, where Captain Bartolomeo de Pezero was, and where I stayed three days in expectation of a Litter, which Signior Marioul de Santa Fiore was to send me. In which I departed thence, not being able for all that to travel above five or six miles a day, and came to Pezero, where I found the Duke of Urbin, who sent out five or six Gentlemen to meet me, to conduct me to lodge in his Castle: to which returning my very humble thanks, I sent the Duke an excuse, that I begged his pardon, for I was of necessity to alight at Captain Bartolomeo de Pezero's house, who had writ to his Mother to receive me, and where I was consequently expected. I than went thither, where I found his Mother to be an extraordinary civil person, and as well esteemed in the City as any Gentlewoman whatever. So soon as ever I alighted they immediately put me to bed, for I was so worn, that I was nothing but skin and bone, and continually dying for cold, what Furs soever they could put upon me. The Duke did me the honour presently to come see me, and seeing me so ill, compelled me to stay four days there, not suffering me to spend a penny, but caused me every day to be served with two dishes from his own Table, after which I fancied myself so much better, that I sent back the Litter. The Duke at parting would needs make me accept a horse out of his Race, one of the most beautiful Coursers that I almost ever saw, and the strongest for his height, and would have a little Friezland horse of mine, strong for his stature, and very handsome; and so they set me upon a little pad Nag that Monsieur de Giury gave me at my departure from Montalsin (where he commanded till the arrival of Don Francisco d' Est, whom the King made his Lieutenant General as I had been) and after that manner I crawled on to Ferrara, 
He comes to Ferrara.  where I was as welcome, and as well received both by the Duke, Duchess, and the Cardinals, as I had been their own Brother, the Duke lodging me in his own Palace, and causing me to be served from his own Kitchen equal to his own person.  
Four or five days after my arrival I had a great desire to go see the Cardinal de Tournon, 
He goes to Venice.  and Monsieur de Dax at Venice, which Sieur de Dax was Ambassador there, and there I stayed four days with them, very much troubled that I had not health to see all the City of Venice (for I was yet so ill, that I had much ado to go to the Arcenal) after which I returned back to Ferrara. Now that all the parties are dead I shall do no harm to any one, in discovering that the Cardinal of Mant●a manifested himself to be a great friend to the Duke of Ferrara, for he gave him notice, that his Brother Don Ferrand had a design to besiege Versel, that he caused six pieces of Ordnance to be taken out of Alexandria, with which he was marched directly to Cremona, with great store of Powder and Buller, assuring him that this preparation was for Versel, which intelligence he dispatched away to him by two several Messengers, one upon the heels of another. I was also advertized from Cremona, 
The Siege of Versel designed▪  that Don Ferrand was there making ready more Canon, and had pr●st fourscore great Merchants Boats that trafficked upon the Pan, upon which Versel is situate, as also Cremony; that part of the Spanish Companies, which were toward Piedmont, began to march directly to Cremona, and that he was raising new Italian Companies about Milan. The Duke of Ferrara having received all these advertisements, was very much troubled, the place being as yet in no very good posture of defence; for there was not so much as any one Bulwark covered, and the Courtines very low, as also the Spurs, being but half terrassed, nor yet half filled, and all the Flanks open. The Duke sent the Prince his Son, who lay with his Army at Reges, word of all this, bidding him withal forthwith to send Signior Cornelin Bentivoglio to put himself into it: whereupon the Prince sent him word back, that if Signior Corn●lio was taken away from him, he should not know what to do with the Army, the said Signior always commanding in his absence. and he having no ease but by him, and therefore humbly entreated he would please to make choice of some other. The Duke then immediately sent away to Monsieur de la Molle, who was with the Prince in his Camp, entreating that he would go to defend the place: but Monsieur de la Molle returns answer back, that the King had given him no order to shut himself up in any place, but only to perform his office in the field: and therefore desired to be excused. The Duke was exceedingly troubled, (as also was the Cardinal his Brother that now is) that they had not a man in so great an exigency, whom they could entrust with the defence of this place.  
I now began to gather a little strength, and these dispatches to and again were carried so privately, that I knew nothing of all this, till in the end a Gentleman of the Dukes, (whom he had commanded to be continually about me, to see that I wan●ed nothing) discovered it all to me one night very late, 
The anxiety of the Duke of Ferrara.  and told me moreover, that the Duke had almost given over the place for lost, forasmuch as he who was Governor in it was no Soldier, nor had ever born arms in any action of consequence: but that he was nevertheless a very, honest man; so that the Duke did not in the least suspect his fidelity, but only his want of experience, and which was worst of all, there was no one in a time of so great need, who would make an offer of his person, to put himself into the place. Having heard this story, I all night consulted with my health about this affair; for as for inclination I had but too much, and in the morning finding myself indifferently lusty, I thereupon went immediately to wait upon the Duke, whom I found a-bed, for he always rose very late. He had given order to his people, that at what time soever I came to his Chamber door, although he was in bed, they should let me in; wherefore I no sooner knocked, but that one of the Gentlemen of his Chamber presenty opened the door, where I found the Duke in Bed, and two Secretaries writing upon a little Table by his Bedside. So soon as I had given him the good morrow, I gave him an account of what had been told me over night, but withal naming the Gentleman. Whereupon he repeated to me the same things I had heard before, together with the great trouble he was in, but would not mention the Cardinal of Mantua to me, from whom he had the most certain intelligence until my return, when so soon as he had made an end, I spoke to him after this manner. Sir, 
The Sieur de Montluc offers himself to the Duke of Ferrara.  dare you confided in me for the defence of your place, to which he made answer, in you Monsieur de Montluc? yes certainly, and sooner than any man in Italy; then Sir, said I, get up, and write presently to the Prince your Son, to give me a French Company that I shall choose, and some horse to convoy me to the Town, and write to Signior Pietro Gentilis, that he keep a good correspondence with me for the defence of the City, and that you have not sent me to deprive him of his Government, but because I have more experience in those affairs than he has, and that he shall presently execute whatever I shall direct. Upon this the Duke thrust out his arms, and clasping me fast about the neck, held my face close to his bosom, bidding one of his Gentlemen run for the Cardinal his Brother, who lay in his own Palace, a great distance from the Castle. The Gentleman made all the haste he could, telling the Cardinal what he had heard, who immediately came to us, and so soon as he came into the room, taking me in his arms, said to me these words. O Monsieur de Montluc how infinitely is ●ur whole Family obliged to your generosity for this noble offer. After which they immediately fell to dispatching their letters, whilst I went to make myself ready to be gone, for the business required haste, Versel being so situated, that an Army being ever set down before it, it is impossible to get in, provided they have two or three boats only upon the River. I wen● that night to lie at Final, 
He goes to the relief of Versel▪  the next day I dined at Modena, and arrived in the evening at Reges, where the Prince with his Army lay, who gave me the Baron d' Aurade, (the same who was after slain at Monsieur de Nemours his Chamber window at Vienna) with his Company and a Troop of Horse for my Convoy. In this equipage at one of the clock in the afternoon we arrived at Versel, where there was one Company of Swiss, five of Italians, and now that of the Baron d' Aurade, who was glad to go along with me, and made the seventh. The Duke of Parma from the time of his being reconciled to the King of Spain, had called back his two Companies of Light-horse, which had been with us at Rome, commanded by the Captain Bartolomieo, and Ambrosio, and seven or eight days before this Captain Ambrosio had been taken, and brought prisoner into the Castle of Versel, where I found him just going away, the Prince having exchanged him for another. He was amazed to see me there, and I told him, that not long ago we had worn the white Cross together, but that I now saw him with a red one; to which he made answer, quae besognava far le commandamento del s●o padrone, and asked me what business I had there: In answer to which I merrily told him, that I was come thither to serve them in the quality of Marshal de Camp, where I would provide them Quarters to lodge their Army in at their ease: But Captain Pietro Gentilis told and assured him, that I was come to defend the place, who thereupon said, O questi non sono bay donque a la fede che, io portero cative nove all mio padrone, and so bade me farewell.  
Now the Duke of Parma at this same time held another place of the Duke of Ferrara's besieged belonging to Reges. 
The defects of Versel.  For five or six miles round about Versel I found neither Hay nor Straw, nor any other thing for the horses to eat, neither was there any meat at all, and within few utensils to work withal, nor wine, but a little they had for the Swiss, and very little either meal, or corn to make meal of: A defect that I believe more tempted Don Ferrand to besiege it, than any other thing. Methought I was once more got into Sienna, where I was in the greatest necessity of all things; and in the morning the Troop of Horse would needs be gone, their horses not having any one bit of any thing of all that night to eat. Now there were three great Bourgs upon the Road towards Parma (which as I remember they told me appertained to the Sieur de St. Surin, whom I have seen in a round Bonnet at Court) half a mile distant the one from the other, and two miles from Versel, where there lay some Italian Soldiers in Garrison, to hinder those of Versel from drawing any relief from thence. I therefore sallied out with the Swiss Company, that of the Baron d' Aurade, and three hundred Italian Harquebuzeers, ordering Signior Pietro Gentili's to command all the men, women, and children to follow after me, together with all the horse in the Town, and a great number of Ropes and Sacks, and so marched directly to the first Village. The Enemy who were quartered there, upon my coming presently abandoned the Bourg, and retired to the next, and I still followed after, till at last they forsook them all, and retired in all haste towards Parma. 
Versel victualled by the Inhabitants themselves.  I had given order that upon pain of death no one should touch any thing but provisions, and left the Baron d' Aurade with the Troop of Horse at the furthermost Village towards Parma, the Italian Harquebuzeers at the second, and the Swiss at the third nearest to Versel, giving them all in charge to suffer nothing to pass, but victual only, whilst I rid up and down from Bourg to Bourg to hasten them in their work; for I never expected to go off without fight. The Bourgs were none of them all enclosed, and there was great plenty of provisions, insomuch that some made five or six journeys to carry victual into Versel, so that in the end there was not one who did not come to seek for provision, and the wines we embarked upon Boats, and conveyed them by a little River there was (I think an Arm of the Po) landing them about half a mile from Versel, the River coming no nearer to the Town. This work continued from Sun-rise to Sunset, so that I dare be bold to say there was but a very little provision, of all sorts put together, left in all the Villages, the men and women whereof were very much astonished at this proceeding, but I promised them satisfaction; and so the day past, wherein so much provision both for men and horses was conveyed into the Town, that for three months we could not possibly want, and then the Captain of the horse was content to stay with me a few days longer. The next day Signior Pietro Gentilis sallied out with all the men, women, and children of eight years old and upwards, and went to fall upon a Copse about half a mile from Versel, 
The diligence of the Inhabitants of Versel.  to cause Bavins to be made and brought before the Town. The Inhabitants were by no means unwilling to go, and he also took the Swiss, and almost all the Italian foot along with him, whilst I with the Baron d' Aurade, and the Troop of horse went along to guard him, where they plied their work as well at the Copse, as they had done at the Villages the day before, and came to throw down their Bavins within a Harquebuz shot of the Town; neither till the night took us up did we ever cease, and for two days after did the same, insomuch that I am confident there were above threescore thousand Bavins made in three days, which afterwards we went with Colours flying to fetch home, 
The Sieur de Montluc carries a Basket at the Fortifications.  and bestowed them in the Town, filling the Church, and several vacant places in the Walls, and then fell to fortifying, none being excepted from the work, Signior Pietro and I carrying Baskets to give example to the rest. I can say nothing but very well of that Gentleman, for I perceived in him no want either of courage or industry, but only of a little experience, which is not to be acquired without being employed, which he had never been; and how can one judge of a man until he be tried? 'Tis possible if he had been attaqu'd he would have acquitted himself very well: though men who have never seen a Siege are apt to be astonished when they hear such a rattle about their cars, and if a Governor be once daunted, all is lost. So soon as we had got our Bavins into the Town I resolved upon another Enterprise, which was to go and sweep away the provisions of two Villages near Grastalda, which belongs to Don Ferrand, in which there were two Companies of Germans, and one of Italians. To this end I sent the Captain of the Horse, and all the Gentlemen who were with me, to ride up to Grastalda, and with them all along by a Hedge the Baron d'Aurade to second them, whilst I with the Swiss, and four hundred Italians was busy loading away the victuals. They sent then twelve horse up to the very Gates of Grastalda, and the rest were placed in Ambush in a little Wood hard by. Whereupon the Germane Captains, and a great many people with them sallied out, and pursued out Avaunt Coureurs. Our Ambuscado discovered itself too soon, otherwise all the Captains had been taken; but we pursued them up to the very gates, where forty or threescore Germans were slain (for the Baron d'Aurade was got in amongst them (the Ambuscado's both of foot and horse being planted close by one another) and a Germane Ensign with twenty or four and twenty Germans taken prisoners; and so we returned home with the provisions we had loaded, and the next day I dismissed the Horse to return back to the Prince, who I was afraid would be displeased that they stayed so long, though the men themselves were very willing to have stayed longer with me, which if they had I should often have engaged them with the Enemy; for I have ever taken care that my Soldiers, whether horse or foot, should not grow resty for want of employment, and stronger or weaker, have ever set them together by the ●ars with the Enemy, to see what they could do. 'Tis true a man ought to go discreetly to work not to lose them, but on the other side, he that stands over much upon caution, saying I will not throw away my men, or I will not do this or that to endanger the loss of my Company, shall in the end find, that he has performed no great matters. A man must both give and take.  
The Duke of Parma lay still before the forementioned place, which he battered, and in the mean time I did my business; Captain Balferniere and another French Company were in it ' who behaved themselves so well, that they for ten or twelve days held the Enemy in play. 
Don Ferrand in suspense what to do.  Don Ferrand who was at Cremona having intelligence of the victual and Bavins we had put into Versel, and of the great diligence we used in all our affairs, began to cool in his design: for (as I have said before) I had made head against him at Cassal, and he knew very well what order and diligence I had observed in my Fortifications there: he also remembered how I had served him at Been, and at St. Damian, all which together made him imagine he should not ●asily carry this place, and therefore he withdrew his Ammunitions and Artillery, which were upon the banks of Po ready to be shipped aboard, and dismissed the Boats he had pressed whereon to embark the Canon, and the Foot; for the Duke of Parma's Camp was to have joined with him before Versel. And although it be in my own commendation, yet shall I not forbear to tell you, that the Duke of Ferrara said in public, and gave me that glory, that my presence had diverted the Enemy's designs, who would not attempt the Enterprise, knowing (as I said before) what I could do for the defence of a place. 'Tis a great deal to acquire such a reputation, as to make a man's self feared and esteemed by his Enemy. The said Don Ferrand was an old wary Soldier, and would not attempt a place where I had broken ground; and also if he had, having wherewithal to eat I should have baffled him.  
About this time the Duke of Florence procured the Duke of Ferrara's peace with the King of Spain, 
The Duke of Ferrara a good Frenchman.  but it was with the knowledge and consent of the King, otherwise the said Duke would not have done it to have saved his Dukedom, he was so good a Frenchman; and when the peace came, which was five and twenty days after I entered into Versel, I took my leave of the Prince, and returned to Ferrara, where it is not to be asked if I was welcome to the Duke, the Duchess, and the Cardinal; for I do not think they ever caressed any man of what condition soever he was, or could be, more than they did me; and when he died I might well say, as I now do, I lost one of the best friends I had in the world: and when I departed from Ferrara to go to Versel, the Duke examined a Secret ray of mine what store of money I had, and he telling him I had not above two hundred Crowns, 
The Duke of Ferrara presents the Sieur de Montluc.  he sent five hundred Crowns to my said Secretary, who had the ordering of my expense; and when three days after my return I took my leave of him, the Duchess and the Cardinal, the said Duke seeing me have a great many Gentlemen of Quality in my Train, and knowing I could not have money enough to defray my Journey, he sent me five hundred more. And thus I returned rich from my Command in Tuscany. This money carried me to Lions, where I found two thousand and four hundred Francs, which the King had caused to be paid for two years' Salary of my place of Gentleman of the Chamber, and that Martineau had there deposited for me in the hands of Cathelin jean the Postmaster, 
The Sieur de Montluc arrives at Court.  which brought me to Paris. Immediately upon my coming to Paris I went to kiss his Majesty's hand, he being then at Cressy, where I was as well received by his Majesty as at my return from Sienna, and he was very well satisfied with what I had done for the Duke of Ferrara. Monsieur de Guise, who had not seen me before, embraced me three or four times in the presence of the King himself, and his Majesty commanded the said Monsieur de Guise to cause a thousand Crowns to be given me, wherewith to return and to sojourn some time at Paris, which he presently did. And thus was my return out of Italy into France; the last time that I was in those parts, and the services I did there, wherein I cannot lie; there being so many yet living who can bear testimony of what I have delivered.  
By this (Captains) you may see, and take notice what a thing reputation is, which also having once acquired, you ought rather to die than to lose; neither must you do like men of the world, who so soon as they have got a little repute are content with it, and think that what ever they shall do afterwards, the world will still repute them valiant. Do not fancy any such thing; for by performing from time to time still more and braver things, young men rise to greatness, have fire in their pates, and fight like Devils; who when they shall see you do nothing worth taking notice of, will be apt to say that the world has bestowed the title of valiant upon you without desert, will set less value upon you, use you with less respect, and behind your back talk of you at their pleasure, and with good reason; for if you will not still continue to do well, and still attempt new and greater things, it were much safer for your honour to retire home to your own house, with the reputation you have already got, than by still following arms to lose it again, and to be scouting at distance when others are laying about them. If you desire to mount to the highest step of the stairs of honour, do not stop in the midway, but step by step strive to get up to the top without imagining that your renown will continue the same as when it was obtained at first. You deceive yourselves, some new comer will carry away the prize, if you do not look well about you, and strive to do still better and better.  
The same day that I went from Cressy back to Paris, Monsieur de Guise departed also to go to Metz to execute the Enterprise of Thionville. 
The Duke of Guise created Lieutenant General of France.  The King from the time of his return out of Italy had made choice of him for his Lieutenant General throughout his whole Kingdom, so that before my coming I found that he had taken the Town of Calais, and sent back the English to the other side of the Sea, together with Guines, and that he was now upon the Siege of Thionville. Two days had not passed before the King sent for me to come to him to Cressy, without giving me notice what it was about, and I heard that the next morning after I departed from thence the King had caused Monsieur d' Andelot to be arrested about some answer he had made him concerning Religion. So soon as I was come the King sent for me into his Chamber, 
Andelot arrested.  where he had with him the Cardinal of Lorraine, and two or three others (whom I have forgor, but I think the King of Navarre, and Monsieur de Montpensier were there) and there the King told me that I must go to Metz to the Duke of Guise, there to command the Foot, of which Monsieur d' Andelot was Colonel. I most humbly besought his Majesty not to make me to intermeddle with another man's Command, which rather than I would do, I would go serve his Majesty under the Duke of Guise in the quality of a private Soldier, or else would command his Pioners, rather than take upon me this employment. The King then told me, that Monsieur de Guise so soon as he had heard of Andelots' imprisonment, had himself sent to demand me to exercise the said command. Seeing then I could get nothing by excuses, I told his Majesty that I was not yet cured of a Dyssentery my disease had left me, and that this was a command which required health and disposition of body to perform it; which were neither of them in me; whereupon his Majesty told me, 
What an opinion King henry had of the Sieur de Montlu●.  that he should think this Command better discharged by me in a Litter, than by another in perfect health, and that he did not give it me to exercise for another, but that he intended I should have it for ever; to which I made answer, that I gave his Majesty most humble thanks for the honour he designed me herein, and made it my most humble request, that he would not be displeased, if I could not accept it. Whereupon his Majesty said to me these words, Let me entreat you to accept it for my sake, and with that the Cardinal reproved me, saying, You dispute it too long with his Majesty, 'tis too much contested with your Master, to which I replied, that I did not dispute it out of any disaffection to his Majesty's service, nor that I was unwilling to serve under the Duke of Guise, I having upon my first coming to Paris laid out money to buy me some Tents, and other Equipage, in order to my attendance upon him, having engaged myself before at Rome so to do; but only upon the account of my incapacity in that posture of health wherein I then was. His Majesty then told me, that there was no more to be said, and that I must go; after which I had no more to say. And I fancy the King of Navarre, and Monsieur de Montpensier both fell upon me to persuade me to accept of this Command, forasmuch as I remember the King said to me, there is no more excuse, for you see all the world is against you, and thereupon commanded the Cardinal to order me another thousand Crowns towards my Equipage, which he presently did. I then returned to Paris, where I stayed but two days to provide myself of such things as I wanted, and so went away to the Duke of Guise to Metz. 
The Sieur de Montluc Colonel of the Infantry.  I found him just mounting to horse to go to discover Thionville, but he would not suffer me to go along with him, by reason of my long Journey, and to speak the truth I was not very well; and the same night he returned, and told me, that if God would permit us to take that place, there was honour to be got. He was always wont when disposed to be merry to call me, his heart, and smiling, then said to me, Courage my heart, I hope we shall carry it. And in the morning we departed, for he had all his tackle ready. I must needs say one thing with truth, and without flattery, that he was one of the most diligent Generals that I had served of eighteen, under whom I had the honour to bear arms for his Majesty's service; and yet he had one fault, which was, that he would write almost every thing with his own hand, and would not trust to any Secretary he had. I will not say this was ill done, but it rendered him a little slow, and affairs of war require so prompt a diligence, that a quarter of an hours delay sometimes endangers the success of the greatest Enterprise. One day I came from the Trenches to demand of him four Germane Ensigns to reinforce our Guards, for we began to approach very near to the Town; and because the Artillery from the walls had forced him from his first Quarter, he was lodged in a little low house, which had one little Chamber only, the window whereof was just over the door: I there met with Monsieur de Bourdillon, who was since Marshal of France, whom I asked where the Duke was; he told me he was writing; the Devil, said I, take all these writings for me, it seems he has a mind to save his Secretaries a labour, 'tis pity he was not a Clerk of the Parliament of Paris, for he would have got more money than du Tillot, and all the rest of them put together. Monsieur Bourdi●●on was ready to die with laughing, because he knew (which I dreamt not on) that the Duke heard every word I said, and therefore egged me on still to descant more upon this Clerk: when presently Monsieur de Guise came out laughing, and said, How now my heart, what do you think I should have made a good Clerk? but in my life I was never so out of countenance, and was furiously angry with Monsieur de Bourdillon, for having made me talk at that rate, though the Duke laughed at it only, and gave me Count Rocquendolf with four Ensigns. 
The laudable qualities of the Duke of Guise.  But to return to what I was saying of his diligence, there was not any one who did not acknowledge him for one of the most vigilant and diligent Generals of our times, and withal a man of so great judgement in deliberation, that he having delivered his opinion and advice, a better was not to be expected. As to the rest, a Prince so discreet, affable, and familiar, that there was not a man in his Army, who would not cheerfully run all hazards for the least word of his mouth; so great a dexterity he had in gaining hearts. Only his dispatches took up a little too much of his time, I think because he durst not trust his Secretaries, a sort of men that do us a great deal of mischief, and 'tis very rare to find out one that is faithful.  
He besieged the Town then on that side beyond the River, the River being between, which he caused to be sounded, 
The Siege of Thionville.  to try if it was not very deep, by five or six Soldiers that I brought with me: we were not above five or six with him, of which number were Monsieur de Bourdillon, and Monsieur de Cire; and we found that some of the Soldiers had water up to the Codpiece, and others to the Girdle. I than told him, that in case this was the weakest side, he ought not to defer making his Battery; for I doubted not to make the Soldiers pass over to the assault, and that I myself would lead them the way. The night following we planted Gabions upon the bank of the River, and in the morning by break of day the Artillery began to thunder against the Tower, which was opened on the left hand towards a Ravelin that flanked the said Tower, as also was a little Turrer betwixt the great Tower and the Ravelin. This was all that could be done at that place. The Enemy planted ten or twelve great pieces of Canon, just over against our Artillery; 
A Counter Battery.  and about eleven of the clock in the morning began to make a Counter-battery, with which before two a clock in the afternoon they had beaten all our Gabions to pieces, excepting one, and the half of another, behind which ten or a dozen of us that were there squat with our bellies close to the ground; for all the Soldiers and Pioners were constrained to quit the post, and to go throw themselves behind another Trench above sixscore paces behind us; so that durst the Enemy have ventured over the water, they might have taken our Artillery, and at great ●ase have thrown them into the River: for the Soldiers that were retired to the other Trench could not have come up to relieve us, but at the mercy of their Canon, and smaller shot, forasmuch as the River was not above threescore and ten paces over, and ran within four foot of the Wall. Monsieur le Marquis d' Elloeuf, with fourteen or fifteen Gentlemen of the Duke's Train, never forsook me of all the while, and so we lay till dark night, that we planted new Gabions, and double the number, but it was all to no purpose, for we could do no good with our Battery against the Wall, forasmuch as they had cast up great Terraces within, so broad that two or th●ee Coaches might have gone upon them abreast both in that place, and elsewhere quite round the Town; in my life I never saw a Fortress better fortified than that was. Monsieur de Guise than called a Council, where every one was of opinion that he should draw off his Artillery from that place, and lodge all our Infantry and Germans on the other side the River, and there to begin his Trenches as near as he could to the Wall. This being resolved upon, the said Duke caused a Bridge in extreme diligence to be presently made, and we passed the River over it, though the planks were not as yet nailed, and encamped in a Village about five or six hundred paces distant from the City, situate upon a Plain, and so open, 
A furious counter-battery.  that a bird could not stir without being seen, and there they plied us with their Canon till they had not left a house standing in the whole Village, insomuch that we were constrained to secure ourselves in the Cellars under ground. I had pitched my Pavilions very cunningly betwixt two Walls, but they beat down both Walls and Pavilions; in my life I never saw a more furious Counter-battery. The night following the Marshal de Strozzy past the River with Monsieur de Guise, and we began to cast up our Trenches along this Plain, where we lay seven or eight days before we could approach within two hundred paces of the City, by reason the nights were short, and by day they did so thunder the Trenches, that there was no working but by night. The Marshal never stirred from us, unless he went sometimes to his Tents, (which yet remained on the other side of the water) to shift his clothes, 
The Trenches.  and that not above once in three days. He gave me leave to make the Trenches according to my own fancy, for we had at first begun them a little two narrow through the wisdom of an Engineer. At every twenty paces I made a back corner, or return, winding sometimes to the left hand, and sometimes to the right, which I made so large that there was room for twelve or fifteen Soldiers with their Harquebusses and Halberds; and this I did to the end, that should the Enemy gain the head of the Trench, and should leap into it, those in the back corner might fight them, they being much more Masters of the Trench than they who were in the strait line, an invention that both the Marshal and the Duke did very well approve of.  
Monsieur de Guise than told me, that I must send to discover what effect our Artillery had wrought against the Tower, and that I must do it by valiant persons. In order whereunto I took with me Captain Sarlabous, 
Thionville discovered.  the younger Millac, St. Estephe, Cipiere, and Captain Montluc my Son, and went. So soon as we came near unto the Tower we were to pass over certain little Bridges the Enemy had made, by which to pass over the Marish to the Tower; and being come to the Tower we found a palisado of posts as thick as a man's thigh, that from the Tower went seven or eight paces into the River, and we were to go all along by the palisado in water to the end of it, and afterwards on the other side of the palisado to return to the Tower. We had made two Soldiers bring two Pikes along with us; I for my part did not go into the water, but all the rest past the palisado after this manner, and one after another viewed the breach that had been made in the Tower, and they put a Soldier into it by a Pike, and found that within the Tower there was water up to the armpits, and being the River made a great noise at this place by reason of the palisado, their Sentinels never heard us, though the Tower was no more than four paces distant from the Wall of the Town. This being done we returned, 
The Duke de Guise not satisfied with the discovery made by the Sieur de Mon●luc.  and went to give Monsieur de Guise an account of what we had seen, who would not give credit to our discovery, but told me he was certain there was no palisado, and that people who came lately from thence had assured him to the contrary; and that therefore the night following we must discover it better. I was vexed to the blood at this answer: but said no more to him but only this, that I conceived the testimony of those Captains was sufficient, but seeing he was not satisfied with it, let some body in the name of God discover it better, to which he made-answer, that he did not mean I should go myself, neither said I, do I intent it. The Marshal knew very well that I was angry, and said to the Sieur Adrian Baillon, and to Count Th●ophile, I know Montluc is angry by his answer to the Duke of Guise, and you shall see if he do not go this night to discover after a terrible manner, for I know the complexion of the man.  
This night Monsieur de Guise detained the Marshal with him in his Quarters, and so soon as it was night I took four hundred Pikes, Corslets all, and four hundred Harquebuzeers, and went to lay the Corslets upon their bellies upon the ground within a hundred paces of the Gate of the City, and I with the four hundred Harquebuzeers marched directly to the Palisade. The Captains themselves who had discovered before, 
Another discovery of th● Breach.  were as angry at the answer Monsieur de Guise had given them, as I, and themselves first passed the palisado. Now I believe the Enemy had in the morning perceived that people had passed by the end of the palisado, for we there found a Court of Guard of twenty or five and twenty men, of which the most part were killed, and the rest escaped into the Rampire, where our people pursued and entered after them; but the door of the Ravelin that went into the Town was so narrow, that one man only could pass at a time, which was the reason that our men stopped short, for the Enemy defended the door. Nevertheless they made shift to dismount, and tumble a Bastard from the Ravelin on our side down to the ground, and being that by the Tower our Artillery from the other side of the water had beaten down part of the Wall, so that it was pretty low; we with some Pikes that came along with us, came to dispute it with them, where the fight continued for above a long hour. Monsieur de Guise, who saw all from the other side of the River, was stark mad at what he saw, but the Marshal who was with him laughed with Sieur Adrian, and the Count de Theophile saying, did I not tell you he would make one? I had made the Soldiers to carry five or six hatchets along with them, with which during the time of the fight, I caused all the palisado to be cut, and pulled up, so that we needed no more to wade the water at our return. Captain St. Estephe was there slain with the Ensign of Cipierre, 
St▪ Estephe slain.  and another Ensign (but they had not their Colours with them, for I had brought none) together with ten or twelve Soldiers killed, and wounded. Captain Sarlabous is yet living, and several others who can witness, that had we taken with us five or six Ladders seven or eight foot high only, we had entered the place, for they kept very ill guard on that side, and in that place, relying upon the Guard they had left without, so that it was a long time before they came to the defence of this Post, whilst in the mean time five or six of our Soldiers helping one another mounted upon the Wall; so that had we had Ladders to reach from the top of the breach in the Wall up to the Terrace, I think fortune would have smiled upon us, for they say she favours the bold.  
In the morning I sent Captain Sarlabous to give the Duke an account of what we had seen, for I would not go myself, being certain he was very angry. The Marshal was still with him, who laughing said, would you have a Breach better discovered than by giving an assault? This was a Gascon trick you was not aware of. The thing that most troubled the Duke of Guise was, that word would be sent to the King, that we had given an Assault, and were repulsed, otherwise he had not cared so much. His incredulity and my despite were the loss of a great many good men. When we had brought up our Trench within fifty paces of the Tower, one morning by break of day the Marshal would retire to his Tent to shift himself, and I also would do the same. Now as our approaches came nearer to the Town, I still made my back returns a little longer, to the end that two of them might receive a whole Company. I had evemore an opinion that the Enemy would make a Sally upon us, but it would never sink into the Marshal's head, for he would always say, Would you have them such mad men as to make a Sally to lose their Soldiers, never any men of sense did such a ridiculous thing; to which I made answer, why should they not sally? for in the first place they are able from the walls to secure their men's retreat, on the other side they are in the Town twelve Ensigns of Foot, four hundred Spaniards choice men pick● out of all the Spanish Companies, and a good Chief to head them, which is Joanne Gayetano, a man they esteem above all the Captains they have, and a hundred Horse besides, and the Town would be sufficiently defended with half the forces they are within. I could not for all this make him understand it. I know not why, for the reason of war I am sure was on my side.  
This very morning I had placed Captain Lago the elder, and his Company in two of the long back returns on the right hand, whom I caused to enter before day, that the Enemy might not perceive them, so that it was, as a man may say, a kind of Ambuscado. The Captains who mounted the Guard, had in charge, that in case the Enemy should make a sally, and attaque the head of the Trenches, they should put themselves into the Field and run to charge them in the Flank, and those at the head of the Trench had likewise order, that in case they should attaque the returns, they should likewise leap out of the Trench to assault them in their flank also. We had every night four Germane Ensigns quartered there where we began our Trench, to assist us in time of need, but what Regiment it was that was that night upon the Guard, I cannot remember, and before the Marshal and I were got to the end of the Trenches, it began to be fair broad day. The Marshal trifled the time a little talking with a Germane Captain, and also to stay for a horse, which I had sent for to lend him to pass over the bridge to his Tents, being at a stone Cross close by the village, the horse I had lent him came, when, as my footman was alighting, 
A Sally of the besieged.  on a sudden we heard a mighty noise, and saw the Enemy fight with our men at the head of the Trench, and leaping headlong into the Trenches, and had it not been for those back returns, had doubtless gained them from us. With them there sallied out also fifty or threescore horse. Captain Lago did there approve himself to be a valiant and a prudent man, for he cried to his Lieutenant in the return behind him, to run with his Pikes charged full drive upon the horse, whilst he himself ran upon the Enemy's Flank, who were disputing the head of the Trenches. Seeing this, I mounted upon the horse, whilst the Marshal remained at the Cross, spectator of the whole action, nor ever stayed till I came up to our own men who were at it pellmell with the Enemy; who so soon as Lago came up to them would have retired, 
They are repulsed.  when our people leapt out of the Trenches, and flew upon them, and so we pursued them wounding and killing up to the very Tower on the right hand. I then presently sent back the horse to the Marshal, who found Monsieur de Guise, and all the Gentlemen that were quartered near him on horseback coming to relieve us: but he told them there was no need, for that he had seen all the fight, and the victory was ours. As we retired from the pursuit, all the remainder of their Harquebuzeers were upon the Walls, and fired so round upon our retreat, that it seemed as if it had been only a Volley in compliment to us. I was alone on horseback in the middle of our men, and therefore let any one judge whether God did not by miracle preserve me in such a shower of Harquebuz shot, considering what a fair mark they had of me. The Captains cried out to me to gallop off, though I would never leave them, but came along with them to the edge of the Trenches, where I alighted, and presently delivered the horse to my Lackey to carry him to the Marshal as I said before, and with the rest threw myself into the Trenches, where I found a Captain and a Lieutenant of ours left dead upon the place: I do not remember their names (for they were French, and I was but lately come to command in the Army) with twelve or fourteen, what of theirs and ours dead in the Trenches. And yet notwithstanding the brave Volley they gave us from the Walls, we had not above ten men hurt; and thus their sally did not so much endamage us by a great deal, as it did themselves.  
You may here Captains take a good example concerning Trenches, and the order I took for the sally the Enemy might make, with the advantage we had by it. For never dispute it, the Defendants have need of men, and therefore will be loath to attempt to force your Trenches: 'tis true if you sleep in them you will be surprised. Take notice also when you make your Trenches, to make them high and sloping, and that they have back returns, or corners capable of lodging men; for they are as Forts to repel an Enemy. There was now no more talk of Monsieur de Guise his being angry with me, the Marshal and he holding no other discourse all dinner time, but of the fight, and principally of the providence and circumspection wherewith I had proceeded, saying, that it would be a hard thing ever to surprise me. And also in truth I walked whilst others slept, without fearing either heat or cold. I was inur'd to hardship, which all young Gentlemen who will advance themselves by arms, aught to study betimes, and learn to suffer, that when they shall wax old, it may not be altogether intolerable; but old age being once wholly come, Good-night Godson.  
Within two or three nights after we brought up our Trench to the foot of the great Tower, whereupon Monsieur de Guise brought his Miners to try if the Tower was to be mined, and therefore fell to piercing the Wall within two or three foot of the ground, when so soon as the Enemy heard what we were about, they began to make Casemats within the Tower, so that their Casemats answered to our Hole. We were three nights about piercing the Wall; and at the same time that our Miners were picking without the Enemy were picking within at their loopholes. Every night Monsieur de Guise sent us four Gentlemen to help us to watch, and I remember that one night Monsieur de Montpezat, and Monsieur de Randan came to lie there. So soon as the hole was almost thorough, Monsieur de Guise caused a Canon to be brought me to help to pierce the Wall, for he knew very well that the picking we heard was about Cas●ma●s, and that so soon as ever the wall should be pierced through, they would shoot at us from them. The day before the Canon was brought, the Marshal de Strozzy was gone to his Tents on the other side the water to refresh himself, and to shift both his shirt and his clothes, for we were all dirt.  
Monsieur de Guise from the time that the Miners began to work at the Wall, caused a great many Pioners to come, and to begin a Traverse of Earth and Bavins close adjoining, to the Tower, making them to leave a little path, at which they wrought so hard, that as the hole was pierced, the Trave●se was also brought to perfection. The Enemy had laid a great number of planks upon the Tower in manner of a Trench, and the night before we gave the assault, going up by the little path of the Traverse, and with the help of some Ladder, we took away the planks of their Trench from the top of the Tower, which did us more harm than good; for when the planks were taken away, the great Platform ●hich was close by the Tower, there being only five or six paces betwixt them, so soon as any of us popped up a head, discovered us.  
Now as I have already said the Marshal was only gone to shift himself, 
Monsieur de Guise 〈◊〉 detains the Marshal de 〈◊〉 all night in his Quarters.  but Monsieur de Guise made him stay supper with him, and with great importunity kept him all that night, to his great misfortune: for Monsieur de Guise detained him the next morn●ng, to see whe●e they should plant four Culverines' on that side where they were to play ●nto the Enemy's defences▪ when we should the next day give the assault. The Marshal several times begged of him ●o give him leave to return, telling him, that should any business befall ●e that night, he should be extremely troubled if he should not be there. At last the said Marshal, to his great grief, was constrained to stay, and so much contrary to his mind, that so soon as he was retired into his Tent, he asked the Sieur Adrian Bailon and Count Theophile, if they had the word to pass through the Germans: for as for our people he did not care, and could pass well enough without. They told him they had none, whereupon he said to them these words, It runs in my head, that Monsieur de Montluc will this night have something to do, and that the En●my will come to attaque him ov●r the Counterscarp of the Ditch of the Town, which should i● so fall out, it would trouble me the longest day I have to live, that I was not there.  
To which they made answer, that he ought not to Fancy any such thing, for that I had placed a Court of Guard of four hundred men within twenty paces of the Gate of the City, which they must of necessity fight withal, before they could come to me. To which he replied, I know not what it is, but I am strangely possessed with an opinion, that some misfortune will happen this night. They endeavoured all they could to put this conceit out of his head; for the Sieur Adrian had no mind to repass the River, and go to 〈◊〉 all night at the Tower, he having been lately very sick, and not yet perfectly recovered; for had they told him, as they afterwards told me, that he might have passed through the Germane Guards well enough without the word, being as well known to all the Germane Officers, as to those of our own Nation, he would have gone, what promise soever he had made to the Duke of Guise to the contrary; but when the hour is come, I think God will have it so▪ that death shall follow, and 'tis to no purpose for a man to fly, or to hide himself. He moreover said to them these words, Monsieur de Montluc is not yet well known to the King and Queen, although the King loves him v●ry well; but if I escape from this siege, I will m●ke both the King and the Queen understand his worth, and the next day when he was dead, the Sieur Adrian and Count ●heophile told me, that I had lost the best Friend I had in the world, which I easily believed, and do still believe it, and might well say, that having lost the Duke of Ferrara and him, I had lost the two best friends I had in Italy and in France. 
The Marshal de Strozzy slain.  He was killed the next day, as he was looking and consulting with Monsieur de Guise where to place the four Culverines'. Before dinner he had been looking long, but Monsieur de Guise would needs return again in the afternoon to consider of it better, having Monsieur de Salc●de with them. He was slain by a Musket shot from a little Bulwark, that was at a Corner of the Town, pointing along by the River towards Metz. Thus when a man's hour is once come, he cannot avoid it. This poor Lord had passed thorough above six thousand Canon, and above fifty thousand Harquebuz shot, which could not all kill him, and yet this accursed Musket shot could do it, at the distance of above five hundred paces, Monsieur de Guise being close by him. The King there lost a good servant, and as valiant a man died, as any was in France. Two hours after, Monsieur de Guise came to the Tower, but gave express charge that no one should speak a word of his death, when seeing the Sieur Adrian and Count Theophile, I asked them where he was, to which they made answer, that the last night he had not been very well, but that to night he would come to me; but perceiving Monsieur de Guise to be sad, and all those who were with him very grave, my heart misgave me, that something was amiss, when Monsieur de Guise being returned, and having left Monsieur de Bourdillon with me in the Marshal's stead, I earnestly entreated him to tell me what was become of M●nsi●ur de Strozzy; who made answer, Why, I will tell you, and also if you know it not to day, you will know it to morrow, and thereupon gave me the relation of his death, and how Monsieur de Guise had forbid them to tell me, fearing my grief would hinder me the next day from performing my duty in the fight. To which I replied, That it was true, no man under Heaven was more afflicted for his death than I was, yet that I would endeavour to forget him for that night, and the day following; but it should be to lament him ever after whilst I had an hour to breath: Count Theophile and the Sieur Adrian stayed with me all this night, during which we passed together our lamentations, and by break of day began to play our Canon at the Hole. Monsi●ur de Guise had caused an Engine of planks above a foot thick to be made, to put before the Canon so soon as it had fi●'d, to the end that the Enemy from their Loopholes might not kill our Canon●er●. 
Engine of planks to defend the Canon●●rs.  At the foot of this Engine there were two little wheels for it to move upon, and it was drawn with a little cord, which so covered the mussel of the Canon, that no Harquebuz shot could pierce it. After this manner we made twenty shot at this Hole, which we broke thorough, and made so wide, that a man might easily pass through; but the Canon could do no hurt to their Casemats, forasmuch as they were a little on the right hand, and no man could approach the Hole, without being killed or wounded. Monsieur de Guise than sent me order, that I should try to lodge three or four hundred men betwixt the Tower and the Ravelin, and that he would to that purpose send me Gabions and Pioners. He had caused Man●elets to be made, to place from the great Tower to the River, which might be some seven or eight paces, and from thence our Harquebuzeers shot at those who appeared upon the Courtine; our Ensigns planting themselves all along by the wall, from the Tower to the Raveline. Those upon the Platform saw all along by the Courtine, and ours who were by this Raveline on that side by the Hole, fi●'d at them, whilst I made them shoot from behind the Mantelets. Monsieur de Nevers the Father of these three daughters now living, was come thither, and stood by our Traverse that was at the foot of the Great Tower, and Monsieur de Guise was on the other side of the River, by the Artillery. Poton Seneschal of Agenois commanded one of the four Culverines', who made very brave shots, and did us great service, for he played continually upon the top of the Courtine and the Platform, at those who showed themselves to shoot at our people below, and this continued four or five hours at least. Monsieur de Guise then sent to me by Monsieur de Cipierre to try if we could by any means place the Gabions he had sent me, betwixt the wall and the Hole, but all those who presented themselves to plant the Gabions, were either killed or hurt. I then bethought myself to put a hundred or sixscore Pioners into the water, under the bank of the River, to cast up a Trench all along by the water side towards the Ravaline. Monsieur de Cipierre saw the great difficulty and impossibility there was in executing the Duke's command, and found Captain Bordeziere dead, and his Ensign wounded who died after. You could have seen nothing but wounded men carrying off to be dressed, and the Mantelets shattered all to pieces with stones, so that we lay all open shooting at one another as one shoots at a mark. I had ordered our affairs pertty well; for I had placed most of the Harquebuzeers by hundreds, so that as one hundred had spent all their powder, another hundred came to supply their rooms, and still all the danger and mischief fell where I was; for as well the Culverines' that played from the other side of the River, as those men of ours that shot openly, and without shelter, kept the Enemy in such awe, that not one durst pop up his head to shoot at our people who were under the wall below, but played continually upon us, who were almost in a level right over against them. Monsieur de Bourdillon then at the bidding of Monsieur de Nevers, came and caught me by the arms behind, and haled me above six paces backwards, saying, What will you do ●an, in the name of God, what do you intent to do, do you not see, that if you be killed, all this labour's lost, and that the Soldiers will be discouraged? to which, disengaging myself from him, I replied, and do you no● also see, that if I be not with the Soldiers, they will abandon this post, 
The resolution of the Sieur de Montluc.  and the Enemy will kill all those that are under the wall? for than they will stand up at their case, and shoot plum down upon them. Monsieur de Nevers then called to me also from the other side of the hole, to make me retire, which nevertheless I would not do, but said to Monsieur de Bourdillon these words, What God will do with me this day is already determined, I cannot avoid it, and if this place be appointed for my grave, it is in vain to shun my destiny, and so, without saying any more to him, returned back to the place from whence he had drawn me, when on a sudden I bethought my self of an Enterprise, bidding Captain Volumat to take six Harquebuzeers, and two Halberds, and go place himself behind a Canton of the Wall, that remained of the Tower when it was beaten down, and there try if suddenly leaping out from behind this Wall, he could not throw himself headlong upon the Casemats, a design grounded upon my belief that they could not be covered with any thing but planks, for they made them after the same manner that we ma● le the Hole, or else that they were totally open. But be it how it would, I entreated him without dispute to throw himself upon them, assuring him, that I would go make another Captain fall on by the path of the Traverse, which lead up to the top of the Tower, and that both of them at the same time should throw themselves headlong upon the Casemates. I then called to me a French Captain (I do not remember his name) and said to him in the presence of Monsieur de Nevers and Monsieur de Bourdillon, the same things I had said to Captain Volumat, and that so soon as ever he should be up, without pausing upon the matter, he should throw himself upon the Casemats, desiring Monsieur de Nevers, and Monsieur de Bourdillon to encourage the Soldiers to follow this Captain, whilst I went to Captain Volumat to do the same. But so soon as ever this poor Captain thrust up his head, he was killed by those of the great Platform, and another after him, so that they fell dead betwixt the legs of Monsieur de Nevers, and Monsieur de Bourdillon. I than cried out to Captain Volumat, being some fifteen paces from one another, that the Captain who fell on by the Traverse was already upon the top of the Tower (to beget in him an emulation, which ordinarily sharpens the noblest courages) whereupon the said Captain Volumat start up, for before he was kneeled down behind the Canton, and ran up to the brink of the Wall. Now there was another Wall betwixt the Casemats and the Corner of the Tower; so that although he should leap into the first only, he was never the nearer; yet so it was, that this very thing was cause of the winning of the place, for the Casemat was all open and very low; so that so soon as ever they saw Captain Volumat upon the top, making show as if he would leap in betwixt the two Walls, they acquitted the Casemats, and fled away along by the Curtain of the Wall and the Terrace, betwixt which and the Wall five or six men might march abreast, and then a Soldier of Captain Volumats at two leaps was with me, telling me in great haste that the Enemy had abandoned the Casemat. Whereupon I immediately ran up to the side of the hole, and taking the Soldier by the arm cried to him, 
The Enemy quit the Casemat.  leap in, Soldier, leap in, and I will give thee twenty Crowns: but he told me stately he would not do it, for that he should certainly be killed, and thereupon struggled with all the force he had to get away from me. My Son Captain Montluc, and those Captains I named before, who always used to bear me company, were behind me, at Whom I began to swear and curse, that they did not help me to truss this Gallant, when immediately we thrust him in with his head forwards, and made him bold in spite of his teeth, and seeing they shot no more from the Casemats we put in two Harquebuzeers more, partly with their consent, and partly by force, first taking from them their Flasks and their Matches, for there was water within up to the armpits, and immediately after Captain Montluc leapt in, than the Captains Cossil, la Motte, Caste●, Segrat, and the Ausillions, having all Targets, took the leap to save my Son, 
Gascon Captains.  and three or four Harquebuzeers after them, when so soon as I saw they were nine or ten, I cried out to them, Courage Camrades, now sh●w yourselves true Gascon Soldiers, and fall upon the Casemats, which they did, whilst the Enemy upon the Terrace threw stones at their own people, to make them return to the Casemats, and as Captain Montluc came to the door of the said Casemats he met with the Enemy, who would have reentered into it, but a Harquebuzeer of ours killed the Chief of them, who was armed with a Mail covered over with green velvet, a gilt Morion upon his head, and a damaskt Halberd in his hand. Two others were also killed by hand, and then our people leapt into the Casemat, and called out to me through the hole, Succours, succours, we are in the Casemat: Monsieur de Nevers, then and Monsieur de Bourdillon helped me in all haste to put more Soldiers in: we took their slasks and their fire, and so soon ●s they were in the water, 
Honour done by Monsieur de Nevers to the Sieur de Montluc.  they took them again in their hands, and past over throwing themselves into the Casemats, and ever after that time Monsieur de Nevers called me his Captain so long as he lived, saying he had there served under me in the quality of a private Soldier.  
We had there two Captains of the Garrison of Metz called le Baron d' Anglure, and Valon-Ville, who at my request had obtained leave of Monsieur de Guise to be at the Assault, with five and twenty Harquebuzeers each, whom I had all this while kept under the Traverse, so that as yet they had not spent one shot. I called them, and they were with me at a leap, and threw themselves into the hole, and their Soldiers followed after, when as fast as they entered I made them run to the door of the Casemat, and to enter into it. The door was little and very low, and the Enemy durst not deliver their shot plum down, because our men who were all along by the Wall would see them as soon as they put up their heads, as also would those who were there where I had been: but they tumbled down a great quantity of stones, for all which our people desisted not from going in and out of the Casemat as occasion required; and as the Soldiers of the Baron d' Anglure and Valon-Ville entered the Casemat, I made those come out who had gained it before, the place not being capable to contain above forty or fifty persons. Now as God would have it, 
Division amongst the Defendants.  and to our great good fortune, the Defendants could not agree amongst themselves about the defence of the Casemats; for the Spaniards who were in the Town would keep them, but the Flemings would not suffer it, and the Governor would that some of his own Company should defend them; for which he lay a long time in prison, and the King of Spain would have put him to death, the Spaniards accusing him that he had put in corrupted people purposely to lose the place. The Governor defended himself, saying, that he had seen joanne Gayetano and his Spaniards behave themselves so ill, that he durst not trust them with the defence of the Casemat, and so they accused one another; all which we knew from the Constable, and the Marshal de St. Andre at their return out of prison, 
Severity of the Spaniards.  who left this Governor still a prisoner. I have in my time observed the Spaniards to be severe punishers of those who by cowardice or treachery have lost or surrendered places, and it were well and prudently done, if all Princes would punish such as commit so important offences, at least by degradation from arms, which is worse than death: but then they ought to be censured without prejudice or passion; for I have known a man accused by another who could not himself have done better.  
But to return to our Siege, Monsieur de Guise being with the Culverins, and making them continually to shoot at the Enemy's defences, perceived that the Soldiers of the Trenches run strait up to the Tower (which were the two Captains, Anglure and Valon-Ville that I had called up to me) and Luneb●urg (Colonel of a Regiment of Germans, who was at the farthest end of the Trench, to whom I had sent to send me a hundred of his Harquebuzeers in all haste, for ours had spent all their powder) came also running himself with the hundred Harquebuzeers, and a hundred Pikes to me to the Tower; whom Monsieur de Guise seeing to run after this manner, and seeing the others that were by the Tower run to the hole, he cried out (as they told me afterwards) O good God the Tower is taken, do you not see how every one runs to the place? which having said he immediately mounted a bay Curtall he had ready by him, and ran full speed to pass the Bridge, galloping all the way till he came to the Trenches. So soon as I saw that Anglure and Valen-Ville were in the Tower, 
The great Tower taken.  I spoke to a Gentleman that stood by, and said run to Monsieur de Guise, and carry him news that the Tower is taken, and that now I think he will take Thionville, which till now I did never believe. The Gentleman ran as fast as he could, and met him just as he was entering the Trenches, where he said to him, Sir, Monsieur de Montlu● sends you word that the Tower is taken, who still galloping on made answer, I have seen all my friend, I have seen all, and some fifty or threescore paces from the Tower alighted, and leaving his horse came running to us on foot; when so soon as he came, I began to smile upon him, and said, O Sir I now think you will take Thionville. Mas bous hazets trop bon marcat de nostre pet, & de boast monseigne; whereupon he threw his arms about my neck, and said, I now see, my heart, that the old Proverb is true, That a good horse will never tyre. Now Lunebourg was already got in, and fifteen or sixteen Germans, and the rest were entering in file, when Monsieur de Guise also put himself into it, and by the little door entered the Casemat, and so soon as he was in called to me through a loophole, that I should put him some Pioners into the Tower to beat down the Casemats, and that I should see that no more Soldiers entered, they being already so many, that they began to be crowded. I then put Pioners into the Tower, who presently fell to breaking the Wall of the Casemat, when the Germans seeing the rascals lazy at their work, themselves took the picks, and fell to cutting the Wall, Monsieur de Guise than sent out Lunebourg to look that no more entered into the Tower, telling him, that he would see that they should ply their work in the Casemats, as they also did, and so well, that in less than half an hour all the Casemats was overturned into the water that was in the Tower, the ruins whereof drank it all up, and then we had room enough, and every one entered that would, and then Monsieur de Guise came out, as he also made the Germans to do, and to return to their Post; and then I drew off Captain Sarlabous and all his Companions, who was along by the Courtin, and under the Ravelin, and put them into the Tren●hes.  
Now so soon as the Enemy saw the Tower lost, they shot no more so smartly as before, and we very well perceived them to be down in the mouth. The English Miners the Duke of Guise had, had never stirred from me of all this while, and Monsieur de Guise before he came out of the Tower had consulted with them whereabouts to begin the Mines, and sound that it was under the great Platform, marking the places where they were to be made, and so went back with Monsieur de Guise, who said to me, My heart, I will gallop home to my Quarters to send the King word of the taking of the Tower, and assure yourself Monsi●ur de Montluc, I will not conceal from him the brave service you have performed at this Siege; I will send the Miners back to you at night, and I pray appoint some Gentlemen to be continually with them, that by them they may send you word what they want; and so he went away to dispatch a Courier to the King; for these great ones think the time long if news do not sly. 
The Prophecies of Nos●redamus.  His Majesty had the day before made them read the Prophecies of Nostredamus, and found for the next day Good news for the King; people may say that these are fopperies, and idle things, but I have seen many of his predictions come to pass. The Tower was taken betwixt four and five a clock in the afternoon, and we had disputed it from ten of the clock in the morning, so that we made account the Fight lasted betwixt six and seven hours. This fight, and that of the Fort Camoglia at Sienna were the longest, and the most dangerous wherein Battle or no Battle I have ever been; for upon my word it was very hot, and many were left dead upon the place. In the beginning of the night the Miners came, and I myself went with them to see them begin; of all night long I never slept, because seeing them ply their work so well, I would not that any thing should be wanting, but immediately be brought them, that they might not lose a quarter of an hour for want of materials; so that by break of day they had perfected two Mines, and charged them with powder ready to be sprung, and the third they made account would be perfected by ten of the clock; wherein my presence served not a little to the advancement of the work, neither indeed had I any more mind to sleep than to dance. Monsieur de Nevers, and Monsieur de Bourdillon were gone back over night with Monsieur de Guise, and returned the next day by Sun-rise, and at eight of the clock the said Sieur de Nevers caused his dinner to be brought, when as we were eating upon three Drumheads, upon which his people had laid the Cloth, sitting upon three others, we had scarce drank each of us a draught of wine when the Sentinels came to tell me, that a Trumpet from a Canton of the Town sounded a Parley; whereupon I start up, and delivering the Drum I sat upon to his Master, 
The Defendants ask to Parley.  bade him go answer the Parley. The Drum presently returned, and brought me word, that the Trumpet entreated me, knowing I commanded there to send word to Monsieur de Guise, that they desired to parley, which so soon as Monsieur de Nevers and Monsieur de Bourdillon heard, they gave over eating, and mounting to horse galloped away to the Duke's Quarters, to carry him the news. The Duke then sent away a Trumpet of his own, by whom they sent word, that if Monsieur de Guise would please to send four Gentlemen to parley, they would deliver him four others in hostage. Whereupon the Duke sent thither Monsieur de la Brosse, Monsieur de Bourdillon, or else Monsieur de Tavannes, Esclabolle, and another, but whom I have forgot. They capitulated to march out with what money they could carry about them, 
The Surrender of Thionville▪  and not to lie, I remember nothing of the other Articles; as indeed I never used much to trouble myself with these scribble scrawls, having enough to do to provide that no body might be unseasonably slain during the time of the Treaty, as it oft falls out. But the next day they marched out, and I dare boldly say, that of four parts three were wounded, and almost all in the head, which was done when they stood up to shoot at us there, where I had planted my Harquebuzeers; for they could not shoot at those who were under the Wall, but they must discover themselves from the girdle upwards, and all their harm came from those of ours who were under the Ravelin, and those that I commanded where we shot point-blank. The same night that the Capitulation was signed, Monsieur de Guise dispatched away Monsieur de la Fresne, who before he went came to take his leave of me on horseback, ask me if I would command him any service to the King, to which ● made answer, that he himself had seen how all things had passed, and that I had so much confidence in Monsieur de Guise, 
Honour done to the Sieur de Montluc by the Duke of Guise.  that he would not conceal my service from the King, who thereupon told me, th●t he had express charge to give his Majesty a particular relation of the fight, and that amongst other things, the Duke had commanded him to tell the King, that three men had been the cause of the taking of Thionville, of which I was one, and that his Majesty ought to acknowledge my service. And I perceived afterwards that he had done me right to 〈◊〉 King, for he brought me back letters from his Majesty full of very obliging expressions, of which one among the rest was, that he would never forget the service I had done him. I shall not I hope deprive other men of their due honour, relating what I did myself, I believe the H●storians who write of none but Princes and great persons will speak enough, and pass over in silence those of a more moderate stature.  
Behold then the City of Thionville taken. Notwithstanding that, some who had no very great kindness for the Duke of Guise, had pasted a Libel at the Gates of the Palace, and upon the Corners of the streets of Paris, that he should not find that at Thionville he had done at Cal●ce, 
The Duke of Guise envied.  where there were none but rascally people to oppose him, it went in Rhyme, though I remember nothing of it; but it must be contrived by the envy some unworthy people bare to this brave and valiant Prince, for the honourable command the King had conferred upon him, which I have nothing to do to treat of, neither do I intend to trouble myself with such trumpery. Envy has ever reigned upon the earth, before we were born, and will do after we are dead and gone, unless God would please to mould us anew. There were some who were ready to burst for spite that Monsieur de Guise had so good success; for there are some, and too many of such a virtuous disposition, that they had rather see the ruin of their King and Country, than behold the Triumph not only of their Enemy, but of their Friend and Companion, and if any disgrace befall him (for men are not Gods) they laugh, rejoice, and make an Elephant of a Gnat. Let us leave such to swell with their own poisonous envy till they burst. In the mean time Thionville was ours with a great deal of honour. The night before the Enemy marched away, Monsieur de Guise put Monsieur de Vielle-Ville into the City, who refused to enter, unless I went along with him, because he should not, he said, be master of the Soldiers, but they would enter by force over the walls: I therefore took two or three hundred Soldiers, and three Captains, and went in with him, he having his own Company of Gens d' arms, where we were fain to play the Sentinels all night, to watch that the Soldiers did not climb over the walls, and never slept one wink. I wonder at what we read in the Roman Histories, of those who before the day of a pitched Battle, slept as profoundly, as it had been the day of their wedding. I have never, I confess been so indifferent and inapprehensive: but on the contrary, have past three days and nights without sleeping, or so much as having any great inclination to it. The next day I advised Monsieur de Guise to remove his Camp from thence, for otherwise it had been impossible to govern the Soldiers, and to speak the truth, they very well deserved to have had the sack of the Town given them, for it is to discourage Soldiers, not to give them some reward, and the least thing they gain from the Enemy gives them better contene than four pays. But Monsieur de Guise would by no means permit it, saying, that the Town must be preserved for his Majesty's Service, being that through the Vicinity of this City to Germany, he might at all times draw what forces he pleased from thence; and that moreover, john William Duke of Saxony, being to pass that way, the provisions must be preserved, and so sent away the Army to encamp about half a mile from thence, and Monsieur de Veille-Ville, with three or four Ensigns of Foot, and his own Company of Gens d' arms was left Governor there.  
Here (Captains my Companions) you have an example, if you please to take notice of it, by which you may see of what use promptitude is; this place being won by the great haste I made, immediately upon Captain Volumat's Soldiers telling me, that the Enemy had quitted the Casemats; I had not patience to put in above nine or ten men, but immediately I put in my Son the first, and after him the Gentlemen that had followed me at the siege of Sienna, and at Montalsin, and it stood me upon to make haste, and to make them go speedily to the fight; for had I stayed till there had been as many in the Tower, as in appearance were necessary for such a service, the Enemy had reentered into it, and been suddenly reinforced, so that it had been impossible ever to have taken it. I have been at many Sieges, but never without some hopes of taking the place, excepting at this; for having discovered and considered all that was to be done for the taking of it, I found myself as far off, as Heaven is from Earth, and in plain truth the glory of it is due to Monsieur de Guise alone, who was so obstinately bend upon it, that the fight lasted six or seven hours, 
The honour of this Victory due to the Duke of Guise.  and I do verily believe, that without the continual solicitation I had almost every moment from him, we had all retired, knowing that we might to as much purpose have invaded Heaven; and we ought to believe, that through his good fortune, and the assistance of God who would have it so, this siege was brought to a good issue, and not by the power of men; being certain▪ that there was more Canon shot fired from within, than we spent from without.  
When (Comrades) than you see an opportunity, hasten the execution, and never give your Enemy leisure to recollect himself, take that advice from me. I have three qualities that are not common to all, one whereof is, to be good at numbering of men, wherein I never met with any Sergeant Major or other that surpassed me, and provided the Enemy was not divided part sloping, and part in plain, let the Body be never so great, I could number them to fifty men, at the distance of almost a mile. The second is, to know by an Enemy's behaviour, whether or no they be in fear, either by their motion, their order, or their manner of firing, a thing from which you may derive very great advantages: So soon as ever I perceived my Enemy never so little in doubt, I concluded him presently for lost. And the third, a readiness I always had to fight them in their apprehension, whether stronger or weaker; for if you know not how to make an advantage of your enemies fear, you can never hope to derive any from your own, and I have ever had Alexander's device in my head, though I never wore it any where else, which is, Defer not till to morrow what thou canst do to day; and am of opinion; that next to the Divine assistance, all the successes I have had, have proceeded from these three things. If you have not the judgement, seeing your opportunity, to press and solicit your men, and without further deliberation, to fall roundly to your work, you will never perform any thing of moment, either for yourselves, or for him you serve: Fear not in a perilous leap to hazard the life of a Soldier. (There is no remedy, some must be sacrificed to the Public, the world would otherwise be over peopled) provided it be in a place from whence he cannot retire, as I did to the Soldiers I thrust into the Casemats, for than they take courage, seeing themselves lost, and make a virtue of necessity. Had I retired then when Monsieur de Bourdillon pulled me back by the arms, I think our enterprise had been deferred till another time. I have seen such as are glad when they are compelled after that manner to retire, especially in a place of danger, and yet will keep a great clutter at other times. I know those men by their looks, Comrades, Friends, after having said your in manus, never think of any thing more, but of doing well; if your hour be come, 'tis to much purpose to hide your heads, since you must once die, 'tis best to die like men of honour, and to leave a good name behind you.  
I lost, by the relation of the Captains, above five hundred Soldiers, killed and hurt, and caused all the wounded men to be carried to Metz, 
Monsieur de Vielle-Ville Marshal of France.  to which place Monsieur de Vielle-Ville (who at this time is Marshal of France) sent to recommend them, for he was the King's Lieutenant there, causing money to be distributed amongst them out of the Revenue of the Hospital the Admiral founded there, which has been the preservation of a great many wounded Soldiers, and also an encouragement to others to venture more boldly in fight, hoping that in case they should be hurt, they are sure to have a relief of money out of the Hospital for their cure. 
Advice to th● King.  And truly Sir, both you and the other great Princes of the world, aught to make it one of your chiefest concerns to establish a Revenue for your poor maimed and wounded Soldiers, as well for their present cure, as their future support, and that some pensions may be set apart for them. Can you do less for them, who expose and offer up their lives for you; this hope makes them more willing to hazard their persons. And doubtless your own souls will one day answer for all, for they will be no more piviledged than ours; nay, you will have a great deal more to answer for than we, for you make us do all the ills we commit, to satisfy and execute your passions, and if God be not merciful both to you, and to us, we are in a sad condition. For the honour of God then, Sir, provide for your poor Soldiers, that lose their arms and legs in your service; it is not you that gave them their limbs, but God, and can you then do less than maintain them, when they are lamed in your service. Do you think that God will not hear the Maledictions they curse us withal, who have made them miserable all their lives? I have heard the Grand Signior has a very good order, as to that particular, and accordingly he is the best served of any Prince in the world.  
Three days after the taking of Thionville, the Army marched directly to Arlon, a little Town, but a very near one for its circuit. 'Tis a great fault in a General to lie still after the taking of a place, as I have known them often do. This both encourages your Enemy, and gives your own men opportunity to steal away; whereas their honour will oblige them to stay, when they see themselves employed: I mean, if the Army be not totally broken or ruined, for then necessity compels you so to do: but otherwise to repose after a Conquest, and to lose never so little time, is very prejudicial to his Majesty's service. I with our foot quartered round about the Town, Monsieur de Guise lay a quarter of a League behind, and told me he was almost moped for want of sleep; for that since the beginning of the siege of Thionville till now, he had not had so much sleep in all, as he was wont to have in one night at other times (and I had had less than he) entreating me to make the approaches that night, that he would send me the Commissaries of the Artillery with four pieces of Canon, to consult where they should be planted, and that he would give the sack of this Town to the Soldiers, in recompense of that of Thionville: Which having said, he re●●'d himself into a little thatched h●use, where he was to lie.  
There was in the Town a hundred and fifty Germans, 
The Forces in Arlon.  and four hundred Walloons, the Germans kept one Gate, and the Walloons another; when (so soon as I had placed the Sentinels, and the Courts of Guard very near to one another (because it was said that some succours would enter in that night) they within set a very good face on the matter, which made us think that they looked for some relief) I began to make the Esplanade by the Gardens of the Town, to bring up the Artillery, resolving to make my Battery a little on the left hand the Gate, to assist myself at the assault with the Ladders of a little Breach they had made themselves, through which to carry up earth to the Terrace they were making in that place; which to do they had made steps in the very earth itself, both at the descent into the Graft, and likewise in the ascent on the other side up to the Terrace. I came up close to the Ditch of the Town, and to another little Ditch there was near unto the way, which I caused to be discovered by a Soldier; and I had three or four Captains with me in this little Ditch. The Soldier found the steps, by which he went down, and afterwards mounted three or four of those that went up to the Terrace, and there stayed without being perceived: when having stayed a while he returned to me, and told me, that there was no Centinel upon the Terrace; so that he thought if we should throw ourselves desperately upon the Terrace we should carry the Town. Hearing this, I caused a Court of Guard (that was much stronger than the rest, it being designed to guard the Artillery) to come up to me, 
Arlon discovered.  making the Soldiers to creep on their hands and knees, and to put themselves into the Ditch. I than made the Soldier return to the Ditch, with three or four Harquebuzeers, and two Captains with Targets, of which Monsieur de Goas was one. The night was so very dark, that a man could not see a step from him, and this Soldier was a Fleming. He goes down into the Ditch, the Captains after him, and the three or four Harquebuzeers after them; and so soon as they were in the Ditch they planted themselves on that side of it towards the Town, and as near as they could to the steps. The Enemy hearing the noise began to cry who goes there? and the Soldier answered them in their own language, a friend, a friend; they then demanded of him what he was, to which he made answer, that he was a Fleming, and that being their Countryman, he very much lamented their ruin, for that all the Artillery Monsieur de Guise had would be planted in battery by morning, and that they were not to trust to the Germans who were with them in the Town, for they were assured to have no harm, nor the least offence from our people, they having already made them that promise by a Germane Soldier, who stole out in the close of the evening to speak with us; so that all the slaughter would fall upon them if they did not surrender, which also would be too late after the Canon had once played. Upon this they sent immediately to the Germans Quarters, and found that a Soldier of ours who spoke Dutch was talking to them; so that so soon as their Messenger returned, this Soldier heard them all in a hurly-burly within, and began to ask them, if they would make him drink, to which they answered they would, and bade him come up boldly upon their word and faith. I heard every word, for I was not above six paces from the brin●● of the Graft, and made the other two Captains go one after another into it, and three or four Sergeants with Halberds after them. The Soldier then mounted the steps till he came to the edge of the Terrace, where he again spoke to them, saying that Monsieur de Guise had made fair War with those of Thionville, and would do the same by them, still amusing them with fair speeches, and they fetched him some drink. Monsieur de Goas was just behind the Soldier, and three Harquebuzeers one after another (for they could mount but one by one) in heels of him whom this first Soldier so shaded with his body, that they could not see down the steps. The other Captain followed in the rear of the three Harquebuzeers, and the Sergeants after him, insomuch that all the steps were full from the top to the bottom; which when Monsieur de Goas saw, he pushed the Soldier that was before him upon the Terrace, and the other Captain the other three Harquebuzeers, and and then the Soldier began to cry good Krich, which is to say, good Quarter, good Quarter, the Harquebuzeers gave fire, 
Arlon surprised.  and the Captains threw themselves upon the Counterscarp, and every body after them, and these poor people fled to their Quarters, the Soldiers chase them through the streets. I than leapt into the Ditch with the rest of my men, mounting the Soldiers as fast as I could one after another. The Germans who saw themselves surprised behind, at the request of the Soldier that spoke Dutch very courteously opened a Postern, and gave themselves up to the discretion of the Soldiers, wherein our men did an act worthy the highest commendation, and by which they showed themselves to be old Soldiers, for there was not four men killed in the whole Town: but on the contrary they themselves led our people to the houses where the best booty was to be had: And thus the Town was taken.  
Monsieur de Guise who had given order that no one should disturb him, but let him that night sleep his fill, knew nothing of all this till break of day, that ask if the Artillery had begun to play, they told him the Town was already taken, from abou● midnight, and the Artillery returned back to its place, which made him make the Sign of the Cross, saying this is quick work, when presently making himself ready, 
Arlon burnt.  and mounting to horse he came up to us. Now by misfortune the fire h●d taken in two or three houses by reason of some powder that was found in them, which in removing thence accidentally took fire, and burnt four or five Sold●ers, so that the Town being almost f●ll of flax ready dressed for spinning, and the wind being very high, no so good means could be used, but that above half the Town was redn●'d to ashes, by reason where of the Soldiers did not get so much as otherwise they had done.  
The next day Monsieur de Guise marched away with all his Army, and never stayed till he came to Pierre p●nt, where himself and all the Gentlemen of his Train lodged in the Town, which was very large, whilst 〈◊〉 encamped without on bo●h sides the River; and there it was that the Swiss came to us, 
The Duke of Saxony.  and john William D●ke of Saxony, who brought a great and very brave Troop of Rei●rs along with him, and, if I mistake not, a Regiment of Germans also. The King himself likewise came, and lay ●t Marches, a house belonging to the Cardinal of Lorraine, which altogether made up the greatest and the bravest Army that I th●nk ever King of France had; for when the King would see them all drawn into Battalia, they took up above a league and a half in length, and when the Van began to march to go back to the R●ar, and to return back to the Front took up three hours' time.  
Two hours before day Messi●urs de Bourdillon and the Ta●annes, Mareschaux de Camp, came to the place assigned for the Rendezvouz, where as we came they still drew us up, and before all the Army was in Battalia it was above eight hours, and was excessively hot; Monsieur de Guise came himself by break of day, and helped to put the Army into Battalia. I with my French Foot was placed betwixt the Swiss and a Battalion of Germans, where as Monsieur de Guise passed by the head of our Battalion, he said, Would to God we had some good fellow here with a bottle of wine, and a crust of bread, that I might drink a glass or two, for I shall not have time to go dine at Pierre-point, and be back again before the King comes; 
The Sieur de Montluc invites Monsieur de Guise to dinner.  whereupon I said to him, Sir will you please to dine with me at my Tents? (which was not above a Harquebuz shot off) I will give you very good French and Gascon wine, and a whole Covey of Partridges; y●s my heart, said he, but they will be Garlic and Onions; to which I made answer, that they should neither be the one, nor the other, but that I would give him as good a dinner as if he was in his own Quarters, and wine as cool as he could desire, and moreover Gascon wine, and admirable good water. Are you in earnest my heart, said he? yes upon my faith am I, said I, why then, said he, I would willingly come, ●ut I cannot leave the Duke of Saxony; why Sir, said I, in the name of God bring the Duke of Saxony, and who you please: I but, said he, the Duke will not come without his Captains; why, said I, ●ring his Captains too, I have belly-timber for you all. Now I had overnight promised Messieurs de Bourdillon and the Tabannes to treat them at dinner, after they had drawn the Army up in Battalia; but they could not come, by reason that part of the Cavalry, who were quartered a great way off, were not yet come up; and on the other side, I had one of the best Providores in the Army. Monsieur de Guise than went to find out the Duke of Saxony and his Captains, and I sent in all haste to my Steward to get all things ready. My people had made a Cellar in the earth, where the wine and the water was as cool as ice; and by good fortune I had got a great many Partridges, Quirles, Turkeys, Leverets, and all that could be defied, wherewith to make a noble Feast, with baked-meats and Tarts: for I knew that Messieurs de Bourdillon and de Tavannes would not come alone, and I had a mind to entertain them very well, they being both of them very good friends of mine. They were so well treated that Monsieur de Guise ask the Duke of Saxony by his Interpreter, what he thought of the French Colonel, and whether or no he had not treated them well, and given them good wine? the Duke made answer, that if the King himself had treated them, he could not have done it better, nor have given them better, nor co ler wine. The Duke of Saxony's Captains spared it not, but drank freely to our French Captains, that I had brought along with me, neither though Messieurs de Bourdillon and de Tavannes had also come had I been surprised, for next to the Duke of Guise his own Table, there was not one in the whole Army longer, or better ●urnisht than mine. A way that I have always used in what command soever I had been, being willing thereby to honour the Employments I have had from my Masters, to increase my expense; and have alwa●es observed such as have lived after this manner to be in greater reputation, and better followed than others; for such a Gentleman may be, and of a good family, that sometimes knows not where to dine, and knowing where a good Table is kept, will be glad to be there, who if he follow you at your Table, will follow you any where else, if he have never so little good blood or breeding in him. But to return to my Guests, so soon as they rose from Table Monsieur de Guise asked me, what Laundress I had that kept my Table-linnen so white, to which I made answer, that they were two men I had that did it; believe me, said he, you are served like a Prince; and thereupon entertained the Duke of Saxony upon that subject, speaking better things of me than I deserved; whereupon I took occasion to tell him, that he would do well to persuade the King to give me money to buy silver Vessel, that another time, when he and the Duke of Saxony would do me the honour to come eat in my Pavilions, I might serve them according to their quality. Monsieur de Guise told the Duke of Saxony what I said, who made answer, that he would tell the King; when being about to mount to horse to return to the Camp, word was brought that the King was upon his way from Marches, and coming to the Camp; whereupon they two went out to meet him, and we returned every one to his place, all of us I assure you very well drunk, and our pates full. About a quarter of a league from the Battalions they met the King, where his Majesty asked them, if they had dined, to which Monsieur de Guise made answer, that they had, and as well as they had done of a year before: why, said his majesty (seeing them come from wards the Battalions) you did not dine at Pierre-pont, no sir, said Monsieur de Guise, neither can your Majesty guests where we dined, nor by whom so well entertained; I pray by whom said the King; Marry Sir, replied Monsieur de Guise, by Montluc; I believe then, said the King, he feasted you with his own Country diet, Garlic and Onions, and Wine as warm as milk: whereupon Monsieur de Guise up and told him how I had entertained them, when the King ask the Duke of Saxony by his Interpreter if it were true, the Duke made answer, that if his Majesty himself had treated them, 
The Duke of Saxony entreats silver vessel of the King for the Sieur de Mon●luc.  they could not have had better meat, nor cooler wine; and that since I was so good a fellow, his Majesty might do well to give me money to buy Plate, nothing having been wanting but that, and that Monsieur de Guise and he had both promised me to make that request to his Majesty in my behalf; which the King promised them to do, and that since I was so honourable in my expense, he would give me means to do it, more than hitherto he had ever done.  
Though this passage be not much to the purpose, yet I thought fit to insert it here, to the end every one may know, that Avarice had never so great a dominion over me, as to hinder me from honouring the Employments I have had from my Kings and Masters; and I would advise you, fellow Captains, who command over a great many men, to do the same, and never to suffer avarice to be predominant over you; the little you spend will procure you several and considerable advantages. A Captains handsome Table invites worthy men, especially that of a Lieutenant of the King, to which the Nobility and Gentry repair, 
Every one avoids an avaricious Captain.  either for want of commodious Quarter, or sometimes perhaps upon the account of other inconveniences, where if the said Lieutenant be miserable and narrow soul'd, they will look upon him as a man unworthy to be followed. I never did so, but on the contrary always spent more than I had, and have found that it has done me more good than harm: yet was not this my only way of spending; but I had a trick of giving Horses and Arms also, and oftentimes to men that were better able than myself. If the King or the Prince you serve under know you to be of this humour, he ought also to be openhanded to you, knowing you to be of a liberal nature, and that you reserve nothing to yourself.  
Now, as I was standing at the head of our Battalion, and every one of our Captains in his place, the Prince of joinville, who is now Duke of Guise, came up to me, together with the Son of Monsieur d' Aumale, both little boys, and delicately handsome, having their Governors and three or four Gentlemen attending on them. They were mounted upon two little Pad Nags, to whom I said, Go to, little Princes, alight from your horses; for I have been bred up in the family from whence you are descended, 
The Sieur de Montluc puts the first arms into the hands of the Prince of joinville, and the Son of the Duke of Aumale.  which is the house of Lorraine, where I was a Page, and I will be the first who shall lay a Pike upon your shoulders. Upon which their Governors presently alighting, caused them also to alight: they had little Taffeta Ribbons over their shoulders, which I took off, laying each of them a Pike upon his neck, and saying to them, I hope God will give you the grace to resemble your Ancestors, and that I shall bring you good fortune, for being the first that has laid arms upon your shoulders. They have hitherto been favourable to me, and God make you as valiant as you are handsome, 
His speech to them.  and the Sons of brave and generous Fathers: And so I made them march side by side at the head of, and before the Battalions, and return againto the same place. Their Governors and all the Captains were so ravished to see these pretty Children march so gracefully as they did, that there was not one who did not look upon that action as a happy presage: But I failed in one, which was that of Monsieur d' Aumale, for he died presently after▪ and yet as I have been told, this little Prince was as sound within as any child could possibly be: but I think Physicians kill Princes, with keeping too much clutter about them in their sickness; they are men as we are, and yet they will have them to have something particular from others. Monsieur de Guise is yet living, and I hope will accomplish the good fortune we that day wished him. The beginning is good and hopeful, I hope the end will crown it; that so since God has been pleased to take one he may remain sole Heir to that happiness, that at that time we jointly wished to his Cousin and to him. I have ever conceived great hopes, from the little knowledge I have had of this young Prince, neither was there ever Poltroon of that brave Race, which is rarely seen in a numerous Family. In brief, our Army was a very brave one, and the King was very much pleased with the sight of it.  
A few days after, his Majesty was advertised, that the King of Spain had taken the Field, and was marching his Army in all diligence towards the borders, which made his Majesty doubt, that he was going to surprise either Corbie or dourlan's, or else Amiens, never a one of which having above two Foot Companies in Garrison. The night that this news was brought, they did nothing but dispute upon the means to relieve these places, but concluded it impossible in the end, considering that the King of Spain was so far advanced. Monsieur de Guise upon this occasion, stayed that night at Marches, and sent back Messieurs de Bourdillon and de Tavannes to Pierre-pont. It was my constant custom to go every day to give Monsieur de Guise the good morrow, and thence to return back to my Tent, not stirring of all day after from my command, neither did I use to spend much time in Courtship. That has never been my Trade, for which both the King, the Duke of Guise, and all the Princes of the Army, liked me the better, and were pleased to say, that no disorder could happen on our side. The next morning I went to give the good morrow to Monsieur de Guise, believing that he had returned overnight to Pierre-pont, but at my entering into the Town, I met Messieurs de Bourdillon, and de Tavannes, and d' Estree on horseback going out, and asked them whither they were going; to which they made answer, that they were returning to the Council at Marches, being that over night they had not been able to resolve upon the means to relieve Corbie, for the King of Spain was marching in all diligence that way, and that Mon●ieur de Guise had stayed all night at Marches. I than asked him how far it might be from thence to Corbie, and I think they told me thirty Leagues or more: Whereupon I said to them, I pray gallop away full speed, and tell the King, that it is not now a time to insist upon Councils and Consultations, and that perhaps whilst he is in debate what to do, the Enemy is upon his march: but that he must suddenly resolve, and that if he please, I will take seven Ensigns, and march night and day to put myself into it: and tell him that no grass shall grow under my feet, but that I will make such haste, that I will be there before the King of Spain, or any part of his Army. And tell Monsieur de Guise, that I will only ask him five and twenty Mules laden with bread, for I will carry along four Wagons of wine of the Merchant's Volunteers of our Regiments, to make our Soldiers eat and drink upon their march, without entering into either Town or Village, and that therefore he give present order to Monsieur de Serres, speedily to send me the Mules loaden with bread. In the mean time I will run to the Regiment, to choose out the seven Ensigns, so that at your return you shall find me ready to depart; but you must make very great haste, and the King must suddenly resolve, for if they do not immediately conclude, without further delay, I will not undertake it. Monsieur de Bourdillon than began to say that the King would think it a matter of great difficulty, that the relief could be there so soon as the King of Spain; at which I flew out into a rage, and said swearing, I see very well, that when you come there, you will spend all the day in disputes: but in despite of disputes and consultations, let the King but leave it to me, and I will relieve it, or break my heart for haste. Monsieur d' Estree then said, Let us go, let us go, the King cannot but like of it, and so they spurred away directly to Marches, and I straight to my own Regiment. So soon as I came thither, I suddenly made choice of my seven Ensigns, bidding them presently to take some repast, and telling them, that without baggage they must immediately depart to perform a good piece of Service. I gave them not half an hour to eat in, but drew them out presently into the Field, one part of the Harquebuzeers before, and another in the rear of the Pikes. I than took four Wagons loaden with wine, of those that had the best Horses, which I placed in the head of the Captains, commanding the Waggoners to take two or three sacks of Oats, and to throw them upon the Punchions, and a little hay: Which being done, I ran to my own Tents, which were behind the Regiment, and fell to eat, taking the Captains of the seven Ensigns to dinner with me.  
Messieurs de Tavannes, de Bourdillon and d' Estree made so good haste, that they found the King but newly risen out of his Bed, where they presently proposed the business to him: Whereupon the King would have called all the Council, at which Monsieur d' Estree began to curse and swear, as he told me afterwards (and he is as good at it as I) saying, Sir, Montluc told us true, when he said you would still delay time in debates and consultations, whether it be to be done or no, whereas if your Majesty had resolved last night, the relief had by this time been ten Leagues upon their way; and he says moreover, that if he have not what he demands immediately sent him, he will not stand to his word, for the Spaniards shall not triumph over him. Monsieur de Guise than prosecuted the affair with great vehemency and vigour, and Messieurs de Bourdillon and de Tavannes did the same, when upon the instant, without further deliberation, it was concluded, and Monsieur de Guise sent to Monsieur de Serres immediately to send the five and twenty Mules loaden with bread. The King then sent me word by Monsieur de Broilly (a Gentleman belonging to the Duke of Guise) that he had approved of my opinion, saving that he could not consent I should go, because he had no other person to command the Regiments, in case he should be put to the necessity of a Battle (for no body knew whether or no the King of Spain was not coming with a resolution to present it, he making a show of attempting great matters) but that he was going to make choice of one to lead the succours, and that I should make all things ready in the mean time. The said Broilly returned in all haste to the King, to tell his Majesty that he had seen the seven Ensigns drawn out into the Field ready to march, 
Captain Bru●il leads the succours to Corbie.  and that I stayed for nothing but the Bread; and at the same time that Broilly was returned towards the King, the Mules arrived, and by the way he met with Captain Brueil Governor of Rue, and Brother in Law to Salcede, who told him that the King had made choice of him to conduct the relief to Corbie. Captain Brueil stayed to eat four or five bits only, whilst waiting for two servants he had sent for, who presently came, and so they began to march. I accompanied them above a long League on their way, still talking to him and the rest of the Captains, representing to them, that God had given them a fair opportunity, which also they ought to have purchased at the price of half their estates, wherein to manifest to the King the affection they bore to his service, and also to give a testimony of their own valour, in the sight, as it were, of the King himself, who would be ready to relieve them, and to fight a Battle rather than suffer them to be lost. I found by their answers that they went with great cheerfulness, which made me leave them, to go through the files of the Soldiers, and to remonstrate to them, that it was their own faults, if they did not signalise themselves for ever, that the King so long as he lived would acknowledge their service, and that I had done them a great honour in choosing out them from the rest of the Regiment, entreating them not deceive the good opinion I had of them, and that I would deliver to the King the names of those who should best acquit themselves of their duty, in obeying what should be imposed upon them, after which I made them all lift up their hands and swear, that they would march day and night: which being done, I returned to the van to embrace Captain Brueil, and the rest of the Captains and Lieutenants, promising them immediately to go to the King, and to acquaint his Majesty with the election I had made of their persons above all others of the Regiment, for this service, and so left both Officers and Soldiers cheerful, and very well resolved upon this long march, saying to them at parting, Remember Fellow Soldiers, the diligences you have formerly seen me make in both Piedmont, and in Italy (for many of them had served under me in those expeditions) and believe that upon your diligence now depend both your lives and honours. Now being I am not of that Country, nor was ever there, but at this time, I am not able to make any judgement of their diligence: but the King and all those who were acquainted with the Country, said, that never Foot before performed such a prodigious march; neither did they ever enter into either Town or Village, but when by day they met with a little River, they made a halt, and refreshed themselves two hours at most, taking a little nap and away again, but marched continually all night. They were out but two nights, and arrived by Sun-rise within a quarter of a League of Corbie, where they met a Gentleman who was riding post to the King, to give him notice that the King of Spain's Camp was just coming before the Town; and who moreover told them, they must run full speed if they intended to get in, for that the Cavalry already began to arrive. They then began to mend their pace, the Gentleman returning back with them almost to the Town, that he might be able to give the King an account that they were entered; when so soon as they came within two or three hundred paces of the walls, the Enemy's Cavalry began to appear, and our men run full career to throw themselves before the gate, and upon the edges of the Graft where they made head. The Enemy killed seven or eight Soldiers in the rear, who were not able to keep pace with the rest, and so all our people got safe into the City, without losing any of their Mules or Wagons, for they had made an end of all their bread and wine four Leagues from thence, and had sent them back. I had also given them one of my six Chests, that I had con●●●v'd to carry powder in, which was drawn by three horses, and that arrived at the Gates as soon as the Soldiers. There are yet living several Princes and Lords, who were then of the King's Council, that can bear witness whether I speak the truth or no, especially Messieurs de Tavannes and d' Estree, who carried my deliberation to the King.  
When ever (Comrades) the King or his Lieutenant shall put you upon a design, that requires extraordinary diligence for the relieving of a place, you ought not to lose so much as a quarter of an hour, and you had much better work your body and your legs to the utmost of what you are able to perform, and enter into the place with safety, than walking at your case to be killed, and not to enter into it; wherein yourselves will be the cause of your own death, and the loss of the place; and where you might by your diligence gain a brave reputation, you will by loitering at your ease, finish your life and your 〈◊〉 together: and never excuse yourselves upon the Soldiers, nor make the Enterprise seem difficult unto them, but always easy; and above all things be sure to carry provision along with you, especially bread and wine, wherewith to refresh them by the way (for as I have said before, humane bodies are not made of iron) always speaking cheerfully to them by the way, and encouraging them to go on, representing to them the great honour they will acquire to themselves, and the signal service they shall perform for the King, and doubt not, but (proceeding after that manner) men will go as far and farther than horses. I advise you to nothing that I have not often done myself, 
Foot will 〈◊〉 a longer ma●ch than horse.  and caused to be done, as you will find in the reading my Book; for after horses are once tired, you shall not make them budge a step with all the spurs you have; but men are supported by their courage, and require not so much time for refreshing, they eat as they go, and cheer one another upon their march. It will therefore (Fellow Captains) stick only at you; do then as I have often done; forsake your horses, and fairly on foot at the head of your men, show them that you will undergo the same labour they do, by which means you will make them do any thing you will, and your example will inflame the courages, and redouble the Forces of the most tired and overspent of all the Company.  
Two or three days after the King moved with all his Army directly towards Amiens, and in his first or second days march, arrived the Gentleman from the Governor of Corbie, who found his Majesty marching his Army in the field, where he brought him news, that Captain Brueil was entered safe into Corbie, which was a great satisfaction both to his said Majesty, 
News brought to the King of the relief of Corbie.  and the whole Army, to know that this place was secured; whereupon his Majesty, merrily said to Monsieur de Guise, Who shall be the first to tell Montluc this news? for I for my part will not be he; Nor I neither, said Monsieur de Guise, for so soon as he shall hear it, he will so crow, there will be no dealing with him: which they said, because they had all of them been of opinion, that it was impossible for foot to perform so long a a journey. The next day his Majesty was advertised, that the King of Spain had made a halt a little League from Corbie, and made no show of having any intention to besiege that place; which made the King think, that by reason of the succours it had received, he would make no attempt against it, and thereupon it presently came into his head, that he would march directly to Amiens, which having no more than one or two foot Companies in Garrison, 
The Marquis de Villars.  he immediately sent away the Marquis de Villars, who is yet living, with three hundred men at arms, to go in extreme diligence, and put himself into it, commanding me to send away other seven Ensigns to follow after him, with all the haste they possibly could make; which I accordingly did, and gave the charge of conducting them to Captain Forces, who is yet living, and being the Captains and Soldiers had all heard what commendations both the King and all the Army had given Captain Brueil for the haste he had made in going to relieve Corbie, they would do the same, and arrived as soon as the said Marquis at Amiens; for nothing so much excites men of our Trade, as glory, and the desire to do as well, or better, than another. Two or three days before this his Majesty had sent three Companies also into dourlan's, and so with all great ease provided for the safety of these three important places.  
So soon as the King was come to Amiens, the King of Spain's Army also arrived and encamped within a League, 
Treaty of peac● betwixt France and Spain concluded.  the River betwixt them, and there the Treaty of peace was set on foot, of which the Constable and the Marshal de S. Andre had made the first overtures, during the time of their imprisonment in Spain; in order to which I think there was a truce from the beginning, because nothing of action passed on either side, at least that I remember: for I fell very sick of a double Tertian Ague, which I got not by excess of revelling and dancing, but by passing the nights without sleep, sometimes in the cold, sometimes in the heat, always in action, and never at rest. It was well for me that God gave me an able body, and a strong constitution; for I have put this carcase of mine as much to the proof as any Soldier whatsoever of my time. 
The mischiefs that ensued upon this peace.  After all the going to and again, that lasted for above two months, the peace was in the end concluded, to the great misfortune principally of the King, and generally of the whole Kingdom. This peace being cause of the surrender of all the Country's conquered, and the Conquests made both by King Francis and Henry, which were not so inconsiderable, but that they were computed to be as much as a third part of the Kingdom of France; and I have read in a Book writ in Spanish, that upon this accommodation, the King delivered up an hundred fourscore and eighteen Fortresses wherein he kept Garrison, by which I leave any one to judge how many more were in dependence, and under the obedience of these. All we who bear Arms may affirm with truth, 
The praises of King Henry the second.  that God had given us the best King for Soldiers that ever Reigned in this Kingdom; and as for his people, they were so affectionate to him, that not one of them ever repined to lay out his substance to assist him in the carrying on of so many Wars, as he had continually upon his hands. I shall not condemn those who were the Authors of this peace, for every one must needs believe they did ●t to good intent, and that had they foreseen the mischiefs that ensued upon it, they would never have put a hand to the work: for they were so good servants of the Kings, and loved him so well, as they had good and just reason to do, that they would rather have died in Captivity than have done it; which I say, because the Constable and the Marshal de S. Andre were the first movers and promoters of it, who themselves have seen the death of the King, and themselves shared in the mishaps that have since befallen this miserable Kingdom, wherein they both died with their swords in their hands, who otherwise might yet perhaps have been alive, by which any one may conclude, that they did not make this peace, foreseeing the mischiefs it has since produced, which rightly to comprehend, let us consider the happiness wherewith God was pleased to bless this Kingdom, in giving it ●o brave and magnanimous a King, his Kingdom rich, and his people so affectionately obedient, that they would deny him nothing to assist him in his Conquests, together with so many great and brave Captains, most of which had been yet alive, had they not devoured one another in these late civil Wars. Oh had this good King but lived or this unlucky peace never been made, he would have sent the Lutherans packing into Germany with a vengeance. As to the rest, our good Master had four Sons, all Princes of great hope and singular expectation, and such, as from whom his Majesty in his declining years, might expect the repose, and comfort of his old Age, and consider them ●, proper instruments for the execution of his high and generous designs. The other Kings his neighbours could not boast of this, for the King of Spain had one Son only, of which never any one conceived any great hopes, and he proved accordingly; the Kingdom of England was in the Government of a Woman, the Kingdom of Scotland neighbour to ●●, stood for us, and was ours, France having a Dolphin King; by all which any one may judge, that had not this unlucky peace been concluded, the Father or his Sons had swayed all Europe. Piedmont, the Nursery of brave men had been ours, by which we had a door into Italy, and perhaps a good step into it, and we had seen all things turned topsie ●urvy: Then those who have so braved and harassed this Kingdom, durst not have showed their heads, have stirred, nor so much as projected or thought of what they have executed since. But 'tis done and passed, without any possible remedy, and nothing remains to us but sorrow and affliction, for the loss of so good, and so valiant a King, and to me of so gracious and liberal a Master, with the mishaps that have since befallen this miserable Kingdom, well may we call it so, in comparison of what it was before, when we styled it the most great and opulent Kingdom in Arms, good Captains, the obedience of the people, and in riches, that was in the whole world.  
After this unhappy and unfortunate peace the King retired himself to Beauvais, but Monsieur de Guise still remained in the Camp to dismiss the Army. Before his Majesty's departure, I surrendered up the Commission he had made me to accept by force: Neither ought it to appear strange, that I disputed it so long, before I would take that employment upon me; for I doubted well that would befall me, which afterwards did, which was to incur the perpetual disgrace of the House of Montmorency more than that of Chastillon, 
Monsieur de Montluc not much beloved by the House of Montmorency.  which was more nearly concerned in the affair than the other. But there is no remedy, a man cannot live in this world, without contracting some Enemies, unless he were a God. I accompanied Monsieur de Guise as far as Beauvais, and from thence retired to Paris, he having first promised to obtain me leave to go into Gascony, and moreover to cause money to be given me to defray my journey thither; for he knew very well I had not one penny. Both which I am confident he would have performed: but so soon as he came to Beauvais, 
The Duke of Guise declining in the King's favour▪  he found a new face of affairs, others having slept in betwixt him and home, and undermined him in his credit with the King. Thus goes the world, but it was a very sudden change, and much wondered at by those who had followed him in the Conquests he had made, he having repaired all the disasters of others, and manifested to the King of Spain, that neither the loss of the Battle of S. Quintine, nor that of Graveline, had reduced the King to such a condition, but that he had yet one or two Armies stronger than those, having as to the rest, taken almost impregnable places. But let them deal it out. These are things that very often fall out in the Courts of Princes, and I wonder not that I have had my share, since far greater than I, have run the same fortune, and will do for the time to come.  
Now the King of Navarre had been driving on some enterprise or another in Bis●ay, 
The King of Navarre carries the Si●ur de Montluc into Guien●e.  which in the end proved double, and entreated the King to give me leave to go along with him, for that he was resolved to execute it in his own person, having an opinion that Monsieur de B●ry had failed through his own default; and so I went along with him without any other advantages from Court, than bare promises only, and the good will of the King my Master: but he was diver●ed from his liberalities both to me and to others, who deserved it as well, and perhaps better than I. We went then to Bayonne, where we found that he who was entrusted to carry on this affair, and whose name was Gamure, played double, and intended to have caused the King of Navarre himself to be taken; whereupon he sent back Monsieur de Duras with the Legionnaries, and also the Bearnois he had caused to advance thither in order to his design. I had brought with me three force and five Gentlemen all armed, and bravely mounted, who were come thither for the love they bore to me, and being returned home to my own house, within a very few days after came the gift the King had been pleased to give me of the Company of Gens d' arms, become vacant by the death of Monsieur de la Guiche, wherein his Majesty had no little to do, to be as good as his word, and to disengage himself from the several Traverses and obstacles my Enemies strewed in his way, to hinder me from having that command; nevertheless the King carried it against them all, more by anger than otherwise, he being in the end constrained to tell them, that he had made me a promise of the first vacancy, and would be as good as his word; and that therefore no man was to speak a word more to the contrary. I made my first muster at Beaumond de Loumaigne, one la Peyrie being Muster-Master.  
At this time those unhappy 
* Of the Sister and Daughter of Henry the second.  Marriages were solemnised, and those unfortunate Triumphs and Tilt held at Court. The joy whereof was very short, and lasted but a very little space, the death of the King ensuing upon it, running against that accursed Montgomery, who I would to God had never been born, for his whole life was nothing but mischief, and he made as miserable an end. Being one day at Nerac, the King of N●varre showed me a Letter that Monsieur de Guise had writ him, wherein he gave him notice of the days of Tilting, in which the King himself was to be in person, his Majesty with the Dukes de Guise, de Ferrara, and de Nemours, being Challengers. I shall never forget a word I said to the King of Navarre, which also I had often heard spoken before, That when a man thinks himself to be out of his affairs, and dreams of nothing, but how to pass his time well, 'tis then that the greatest misfortunes befall him, and that I feared the issue of this Tilting. It was now but just three days, reckoning by the date of the Letter to the Tilting, and the next day I returned home to my own house, and the very night before the day of the Tilting, 
The Sieur de Montlucs dream.  as I was in my first sleep, I dreamed, that I saw the King sitting in a chair, with his face covered all over with drops of blood, and methought it was just as they paint Jesus Christ, when the Jews put the Crown of Thorns upon his head, and that he held his hands joined together, I looked methought earnestly upon him, and could discover no hurt he had, but only drops of blood trickling down his face. I heard methought some say, he is dead, and others, he is not dead yet, and saw the Physicians and Surgeons go in and out of the Chamber; and I do believe my dream continued a great while, for when I awaked, I found a thing I could have never believed, which is, that a man can cry in his sleep; for I found my face all blubbered with tears, and my eyes still springing new, and was fain to let them take their course, for I could not give over weeping of a long time after. My wife, who was then living, said all she could to comfort me, but all in vain, for I could never persuade myself any other but that he was dead. Many who are yet living are able to testify, that this is no feigned story, for I told it them so soon as ever I awaked. Four days after a Courier came to Nerac, who brought Letters to the King of Navarre from the Constable, wherein he writ him word of the King's being wounded, and of the little hopes there was of his life, whereupon the King of Navarre sent a servant of his to me, to acquaint me with the disaster, and to desire me to come presently away to him. The Messenger came away in the close of the evening, and was presently with me, it being no more than four leagues from N●rac to my house, where he found me just going to Bed. I immediately took horse, and went to take a Neighbour of mine in my way, called Monsieur de Beraud along with me, and so we went together at a good round rate to Nerac. The Gentleman is yet living, and can witness that I told, and foretold him all the miseries, or very near, that we have since seen happen in France, and said as much to the King of Navarre, 
Henry the second killed by Montgomery.  with whom I stayed but two hours at Nerac, and returned to entertain my sorrows in my own house. Eight days had not passed before the King of Navarre sent me word of the King's death; by which I got no● hang, having never since met with any thing but cros●es and misfortunes, as I had been the causer of it, and that God would punish me for the offence; I am sure I had little reason to be so, for since his death, I have a hundred times wished my own, and it evermore ●an in my head, that I should never after meet with any thing but misfortune, 
The Sieur de Montluc unfortunate after the death of King Henry.  as indeed I have never had any thing else. For I have since been suspected to have intelligence with the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, whereas God Almighty knows, I was never of their Council, nor privy to any of their designs, as I have sufficiently manifested in the pinch of affairs. 'Tis very true, that I have often heard the●e two Princes complain of the ill usage they received, but when everthey fell upon that discourse, 
The King of Navarre and his Brother discontented.  I ever waved it all I could. God by his good grace has assisted me to demonstrate to all the world, that I never had intelligence but with the King and the Queen, and with those who have faithfully and loyally served them, and have found that those who had received the deepest impressions of this ill opinion of me, have been, and at this da● are, the best Pa●rons and Friends I ever had, or yet have. There are, who know very well what I said to the Prince of Conde, at the fine Conference held at Poissy, when he attempted to draw me over to his party. 
Jealousies of the Sieur de Montluc.  After the first troubles the Queen of Navarre went to Rousillon, where she carried to their Majesties a whole sack full of informations against me, that spoke of nothing but Treasons, and Intelligences that I had with the King of Spain, to deliver up Guienne into his hands, Rapes of Wives and Virgins, Depredations, Impositions, and Thefts from the King's Treasure: Nevertheless, their Majesty's being come to Tholouse, and into Guienne, they found neither man nor woman of one Religion or the other, that ever opened their mouths against me, and found Guienne so abounding in all sorts of provisions, that the whole Court wondered at it, considering that at the same time in Languedoc, the whole Country was ready to die of famine; and the Chancellor himself said, that having for three days sojourned in that Province, in all those three days time his Clerk of his Kitchen could furnish him with no more than one Pullet only, which he spoke openly at Table, at an entertainment he made for some Precedents and Councillors; upon which the first Precedent took occasion to say, that notwithstanding he would find Guienne to abound with all sorts of provisions. Yes answered the Chancellor, but how comes it to be so, for some have possessed the King and Queen, that they would find nothing to eat in Guienne, and that Monsieur de Montluc had ruined the whole Country: whereupon all those who were at the Table attested the contrary, and that he should find the Country very well governed, as he did, by his own confession; the Queen also who feared she should want provision at Bayonne, saw there with her own eyes, that they were fain to throw the flesh into the streets, 
The Seneschal of Quercy accuses the Sieur de Montluc.  and yet before their coming, la Graviere Seneschal of Querry, returning from Court, called at my house at Stillac, where he made himself so drunk with the good wine I gave him, that he dreamed in the night I had told him, that I would deliver up Guienne to the King of Spain, that the Cardinal of Armagnac, Messieurs de Terride, de Negrepelice and several others were of the plot, and that if he would be one, I would make him the greatest man of his Race, and so went with his nightcap to tell this fine story to Monsieur de Marchastel, who immediately dispatched away Rappin to Court, to carry this news to the King, where it was believed for some days; for the Queen sent du Plessis to me post, to bid me fear nothing, for that nothing was believed: but I had had notice of it before, though I made no great matter of it, having so great a confidence in the Queen, that she would not lightly be induced to believe any such thing. Du Plessis (who was of the Bedchamber to the King) found me at Again dancing (for we must make merry sometimes) in the Company of fifteen or twenty Gentlewomen, who were come to see Madam de Caupenne my Daughter in Law, 
Slanderers in the Courts of Princes.  who had never been in this Country before. And thus my Treason was found to be true. We demanded satisfaction of their Majesties, but could never obtain any, and that's it, that nourishes so many Tale-Carriers and Slanderers in the Kingdom, for they are never punished, no more than false witnesses in the Courts of Parliament. But I hope God will one day make them all known to the King, and make him cut off so many heads, that he will cleanse the Kingdom of this Vermin.  
Though all things that have been forged against me have been proved utterly false, and without any colour of truth, my actions as well of the past as present time, having clearly manifested the contrary, yet could I not nevertheless so purge myself, but that the Queen believed something, or at least retained some jealousy of me, and I have sufficiently felt it, though I believe however it was only to hinder the King from giving me any recompense for the services I have performed for his Majesty and his Crown, which what they have been she very well knows; and knows very well also, that I am no Spaniard, nor have any practices either out of the Kingdom, or within it, but what point at his Majesty's service. She had no such opinion of me, when sitting upon a chest betwixt the Cardinals of Bourbon and of Guise, she entertained me at Tholouse with tears in her eyes. Her Majesty may call it to mind if she please, for though she have a great many matters to trouble her head withal, she has a very good memory. It was she herself who told me, that having received news of the loss of the Battle of Dreaux (for some brave Cavalier had run away at the beginning, and carried this lying report) she entered into consultation with herself, what she was best to do, and in the end took a resolution, if certain news should be brought of this defeat, to steal away with a small Train, with the King and the Monsieur, and try to recover Guienne by the way of Auvergne, both out of the confidence she reposed me (and indeed Guienne was clear and entire) as also because the King and she might there at great ease, have called in succours from other places. God be praised there Majesties came not thither, but this will appear better hereafter. In the mean time, her Majesty may please to take notice, that hitherto I have not much importuned her with demands, neither have they much troubled themselves with finding out something to give me, having refused me the County of Gaure (which is not worth above twelve hundred Livers a year) after the first troubles. Every one knows what services I did the King, and particularly in the conservation of Guienne, not that I complain of his Majesty, for both his Father and he have conferred more honour and advantages upon me than I deserve, neither did I ever hope for any recompense for the services I had done, or could do, after I was answered by a person who is yet living, when some friends spoke in my behalf, that I was already too great in Guienne. Which I do confess I was, not in Riches, but in the friendship of oll the three Estates of the Province, both for the loyalty and fidelity they knew I had ever born to the service of the King and his Crown, as also for having evermore endeavoured to ease the Country of Garrisons, and all other Subsides, when I had the power to do it. And I hope at the return of the Commissioners who are now come into these parts, the truth will appear. I have not corrupted them, for I would not so much as see them, let them do their worst; and as to my estate, it is now fifty years that I have served in command, having been three times the King's Lieutenant, thrice Campmaster, Governor of places, and Captain both of Horse and Foot, and yet with all these employments, I could never do more than purchase three Farms, and redeem a Mill that anciently belonged to my house, 
The Sieur de Montluc well beloved in Guienne.  all which amount to no more than betwixt fourteen and fifteen thousand Francs, which is all the wealth and purchases that I have ever made; and all the Estate that I now possess could not be farmed out to above four thousand, five hundred Francs a year. I should have been glad that any one could have reproached me, that I was too great, for the great riches the King had given me, and not for having had nothing, but remaining poor as I am. God be praised for all, in that he has made me an honest man, and ever maintained me in an integrity fit to walk with my face erect amongst men. I fear no man upon earth, I have done nothing unworthy a man of honour, and a loyal Subject; neither have I ever served my Prince in a Vizor, or with dissimulation, for my words and my actions have evermore gone hand in hand; neither had I ever any intelligence or friendship with the Enemies of my King and Master, and whoever is mangy, let him scratch a God's name, for I neither itch within nor without, having always kept my nails so short, that I had never any use of them: for which I praise God, and most humbly thank him, who has hitherto guided my life so as to preserve it from any manner of reproach, and hope he will do me the grace, that as hitherto he has gone along with my fortune in arms, he will also accompany my renown to my grave, so that after my death, my Relations and Friends shall not be ashamed to have been my Kinsmen or my Companions, and I doubt not but with this fair Robe of Fidelity and Loyalty to signalise myself, in despite of those who have ever been envious of my success, and emulous of my honour. So it is, that had King Henry my good Master lived, these misfortunes had never befallen me, nor which is worse, the Kingdom: But I shall leave this discourse, growing perhaps into too much passion for the death and loss of the best King that France ever had, or shall ever have▪ I shall not meddle with the Factions and Rebellions that have discovered themselves since the death of Francis the second, though I could say something of them, as having lived in that time, and been an eye witness of many things: for I pretend not to be an Historian, nor to write in the method of a History, but only to give the world an account, that I did not bear arms for nothing; 
Why the Sieur de Montluc has written.  as also that my Companions and Friends may take example by my actions, of which there are many that may be useful to them, when they shall be engaged upon the like occasions; and moreover, that by reason of my writing, my memory may not so soon perish: Which is all that men who live in the world, bearing arms like men of Honour, and without reproach, aught to desire; for all the rest is nothing. I do believe, that so long as the world shall endure, men will talk of those brave and valiant Captains, Messieurs de Lautrec, de Bayard, de Fo●x, de Brissac, de Strozzy, de Guise, and several others, who have flourished since King Francis the first came to the Crown, amongst whose better names that of Montluc may perhaps have some place: And since God has deprived me of my Sons, who all died in the service of the Kings my Masters, the young Montlucs who are descended from them, shall endeavour to exceed their Grandsire. I will therefore write nothing of the Reign of Francis the second, nor of the Factions at Court; neither were they other than Sed●tions and Rebellions, of which I know several particulars, as having been very intimate with the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde: but as I have already said, I leave those affairs to the Historians, to finish the rest of my own life; wherein I shall proceed to give an account of the fights in which I have been engaged during these Civil Wars, and wherein I have been constrained, contrary to my own nature, to use not only severity, but even sometimes to be cruel.  
The End of the Fourth Book.   

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARSHAL of FRANCE. The Fifth Book.  
KIng Francis being dead at Orleans, 
The death of Francis the second.  where I than was, I went to wait upon the Queen Mother, who although she was very ill, nevertheless did me the honour to command, that they should permit me to enter into her Chamber. I had taken notice of the practices were set on foot▪ which did by no means please me, and especially those of the Estates then sitting, by which I saw we should not long continue in peace, and that was it, which made me resolve to retire from Court, that I might not be hooked in, either by one Faction or another; especially considering that I had been made guilty that way before (contrary to all truth, as God be my help) which was the reason, that taking leave of her Majesty, and not thinking it fit to trouble her with much discourse in her indisposition, 
The Sieur de Montlucs words to the Queen Mother.  I said to her these words, Madam, I am going into Gascony, with a determination to do you most humble and faithful service all the days of my life, which I most humbly beseech your Majesty to believe, and if any thing fall out considerable enough to engage you to call your servants about you, I promise you, and give you my faith, I will never take other side than that of your Majesties, and my Lords your Children; but for that will be on horseback so soon as ever your Majesty shall please to command me. The very night of the same day on which King Francis died, I had given her the same assurance, for which she now did me the honour to return me thanks, when Madam de Cursol, who stood at her bed's head, said to her, Madam, you ought not to let him go, your Majesty having no servants more faithful than those of the Family of Montluc. To which I made answer, Madam, you shall never be without Montlucs, for you have three yet remaining, which are my two Brothers and my Son, who with myself will die at your feet, for your Majesty's service. For which her Majesty returned me many thanks. She who had a grea● deal of understanding, and who has given very ample testimony of it to the world, saw very well, that having so many affairs upon her hands, during the minority of her children, she should have use for all the servants she had, and may herself remember what she said to me, wherein if I have failed to execute her commands, it was because I did not understand them. And so I took my leave of her Majesty; Madam de Cursol followed me to the middle of the room, where she took her leave of me, and Madam de Courton did the same, and thus I returned to my own house.  
Some months after my return home, 
Audacious speeches of the Huguenot Minister's.  I had news brought me from all sides, of the strange language, and most audacious speeches the Ministers of the new faith impudently uttered, even against the Royal Authority. I was moreover told▪ that they imposed taxes upon the people, made Captains, and listed Soldiers, keeping their Assemblies in the Houses of several Lords of the Country, who were of this new Religion; which was the first beginning and cause of all those Mischiefs and Massacres they have since exercised upon one another. I saw the evil daily to increase, but saw no one who appeared on the King's behalf to oppose it. I heard also that the greatest part of the Officers of the Treasury were of this Religion (the nature of man being greedy of Novelty) and the worst of all, and from whence proceeded all the mischief, was, that those of the long Robe, the men of Justice in the Parliaments and Senechalseys, and other Judges, abandoned the ancient Religion, and that of the King, 
The miserable estate of Guienne.  to embrace the new one. I met also with strange names of Survei●●ans, Deacons, Consistories, Sinods and Colloquies, having never before breakfasted of such viands. I heard that the Surveillans had Bulls pizzles by them called johanots, with which they misused, and very cruelly beat the poor Peasants, if they went not to their Conventicles; the people being so totally abandoned by ●ustice, that if any one went to complain, they received nothing but injury instead of redress, and not a Sergeant that durst attempt to execute any thing in the behalf of the Catholics, but for the Hugonots only (for so they were called, though I know not why) the r●st 〈◊〉 the Judges and Officers who were Catholics being so overawed, that they durst not have commanded so much as an Information to be made for fear of their lives. All these things together were presages to me of what I have since seen come to pass, and returning from another house of mine to that of Stillac, I found the Town of La Plume besieged by three or four hundred men. I had my Son Captain Montluc with me, whom I sent with all sorts of fair language (for I had no more than ten or twelve horse in my company) to try to persuade them to desist. Wherein he prevailed so far, that he overcame the Brimonts, the principal heads of this Enterprise (which was undertaken to rescue two prisoners of their Religion, that the Magistrates of La Plume had for some disorders committed.) My son having promised them, that if they would retire, I would cause them to be delivered; they took his word, and drew off from before the Town. The next day accordingly I went to speak with the Officers of the said City, to whom having remonstrated, that for these two Prisoners they ought not to suffer a sedition to be set on foot, they brought them out to me, and let them go.  
Monsieur de Bury, 
The Sieur de Bury the K●ngs Lieutenant in Gui●nne.  who at this time in the absence of the King of Navarre commanded in Guienne, was at Bourdeaux, where he had as much work cutting out for him, as in any other part of the Province; but I did not hear that he made any great stir, and I believe he was very much astonished: for my part I had command of nothing but my own Company, nevertheless I would once take upon me to meddle at the request of the Court Presidial, and the Consuls of Again, about the concern of a Minister the Magistrates had committed to prison, which set the whole City in commotion one against another; whereupon the Consuls came to entreat me to come to Again, for that otherwise the Inhabitants would cut one another's throats. Which I accordingly did, where, upon my coming, the Hugonots were of themselves possessed with so great a terror, 
The Hugonots dread the name of Montluc.  that some of them hid themselves in Cellars, and others leapt over the walls; not that I gave them any occasion so to do, for I had as yet done them no harm; neither did I do any more now, but only take the Minister out of a House to deliver him into the hands of Justice; but these people have ever feared my name in Guienne, as they have that of Monsieur de Guise in France. But how little soever the thing I did was, the King of Navarre took it so highly ill at my hands, that he mortally ha●ed me for it, and writ to the King that I had dispossessed him of his Lieutenancy, entreating to know if his Majesty had given me authority so to do, whilst in the mean time he meditated his revenge at what price soever. This happened in the time when King Francis was yet living: for in those times these new people began their innovations. Monsieur de Guise sent me word by my Son Captain Montluc, that I should use all the means I could to restore myself to his favour, for although the King was satisfied with what I had done, he could not nevertheless make any show of it, it being requisite for him to proceed after this manner. This letter might very well have been the cause of my ruin, for without this private advice from Monsieur de Guise, I had never reconciled myself to the King of Navarre, as having much rather have chosen to have stood upon my Guard, and in my own defence, than to have any tampering with the King of Navarre in any thing but what should be by his Majesty's command; but I conceived I could not err in following the advice of Monsieur de Guise; for he absolutely governed all things at Court.  
But to return to my first subject, having heard and seen all these affairs and novelties which still much more disclosed themselves after my return, and after the death of the King (for they now explained themselves in downright Terms) than before; I deliberated to return to Court, no more to stir from the Queen and her Children, but to die at their feet in opposition to all such as should present themselves against them, according to the promise I had made to the Queen, and put myself upon my way in order to this re-resolution. The Court was then at St. German en l' Ay. I stayed but two days at Paris, and at my coming to St. Germains, found not one person of the House of Guise, nor any other, but the Queen, the King of Navarre, the Prince of Condé, and the Cardinal of Ferrara, where I was very well received by her Majesty, and by them all. The Queen and the King of Navarre drawing me apart, enquired of me how affairs stood in Guienne; to which I made answer, that they were not yet very ill, but that I feared they would every day grow worse and worse, telling them withal the reasons why I conceived that it would not be long before they would break into open arms. 
The Hugonots r●se in Guienne.  I stayed there but five days, in which time news came that the Hugonots were risen at Marmanda, and had killed all the Religious of the Order of St. Francis, and burned their Monastery: immediately came other news of the Massacre the Catholics had made of the Hugonots at Cahors, with that of Grenade near unto Tholouze. 
Monsieur de Fumel butchered by his own Tenants.  After that came news of the death of Monsieur de Fumel, barbarously massacred by his own Tenants who were Hugonots; which troubled the Queen more than all the rest, and then it was that her Majesty saw, that what I had prephecied to her, that they would not long abstain from arms, was very true. They were six days before they could resolve at which end to begin to extinguish this fire. The King of Navarre would that the Queen should write to Monsieur de Bury to take order in those affairs; but the Queen said, that if none but he put their hands to the work, there would be no great matters done, by which she implied some jealousy of him; and I know what he said to me, A little thing will serve to render us suspected. I perceived also that the King of Navarre was not so kind to me as formerly; which I believe proceeded from my own behaviour, I being not so observant to him as at other times, and never stirring from the Queen. 
The Sieur de Montlucs large Commission.  In the end they resolved to send me into Guienne with a Commission to raise Horse and Foot, and to fall upon all such as should appear in arms. I defended myself the best I could from this Employment, knowing very well that it was not a work done, but a work that was only about to begin, and such as required a great Master to execute it as it ought to be; and therefore remained at this bout constant not to take it upon me. The next morning the Queen and the King of Navarre sent for me, and the Queen had in the interval commanded Monsieur de V●lence my brother to persuade me to accept of this Commission; so that when I came before them, after several Remonstrances they made me, I was constrained to accept of it, provided that Monsieur de Bury might be joined in the Commission, for I would have him have his part of the Cake. But the Queen would by no means hear of it, alleging but too many reasons (Princes may say what they please) till in the end I was forced to tell her Majesty plainly, that in case he was not comprehended in the Commission, he being the King's Lieutenant as he was, would underhand strew so many Traverses and difficulties in my way, that I should never effect any thing to purpose; which at last they allowed to be a sufficient reason, and let it pass according to my own desire. 
Monsieur de Cursol in Languedoc.  The same Commission they gave me for Guienne, they also gave Monsieur de Cursol for the Province of Languedoc, giving us both in charge, that which of us soever should first have dispatched our own business, should go help his fellow, if he should stand in need. Monsieur de Cursol was no more of this new Religion than I, and without all doubt afterward turned to it more out of some discontent, than for any devotion, for he was no great Divine, no more than I was: but I have known many turn to this Religion out of spi●e, who have afterwards very much repent. We both of us together took our leaves of the Queen and the King of Navarre, and went to Paris, and Monsieur de Valence with us. I demanded two Counsellors of that part of France to sit upon life and death (fearing that those of the Country would do no good, being that some of them would incline to the Catholics, and others to the Hugonots) and had given me two of the damnedest Rogues in the whole Kingdom, one whereof was Compain a Counsellor of the great Council, and the other Gerard Lieutenant to the Pr●vost d' Hostel, who have since gained no better a reputation, than they had before. I repented me that I had demanded them; but I thought I did well in it, and so I came into Gascony in all diligence.  
I found Monsieur de Bury at Bourdeaux, where I delivered him the Patent, and where all the City was divided against one another, and the Parliament also, because the Hugonots would that they might preach openly in the City, alleging that by the Conference at Poisey it was permitted them so to do; and the Catholics affirmed the contrary▪ so that Monsieur de Bury and I had for a whole day together enough to do to keep them from falling together by the ears; and thereupon agreed to raise some men, and that so soon as our Commissioners should be come, we would march directly to Fumel, our Parent expressing that we should begin thero. Now the power of raising Forces, and of commanding them was in me, wherefore we concluded together to raise two hundred Harquebuzeers, and a hundred 
* Light-horse.  Argoulets, the command of which I gave to the younger Tilladet, the same who is now Lord of Sainctorens.  
I had scarce been four or five days in my house Estillac, 
Barrelle a Minister attempts to corrupt the Sieur de Montluc.  when a Minister called la Barrelle came to me in the behalf of their Churches, telling me, that the Churches were exceeding glad of my coming, and the Authority the Queen had given me, being now assured to obtain Justice against those that had Massacred their Brethren. To which I made answer, that he might be confident all such as should appear in fault, should be certainly punished▪ He than told me, that he had in Commission from the Churches to make me a handsome present, and such a one as therewith I should have reason to be well satisfied. I told him, that there was no need of any presents to me, forasmuch as my integrity would oblige me to do my duty, and that for all the presents in the world, I was never to be made to do any thing contrary to it. He then told me, that the Catholics had declared, they would never endure to have Justice executed upon them, and that therefore he had in Commission from all the Churches, to present me with four thousand foot in good equipage, and paid. This word began to put me into fury, and made me angrily demand of him, what men, and of what Nation must those Four thousand Foot be? to which he made answer, of this very Country, 
The offers of the Churches.  and of the Churches; whereupon I asked him, if he had power to present the King's Subjects, and to put men into the Field, without the command of the King, or the Queen, who was at this time Regent of the Kingdom, and so declared by the Estates held at Orleans. O you confounded Rogues, said I, I see very well what you aim at, it is to set divisions in the Kingdom, and 'tis you Ministers that are the Authors of this godly work, under colour of the Gospel; and thereupon tell to swearing, and seizing him by the collar, said these words, I know not Rascal, what should hinder me, that I do not myself hang thee at this window, for I have with my own hands, strangled twenty honester men than thou. Who then trembling, said to me, Sir I beseech you let me go to Monsieur de Bury, for I have order from the Churches to go speak with him, and be not offended with me, who only come to deliver a message, neither do we do it for any other end, but only to defend ourselves. Whereupon I bade him go and be hanged to all the Devils in Hell, both he, and all the rest of his fellow Ministers, and so he departed from me, as sufficiently frighted as ever he was in his life. This action got me a very ill repute amongst the Ministers, for it was no less than high Treason to touch one of them.  
Nevertheless a few days after came another Minister called Boenormant, alias lafoy P●erre, sent in the behalf of their Churches (as he said) to entreat me to accept the present and offer that Barelle had made me, saying, that it was not for the intention ●imagin'd, and that without costing the King so much as a 
* A farthing English, or the fourth part of a penny, a Liard containing three Deniers, whereof twelve go to a penny.  Liard, I might render equal Justice both to the one party and the other. At this I was almost ready to ●ose all manner of patience, and with great vehemency reproached him with the levying of money, and the listing of men, but he denied it all. Whereupon I said to him, But what if I prove to you, that no longer since than yesterday, you listed men at la Plume, what will you say? To which he made answer, That if it was so, it was more than he knew. Now he had a Soldier with him, tha● had formerly been in my Company in Piedmont, called Antragues, which made me turn to him, saying, Will you Captain Antragues deny, that you yesterday listed men at la Plume? To which, seeing himself caught, he made answer, That indeed the Church of Nerac had made him their Captain. 
The Churches make Captains.  Whereupon I began to say, What the Devil Churches are those that make Captains? and fell to reproach him with the good usage a●d respect I had showed him when he was in my Company; forbidding them ever again to come to me with the like Errand, which if they did, I should not have the patience to forbear laying hands upon them; and so they departed.  
They afterwards began to rise at Again, 
The Sedition of Agen.  and to make themselves Masters of the Town, in which were the Signior de Memi and Castet-Segrat, and the Seneschal of Agenois; Poton was also there, who did all that in him lay to pacify affairs, and came to me, entreating me to go to Again, and that all obedience should be paid me there; there came a Minister also along with him, who would engage his honour to me in the business, but I did not take that for good Security. The Seneschal proceeded with integrity, and I believe it would have cost him his life as well as me mine, had I gone thither, for he would have defended me the best he could; and it came so near it, that at their importunity, I promised to be there the next morning. But the Sieurs de la Land and the Nor in the mean time dispatched away a Messenger in private to me, 
A plot upon the Sieur de Montlucs life.  to give me warning not to come, if I had any care of my life, for if I did, I was a dead man; which made me send them word, that I would not pass over the River, but if they would come to a House at the Ferry, I was content to give them the meeting there. When they saw they could not inveigle me into their power, they consented to come to the place appointed, whither I accordingly went to meet them with five and twenty Soldiers, whom I ordered not to stir from the water side, and there we dined together. After dinner we fell to debate what was best to be done▪ where I told them, that in the first place, and before we proceeded to any further particulars, they were to content themselves with the Church, that Monsieur de Bury had allowed them for their meetings, which was a Parish Church, and that they must quit the Jacobins, and permit the Religious to re-enter, to perform their offices there; that they must lay down their arms, and receive the one half of the King of Navarres Company into their City for a Garrison, and the other half should remain at Condom. I could never persuade them to condescend to this; wherefore taking the Seneschal of Again aside, I said to him, Do you not evidently see, that they aim at a subversion, and to make themselves Masters of Cities? I would not advise you to stay with these people; for you will be necessitated, either to let them do what they will, or resolve to have your throat cut, we have a fair example in Monsieur de Fumel: consider with yourself what is best for to you do, and so farewell: and so without any more words, I abruptly left them, and returned to Stillac, where at my coming home I found a Farmer of mine of Puch de Gontaut called Labat, who came to tell me in the behalf of their Churches, that I was too Choleric, and had not patience rightly to ●nderstand what the Ministers Barrelle and Boenormont had to say to me, and to present me withal, which was, that the Churches made me a tender of Thirty thousand Crowns, provided I would not take arms against them, but let them alone, without desiring nevertheless that I should alter my Religion, 
Practices to debauch the Sieur de Montluc.  and that within fifteen days at the furthest, they would bring me the money to my own house. In answer to which I told him, That were it not for the love I bore him, and also that he was my Tenant, I would handle him after another manner, than I had done Barrelle and Boenormont, and clap a dagger in his bosom, that he knew very well I had the knack on't, and therefore henceforward let neither he, nor any other be so impudent as to make any such Proposals to me, for I would infallibly be the death of them if they did. Whereupon very sufficiently frighted, he immediately left me to return to Nerac, to carry back my answer to his Church.  
Eight days had not passed after this, 
Captain Se●dat trea●s with the Sieur de Montluc.  before Captain Sendat came again to tempt me with much greater offers than before; for he made me an offer of forty thousand Crowns, he himself having made them a promise to be of their party, provided I did not take arms against them; for which they also gave him Two thousand Crowns. We talked a pretty while of the business, and when he saw he could no other way prevail with me to take their money, he pressed and advised me, to take it, and lend the money to the King, wherewith to make war against them. To which I made answer, That I very well perceived he did not understand what it was to bring the reputation of an honest man in dispute: For in the first place, said I, they will not give me this money, without first making me take an Oath not to bear arms against them, which engagement they will have in writing to show to their Churches, to make them part with their money; 
Considerations of the Sieur de Montluc upon the Proposals of Captain Sendat.  and besides, it is impossible but that this must come to light, for fire can never be so covered and concealed, but that some smoke will issue out. The Queen will wonder that I sit still in my own house and do nothing, she will solicit me to take arms, which if I then refuse to do, will you not, that both she and all the world believe I have taken money, and am a bribed corrupted fellow? On the other side, should I give this money to the King, his Council must needs take notice, that I have taken an Oath not to bear arms, and yet they know, that upon my receiving the Order, I have sworn to do it, and to defend his Person and his ●rown against all the world. How then can you imagine, that either the Queen now, or the King when he grows up, can look upon me as an honest man, when I have taken two Oaths expressly contrary to one another? Some will say, that I took the money at first upon the account of infidelity; but that afterwards repenting, I would palliate my Knavery, by giving it to the King. Others will say, that the Queen ought no more to r●pose any trust in me, having taken two Oaths positively contrary to one another, and that since I made no conscience of cheating the Hugonots with an Oath, I would make as little to deceive the King. Thus shall my honour be brought in question, and, I with just reason, sentenced for ever incapable of any place amongst honest men, and such as are good and loyal Subjects to their Prince. What will then become of me, and what a Monster of men shall I be, when I have lost the honour I have fought for all my life, and parted with my blood to obtain? I will not only say, 
The Sieur de Montluc withdraws Captain Sendat from th● Hugonots▪  that the Gentlemen of France will avoid my conversation, but even the basest of the people also will be ashamed of my company. See then Captain Sendat what a fine condition I should be in, should I follow your advice: In return of which, I will give you better; I pray frequent these people no more, you have ever been brought up and born arms with the Montlucs, let me entreat you to take them up now for the service of the King, and do not go over to that ridiculous Religion. Our Forefathers were honester men than they, and I cannot believe that the Holy Ghost is amongst a people who rise in rebellion against their King: Here is a hopeful beginning. He promised to follow my counsel, and so departed.  
By my behaviour in this affair, I sufficiently manifested to all the world, that Avarice could never make me abandon my honour, nor my conscience to falsify the Oath I have in the presence of God made to the King loyally, and faithfully to serve him, and to defend his Person and his Crown, and yet some have not been ashamed to accuse me of polling from the King's Treasury, and of imposing taxes upon the Country to enrich myself. God and the truth are on my side, and the testimony of the Estates of Guienne, who will make it known to all those, who have made all these false reports of me to their Majesties, that I have never done any such thing. But letting this alone, I will return to the Justice Monsieur de Bury and I did with our virtuous Commissioners Compain and Gerard, who remained a long time without appearing in any place, or it being so much as known where they were. Which made me solicit Monsieur de Bury to let us speedily fall to our business, and that since our Commissioners did not come, we would make use of the Counsellors of Agen. Yet still we lingered away the time in delays, whilst I had intelligence daily brought me, that the Hugonots continued their damnable Conspiracies. There was at this time a Lieutenant of the Tribunal of Condom, called du Franc, a very honest man, and a good servant of the Kings, who was once half in mind to have gone over to this new Religion (for he was not the Son of a good Mother, that was not one of them) this man was one day called to a Council, in which there were some persons of very great quality, and where he heard an accursed and execrable Proposition, which being once proposed, he durst not when it came to his turn to deliver his opinion, say 〈◊〉 than the rest had done, fearing should he contradict it, they would put him 〈…〉 lest he should discover their Council, and was therefore constrained to go through 〈◊〉 as the rest had done. I shall not say where this Council was kept, much less name th● 〈◊〉 who were present at it, for the Council and the Proposition signify nothing now, and there were some in the Company, who are since become very honest men. He sent to 〈…〉 that he might have some private conference with me, betwixt Samp●y and Cond●●, and appointed an hour. I took no more company with me, but one Footman only, and he another, for so we had agreed, and we met in a meadow that lay under the H●use of Monsieur de Sainctorens, where he told me all that had been said in the Council, and what had there been concluded, which was such a Conspiracy, as (so God shall help me) made my hair stand an end, to hear it. After he had ended his story, he made me the Remonstrance of an honest man, telling me that now an occasion presented itself, 
Du Franc discovers the Hugonots Conspiracy.  wherein I might acquire honour to myself, and those who should descend from me for ever, which was with a courageous and magnanimous heart to take arms, and to expose my life to all dangers, for the safeguard of those poor children who were the sons of so good a King, and as yet in no better an age to defend themselves, that if they were in their cradles, and that God would assist me, seeing me take arms to protect the innocent, and those who were no way able to defend themselves. To this, this good man added so many, and so powerful Remonstrances, that (as I shall be saved) the tears came into my eyes, entreating me withal, not to discover him, for if I should, 
A design of the Hugonots to kill Monsieur de Montluc.  he was a dead man. He told me further, that as to what concerned myself, they had consulted about me, and determined to surprise me in one place or another, and that if they could get me into their hands, they would deal worse by me, than they had done by Monsieur de Fumel. Nothing of all their Conspiracies was concealed from the said Lieutenant, because they thought him sure of their side, so dexterously did he behave himself amongst them; but he afterwards showed them the contrary, several times exposing his life in the City of Condom, with his Sword in his hand, in defence of the King's Authority: But however it came to pass, he was afterward either by poison, or some other violent means, dispatched out of the world for this very business. I thought he had never discovered himself but to me only, but I found that he had told the same thing to Monsieur de Gondrin, who was a very intimate friend of his, and to Monsieur de Maillac, Receiver of Guienne, for they were both as it were Brothers. For my part, I never opened my lips concerning it to any one living, but to the Queen at Tholouze, by the chimney of her Chamber, at which her Majesty was very much astonished, as she had very good reason to be, for more horrid and Diabolical designs were never heard of, and yet very great persons were of the Conspiracy.  
Having heard all these abominable designs, 
The Sieur de Montlu's design.  I retired to my own house at Sampoy; where I concluded with myself to lay aside all manner of fear, resolving to sell my skin as dea● as I could, as knowing very well, that if I once fell into their hands, and was left to their mercy, the greatest piece of my body would be no bigger than my little finger. Moreover, determining to execute all the cruelty I could, and especially against those who spoke against the Royal Majesty; for I saw very well, that gentle ways would never reclaim those cankered and inveterate Rascals. Monsieur de Bury departed from Bourdeaux, sending me word of the day he intended to be at Clairac, that we might there together resolve where we ought to begin our Circuit. He sent me also Letters the Commissioners had writ to him, wherein they appointed us to come to Cahors, there to begin against the Catholics; in answer to which I writ to him back again, that he should well consider the Patent, and that there he w●uld find the Queen had commanded us to go and begin at Fumel. The Letters of these two honourable Gentlemen, were of so audacious and impudent a stile, as that by them they gave us to understand, that they were the principal Commissioners, and that we had no authority, saving to justify their proceedings, and to be assisting in the execution of their Decrees.  
Now there was a Village two Leagues from Estillac, called S. Mezard, the greatest part whereof belonged to the Sieur de Rovillac a Gentleman of eight or ten thousand Livers a year. Four or five days before I came thither, the Hugonots his Tenants were risen up against him, because he offered to hinder them from breaking open the Church, and taking away the Chalices, and kept him four and twenty hours besieged in his own house; so that had it not been for a Brother of his called Monsieur de S. Aignan, and some other Gentlemen his neighbours, who came in to his relief, they had certainly cut his throat, as also those of Ostfort would have done to the Sieurs de Cuq, and de la Montjoye, so that already there began to be open War against the Gentry. 
The Sieur d● Montlucs L●cquais.  I privately got two Hangmen (which they have since called my Lacquais, because they were very often at my heels) and sent to Monsieur de Fontenilles, my Son in Law (who carried my Cornet, and was at Beaumond de Lomange, where he lay in Garrison) that he should come away upon Thursday in the beginning of the night, and by break of day be at the said S. Mezard, there to seize of those persons whose names I had sent him in writing, and whereof the principal was Nephew to the Advocate of the King and Queen of Navarre at Lectoure, called Verd●ry. Now the said Advocate was he that fomented all the Sedition, and I had private word sent me, that he would come that very Thursday to S. Mezard, for he had some ●state there. I was resolved to begin with this fellows head, forasmuch as having advertized the King of Navarre at Court, that the said Verdery▪ and other of his Officers at Lectoure, were the principal Incendiaries of Rebellion, and having writ as much to the Queen, of the King's Officers, she had writ back that I should begin with those people first, and the King of Navarre had writ in his Letter, that if I hanged the King's Officers on the lower branches of a Tree, I should hang his on the uppermost of all. But Verdery came not, which was well for him, for if he had I had branched him. Monsieur de Fontenilles performed a very long march, and came by break of day to S. Mazzard, where at his first coming he took the Nephew of Verdery, and two others, and a Deacon, the rest escaped away, there being not any one who knew the Houses, for there was not so much as any one man at arms, or Archer who had any knowledge of the place. A Gentleman, called Monsieur de Cord, who lived at the said place, had sent me word, that when in the presence of the Consuls he had remonstrated to them that they did ill, and that the King would be highly displeased with their doings, they made answer, 
Insolence of the Hugonots▪  What King? We are the Kings, he that you speak of is a little turdy Roylet, we'll whip his breech, and set him to a trade, to teach him to get his living as others do. Neither was it only there that they talked at this precious rate, but it was common discourse in every place. I was ready to burst with indignation at it, and saw very well, that all this Language tended to what had been told me by Lieutenant du Franc, which in sum, was to make another King. I had agreed with Monsieur de Sainctorens, that he should also take me five or six of Ast●fort, and especially one Captain Morallet the chief Ringleader of them all, and that if he could take him, and those I named to him, he should with good words bring them to me to S. Mazzard, the same day that I performed the execution, which was upon a Friday, which nevertheless that day he could not do, but he snapped them the Sunday following, and brought them Prisoners to Villeneu●e. So soon as I came to S. Mazzard, Monsieur de Fontenilles presented the three Prisoners and the Deacon, all bound, in the Churchyard, in which there was yet remaining the foot of a Cross of stone they had broken, that might be about some too foot high. I presently called Monsieur de Cord and the Consuls, bidding them upon pain of death to deliver truly, what words they heard these fellows speak against the King. The Consuls were afraid, and durst say nothing; whereupon I told the said Sieur de Cord, that it belonged to him to speak first, and therefore bid him speak; upon which he maintained to their faces, that they had spoke the forementioned words, and then the Consuls told the truth, and justified the same the Sieur de Cord had done. I had my two Hangmen behind me very well equipped with their tackle, and especially with a very sharp Axe, when flying in gr●a● fury upon th●s Verdere, I took him by the ●ollar, saying to him, O thou confounded Rogue! durst thou defile thy wicked tongue against the Majesty of thy King and Sovereign? To which he replied, Ah Sir, have mercy upon a poor sinner. At which more enraged than before, I said to him, Thou ungracious Rascal, wouldst thou have me to have mercy upon thee, who hadst no rev●rence nor respect for thy King, and with that pushed him rudely to the ground, so that his neck fell exactly upon the piece of the Cross, 
A sudden execution of Monsieur de Montlucs.  crying to the Hangman, Strike Villain, which he did, and so nimbly, that my word and the blow were the one as soon as the other, which fetched off his head, and moreover above another half foot of the Cross. The other two I caused to be hanged upon an Elm that was close by, and being the Deacon was but eighteen years old, I would not put him to death, as also that he might carry the news to his Brethren; but caused him nevertheless to be so well whipped by the Hangman, that, as I was told, he died within ten or twelve days after. This was the first execution I did at my coming from my● own house without sentence or writing; for in such matters, I have heard, men must begin with execution, and if every one that had the charge of Provinces had done the same, they had put out the fire, that has since consumed all▪ However, this served to stop the mouths of several seditious persons, who durst no more speak of the King, but with respect, but in great privacy, and with greater circumspection carried on their practices and designs.  
The next day I parted from Estillac, and went to find out Monsieur de Bury at Clairac, and there we fell to debate of the place where we should begin our business, whether a● Fumel, or at Cahors; I found him won to go to the Commissioners to Cahors, who were come thither, and had begun to try the Catholics, without vouchsafing to lend an ear to any thing whatever to the contrary. I then called for the Patent, where I showed him, that it was the Queen's intention we should begin at Fumel, which he knew not how to contradict, showing him moreover, that by virtue of that Patent, we were the true Commissioners, and that Gerard and Campain were obliged to come to us, and not we to go to them; ●●lling him, that on the other side, I had been advertized since my departure from Court, that they were two of the greatest Hugonots in all the Kingdom of France, and that we ought to have an eye to them, and to our own reputations, that the world might not cast a blur upon us, declaring us Hugonots; for as for my own part, I would not be branded with that mark: And to speak the truth, when I came to Bourdeaux, I thought I discovered both by his carriage, and also by other advertisements had been given me, that Monsieur de Bury inclined a little to that Religion.  
Upon Monday we went to Villeneufue, where Monsieur de Sanctorens with his Troop of Light Horse, and two hundred Harquebuzeers came to meet us, bringing me along with him Captain Mora'let, and other four, with two others that some Gentleman had taken at S. Liurade, all which upon Tuesday, without holding them longer in suspense, I caused to be hanged, which struck a great fear into the whole party, saying, What! he puts us to death without trial! Now their opinion was, that in case they should be apprehended, they must be proceeded against by witnesses, and that then there would not be one who durst give evidence against them, for fear of their throats, and also that there was no Judicature great nor small, but would have some of their own Religion amongst them, who would set nothing down in writing, but what should be to their advantage, and in order to their justification, Thus was Justice slubbered over, without any punishment inflicted upon them; and when they had murdered any one, or broke Churches, these wicked Officers (for so they may justly be called) would immediately present themselves to take cognizance of the fact, 
Justice corrupted.  when the Informations being perfected, the Catholics were evermore found to be the beginners of the brawl (the beaten must bear the blame) and that they themselves had broken the Churches by night, that it might be said the Hugonots had done it. I do not think it is to be found in History, that ever such Rogueries, Cheats and Machinations were invented or practised in any Kingdom of the world; and had the Queen delayed sending me with this Commission but three months only, all the people had been constrained to turn to this Religion, or have lost their lives, for every one was so terrified with the severity that by the Judges was exercised upon the Catholics, that there was no other way left them, but either to abandon their habitations, to lose their lives, or to turn to that party. The Ministers publicly preached, that if they would come over to their Religion, they should neither pay duty to the Gentry, nor taxes to the King, but what should be appointed by them; others preached, that Kings could have no power, but what stood with the liking and consent of the people; and others, that the Gentry were no better men than they, and in effect, when the gentlemen's Bailiffs went to demand rend of the Tenants, they made answer, that they must show them in the Bible, whether they ought to pay or no, and that if their Predecessors had been Slaves and Coxcombs they would be none.  
This insolence grew so high, that some of the Gentry began so far to give way to its fury, as to enter into Composition with their Tenants, entreating them to let them live in safety in their houses, and to enjoy their own Demeasns, and as to Rents and Chiefs they would not ask th●m for any. No one was so bold as to dare to go out a hunting, for they came and killed their Hounds and Greyhounds in the field before their faces, and no one durst say wrong they did, for fear of their lives; but if any one meddled with any of them, all their Churches were presently made acquainted with it, and within four or five hours, you had been dispatched out of the world, or enforced to hide yourself in some of the Confederates houses, or in Tholo●z●, there being no safety in any other place; and this was the miserable condition to which Guienne was reduced. 
The miserable Estate of G●●enne.  The particularities whereof I am necessitated to insist upon, to let you see, whether or no the King had not reason to honour me with that Glorious Title of Conservator of Guienne, and whether it was not necessary to fall to work in good earnest; for had I proceeded with Mildness and Moderation, as Monsieur de Bury did, we had been l●st. He promised them great matters, but I performed nothing, knowing very well, that it was only to deceive us, and by degrees to get places into their hands: To be short, these Upstart Christians would give us the Law, and there was not a little Minister amongst them, who did not Lord it as if he had been a Bishop; and these were the hopeful beginnings of this fine Religion, and the manner after which she instructed men to live.  
At our departure from the said Villene●fve, we went to Fumel, where we found that Madam de Fumel, with Monsieur de Cançon her Brother, and some other Gentlemen of the Family, had put themselves into the field, upon the news of our being come thither, and had taken five and twenty or thirty of those who had massacred the Sieur de Fumel. Monsieur de Bury then sent to the Commissioners to come, and to fall in hand with their Commission, who sent him word ●la●ly they would not, but that we must come to them; and I had intelligence sent me by a friend, that they had said, that since I proceeded to execution without Form or Indictment, they would make bold to bring me myself to my trial, after they had done with the rest, by which I saw that I was to try with them a better or a worse; for otherwise we should fall into the greatest misfortune that we could possibly fall into, and if we did not uphold our Authority, and keep the people in awe of us, without suffering them to be in fear of these Commissioners, all would go on the side of the new Religion. Neither did I fail to represent this danger to Monsieur de Bury; but I found by his answers, that he was either in fear of doing amiss or (as I said before) that he a little inclined to that side; but his end has cleared that point to us. Seeing therefore that we could not have our own Commissioners, we sent for Counsellors from the Tribunal of Again, who presently fell to trying these people, whom they found so guilty, 
The Assassinates of Monsieur de Fumel. executed.  that they confessed themselves to have been Actors in the Massacre of their Lord; for they were all his own Tenants, who had begun the business, and sent to call in their neighbouring Churches to assist them in the performance of this Religious exploit, butchering this poor Gentleman with an infinite number of wounds, and being but half dead, laid him against a cushion upon his bed, and shot at Butts against his heart, pillaging and sacking his house, and all that he had; these good people crying out when they had done, Let the Gospel live: For which to be short, in one day, what upon Gibbet, and what upon the wheel, thirty or forty of them were sent out of this world, I cannot tell whither.  
From thence we went to Cahors, where we found these venerable Lords, who had begun, and were already a good way advanced in their process against the Catholics, and kept in prison Monsieur de Viol Canon and archdeacon of Cahors, and Chancellor of the University, a Gentleman of a Family of seven or eight thousand Livres a year belonging to Messieurs de Terride, 
Viol Can●n of Cahors prisoner.  de Negrepelice, and other Gentlemen of the Country. The Sieur de Caumont d●s Mirandes had married his Sister into this Family, and was there soliciting for the said the Viol, his Brother-in-law with his Children, and Nephews of the said the Viol, and Madam de Bugua, Sister to the said the Viol. Monsieur d' Aussun was come thither also, as being Kinsman to his Wife, and the whole City was full of Gentry to solicit in the behalf of the said Sieur the Viol. Our reverend Commissioners had ordered their business so well, that they had called in to their assistance nine Judges, six whereof were Hugonots, and the other three they had so terrified with their power and authority, that they pretended to have it in their Commission, that none of them was to dare to contradict what the others said, and especially Judge Mage, being a timorous person durst not pronounce a syllable but what the rest would have him say. They there condemned fourteen or fifteen men, of which not above three had any hand in the Massacre; but in revenge of the execution we had done at Fumel, 
●ustice done at Cahors.  they would put to death as many as they could justly or unjustly, and caused them to be executed in the Marketplace of the City; at which both the Magistrates and the Clergy entered into so violent an apprehension, that they gave themselves all for lost, seeing them to put Monsieur de Viol, and several others upon their Trial, who were none of them present at the Massacre. All the Ladies were continually following after me, seeing they could obtain no satisfactory answer from Monsieur de Bury; and Monsieur de Caumont that now is, came to speak to Monsieur de Bury, I think rather to take an occasion to quarrel me than for any thing else, because I had said that he suffered a Minister in the open Pulpit to speak against the person of the King and his Royal authority at Clairac, of which he was Abbot, and he questioned me about it in the open Hall before Monsieur de Bury; whereupon I told him, that I had said so, and that he stood so much obliged to the King for the benefits he had received, 
A dispute betwixt the Sieur de Montluc and the Sieur de Ca●mont.  that he ought not to have endured it▪ to which he replied, that the said Minister had not preached before him, and that although he had, it was not to me to whom he was to give an accounted; at which I had thought to have ●lown upon him with my dagger in my hand, and he clapped hand to his sword, wh●n in an instant fifteen or twenty Gentlemen of mine leapt upon him, and there was enough to do to save him from being killed. Monsieur de Bury took my part in a very high manner, and rattled him to some purpose, insomuch that some friends of his thrust him out of the Hall to save him, for every one had his sword drawn, and he had not a pa●ty sufficient to make it an equal match against the friends I had present there; and this was the occasion of the hatred they say he bears me, for before we were very good friends; but 'tis the least of my care.  
But to return to our Justice, the Countess of Arein who was at Assier, sent me a Letter by one of her Gentlemen called lafoy Brun, wherein she entreated me to see Justice duly performed; to which I writ her answer back, that I would by no means obstruct it, where I saw there was reasonable and just cause, and that Monsieur de Bury, and I were there for no other end. 
An offe● made to the Sieut de M●ntluc.  The next day he returned to me again, and in private entreated me, that I would further the execution of the Commissioners Sentence, and that in return of so good an office, I should not fail of Ten thousand Francs. He made me this offer in the presence of a Merchant that sold pistolers, which he himself chose out for me, telling me, that he was privy to the affair, and would immediately disburse the sum. I told him, He did me a very great pleasure, but that I would leave them in his hands, being to go to Monsieur de Bury to supper, whose lodging was hard by. By the way as I went, I began to consider with myself from whence these Ten thousand Francs should come; but could not possibly imagine, though I was satisfied there must be malice and knavery in the case. After supper, when it grew late, I retired to my Lodging at the Archdeacon Redouls house, where by the way I met Madam de Longua, and Madam the Viol hard by the house, who passionately weeping, said to me these words, O Sir, Monsieur de Viol is going to be put to death, if you do not stand his friend, for sentence is passed upon him, and this night there is order given to strangle him in prison, and in the morning to present him dead upon the Scaffold. All the forementioned Lords and Gentlemen had sent away post to the King about this business, but the Messenger had returned too late, if I had not been. I dismissed them with the best comfort I could, telling them that I would take care to prevent execution; to which end I appointed certain Gens-d'armes of my own Company to ride the Patroville before the prison, and before the Commissioners Lodgings, and never put off my clothes myself of all that night. It was very late before the Archdeacon Redoul came home, when so soon as I heard he was come into his chamber, 
Monsieu● de Viol and others condemned to die.  I sent for him, to talk with him about the business. He had been privately enquiring after the affairs of Monsieur de Viol, and the other Prisoners, who were all people of good quality, and brought this account, that they were all condemned to die, and that for fear of scandal, and that no commotion might arise, they were to be dispatched secretly in prison by torchlight, and that by their Process and Judgement, they had divided the City into three distinct Corporations, to wit, the Church into one, the Magistracy into another, and the third Estate into the last; all which three distinct bodies, were sentenced to a fine of Sixscore thousand Francs: whereupon it presently came into my head, that the Ten thousand Francs of which lafoy Brun had made me a tender, was certainly to come from hence; and the said Archdeacon wept, saying, that the City of Cahors was ruined for ever, and that though all the goods of the City movable and immovable should be sold, they could not make up that sum: Whereupon I advised him not to afflict himself, but leave it to me, for that out of the love I bore to Monsieur de Viol and the rest, I would keep so good watch, that I would trap them before they could do their execution, and as to the fines you speak of, said I, it is not the King's intention that your City should be destroyed, for it is his, and assure yourself he will remit them. Alas Sir, said he, if the fines went into the King's purse, we should have some hope that his Majesty would not see us destroyed; but he is not to have one penny of them. Why who then, said I? 'Tis the Count Rhinegrave, said he, who lent the King Fifty thousand Francs upon the County, and we have had a trial with the said Count about the fines of Tholouze, where he has cast us, it being proved, that he had as good title to the fines and amerciaments, as to any other p●rt of the Revenue, and that is the reason why we have no other remedy, but to abandon the City, to go live in some other place, and leave him all we have. 〈◊〉 which, I was ready to run mad, to think that these two Rogues should ●uine one of the King's Cities, for one particular man. I passed over the whole night in great anger and impatience, and in the morning Monsieur de Bury sent for me to hear the judgement of the Process; but by the way, I thought to prevent them from pronouncing sentence, which being once pronounced, there was no possible way to save the City, but that the Count Rhinegrave would have had the Fines, who though he was stranger, yet he was one the King had very often occasion to use. In this heat I came to Monsieur de Burie's chamber, where I found them all already set, and the bags upon the Table. They perceived very well by my countenance, what I had in my stomach, but I said nothing, but took a little stool, and placed myself at the end of the Table, for they had taken up all the room round about it, and there the said Campain in a Learned Oration, began to lay open the offence that had been committed in this City, enlarging himself upon the heinousness of the Fact, and remonstrating to us, how many women and children had lost their husbands and their fathers in this bloody Massacre, and that the King and Queen had sent us thither to do this Justice, which was equitable and right (his Harangue lasted for half an hour at least) and that those offenders they had already put to death, would signify nothing, if they did not also execute the principal Authors of this Sedition, which would serve for an example to the whole Kingdom of France, concluding that therefore they would read the sentence before us, to have it afterwards executed in prison, entreating us to lend our assistance in the seeing it accordingly performed, and thereupon began to draw the Sentence out of the Bag. I looked upon Monsieur de Bury, to see if he would speak, for it was for him to speak before me, but seeing he suffered him to proceed without interruption, and the other beginning to open the Sentence to read it, I said to him, Hold Monsieur de Campain, proceed no further, till you have first answered what I have to demand of you. To which he made answer, That after he had read the Sentence, he would answer my questions, but that he would first read that, before he did any thing else. Whereupon I said to Monsieur de Bury (rapping out a great Oath) Sir, at the first word that comes out of his mouth, I will kill him, if he do not first satisfy me in such things as I shall in your presence demand of him. At which Monsieur de Bury said to him, Monsieur de Campain, you must hear what he has to say to you, for perhaps he may have heard something, that I know not of, and then I perceived my Gentleman to turn pale, and upon my word he had good reason. I than asked him, Whose is the City of Cahors? To which he answered, It is the Kings. And whose is the judicature? said I. The Kings, said he. And whose is the Church? said I. To which he made answer, That he could not tell. Whereupon I said to him, Do you deny that the Church is not the Kings as well as the rest? To which he made answer, That he did not concern himself about it. I then said to him, Have you divided the City into three Corporations, that is to say, the Church, the judicature, and the City separate by itself, and imposed fines severally upon them all? To which he made answer, That I should give ear to the Sentence, and that would inform me, whether he had or no. Whereupon I began to thou him, saying, Thou shalt here declare before Monsieur de Bury and me, what I demand of thee, or I will hang thee with my own hands, for I have hanged twenty honester men than thyself, or those who have assisted at thy Sentence; and thereupon start up from my stool, at which Monsiever de Bury said; Speak Monsieur de Campain, and say if you have done it or no. Yes Sir, answered he, I have: Whereupon I said, O thou damned confounded Villain, Traitor to thy King, thou wilt ruin a City belonging to the King, for the profit of one particular man; were it not for the respect I bear to Monsieur de Bury, who is here the King's Lieutenant, I would hang both thee and thy Companions at the windows of this chamber; saying to Monsieur de Bury, Sir, for God's sake let me kill these accursed Rogues, that are Traitors to their King for another's profit and their own; and thereupon drew my sword half way, and had they let me alone, I had ordered them for ever making more Sentences or Arrests; but Monsieur de Bury leaped to me, and caught hold of my arm, entreating me not to do it, whilst in the mean time they recovered the door, and fled away in so great a fright, that they leaped the sta●rs, without staying to count the steps. I would fa● have followed after to have killed them, but Monsieur de Bury, and Monsieur de C●urre his Nephew held me so fast, that I could not b●eak from them, the rage wherein I was not permitting me to be master of myself: It ought not then to appear strange, if I call them so often Rogues in my Relation. This being done, Monsieur de Bury, Monsieur de Courre and I went into a Garden, where the said Sieur de Bury told me, That besides that I had preserved this 〈◊〉 from total ruin, I had saved his honour also, for the King and the Queen, and all the world, would infallibly have concluded, that he had taken money, whereas he protested that he knew not one syllable of all this, and then it was that I told him which way I came to discover it, and do real●y believe there was no intelligence on Monsieur de Burie's side. I dined with him, and do think he did not eat four bits, and all that day observed him to be melancholy and displeased, sending word to all the Commissioners not to proceed any further in any thing whatsoever, till the King should first be informed of all that had past. I also sent to Judge Mage and the rest to forbid them, that they should not be assisting in any thing should be done by Campain and Gerard upon forfeiture of their lives. They came in the evening one after another, I mean the Judge's Assistants, to excuse themselves to Monsieur de Bury, confessing to him, that they had not foreseen the ruin this Sentence would have inevitably have brought upon the City, which would also have been the undoing both of them and their posterity: but they durst never speak a word to me, nor so much as come where I was. Monsieur de Bury told me all, but whatsoever the matter was, not one of them durst come in my sight; which if they had, upon my conscience I think I should have strangled one or another of them. About five or six days after came the Courier that the Relations and Friends of Monsieur de Viol had sent to the King, who brought an Injunction to the Commissioners, not to proceed any further in any manner whatsoever against the said Sieur de Viol, nor concerning this Sedition, commanding them to set the said Sieur the Viol, 
The deliverance of the Sieur de Viol.  and the other Prisoners at liberty, upon Bail to appear when and so often as they should be summoned so to do. It is not to be wondered at if the City of Cahors have a kindness for me, as indeed they have, to such a degree, that by the respect they pay me, and the entertainments they caress me withal, it seems, as if the King himself, or some of his Brothers were come into their City.  
This was the second time that they attempted to corrupt me with money, but it shall never be ●ound in History, that I ever had a hand in any such dirty practices; neither do I fear any person living, not only in Guienne, but in Italy, where I have had great and honourable ●mployments, and where I might have got Two hundred thousand Francs at least, would I have done as others did, who had no fault found with them for it, and have had more thanks for their labour than I have. But I can say, and say truly, that I never returned from any of my Employments, that I was not necessitated to borrow money to carry me to my own house, and have ever been willing to beggar myself, and to suffer all sorts of inconvenience, only to spare the King's purse, and not to enrich myself: Neither was I alone the sufferer, but moreover all those who were under my Command; as for example, the Treasurer Brancher, the controller la Molliers, and others, who returned as very Rogues as I. And if at any time any City has presented me during these troubles, it was only to maintain the great expense I must of necessity be at to entertain the Gentlemen and people of the Country, and was done openly, and not in private. This was the end of the strange proceedings at Cahors.  
Now Monsieur de Brurie having himself seen, that these two brave Commissioners did not go frankly to work, and that their only drift was to execute Justice upon the Catholic●s only, and not upon the Hugonots also, he sent in all haste to Bourdeaux, for Messieur d' Alesm the elder, and Ferron, Counsellors in the Court of Parliament, and men that very well understood their business, that he might join them to these Commissioners of ours for a Counter-poise to balance their wicked inclinations, and so we went straight to Villefranche de Rovergue, when hearing by the way, that the Hugonots from all parts, drew together in great numbers. Monsieur de Bury sent for the Companies of the Marshal de Termes, of Messieurs de Randan, de la Vauguyon, and de jarnac, for before we had no more than our own two Companies; and found at Villefranche▪ Monsieur the the Cardinal of Armagnac, who stayed there expecting our coming, to complain of the Churches had been violated and defaced in his Jurisdiction, and particularly at Villefranche, a member of his Bishopric of Rhodes; when so soon as he saw us draw near, the Consuls seized of four or five of the principal of the Seditious, whom we found Prisoners. The next day after our arrival came the above named Sieurs d' Alesme, and de F●rron, of whom our Commissioners would by no means allow, saying, they had not the King's Patents, though in the end we overruled them whether they would or no. Monsieur de Bury had entreated me to do them no ha●m at our departure from Caehors, for they desired nothing more than to be gone; and at last they began to try these four or five that the Cardinal of Arm●gnac had caused to be taken: but it was impossible to persuade Campain and Ger●rd to consent to their execution, notwithstanding that an infinite number of Rapines and Violations, besides those of Churches, was by the testimony of the most eminent pe●sons of the City, evidently proved against them. They continued eight or ten days in this d●spute, evermore concluding that they ought to be released, and although Monsieur de Ferron's Wife and Family were of that Religion, he nevertheless affirmed with Monsieur d' Alesme, that they ought to die. The Cardinal of Armagnac and all the Officers were despair, to see that Justice was not executed, expecting nothing but all sorts of violence so soon as our backs should be turned, if some example were not made. In the end M●ssi●urs d' Alesme and de F●rron came to my Lodging, to tell me, that it was not to be hoped, that these people would ever execute Justice upon those of their own Religion, and that therefore seeing no good was to be done with such men, they were resolved to return home. I than entreated them not to leave us; to which Monsieur d' Alesme made answer, Will y●u then do an act worthy your integrity and courage, and cause them to ●e hanged ●t the windows of the Town house where they are Prisoners, by which means you will put the business out of dispute, and without that there is no hope that justice shall be done. Are you both of you of this opinion, said I. They answered me they were. Enough was said, I called to me Monsieur de Sainctorens' Sergeant, saying to him in their presence, Go fetch me the Gaoler hither; which he did, to whom I said, Deliver thy Prisoners to this man; and you Sergeant, take my two Hangmen, and go hang them presently at the windows of the Town-hall. Whereupon he immediately departed, and in less than a quarter of an hour, we saw them hanged at the windows. The Commissioners were furiously enraged at this action, and endeavoured to make Monsieur de Bury disapprove of it, which the next day I reproached them with, telling them in the presence of the said Sieur de Bury, that Monsieur de Bury and I should agree well enough, in despite of all their endeavours to divide us; And I doubt not, said I, but to make you hang yourselves, before the game be done, and that we go out of this Commission. There is a rumour that the Prince of Conde has tak●n arms and possessed himself of the City of Orleans, which if it prove true, hope for no other, but that I will be as good as my word. It was not two hours before Rance, the King of Navarres Secretary arrived, and brought news to Monsieur de Bury, that the Prince of Conde was in arms, and had seized of Orleans, telling wonders of the prodigious Forces the said Prince had with him, in comparison of those of the King, and that the King of of Navarre, the Constable, Monsieur de Guise, and the Marshal de S. Andre were together, who could not all raise so much as one man, with a thousand other flim-flam stories. Whereupon the said Sieur de Bury expressly forbade him to speak a word to any one else, telling him it would be as much as his life was worth, should I come to hear the least whisper of it: He sent also privately to the Commissioners to get away before the news should be published, for otherwise it would not be in his power to save them from being put to death; and he was in the right, for I would infallibly have done their business. They needed not to be bid twice, but immediately sneaked away in great secrecy, so that I know nothing of their departure till the next day, and searched very diligently for Monsieur Rance, who had he fallen into my hands, I think I should have taught him to carry news.  
Upon this untoward news, we were of opinion to go directly to Montauban, 
Again and Monta●ban revolt.  and put ourselves into the Town, before it revolted, for we understood that the City of Again was revolted, and had seized upon their Catholic Officers, Consuls and Canons, and accordingly that night went to S. Anthony, thinking the next day to enter into Montauban, but before we were got half way, we heard that the Town was revolted, which made us turn directly towards Ville Neufue d' Agenois, and found that all was revolted. We than came to a Village called Gallapian, near unto Port S. Marry, and found that Port S. Marie was also revolted, for those people had laid their design long before hand, and had carried their business very close. And there we concluded, that Monsieur de Bury with the four Companies of Gens d' arms, should go put himself into Bourdeaux, and that I with that of the King of Navarre, which was at Condom, that of the Marshal de Termes, and my own, should pass over the Garonne towards Gascony, and keep myself in the open Champain towards Tholouze and Beaumond de Lomange, which being resolved upon betwixt us, and we just ready to depart, there arrived Captain St. Geme, who brought me Letters from the King, the contents whereof were these.  
Monsieur de Montluc,  
I Entreat you, 
The King 's Let●er to the Sieur de Montluc.  if ever you desire to do me a signal piece of service, that immediately, and in all diligence you come away to me with the Marshal de Termes his Company, and your own, and six Companies of Foot, for which I send you Commissions, with blanks for the Captain's names, for you better know who deserve to be preferred to these Commonds than I; therefore leaving all things, I entreat you to come away, for we must save the body of the Tree, which being preserved, the branches will every day recover, etc.  
These were the contents of my Letter, and that of Monsieur de Bury, made mention of what his Majesty had written to me, telling him withal, that he was to take the best order he could in Guienne; for his Majesty knew nothing as yet of its revolt. Monsieur de Bury then took his way directly to Thoneins, where he found M●ss●eurs de Caumont and de Duras (which said Sieur de Caumont had been importuned by their Church's to be their Head, 
The Sieur de Caumont ●efuses to be head of the Hugonots.  but he would never be persuaded to it, no more would Monsieur de Duras, though in the end he was constrained to take it upon him, at the persuasion of a person of greater Quality than himself) both which Gentlemen 〈◊〉 themselves with great civility and respect, and demanded nothing of him, for they still tried to win him by obligation; but he was an honest man. He went then strait to Bourdeaux, and the mischief on 't was, that he sent away all his four Companies towards X●intonge, so that he remained naked, and alone in Bourdeaux, saving for five and twenty Harqu●buzeers of his Guard: And the same day that we parted, I came to Quarter at the house of Monsieur de Beaumond near unto Again, and in the neighbouring Villages, where I disposed of the six Commissions the King h●d sent me, namely, to Captain Charry two, to Captain Bazordan other two, one to my Nephew the Baron of Clermont, and the other to Captain Arne.  
The Sieurs de Can●on de Montferran, 
The Catholic Gentry detain the Sieur de Montluc.  and all the Catholic Gentry of Agenois were come in to me, and began to murmur amongst one another in the Hall, that if I left them, they were all lost, and their wives, children and houses ruined and destroyed. For Lectoure, another strong place, was also revolted, by which means the Gentry of Gascony had no place to retire unto for safety, but were enforced to fly to me; so that they concluded among themselves, that in case I should resolve to go away to the King, as his Majesty had commanded, and offer to leave them without a Head, that they must be fain to detain me in the nature of a Prisoner, and not suffer me to depart. In the Evening I assembled all these Gentlemen together, where I remonstrated to them, that it would be necessary I should send away in all diligence to the King, to acquaint his Majesty with the revolt of all Guienne, Tholouze, and Bourdeaux excepted, which also if they were not suddenly relieved, would be in great danger to be lost, as well as the rest. Which they all approving, I immediately dispatched away Captain Coss●il, to give the King and Queen an account of all that had past; which I had no sooner done, but that Monsieur du Masles (who died lately at Lymoges, and at that time carried the Marescal de Termes his Cornet) told me before all the Company, that I had done very well to take this resolution, for otherwise they had determined amongst themselves to detain me by force. In the morning we passed the River at two or three Ferries, with danger enough, for Leyrac was revolted, as also was the whole Country of Bazadois, la Reolle excepted, and all as far as the very Gates of Tholouze, excepting Avillar and Condom, where Captain Arne lay with the King of Navarres Company, which also before his coming thither had twice revolted; but the Lieutenant General du Franc, whom I have spoke of before, had taken Arms to defend the King's Authority, and got the upperhand, nevereheless in the end he would not have been able to have kept it, without the said Company that I sent into it. I quartered my own Company at la Sauvetat de Gaure, and Monsieur de Terride had his round about his house, in his own Territories, for Beaumond was also revolted. Monsieur de Gondrin and I conferred together at my house at Sampoy en Gaure, to which place I had assigned him to come, where we concluded to reconcile all the Catholic Gentlemen, that we might be united together, and being the Signior de Fermarc●n and de Terride, though both of one Family, had an aversion for one another, we agreed to make them friends; to which end we assig'nd them to come to Faudou●s, 
The Union of the Catholics.  where there was a great company of Gentlemen, and where at last we made them perfect good friends. Captain Charry departed in all haste to go put himself into P●ymirol, because I had intelligence, that the Enemy had qui●●ed it, and taken away the Artillery that was there to carry co Agen. The said Captain Charry went to pass the River at la Magistere, and by break of day was in the City, for the good people immediately opened him the Gates, and there was but ten Soldiers in the Castle, who presently yielded, and every one of the other Captains went forthwith about their business to raise their Companies, when so soon as we had dined, there arrived a Horseman who was come post from Cahors (having rid all night, and hired a fresh horse at la Magistre, where he was told that I was at Faudovas') bringing me a Letter from Monsieur de la Rocque des Ars near unto Cah●rs, a Kinsman of mine; which Letter is to be found enroled in the Register of the Parliament of Tholouze, and whereof these are the Contents.  
SIR,  
TO day about noon at this place, and by great journeys, is arrived a Gentleman from Court, who having enquired at the Inn, if there was any one that knew you, the Host told him that I was in the Town, and was related to you; whereupon he sent the said Host immediately for me, and so soon as I came to the house, he bade the Host go in. I then offered to embrace him, but he made me a sign not to touch him; when he and I being left alone, he told me that he was of the County of Foix, and belonging to the King of Navarre, and that at O●leans a Physician had died i● bed by him of the Plague, with which he was yet infected, biding me immediately go fetch pen, ink and paper; which I having accordingly done, he made me in the street to write this enclosed Letter, entreating me to send it post away to you.  
The said enclosed Letter was thus,  
SIR,  
REturning from Court, I passed by Orleans, where I left the Prince of Conde, who is gathering great Forces together, and has already raised a great number of men. There is a 
* Capitouls of Tholouze are 12 principal Magistrates, whereof the first is to be ● Gentleman of that Province, the rest Lawyers, or rich Merchants.  Capitoul of Tholouze, who is coming by long journeys after me, and I think this night will pass by this place; who has engaged to the said Prince by the eighteenth of this month (which was May) to put the City of Tholouze into his hands. The said Capitoul discovered himself to me, of which I thought fit to give you speedy notice, that if possible, you may prevent his design. For the Reasons that Monsieur de la Rocque will write you word of, I would not subscribe this Letter, but have caused it to be signed by him.  
These were the contents of the two Letters, which having read, I took aside the forementioned Gentleman, 
The Sieur de Montluc receives intelligence of the Enterprise of Tholouze.  to whom having communicated the said Letters, I immediately sent them by an express Messenger post to the first Precedent Mansencal, and writ upon the instant three dispatches to the three Captains Bazordan, the Baron de Clermont, and Arne, wherein I sent them word to labour day and night to get the foot Companies I had given them Commissions for to gather, and approach as near as they could to Tholouze, Monsieur de Terride returned in all diligence to make ready his Gens d'armes, and the Sieurs de Gondrin, and the Fimarcon returned in all haste to gather together the Gentlemen of the Country. Now the Messenger could not get to Tholouze till it was three hours within night, so that the Precedent was gone to bed, by which means he could not deliver his Letters till the next morning, 
The error of the Precedent Tholouze.  which was the twelfth of May. And there the Precedent committed an Error, forasmuch as in the morning he assembled all the Chambers, and there in the presence of them all caused the Letters to be publicly read: and I committed another, having been so wise, as not to give him caution to communicate them but to few: which was the cause that those of their Society who were of the new Religion, and also of the plot, at their return from the Palace, gave notice to all the rest of the Conspirators, that they must make haste to seize the Town house, and the Artillery, and not to defer it till the eighteenth day of the said Month: For I had also writ in my Letter, that I was sending away in all diligence to Captain Bazordan, and the Baron de Clermont, that in raising their Companies, they should approach continually nearer and nearer towards the said City of Tholouze, which eight days before was entered into great suspicion, those of the Town seeing every day strangers that no body knew, enter into the City; and the said Letters unluckily came just in the nick of this jealousy. I had (not as yet knowing any thing of all this) sent away my own Company to Montjoye, near unto la Plume, and the very next day, which was the eighteenth, being returned to Sampoy, I received two Le●●●rs together, one from Monsieur de Terride, with two others of Advertisements enclosed, in one of which was, Sir, Four Ensigns of foot are arrived at Montauban, who come fromwards the Sevennes, and entered about break of day, having marched all night; and in the other was, That a black Ensign had passed over the Bridge de Buza●, on the other side of Tholouze, wearing a white Scarf, and held the way towards Montauban. Monsieur de Terride sending me word, that I might take both these Advertisements for certain. At the same instant I received another Letter from the Vicar of Auch, and the Consuls of the said City, wherein they entreated me to come in all diligence to Auch, or that otherwise they would cut one another to pieces. I writ in the open street for haste four lines to Monsieur de Terride, entreating him to make his Company ready, and to get together the most men he possibly could, which having done, I mounted to horse, having Monsieur de Fontenilles with me, and went in all haste directly to Auch, though I was neither the King's Lieutenant, nor had any power to command, but all I did was out of the particular affection, and good will I bore to his Majesty's service, being assured that doing well, all would be well interpreted by those of the King's party, and as for the rest I did not much care, having evermore rather have them for enemies than friends.  
Coming to Sezan a league from Sampoy, there came a man to me from Tholouze, sent by Monsieur le Precedent Mansencal to tell me, that he had received my Letters, entreating me to come and succour the said City, 
Tholouze seized by the Hugonot●.  for the Hugonots had possessed themselves of the Magazine, and the Artillery that was in it. I alighted at the Towns end under an Elm, and there writ back to the Precedent, that he should with all speed give notice to the forementio●ed Captains, that they might put themselves into Tholouze, and that I would go send away the Marshal de Termes his Company which was at Passam near unto Auch, that they might be at Tholouze by break of day in the morning, bidding them take courage, for I would soon be with them, and delivered at the same time four or five Blanks to my Secretary signed with my own hand, to send letters to Monsieur de Gondrin, and others to bid them march away immediately to Tholouze, which being done, and having sent to my own Company to return in all diligence to la Sauvetat, I galloped away full speed to Auch, where being arrived fasting at one of the clock in the afternoon, I dispatched two Letters as I sat at dinner, one to Monsieur de Bellegarde, it being no more than two leagues from thence to his house, and the other to Captain Masses, who was within half a league, 
The Sieur de Montlucs diligence to relieve Tholouze.  sending to Monsieur de Bellegarde immediately to take post, and go put himself into Tholouze, to command the Soldiery there, causing his great horses and arms day and night to follow after. Monsieur de Masses, so soon as he had spoke with me immediately departed, and never stopped nor stayed till he was in Tholouze the next morning by break of day, and Monsieur de Bellegarde got thither two hours after midnight. The Baron de Clermont entered the same morning, and at the same instant that the Soldiers entered, they ●ell to fight, which was from the place St. George even to the two Gates of the City that looked towards Montauban, which two Gates were possessed by the Enemy. Captain Arne entered about two of the clock in the afternoon, as also did Captain Bazordan at the same time, and so soon as I had pacified them at Auch, I unbethought myself of the Letters Monsieur de Terride had sent me, and concluded that those Ensigns which were come to Montauban, were come thither for no other end, but only to to relieve their people who were engaged at Tholouze. Whereupon I immediately dispatched away a Soldier upon a good Horse, commanding him to ride directly to Laudecoste, and that he should pass the River at la Peyres, by whom I writ a Letter to Captain Charry, that immediately upon the receipt thereof he should march day and night directly to Tholouze, and should make a halt at Fronton. In like manner I dispatched away another to Monsieur de Terride to pass over his Company at Borret, sending him word also to halt at Fronton, and keep continually on horseback day and night, and whilst he waited for Captain Charry, to take care that such as should come from Montauban might not recover Tholouze. An hour after I had made these two dispatches, it came into my head, that in case the Soldier could not pass the River at la Peyre, or that he should chance to be taken, Captain Charry could not be advertized what to do, and the City by that means might be in danger to be lost, which made me immediately dispatch away another, whom I ordered to go by the way of la M●gistere, and it was the next day at noon before he could get to him, for the first had been pursued for ●bove three leagues together. Captain Charry upon the Messenger's arrival immediately marched away, causing bread and wine to be carried along with him, as I had writ to him to do, and as he had learned under me, that the Soldiers might not enter into any house by the way. 
Commendation of Captain Charry.  He understood as well as any man in France, how such diligences were to be performed, and two hours after midnight with two or three hundred men, arrived at Fronton. where he met with Monsieur de Terrides Company, and so, that before they knew one another, they were like to have gone together by the ●ars. Now as Captain Charry was got within a league of Fronton, two or three Huguenot horse belonging to the Viscount de Bourniquel fell accidentally and undiscovered amongst them in the night, when understanding them to be our people, they took their way strait to Montauban, and met the five Ensigns already advanced the midway betwixt Montauban and Fronton, and not being able to number our men by reason of the obscurity of the night, told them, that ours were three times as many as they were, and that it was Captain Charry who commanded them; which was the reason that they returned back again to Montauban; and I marched away with my Company. Monsi●er de Gondrin came to me to Faudovas', and the next morning we advanced within two leagues of Tholouze, to a village called Daux, where we stayed for the Gentlemen who were coming post after us, and where the Sieur de Terride came not up to us till night, by reason he could no sooner get to us with his Company. I sent word to the first Precedent and Monsieur de Bellegarde of our arrival, and that in the morning by Sun-rise we would be with them, but that in the mean time they should be sure to keep the Gate St. Subran free, and let them take care for nothing else, but only that I might get in. The haste wherein I was, made me forget to write them word, that I had sent to Fronton upon the road from Montauban to ●ight any relief that might come from that side; and they having heard as well as we of the arrival of the five Ensigns that were at Montauban, fearing they would that night enter by the two Gates the Enemy were possessed of, were once in mind to enter into composition, and were advanced so far towards it, that in order thereunto Rapine was deputed for the Enemy, and Monsieur de Masses for the City; during the Treaty the skirmishes ceased for three or four hours, and in the interim of these transactions came the Letters that I had sent to the Precedent, and Monsieur de Bellegarde from Auch. But by fortune the Precedent sent his Letter to Monsieur du Masses, to the end that he might show it them, to incline them the more to an accommodation, so that unknown to Monsieur de Bellegarde, the said Sieur the Masses, who was already parted from Rapine, having seen my letter, turned back to him to show him what I had writ, who upon the reading of it grew suddenly very melancholy, saying to Captain Masses that they gave themselves for lost seeing I was so near (for they had heard that their succours were returned back to Monta●●an, though our people knew nothing of it.) In the end they concluded to talk further of it the next morning, but he never intended it, for at the same instant he went to prepare his party, without giving any notice to those of the Town, in all haste to be gone, so that in the close of the Evening they began to quit the Barricadoes they had made at the corners of the streets, and to steal away, which our Captains perceiving began to charge them from street to street, but they were hindered by the night from seeing their issue out of the Gates, so that in rout and confusion they recovered the Vines, and got away; but lost five of their Ensigus. Now we had concluded to fight after this manner, to wit, that Messieurs de Terride, 
Rout of the Hugonots.  and de Gondrin should march on without staying in the Town, taking my Company and the Gentlemen Volunteers along with them, and plant themselves before the Gates the Enemy were possessed of without the City, and that I should alight, and with Monsieur de Ter●es his Company, whom I would also cause to alight, our own foot and those of the Town ●o fight on foot, 
The order designed for 〈◊〉 fight.  resolving to enter and fight by day. In the morning as we began to march an hour before day, there came to us a Capitoul of Tholouse, called Maistre Dourdes, who brought me a letter from the Precedent, and Monsieur de Bellegarde, wherein they sent me word of the departure and slight of the Enemy; for which I was very sorry, for had they stayed my coming, not a Rascal of them all should have escaped; and God knows wh●ther I had not a mind to have made clean work, and if I would have spared ever a mother's son. Those who were come from Foix returned towards their said Country of Foix in rout and disorder, for the very Peasants killed a great many of them, and the rest ●led every one to the place from whence they came. Thus was the City relieved, where the fight ●ounti●ued for three days and three nights together, during which above fifty houses were burnt one after another, and many people on both sides slain: and amongst others two Brothers of Monsieur de Saüignac de Comenge. At our arrival we went and alighted before the Palace all armed as we were, my Ensign and Guidon displayed, and indeed for a hundred and fifty or two hundred Gentlemen there might be of us together with my Company, it was a handsome appearance, and a very fine sight. We found all the Court assembled, 
The S●eu● 〈◊〉 Montlucs speech to the Parliament of Tholouze.  and any one may judge, whether or no we were welcome. I there in a short speech told them, That although I was not the King's Lieutenant, nevertheless the service I had of old devoted to their City, and particularly to that honourable Assembly, was the cause that after the advertisements I had received of the danger they were in, I had gathered together all the friends I could for the conservation of their City, the second of France, and had myself immediately come away in p●rson ●o their rescue; but Gentlemen, said I, in the long time that I have born arms, I have learned that in affairs of this nature, 'tis better to keep without, and send in continual succours, knowing that such a rabble were not likely so soon to force your City, who had they stayed my coming, should have been as well handled, as ever rascals were. It now remains, that since God has been pleased to deliver you, you do your parts, and make your Cantons stink with the Carcases of these accursed Traitors to God, their King, and their Country. So soon as I had done speaking, the Precedent Mansencal made me a very honourable Remonstrance, concluding with great thanks both to me, and to all the Gentlemen. The Capitouls th●n accommodated us with very handsome Lodgings, and at the very same instant began to fall in hand with those of the Mutineers who remained in the Town, and who had been taken at their going ou●, 
The execution at Tholouze.  and the next day proceeded to execution, where I saw more heads ●ly than ever in one day before. I in the mean time was elsewhere sufficiently employed, for it failed but little, that the City was not sacked by our own people, so: as much as so soon as ever the neighbouring Inhabitants heard that the City was relieved, they all came running both Peasants and others to the spoil; neither would they be satisfied with plundering the houses of the Hugonots only, but began to fall on upon those of the Catholics also, insomuch that the very house of Precedent Paulo himself had like to have been sacked, through a rumour that within it there was a Student a Kinsman of his who was a Huguenot, though nevertheless there was no such person found; so that I was forced to run thither, and to remedy the disorder to cause Monsieur de Termes his Company, and my own to mount to horse, the half of which continually from six hours to six hours marched armed, and mounted by six and six together up and down the streets of the City.  
The third day I had word brought me, that Monsieur de St. Paul of the County of Foix was upon arrival, being come from the said Foix with three or four thousand men, and Monsieur de Lamezan of Comenge with seven or eight hundred more, who had they entered, it had been impossible both for me and all the rest of us who were within to have saved the City from being sacked; to prevent which I sent in all haste to the Capitols to shut their Gates, and all night long we kept continually on horseback in the streets, and had the foot Companies upon Guard at the Gates, together with the whole City in arms, after the same manner as before, when they had been in continual fight. All this while Captain Charry and Monsieur de Terrides Company never stirred from the two Villages betwixt Fronton and Tholouze. Monsieur de St. Paul quartered himself and his people in the Suburbs, and Monsieur de Lamezan also, very much displeased that they might not be permitted to enter the City, threatening that another time they would not come to relieve them, though their relief now did more harm then good, considering that they came not when they ought to have come. The next day I sent out Monsieur de Bellegarde to tell them, that they did but lose time in staying there, for they should not enter, whereupon Monsieur de St. Paul returned with his people, and Monsieur de Lamezan sent away his, entering himself and his servants only. After this the Capitouls and I concluded together to drive out all those who were come in from the neighbouring places, and accordingly with the Trumpets of the City, and our Drums, Proclamation was made for all strangers to depart, so that in the end we were absolute Masters of the City. Nevertheless it was not possible so to govern our own people, but that there was still some disorder, which made me send all the horse and foot out of the City, surrendering the whole power into the hands of the Magistrates. I gave a Company to Captain Masses the younger to remain in the Town, and to Monsieur de Grepi●t Son to Precedent Mansencal another, who already had it almost full, and so I cleansed the City, leaving no body in it but the Inhabitants, and two Companies of foot.  
Captains my Companions, consider I beseech you how narrowly this great and opulent City, the second in France, escaped being ruin'd and destroyed for ever. There lives a Gentleman at the Gates of Montauban, called Monsieur de la Serre, whose house was burnt by the Hugonots, who told me that he had been present at a Synod, where it was determined, that could they bring about their Enterprise upon Tholouze, they would totally raze it to the ground, and take such of the ruins as were of any use to Monta●ban to enlarge their own City greater than it was, intending to comprehend their Suburbs within the Walls, 
The design of the Hugonots concerning Tholouze.  and to draw a River through it that turned a M●ll belonging to the said Sieur de la Serre, that there might be no more memory of Tholouze for ever. Besides the testimony of this Gentleman, a hundred others have confirmed the same, which must be the discourse of their little Ministers only, for the great ones who had the Government of affairs, would have been better advised than to have destroyed such a City, which would have been to great a loss both to the King and the whole Kingdom. You may then take notice of the great and extraordinary diligence I used, beginning from the advertisement I had of the Capitouls promise to the Prince of Conde to put the City into his hands, and next the haste I made the Captains to make in completing their Companies, which were not half full, to put themselves into the City: then the diligence of Monsieur de Bell●garde, and Captain Masses with his Company: and on the other side the diligence wherewith I caused notice to be given to Captain Charry, and my foresight in sending another M●ssenger after the former, to bid Monsieur de Terrides Company cross the River at Borret, besides my diligence wherewith I advertized Monsieur de Gondrin and others, all which was done in three days and three nights. Wherefore if you will take notice of this ex●mple, and retain it, it will serve you to so good use, that you will never lose an hours time; and although I have writ in the beginning of my Book (and as some may think with vanity enough) that my diligences and ready foresights have procured me the reputation God has given me in point of a Soldier, as great as other men; yet it is evidently true in this as well as upon other occasions: for had I failed but a minute the City had been absolutely lost. You ought not then disdain to learn of me, who am at this day the oldest Captain in France, and whom God has blest with as many successes as any man whatever of my time: but you ought to avoid learning of those who have been continually beaten, and have eternally run away where ever they have been engaged; for if you go to school to such Masters you will hardly ever come to be any great Doctors in Arms. If I had stood long considering, and consumed the time in consultations, to be satisfied whether before I intermeddled with these affairs, I should not first send to Monsieur de Bury, who was the King's Lieutenant, I leave you to judge whether or no the Hugonots had not had sufficient leisure wherein to do their work. But whenever they heard of me, they presently fancied the Hangman at their Breech; as also they ordinarily called me the Tyrant. When ever you shall be in place to do a notable piece of service, never stay for a command if the occasion be pressing; for in the mean time you lose your opportunity, therefore fall back fall edge try your fortune, it will afterwards be well interpreted. I know there are some who think it strange that the City of Tholouze had so great a respect and kindness for me; but should they have other, they would degenerate from all good nature; for they will confess that I saved the City together with their lives and estates, and the honour of their wives, which without my resolute and speedy succour had all been lost. Upon which account I hope they will never be ungrateful to me, for the good office I did them upon this occasion: and if any one will say, that what I did was all for the service of the King, I shall answer to that, that at that time I had no Employment from his Majesty, excepting the command of my own Company of Gens d'armes; for Monsieur de Bury was the King's Lieutenant in Guienne, and the Constable in Languedoc. Yet shall I not deny, but that I was prompted to it out of an honest desire I have ever had to do my King service, and that not only out of respect to the obligation I have to my Country's preservation, but also out of a natural affection I have ever had for his Majesty's service; and moreover, out of the love and friendship I have ever born, and do still bear to this famous City. For the despair I was in to see it in danger to be ruined, made me take the pains I did: It is not then to be wondered at, 
Tholouze no friend to the Hugonots.  if this City have an animosity against those of this new Religion, for there is not a City in France, who has run so great a hazard as this City has done, nor that has ever manifested itself more affectionate to the King and his service, or stood sharper brunts to maintain themselves in his Majesty's obedience. Roven suffered itself to be taken without striking a blow, Lions, Bourges and Poicti●rs did the same. Paris was never reduced to that extremity, being also another kind of thing than the rest. Bourdeaux made no defence at all, that being no other than a surprise they would make upon Chasteau Trumpet, which they also made themselves sure of, forasmuch as Monsieur de Duras was at the same time at the Gates of Bourdeaux. We may all therefore confess with truth, that no City whatever has fought so well, and run so great a hazard as this, having bravely repulsed the Hugonots after they had seized of the Magazine, and were possessed of the gates, by which they might introduce succours from Montauban.  
I was then advised to go before Montauban, 
Enterprise of Montauban.  but it was more to draw the Soldiers from about Tholouz●, and out of the City, and to live upon the Enemy's Country, than out of any hopes I had to take it; for I knew very well there were a great many men within it, that were there assembled for the enterprise of Tholouze. I than marched thither, having no more than six Ensigns of Foot, which were those of Monsieur de Sainctorens, de Bazordan, the Baron of Clermont, Arne and Charry; to which those of Tholouze gave me two pieces of Canon, and one Culverin, bestowing moreover a civility upon the Soldiers, they gave them one pay. So soon as I was come before Montaub●n, I found that there was in the Town two and twenty hundred Soldiers strangers, and a th●usand or twelve hundred Townsmen, all very well armed. I might have about eight or nine hundred in all, the most of which had never been in arms before; for all the good old Soldiers were gone over to the Hugonots, after the unfortunate peace, and that upon mere necessity, for they had no Trades, the Wars having continued long, and they having been all that while employed in Italy, and other of the King's conquests. The godly Ministers promised them not only riches, but as I have been told, even Paradise itself, as if they had kept the Keys; and another inconvenience this peace brought after it was, that we had lain long idle, without having any employment wherein to make good Soldiers. So that when I came before Montauban, I was constrained to quarter all my Foot together in the Bourg de l' Evesche, for to have separated them had been madness, the Enemy making so great sallies upon me, that they continually beat up my Foot to my body of Gens d' arms, without which they had been stronger than I, and would have cut me to pieces: for for one that I had they came out ten, so that the second day I was constrained to leave the Evesche, to go relieve Monsieur de Terride, whom I had left in the Suburbs on that side the Town towards Moissac, to whom I had given Monsieur de Bazordans Company, where I found that the Enemy had beaten him out of the Bourg to a Brick-kill hard by, which made me speak to the Soldiers to run full drive to recover the Bourg, and to charge them bravely, so that being come running in so great haste, and going on immediately to the charge, I had no body with me but Captain Cabarret, who is yet living, M●nsieur de Clermont, who is of the House of Fa●douas, Monsieur de Beaucaire, who is since dead, and three or four of Monsieur de T●rrides men only, with which we gave them so brisk a charge, that we beat them back, laying on in their rear, to the very wicket of the Gate of the City, most of them not being able to get in, but were forced to take on the left hand directly to the Bridge, and the others on the right, so that had the great Gate been open, we might have 〈◊〉 the Town; for Monsieur de Beaucaires 〈…〉 killed before the Gate, hard by the wicket, and mine was shot close by him, and so we retired, for all the wall was set thick with Harquebuzeers, and two horses were shot in our coming off, of those of Monsieur de Terride's Company, who had followed after us. The third day I took a resolution to retire, for the Gensed arms were no longer able to guard the Foot; and on the other side, though I had made a Battery, I had not da●'d to give the assault to so many as they were within, with so few as I had without. Wherefore I sent back the Artillery to Tholouze, and the Captains to the places to which they desired to go to make an end of filling up their Companies complete. Monsieur de Terride went to Beaumond de Lomaigne, and the places adjacent to his house, for the Enemy had quitted Beaumond so soon as they perceived us to approach. I repast the River at Moissac with the Marshal de Termes his Company, my own and that of Monsieur de Sainctorens of Harquebuzeers both on horseback, and on Foot, which I always kept about me for my Guard. I sent Captain Charry to Puymirol, to complete his two Companies, and to make War upon those who kept Again; and so soon as I had past the River on the side of Gascony, I sent back the Marshal de Termes his Company towards Auch, to keep that Quarter in awe, and Monsieur de Gondrin into Armagnac, with the Gentry he had brought along with him, to see that nothing revolted there.  
Now I had left Captain Arne at Condom, to hold that Country in subjection, who might have about fourscore Lances in his Company, and I had intelligence that Messieurs de Duras and de Caumont held a consultation at Again, and that Monsieur de Caumont would come at night to lie at lafoy Passage: Which having heard, I sent a man to Captain Arne that he should not fail two hours after midnight to be at Astfort, and that he should not enter the Town, but stay for me in Battalia till I came, which he accordingly did. And as I was going away in the evening, Monsieur de S. Paul, to whose house I was retired near unto Donac, ask me whether I was going, I told him in his ear, that I was going to carry a clean shirt to Monsieur de Caumont at la Passage; whereupon he told and assured me, that he was gone the day before, after they had concluded of their affairs, and given Commissions to Captains to raise more men; which was the reason that I stayed to give our horses, and Monsieur de Sainctorens his Company a little repose. But as this enterprise failed, another presented itself; for the same morning that I would have given a Camisado to Monsieur de Caumont, Six hundred men were come out of Nerac, to go give another Camisado to Captain Molia, who had put himself into Franciscas with threescore or fourscore men, and the people of the Town, and those of Nerac, had taken four hundred Corslets out of the King of Navarres Magazine, and at break of day gave three assaults, one immediately after another, but were always repulsed. By misfortune I stayed there till night, for had I gone away in the evening, as I had done but for what Monsieur de S. Paul told me concerning Monsieur de Caumont, I had come time enough to have fought the six hundred men of Nerac. And there my diligence once failed me.  
By break of day Captain Arne and I met, and marched together straight to Moyracs, because he told me he had intelligence that this very morning those of Nerac would come out, and had taken all the arms in the Castle, but he knew not whither they were to go; so that yet we had met them, had it not been that Monsieur de Sainctorens would needs stay to skirmish those of Layrac, who were come out a great way towards the Vines, so that it cost me an hours time before I could get him away, because he had a mind to have charged them up to the very gates of the City, could he have tempted them out of the Vines; and when we came to Moiracs, we heard that the enemy was before Franciscas, which made us put on to a good round trot, to hasten thither, sending six light horse before to discover where they were, who sent me word that above an hour before, they were retreated to Nerac, by reason they had had notice of Captain Arnes departure by night from Condom; for they had heard nothing of me. I sent to the Avant-Coureurs still to go on, and that I would follow after; which they did, and at last discovered them half a quarter of a League from Nerac, we still at a long trot following after, but in vain, for they got safe into the Town. I had a great mind to have been fingering those arms, to arm our new raised and naked men.  
This was the naughty beginning of our War in Guienne, wherein the Hugonots took us at unawares, and unprovided; so that it is a miraculous thing how this Country could save itself, considering the secret intelligences the Rebels had in all the Cities of the Province: but they showed themselves Novices, and indeed they were guided by their Ministers only: if before they had made so many Surprises, they had attempted Bourdeaux and Tholouze, they had not failed of carrying the one or the other, and possibly both; but we were already upon our Guards, and God preserved those two Forts, the Bulwarks of Guienne, to save all the r●st. I very much broke their designs, by sending people every where, and never resting long in a place, for by so doing, a King's Lieutenant shall hold all the world in suspense, because they cannot guests at his design, every one imagining that he is coming upon him; whereas should he always lie still in one Quarter, he cannot provide against all accidents, nor come in time, where there is immediate and pressing need; and also your being settled in one place, gives a great advantage to your Enemy, who by that means has his arms at liberty to do what he will; but I was not only myself in continual motion, but also with Letters and Messages was perpetually soliciting and employing all the Friends we had. Believe me, you who have the honour to be Governors of Provinces, it is a very good thing, and of great utility to your Prince, to keep a correspondence by Letters with those you know have never so little interest in the Country, and I am certain, that had I not done so, the greatest part would have sided with these new people, who have made all this fine work in the Kingdom.  
Soon after Captain Cosseil returned with Letters from the King and Queen, wherein they commanded me to stay in Guienne, there to do them the best service I could, for the conservation of the Country, recommending to me the care of their affairs, in more honourable expressions than I could any way deserve: By which I discerned their Majesties were in great anxiety, especially the Queen, who writ me a very pitiful Letter. The great ones sometimes, when it pleases God, have need of the small, they must now and then be put in mind, that they are men and women as the rest of the world are; for if all should go as they would have it, they would not so much regard those that do them service, as when they see themselves distressed, but consume the time in Plays, Masquerades and Triumphs, which are the cause of their ruin: as it happened to my good Master, who running at Tilt for his pleasure, was unfortunately slain, which he could not have been in war, he would have been too well guarded for that. 'Tis an old saying, that men scratch always where they ●●ch, and I also am sensible when I rub upon the old sore, which is the loss of my good King, whom I lament, and shall do the longest day I have to live.  
Not long after Monsieur de Duras took his way all along by the River Garonne, 
The Sieur de Duras for the Hugonots.  and rendezvouzed his Army at Clairac, Toneins and Marmanda, which consisted of thirteen Ensigns of Foot, and seven Cornets of Horse, and so soon as the Pardaillans, Savignac (Captain of the Guard to Monsieur de Bury) Salignac and other Chiefs, were ready to execute their Enterprise upon Chasteau Trumpet; Monsieur de Duras marched towards Monts●g●r, and the places adjacent to Cadillac, with a great number of Boats, wherein he had shipped the best of his Soldiers, to present themselves in the beginning of the night before Chasteau Trumpet, 
The Enterprise upon Chasteau▪ Trumpet fails▪  where the forenamed Captains had thought to have been got in, and by it to have given them entrance into the City. But their enterprise succeeded ill; for Monsieur de Vaillac the Father was circumspect, and would not let le Puch de Pardaillan his Brother in Law re-enter, who pretended to be in great fear, saying that those of the City had a design to take him: and Captain de la Salle who belonged to Monsieur de Vaillac did also very good service upon that occasion. Now this happened at one of the clock in the night, and all the City was in an alarm. Monsieur de Bury was at the Maierie, ●he Inhabitants betook themselves to arms, and fell upon the Hugonots (but the said Sieur kept himself in the Maierie with some Gentlemen of his Guard, and those but very few, f●r most of them were of the Conspiracy) whereof some escaped over the walls, and under a Pal●●sado that goes down towards the River. They were above two or three hundred Conspirators, some of which were taken, and as Monsieur de Duras his people, who were in the Boats, were under Cadillac, they met with the Count de Candalle, Son to Monsie●● de Candalle, as he was coming from Bourdeaux to the said Cadillac, whom they took Prisoner, and sent him to the Queen of Navarre, who was at Duras, but newly come from Court: and who made him promise her to take arms for their Religion, upon which promise she let him go to his own house, where he stayed for a few days making show as if he meant to go join with Monsieur de Duras; but it was only to expect when I should draw near, that he might come in to me, as he did; saying, it was a promis● extorted from him by force which he was no ways obliged to keep, being no prisoner of War. Ever since which time this Count has been a mortal Enemy to the House of Duras.  
At this time Monsieur de Bury dispatched away to me Raze his Secretary, post, entreating me to come to his relief, or that otherwise the City would be lost, for he had no Forces with him; and besides there was not one grain of corn in the City, insomuch that he was reduced in a manner to Famine, by reason that the Enemy were possessed of all the River of Garonne, and that of Dordogne, which are the two Teats that nourish the City of Bourdeaux. I immediately sent back the said Raze to assure Monsieur de Bury, that I would soon be with him, and in order thereunto presently dispatched away to Captain Masses to come to me with the Marshal de Termes his Company, and to Captain Arne, to send me for●y Lances of the Company belonging to the King of Navarre, commanding him withal not to stir from Condom, but stay to keep the Country in awe, and to take care the Town did not revolt. I sent likewise to Captain Bazordan, that he should not stir with his two Companies from Beaumond de L●maigne, and the places adjacent to Monsieur de Terride, to whom I writ also to put himself into Grenade with his Company, and that I had left Captain Bazordan to be near him. I sent in like manner to Monsieu● de Gondrin, that he should gather to him his Relations and Neighbours, and some Soldiers, to put himself into Euse, and that I was going to relieve Monsieur de Bury at Bourdeaux. I was not the King's Lieutenant, and yet every one obeyed me as cheerfully as they could have done any man in the world; by which you may see what it is for a man to get the love of the Gentry as I did, 
All things depend upon the Gentry.  and who does not so, shall never perform any thing worth speaking of; for upon them, almost all things depend, especially considering how Gascony and Armaignac abound in Gentry.  
The fifth day after Raze's departure, there came to me Monsieur de Courre, Nephew to Monsieur de Bury, and Lieutenant of his Company, who came again to solicit my haste, by whom the said Sieur de Bury sent me word, that if in six days he was not relieved, the City would be lost. The Sieur de Courre told me also, that although he had only travelled by night, he had nevertheless met with the Enemy almost at every step, and that all the Country was up in arms against us, either voluntarily or by force. I sent back the said Sieur the Courre by les Landes, he having with him five and twenty Lances completely armed, recommending him to houses of Gentlemen of my relations, and the next day assembling all my men both Horse and Foot, I began to set forward directly to Bourdeaux. The first days march was to Bruch, which belongs to Monsieur de Gondrin, and another Village a quarter of a League from thence, called Fougarolles appertaining to the Queen of Navarre, where I lodged the Companies of Monsieur de Termes, and that of Monsieur de Saint Salvy, Brother to Monsieur de Terride, which was newly raised, and so soon as ever their Quarters were made, there came three Ensigns of Nerac, led by one Captain D●u●zan, which might be in all betwixt five and six hundred men. I had not eaten six bits, when they came to tell me, that at a Castle hard by, called Castel-Vieille there were some people who defended the place; whereupon I presently went thither, commanding Captain Bardachin, that with a hundred of his Musketeers, he should go and set fire to the gates, and give an assault, which he did, and we carried the place, when as we were entering, there came an Alarm from Fougarolles, that the Enemy were fight with the Companies of Messieurs de Termes, and the Saint Salvy; whereupon I left the Castle, and ran to Fougarolles, sending to Captain Charry, who was quartered with his men close by me, (I never suffered him to be very far off, for if it came to striking, he would always give the first blow) that he should advance with his men to come to the fight. I had some Gentlemen with me, and but a few, forasmuch as they durst not as yet declare, seeing the Enemy to have the upper hand, and amongst others the Governor de la Mothe-Rouge Captain Poy, and fifteen or twenty others. I gave Captain Bardachin order to make the Soldiers give over the sack, and follow after me as fast as he could, but he left the charge thereof to his Lieutenant, and went along with me, with five or six horse more of his.  
Now from castle Viei●le to Fougarolles it is no more than a quarter of a League, when so soon as I came thither, I found Monsieur de Termes his Company in Battalia by the Bourg, and that of Monsieur de Saint Salvy also close by one another. The Enemy were at the other end of the Bourg, who saw us coming, and began to face about and retire. Whereupon I bid Captain Masses take ten of his Lances, and that the rest should quarter themselves with the Company of Monsieur de Saint Salvy, for we had made a long march on'●, and would be going an hour before day, by reason of the excessive heat. Captain Charry also came up to me with five or six horse, and the rest were coming after as fast as they could, for I put myself in the Rear of the Enemy.  
Close by the Village on that side towards Nerac there is an ascent, and when we were at the foot of the Hill, they were in the middle, and upon the top, and there they faced about: I had no great mind to fight, because my design was to relieve Bourdeaux, and therefore was unwilling to engage, fearing some disaster might happen, and that then I could not relieve the City. Nevertheless seeing them upon the top of the Hill I followed after, and when I came to the top, saw them in the great Highway betwixt two Copses marching softly on, and in very good order, this Captain Dovazan, with four or five horse, and ten or twelve Harquebuzeers, bringing up the Rear. We might be in all with the ten Lances some five and fifty horse good and bad: I made the Harquebuzeers alight, and to put themselves in their Rear, whereupon I perceived them to make a little more haste than before, which made me cry to the Governor la moth Rogue, Monsieur de Sainctorens, Captain Charry, and the rest of the Gentlemen, follow them close, for upon my life these people are afraid, I see it by their march, they have a long retreat to make, and I will second you with Captain Masses. Captain Bardachin then sent to his Musque●eers, that they should run as fast as ever they could, and we had not marched after this manner above two hundred paces, but that I saw our Avant●Coure●rs were fallen in pellmell amongst them, and our Harquebuzeers began to make a little more haste; when seeing their horse pass through the files of the foot, to recover the Van (which was because Dovazans horse was shot) I rid up to the head of our men, and showed them that the Enemy's horse gained the Front of their own people, either with intention to make them face about and fight, or else they ran away for fear: But I rather think, said I, it is for fear, for their foot also begin to mend their pace, let us charge them, but first let Captain Masses come up to us, who might be about some two hundred paces behind, to whom I sent that he should gallop away: but as soon as ever they saw our people coming upon the gallop, they began to ply their march, 
The Hugonot● defeated.  and gave over shooting, and then I cried, let us fall on, let us fall on, for they are afraid, which we did, and without resistance charged them through and through over the very bellies of them. Their horse fled full speed towards Nerac, and the foot like cowardly rascals crept into the Copses, and squat in the ditches, where our Musketeers sought them in the Woods, and shot at them as they shoot at Birds. Part of those who escaped threw themselves into the River Baise where some were drowned, the rest passed through the Woods, and recovered the Vines. We were so few that we were not enough to kill them all: for in those times there was no talk of Prisoners, and had the King paid his Companies, 
The Ransoms of Prisoners maintain the War.  I should not have suffered Ransoms to have been in use in this quarrel, which have only served to maintain the War. But neither Gens-d'arms nor Soldier were paid, and therefore it could not possibly be avoided, though indeed there were not many. It is not in this case as in a foreign War, where men fight for love and honour; but in a Civil War, we must either be master or man, being we live as it were all under a roof; and that's the reason why we must proceed with rigour and cruelty, otherwise the temptation of gain is such, that men would rather desire the continuation, than the end of a War. But to return to our Runaways, the Alarm ran quite through our Camp, so that all of them came powdering in both Horse and Foot, but at ●●eir arrival found that all was done; so that would we have pursued the Victory as far as N●rac, they had all run away, and we might with great ease have taken the Town: but my design was only to relieve Bourdeaux. In this Engagement there died of the Enemy above three hundred men, whom the Judge of Viane caused to be interred, as I have since been told, without comprising those that were slain in the Vin●s▪ and those who w●re drowned, who might in all amount to betwixt four and five hundred men; and it was fought upon a Friday. This Victory very much dejected the Brethren, and encouraged the Catholics, for if you once begin to drub your Enemy, you may certainly concluded that you have the better of the Game, for they will ever after be so afraid, that they will never dare to stand before you.  
The next morning an hour before day I began to march, and thought to have entered into le M● d' Agenois, but I found that there was there three Ensigns of the Enemy who had taken possession before me, and was thereupon constrained to quarter at Gruere and Ca●onges, close by the aforesaid le Mas, both by reason of the long march I had made the day before; and also because the Secretary of the Queen of Navarre called Barbant, brought me letters from the said Queen from Duras, 
The Queen of Nava●●e's Letter to the Sieur de Montluc.  wherein she writ me word, that I did not need to proceed any further, for that Monsieur de Bury and she had composed all things, and that she was come out of France purposely to appease these Commotions, and to make those of the Religion to lay down their Arms. In answer to this Letter I told Barbant, that I would not return back unless I was first commanded by Monsieur de Bury so to do; for that if the City should chance to be lost, the whole blame of the miscarriage would be laid at my door. We there disputed it above two long hours in the field, he still expostulating with me, whether I thought the Queen of Navarre was against the King, and if I thought she had a mind to make his Majestly lose the City of Bourdeaux; to which I answered with all moderation and respect, for that was the way I was to proceed in this affair; but all he could get of me was, that I would send two Gentlemen along with him to the Queen of Navarre, to see in what p●sture affairs were betwixt her and Monsieur de Bury, and that in the mean time I would make four days march, of what I had designed only for two, to give the said Lady time to make an end of the Treaty she had begun with Monsieur de Bury: and accordingly delivered him to the two Captains Peug and Sendat, who were in danger to have been killed more than twice by the way; for in all the Corners and Villages the Hugonots had planted Courts of Guards to hold every one in suspense, and to fright people into their Party. 
Consultation upon the Queen o● Navarr's Letter.  In the Evening I called a Council of all the Captains, where they were all of opinion, that I should lend no ear either to the Letters or Messages of the Queen of Navarre, who should she falsify her word, the loss of the City of Bourdeaux was of so great importance, that what excuses soever I might make, they would not be sufficient to justify me from the blame that all the world would justly lay to my charge: and on the other side should I be put to vindicate my reputation with my sword, I could not fight with the Queen of Navarre, insomuch that all the world would laugh me to scorn, and she herself the first of all, so that the fault would still lie where it did; and I should have no possible means to clear my own honour. I was very glad to hear them all of this opinion, because should my actions be disapproved, I had to say in my excuse, that all the Captains had advised me to it; for if a man commit an error, it is at least more excusable if it be done upon deliberation and advice, than upon the mere account of his own humour and fancy; for always to trust to a man's own head-piece is not so well.  
In the morning two hours before day I departed from my Quarters, and past over above the Vines, leaving le Mas on the right hand, and came but by break of day only near unto Caumont, by reason that the Passes were very straight, and I would not leave the Baggage behind me, for a great many people entered all night long into le Master; who came from that side towards the River. Those of the Castle of Caumont ●allyed out, and came through the Vines, where we could not charge them by reason of the ditches, so that we continued on our march, till we came near unto Reolle, and there I found Monsieur de Courré, who at his return to Bourdeaux had taken the rest of Monsieur de Burie's Company, and was come out to meet me. A little before I had sent to Monsieur Deymet my Cousin-German, who was raising two Companies, to go and put himself into Reolle, 
La R●olle besieged by the Hugonots.  which he had done; but the Hugonots had besieged it before my coming, and battered it with some field-pieces; but they could do no good, and raised the Siege. By whi●h it is to be concluded, that they were Masters of the field, since they durst adventure to march with Canon, and had not God inspired me to oppose them, and to hang up those that fell into my hands, I do believe the whole Country had been lost; for Monsieur de Burie's moderation was by no means seasonable in such a time as this. I quartered myself in some houses overagainst Reolle, those of the Town bringing us in provisions, and at midnight without sound of Trumpet or beat of Drum (by reason of a certain jealousy Monsieur de Courré had possessed me withal) we began to march, and never stayed till we came within two or three leagues of Bourdeaux, I there quartered my men in certain Villages, and myself went strait to the City, where I found Messieurs de Ca●●●n, and Montferran, the Viscount d'●●●●, Ciurac, and others, who were there expecting my coming, and where by reason of the great scarcity of all things in the City, I could stay b●t thr●e days only; in which time it was concluded betwixt Monsieur de Bury and me, that the fourth day we should pass over the River, and go fight Monsi●ur de Duras, who was in the Territories of Monsieur de Candalle in the Country of Benauges. Accordingly I began to pass the River, and by noon had got over all the Foot, and in a few hours after my own Company, and the forty Lances belonging to the King of Navarre: when, seeing it began to grow late, I was of opinion that Captain Masses should return to his Quarter with the Company belonging to the Marshal de Termes, and should pass them over at midnight; which order being given I returned into the City again to conclude with Monsieur de Bury, that at midnight he should begin to pass over the rest of the men. He had caused four field-pieces to be made ready, which already were upon the shore, and the Company of Monsieur de Randan commanded by Monsieur d' Argence was arrived, as also that of Monsieur de Vauguion commanded by Monsieur C●rlus. So soon as it was night Monsieur de Bury caused all the Boats to be brought up under Ch●steau Trumpet, expressly forbidding that any one should pass the River without leave, so that in the n●ght when Captain Masses came to the water side, it was not possible for him to get Boats to carry him over. I shall not here declare what every one said upon this occasion, and what they reported was the cause why the River was not passed at the time appointed; for it signifies nothing, but Monsieur de Masses in excusing himself spoke very plain, and without caring who heard him. I was quartered not above half a league from Bourdeaux, and above an hour before day 〈◊〉 to h●rse, and (sending word to Captain Charry, who was Campmaster, that he should stay for Monsieur de Bury with all the foot Companies, excepting those of the Baron de Clermont, and Monsieur de Sainctorens) marched on till I came to la Seuve, sending word to M●nsieur de Bury, that I had left him the Foot to accompany the Artillery. The Messenger passed the River, and found him in his Chamber not yet qui●e dr●st, though it was then past six a clock in the morning, by which time I made account he was come over, and so soon as I was come to Seuve, Monsieur de la Seuve, Uncle to Monsieur d' Aud●●x, told me that the Enemy was at Targon, and had no intelligence of our passing the River, and lent me one of his Servants to go carry the news to Monsieur de Bury, whom in my Letter I entreated to advance, for that the Enemy was in a very convenient place to be fought withal. Now from la Seuve to Bourdeaux it was about three leagues, and as Monsieur de la Seuve's Servant came to the water side, he saw Monsieur de Terms his Company going aboard: I also by the same Messenger sent to Captain Ch●rry to solicit Monsieur de Bury to advance, who seeing them make so little haste, and knowing that I was gone to attaque the Enemy (as I had sent him word) he took threescore light horse that he had of his own, and leaving the other Captains to wait upon Monsieur de Bury, and to guard the Artillery, came away after me.  
So soon as I came within sight of Targon, which is a Village (as I think belonging to Monsieur de Candalle) Messieurs de Sainctorens and de Fontenilles went on before, where at some scattered houses, they fell upon the Enemy's Quarters, and killed fourteen or fifteen men, by reason whereof the Alarm in their Camp was so great, as made them draw all their Foot into Battalia in a great field, and their Cavalry all along by a little River there is in that place, whom I could not discover by reason of a Wood betwixt them and me, and they were also in a Valley. The field where their Foot was drawn up, was a little more advanced than the River, and when Monsieur de Sainctorens fell into their Quarters, it might be about seven of the clock in the morning, after which they never stirred from this field where they were first drawn up. I was upon a little Eminence at three or four houses that were there, from whence I d●spatcht away another Messenger to Monsieur de Bury to entreat him to make haste, for that I was at the head of the Enemy, thinking that he was near at hand. The Count de Candalle who was then very young, and full of spirit, came to me to this place, with ten or twelve Gentlemen in company with him, and amongst others the Sieur de Seignan, who had been a Captain of Foot with me in the Kingdom of Naples, at which time we called him Captain Montlaur, who also brought two of his Sons along with him, all three very brave Gentlemen. There the Count told me of the promise the Queen of Navarre had compelled him to make, without which he could not have escaped out of her hands; in answer to which I merrily told him, that I would cause the Bishop of Bourdeaux to absolve him from that Engagement, neither could that promise any way bind him, forasmuch as he was not a prisoner of War, and besides, it was made to the Queen of Navarre, who professed herself to be a most humble servant of the Kings, and very passionate for his Majesty's service.  
About twelve of the clock the two Messengers I had sent to Monsieur de Bury returned, and brought me word, that they could not be passed over the River till after noon, and that the Company of Monsieur de Termes only was already landed on this side. I had sent back all our Horse to la Se●ve to ba●●, having kept with me only twenty, or five and twenty Horse, and there I stood Sentinel, letting our horses eat the while under a Hedge, with the bridles in our hands. The Enemy saw me, and I saw them, and our men having got some victuals came back to me, just as the Enemy began to remove and to take the way directly towards me. We observed that they marched off by Companies, by which we very well understood, that they meant to take some other way than to come to us, and thereupon fell to consult whether we should fight them, or no. In which Consultation the greatest part of the Company said, That in case we should fight them, we should put all Gui●nne in danger, they being twenty for one, and that therefore it was better to stay for Monsieur de Bury, than commit such an error, which would neither be approved of by the King, 
Dispute about the fight.  nor by any other person whatever. Whereupon I granted them that what they said was very true: but that nevertheless we saw all the Gentry in Guienne in fear, and though it be true, said I, that you are not here above thirty Gentlemen, yet the whole Country is possessed with so great a terror, that they dare not rise against them to assist us, which when they shall hear, that we came to face them without daring to fight, will be so augmented, that in eight day's time we shall have all the whole Country against us; therefore fall back, fall edge, it is my opinion, that we ought rather to hazard the losing ourselves by fight, than by avoiding the Combat, which is equally pernicious, especially considering that all things are in the hands of God. I have already tasted these people, where I have had the fortune to meet them, and have found them men of very little resolution; believe me they will never stand us, and we shall certainly rout them; neither ought we to have come so near if we had not intended to fight; and moreover you see that they are about to steal off, and to escape away. As to what concerns our overthrow, should it so fall out, Bourdeaux will notwithstanding be in no more danger to be lost for that, Monsieur de Bury being there, and a Court of Parliament to defend it. Monsieur de Seignan then being the oldest in the Company answered, and said, that it was very true, we should have all the Country infallibly upon us, and therefore seeing we were reduced to this necessity, and that there was no hope of Monsieur de Burie's coming up to us, 
The fight resolved upon.  we ought to fight, whereupon they all in general began to cry, let us fight, let us fight; when as we were mounting to horse, the Marshal de Termes his Quartermaster, called Moncorneil, came up to us, and told me, that their Company having been on horseback from the beginning of the night, they had been necessitated to stay, and bait at Seuve, at which news I was almost fit to despair. The two foot Companies were marching as fast as they could; but it was so excessively hot that we scorched as we stood, however Moncorneil seeing us going to fight, galloped away to la Seuve to make Captain Masses mount to horse.  
We than marched on the left hand of the Enemy, when being come within two Harquebus shot of them, I divided my horse into two Troops: we might in all be betwixt a hundred and sixscore Light-horse; for I had not above thirty Lances in my Company, it having been that of Monsieur de la Guiche, and the Soldiers being almost all gone home to their own houses, excepting a very few, and I could not supply their places with others. 
The order of the Fight.  The Enemy still by little and little mounted this Hill, sending most of their Harquebuz●ers down into the Copse below, which was there very thick, and to come to them we were to march through a great highway enclosed on both sides with Vines. I made Captain Charry follow in their Rear, and gave one of my Troops to my Son Captain Montluc and Fontenilles with the Cornet of Guidons, and kept to myself the other Cornet of Gens-d'armes, which was carried by Monsieur de Berdusan the Seneschal of Bazadois. When we came to the Vines I saw we could not pass them to come to fight, and therefore took on the left hand under the Vineyards. Captain Montluc was about two hundred paces before me, who seeing us take on the left hand, they marched on by the higher way before us, and when we were got clear of the Vines, and some ditches that were there, we saw Captain Montluc still making on to gain the top of the Hill, to whom I then joined Monsieur de Sainctorens with his Harquebuzeers on horseback, and kept with me the Baron of Clermont, who also had some few.  
Now, 
The ●ight.  so soon as we came within betwixt twenty and thirty paces of them, they began to fire, and not before, whereupon the Harquebuzeers of Monsieur de Sainctorens fired also, whilst in the mean time Captain Montluc charged full drive into the middle of all their Horse: I had an eye to him, and at the same instant a little on the left hand charged quite through their Foot, where we routed and put them to flight, but not without having first stood our shock, and maintained their ground. Their Horse seeing their 〈◊〉 defeated, fled down the Hill all along by the Wood, 
The Hugono●s defeated.  and the Foot I enclosed in the Copse. Though being we had no Foot to do execution (for every one knows, that Horse do not stay to kill, but pursue the victory) there was not many men slain, yet though their loss was not very great, the reputation of the Victory was of as great advantage to us, as the shame of the defeat was prejudicial to them, and every one on our side began to take heart, as they, and those of their Religion began to lose it; bo●h Gentry and Common people now taking a●ms, and declaring for us. My Son had two horses killed under him, and was himself wounded in two places: both the horses were mine, and one of them was my grey Turk, which next to my children I loved above all things in the world, for he had three times sa●'d my life, or at least my liberty. The Duke de Paliano had given him me at Rome, I never had, nor ever hope again to have so good a Horse as that was. The Prince of Conde would fain have had him of me, but I put him off as well as I could, for I saw that such a Treasure was not every where to be found. Monsieur de Seignan lost his, the Viscount d'Vza, and the Count de Candalle their's also; to be short, after the charge we rallyed upon the very place where we had fought, and found that in so great a necessity we could not make twenty horse to fight had the Enemy rallied upon us, almost all the horses being either killed or shot, and above the third part of our men: but they had not the judgement to examine their own condition, nor ours neither; and I must needs say, it was one of the rud●st and most furious charges, without a Battle, that ever I was in my whole life; neither can it be said, that they ran away for fear without being fought, f●r they faced about upon us, either to give or to receive the charge, and in plain truth I did not expect to have found them so brave. We lost upon the place but one Gentleman called Monsieur de Vigneaux only; but two or three that were wounded died after of their wounds. 
The Enemy retires.  From the top of this Hill we discovered the Enemy marching off as fast as they could, and saw that they rallied still as they went, still getting further off from us; and then we began to retire, some on horseback, and some on foot, for most of the horses were killed, and those that were not, were almost all fain to be led off, for they were wounded. I was in such a condition, that there was not a horse of mine to be found to remount me; so that had an hundred horse only returned upon us, I had been a lost man, and the rest that were with me; for as for my part it was not to be hoped that all the world could have saved my life, these new Sain●s had such a malice to me above all others.  
This was the Engagement of Targon, which was very shameful for the Hugonots, considering that they suffered themselves to be beaten by a handful of men; and as we were returning back, the two Foot Companies arrived, who all day had run as fast as they could, and were ready to faint with excessive heat. Monsieur de Termes his Company, though they came at a good round trot, yet could they not possibly come up in time, for before Moncorneil could get to Seuve, which was a long league from the place where he left us, and they mount to horse and march another league and a half, which they must do to the place where we were, we had done our business, at which they were all very much concerned, especially Captain Masses: I never saw man in so furious a passion, so that I was fain to ent●eat him to be quiet, and to hold his tongue, for he had a great mind to say more than I had a mind he should. And so we returned back to Seuve, where we found Monsieur de Bury, who was but just come, and yet it was betwixt four and five a clock in the afternoon. He was glad to hear of our Victory, and I believe had made all the haste he could; but he was old, and old men cannot be so diligent as young. We cannot have it twice, I know it by myself.  
We here concluded that Monsieur de Bury should return to Bourdeaux to bring from thence three pieces of Canon, with which to go and batter Montsegur, and the other places the Enemy held upon the River of Garonne, to clear the River, that provisions might come into Bourdeaux, for they were in a manner reduced to famine, and carry back with him the four Field-pieces, knowing very well that we should be no more in probability of a Battle, by reason of the Brush the Enemy had lately received; and that in the mean time I should march with the Army up the River towards Montsegur and Reolle, there to stay till the said Sieur de Bury should come with the Canon. But before we separated ourselves, it was necessary to turn towards Bourg, being that one of the Sons of Montandre had possessed himself of it, whose business it was to hinder all sorts of provisions from going down the Dord●gne to Bourdeaux, which we did, and when we came to the River near unto Cus●c we caused our Cavalry and Monsieur de Sanctorens to advance before towards the Town, who coming before it, the said Montandre quitted the place, into which we put some few men, that we sent for from Bourdeaux. I then remonstrated to Monsieur de Bury, that we were to run a dangerous fortune, and that therefore it would be convenient for him to take the Castle of Blanquefort, which belonged to Monsieur de Duras, and was his habitation, and retreat, and that in the mean time I would go seize upon the Castle of Caumont, which we did, and I garrisoned Caumont by the way. A thing that Monsieur de Caumont was by no means pleased withal, being afraid that I would make prise of all I found within it: but I was very far from any such intention, as I made it evidently appear; for though there were in it goods to the value of above an hundred thousand Francs, yet did he not lose the worth of one single penny, saving that the Count de Candalle, and Captain Montluc took some Chapless of Corel from the Warden of the Castle, and those with a receipt and an obligation to make them good. And yet if I would I might have taken all the goods in the house, and it had been lawful prise, forasmuch as within it there had been a party of Hugonots, which had made a Sally upon our people coming from Bourdeaux, where Captain Sendat had his horse killed betwixt his legs, which was a sufficient reason; for that was to declare himself an Enemy.  
At the same time we had intelligence brought us that the Enemy had abandoned Bazas, out of apprehension that we would pass the River, because they heard that Monsieur de Bury was returned to Bourdeaux, and that I went up to la Reolle: and so they began to carry in some little Corn to Bourdeaux. I had notice that at Gironde there was three or fourscore Hugonots, that were retired thither upon the rout of Monsieur de Duras, whom I wrapped, 
Justice executed by the Sieur de Montluc.  and without more ceremony hanged threescore and ten at the pillars of the Town-Hall, which struck so great a terror into the whole Country, that in every place they quitted the Banks of the River, and ●led towards Marmanda, and Thoneins; to which place Monsieur de Duras was retreated to rally his scattered people, and recruit his Troops, and was forced to remove from thence, and to retire to Dordogne. One might see all thereabouts which way I had gone, the Trees upon the Highways wearing my Livery. One man hanged, terrified more than an hundred that were killed. The Queen of Navarre who was at Duras, after having heard of the defeat of Monsieur de Duras, departed from the Castle of Caumont (which was before I seized upon it) where she had been, but made no stay, 
The Queen of Navarre a mortal enemy to the Seiur de Montluc.  and retired into Bearn, and we came after to the said Castle of Caumont. God knows how dearly she loved me, and how she baptised me, calling me the Tyrant, and all the ill names she could invent; but she was a Princess, and moreover a Woman, and consequently not to be questioned. Being a Servant to the King, and a Catholic, I did my duty, and had every body else done so, we had never seen such doings as have been practised since. Both I and mine have ever been most faithful servants to her and her Family, but it was then when the King's interest was not in question.  
Monsieur de Bury being come to Reolle with the Canon, we went to besiege Montsegur, and lay one night at Sauveterre, where I took fifteen or sixteen whom I hanged every Mother's Son, without the expense of paper or ink, or without vouchsafing to hear them speak; for these people would promise mighty matters, which they never intended to perform. Now in Monsegur there was betwixt seven and eight hundred men. The Town is l●t●le, but fortified with walls as good as good can be, and of a very advantageous situation. We besieged it on that side by the Tannery, where they dressed their Leather. Monsieur de Bury quartered himself in the Houses before the Gate which looks towards la Sauvetat, where there are great Towers, and I hard by him. Monsieur d' Ortobie and Fredeville, Commissaries of the Artillery would needs go view the Town in open day, where we wanted for no Harquebuz shot, and after the discovery had been made, we concluded to attaque it by the said Tannery. There was on that side a Gate of the Town, which they had lately covered with a Wall, and had let down the Portcullis, which the Wall covered, and within had cast up a Rampire of earth and rubbish. I made the approaches by night, and lodged Bardachins Company in the Tannery. We let Monsieur de Bury take his rest, and presently after midnight our Artillery was planted upon a little Emminence overagainst, and within a hundred and fifty paces of the said Gate. Against the opinion of the said Commissaries I would try to see what was behind this Wall that covered the Gate, and to that end caused some Faggots to be set on fire hard by the Gate; by the light whereof I caused five or six Canon shot to be made at the said Gate, which beat down all this new Wall; whereupon I sent Captain Bardachins Ensign all alone to discover the place.  
The Tannery was betwixt the Artillery and the Gate, and betwixt the Gate and the said Tannery there was a great Walnut Tree, behind which Captain Bardachin and I planted ourselves, it being no more than five or six paces from the Gate, where the Ensign came and brought us word that the thing we saw that look● white was the Portcullis. We thereupon made him to return back again, and to climb up the Portcullis; which he did, and at his return told us, that over the top of the Portcullis he had perceived a Terrace within, but that it was but low, and a man might pass betwixt the Arch of the Gate and the Portcullis, creeping upon his belly. The Enemy could not see him, by reason of the fire, but we could who stood behind the Tree, and yet they made above twenty Harquebuz shot. I then sent in all haste to Captain Charry, to bring all the Companies without beat of drum, or making any noise, whom so soon as they came I made to squat close upon their bellies behind the Artillery, bidding Monsieur d' Ortobie begin to shoot, though it was not yet day, and try to make a Battery hard by the Gate; when so soon as he had made two volleys, I sent away the said Bardachins Ensign called Captain Vines, who had a Target upon his arm, a Morion upon his head, and a Coat of Mail with sleeves of the same; and after him two Harquebuzeers without Morions, who all went creeping with their bellies almost to the ground. Captain Vines began to mount the Portcullis, and Bardachin and I were again advanced behind the Tree. The dawning of the day began to appear, and Monsieur d' Ortobie still continued firing at the Wall, and the Enemy advanced to entrench behind the Battery, which was on one side of the Gate, taking no heed at all to the Gate itself, as not suspecting the Wall which covered it was beaten down. 
Captain Vines enters the first into Montsegur.  So soon as Captain Vines was got to the top of the Portcullis he gave his Target to one of the Harquebuzeers, and mounted upon the Rampire, after which taking his Target again, he drew in first one of the Harquebuzeers, and then the other, when seeing three to be got in, taking the advantage of the Thunder of the Canon, I ran to the Tannery, making Bardachins Harquebuzeers one after another to march strait up to the Walnut Tree, and again myself returned immediately behind it. At the next Volley I made Bardachin approach the Portcullis, having a Target and a Morion, and the Harquebuzeers one after another concealing their matches, when so soon as Bardachin had got five or six men about him he mounted the Portcullis where at the top his Ensign drew him in, and the Harquebuzeers one after another as they came: and still as the Harquebuzeers came behind the Tree I made them slip in, when seeing there was already twenty got into the Town, I myself drew up to the Portcullis. They within entered into a little Chamber of the Tower, to which there was two little doors, which opened upon two pair of stone stairs on the right hand, and on the left, by which they went up and down on the inside of the Town to the said Tower. In the mean time I still put in more men, one after another, till Bardachin sent me word, that he began to be strong enough to be Master of the Tower, and that he was not as yet discovered. Whereupon I sent to Captain Charry and the Baron of Clermont, that they should rise and come running all along a highway there was that came directly up to the Gate; which they did, but before they could come up Bardachin was discovered, where they began to fight, and to defend the stairs. Immediately upon which came the Ensigns of Captain Charry and Clermont, and mounted with all their men after them. The Enemy made good those stairs, 
Montsegur carried by assault.  but our people gained the top of the Tower, by the help of a little hand ladder they met withal, and were Masters of the inside of the Gate, when the Captains on the right and left ran desperately down the stairs, and came to dispute it hand to hand in the Streets. The Enemy once repulsed our men, but in the end being overpowered by numbers they retired, the Assailants falling in pell mell amongst them, till they came to the Marketplace, where they found three hundred men in Battalia, who made head and disputed it for a time, but in the end were put to rout, and fled every man to shift for himself. I sent an account of all to Monsieur de Bury, but he had heard of it before, and he must needs know also by the Harquebuz shot that they were fight; whereupon he sent some Gens-d'armes about the Town; but they could do nothing there. I took fou●score or a hundred Soldiers, and with them marched round the Walls, so that as many as leapt over were dispatched. The slaughter continued till ten of the clock, or after, because they were fain to ferret them out of the houses, and there was not above fifteen or twenty taken prisoners, whom we presently hanged up, and amongst the rest all the King's Officers, and the Consuls with their hoods about their necks. There was no talking of Ransoms unless for the Hangmen. The Captain who commanded there, was called Captain Heraud, who had formerly been of my Company at Montcallier, as brave a Soldier as any was in Guienne, and was taken alive. There were many who would fain have saved him for his valour, but I said, that if he should escape here he would make head against us at every Village, for I very well knew his courage, which made me hang him. Nevertheless he still thought I would save him, because I knew him to be valiant: but that made me the rather put him to death; for I was very well assured that he would never return to our side, as knowing him to be a stubborn obstinate fellow, and moreover besotted with this new Religion, 
The number of the dead.  otherwise I would have saved him. We numbered the dead, and found them to be above seven hundred, all the Streets and the Walls were covered over with dead bodies, and yet I am sure a great many died without, of those who leapt over the Walls, whom I caused to be slain.  
Thus was Montsegur taken; but I believe it would have been a hard dispute, had we been put to have entered by the breach we were about to make, and yet it would have cost us above five hundred Canon shot before we could have made a Gap wide enough for two men to enter a breast only: for the Walls were built of admirable good stone, and exceeding thick, as strong as any whatever in the whole Province; and withal it had been a matter of great difficulty to enter, though the breach had been never so sufficient, they having means to entrench themselves within, and I do believe they would have found us work, and it would have been a Mart of honour both for them and us; but it was better as it was.  
Two days after, we went to besiege the Town and Castle of Duras, in which there was a hundred and fifty men. All night long I never rested to lodge the Artillery to batter the Town; for to batter the Castle was a thing of extraordinary difficulty, unless on that side of the Garden behind it, and there also it was very hard to bring up the Artillery: which made us conclude, that it was better to attaque the Town, and afterwards from within to batter the Gate of the Castle; when so soon as I had made all things ready, they called to us to know if Monsieur de Bury was there, to which they were answered, that he was quartered at the Farms two or three Harquebuz shot distant from the Town: but that I was at the Artillery; whereupon they desired to know if I would give them leave to come out in safety, which I promised they should, and so they came to speak with me; but I referred them to Monsieur de Bury. 
Duras surrendered.  The day began to break when they returned, and they told me they had capitulated. Monsieur de Bury with some few with him presently entered into the place, but I entered not till eight of the clock in the morning, but laid me down to sleep after the Capitulation; for I waked when others took their rest. Monsieur de Bury told me that there was nothing in the place, but a hundred and fifty Croslets that belonged to the King of Navarre, which the Warden of Thoneins a Huguenot had left there, intending to have carried them to their Camp, but that he was afraid of being snapped by the way. We caused them to be divided amongst the Captains to arm the Soldiers; and from thence Monsieur de Bury went to Bourdeaux, and I with the Army marched down towards Marmanda and Thoneins. Every one quitted the places they held for fear, so that I met with none but some few Catholics; and from thence marched directly to Clairac and Aguillon where I passed the River. And as I was passing it I halted before the said Town, because there were three or four thousand men in Again, and I would go to environ them to trap them within it. Having then reimbarkt the three Canon at la Reolle, which I made to mount up the River, it was night before I had passed over all the men, and as I was marching in the night I had news brought me from Again, that in the beginning of the night they had abandoned the City, and were gone away towards Montauban. I wondered that these people should be so damnably timorous, and that they did no better defend their Religion, they having not so much leisure as to take their prisoners along with them; 
Again abandoned by the Hugonots.  a sudden terror having surprised them, when they heard that I was at hand; for they no sooner heard my name, but they fancied the rope already about their necks. Those whom they had clapped up in prison were Messieurs de la Land, de Nort, all the Officers of the King, and the Consuls, excepting the Precedent of Again, against whom they had no prejudice. These poor Officers, very honest men, had been two or three months detained in prison, in which space above a hundred times the ropes were presented before them to hang them up, so that I wonder they did not die for fear.  
Monsieur de Bury being arrived at Port St. Mari●, we there and in the adjacent Villages quartered the Army, and from thence went with a few men only to Again, where we found the City ruined; for these people where ever they came left sad marks behind them, and there we stayed three or four days. Monsieur de Bury sent to Villeneufue, and to Montstanquin three Companies of Gens-d'armes, namely his own, that of Monsieur d' Argence, and that of Monsieur de Carlus, Lieutenant to Monsieur de Vaugu●on. They sent to Monsieur de Bury to send them four or five hundred Foot, and that they would go and fight Captain Bordet, who was coming from Xaintonge with three hundred Horse, of which sixscore were Cuirasseers, and Lances all, the rest P●stol●ers, and Harquebuzeers on horseback, together with three Ensigns of Foot. I offered myself to Monsie●● de Bury for this service, who told me that he would go himself, and be engaged in this action, and that he would go away at midnight. I would not contradict him lest he should think that I had a mind to do all myself, and get an advantage over him, and therefore retired myself to Es●illac to take some order in the affairs of my Family, hearing that my Wife was lately dead. The next day Monsieur de Bury was yet at Again, and the next day after that, and in the mean time Bordet passed by, and marched to get to Montauban, where Monsieur de Duras stayed to expect him. I know very well that Monsieur d' Argence and his Companions advertized Monsieur de Bury in all haste to sent them the Foo● they desired, that they might fight, and am very confident the fault was not in them: but Monsieur d' Argence is yet living, who is able to give an account where the fault lay, I have nothing to do to meddle, or make in the business.  
At my return back to Again we concluded to go and assault the Castle of Pene; for during the time that our Company lay about Again, 
Spanish Companies.  there came to us three Spanish Companies commanded by Don Lewis de Carbajac, in the absence of his Uncle Don john de Carbajac, 
The Siege of the Castle of Pene.  who afterwards came and brought the other ten Ensigns. We attaqu'd the Castle in the Front of it, for we could batter it in no other place, it being very strong both in structure and situation; and there we made above three hundred Canon shot. They had here a great Terrace cast up within, and in the Terrace had made a Trench where the Soldiers lay to defend the Breach, which also was of very difficult access, because we were to mount by ladders from the Breach up to the Terrace. Now we had the first night taken the Town, for Captain Charry and his Companions had set fire to the Gates, which the besieged having long and bravely defended in vain, they all retired into the Castle. They might be within it about three hundred men; and I went to discover the Breach by the Houses on the right hand, which I caused to be pierced through, passing from one to another till I came to the last, which was so near to the Castle, that there was no more than the way betwixt them; from whence I perceived an out-jut of stone at the flank on the right hand in the Wall, and sent a Soldier creeping on all four to discover this place. He went up the halfway, and found that it was made, as if they had purposely left steps to go up by in that place; which having done, he came back to me, and upon his report I went immediately to Monsieur d' Ortoble, where we drew a piece of Canon a little on the right hand this place. We had enough to do to lodge it there, by reason that it was a very great Precipice that went down to the River; and from thence we shot sideways at this Wall, which being not very strong, was in four shots pierced quite through, so that one might see through the hole into their Trenches; whereupon I immediately went down, 
The Breach discovered.  and made the same Soldier climb up by those steps so far as to discover if the hole was over against the Trench, bidding him in no wise to discover himself; which he accordingly did, and brought me word, that they stood all in Battalia in the Trench, and that there was a great number of Corslets, as it was true. I than caused the Ladders to be brought, which I had made to be sought for in every place, and which might be some twelve or fifteen in all. Monsieur de Bury was with the Artillery, whither I went to conclude the Assault before him, entreating him that the Gascons might go on first, and the Spaniards after: but Don Lewis desired they might fall on together, which was also granted. In the mean time I made choice of four Harquebuzeers to mount these steps, for more could not stand upon the top to shoot through the hole into the Trench, when ours should give the assault to the Front of the Castle, and so I committed to them the assault. The Soldiers themselves took the Ladders, and I went to the forementioned steps with my four Harquebuzeers, when as the one were rearing their Ladders, the four went up by the steps, and at the same instant that the Spanish and Gascon Foot mounted the Ladder, the four Harquebuzeers fired into the Trench. They killed one of them, who tumbled down dead at my feet, and I sent up another in his room: but when the Enemy saw themselves killed through this hole, 
The Assailants repulsed.  they retired into another Fortress, where they defended themselves above three long hours, and twice repulsed our people to the very Breach. Where I perceived two things, though I had very well observed them before, the one that the Spaniards are not more valiant than the Gascons; and the other, that the brisk disputes are always made by the Gentlemen, for above five hundred Spaniards and Gascons were overturned either upon the Ladders, or down to the ground, yet must we not deprive those of their due honour, who worthily achieved it; for though the Gascon Captains, and the Gentlemen of their Companies, all day bore the brunt of the fight, I will not say but that the Spanish Captains very bravely behaved themselves, but in truth their Soldiers did very little. In the end I encouraged our people, making them again to mount the Ladders, encouraging some, and threatening others, for I had my sword drawn in my hand, ready to have given them a cast of my Office, had I perceived any Pol●rons. But they all now began to do better both Spaniards and Gascons, insomuch that they gained the second Fort. The Enemy then divided themselves into two other Forts, namely the great Tower, and another quarter of the house on the left hand. Now we were to go up a pair of stone steps into a base Court, betwixt the said Tower and the other Fort, so that our people were constrained to set fire to the Gate of the said Base-Court. On the top of these steps, and close by the Gate there was a corner on the left hand, where fifteen o● sixteen men had room to stand. Captain Charry and the Baron de Clermont were in this place encouraging the men to shoot through the Gate into the Base-Court, and so soon as the Gate was burnt it fell down just in the Passage. I was upon the middle of the steps, when seeing the Gate fallen down, 
Captain Charry leaps through the fire.  I called to Captain Charry, that they should leap in through the fi●e, which they did without disputing the business, a man needed not to bid him twice, he feared not death. I pushed forwards those who were upon the steps before me, whether they would or no, and so we all entered in fury, but found no body in the Base-Court save Women and Maids, of which it was all full, even to the very Stables. Those of the Tower of the other Fort on the left hand shot at us in the Court, and killed five or six Soldiers. Captain Charry was there a little hurt, and the Sieur de Bardachin also. We made the Women go down by those stone steps, where the Spaniards who were at the foot of the stairs in the great Base-Court below, killed them saying they were Lutherans disguised. We redoubled the assault upon this Fort on the left hand both by a door, and by two windows that went into it, which we carried, putting all we found within it to the Sword. Now we were afterwards to assault the great Tower, and the Gate that was between. I there left the Captains who were not hurt in this Fort on the left had, and in the Stables to keep them penned in, and as fortune would have it, they had all their provisions in this Fort on the left hand, and none at all in the great Tower; and that was the reason that in the close of the Evening they surrendered themselves to the Captains upon Quarter for lif●. The Spaniards were lodged in the Town, who knew they were surrendered, and that in the morning our Captains were to bring them to Monsieur de Bury and me▪ who were quartered in the House of Monsieur de Cathus a Harquebuz shot from the Castle. Monsieur de Pons lay there also, being come with Monsieur de Bury, and so soon as the Prisoners came, who might be forty or fifty in number, we delivered them to fifteen or twenty Soldiers in guard; but the Spaniards came and took them from those fifteen or twenty Soldiers, and killed them all excepting two servants of Madam la Mareschalle de St. Andre, that I had kept at my lodging; so that of all these three hundred men there was not a man escaped, saving these two that I saved, and another that went dow the Wall of the Castle by a Rope, and swum the River, who had also a great many Soldiers at his heels plying him all the way with their Harquebuz shot, but he miraculously escaped in despite of them all. His hour was not come, for he had an infinite number of shots made at him, but none of them had the fortune to hit. I here perceived that Don Lewis his men were for the most part raw rascals; for old Soldiers do not use to kill Women, and these killed above forty, at which I was furiously angry. Their Captains were sorry for and ashamed of the action, but they could not help it, for they said they were Lutherans in disguise, because having been fumbling with one of them to lie with her, they had found that it was a beardless Deacon, who had disguised himself in woman's clothes. 
Pene taken by assault.  This was the taking of Pene, which was of no little importance, as being an extraordinary strong place, and in a good Country upon the River, where a great many Rogues were dispatched out of the way, whose bodies served to fill up a very deep Well that was in the Castle. It may truly be said, that every one here played his part, as also did Monsieur de Bury, who never stirred from the Canon, but took as much pains as any man of his age could possibly do,  
Now so soon as Captain Bordet was joined with Monsieur de Duras, their Army began very much to increase, forasmuch as those who before had forborn to declare themselves in expectation of the said Bordets' coming, now that they saw he was come, conceiving a better opinion of their affairs, they repaired boldly to the Army. The Enemy then being in this condition, we were one night afraid that they would take from us Moissac, or else Cahors, by reason that the Rivers were so low, that they were almost every where to be forded, which made me tell Monsieur de Bury that it was necessary we should speedily send away some men to Cahors; for the water being every where to be forded over, they would at the very first carry the Town, there being no body there but the Inhabitants only to defend it; whereupon he presently made choice of Monsieur de Sainctorens with fourscor● or a hundred Light-horse he had besides his Foot Company, whom I entreated to make all the haste he possibly could, and never to rest day nor night, till he had put himself into the place. 
The Sieur de Sainctorens sent to relieve Cah●rs.  I made account that from the place where the Enemy lay he would go in eight hours to Cahors, and (as God when he pleases will prevent the evil from coming to pass) we had news brought, and did believe it, that the Enemy was designed for Moissac, and had no thought of Cahors at all. Monsieur de Sainctorens made very great haste without either stop or stay, unless to eat a little bread, and drink a little wine, he had caused to be carried along with him for the Soldiers by the way; and also it stood him upon to lose no time. He was to go very near to their Camp, and as he marched by night, the Enemy at the same time did the same, so that in the morning by sunrise, just as he was got over the River, the Enemy came to the water side, so little had he the start of them, and so narrowly they missed of him. At his coming to the Town he found all the people in so great a terror and confusion, that they were forsaking the Town to fly to the mountains for safety; but at his coming they took courage; and immediately without entering into any house, Monsieur de Sainctorens went out to skirmish, and put himself upon the passage of the River to defend it, for he had very good men, and it was also the first Company that had been raised. All day the Enemy was hover about the River, making a show as if they intended to pass it, and I believe stayed for the rest of the Army, who were marching after them; but made no attempt to pass. At last the night drawing on, Monsieur de Sainctorens fortified himself with Barrels, logs, and stones, and such materials as he could find; wherein the whole City were employed at work, and plied it so well, that in the morning the Enemy saw there would be no good to be done; so that the remainder of their Army coming up to them, they all quartered themselves in the Villages nearest to the River, and there some days remained without making any further attempt. In the mean time we went to Moissac, to which place Monsieur de Bury had caused two great Culverins, and two Field-pieces to be brought from Bourdeaux, and where we left the three pieces of Canon, and marched toward Caussade, Mirabel, and Realville; 
The Sieur de Malicorne sent by the King.  to which places their Camp was retired. A little before this the King had sent to Monsieur de Malicorne, to give us an account how affairs stood in France, and also to bring him word in what posture they were with us. In two or three days we came to Mirabel, during which I could not make it sink into Monsieur de Buries head, that we were to make haste to snap the Enemy, there being some who continually laid difficulty upon difficulty before him.  
All of us who were there, and who are yet living, must needs confess that we were all troubled at him, and at this cold proceeding of his, because he had ever had the reputation of a ●ighting man, and was reputed a great Captain, of which he had also upon several occasions given sufficient proof: where as we found him so heavy, and s● slow, that it appea●ed to every one as if he avoided fight only to give the Enemy opportunity to escape out of our hands, insomuch that he stood highly suspected to many, both by reason of this supineness and remiss way of proceeding, and also for that almost all his Servants, especially a Secretary of his, whom he extremely loved, were Hugonots. A Servant of his a Basque, whose name was Hactsé, told us, that would Monsieur de Bury have given ear to him he should have changed his Servants, knowing very well that they rendered him suspected, especially to the Spaniards; and in truth it was intolerable, by reason of the jealousy we all had, that the Enemy had perpetual intelligence of our designs; for I never knew any of that party, how moderate soever they might seem to be, that did not heartily desire the King's ruin. As for my own part I do really believe that never any ill entered into his heart, and that which made him defer things so, was only the continual buzzing him in the ear, that I would make him lose himself.  
So soon as we came to Pecornet, which belongs to Monsieur de Thoneins, Monsieur de Bury would take up his Quarters there, and I with my own Company, and a good Troop of Gentlemen marched on strait to Mirabel, sending my Son upon the Forlorn Hope before; who coming to Mirabel, found the Enemy newly risen from their Quarters, and marching away towards Caussade, where he fell upon the Rear, and defeated a Troop, the rest putting themselves into two or three houses, which being near unto Caussade, where their whole Army was, and he having no Foot with him, he was constrained to let them alone, and to retire to Mirabel, where I stayed to expect him. Now I had sent to Monsieur de Bury to entreat him to come and quarter at Mirabel, it being no more than a league only from Pecornet; to which he sent me answer back, that the greatest part of the Army was already settled in their Quarters; whereupon I went myself in all haste, where at my coming I found that he had already taken up his lodging in a Grange belonging to Monsieur de Thoneins: but with the help of Messieurs de Malicorne, d' Argence, and other Captains of Gens d'arms, I prevailed so far upon him, that we persuaded him to march. I never (as I have already said) what reports soever were made of him, suspected him in the least, but ever attributed his ●low and wary proceeding only to his fear of misadventure, being unwilling to hazard any thing, as knowing very well, that should he lose a Battle, the Country would be totally lost, and on the other side, h● saw also that the En●my was going into France: but I always said it would be a good service to the King to defeat them before they should join with their Confederates there, and that a hundred Rebels and Traitors would never dare to stand ten honest men. He w●uld often complain of me to Monsi●ur de Courré his Nephew, saying that one time or another I would make him to lose all, and consequently the Province of Gui●nne would be l●st to the King; so that as to my own particular I durst answer for him, that it was this apprehension only that restrained him; for he was neither corrupted nor disloyal to his Master, and neither wanted courage, nor conduct; but he would hazard nothing, which was a great fault in him.  
Twice that night we sent out Parties to discover the Enemy at Caussade, which was no more than half a league distant from us, and the second time it was by Monsieur de Verdusa● my Ensign, who fell upon one of their Courts of Guard. Now I would fain have b●at up their Quarters in the night: for all their Army lay without the Town, and far enough from ●ne another: but it was impossible ever to persuade Monsieur de Bury to it. The next morning I went with the King of Navarrs Company, that of Monsieur de Termes, and my own, to discover, taking Monsieur de Malicorne along with me, and f●und that there was some Harquebuzeers in the Town, who shot at us. Now Monsieur de Duras and Captain Bordet were gone to Montauban, it being but two Leag●es thither, and had left there all the good Horse, that Captain Bordet had brought, behind them; Monsi●ur de Duras and he having taken only ten or twelve along with them, and had lain all night at Montauban; by reason of whose absence they never offered to appear, and were in very great fear, lest all our Army should come down, it being from Mirabel to Realville, no more than a quarter of a league. We dallied there above two hours before the Town, not knowing that these people were within it: 'tis true the Country people told us, that Monsi●ur de Duras was gone the day before to Montauban, but they did not know whether or no he might not be returned. 
Consultation abou● the Batta●l.  At night we returned to Monsieur de Bury, and entered into Council, to which were called all the Captains of Gens d'arms, and Don Lewis de Carbajac also, where we fell to debate, whether the Walls being of no strength, we should not go with the two great Culverins, and assault them in Caussade. To which proposition some said I, and others no; but in the end the Negative voices carried it, which so soon as I perceived, I made a motion, that after dinner we should descend into the Plain, and there draw up in Battalia, by which I said we should produce two effects; the first, that we should by that means discover the strength of the Enemy, and discern by their countenance whether they were in fear, or no; and secondly we should order our men as if they were to fight, and separate our Harquebuzeers from the Gens d'arms, so that every one might know his own place when we came to fight, which we could not do where we were quartered; by reason that there was no even ground. This in the end was concluded of, and agreed, that so soon as we had eaten a little we should mount to horse. All the Gentry, which was a sprightly and brave Troop, retired with me, and we soon dispatched our dinner; after which I sent away a Gentleman to Monsieur de Bury to give him notice that I began to march to take my place in the field; when presently there came Monsieur de Malicorne, who had been present at the first deliberation to tell me, that Monsieur de Bury was resolved not to come down into the Plain, nor to suffer the Army to do it, and told me moreover, that those whom I thought to have been the most forward to have stood to the former resolution, were the first who retreated, and were now of a quite contrary opinion; which is an abominable thing, that men should out of respect to authority go contrary to their own sense. I entreated him that he would go back again, and remonstrate to Monsieur de Bury the great error he committed in not ordering our men as they ought to fight, and that I would engage my honour to him we would not fight, but only observe the countenance of the Enemy, and play upon him with our Artillery in case they should present themselves on the other side of the River: but I had something else in my thoughts, and had I seen a fit opportunity, would have come so near that it should not have been possible to have retired without fight. However the said Sieur de Malicorne absolutely refused to go, saying that he had already said all he could to persuade him, and would meddle nor make no more in the business, and I perceived was very angry, though he forbore to say all that he thought. I therefore sent Monsieur de Madaillan, but Monsieur de Malicorne stayed with me, and would no more return. We then marched and passed before his Lodging, all of us hoping that when he see us upon our march, his humour would come about, and that he would come, and so soon as we were come into the bottom were ware of the Companie● of the King of Navarre, and the Marshal de Termes, commanded by Captain Arne, and Captain Masses, who told me that Monsieur de Bury had sent to protest against them if they came down to me, but they had returned him answer that before dinner they had concluded to descend into the Plain, and that for their parts they would stand to the first resolution, that I was there already, and that should the Enemy come out to fight me, they would share in the sport. He protested also against the other Captains (I have heard since, that Don Lewis was one of those who altered his opinion) and particularly against Captain Charry the Campmaster, who thereupon left him the Companies, and came himself alone to find me out, and to run the same fortune with me. In short we were all in divison, which is an unruly Beast when it once gets into an Army; and therefore you, who have the command of Armies as much as you can oppose its entrance, for if it once get a foot within the door, it is very hard to thrust him out again.  
The Enemy departed from Caussade, taking their way directly to Realville, to escape towards Montauban, when so soon as they came into their side of the Plain, they were aware of me, and made a halt: after which they began to put themselves into Battalia, and were above a long hour in doing it, by which I very well perceived they were but raw Soldiers, and that their orders were either not well given, or not well obeyed. They durst not venture a step further upon their march, fearing lest I should charge them in the Rear, and so we stood facing one another above four long hours with a little River betwixt us. I would not suffer some Harquebuzeers on horseback that I had to make any attaque upon them, to the end that Monsieur de Bury might see that I had no mind to fight unless he himself was there, hoping that his knowing us to be so near would bring him out into the field, but all signified nothing, and so we were constrained to retire from thence. As we were retreating towards Mirabel some of their Cavalrly that was in Realville, and that before had not dared to show their heads passed the River (which were Captain Bordets' men) they had all white Cassocks, which were the first that I had ever seen, but so soon as they saw us face about upon them, they turned back again to repass the River, and in our sight crossed the water above Realville, taking the way to Montauban. I then retired to my Quarters as angry as ever I was in all my life, that we had lost so fair an opportunity of fight the Enemy, and what promise soever I had made to the contrary, had the gross of our Army come down to us, we would have had a brush with them, and I would (as I have already said) have approached them so near, that it should not have been possible for either side to have retired without fight.  
In the Evening Monsieur de Bury sent to me to know if I would come to the Council, which after many entreaties, with much ado I did, but they had much ado to persuade me to it. Where being come, I remonstrated to him what a piece of cowardice we had committed, who thereupon told me, that it had not stuck at him, we had not fought; but he did not go without an answer. Messieurs de Malicorne and d' Argence are both of them yet living, who I believe can better remember what I said than I; for I was scarcely myself, I was so transported with passion. To be short, in this huff I left him and his Council, upon which occasion he showed himself to be wiser than I, and more patitent to bear with my imperfections, and I do believe in his conscience knew himself to be in fault. At night Captain Masses, Arne, and I, with my Company, and the Gentlemen went out thinking to find the Enemy on this side the River Labeyron; not imagining the passage being very dangerous and bad, that they would offer to venture over in the night; but so soon as ever they came to the water side they hurried over in great disorder, and went to gain a Wood near unto Montauban called le Ramier. Captain Masses and Captain Arne met with some who stayed behind in the Farms on this side the River, as being afraid to venture over, having seen some of their men drowned in the passage, and those they took an order withal for drowning, and so we returned back without being able to do any thing more; having resolved to have fought could we have met with them, though it had cost us all our lives, and I do believe that the rage wherein we were, would have redoubled our Forces to have fought them to some purpose; if but in spite to have le●t the shame and reproach at their doors, whose gums were so tender they would not bite. The Farmers assured us that they would neither stop nor stay till they came to Montauban, which was the reason we did not pass the River, and they moreover affirmed, that had a hundred horse only come in, when they began to foard the River, they had defeated them all, 
The strange fear the Huguenots were in.  or they would have drowned themselves, they were in so great a fright, and that a great many of them were drowned upon a false alarm, Horse and Foot throwing themselves desperately into the River to escape away. And this was the fine piece of cowardice we committed, which never went off my heart till after the Battle of Ver, that we fought a little while after. Me thought the very stones looked upon us, and that the Peasants pointed at us; for we had here a much better opportunity to have done their business, than we had afterwards at Ver.  
I was in so great a rage, that I was very near going away from Monsieur de Bury in the morning, and had it not been for the Captains and Gentlemen, who were with us, and dissuaded me from that resolution, I had done it, being very sure that the greatest part of the Army would have gone along with me: but he that of all others most prevailed upon me to stay was Monsieur de Malicorne, who remonstrated to me, that the King would take it highly ill at my hands, that all things would go amiss, and that afterwards all the blame would be laid upon me, which would be sufficient to pull down upon me the Queen's hatred and indignation, and ruin me for ever. As for my own part I had a mind to have pursued the War after my own way, wherein I fancied at least I should succeed much better, the business of Targon evermore running in my mind, where I had defeated them with so few men; and I had also an opinion that the Sieurs d' Argence and de Carlus would go along with me, although they came with him. Nevertheless I suffered myself to be governed by the said Sieur de Malicorne, and the rest who reconciled me to him; for my anger though it be sudden and violent, is none of the worst sort, and besides he was the King's Lieutenant. He was pleased upon our reconciliation to assure me, that upon the first occasion that should present itself he would lay aside all fear of losing the Province, and resolutely fight them; and that which made him bear with my rough humour was, that he knew all my heat proceeded from the zeal I had to his Majesty's service, which made me talk after that disrespective manner, neither had any thing else restrained him but only the fear of disaster, being certain that the King would lay all the fault to him with whom he had entrusted the Government and care of the Province.  
Oh 'tis an ill thing when a Lieutenant of a Province is always in fear of losing; 
A fault in a Lieutenant of a Province.  in the name of God be as cautious as you will when you are to keep a place, raise fortifications as high as Heaven if you can, watch, ward, and still be jealous of surprises: but to have sufficient Forces, and evermore to be in fear of losing, this favours of I know not what, and believe me (Lord Lieutenants) 'tis an ill Omen. For my part I was of a quite contrary humour; for I evermore saw that if the affairs of Guienne went well, those of France would succeed the better, and if we defeated the Forces on this side, we might afterwards go over into Languedoc, and by that means frustrate the Prince of Condé from having either men or money out of those two Provinces.  
A few days after Monsieur de Malicorne returned back to Court, and I believe acquainted the King with what he had seen, which I presume was the reason of his Majesty's sending Monsieur de Monpensier into these parts, having heard that there was no very good intelligence betwixt Monsieur de Bury and me. A thing very prejudicial to the service of those we serve, and I should never advise that the supreme power be divided betwixt two, for an indifferent Captain will do better alone, than two good ones in joint Commission. It is true that I took more authority upon me than the King invested me withal; and perhaps it was necessary so to do; there are enough that can witness it. Would to God the King had taken the same course in this last War, he did here in sending Monsieur de Montpensier, which if he had, there would perhaps have been a better account given of his service in this Country; neither was I single in this opinion, for I was very well accompanied, and with men of the best understandings. And I would always advise his Majesty, that when ever he shall hear of any division in an Army, evermore to send away a Prince of the blood to command in chief, and the sooner the better, before the division have got any great footing to endanger his affairs: for after it is once establish●, and that the disorder is once happened, it is never to be remedied but with great difficulty and damage; or by separating those who disagree, which also is not to be done without great inconvenience, considering that both the one and the other must needs have many friends and servants depending upon them.  
A little while after Monsieur de Bury proposed an Enterprise, 
The Siege of Montauban.  which was to go and lay Siege to Montauban on that side towards Tholouze, and that in order thereunto we should return back to Moissac, and there pass over the River; and to this end he caused another Canon and another Culverin to be brought from Bourdeaux, and took the way directly to Moissac. I was resolved to let him alone without contradicting him in the least (having made a vow not to speak a word) to see what he would do, though I was certain beforehand that his Enterprise would vanish in smoke and come to nothing; for seeing we had not dared to fight them in the field, what hopes could we have of doing any good upon them in a Town, and such a one as that was? Nevertheless I followed as others did, and we came to the Bourg, where we stayed seven or eight days, having spent some Canon shot against the Tower of the Bridge where there was a Church the Enemy had fortified. In short I know not at which end to begin to give a Narration of this brave Enterprise, neither can I make of it either good Pottage, or good Broth, and therefore I conceive it better without saying any more to let it alone, and only to tell you, that after these seven or eight days, it was resolved that we should retire to Montech.  
At our coming to Moissac, I had there intelligence, that those of Lectoure had taken the Field, making prodigious havoc, and committing infinite insolences upon the Gentlemen and their Estates, in all places where they could get in, and that they expected Forces out of Bearne, that Captain Mesmes was bringing into them, being five hundred men. Their design was to make a flying Army, which was the reason that I sent back Captain Montluc with part of my Company; upon which occasion the Count de Candalle, the Sieurs de Cançon, de Montferran, Guitinieres, and some other Gentlemen would needs bear him company; Captain Parron also went along, taking with him the Company of the Baron de Pourdeac commanded by Captain la Rocque d' Orman, for the Baron himself had some days before this been wounded in a skirmish Captain Montluc had made before Lectoure. So soon as they came to Florence they understood that the Begolles, Nephews to Monsieur d' Aussun, were the Heads of those who were gone out of Lectoure, and that they had taken their way directly to Sampoy to go meet the said the Mesmes, who was to be that morning at Aiguetint. Monsieur de Baretnau, who was raising a Foot Company happening to be there, went to put himself betwixt Terraube and Lectoure, because they there intended to fight them: but the Enemy having intelligence of his departure from Florence, thought to return back to Lectoure, and also because they had notice that Captain Mesmes could not that day come to Aiguetint, when having passed Terraube to return to Lectoure; they saw they must of necessity fight Captain Montluc by the way, who had intercepted their retreat, which rather than do they would return to Terraube; though they could not do that neither, but so as there was some skirmishing at the entering into the Town, and had they had but five hundred paces further to go, Captain Montluc had defeated them before they could have got in. He then dispatched away to Auch, Florence, la Sauvetat, la Sampoy, and as far as Condom for succours to come in to besiege them, which every one did, so that there came in to him above two thousand men. He dispatched away a Courier to me also in all haste, giving me to understand, that if I would come thither with the Artillery, we might take Lectoure, for that all the good men that belonged to it he kept shut up in Terraube to the number of four hundred men, together with the two Begolles, Nephews to Monsieur d'Aussun, who were also cooped up with the rest. I showed the Letter to Monsieur de Bury, and we had some dispute upon it, he being unwilling to suffer me to take any of the Foot Companies, but in the end he granted me the Baron of Clermont my Nephew, to whom I had given a Company of recruit, and Monsieur d'Ortobie, and de Fredeville immediately yoked three pieces of Canon; and went before to Moissac to prepare the Boats, so that when the Canon came they found the Boats all ready, and all night long we did nothing but pass the River. I than sent a Quartermaster from Village to Village to get Oxen ready to relieve the others, which having done, I galloped away before, and found that Captain Montluc had besieged the Town, and that the four hundred men which were in Terraube had surrendered to him upon Quarter for life.  
Captain Mesmes advanced as far as the River Baise within a League of the said Terraube, when hearing the others were besieged, he went back the same way he came, and retired himself into a little Village called Roquibrune near unto Viefezensac. My Nephew Monsieur de Gohas, who had been Lieutenant to Monsieur de la Moth-Gondrin in Piedmont, and had married his Daughter, hearing of his motion, had taken the Field with some Gentlemen his Neighbours, and some Country-fellows, whom he had called together by the ringing of a Bell, and putting himself in his Rear had constrained him to take into Roquebrune for his safety: where the Peasants impatient of lying all night to besiege him, almost all of them stole away, so that Captain Mesmes went away in the morning towards Bearn, from whence he was come, to tell his friends there the news of the fine frights he had been in.  
Now Monsieur d' Ortobie made so good haste, that the next morning two hours before day he was got over the River, and come before Lectoure. At break of day, he, Monsieur de Fredeville, 
Lectoure besieged.  Monsieur de la Mothe-Rouge, and I went to view where we should plant the Artillery, and concluded to plant it on a little Hill on that side by the River, where there was a Windmill, to batter the Town on that side by the Fountain. And here we battered it all day long, and to so good effect, that a Breach was made betwixt seven and eight paces wide. They had entrenched themselves within, and had Bastioned the ends of the Streets with the way that went all along by the Wall, and pierced two or three houses that looked into the Breach. In the interim that the Canon was battering I was busy causing Ladders to be made wherewith to assault the Bulwark that flanked the Breach, to hinder those that manned that Bulwark from shooting into the Breach: but being they had environed the Bulwark with Pipes and Gabions filled with earth, and that also the Breach was not yet reasonable, I would not this night do that which I did the night after.  
The next morning I caused the Artillery to play upon these Pipes and Gabions, and to widen the Breach, and lay it lower, and the night following we put ourselves into Camis●do, where I ordered that Captain Montluc should assault the Breach with the two C●mpanies of the Baron de Clermont, that of the Baron de Pourdeac, and such Gentlemen as would go along with him, of which the Count de Candalle was one, a young Lord full of noble courage, who also has since lost his life in a Breach in Languedoc, as I have been told; and as for me I was by the Ladders to storm the Bulwark, with the Sieur de Batternau's Company, and another with my own Company of Gens d'arms, whom I had dismounted for that purpose. This order being concluded I caused them to take up the Ladders, putting Captain Montluc and his men before, and marching myself in their Rear, to see what would be the issue of their assault, and after me came the Ladders, and my fellows. They carried the Breach with very great boldness and bravery, entered through it, and began to dispute the Rampires they had cast up in the streets, and were already almost Masters of one.  
Now the Enemy the night before had made a Ditch betwixt the Breach and the Rampires, and had put a very great train of powder into it, to which they were to give fire from within a House in the Town. We set up our Ladders, and two Ensigns mounted up to the very top of the Bastion: I was making the Soldiers still to mount, and to rear the rest of the Ladders, when just as our people of the Breach were as good as Masters of the Rampires, some of those who came after, clapping a foot into the ditch of the Train, which was covered over with Bavins, 
A mine sprung at L●ctoure.  began to cry out we are in the Train, and took such a fright, that they overturned one another upon the Breach. Upon this accident, the foremost who were disputing the Rampires, had no other remedy but to retire, and there Captain la Rocque was hurt, Lieutenant and Kinsman to the Baron de Pourdeac, who died the next day, one of the bravest Gentlemen that these fifty years has come out of Gascony. Others also were slain there, and some of those were hurt who stormed by the Ladders; when seeing those of the Breach retired, I also drew off mine, very glad to have escaped so good cheap; for had they sprung the Mine in time, they had made a terrible Fricassee.  
The next day Monsieur d' Ortobie, the Governor of lafoy Mothe-Rouge, and I went to view the other side of the Town towards the little Bulwark; but could find no place where we could conveniently plant any more than two pieces of Canon, for this Town (for a Town of War is one of the best situated in all Guienne, and very strong) and there also was the little Bulwark that flanked the place where we had a mind to batter, which put us to such a stand, that we could not resolve what to do; so that about noon Monsieur d' Ortobie returned to batter again by the Breach at some Flankers there were, because the next morning I was resolved to give an assault in open day, where as he himself was levelling a piece of Canon, 
The Sieur d' Ortobie mortally wounded.  he was wounded in the thigh by a Faulconet shot from the great Bulwark; which went very near to my heart, for he was a valiant Captain and an admirable Engineer. He died two days after. 'Tis of all others of our Trade a Command of the most danger; nevertheless in all Sieges where I have been, I was ever by the Canon, and fancied that all things did not go right, if I was not there. This Gentleman very well understood his business, which is very rare, and (as I have said) exceeding dangerous, and few escape of those who expose themselves too much. In the mean time the Enemy parleyed, where it was agreed, that they should give me three of those within in Hostage, and that I should send them in other three, which they desired might be Messieurs de Berduzan; 
Troachery of the besieged.  de la Chapelle, and another, who being accordingly advanc'● near to the Gate, and that we expected the others should come out, thirty or forty Harquebuz shot was fired upon them all at a clap, by which they narrowly escaped being slain, and one of my Trumpe●s was wounded; whereupon I caused them to call out to Brimond, that this was not the faith of a man of honour, but of a Rascal; he excused himself, saying it was a Rogue who had begun it, and that I should soon see him made an example.  
But the treacherous Rogues instead of executing justice upon the offenders, hanged a poor Catholic at the Battlements, who could be in no fault at all. Now they were evermore ask to see me, saying they could not believe I was there, whereupon I was advised by some to show myself; but they could never persuade me to it, and it was well for me. Old Birds are not caught with chaste: suspect every thing from an Enemy, without discovering nevertheless openly your mistrust. After the hanged man was dead, they cut the rope, and let the body ●umble into the Graff; after which it was again concluded, that the same Deputies should go in, and their Hostages come out, for we believed, that he who had been hanged was the man that had committed the treachery, and now every body went confidently into the street nea● unto St. Claire, and in a Crowd to see what the Deputies did, and when the others would come out. The Enemy had levelled and primed three or four pieces of Ordinance they had, and some Muskets exactly upon th● Company, thinking that I was there; so that when our Deputies were again advanced almost to the Wall, they began to fire their pieces directly at the Crowd, and there killed a Gentleman who lived hard by Again called Monsieur de Castles, and hurt three or four others.  
I saw all this from behind a little Wall, and wondered that our Deputies were not killed, for they fired at them above threescore Harquebuz shot, but they got off, running as fast as they could drive▪ when seeing this treachery the second time practised upon us, I sent to tell them from behind the Wall, that since they had made so little account of their faith, and promises, I would make as little of mine, and accordingly sent Monsieur de Berduzan my Ensign, who was one of the Deputies, with my own Company of Gens-d'armes, and another of Foot to Terraube, to kill and dispatch all those that were there, giving him with him the Hangman to truss up the Chief, which he performed with a very good will (as he had reason, considering the foul play those of Lectoure had twice practised upon him) and after they were dead threw all the bodies into a Well of the Town, which was very deep, and yet so well filled, that a man might reach the bodies from the top with his hand, 
Their treachery requi●ed.  which was a very good riddance of a pack of very great Rogues. They brought me the two Begolles, and two others of good Families of L●ctoure, whom I caused to be hanged upon a Walnut-tree by the Town in the sight of the Enemy, and had it not been for the honour I bore to the Memory of Monsieur d' Aussun, the Begolles his Nephews had fared no better than the rest: they were within two fingers breadth of it, for I had once given the word to dispatch them; but afterwards, I know not how, altered my resolution. Their hour it seems was not come, and as for the other two, had it not been to give those of Lectoure the pleasure of the spectacle, they had not been put to the pains of coming so far for their hanging, but had been lodged in the Well with the rest.  
The night following I began to remove my Artillery to the other side, where Monsieur d' Ortobie, the Governor of lafoy Mothe-Rouge and I had discovered, by which removal, which the Enemy was presently aware of, they perceived where I intended to begin a new Battery, and thereupon began to doubt they had not men enough to withstand an assault at two Breaches at once; 
The besieged par●y,  which made them desire to speak with Captain Montluc, who accordingly had some conference with Brimond, who told him, that he would capitulate, provided he would beforehand give him his faith to let them march out with their Arms, 
and  and quarter for life. In the mean time the day appeared, when at the importunity of the Captains I granted their conditions, 
Surrender.  for I saw very well I was not yet at the end of my task.  
When I parted from Monsieur de Bury I carried Monsieur de Sainctorens along with me, and Captain Gimond; but when I came to Moissac, I was there advertised by Monsieur de Bury, that the Enemy's Camp was upon their March from Montauban, and taking the way towards Cahors, which made me send back Monsieur de Sainctorens and Captain Gimond, to put themselves into Cahors, where if Monsieur de Sainctorens had with great difficulty entered before, he found it much harder to do it now, which was the second time, that by great and extreme diligence he saved the Town. The said Sieur de Bury sent me word also, that in case I saw I could not carry Lectoure in two days time, I should let it alone, and come join with him, for that without me he was the weaker party, 
The Spaniards mutiny.  having since I parted from him lost four hundred Spaniards of the three Spanish Companies, who had mutinied, and were departed towards their own Country.  
I therefore sent a Gentleman after these Spaniards, who being able to prevail nothing upon them, I was fain to send again Monsieur de Durfort de Bajaumond with letters and entreaties to reduce them to reason, which letters so staggered them in their ill taken resolution, that they called a Council to deliberate what they were best to do. In my letters I told them, that I would not give the assault unless they were there, which so tickled their vain humour, and was taken so kindly by them, that they all resolved to turn back to me; so that just as I had signed the Capitulation, they arrived at Florence a league from Lectoure, which was upon a Friday. Into Lectoure I put the Baron de Pourdeac with his Company, for he was now come up to us with his foot bound up; and upon Saturday morning I made all the Hugonots march out of Town, that every one might go whither he pleased; some whereof listed themselves into our Companies. They had never heard any thing of the death of their fellows at Terraube, till I had taken possession of the Town, and then expected to scape no better than the rest: but I kept my word with them. I then immediately sent away the Baron of Clermont with the five Ensigns I had, bidding him go and pass the River Garonne at Leyrac, and went myself to talk with the Spaniards in a great Meadow, where I promised to reconcile them to their Captains, remonstrating to them so many things, 
They are appeased.  that in the end they resolved to follow me; whom I left under the command of Monsieur de Durfort, and they marched away with the five Companies to pass the River at Leyrac. The remainder of the day I spent in resettling the Clergy in the Bishopric, and the Monasteries, and those of the Long-Robe in their Courts and Tribunals, leaving with the Baron de Pourdeac such orders as he was to observe for the Government of the Town. Which being done, on Sunday morning I went to d●ne at Stillac a house of mine own, and to lie at Again, where I was told that Monsieur de Duras had taken the Castle of Marques belonging to the Bishop of Cahors, and the Bishop himself in it, whom he had carried away prisoner; when having heard that Monsieur de Sainctorens had put himself into Cahors, they marched away directly to Sarlac. I was told also that Monsieur de Bury followed after them, and moreover heard news of Monsieur de Montpensier, who was come to Bergerac, having with him the Signior de Candalle, de la Vauguyon, d'Estissac, de Lauz●n, and de Chavigny.  
All Sunday and Sunday night our people were continually ferrying over at Leyrac, for there was but two Boats, so that they could not get over till near ten of the clock on Monday morning, by which means I could that night march no further than Villeufue; and there the Count de Candalle fell sick upon our hands, so that we were constrained to send him home to his own House, and Captain Montluc also, who had already had two fits of an Ague. Upon Tuesday the Baron of Clermont sent me word, that upon Monday he could march no more but two leagues, being hindered by the passage of the River, and that he was making all the haste he possibly could to Belué, to which place I had appointed him to come: wherefore to give him some advantage, I marched but three leagues on Tuesday morning, which was to Montaignac, near unto Mon●tanquin. Upon Wednesday two hours before day I was on horseback, and went to bait at Belué, where the foot Companies began to arrive, and where I made them stay two hours, whilst I went before to Ciurac upon the Dordogne. There I was advertized that Monsieur de Bury was at the Mirandes (which belongs to Monsieur de Caumont) with the Army, and that Monsieur de Montpensier was at Bergerac. Immediately upon my Quarters being made, a Gentleman of Ci●rac of the new Religion len● me two of his Servants, one to send to Bergerac to Monsieur de Montpensier to give him notice of my arrival, and of the taking of Lectoure; of which till then he had heard nothing, and withal to tell him, that if he pleased to advance a little towards us, we might find means the next day to join, and to fight with Monsieur de Duras, who was encamped upon a little River called la Vezere, near unto Fages. I writ to Monsieur de Bury to the same effect, that he might by break of day pass the Dordogne, as I had already done: at which Monsieur the Bury was strangely astonished that I could be so soon there, considering that but two days before he had received intelligence from Agenois, that I was yet before Lectoure, and in danger not to carry the place.  
I had scarce made an end of my dispatches, when the Baron de Clermont arrived with the five Ensigns, and the Spanish Foot, whom I made to pass the River in two great Boats, and go to lie at Saint Subran near unto Fages, to which place they came not till two hours within night, and there found already quartered the Companies of Messieurs d● Bury, de Randan, and de la Vauguyon; so that had it not been for Madamoiselle de Fages, Mother to Madam de Lioux my Sister-in-law, they had not that night got one bit of any thing to eat; but she showed herself to be the Wife of a brave Captain, which was the late Monsieur de Fages; for she not only gave them all the bread she had in the house, and seven or eight puntions of wine, but moreover did nothing else but make her people bake bread all night long, giving them all her Bacon, and other Provisions, without sleeping a wink of all night, and was never at rest till they had all eaten enough.  
In the Morning, which was Thursday, I forded the River Dordogne (for the River was foardable here, and there in some certain places my Guides led me to) having with me in all not above forty or fifty Light-horse, and upon my departure from Ciurac I received an answer from Monsieur de Bury, who sent me word that he was exceeding glad of my coming, and that I had taken Lectoure: but that nevertheless he was not of opinion to pass the River Dordogne by reason the Enemy was stronger than we, and that therefore it was our b●st way to try to join with Monsieur de Montpensier, after which the said Sieur would himself determine whether we should fight or no. This answer put me into a sudden ●ury, fea●ing we should do here as we had done before at Mirabel, and was advised by the Gentlem●n who were with me to send to protest against him if he did not pass the River, 
Dispute betwixt Messieurs de Bury and de Montluc.  and that I was myself gone with a resolution to fight: which notwithstanding I did not think fit to do: but by Seignan one of my men at Arms, sent however to prot●st against Messieurs d' Arne, du Masses, and de Charry our Campmaster, who thereupon immediately went to Monsieur de Bury, and plainly told him, that as for their parts they were resolved to pass the River, and that they would not have it laid in their dish before Monsieur de Monpensier, whom we already looked upon as our General, and immediately caused their Trumpe●s to sound to horse, whilst Captain Charry drew out his Ensigns of Foot into the ●ield. And then it was, that seeing no other remedy, he prepared himself to go. Captain Charry according to his custom put himself before with his Foot, and coming to the water side, suddenly made a Bridge of Carts, and passed over in all haste.  
I stayed not at St. Subran under Fages, but only spoke with Messieurs d' Argence, and du Courre, entreating them to mount to horse, and telling them that I had writ to Monsieur de Bury to come, and that at noon we were to fight. They promised me they would mount to horse, but that withal they must of necessity send away a Messenger post to Monsieur de Bury to acquaint him with it. I then spoke to the Baron de Clermont immediately to make his Soldiers eat something, and Monsieur de Durfort to do the same by the Spaniards, and presently to come away after me to the Ferry of Vezere, when as I was talking wi●h them, came Seignan (for he had gone away at midnight to go speak to Monsieur de Bury) who brought me word that he had left Monsieur d'Arne, and Captain Masses ready to set out, and that Captain Charry was already passing the River. I than went before. Now from Fages to the Ferry at Vezere, it is no more than a good league, so that I was presently there, where I met with several Country people coming back from them, who told me, that the Enemy were dislodging from two or three Villages where they had lain that night, and that we were not above a league from thence. I passed the River, and at night sent out Monsieur de Fontenilles with two or three horse to scout. Messieurs d'Argence and the Courre had also sent out the Quartermaster of Monsieur de Randan, so that Monsieur de Fontenilles and he happened to meet, where the Quartermaster assured him that he had seen the Camp dislodg, and upon their march, and (as God when it pleases him will sometimes assist some, and punish others) it was from the Quarters they rose from, but two little leagues only to Ver, and from Ver but two little leagues more to the passage of the River de l'Isle, where they had made account to pass over that day. But being they saw Monsieur de Monpensier was at Bergerac with very small Forces, and Monsieur de Bury at the Mirande●, they would make no great haste, forasmuch as they had two good Quarters between: Ver for the Foot and the Artillery, and St. Andras and two or three other little Villages for the Horse; for they knew nothing of me: but it had been better for them to have consulted their ease less, and their safety more.  
Monsieur de Bury came having only two or three horse with him, and found me talking with the Quartermaster, who was telling me that the Enemy was going to pass the River de l' Isl● as he had been told by a prisoner he had taken, and some Peasants that came from their Camp; and that from thence they were going into France to join with the Prince of Condé. I than told Monsieur de Bury, that it was necessary he should make haste and fight them that day: to which he made answer, that Monsieur de Montpensier would take it ill if we did not stay for him: 
The Sieur de Montlucs reasons why they ought to fight.  but I replied again, that he was so far off, it would hardly be possible for us to join that day, and that therefore we were not to forbear to sight out of that consideration; for should we suffer them to pass the River, and join with Monsieur de la Rochefaucaut, who waited with his Forces in expectation of them about St. jean d'Angely, the King and Queen would never more look upon us as men of honour. I warrant you, said I, they are our own, my good genius tells me so. As we were in this dispute came Captain Charry, and I began to discover his men coming down a little H●ll that shoots down on the other side towards la Vizere. I also saw the Cornets of the King of Navarre and Monsieur de Termes, and at the same time the three Cornets of the King of Navarre and Monsieur de Termes, and at the same time the three Cornets of Monsieur de Bury, de Rand●n, and de la Vauguyon, at which I very much rejoiced, telling Monsieur de Bury that we must instantly march, and fall into their Rear, and that at the passage of the River ●e would sighed them. To which he made answer, that it should not stick at him; but that if Monsieur de Montpensier should be displeased, or that matters did not succeed well, he would lay the blame upon me. To which I replied in the presence of a great many, Sir, Sir, let every one charge the fault upon me, and spare not, I will bear the blame of all, my shoulders are broad enough, but I do assure you I will be loaden with honour, and not with shame, or be left with my belly toasting against the Sun. Whereupon Monsieur de Bury making a sign with his hand, said, let us go then in the name of God. In the mean time the Baron de Clermont and the Spaniards were passing the Vezere, where the water was deep to the middle of the thigh only, and Captain Charry returned to pass over his; when still as the Foot got over they drew up in Batallions in a Plain there was in that place. The Captains Arne and Masses than came to me full gallop to embrace me, and all the Gens d' a●ms after them; M●ssieurs d' Argence and du Courre, and de Carlus did the same, having already understood by the Quartermaster, that the Enemy was not far from us, 
Good o●en for the Battle.  and we all hoped, that within three or four hours we should fight. I have been in seven or eight Battles besides this, but never saw the Captains and Soldiers both Horse and Foot so cheerful as at this time, which I looked upon as a very good Omen. Now that I might stay to give all the Army time to pass over, and be drawn up in order to fight, I drew all my Horse along by the side of a Hedge, sending to a Farm hard by for a little hay wherewith to bait them, for every one had brought a few Oats along with him, and to say the truth, 
Commendation of Monsieur de Bury.  I never in my life saw Monsieur de Bury so pleasant as that day, which gave me sufficiently to understand, that all his delays had proceeded more from his apprehension of losing the Province, than from any defect in himself; and I dare answer for him, that neither treachery nor cowardice ever entered into his heart; for he was an old and a valiant Cavalier, and one that had ever given very brave testimonies of his worth and valour; but he was afraid of failing. I sent Monsieur de Fontenilles, and the forementioned Quartermaster with thirty Horse to follow in the Rear of the Enemy: and myself, who might have some fifteen Curasseers of my own Company, and about thirty Gentlemen (betwixt forty and fifty Horse in all) marched in the Rear of them, entreating Monsieur de Bury to follow after; and so we set forwards.  
Monsieur de Fontenilles had not gone above half a league, before in some certain Farms upon the way he met with some stragglers of the Enemy's Camp whom he cut to pieces. They had three Corners of Horse in the Rear of their Army, who some of them sometimes faced about upon Monsieur de Fontenilles, and now and then the whole Body made a halt. I still followed after him, sending Monsieur de Bury continual notice of all that past, and soliciting him withal to march as fast as he could, for that I was within sight of their Army; and so I marched continually in the Enemy's Rear, till about two of the clock in the afternoon, about which time there came to me Monsieur de St. Genies, the Father of Monsieur d' Audax, whom Monsieur the Bury had sent to me to inquire of my news, and to bring me an account of him; by which I found that he was still in the Plain of Vezere, where I had left the Army in Battalia, and he told m● so many stories, that my joy was soon turned into vexation. I entreated the said Sieur de St. Genies, that he would return back to him, and entreat him to come away, which he refused to do, being resolved no● to leave me; seeing which I took him aside, where we concluded together to speak to the Captains of Horse, and tell them plainly what we thought, which perhaps might incline them to come away, and then he returned, and found them yet in the same place, but after he had spoken to the Captains, and as a secret told Monsieur de Bury what had been concluded betwixt him and me, 
The Sieur de St. Genies cause of the Battle.  he was then resolved to set forwards. And I must needs give Monsieur de St. Genies this due commendation, that he was the cause the Battle was fought.  
Thus than Monsieur de Bury marched after me, with an intention to quarter all his Army at St. Alvare. About half a quarter of a league above the said St. Alvare, there were ten or twelve Houses that kept entertainment for passengers, and chiefly for the trading Merchants, it being a great Road from Perigueux to Bergerac. So soon as I came to these houses, I joined myself with Monsieur de Fontenilles, who showed me that the Enemy's Camp was taking up their Quarters on the further side of a little River in certain little Villages that lay before us; wherefore we were of opinion to bait our horses, for we found there Hay and Oats, but no people, saving some few poor women, the Peasants being all fled away upon the report of the Enemy's approach; and so soon as our horses had baited (which they did with every man his bridle on his arm) there came a servant of Monsieur ● ' Alvare, who had been to wait upon two Nephew's of the said Sieur, and the younger Bordet to their Camp, and told us that the Artillery and the Foot were quartered at Ver, which is a great Bourg, and Monsieur de Duras with the Cavalry at St. Andras within half a league of the place we were, showing us the Villages. We see that there were three Cornets of Horse of them, and he told us that on this side, close by the River were quartered the Captains Saligna●, Moncaut, and another whose name I have forgot, who might have with them twenty or five and twenty horse only; but that the Village where the three Cornets lay was within less than two Harquebuz shot of the said house, and that he had left the said Salign●c preparing a Supper for young Monferran, since called Langoirau, Lepuch de Pard●illan, and five or six others, whom he had left hawking in a field hard by, having brought their Hawks along with them. You may judge whether this was a time to hawk in, or no, and whether this was to march like Soldiers, when they had an Enemy so near. I than asked the fellow if he would guide me thither, to which having made answer that he would, we immediately mounted to horse. I gave half the Troop to Monsieur de Mo●t●erran to fall upon the House, and with the rest went to put myself betwixt the House and the Village where the three Cornets lay: but I would not give Monsieur de Fontenilles, who was quartered at an odd House at the end of the Village, notice of my design, because I intended that the Company should remain all night on horseback, 
The Enemy have ill intelligence.  and so we went, and came up to the House so little expected, that they never dreamt of an Enemy within two leagues of them. Monsieur de Montferran flew suddenly into the Court of the House, and at his first coming took Salignac and Moncaut, and forcing a lower room into which some of them had retired themselves, killed all they found within it. Monsieur de Can●on was with me, and Monsieur Alvare's Servant advised me to retire, telling me that the three Cornets in the Village were the best horse in the whole Army, it being Monsieur de Tors his Troop, who was come with Captain Bordet. I took his advice, and we retreated to the place from whence we came, where at my coming I found that Monsieur de Bury was passed by, and was gone to quarter at St. Alvare, the Army going after in file. I stayed the five Ensigns that had been with me at Lectoure, and the mutinous Spaniards, whom I quartered promiscuously among our Horse. Flesh, Wine, and Chestnuts we found store, and I got some great loaves of course brown bread they make in that Country, which I gave to the Spaniards; which being done without alighting, I went to wait upon Monsieur de Bury, taking Monsieur de Monferran only in my Company, who also carried Captain Salignac his Prisoner along with him. I found him lodged in Monsieur d' Alvare's Castle, where at my coming into the room I said to him, Look you Sir, I have taken one who was once in times past a great favourite of yours, Captain Salignac. He then demanded of we where I had taken him; I made answer in the Enemies Camp. He thought their Camp had been three leagues off towards the passage of the River de l' Isle, and asked me where their Camp was, whereupon I told him it was close by, and that we were quartered promiscuously amongst one another. At which news he seemed to be something amazed, when I took occasion to say these words to him, Sir you must now justify the old Proverb to be true, That a good horse will never tyre. In like manner you must resolve to fight to morrow morning, and send order to all the Gens-d'armes who are not yet alighted, that they must bait their horses with their bridles in their hands, and not a man of them to unarm; for we are come so near, that it is not possible to avoid fight: In saying of which I was aware of Monsieur de St. Alvare, whom I saluted, desiring him to call in his Servant, whom he had sent along with his Nephews to conduct them to the Enemy's Camp, who stood without, which he did, and being come in I entreated him to tell Monsieur de Bury where the Enemy's Camp lay, which he accordingly did, place by place, and so exactly, that their own Quartermasters could not have given a more perfect account. Whereupon Monsieur d' Alvare said, you are quartered within four Harquebuz shot of one another, excepting the Infantry which lies at Ver, from whence 'tis a league and a half to St. Andras, where Monsieur de Duras is quartered, and whose Quarters take up all the space betwixt St. Andras and this place. Well, said Monsieur de Bury, I see we are engaged to a Battle, and seeing it is so, we must fight it as well as we can. Whereupon I saw joy sparkle in his eyes, which I was exceeding glad of, 
The Battle resolved upon.  and taking him in my arms, said to him these words; Sir, if we must die, we cannot honour our deaths more, than by dying in a Battle for the service of our Prince, to which he made answer, and said, that is the least of my concern, 'tis no matter what becomes of me, but I fear to lose the Country. I than entreated him that by break of day, every one might be on horseback, and that we must say with the Italian, Qui assalta vince, and thereupon bade him good night, and retired to my own Quarters, leaving him very well resolved to fight.  
All night we remained in arms, and our horses saddled, their Sentinels and ours being so near, that they could hear one another talk, and by break of day we were on horseback, when I sent to see if Monsieur de Bury was ready, and to tell him, that it was his way to pass by my Quarters. He sent me word, that as soon as ever the Army could be got ready to march, he would immediately come away, and in the mean time I marched directly to St. Andras, where I found that Monsieur de Duras was already dislodged, and gone to V●r. I then sent Monsieur de Fontenilles with five and twenty horse upon the Forlorn, giving him order to halt at the entrance into a little Wood there is under Ver, and telling him that I would halt at a little Village four or five Harquebuz shots on this side, till Monsieur de Buire should come up to me. Monsieur de Duras this while made no haste at all, believing that our Camp was yet upon the Vezere, and that those who overnight had taken Salignac were only some Avant-Coureurs of the Army. Monsieur de Fontenill●s sent me word, that he had sent out two Light-horse to discover the Enemy, who had brought word back, that their Camp was drawn up in Battalia in the Meadow of Ver. Whereupon I sent to Monsieur de Bury to make haste, and to hasten away four Field-pieces he brought along with him, which he did, when so soon as I was advertised that he was▪ within half a m●le of me, I marched up to Monsieur de Fontenilles, and the three Companies of Gens d'arms, namely that of Monsieur de Bury, and those of Messieurs de Randan, and de la Vauguyon, advanced to come up, and join with me. But they missed their way, and went by the Chestnut Trees directly into the view of Ver, thinking that I was already at V●r, and never perceived their error, till they were just upon the Enemy, having with them also a Company of Light-horse which Captain Pechié of Perigort commanded. So soon as I came to the Wood I commanded Monsieur de Fontenilles to advance, which he did, and it was well for us he did so, for he came just in the nick of a charge that Captain Bordet made upon the Companies with a hundred or sixscore Horse, Launceers all; which so soon as Captain Pechie's Light-horse saw coming upon them, they faced about, and fled almost into the three Companies. The Charge was so rude, that all our three Companies were once disordered, 
Commendation of Monsieur d' Argence.  and there Monsieur d' Argence bravely signalised himself, but for whom, as I was told, they had all run away. Monsieur de Fontenilles then with only five and twenty Lances that he had with him, charged desperately in amongst the Enemy, and so fortunately, that he made them retire three hundred paces, where they made a halt as ours did also. Upon this I came in, seeing which the Enemy closed up with the other Troops of horse. There were above twenty Lances broken in this charge, and all the Enemy's Camp made a halt. I than took Monsieur de Montferran only, and went to discover the Enemy at my ease, where I saw that they began to march wi●h Drums beating, that they had left in a corner of the field on the left hand Harquebuzeers both on foot and on horseback, and in a little Wood on the right hand Harquebuzeers on foot.  
In the mean time Monsieur de Bury arrived, where I acquainted him with all I had seen, entreating him to cause his Field-pieces to advance to the brink of a Ditch, and to shoot at those people in the Corner, which approving of my advice, he did; I then spoke to Monsieur du Masses to place himself on the right hand by the side of a little hill there was there, and placed the King of Navarre's Company, and my own on the left hand towards that Corner, as I also did the three Companies of Messieurs de Bury, de Randan, and de Vauguyon in the Meadow betwixt them. Monsieur de Bury then began to make his Artillery play, and so soon as we had put ourselves into this posture, all our foot came up together, the Gascons before, and the Spaniards after within fourscore or a hundred paces of one another. I then rid up to the Spaniards, where addressing myself to Don Lewis de Carbajac, and the rest, I spoke to them in Spanish after the best manner I could; for during the time of the War I had learned something of their language; and you Gentlemen who have Estates to allow your Children a liberal education, take it from me, that it is a very good thing to make them, if possible, acquainted with foreign Languages, which will be of great use to them, both upon the account of Travel, Escapes, and Negotiations, and also to gain the hearts of Strangers. I spoke to them then after this manner, which I had been hammering in my head the night before, and God has given me a gift, though I am no great Clerk, that I can express myself well enough upon occasion.  
Remember, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Speech to the Spaniards.  Fellows in arms (for so I may now call you, since we fight together under the same Ensigns) remember the great and noble reputation wherewith your Nation have at all times signalised themselves throughout the whole world, where they have obtained so many famous Victories, as well over the Turks, Moors, and Barbar●ans, as against those of our own Faith. You have often made us feel the valour of the Spanish Infantry, which throughout the Universe are allowed to have the precedence of all others, and since it has pleased God that we, who not above three days ago were Enemies, are now assembled to ●ight under one and the same Standard, make it appear, that the opinion we have ever had of your worth and valour is justly grounded. Our French Foot will have an eye to your behaviour, they are emulous of your reputation, and have an ambition to excel you, therefore maintain your ancient renown, or you dishonour the Spanish Nation for ever. The King your Master hearing how bravely you have behaved yourselves, will take it better at your hands, than if you had fought in his own particular concern, for this is God's quarrel against the Lutherans, who will cut you into a thousand pieces if you fall into their hands; a consideration, that if it have not alone the power to encourage you to go bravely and cheerfully to the fight, it is not to be expected that any thing in the world can excite your courages, or inflame your hearts. I fancy that were I fight in Spain, my arm would be as strong again, and you are (fellow Soldiers) in France, that rejoices at your coming, expects great advantages by your assistance, and our being thus far reconciled, begets in us a hope, that these two great Kingdoms will one day be united to justle the great Turk out of his Dominions. Go to then (fellow Soldiers) betake yourselves to your arms, and were it not that I will not deprive Don Lewis of his due honour, I would put myself in the head of your Battalion, with a Pike in my hand, to see how you will lay about you, but I shall not be very far off, that I may see how well you can imitate the actions of your fathers, of which I myself have been an eye witness both in Italy and in Piedmont, at Roussillion, and Fontarabie. Methinks I long for to Morrows light, that we may send an account to both our Kings of the brave service you have performed against an Enemy a hundred times worse than the Moors of Barbary, having broken down the Crosses and Altars, and polluted the Churches of God, built by our pions Ancestors, Sacrileges, of which I assure myself you will take an honourable and severe revenge. No quieren vovestras Mercedes nos otros que se●mos Hermanos, y Compagneros por todas las fovereas novestras per hoara de Dios y Protection del Rey Christianissimo Hermano de l' Rey Catholico,  
which when I had said, Don Lewis making answer for them all, said to me these words. Crea vovestra merced que nos avemos bien ape●ear del primero asta e● postero, y quanto averemo unu gotta di Sungre nelloes cuerpos. Nos tarda il T●empo que non veniamos a las manos coutra los Hereges.  
As Don Lewis had made an end of speaking, I desired them all as a token of their cheerfulness to hold up their hands, which they did, after they had first kissed the ground: after which I returned to the Gascons, bidding Captain Charry remount to horse, and go bring all the Harquebuzeers on horseback on my left hand, that they might be ready to alight when I should command them, which he accordingly did. I than made a speech to the Gascons, wherein I told them, that there had been a long dispute betwixt the Spaniards and the Gascons, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Speech to the Gascons.  and that they were now to end the Controversy, that above fifty years ago had been begun; which was, that the Spaniards pretended to be stouter than the Gascons, and the Gascons on the contrary to be braver than they; and that since God had done us the grace to bring us upon this occasion to fight a Battle under the same Standard, the difference was to be determinately decided, and the honour made clearly our own. I am a Gascon, said I, but I will henceforth renounce my Country, and never own myself to be a Gascon more, if this day you do not by bravely fight win the Prize, and gain the process of your adversaries, and you shall see I will be a good Advocate in this cause. They are Swashbucklers, and think no people under the Sun so brave as they; therefore (fellow Soldiers) let them see what you can do, where they give one blow, give you four. You have more reason to fight than they; for you fight for your Prince, for your Altars, your Fires, your Wives and Children; and if you be overcome, besides the shame that attends your defeat, your Country is lost for ever, and which is worse your Religion. I assure myself I shall not be put to the trouble of thrusting my Sword into the reins of such as shall show their backs to the Enemy, and that you will every one do your devoir. These people are no other than a Crew of baffled Rascals, gathered seditiously together, people in●r'd to be beaten, and that already fancy the Hangman at their heels, so highly do their own consciences accuse them. It is not so with you, who fight for the honour of God, the service of your Prince, and the conservation of your Country; therefore fight like men, and hold up your hands in token of your cheerfulness, and consent; which they all did, and began to cry with one voice, Let us go, and we will never stop till we come to grapple with them with the Sword, and thereupon kissed the earth. The Spaniards than drew up to our men, and I commanded both the one and the other to move but a foot pace only, that they might not put themselves out of breath; which order being given, I galloped up to the Gens-d'arms, entreating them to move gently forward, and saying to them, It is not to you (Gentlemen) that fine speehes are necessary to inflame your breasts, I know you stand in no need of such encouragements; there is not a Gentry in France equal to ours in Gascony, to 'em than Gentlemen, to 'em, and you shall see how I will second you.  
Monsieur de Bury then mounted upon a great horse, 
The Order of the Battle.  having put on his arms behind the Artillery, where I told him, that if he would please to march at the head of the Foot with the Artillery, the three Companies of Gens-d'armes should flank him, and he should make the main Battle, which he instantly consented to, and in truth I never saw him so brisk, nor more full of noble resolution to fight than at that time. Neither did he contradict me in any thing whatever, as if I had been in his place, and I was told that he should say, this man is fortunate, let him do what he will. So soon as the whole Army began to move in this order, I galloped away, Monsieur de Monferran, and the Sieur de Cajelles (who is of the Family of Mongairel, and now Knight of the Order) along with me, and stayed not till I came within thirty or forty paces of five or six horse who were under a Tree. The Sieur de Puch de Pardaillan has since told me, that these were Monsieur de Duras, de Bordet, and himself, Captain Peyralongue and another, whose name I do not remember. The said Captain Peyralongue was their Campmaster of Foot, and in the Charge that Captain Borde● had made, they had taken an Archer of Monsieur de Randan's Company, whom they led prisoner near unto this Tree, and there gave him two P●stol shot in cold blood, and being not yet dead, demanded of hi●, who was in our Camp, and who commanded in chief. To which he he returned ●hem answer, that I was come to the Army, and that I commanded, Monsieur de Bury having referred all things to my conduct, which he said, as knowing very well that news would startle them. Captain Peyralongu● then went to Monsieur de Duras, who was under the forementioned Tree, about some ten paces from the Archer, who himself came to him, and again demanded of him if I was in the Camp, to which he answered, that I was, and was come thither the night before, having taken Lectoure, at which they were basely down in the mouth. They thereupon returned roundly to their men, who were marching a foot pace only, and were not yet got clear of the Meadow, where I percieved that upon their coming the Foot began to double their pace, and said to Monsieur de Monferran, do you see these five horse that were under the Tree, they are run to make their people mend th●ir pace, 
The great judgement of the Sieur de Montluc.  do you not see what long strides they take? which having said, I turned upon the spur to the Troop where Monsieur d' Argence was, and said to him these words: O Monsieur d'Argence (my Comrade) see, see the Enemy are in fear, upon my life the day's our own, and cried out aloud, O Gentlemen, let us think of nothing but killing, for the Enemy is afraid, and will never this day make head against us. Let us only go boldly to the fight, they are our own. I have a hundred times had experience of the same, they are only endeavouring to steal off the Field. I than embraced the Captains, and returned to Captain Masses, and said as much to him, after which I returned to Captain Arne, and the Gentlemen who rid under my own Corne●, being come along with my Company, and we began to march at a false trot. I then galloped towards the Enemy, being myself very hot, and my horse all of a foam, having only Monsieur de Monferran with me: when being come very near them, I observed their countenance, and saw their design was to make all the haste they could to recover a little hill that was hard by; and on the other side our own men coming on in great fury: I observed also their Cornets of horse, and saw one marching, and another facing about. I took notice likewise of three or four Horse amongst the Foot, and perciev'd by their gesture, that they were hasting their people forward, and thereupon turned back to our own Horse, 
The Sieur de Montluc encourages; his people.  crying out to them, they are afraid, they are afraid, let us take them at their word, Comrades, let us take them at their word, that they fly not back. These are Poltrons, they tremble at the very sight of us. I then sent to Monsieur de Bury to leave the Artillery, and advance to put himself into the Squadron of the three Companies of Gens●d'arms, and we began to march at a good round trot towards them. Some there were who called out to me to stay for the Foot; but I made answer, that we must not suffer them to recover the Mountain, for they would make head against us, and fight at their advantage. I evermore remembered Targon, where they had made head against us upon the Hill, so that we were constrained to charge them against the ascent of the Mountain, where had they come down upon us, we had infallibly been defeated. Our Foot made all the haste that Foot could possibly make, and when the Enemy see they could not recover the Mountain, they rallied a thousand or twelve hundred old Soldiers they had left in the corner of the field, whom Monsieur the Bury had played upon with his Artillery, and so all their Forces marched side by side at a good round trot; when so soon as we came within two hundred paces of one another, I began to cry out, 
The Battle.  charge, charge; which I had no sooner said, but that we all fell in pellmell amongst their Horse and Foot, except Captain Masses, who at the same time that he saw their people overthrown, saw also another great party of them hard by the Hill, who did not offer to move, and therefore did not charge till he came up to the party, and then flew in furiously amongst them. Monsieur de Fontenilles, who had rallied ●ome few of our men, was in this second charge also, and there they were all defeated, and their Artillery taken. We pursued the Victory all along the Plain, and through the Vineyards, where many of them threw themselves into a Wood on the left hand, and swarmed up the Chestnut Trees, where the Spanish and Gascon Foot shot at them as they do at Rooks. 
The Sieur de Montluc engaged.  It was well for me that I was well armed, for three pikes had enclosed me amongst them, and put me to my Trumpets, but Captain Baretnau the younger, and two others had disengaged me, where the said Captain Baretnau had his horse killed under him, and m●ne was hurt in the nose, and in the head, with two thrusts of Pikes; for my horse had carried me whether I would or no into their Battalion, and I never knew that he had an ill mouth till then, that it had like to have cost me my life: the Captains Arne and Bourdill●n were both wounded close by me. My being thus engaged was the reason that I could not rally with the Cavalry, for they were following the Chase on the left hand; and I with fifteen or t●enty horse that were rallied pursued the Victory on the right hand towards a little Village, where thirty or forty were slain. I there made a little halt to take breath, after which I returned to the Artillery we had taken, where I found Monsieur de Bury, and where we stayed the return of our people, who were yet pursuing the Chase, and rallied our men. We found that some of ours had followed the pursuit for above two long leagues from the Field of Battle, and about two a clock in the afternoon returned to quarter at Ver, from whence we sent Oxen to fetch in the Artillery we had taken, and all the next day continued there.  
The Runaways failed but a very little of meeting with Monsieur de Montpensier, who went to put himself into Mussidan, thinking to join with us, which had it pleased God that it had so fallen out the business had been done, though he had but very few Forces with him; for men that ●ly seldom or never face about, and are so afraid of every thing, that they take Bushes for Squadrons. Those who escaped of their Foot (which were very few) rallied to their horse, and marched all the rest of the day, and the night following towards Xaintonge to carry the good news to their Brethren. 
Nineteen Ensigns taken, and five Cornets.  Of three and twenty Ensigns that they had we took nineteen, and of thirteen Cornets of Horse, five, all which we sent to Monsieur de Montpensier, by that Compliment acknowledging him for our Chief. The Country people killed more than we, for in the night they stole away to retire themselves into their houses, and some hid themselves in the Woods, but so soon as ever they were discovered, 
Number of the dead.  both men and women fell upon them, so that they could find no place of safety. There was numbered upon the Plain, and in the Vineyards above two thousand slain, besides those who were dispatched by the Boors.  
After this Victory we marched strait to Mussidan: Monsieur de Bury went before to attend Monsieur de Montpensier, and we left all the Army at Grig●oux in two or three great Villages there are betwixt Mauriac and Mussidan, where after I had seen them settled in their Quarters, I also went to pay my duty to him at Mussidan, where I was as well received as I shall ever be in any Company what ever so long as I live, and do think that Monsieur de Montpensier took me above ten times in his arms, 
The Sieurs de Bury, and de Montluc with Monsieur de Montpensier.  making me stay above four hours with him. He was a good Prince a truly honest man, and very zealous for the Catholic Religion. He was of opinion that I should return into Guienne, which was also the Judgement of all the forementioned Signior who were with him, and indeed in the King of Navarre's Company and mine there were not thirty Horse that were not wounded; and was resolved to take along with him Monsieur de Bury, the three Companies of Gens-d'arms, and that of the Mareshal de Termes, together with the three Spanish Companies to go and join with the other ten led by Don juan de Carbajac, who was that day to be at Bergerac. This was the success of the Battle of Ver, and because some perhaps may say that I commend myself as the sole cause that the Battle was fought, and attribute to my own courage, and conduct the entire glory of the victory▪ Monsieur the Montpensier, and Messieurs de Chevigny, and de Vauguyon are yet living, who if they please can bear witness, what they heard the whole Army say, and particularly the very Servants of Monsieur de Bury, which Sieur de Bury himself did not deny, but that he referred the whole management of that business to my conduct: for he was old, and not so active as I to command, and to run up and down from one to another as I did, being at the end of the Battle as wet as if I had been plunged into the River. Neither is the said Sieur de Bury to be reprehended, for he came in good time, and though he did not meddle himself, yet the battalion he brought along with him struck a terror into the Enemy, 
Importance of the Battle of Ver.  which made us have a better match. If this Body of Hugonots could have joined with the Prince of Conde they had mated the King's Army, as may well be supposed, when without them he was very near winning the Battle of Dreux: and besides, had it not been for th●s Battle the Spaniards would never have da●'d to have entered into France, neither could M●nsieur de Montpensier himself have been there, but had been sent to defend and relieve Guienne, whereas by means of this victory he carried all the Forces of Guienne and Xaintonge, which consisted of four Companies of Gens-d'armes, and six, what of his 〈◊〉, and what of Xaintonge, and Monsieur de S●nsac with his three and twenty Ensigns of Gascons and Spaniards, 
The Succours of Guienne sent to the King.  which were no contemptible succours that he carried to the King, of which a good part also were at the winning of the Battle, and I have been told, that all those who went from that side behaved themselves admirably well at the Battle of Dr●ux (and indeed there are no Soldiers in the Kingdom that surpass the Gascons, if they be well commanded) especially the ten Ensigns of Captain Charry, whom the King since honoured so far, as to take them into his own Guards, and keeps them to this day, that Monsieur de Strozzy has the command of them after the execrable murder murder of Captain Charry most viley assassinated at Paris. And although a man should n●t commend himself, I shall not nevertheless forbear to deliver the truth, and to give it under my hand, that I did at that time as great service for the King my Lord and Master, as ever Gentleman did, and in a time of extreme need, and the greatest necessity of his affairs. And if the Queen please to lay her hand upon her heart, I am confident she will confess the same; she better knew than any other the condition affairs were in, and how much I traversed and prevented the intelligences the Prince of Condé had in Guienne, of which he counted himself cock sure.  
You Lo●ds then and Companions of mine, who shall read my Book, take example by the great diligence and sudden execution I performed after the taking of Le●toure, and do not (you who are Lieutenants of Provinces) I besiech you depend upon the reports others may make you of the discovery of an Enemy, at least if you be able to do it yourselves: for you yourselves ought to see and observe their order, countenance, and motion; and in so doing shall ever be better able to command, than upon the report of another. Your own eyes will better discern what is necessary to be done, than any other whoever you can send to perform that service, you may take an old Captain or two along with you; but above all things have a care of taking an old Captain out of any particular affection you have to him, in company with you when you go to discover; for it is to be feared, that that affection of yours may▪ make you take some swaggering insignificant Coxcomb, instead of a good Soldier, who so soon as he shall discover the Enemy, will find a false friend about his heart, which will be the cause, that out of the opinion you have of his judgement and valour, and the friendship you have for him, he will make you commit so great an error, and lose such an opportunity as perhaps you shall never again retrieve: but always take some old Captain, who in all places wherever he has been, shall not only have fought but have been moreover the occasion of fight; and although he may have been sometimes, unfortunate, and beaten, provided it was not through default of courage or understanding, do not forbear out of that consideration to take him about you. For all the world are not so fortunate as Montluc, who was never defeated. Rather take such a one, than one who has never either wonne or lost, and that has never served in an Army otherwise than as a looker on. I do not say this without experience, I have learned these Lessons under the late Monsieur de Lautrec, 
The qualities of Monsieur de Lautrec.  who was a brave commander, and if he was unfortunate, it was rather through the defect of his Council, than through want of courage, or good conduct, for he had as much of both those qualities, as any Lord Lieutenant I ever served under. I continued my Apprenticeship under Messieurs les Mareschaux de Strozzy, and de Brissac, and others. I have seen errors enough committed by the King's Lieutenants upon ●he reports have been made them by those they have sent out to discover, and will moreover be bold to say, 
A General ought to discover an Enemy in his own person.  that when a General has himself seen and discovered the Enemy, he is more confident, and commands with greater boldness; and if before he was in some apprehension (as no man living is without fear, when he sees his Enemy make head against him) he will reassure himself, and forget his apprehension. How many times did Monsieur d' Anguien curse and revile himself upon Easter day at night, before the Battle of Serisolles, that he had not trusted to his own opinion, and that of the rest who were for fight, when he saw the Enemy face to face, and had not his Army with him? Assure yourselves (Lords Lieutenants) I do not write this without great reason on my side; but you will say, that this were to put the person of the Chief in hazard, though it may be done without any such apparent danger. Let such as are afraid of danger lie a-bed, go to discover in your own person, no one can be a better judge than yourself, who will easily discern if you have never so little experience, by your Enemy's countenance and motion, if he be timorous or resolute. And pardon me if I be constrained to write my own praises, for seeing I am to write my own Life, you shall have the truth, neither would I have se●upled, had I been beaten, to have confessed it. If I lie in any thing I have said, there are a thousand Gentlemen that are able to disprove me.  
But to return to my Subject, and to make an end of this War, Monsieur de Montpensier went with all 〈◊〉 Forces to stay for the Spaniards at Barbezieux, where he met with intelligence from Monsieur de Sansac, that Monsieur de Duras was retired, and Monsieur de la Rochfoucaut, and that they made a show as if they intended to turn towards him. I was come to Berg●ra●, to which place Monsieur de Montpensier dispatched away to me two Courriers, ●ne in the heels of another, entreating me with all possible speed to return back to him, for that Messi●urs de Duras, and de la Rouchefoucaut were rallied together, and as he was informed, were turning towards him. As God shall help me, amongst all the Gentlemen, both of the King of Navarre's Company and my own, I could not find thirty Horse that could go a step without great pain, however two hours within night I set out, and except to eat a bit or two by the way, never rested till I came within two leagues of Barbezieux; in which march I twice met parties of the Enemy by the way, of those who were escaped from the Battle, whom I cut to pieces, and about one of the clock in the n●ight took up my Quarters at St. Private; my Brother Monsieur de Lieux was with me, who could not come time enough to the Battle, and we were at Monsieur de Montpensiers ri●ing, who took the great haste I had made to come to him very kindly at my hands: and there I found Monsieur de Sansac, who told me that the Enemy in a day and a night had marched eighteen or twenty Leagues. There being then nothing to do, Monsieur de Mo●●p●nsier dismissed me, and I returned to lie at St. Private near unto Aubeterre, and the next day to Bergerac, where at my return I found Don juan de Carbajac with the ten Spanish Companies, who stayed one day there, and the next morning marched away. 
G●yenne ●iec.  Thus I returned and dismissed every one to his own house, there being nothing that st●●'d in all Guienne, nor a man that dared to own he had ever been of that Religion, every one going to Mass, and to the Processions, and assisting at Divine Service, and the Mi●●sters who had been the Trumpets of this Sedition were all vanished and gone, for they knew very well that in what corner soever they could lie, I should trap them, and then they knew what would follow.  
Being come to Again I there heard that Monsieur de Terride was gone to engage himself before Montauban, 
The Sieur de Terride before Montauban.  with the Artillery of Tholouze, and the two Companies of Bazordan, that I had left to guard the Country, and seven or eight more that those of the City had set on foot, which Siege he had undertaken immediately upon the news of the Battle being won: and after I had been eight days there the Cardinal of Armagnac, who at that time commanded Tholouze, sent to entreat me, with whom the Court of Parliament also joined in the request, that I would go to Montauban, they conceiving that matters there went very slowly on, which put them out of all hope of any good account of that Enterprise. I immediately then departed, and took the way directly to Tholouze, where I received a Letter from a friend of mine, wherein he writ me word, that Monsi●ur de Terride had sent a Letter to the Cardinal, another to the Court, and another to the Capitouls, wherein he writ, that he had heard they had sent for me to command at the Siege of Montauban, complaining that they did him great and manifest wrong, and invaded his honour; for by that means after he had beaten the Bush another must come and take the Hare. These were the contents of his Letters, which were brought by Captain Bidonnet. Being then at Tholouze, I was p●es●'d to go to the Leaguer; but I made answer to the Cardinal and the rest, that I would not do my friend that wrong, especially since it appeared by hi● Letters, that he made himself sure of the place; when seeing they could not prevail with me, to take upon me the command of the Siege, they entreated me at least to go thither, to see how matters went, which I did.  
At my coming thither Monsieur the Terride showed me all he had done, by which I found that in twelve days he had lain before it he had not done two day's work, and saw the beginning had not been very good, which made me doubt the end would be worse: for I found that he had quitted the Fauxbourg St. Antoine, which is upon the way from Caussade, by which they carried out, and brought into the Town whatever they would. He had indeed been necessitated to do it, because the Soldiers had forsaken him after the death of Captain Bazordan, 
Captain Bazorda● ●lain before Montauban.  who had been there slain, and served him in the quality of Campmaster, which had it not so fallen out, it was my opinion, and several others were of the same, that matters would have gone much better; for he was an understanding man, and a good Soldier. Neither is it to be wondered at, if Monsieur de Terride was not very perfect in ●he besieging of places; for I will maintain that no man understands a Siege but a Master of the Ordnance (who has also been long in that employment) the 〈◊〉 of the Artillery, an Engineer, the Campmaster, and the Colonel, if they be old Soldiers, who in these commands (if they have been long in them) must necessarily have seen much of that kind of service. All the rest understand nothing of it, nor the General himself, if he have not learned by being very much with them, but having used to go with them, when they have gone to discover places, learns to know what belongs to a Siege, but otherwise not: for the Captains of Gens● d'armes never go to discover; nor to the approaches, it being their business to be in a readiness to ●ight, and to watch that no kind of relief enter into the place. How then should they be expert in Sieges, considering that they have never assisted at discoveries, nor heard the debates that old Soldiers enter into with one another upon that Subject; for there they argue upon what they themselves have discovered, and in sight of the strengths and defects of the place. 'Tis a thing of all others in War of the greatest difficulty and importance, and by which many who are otherwise great Captains are put to a stand: and it requires a long practice to understand fortification, to observe and know the defects of a Bastion, a Spur, a Flanker, and to guests what may be within it, by what you yourselves would do if you were in the place. Monsieur de Terride was a good Horse Officer, and very proper for fight, but not for beleaguering of places, no more than several others, who have never had other command than those he had been trained up in; although in his Quarters every one will be giving his vote, and spending his judgement upon a Carpet, or over a sheet of Paper. It is indeed good to see the Map, but that very often deceives. I could wish, that when any one, who has never been employed in any of the forementioned Commands, nor ever followed the King's Lieutenant when he went to view a place, nor heard the dispute of the above named Officers upon their said discovery will be prating, and offering to put in their Verdict: the King's Lieutenant would bid him, first go hazard himself through the Enemies shot at the discovery, and then deliver his advi●e. 'Tis always the tickliest place, forasmuch as if the besieged be men of any metal, they will hinder as much as in them lies, the assailant from discovering their Fort: and as much as they possibly can will dispute all they have without, as much as to a hut, for if they suffer them to make their approaches at first, they either discover themselves to be weak, or that they are no Soldiers.  
I left then this hopeful Siege, and returned to Again, having told Monsieur de Terride my opinion, that he would have no better success, than what I had prophesied to him. A few days after the Parliament of Bourdeaux, 
The Sieur de Montluc at ●ourdeaux.  and Monsieur de Novailles Governor of the City, sent to entreat me that I would come to Bourdeaux, to help to pacify a Tumult was risin in the City, which I accordingly did, and there stayed some days; after which I returned again to Ag●n, that I might be in the heart of the Country, to which all the Gentry ordinarily repair. And there it is that the Lieutenant of a Province ought to reside, and not at Bourdeaux, although that be the Capital City, it being too far off. And moreover there is a Court of Parliament, that will have a hand in every thing, and the Gentry cannot go thither without great expense, and besides there is always something or other amiss, and some one or another questioned, which frights the Gentlemen from going thither.  
Not long after the Cardinal of Armagnac, Court of Parliament of Tholouze, and the Capitouls of the same, sent to entreat me to come thither about some affairs of importance they could not commit to writing, which I did, they needed not to summon me twice, and when I came there they called a Council wherein were assisting Messieurs de Cardinals of Armagnac, and de Strozzy, Monsieur le premier President d'Assis, the Signior de Terride, 
The design of those of Tholouze.  de Negrepelice, Fourquevaux, du Faut the King's Advocate General, and the Capitouls, where they gave me to understand that they intended to set some Forces on foot to go into Languedoc, and that they had chosen me for head of the Army: but I excused myself, representing to them, that the Constable would not take it well, considering it was in his Government, and that besides he had no great kindness for me. Now the Battle of Drux had already been fought, where, as every one knows, his Majesty's affairs were very foul shaken, but the Victory remained to the King, through the valour and conduct of the Duke of Guise. Nevertheless the said Constable was taken prisoner on the one side, as the Prince of Conde was on the other, and so both the Generals we●e taken, a thing that was never known before; which shows that it was well fought, but being that I was not there it nothing concerns me to speak of that business. I was so importuned by these people, that in the end I was fain to accept the Commission, and we set down in writing all things that were necessary to be provided for the expedition. Of which the Cardinal de Strozzy undertook to cause twelve hundred Canon shot, and a proportionable quantity of Powder to be brought from Marcelles, and Monsieur de Fourquevaux took upon him to send some also from Narbonne; and so we began to distribute the foot Commissions, concluding within thirty days to have all things in a readiness, together with the money that was to be levied by the City and the Country of Langued●c, who were also associated in the Design.  
During these transactions in a day and a night's time no less than three Couriers came to me from Bourdeaux, of which the eldest Son of the Recorder Pontac was the first, the King's Advocate la Het (who since has been Atturney-General) the second, and a Gentleman belonging to Monsieur de Novailles the Third; who all came upon one and the same errand, which was to tell me, that if I did not suddenly, and with the extremest diligence go to relieve the City of Bourdeaux, it would infallibly be lost, through an unhappy difference was fallen out there betwixt the fi●st Precedent Lagabaston, and Monsieur de Novailles the Governor: 
Division at Bourdeaux.  wherefore the Court of Parliament, the Jurats, and the said Monsieur de Novailles, all of them entreated me to make haste, or otherwise I would come too late, for Monsieur de Novailles had already sent for all the Train'dbands to bring them into the City by the Castle of Ha, that was in his possession, and some of those of the Town possessed themselves of the Gates, for part of the City sided with Monsieur de Novailles. I had much ado to prevail with these Gentlemen to let me go thither, till I was fain to promise them upon my honour within fifteen days to return to Tholouze, desiring them in the mean time to hast●n their Levies and Preparations, that I might find all things ready at my return; and so I put myself upon my way, for I was never a man of delays; and being I had a great number of Gentlemen with me, I could not go by water, but was constrained to make my journey by land, by reason of the arms and great Horses we had, so that we were three days in going to Agen. I had dispatched away Pontac, and Monsieur de Novailles his Gentleman, to assure those of Bourdeaux of my coming: but Monsieur de Het would not go away till he first saw me on horseback, and afterwards rid so hard, that he fell sick, and had like to have died. Their arrival held every one in suspense, both on the one side and the other. We stayed but one night at Again, and went forwards, and in three days more I came to Bourdeaux, where I found a Patent the King had sent me, by which he made me his Lieutenant in the one half of the Government of Guienne in the absence of the King of Navarre, and the other half to remain to Monsieur de Bury, without making nevertheless any distinction as then, which part should belong to Monsieur de Bury, and which to me.  
They believed that at my coming I would presently have had recourse to arms, and have killed all those of the Precedents Party, and out of that belief many were fled away: but I knew very well that that had been to ruin the City, and that the King would be a great loser by it; for had I gone that way to work the Earth could not have saved the City from being sacked. I went by Cadi●●ac, where Monsieur de Candalle did me the honour to bear me company, and we shipped ourselves in his Galion, and other Vessels, for there was a great number of Gentlemen, 
The death of Monsieur de Novailles.  and by the way met news, that Monsieur de Novailles died that night, having lain only two days sick, which gave occasion to some afterwards to say that he died of poison, how true it was I know not, but it was great pity, for he was a prudent honest Gentleman, and a good Subject.  
The next morning after my arrival I went to the Palace, and there propounded to the Court what I had retained from the Siege of Sienna, and after what manner we ought to proceed in a great City, either in War or in Sedition; telling them that should we put our hands to blood, the City would be totally destroyed, wherein both parties would suffer alike, laying before them the example of Tholouze, where had I permitted those who came from the Mountains, and Comenge, to enter the City, it had not been in the power of man to have preserved it from being sacked, which would also befall them, if we once proceeded to blood, and gave reins to the people's fury, especially those from without, bidding them remember what happened when Monsieur de Monens was slain, that the people took the Authority upon them. That they were therefore to begin with a good reconciliation and union, without engaging in any disorders or trouble, after which they might proceed to punish the Delinquents by the way of justice. All the Assembly approved of my advice, and returned me infinite thanks. At my departure from thence, so soon as I had dined I went to the Town Hall, where I had appointed the Jurats and all the Council to meet me, and made them the same remonstrance, where though there were some who had a mind to blow the coals, nevertheless I laid so many exemples and good reasons before them, that they all altered their resolution, and about four of the clock I went to the Arch Bishopric, where I had assigned all the Clergy to expect me, and there made them also a Remonstrance touching the Estate of the Church, as I had done to the other two concerning theirs: so that that very day I appeased the City, and the next day we fell to consult of the order was to be observed, that the pacification might endure, wherein I so bestirred myself, that in three days all tumults were converted into peace and perfect union. I will be bold to say, and call all the City of Rourdeaux to witness it, that had I proceeded otherwise the City had been destroyed; neither ought we to have recourse to violence, where there is any other way left open, especially considering, that it was a division amongst the Catholics, or at least those who professed themselves to be such, for I am not God Almighty to dive into men's hearts.  
Oh that the King ought well to consider to whom he entrusts the Government of a Province, and above all things to make choice of such as have formerly been Governors of places; for if by a long experience he be not intelligent in such employments, the Country or City where such Tumults shall arise, run a manifest danger. I had been Governor of Mont●allier and Alba, and the King's Lieutenant first at Sienna, and afterwards at Montalsin: Where the various accidents I had had experience of, had taught me to know, and to foresee the ruin or preservation of a place; without which experience I do believe I had taken the way of execution, 
The Nature of the Sieur de Montluc.  I being in my own nature rather inclined to scuffle, than to pacific affairs, and more to fight and cutting of throats, than to making of speeches: but my discretion governed me upon this occasion; neither ought a man to suffer himself to be hurried away by his own inclination, or transported by his passion, forasmuch as his Master's affairs will suffer by it. There were enough in the City that would have been glad to have cut out work enough, in hatred to the chief Precedent, who was never much beloved amongst them: but whether he were hated with reason, or otherwise I refer to others to determine. Monsieur de Bourdeaux who is yet living, knows very well what intelligence a certain person brought me as I was walking with him in his Garden.  
I was then solicited by all the Court of Parliament, all the Gentry, and the whole City, to accept the Charge the King had conferred upon me, which nevertheless I would by no means be persuaded to do, and had sent away a dispatch to the King and Queen to return their Majesties my most humble thanks, and to excuse myself from that employment; for I still fancied to myself that that would happen which has since befallen me, and that this Government would bring upon me the envy and hatred which peradventure I might otherwise avoid: neither did I ever prophesy any thing of myself that has not come to pass. Let any one ask Precedent Lag●baston, who made me the Harangue in the Palace to persuade me to take the Government upon me, what answer I made him there in public, and what I afterwards said to him in private. There are also other Precedents and Counsellors yet living, who heard my reasons, and who I am confident can remember if the Predictions I then made of myself be come to pass. So it was that at that time I did not accept it, nor of two days after; not that the King did not herein confer a greater honour upon me than I deserved; nor that I would not have been glad of so good a fortune; but I had evermore a thousand niceties before my eye●. But the premier President Lagebaston, the other Precedents his Brethren, and the ancient Councillors, came to my lodging, and gave me very many arguments to persuade me, and on the other side Monsieur de Candalle, Monsieur d' Escars (whom I found there) Monsieur de Lieux my Brother, Messieurs de Barsac, d'Vza, and all the Gentlemen who were with me, were very pressing upon me, saying that I ought to accept it; and the Jurats, together with the whole Body of the City did the same; by which means being left single in my opinion, I was constrained to pass the Wicket, like a man that is thrust into the Gaol; for so I may say I was forced in, and had I been left at liberty, I would have lost my life, or have performed some services that should have been acceptable to the King, and from which I would have derived some recompense, whereas by the services I have performed in my administration in these parts, I have reaped no other advantage than reproaches and disgrace. And yet I will be bold to say that no man under heaven could have behaved himself better than I did, by the testimony of all the three Estates of Guienne, and had I done such services in the life time of either of the late Kings, Francis, or Henry, there had not been a Gentleman in France under the Title of a Prince, who had been higher preferred, or in greater esteem than I had been. But God be praised for all; all the recompense I have had is a great Harquebuz shot in my face, of which I shall never be cu●'d so long as I live, which makes me eternally curse the hour that ever I had this Command. 
Considerations of the Sieur de Montluc.  Many better men than I would have esteemed themselves honoured by it, and so did I, but being to serve a King in his Minority, and in a Country where I foresaw I should have enough to do, and very little means wherewithal to do it, I conceived it might have been more advantageous to me, to have gone further off from my own Dunghill. And I would ever advise any friend of mine rather to accept a remote Command, than one near home; for no man is a Prophet in his own Country. However for the benefit of my Country I was content to take this great burden upon me.  
Now as I thought to have departed from Bourdeaux to go to Tholouze after I had appeased all things here, 
The Peace after the first Troubles concluded.  the Peace came, which was brought by Captain Fleurdelis. He had met with Captain Montluc hard by Mussidan, who was carrying twelve Companies of Foot (the finest Companies, and the best armed that ever had been raised in Guienne) and one Troop of Lighthorse, to the King; the Sieur de Lan●on was his Lieutenant, and the Sieur de Montferran his Ensign. The City of Bourdeaux had sent him two pieces of Canon, and one Culverin, which the said Captain Fleurdelis met two leagues from Mussidan: but Captain Montluc would not stop his March till first he heard from me. The Peace being published, every one was of opinion that I should countermand him, which I therefore did, brought back the Artillery, and disbanded all the Foot and Horse, that the people might no longer be eaten up: sending in like manner to Tholouze to do the same: so that in eight day's time every one was retired to his own home, I making no question of securing Guienne without Garrison either of Horse or Foot: which I did, and so well, that for the space of five years neither Trooper nor Foot Soldier eat so much as a Hen throughout the whole Province upon the account of arms. I had three pieces of Canon at Again, and with threats and bravadoes kept all the world in awe, making every one lay aside his arms, especially fire arms, so that not a man was seen to wear any arms, the Gentlemen excepted, who were allowed their Swords and Stilettoes. And for two Catholic Soldiers that I caused to be hanged for transgressing the Edict, I struck so great a terror into the whole Country, that no one dared any more to lay hand to his arms. The Hugonots thinking to escape better cheap, and that I would not offer to punish them; two other Soldiers of the Religion also transgressed the Edict, whom I likewise immediately trussed up to bear company with the others; so that the two Religions seeing there was no impunity for either of them, and that neither the one nor the other could promise to themselves any assurance of me if they should offend, they began to love one another, and to frequent one another's houses. Thus did I maintain the Peace for the space of five years betwixt both parties in this Country of Guienne, and do believe that if every one would have taken the same course, without partiality to the one side, or the other, and have executed justice indifferently upon those who deserved it, we had never seen so many troubles in this Kingdom. And it was no little thing that I performed, for I had to do with as capricious and fanatic headpieces as any in the whole Kingdom of France, or peradventure in all Europe; and who governs a Gascon may assure himself he has done a Masterpiece, 
The Nature of the Gasco●s.  who as he is naturally warlike, so is he proud, mutinous, and insolent; nevertheless by playing one while the gentle, and another the austere, I subjected all to me, without any one so much as once daring to lift up his head. In brief the King was acknowledged, and his Laws obeyed.  
This was the end of the first Civil War, and the first troubles in those places where I was, with the account of what I did in them, which is in sum, that if God had not inspired me with courage to oppose the Hugonots in due time, they would have been so established, that it had not been in the power of the King of a long time to have removed them: for I am not of the opinion of those, who say it had signified nothing, and that though they had been cantoned here, one might have shut them up: It is a rich and plentiful Country as any in the Kingdom of France, abounding in Navigable Rivers, strong Holds, and very good Harbours; how then should such a Country be shut up, considering that the English, and other foreign Nations may at all times come to it by Sea? The King has set but two little value upon it; 'tis well if he do not one day repent it. But provided these fine talking Gentlemen, who prate at their ease, may have their own arms at liberty, they care not for any body else, and when one comes to demand of them assistance of money (for of every thing else we have but too much) they cry, let them raise it upon the Country, and so the Soldier, not being paid, is necessitated to plunder, and rob, and the King's Lieutenant to endure it. 'Tis all one say they, a Country spoiled is not lost. O lewd expression, and unworthy of a Counsellor of the Kings, who has the management of affairs of State! He has not the trouble of it, nor does he bear the reproach; but he who has the charge of the Province, and whom the people load with continual exercations.  
Behold then our Guienne thus lost, and recovered, and since maintained in peace for the good of the people; and to my particular and great misfortune: for my Son Captain Montluc being no more able to live at rest than his Father, seeing himself useless in France, as being no Courtier, 
The Design of Captain Montluc.  and knowing of no foreign War wherein to employ his arms, designed an Enterprise by Sea, to go to make his fortune in Africa, and to this end followed by a brave number of Gentlemen Volunteers (for he had above three hundred with him) and by a great many of the best Officers and Soldiers he could cull out, he embarked at Bourdeaux in a Fleet of six Men of War, as well equipt as Vessels could possibly be. I shall not insist upon the design of this unfortunate Expedition, 
He is slain.  wherein he lost his life, being slain with a Musket shot in the Island of Maderas going ashore to water, and where being the Islanders would not peaceably permit him to refresh his Ships, he was constrained to have recourse to violence, to their loss and ruin; but much more to mine, who there lost my right hand. Had it pleased God to have preserved him to me, they had not done me those charitable Offices at Court they have since done. In short I lost him in the flower of his age, and then when I expected he should have been both the prop of mine, and the support of his Country; which has very much miss him since. I had lost the brave Mark Anthony my eldest Son at the Port of Ostia, but this that died at the Maderas was of such value, 
Commendation of the M●ntlucs.  that there is not a Gentleman in Guienne who did not judge he would surpass his Father. But I leave it to those who knew him, to give an account of his valour and prudence. He could not have failed of being a good Captain, had God been pleased to preserve him; but he disposes of us all, as seems best to his own wisdom. I think this little Montluc that he has left me will endeavour to imitate him both in valour and loyalty to his Prince, which all the Montlucs have ever been eminent for, and if he prove not such, I disclaim him. Every one knows, and the Queen more than any other, that I was never the Author of this unfortunate Voyage; and the Admiral knows very well how much I endeavoured to break the design; not that I had a mind to keep him ●dle by the fire, but out of the apprehension I had it might occasion a Breach betwixt the two Crowns of France and Spain, which though I might perhaps in my own bosom desire, to remove the War from our own doors, I would also have wished that some other might have been the occasion of the rupture. My son's design was not to break any Truce with the Spaniard; but I saw very well that it was impossible, but he must do it there, either with him or the King of Portugal: For to hear these people talk, a man would think that the Sea was their own. The Admiral loved and esteemed this poor Son of mine but too much, having told the King, that never a Prince nor Lord in France, upon his own single account, and without his Majesty's assiss●ance, could in so short a time have made ready so great an Equipage. And he said true, for he won the hearts of all that knew him, and that were enamoured of the practice of arms; and I was so wise as to think that fortune was obliged to be as favourable to him as she had been to me. For an old Soldier as I am, I confess I committed a great error, that I did not discover the design to some other (considering that the Viscount d'Vza, and de Pampadour, and my young Son were of the party) who might have tried their fortune, and pursued the Enterprise projected; which nevertheless I shall not here discover, because the Queen may peradventure another day again set it on foot.  
The End of the Fifth Book.   

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARSHAL of FRANCE. The Sixth Book.  
FOr the space of five years France enjoyed this tranquillity and repose with the two Religions that divided the Kingdom; nevertheless I still doubted there was some Snake lurking in the grass: though for what concerned the Province of Guyenne, I was in no great apprehension; for I had evermore an eye to all things, sending the Queen notice of every thing I heard, with all the fidelity and care wherewith any man living could give an account of his trust. 
The King at Tholouze.  The King at this time went a Progress to visit the several Provinces of his Kingdom, and being come to Tholouze, I went to kiss his Majesty's hand, who gave me a more honourable reception than I deserved. The Hugonots failed not upon this occasion to make use of their wont artifices and practices, and made me false fire under hand, for openly they durst not do it; but I did not much regard their malice. The Queen did me the honour to tell me all, wherein she manifested the confidence she reposed in me, and I by that very well, that she did not love the Hugonots. One day being in her Chamber with Messieurs the Cardinal● of Bourbon and Guise, she repeated to me all her fortune, 
The Queen's discourse to the Sieur de Montluc.  and the perplexity she had been in. And amongst other things, that the night news was brought her of the loss of the Battle of Dreux (for some brave fellow who had not leisure to stay to see what Monsieur de Guise did after the Constable was routed and taken, had given her this false Alarm) she was all night in Council with the said Cardinals, to consult what course she should take to save the King; where in the end it was resolved, that if in the morning the news should be confirmed, she should try to retire into Guienne, though the Journey was very long, accounting that she should be safer there than in any other part of the Kingdom. May God for ever refuse to assist me, if hearing this sad story, the tears did not start into my eyes, saying to her these very words; Good God Madam was your Majesty reduced to that necessity? which she assured me, and swore upon her soul. she was, as also did both the Cardinals, and to speak the truth had this Battle been lost, her Majesty had been in a very deplorable condition, and I do believe there had been an end of France; for the whole State and Religion had been turned topsie turvy, and with a young King every body does what they will.  
Now their Majesty's having passed through Guienne, found all things in a better posture than had been represented to them: For my good friends the Hugonots had spread a report that all was ruined and lost: but their Majesties found it in a much better condition than Languedcs. They sojourned some time at Mont-de Marsan in expectation of the Queen of Spain's coming to Bayonne; and I will here set down a thing that I discovered there, to show that I have ever inviolably kept with the Queen the Promise I made her at Orleans, after the death of King Francis, that I would never depend upon any other than the King and her, as I have never done, and although I have reaped no great advantage by it, yet I had rather the default should be on the other side, than that I had failed of my word. 
A League 〈◊〉 on foot in France.  I heard then some whisper of a League that was forming in France, wherein were several very great persons, both Princes and others, whom nevertheless I have nothing to do to name, being engaged by promise to the contrary. I cannot certainly say to what end this League was contrived: but a certain Gentleman named them to me every one, endeavouring at the same time to persuade me to make one in the Association, assuring me it was to a good end: but he perceived by my countenance, that it was not a 〈…〉 my palace. I presently gave the Queen private intimation of it; for I could not endure su●h kind of doings, who seemed to be very much astonished at it, telling me it was the first syllable she had ever heard of any such thing; and commanding me to inquire further into the business, which I did, but could get nothing more out of my Gentleman; for he now lay upon his Guard.  
Her Majesty then was pleased to ask my advice, 
The Sieur de Monlucs advice to the Queen.  how she should behave herself in this business, whereupon I gave her counsel to order it so, that the King himself should say in public, that he had heard of a League that was forming in his Kingdom, which no one could do without giving him some jealousy and offence: and that therefore he must require every one without exception to break off this League, and that he would make an association in his Kingdom, of which he himself would be the Head; for so for some time it was called, though they afterwards changed the name, and called it the Confederation of the King. The Queen at the time that I gave her this advice did by no means approve of it, objecting, that should the King make one, it was to be feared that others would make another; but I made answer and said, that the King must engage in his own all such as were in any capacity of doing the contrary, which however was a thing that could not be concealed, and might well enough be provided against. Two days after her Majesty being at Supper called me to her, and told me, that she had considered better of the affair I had spoke to her about, and found my counsel to be very good, and that the next day, without further delay, she would make the King propound the business to his Council; which she accordingly did, and sent to inquire for me at my lodging, but I was not within. In the Evening she asked me why I did not come to her, and commanded me not to fail to come the next day, because there were several great difficulties in the Council, of which they had not been able to determine. I came according to her command, 
The advice of Messieurs de Nemours, and de Montpensier.  and there were several disputes. Monsieur de Nemours made very elegant Speech, remonstrating That it would be very convenient to make a League and Association for the good of the King and his Kingdom, to the end, that if affairs should so require, every one with one and the same will might repair to his Majesty's person, to stake their lives and fortunes for his service, and also in case any one of what Religion soever, should offer to invade or assault them, or raise any commotion in the State, that they might with one accord unite, and expose their lives in their common defence. The Duke of Montpensier was of the same opinion, and several others, saying, that this could not choose but so much the more secure the peace of the Kingdom when it should be known, that all the Nobility were thus united for the defence of the Crown.  
The Queen then did me the honour to command me to speak; 
The advice of the Sieur de Montluc.  whereupon I began, and said, That the League proposed could be no ways prejudicial to the King, being that it tended to a good end for his Majesty's service, the good of his Kingdom, and the peace and security of his People; but that one which should be formed in private could produce nothing but disorder and mischief: for the good could not answer for the evil disposed; and should the Cards once be shuffled betwixt League and League, it would be a hard matter to make of it a good game; that being the most infallible way to open a door to let Strangers into the Kingdom, and to expose all things to spoil and ruin; but that all of us in general, both Princes and others, ought to make an Association, which should bear the Title of the League, or the Confederation of the King, and to take a great and solemn Oath, not to decline or swerve from it upon penalty of being declared such as the Oath should import: and that his Majesty having so concluded, aught to dispatch Messsengers to all parts of the Kingdom, with Commission to take the Oaths of such as were not there present, by which means it would be known, who were willing to live and die in the service of the King and State. And should any one be so foolish or impudent, as to offer to take arms, let us all Sir swear to fall upon them; I warrant your Majesty I will take such order in these parts, that nothing shall stir to the prejudice of your royal Authority. And in like manner let us engage by the faith we owe to God, that if any Counter-League shall disclose itself, we will give your Majesty immediate notice of it: and let your majesty's be subscribed by all the great men of your Kingdom. The Feast will not be right without them, and they also are easy to be persuaded to it, and the fittest to provide against any inconveniency may happen.  
This was my Proposition, upon which several disputes ensued; but in the end the King's Association was concluded on, and it was agreed, that all the Princes, great Lords, Governors of Provinces, and Captains of Gens d' arms should renounce all Leagues and Confederacies whatsoever, as well without as within the Kingdom, excepting that of the King, and should take the Oath upon pain of being declared Rebels to the Crown; to which there were also other obligations added, which I do not remember. There arose several difficulties about couching the Articles, some saying they were to be couched after one manner, and others after another; for in these great, as well as in our inferior Councils there is black and white, and obstinacy and dissimulation, and some perhaps there were, who though they set a good face on the matter, were elsewhere engaged. So goes the World. O 'ta miserable thing when a Kingdom falls to a King in minority, had he then had the knowledge that he has had since, I do believe he would have made some people speak good French. In the end all was past and concluded, and the Princes began to take the Oath, and to sign the Articles, where though I was but a poor Gentleman, the King would also that I should sign with them, by reason of the charge I had under him, and it was also sent to the Constable at Bayonne, who signed it there. On the other side they sent to the Prince of Condé, to the Admiral, Monsieur d' Andelot, and other Lords and Governor's of France; and at the return of the Messengers the King (as I was told) caused an Instrument to be engrossed of all, and put amongst the Records of the Crown. I do believe it cannot be lost, and that there a man may see in black and white some people forsworn to some purpose. I know not who was the beginning of the War a la St. Michael; but whoever it was I know he went contrary to his Oath, and that the King, if he so pleased, might justly declare him perjured, forasmuch as he stands obliged by his Oath, and his own hand and seal are against him: neither would he have any wrong done him, because he was consenting to the conditions. And although there was no fight work in this affair, I do nevertheless conceive, that I did the King and Queen a good piece of service in discovering this practice, which had it not been discovered, matters might peradventure have gone worse than they did.  
The King at his return from Bayonne took his way towards Xaintonge, and Rochel, to which place I attended him, and there he commanded me to return, giving me instructions to cause the Edicts of Pacification to be inviolably observed; which I have ever done; neither can it be said that the War began in my Government: and also if they had begun with me, they would have had no great match on't, neither could they have taken me unprovided: but their design was at the head. The Queen who is yet living may remember what I said to her concerning Rochel; for had this feather been plucked from the Hugonots wing; and secured to his Majesty's devotion, as I advised her it ought to be, France had never seen those many mischiefs that have followed since. 
The timerousness of the Queen Mother  But she was so timorous and fearful of giving any occasion of new trouble, that she durst attempt to alter nothing, and I know very well, that she one night entertained me above two hours, talking of nothing but things that had passed during the life-time of the King her Husband my good Master. And yet one, who was none of the least, went and reported that I was contriving something to the prejudice of the Peace. Would to God her Majesty had taken my advice, Rochel should never have dared to have muttered.  
Now as the King was going out of Britain, to take his way to Blois, I had intelligence from R●üergue, Quercy, Perigord, Burdelois, and Agenois, that the Hugonots were seen to go up and down with great horses in small parties, carrying Sumpters along with them, wherein 'twas said they carried their Arms and Pistols. Three or four times I gave the Queen notice of it, but she would never give credit to my intelligence. In the end I sent to her Martineau, the same who at this present is 
* A kind of Secretary who is to give an account of the charge and expense of the War.  controller of the Wars, who was not very welcome to bring such news, and three days after his arrival at Court Boery a Secretary of mine arrived also with other intelligence from me to the Queen, that they all marched openly day and night, though I think she would hardly have believed it, had it not been, that at the same time her Majesty had advertisements from all the other Governments of the Kingdom, which made the King go in all diligence directly to Moulins. I know not to what this tended, nor why they march'● up and down in Troops after that manner, but it ought to have been known, and it was a sign of no good: for without the knowledge of the King, or his Lieutenant, no one ought to have attempted any such thing: and had it not been that I was afraid of being accused for breaking the Peace, I would soon have sent them to their own houses with a vengeance: for I did not sleep. I went however very well accompanied with a good number of Gentlemen, and my own Company of Ge●ns-d'arms into Roüergue, Qu●rcy, and all along by the skirts of P●rigard, to see i● any one would openly stir, and sent to the King to tell him, that if his 〈◊〉 pleased to give me leave to talk with them at their return, I hoped I should be able to give him a good account of their intention: But the King sent me a positive command not to do it, but let them quietly return every man to his own house, and then it was, tha● I 〈◊〉 the League of Mont de Marsan would not long be observed. I thought fit to write this passage, to the end that every one may see how vigilant in my Government I have ever been, seeing that I who was the furthest off, gave his Majesty the first intelligence. And now I will begin the War de la St. Michael, which were the second Troubles.  
Though it has been said, and I know it also to be true, that the Hugonots did perfectly hate me, yet was I not so negligent in my administration, but that I had acquired some friends amongst them, 
The Sieur de Mo●tluc has intelligence amongst the Hugonots.  and even some who were of their Consistory. It was not now as in the former troubles, our Cards were so shuffled, and confused, as nothing could be more, and these people were not now so hot in their Religion, as they had formerly been; many either out of fear, or for good will, came to us, so that we began to be sociable, and to converse with one another. The fear also they were in of me made some few my friends, or at least seem to be. About two Months and a half before lafoy Saint Michael, I had notice by a Gentleman, and another rich man in the Country, who knew nothing of one another, that the Prince of Condé, and the Admiral, had sent to them all to make themselves ready, with horses and arms, as many as had wherewithal to procure them, and that those who had not, should arm themselves as well as they could; and also that they should lay in great store of Corn and other provisions of Victual at Montau●an. I judged this intelligence to be very probable, forasmuch as there was not a horse to be bought for money in the whole Country, and some there were who sent to the Passes of Spain to furnish themselves from thence, and nothing was too dear, young nor old. I therefore dispatched away the Sieur de Lussan post to the Queen, to give her an account of all these things, but her Majesty would believe nothing, sending me word that I was not to give credit to such informations, and was only to take care, that the Edicts were duly observed. 
The Hugonots begin to 〈◊〉.  In the mean time from day to day I had continual advertisements, that their practice still continued, and that they had a private Assembly at Montauban, and another at Tholouze in the House of Dacetat. I again sent the Queen word of all I had heard; but her Majesty would never be induced to believe any thing, though I sent three or four Messengers one after another. In the end she grew so angry at my frequent and reiterated Advertisements, that she commanded Araignes' Sindic of Condommois, to bid me s●nd her no more, for that she knew the contrary of what I sent her intelligence, and said moreover, it seemed as if I was afraid, and I had word also sent me by others, that they laughed and jeered at me in the Council, calling me Trompe●ter and make-war, they might have said more because I did not hear them; but had I been within a Pikes length, I should have made some of them silent that spoke very loud. I except those that aught to be excepted: but these Countiers, who never handle other Iron than a knife and fork, prate at their own pleasure, and play the Demigods, and keep a clutter, as if nothing could be well but what passes through their learned Coxcombs. Nothing of this kind is strange from such people as those; but I could not but wonder that the Queen being a woman of so great understanding, and knowing what she said to me, should use me so. There was no remedy; for I was so far off I could make no reply.  
About fifteen or twenty days before la Saint Michael, I went to dine at a Gentleman's house a friend of mine, to which place also came one of those who used to give me intelligence, who told me, that but two days before one of the Admiral's Gentlemen passed by Montauban, and that he was going post from Church to Church, to give them notice to be all in a readiness to rise at the time, when another Gentleman from the said Admiral, or the Prince of Condé should come to call them out, which at the furthest would be within fifteen or twenty days. I thereupon entreated him, that if he should be in Montau●an at the time when the Gentleman should come thither, that he would save all the Catholics that were in it, which he promised he would do; and so I departed thence and came to Cassaigne, where I met with a Letter from a Gentleman, who was at that time at Tholouze, wherein he gave me the same advice: but being the Letter was not signed, I would not send it to the Queen, doubting she should not believe it. The next day there came to th● said Cassaigne the Baron de Gondrin, whom we now call Monsieur de Monte●pan, who was going post to Court to obtain her Majesty's Letters in the behalf of his Father and himself, concerning a Suit they had depending in the Parliament of Tholouze. I gave credit to those who gave me intelligence, and they were faithful to me; forasmuch as of three they were, two of them had occasion to use me, in the concern of some Estates they were in suit about, and upon that occasion it was, that I knew by their complexion they were not so zealous in their Religion, but that they had a greater kindness for worldly concerns, and would forsake Religion, Ministers, and all, to gain that for which they were in contest. (I believe this Religion is nothing but a mere cheat) and without me they could not do their business: neither was I wanting to assist them all I could, that I might have continual intelligence from them: 
The Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Tholouze affectionate to the King's service.  for I had some interest, and was well beloved in the Parliaments of Tholouze and Bourdeaux, and by the King's Officers. They had reason to do as they did, and I to requited their kindness, forasmuch as I ever found them very affectionate to the King's service. I than entreated the Baron de Gondrin to present my most humble and obedient service to the Queen, and to desire her Majesty to remember, that she had never been pleased to give any credit to the several advertisements I had continually given her upon all occasions; and to tell her that her own eyes would shortly weep for her unbelief; that her Majesty had sent me word ●he thought I was afraid; and that in the King's Council they had been pleased to call me trumpeter, and Make-war; but that I did most humbly beseech her Majesty to believe, that I had no other apprechension for myself, who God be thanked was born without fear, and knew not what belonged to any other than what an honest man ought to have: But that I was afraid of the King, and of her, they being threatened with no less than death, or imprisonment; and that therefore she should look to herself for a few days, and detain the King from going so often a hunting, and appearing so much in public as he used to do; especially if she had a mind to save his life and his Crown. The Baron de Gondrin acquitted himself faithfully of his Commission, and told me her Majesty had made answer, that she would give ●ar to no intelligence I should send her, and that she better knew the Hugonots intentions than I, and also their power how far it could extend ● and that they desired nothing but peace. These people pursued their practices with great cunning, and a far off, and she was certainly charmed by some of their Agents. The said Sieur de Montespan made so great haste, that he returned ten or twelve days before la St. Michael, and told me what answer her Majesty had given him. It is impossible, but that as I have said, she was either gulled or bewitched by some one or other she had about her, who did it either out of malice or ignorance: but it was however a most strange thing, that she should be so deluded, it being a thing so notoriously public with us, that so much as the very Pages and Footmen knew of the Preparation the Hugonots made to rise, and before the said Baron de Gondrin returned, I had intelligence, that eight days before or eight days after la Saint Michael, the Admiral's Gentleman was certainly to come. Upon these slight answers of the Queens I had like to have committed a very great error, in laying aside all suspicion, believing that her Majesty was better informed than I, and that therefore I ought no more to give credit to those who gave me these daily advertisements. Whereupon I made a match with the late Bishop of Condom, and the Sieurs de Sainctorens and de Ti●●adet, Brothers, to go the Baths at Barbottan, as I had been by the Physicians appointed to do, for a pain in my hip I got at the taking of Quires, which Monsieur d' Aumale I know does very well remember, and that I believe I shall carry along with me to my Grave.  
We went upon the Saturday from Cassaigne to go lie at Monsieur de Panias his house, 
The Sieur de Montluc goes to th● Baths.  taking two Tassels of Goshawks along with us, wherewith to pass away the time at the Baths: and the very night that we came thither in my first sleep I dreamt a dream, that did more discompose and weaken me, than if I had four days had a continued Fev●r, which I will here set down, because there are many living to whom I told it, for these are no tales made for pleasure. 
A strang● Dream of the Sieut de Montluc.  I dreamt that all the Kingdom of France was in Rebellion, and that a stranger Prince had seized upon it, and had killed the King▪ my Lords his Brothers, and the Queen, and that I was flying night and day on every side to escape; for me thought I had all the world in search of me to take me: sometimes I fled to one place, and sometimes to another, till at length I was surprised in a house, and carried before the new King, who was walking betwixt two great men in a Church. He was low of stature, but gross, and well knit, and had on his head a square velvet Cap, such a one as they wore in former times. The Archers of his Guard were clad in yellow, red, and black, and me-thought as they led me prisoner through the Streets, all the people ran after me crying, kill the Villain; one presented a naked Sword to my throat, and another a Pist●l to my breast: those that led me, crying out, do not kill him, for the King will have him hanged in his own presence. And thus they carried me before the new King, who was walking, as I said before. There was in the Church neither Image nor Altar; and so soon as I came before him, he said to me in Italian; 
a Come hither Rogue, thou hast made war against me, a●d these servants of mine, for which I will presently hang th●e.  Veni que forsante, tu m●ai fatto la gu●rra, & a quelli i quelli su●no mei servitori, io ti faro apicqu 〈◊〉 adesso, adesso. To which I made answer in the same language, (for me-thought I spoke Tuscan as well as when I was in Sienna) 
b Sacred Majesty, I have served my King a● all honest men are obliged to do; your Majesty ought not to take that in evil part.  Sacr● M●●sta, to servito all mio Re, si come suono obligati fari tutti gli huomini de bene, su Maesta ne deve pigliar questo a male. At which, inflamed with fury, he said to the Arch●rs of his Guard, 
c Go go hang this Rascal, who will again make war against me.  Andate, andate menate lo adpicar que● forfante, que mi fare●be 〈◊〉 la guerra. Whereupon they would have led me away; but I stood firm, and said to him, 
d I beseech your Majesty to save my life, and seeing the King my Lord and Master is dead, together with my Lords his Brothers, I do promise ●o serve you with the same fidelity I did the King when he was alive.  Io supplico su Maesta voler mi salvar la vita, poi che il Re mio signire é morto ensicmi gli signiori suoi fratelli: Io vi prometto che vi serviro con medesima fidelta con la quale io servito il re mentr● viv●va. Upon this the Lords who were walking with him, begged of him to save my life: upon whose intercession, looking steadfastly upon me, he said to me, 
e Dost thou promise this from thy heart? Go to, I give thee thy life at the request of these who entreat me, be faithful to me.  Prometti tu questo del cuore? or So io ti da la vit● per le pregiere di quelli che mi pr●gano, sie mi fidele. These Lords me thought spoke French, but we two spoke Italian; whereupon he commanded them to take me a little aside, and that he would by and by talk to me again. They then set me by a Chest that stood hard by the Church door, and those who were to look to me fell to talking with the Archers of the Guard. As I was there standing by this Chest, I began to think of the king, and repented me of the oath of Fidelity I had taken; for that peradventure the King might not be yet dead, and that if I could escape away, I would rather wander alone, and on foo●, throughout the world to seek the King if he were yet alive; and thereupon took a resolution to run away. Thus resolved I went out of the Church, and being got into the Street began to run, and never thought of my hip, for me-thought I ran faster than I would, when on a sudden I heard a cry behind me, stop the villain; whereupon some came out of their houses to take me, and others stood in my way; but still I escaped both from the one, and the other, and recovered a pair of stone stairs that went up to the Wall of the Town, where coming to the top, I looked down, and methought the Precipice was so great, thet I could hardly see to the bottom. They mounted the stairs after me, and I had nothing wherewith to defend myself, but three or four stones that I threw at them, and had a great mind to make them kill me; for me-thought they would put me to a cru●l death; when having nothing left to defend myself withal, I threw myself headlong from the Battlements, and in falling awaked, and found myself all on a water, as if I had come out of a River, my Shir●, the Sheets, the Counterpain all wring wet, and I fancied that my head was bigger than a Drum. I called my Valet de Cham●re, who presently made a fire, took off my wet shirt, and gave me another. They went also to Madam de Panias, who commanded another pair of Sheets to be given them, and herself rose and came into my Chamber, and saw the Sheets, Blankets, and Counterpain all wet, and never departed the room till all was dried; which whilst they were in doing, I told her my dream, and the fright I had been in, which had put me into this sweat; She remembers it as well as I. The Dream I dreamt of the death of King Henry my good Master, and this put me into a greater weakness than if I had had a continued Fever for a whole week together. The Physicians told me that it was nothing but force of imagination, my mind being wholly taken up with these thoughts: And I do believe it was so; for I have fancied myself in the night fight with the Enemy, dreaming of the mishaps, and the successes also I afterwards saw come to pass. I have had that misfortune all my life, that sleeping and waking I have never been at rest, and was always sure when I had any thing working in my head that I was to do, not to fail to dream all that night; which is very troublesome.  
The next day being Sunday they would needs have had me away to the Baths; but I would never be persuaded to go; for it still ran in my mind, that some disaster would befall the King, ever remembering my dream about King Henry; so that for all they could say upon Monday we returned. 
Intelligence of the design upon Lectoure.  Upon Thursday came a Consul from Lectoure, who told me that Monsieur de Fonterailles, Seneschal of Armagnac, kept himself shut up in his Castle, and stirred not out, and that all night they heard a knocking within against some Wall, or Wood, and that the Hugonots of the City were secretly providing arms. I made him to return, assuring him, that the Sieur de Fonterailles would never do any thing prejudicial to the King's service, which I said, relying upon his word, and a promise he had made me in my House at Agen. But the said Consul would not take this for current pay: wherefore I bade him to pry more narrowly into what the Seneschal was doing. Upon Friday there came to me two Consuls from Moissac, who came to tell me, that two of the King's Officers of Montauban, and several others were fled to Moissac, upon some apparences they had seen in the said Montauban of the taking of Arms. I made these also to return, giving them in charge that without any bustle, or raising of arms, they should be careful of the preservation of their Town, and that if they should hear, that the others took arms they should be●ake themselves to arms also, and send me an account of all. Upon Sunday Monsieur de Sainctorens came to dine with me, where we made a Ma●ch the next day to go see our Hawks sly, and that he should come by break of day in the morning to Cassa●gne. At midnight there came to me a Messenger from the Sieur de la Land, Canon of Again, who brought me a letter from him, and another that had been sent to him by Monsieur de Lauzun. Monsieur de la Lande's Letter was, 
The Sieur de Lauzun sends notice of the Hugonots taking arms.  I send you a Letter, which Monsieur de Lauzun has sent me in so great haste, that the man who brought it is able to go no farther. In that of Monsieur de Lauzun there was Monsieur de la Land I pray send speedy notice to Monsieur de Montluc, that the Hugonots have taken arms at Bergerac, and are gone in all haste to seize upon some horses of the Marquis de Trans, which are kept at Ey●et, and that all those of this Country take horses where ever they can find them. Now because the Marquis de Trans was in suit with his Brother-in● law called Monsieur de St. Laurence, it presently came into my fancy, that these might be some of the said St. Laurence his people, who were going to execute some distress for Costs against the said Marquis, and made no other account of it. About break of day I arose, and looking out of the window whilst my man was trussing me, to see if Monsieur de Sainctorens came, there comes in a man on horseback, who came from a place upon the River Garonne, whom I will not name, for fear he should be killed; for the man that sent him to me is yet living; and as I was opening the Letter my Valet de Chambre saw a Ticket fall down upon the floor. I fell to reading the Letter, the contents whereof were, that he entreated me to give him leave to sell a Quintal of Pepper to a Portuguese, which made me in a rage tear the Letter to pieces, cursing all the Portuguese to the pit of Hell; for it put me in mind of the death of my Son at the Maderas. This Letter was only purposely contrived to enclose the Ticket, and my Valet de Chambre began to gather up the Ticket, telling me it fell out as I opened the Letter. I than fell to reading the Ticket, where it was thus written, 
Advertisement to the Sieur d● Montluc.  Betwixt the twenty eighth and thirtieth of this present September, The King taken, the Queen dead, Rochel taken, Bergerac taken, Montauban taken, Lectour taken, and Montluc dead. These were the very words of the Ticket; which put me quite out of the humour of Hawking, and reconciled me to the Portugal; so that I immediately sent away Captain Mauries, who had been Lieutenant to the late Captain Montluc in Piedmont, Captain jean of Again, and Tibanville Commissaries of the Artillery, commanding them to go directly towards Monsieur de Sainctorens his house, whom they would meet by the way, and bid him return home, and send notice to Monsieur de Tilladet his Brother, and the Gentlemen his Neighbours, to come by ten of the clock to Sampoy (a Town in the King's possession, where I have a house) with their horses and arms, without any noise at all; for we were within a league of one another. I gave them also in charge, that so soon as they had spoke with Monsieur de Sainctorens, they should gallop away to Lectoure, which was three leagues from Cassaigne (for what the Consul had told me came into my head, and it was very probable, that to cut out work in Gascony they would begin with this strong place) giving them instructions withal, that so soon as they should come within sight of the Castle, to ride softly, pretending to be Merchants, and enter in by the Gate of the Bulwark (doubting the Seneschal might have taken some people into the Castle by the Postern Gate, who if they perceived themselves once to be suspected, might presently seize upon the Town by the help of the Hugonots who were in it) but that so soon as they should be got in, they should talk privately with the Consul, possessing themselves of the said Gate of the Bulwark, and that dead or alive I might find them within it; for I would soon be with them; which they accordingly did. I sent Dispatches also to Monsieur de V●rduzan, Seneschal of Bazadois, and to several other Gentlemen his Neighbours assigning them all to repair to Sampoy by ten of the clock; 
Diligence of the Sieur de Montluc to preserve Lectoure.  to which place according to appointment I went myself, but found no body there but Monsieur de Sainctorens, who by misfortune had found none of the Gentlemen his Neighbours at home, and Monsieur de Tilla●et had been let blood that morning, so that no body came but an Archer of my Company called Seridos, and two Sons of Monsieur de Beraud, who were also of my Company, their Father being sick, and a Kinsman of mine called Monsieur de la Vit. I stayed there for Monsieur de Verduzan till twelve a clock, when seeing no body come, I resolved to go to Lectoure without expecting any longer, where also I doubted I should come with the latest. Those who were in my company remonstrated to me, that if the Seneschal was crafty, and that he had men in the Castle he would easily defeat me in the Town; to which I made answer, that should I longer defer going, he would have notice of the three Gentlemen I had sent before, and would so secure the Gates, that I should not be able to enter, and that it was better for us to venture our lives in the Town, than to keep out, and suffer the Town to be lost. We then mounted to horse, being no more than six Light-horse, and we might be in all (the Servants comprised) thirty horse. I commanded fourteen Harquebuzeers to follow after me, under the conduct of a Priest called Malaubaere, commanding them to follow at a good shog trot, and so we marched with these mighty Forces. When we came near unto Terraube, a little league from Lectoure, there came a man on horseback, dispatched away by the Consul and Captain Mauriez, by whom they sent me word, that they had possessed themselves of the Gates, and that the City was all in arms, desiring to know by which Gate I would enter, I told him by the Gate of the Castle; whereupon he returned upon the spur as he came. By good fortune the●e happened to be in the Town the Sieur de Lussan, and the Captain his Brother, who came out to meet me, knowing nothing of all this business, they being come thither by appointment of Process, 
The Sieur de Montluc in Lectour●.  and so we entered into the Town. So soon as we were come into Monsieur de Poisegurs house, I entreated the Sieur de Lussan to go bid Monsieur de Fonterailles come and speak with me, for I had something to say to him that concerned his Majesty's service. He sent me word back, that he would not come, and that he was in the Castle in the behalf of the Queen of Navarre, Lady and Mistress of the said Castle and Town. Whereupon I sent him word again, that if he did not come I would assault the said Castle, and at the ringing of the Tocquesaint call in all the neighbouring Towns to my assistance: which I think startled him, for he came. At his coming I told him, that I would have the Castle to put people into it, who were of the Religion of the King, and a Gentleman to command them, till I should see to what the beginning of this Commotian tended; to which he made answer, that he was a faithful Servant of the Kings, and that he would rather die than do any thing contrary to his Majesty's pleasure. To which I replied again, that I did believe him to be so, but that notwithstanding I would in the mean time secure the Castle, and that I had a greater confidence in myself than in him; and after some disputes Monsieur de Sainctorens put in, and said something, to which the other replied briskly upon him: but he did not go without his answer; and had he not suddenly resolved, I was about to have taken him prisoner. Monsieur de Lussan than took him aside, remonstrating to him, that he was highly too blame not to obey, and that it was as much as his life was worth; for I would die there but I would have it, and that he himself knew well enough what a kind a man I was. Monsieur de Fonterailles thereupon came to me, and told me, that he was ready to deliver up the Castle into my hands, but that he earnestly begged of me, that I would permit him to reenter into it, and sleep there that night, that he might pack up all the goods he had there, ready to go away in the morning. I desired him on the contrary, that he would not of●er to stir out of the Town, and that I would deliver the Guard of the Castle to such Catholic Gentlemen as he should name. He therefore named several, but I would like of none of them, when seeing I would not put in those he desired, he named Monsieur de Cassaigne (a neighbour to the Town, who since has been Lieutenant to Monsieur d' Arnes Company) with whom I was content, and sent presently for him. However I played the Novice in one thing, for I let the said Sieur de Fonterailles go in again upon his word into the Castle, which was not discreetly done; for a man should always in such cases take all things at the worst.  
In the mean time Monsieur de Verduzan arrived with four or five Gentlemen in Company with him, and presently after Monsieur de Maignas, and every hour some or other came in to us. After Supper we went out of the Castle, where I fell to view and consider the Postern of the false Bray, and began to remonstrate to those friends who were with me, that in case the Seneschal should have made an appointment for those of his Party to come that night to the Portal, the Guards and Sentinels of the Town could not possibly hinder him from letting in whom he pleased, wherefore I was resolved to lodge Theanville's Commissary of the Artillery, and the Priest with the fourteen Harquebuzeers in the false Bray, betwixt the two Portals; and it was well for me I did so, for otherwise they had trapped us, and cut all our throats that night. See how a man may fall into danger through his own fault: for I thought myself wonderful wi●e and circumspect; and yet notwithstanding I put a place of so great importance, together with the whole Country in danger to be lost. I was not yet satisfied with this Guard, but I moreover ordered all the Gentlemen and their Servants to lie down in their clothes, 
Orders given to the Captains.  and sent a command to all those of the Town to do the same. In the morning by Sun-rise the said Seneschal came to me again, 
The Sieur de Fonterailles delivers up the Castle of Lectoure to Monsieur de Montluc.  to entreat me to leave him the Castle, and that he would give me security, with a great many other fine good morrows; but I told him he did but lose time in such proposals; for I was resolved to put men into it: so that seeing no other remedy, he received the Sieur de la Cassaigne with twenty Soldiers into the place, and then came to take his leave of me. I did what I could to persuade him to stay in the Town; but he made answer, that he would not trust himself with the Inhabitants, beginning to tell me, that I put a very great affront upon him, in not confiding in his Loyalty; that he was a man of a race too remarkable for th●ir services, and fidelity so the Crown of France, to be suspested, and that his Ancestors had saved the Kingdom. To which I made answer, that his Grandfather, of whom he intended to speak, did never save the Kingdom, and that in his time reigned Lewis the twelfth, in whose Reign the Kingdom had never been in any such danger, and that if it was of the time that King Charles retired to Bourges, that he intended to speak, that honour was to be attributed to Potton, and la Hire, of whose valour all the Chronicles are full. For lafoy Hire and Potton, two Gascon Gentlemen, were indeed cause of the recovery of the Kingdom of France: yet would I not deny but that his Grand father was a great and valiant Captain, 
* The ordinary men at arms in France first reduced by Charles the 7th in the year 1444 into certain Companies, and under particular orders, one whereof was that the Gen-d'arm must at the youngest be twenty, and one and twenty years of age, and must have been one year at least an Archer, which no man was to be but a Gentleman born, or one that had been a Captain, Lieutenant, Ensign, or Serjeant-Major of a Foot Company six years. Who was also by the order of his admission to keep three Horses, two for service, and one for his Baggage, in regard whereof he had 400 Livers Tournon yearly entertainment. These Gens-d'arms were at first but 1500 in all: but they have since been increased to a hundred Companies.  who having fifty Gens-d'armes des Ordonnances, and being General of twelve hundred Light-horse, the most of which were Albanois, performed great services for the Crown. In recompense whereof the King also married him to the Inheritrix of Chattillon, by whom he had seven or eight thousand Livers yearly revenue: but that the House from which his Father descended, which was that of Fonterailles, was as mean a Family as mine; At which he broke out into a sudden passion, saying, would to God, would to God I might die at this instant, provided the Prince of Navarre was at age to command! Why said I? what reason have you to wish your own death for the Prince of Navarre, seeing that neither you, nor any of your Race, have ever received any benefit or honour from the House of Navarre, nor other, than from the King? to which he replied, that it was true, but that he did so love the Prince of Navarre, that he would be content to die upon that condition. I than began to suspect there was some knavery in the wind, and so he bade me farewel. Monsieur de la Cassaigne, who was present at all this discourse, waited upon him to his Horse, where, as he was going to put foot in the stirrup, he cried out like a man in despair, O unfortunate man that I am, I shall never again have the con●idence to show my face amongst men of honour! Whereupon Monsieur de la Cassaigne took occasion to tell him, that he was too blame to complain of me, who had treated him with all the civility h● could himself expect, or desire, and that perhaps another would not have used him with so great respect, as I had done; to which he replied in these words, but you do not know all; this day the Kingdom is set to sail, farewell France; and so mounting to horse, he went directly to lafoy Garde, the House of Monsieur de Firmacon his Uncle.  
Before the Sieur de la Cassaigne could return back to me there came fifteen or sixteen Peasants loaden with Harquebusses, Halberds, and Crossbows, leading a boy prisoner along with them, whom they brought into my Chamber, in the presence of all the Gentlemen that were there, telling me they were of lafoy Masquere, within a quarter of a league of Lectoure (which is a little Hamlet consisting of seven or eight Tenements) and that at midnight there came a great company of armed men, both horse and foot, and drew themselves into a great Meadow close by the houses, where they laid them down upon the ground. The poor people saw them, and durst not stir out of their houses: but they saw them send six horsemen as far as the Suburbs of Lectoure, where they met intelligence, that I with a great number of Gentlemen was entered into the Town; and had also sent to discover those whom I had planted without to hinder the relief: by which seeing their enterprise was defeated, and concluding that the Seneschal was taken prisoner, they returned full speed to their Troops, telling them that I was entered into the Town, and had taken the Senescal prisoner, wherefore they must retire before it was day, that they might not be known. And (as the night has no shame) they took so great a fright at the news, that they began to throw away their arms in flying, and by break of day passed by Plieux, where the common people began to pursue them, and they running away to abandon their arms, which the Inhabitants of Plieux had almost all, excepting some few that fell into the hands of those of la Maquere. The horse ran strait to their other Troop that had made a halt at St. Rose, till they should be commanded to march; who also took a terrible fright in retiring, running every man as fast as his horse would carry him to his own house. The chief Leaders of these two Parties of Horse and Foot were the Sieur de Montamat, brother to the Seneschal, the Sieurs de Castelnau, d' Audax, de Popas, and the Peyrecave. 
The Hugonots come too late to relieve Lectoure.  I knew nothing as yet of the Troop at St. Rose, for neither the Boy nor the Boors of la Masquere had heard of any other than that they had seen. All the Gentlemen hereupon advised me to go take the Seneschal, and clap him up prisoner, which nevertheless I would not do out of respect to the House of Firmacon, to which he was a Nephew, remonstrating to them, that should I take him prisoner, the Court of Parliament of Tholouze would immediately send to demand him of me, whom I could not justly deny, and if they once got him, he would not be two hours alive, and I would by no means be the occasion of his ruin.  
Whilst we were in these disputes, Monsieur de la Cassaigne came, and told me the words he had said to him at his going away, no body being by; whereupon I entreated him to go into the Town to seek out some Huguenot, who was a friend to the Seneschal, and to give him all assurance that he should receive no manner of injury, nor displeasure, provided he would reveal the Enterprise. He went then to speak with one who was a very intimate friend of his, telling him what words the Seneschal had cast out at his departure, and that it was as much as his life was worth, if he did not discover all he knew: who after he had given him all the assurance he desired, made him this reply. What did the Seneschal mean to enter into so many disputes with Monsieur de Montluc, I was behind him when he contested so highly with the said Sieur, and do wonder that he did not seize him prisoner, which had he done all we of the Religion had been dead men: I pray be faithful, and take care, that we may have no harm done us; for there is not a person of the Religion, who knows any thing of the Enterprise of France, and of this Town, but those who are gone out with him, 
Design upon the King.  myself excepted, who durst not go. This day or tomorrow the King or the Queen shall be taken or dead, and all the whole Kingdom of France revolted.  
I pray consider a little how closely these people could carry on such an Enterprise as this: I was told that in their Consistory they made them swear to renounce Paradise, if they ever revealed any thing. Monsieur de la Cassaigne returned presently to me, and taking me aside told me all that the other had said to him, and then I remembered myself of the Advertisements in the Ticket, and of my unfortunate Dream, and began with tears in my eyes to declare all I had heard to Messieurs the Seneschal of Bazadois, de Sainctorens, and to all the Gentlemen who were present, who all began to cry out, that we ought to mount presently to horse; and gallop after the Seneschal, which nevertheless I would not do for the aforementioned reasons, remonstrating to them, that though he should be taken, the evil would not be prevented by the sei●ing of his person, and that the mischief was sufficiently discovered by the words he had cast out to Monsieur de la Cassaigne: which also this other had confirmed to him: but that I would presently send away to all the Gentlemen, to give notice to all the other Gentry, and their Neighbours, to assemble together for the common safety, which I did, and was very glad within myself, in this ill aspect of affairs, to have plucked so considerable a feather from their wing.  
I sent immediately post to Tholouze to advertise the Court and the Capitouls, that they must forthwith betake themselves to arms, and employ all they could wrap and wring, either to succour the King, if he was living; or to revenge his death, if he were dead. I caused some provisions immediately to be put into the Castle, and left the fourteen Harquebuzeers with Monsieur de la Cassaigne, sending to the Soldiers of Florence and Pancillac forthwith to come, and put themselves into the Town, and that they were to obey Monsieur de la Cassaigne. Whilst I was about these dispatches there arrived Monsieur de la Chappelle, Vice-Senescal, and Monsieur de Romegas (the same who has so signalised himself against the Turk at Malta) who had both of them been all night on horseback, by reason that a Huguenot (whose life Monsieur de la Chapelle had saved) came add midnight to give them notice that we were marching directly to Lectoure, where the Seneschal was by the Postern to let them in. Upon this intelligence they had mounted to horse (for they were near Neighbours) and put themselves into a little Wood, where they discovered these people, who were retiring in great fear, but durst not stir out of the Wood, having no more than seven or eight horse; but so soon as it was day took their way towards Lectoure, though they feared it was already taken, and as they came to the Town were informed, that I was within it, where they told me of the disorder they had seen in the Troop of St. Rose, and then we knew that they had been in two Troops. Monsieur de la Chappelle than beg●● to inform himself on his part, and the Court of Parliament sent in all diligence to inform themselves on theirs. The Indictment was drawn up, and a hundred or more Witnesses examined, the most of which were of the new Religion, and who had actually been in those forenamed Troops, who all deposed one and the same thing, of a Conspiracy plotted against the King and State.  
In the progress of the Trial the Witnesses gave evidence of the Enterprise, which was, That that very night de la St. Michael the Seneschal was to let in the two Companies of Foot into the Town by the Postern of the Falsebray, and afterwards into the Castle by the Postern belonging to it. Of these the Consuls of the Town kept one key, and the Seneschal another, and so soon as he was gone the Enterprise being discovered, they went to examine the two Locks, and found that those of the Consuls were broke open, and put again into their place, with nails that were not clenched. (All this is couched in the Process) and that after the two Foot Companies should be Masters of the Town, the Horse were to come at a good round trot before Cassaigne where I was, which was but three leagues from Lectu●●, and shut me up in the Castle; and that at the same time all their Churches of Nerac, Castelgeloux, Thoneins, Cleirac, Mourejau, Condom, Moncrabeau, and other adjacent places were to come flocking about the Castle. These were the fruits of the good prayers of their Godly Ministers; and being the Castle had no Flankers, they made sure to have me in four and twenty hours by sapping. Rapine the same day came with four hundred men to Gr●nade, being come from Montauban, who so soon as ever he should have notice that I was shut up, was to march day and night to come before the said Cassaigne, they making account that I could not be relieved in eight days, there being no place of any strength to which any one could repair, they having possessed themselves of Lectoure. The Enterprise was so laid, as it had been certain, and would infallibly have taken effect, had I been asleep in the business; or if to move in State like the King's Lieutenant, I had stayed till morning, that those I had sent for had come in.  
The King's Lieutenants may here take a good example by me, both as to the good intelligence I was careful to keep, in my judgement to provide against the present extremity, and in my prompt resolution (not regarding whether I was weak or strong) to go, as I did, to put myself into the Town: for all these things together preserved the place in the King's obedience, together with my own life, and consequently the whole Country, which had been absolutely lost had I been killed, and Lectoure taken: for that being surprised, there had been no place of safety, but within the Gates of Tholouze and Bourdeaux: and when all France had heard that Guienne was lost, I leave men of understanding to judge how the King's affairs would have been discountenanced, and the ardour of those who stood for him cooled at the news. I believe the greatest part of them would have closed with the Enemy. Therefore do not you who are the King's Lieutenants propose to yourselves; I must stay for the Nobless, I must go well attended; for if you be such as you ought to be, that is to say, feared, and beloved, you yourself alone are worth a hundred. Every one that sees you march will come in to your assistance, and take courage by your example, and your Enemies for one man that you have will say you have a hundred. It is no time to dally, and stand upon punctilio's in such affairs, for whilst you defer time, to Lord it in greater state, you lose your place. And take warning by the error I had like to have committed in permitting the Seneschal to go again into the Castle upon his word; we live in a time wherein it is the fashion with many to dispense with the breach of their faith; and a man shall excuse himself that his promise was extracted from him by force, and in the mean time you are shut out of your Fort. Never defer that till to morrow that you can do to day, for it failed but very little that I was not lost; and had I not set those people without, the Succours had entered, and the Seneschal had had good reason to laugh at my easiness. This was the Enterprise upon Guienne; and I dare be bold to say, that Bourdeaux itself had not been very secure had my throat been cut: for a Country without a head is in very great danger, and the Hugonots had very great intelligence, and a very strong party in that City.  
After I had left order with Monsieur de la Cassaigne about Lectoure; the same Tuesday (being Michaelmas day) I went in all diligence to Again, where so soon as I arrived, I immediately sent for the Sieurs de Nor the King's Counsellor, and Delas the King's Advocate to come to me, who were assisting to me in all my dispatches, and were ever my Counsel in all affairs. 
Diligence of the Sieur de Montluc.  We sent then for two Clerks of the Town, and two Secretaries of mine, and of all night long we did nothing but write Letters to all the Lords and Gentlemen of the Country, and I do believe amongst us we writ above two hundred. The Elder Brother of the Counsellor called the Navy was Consul, who did nothing all night long but run up and down to seek out Messengers to send every way. I gave notice in my Letters to every one, as well of the attempt upon Lectoure, as of the words the Seneschal had cast out, and of the other who had confirmed them. I gave them likewise to understand, that now the King's good and faithful Subjects would be known, as also who were good Frenchmen, and that since there had been a King in France, so fair an occasion had never presented itself, wherein to manifest the fidelity we owe to the Crown of France; for at that very time the life of the King was in apparent danger, if not already taken from him, which should it prove so, we were all bound by the Law of God, Nature, and Nations to revenge his death: or at the least he was threatened with Captivity, and in such an extremity, those who should sit at home, aught to be branded for disloyalty, and marked for Traitors to their Prince and his Crown for ever: that the Gascons had never hitherto been branded, with those Characters, and that therefore I begged of them we might not leave such an obloquy upon our own Posterity, nor our children's Children, that should succeed them. In short I omitted nothing I could think of that might excite or incline them to betake themselves to arms, and to succour the King; assigning them all to meet at Again by the tenth of October following. The foremen●ioned persons and I continued five days and five nights, sending away dispatches to a●l parts, insomuch that I do not think any one of us had ever of all that while an hour in four and twenty to sleep in, which put all three of us into so great a d●stemper, 
The Sieur de Mo●●●luc's humour.  that we verily believed we should fall sick. I have all my life hated writing, having ever much rather pass over a whole night with my arms on my back, than to spend half so much time in writing; for I was never cut out for that employment, though perhaps there might be some fault in myself, as I have observed in some others, who have been on the contrary so over-addicted to it, that they had rather be in their Cabinets, than in the Trenches. News came to me from every side, that every one prepared to march, and I dispatched forty Captains of Foot, four Companies of Gens-d'arms, which had been those of the Sieurs de Gondrin, de Masses, d' Arne, and the Bardozan, and eight or ten Cornets of Harquebuzeers on horseback. Of these I gave the Command of the Foot to Monsieur de Sainctorens, who was Colonel of the Legionaries, that is to say, fifteen En●●●ns for him, and fifteen for my Son the Knight of Malta, who was in Piedmont, and to ●hom I writ to come away to the Army. After I had heard what had passed at the fine business of Meaux, I sent him to the King, beseeching his Majesty to confer upon him the Command of the fifteen Ensigns; which also he did with a very good will.  
The ninth day after la Saint Michael, as I was walking upon the Sands of Again to see the Horse and Foot come in from all parts, which I quartered on both sides the River Garonne, there came to me Captain Burée, who had been eight days in coming, and scaped narrowly four or five times of being taken, having come most part of the way on foot, not daring to show himself at the Post-houses, most of the Post-masters being Hugonots. He brought me a Letter from the King, and another from the Queen, wherein their Majesties acquainted me with their fortunes, 
The King sends to the Sieur de Montluc.  and how they had been very near being taken, his Majesty exhorting me once more to preserve for him the Province of Guienne, as I had done in the former troubles. His Majesty in these Letters did not send to me for any Succours, fearing I should have enough to do to secure the Country with all the forces I could make in it. The said Captain de Bury stayed but two hours with me, I sending him back in all diligence (for so I was to proceed, and had always done so) to assure their Majesties of the Succours I was about to send into France, and to tell them that I hoped to secure Guienne with the Gentlemen only who were Natives of the Province, and the People of the Country. But I did not fail to write to the Queen, that she should no more be so incredulous, nor deaf to my advertisements; and that had she pleased to have begun the game, and got the start of her Enemies, she had put them quite out of their play. I then presently dispatched away new Messengers to Tholouze and Bourdeaux, and to all the Gentlemen of that part of the Country, with Copies of the King and Queen's Letters, desiring them to march with all possible expedition to relieve the King, whom the Enemy had besieged in Paris, and one thing I can affirm with truth, that I never in my life either saw, or read in any History of so wonderful a diligence, as every one made both Horse and Foot to this effect. 
The People of France very good and loyal.  There is not in the whole world so good a People, nor a Gentry so affectionate to their Prince, had not this new Religion corrupted them; for in truth that has spoiled all; I do not know who will salve it. I was in Lymoges in nine and twenty days (accounting from the thirtieth of September, that I wrote my dispatches) with a thousand or twelve hundred Horse, and thirty Ensigns of Foot, whom I there mustered together with the Gens-d'armes, the Treasurer-General de la Gourgues having brought along some money he had taken up for that purpose; for I for my own part was never accustomed to finger the King's money. Being at Lymoges I assembled all the Lords and Captains of Gens-d'armes in my Chamber, and there delivered myself to them after this manner.  

Gentlemen and fellows in arms, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Harangue to the Lords and Gentlemen of Gascony at their going to the King.   
of all the good fortunes I have had since I came into the world (and I have been blest with as many perhaps as any Captain in France) nor of all the services I have performed for the Crown (which have been no inconsiderable ones, as you yourselves know, and have also therein had all of you a part, and s●ak't your lives and fortunes in the Quarrel) I never met with any that gave me so great satisfaction as this occasion that now presents itself, of manifesting our loyalty and courage. And you ought to feel the same joy in your bosoms that I do: for what greater blessing could God Almighty have conferred upon you, than to see yourselves assembled together in so brave and so sprightly a body in so short a time on horseback to go to the relief of your Prince, for whose defence God has given you life, and made you men, and me also; I say for the defence of his Person: for, as you very well know, the Masque is now taken away, and there i● no more question of the Mass, or the 
* So they use to call the Huguenot Assemblies.  Presche, but it is immediately and directly against his person, that this Rebellion is set on foot, and those who were engaged in the wicked Enterprise of Meaux, as you yourselves very well know, directed the attempt immediately against his Majesty's sacred person. How great a good fortune is it then to see, that God has reserved you to revenge so great an injury, and to assist your King, and natural Prince in so great a necessity? O my Companions! how much ought you to esteem yourselves happy, how highly ought you to be satisfied with your fortune? How will the King be ravished with joy to see such a Nobless from the extremest part of his Kingdom, in so short a time, and in so brave an equipage come in to his relief? He will never forget so great, and so timely a service, but for ever acknowledge it to you and yours. Believe me Gentlemen, though I am infinitely pleased to think, that I have some share in this service, yet I am very sensibly afflicted, that I am like to have no hand in the main stroke of the business, and that I cannot have the honour to lead you to this glorious work, that we might go together to lay down our lives at his Majesty's feet for the defence of his life and Crown. May God never prosper me, if I do not desire it more than ever I did any thing in this world, but you see it cannot be without putting the whole Province into manifest hazard, which I hope to preserve with those few Forces are left me in despite of the Enemy's practices. It only then, gentlemans, remains that you make the haste required, remember what you have seen me do, and how often you have heard me say, that diligence is the best part of a Soldier. You know not what condition the King's affairs may be in, nor how pressing his danger may be; therefore do not delay time I beseech you. I know there are many amongst you, not only worthy to lead a Troop, but to command an Army: but let me in●rea● you to approve the choice I have made in the person of Monsieur de Terride for the leading of this, to whom Monsieur de Gondrin shall be assisting. He is the oldest Captain, and of greatest experience amongst you, and will, I am confident, acquit himself worthy of his charge; and rest you assured, that I will remember to have a care to preserve your Houses in your absence. Do me the favour also to think of me when you come to the work we have often been employed in together, and then make it known that you are Gentlemen, and Gascons, and that there is not a Nation in the world to be compared to ours for feats of arms. I have been conversant with all the Soldiers of the world, but have never seen the like to ours, and in all engagements and exploits of war, whether little or great, that I have been an eye-witness of, the Gascons have ever carried away the Prize. Maintain I beseech you this reputation, you will never have such an opportunity again wherein to manifest your valour, and the zeal and affection you bear to your natural King and Sovereign.   
They all returned me thanks, assuring me, that they would not stay longer than was necessary to bait, in any place till they came to the King, and Monsieur de Terride made me a particular acknowledgement for the honour I had done him. After, they fell into consultation, which way they should go, where every one advised what he thought best, for in matter of Counsel, it has evermore been my custom, to make every one deliver his opinion; I have found advantages by it: but after many disputes, it was at last determined that they should take the way directly to Moulins. For me, Monsieur de Monsalles had like to have made me a little angry; for he would needs have been going before, as if he had had more desire, and a greater affection than the rest: but I told him, that it was neither safe nor fit to leave the Party; and it was after such a manner that he saw very well he had displeased me. 
Monsieur de Monsales lead● the Vanguard of the Gascon Succours.  I delivered to him the leading of the Vanguard, and to Monsieur de Sainctorens the Command of the Foot, and before my departure from Lymoges, I saw them all march away. I shall say nothing of this Enterprise of St. Michael, it was so foul and unworthy a Frenchman, and worse than the business of Amboise, wherein I perfectly discerned the effects of the League, or Counter-league I had heard whispered at Mont●d● M●rsan. I know not what use was made of those Succours I sent, but I dare be bold to say, that never any Lieutenant of Gui●nne drew so many Gentlemen, and so great a number of Foot, all on a sudden out of the Country as I did: nor so many men of singular note for their parts and valour; of whom I had so good an opinion, that had I met the Prince of Condé without the Traitors, I would not have given our Victory for his; and as I returned back I still met several parties who were coming in to join with the rest. Neither shall I meddle to set down how these Succours behaved themselves in the occasions presented, forasmuch as the Monsieur himself was there, and all the Princes and great Captains of France.  
Now when I thought to have this great diligence of mine very kindly taken, and expected to receive a return of thanks from their Majesti●s for so opportune a service, I was quite contrary presented with a Patent, that on● Dragon, Deputy to the receiver of Guienne brought from Court, and that was sent by the King to Monsieur de Candalle, by virtue whereof his Majesty made the said Sieur de Candalle his Lieutenant General in the City of Bourdeaux and Bourdillois, with as ample commission, and full power, as if I was there. I was very much surprised at this, and knew very well that some one or another had given me a Traverse at Court, and that the King and Queen would never have put such a trick upon me, had it not been for some back friend of mine; and thanks be to God the Kings of France have ever such kind of Vermin to spare, who have evermore lent their Charities to the best and most faithful servants our Kings have had, which made me not so much wonder at this last kindness of theirs. It was not the first office of that kind I had received at their hands, Monsieur de la Malassize, who is yet living, did me one in Romania to Monsieur de Guise, endeavouring by that means to make me be put out of the Government of Tuscany, to make way for Monsieur de la Molle, making the Duke believe that I had spoke unhandsomely of him, which the said Duke gave credit to, and for a time bore me ill will upon that account. Since in the presence of Monsieur d'Aumale, Monsieur de Montpezat, Messieurs de Cipierre and de Randan (which two first are dead, and the other two living) at Macherate, I acquitted myself; yet could I not so far dispossess him of his ill conceived opinion, but that some seeds of it remained, so that he was never absolutely reconciled till the business of Thionville. At my return to Montalsin it failed but very little that I did not cut the throat of him that was the cause, and therefore 'tis no wonder if he continue to do me all the ill offices he can: yet I will not here insert the reasons for several considerations. I shall still let him proceed to do as he has hitherto done, managing the Queen, though I hope her Majesty will one day alter her opinion, as did Monsieur de Guise.  
I had another good office done me when King Henry sent me into Piedmont after my return from Sienna, 
Of the Siege of Vulpian.  at the taking of Ulpian, only because I kept about Monsieur d' Aumale, not sparing my life no more than the meanest Soldier in the Army, and I think they had no mind that Monsieur d' Aumale should have the honour to take it, nor other places that he took; I had there a Letter brought me from the Constable, wherein he writ me word, that the King had commanded him to write to me, that I should retire to my own house till further order, charging me, that I had said I would not obey Monsieur de Termes, as if I had not always been accustomed to obey him; for I have all my life preferred him before myself in all things; and he did deserve it. Not long before, some body had done him such another courtesy, saying, that by reason of his Marriage in Piedmont, and the friendship he had contracted with the Biragues, 
Charity lent to Monsieur de Termes, and to Monsieur d' Aumale.  he might easily seize Piedmont into his own hands; as if either the one or the other had ever so much as thought of any such thing: however this was sufficient to make him to be called back out of Piedmont: but he was too honest a man, and that was not a fit recompense for so many services as he had done. Monsieur d' Aumale also had the same piece of service done him, it being reported to the King, that the Princes would not obey him, and that therefore his Majesty must send Monsieur de Terms to command; as if Monsieur d' Aumale was not of a be●ter Family than Monsieur de Termes, and that the Princes would sooner obey a private Gentleman, than one who was a Prince, though he was not of the Royal blood; I can affirm, as having been an eye-witness, and no man can give a better testimony than myself, that the said Princes no more spared themselves than the meanest Gentleman in the Army, and performed a piece of bravery worthy the noble Families from whence they descended; for they went on in their own persons to the assault, and mounted the breach at Ulpian, scrambling up with the help of their Pikes, and some few Ladders of Ropes, for the Breach was not reasonable, as I have said elsewhere before.  
And since I am entered upon the discourse of the good offices honest men have done them at Court, I will reckon up some others that I have seen in my time, as also some that I have read of in the Roman Histories. And of these I will first mention that which had like to have cost Monsieur de Lautrec so dear; which was, that a certain person detained from him a hundred thousand Crowns, which the King had commanded St. Blanzay to send him, wherewith to pay the Swiss, which sum had it accordingly been sent, the Swiss had not retired into their own Country; for they only returned for want of pay, and by that means the Duchy of Milan was lost. Upon which occasion this poor Lord Monsieur de Lautrec was hardly thought good enough for the Dogs, for a certain time, and could never obtain the favour to be heard to justify himself: but in the end the King was pleased to hear him, 
St. Blanzay hanged.  and thereupon caused St. Blanzay to be hanged, though the fault was none of his; but the poor man paid for't. I know who was the cause of all this disorder: but I have nothing to do to write it. Oh 'ta tickle thing to serve these great ones, and the paths are very slippery men are to walk in, but we must thorough. God has ordained them to command, and us to obey, and others also obey us, and yet we are all of one Father and Mother; but it is too cold fled to derive our Pedigrees.  
I saw also the trick that was played Monsieur de Bourbon, 
Monsieur d● Bourbon.  by which he was reduced to that despair, that he was constrained to do many things unworthy of a Prince; for they would take his Estate from him, and reduce him to his Child's part only of the inheritance of the House of Bourbon, of which he was a younger B●other. At the Camp of Messieres, and in the Expedition of Val●ntienne●, they made him swallow two injuries at once; 
Monsieur de Bonivet.  if Monsieur Bonivet, who was Admiral, was or no the cause I am not able to say, but it was so reported; some one or other must always bear the blame. I think had not the King of himself been disposed to use him ill, neither his Majesty, nor the Queen his Mother would have driven this brave Prince into such extremes. However it was, the foul play that was offered him was the cause of a great mischief to Fr●nce, and the King repented him of it more than once afterward. 
The Prince of Aurange.  The Prince of Aurange, who commanded the Emperor's A●my after the death of the said Seigneur de Bourbon, had also a little before quitted the King's service by reason his Majesty had commanded the Marshal de Logis to dislodge him for the King of Poland's Ambassador. The occasion 〈◊〉 was very light, but it is nevertheless very true, that a brave heart disdains to be despised.  
There was another good office also done to Andrea Aur●a, 
Prince Auria.  who was Admiral of his Majesty's Galleys, at the time when he accounted the Kingdom of Naples as good as sure; and that was by giving the Galleys to Monsieur de Barbezieux, which for any default on his part could not justly be done, for Count Philippin d' Auria his Nephew had won the Battle by Naples, which I have already writ of, against the Viceroy Don Hugues de Moncalde, who was there slain, and the Marquis de Guast, with several other great persons taken prisoners. The said Count was so careful and vigilant, that so much as a Cat could not enter into the City of Naples; those within were reduced to the last extremity, the Viceroy dead, many of the Grandees prisoners, and the rest revolted to the King; it must therefore of necessity be confessed, that the Kingdom had been the Kings in despite of all the world, when the just spite and indignation of the said Andrea Auria deprived him of it. When the King was taken prisoner at the Battle of Pavia, and that they carried him by Sea into Spain, Andrea Auria went out to meet the Galleys that convoyed him, to fight them to deliver the King out of their hands; which he had done, and put it to hazard; but the King sent to advise him not to do it, for if he did he was a dead man; and they had determined to put him to death, should Andrea Auria present himself to fight them; which was the reason that the said Andrea Auria returned to Genoa, which at that time was the Kings. 
Of how grea● importance it was to the Kingdom of Fr●nc● to discontent Andrea as one who alone ru●n'd the King's affairs,  See here another great misfortune, and an unfortunate Traverse, which brought as great an inconvenience along with it, as that of Monsieur de Bourbon; upon which occasion we not only lost all we had got in the Kingdom of Naples, but Genoa also; for all the losses as well of the Kingdom of Naples, as of Genoa, happened by reason of the revolt of the said Andrea Auria, who took offence at the wrong and dishonour had been done him, in taking from him the Command of the Galleys to give it to another, without having any way misdemeaned himself, or having received any disadvantage in his Charge, and also for that they would make him give up his Prisoners of war without any recompense. Now the said Andrea Auria kept the sea in so great awe, that the King durst never offer to pass into It●ly till such time as he had won him into is own service; and the Emperor having heard how he had been used, sent him a Blank to write his own conditions, provided he would come over to his service. After which the said Andrea Auria sent to Count Philippin his Nephew to retire from before Naples, and abandoning the King's service to come to him at Gajetta, which he did, and before he went, put all the provision he suddenly could into the City, that it might not be lost, and so he that had done them the mischief did them the good, without which they must within eight days have been necessitated to capitulate. O that such a man as this aught to have been husbanded, for I think that he alone ruin'd the affairs of King Francis. Kings and Princes ought not to use Strangers at that rate; nor their own Subjects neither, when they know them to be men of service: and if our Master was ill advised, the Emperor was very discreet to put in in time, to win the said Auria over to his side, that the King might not have leisure to reconcile himself to him, and to re-establish him in his service. Wherein Princes ought to take good example, and learn to be wise at another's expense, and should have a care of disobliging a generous heart, and a man of employment, especially when you have no such tye upon him, as upon a natural Subject of your own, who has his Wife and Children and Estate at your mercy. The King had none of all these ties upon Andrea Auria, and it was one of the greatest incongruities I have seen in my time, and also of far greater importance than that of the Duke of Bourbon.  
I saw another done to the Prior of Capua, 
The Prior of Capu●.  who was one of the bravest men that these hundred years has put to sea, and as much feared both by Turks and Christians, whom they unjustly accused of Piracy, so that he was constrained to go put himself and his two Galleys into the protection of the Malteses. O how invincible a wrong did the King there do this worthy person, to be so facile of belief to the prejudice of his honour▪ how great a disadvantage was it to himself, and how great a loss to the Kingdom of France? for this Signior was a man of service, and one that very well understood his Trade, for he was a very able Seaman. 
The Marshal de B●es.  I saw another trick also put upon the Marshal de Bies. I dare pawn my soul that the Gentleman never thought of doing any unhandsome act against the King, and yet he was highly slandered a little after the death of King Francis the Great, it being laid to his charge, that he was the cause that Monsieur de Vervin his Son in Law had surrendered Bullen, and one Cortel appointed to try him, the most infamous Judge that ever was in France. Was it ever seen, or heard of, that one man should be punished for the treachery or cowardice of another? When he came to his trial they confronted him with three great Rogues, who all of them deposed, that the day he had the Encounter with the English he was mounted upon a great Courser, bearing a plume of white Feathers for a mark, that the English might not fall upon him, as if it had been an easy mark to be discerned: when men are mixed in a Battle, the dust, the smoke and the cries confound a man's judgement; and besides 'tis usual with gallant men to appear in their greatest bravery, that they may be known in a day of Battle, especially in a War with Strangers, which is for honour, and not upon the account of animosity: but in a Civil War 'tis not so proper, Monsieur de Guise being very much endangered by so distinguishing his person at the Battle of Dreux. Thus did they calumniate this poor Lord, though he that very day defeated eight hundred English: I do believe had the King sent such a Judge, and that he would have harkened to the Hugonots, he would have found Witnesses enough that would have been deposed. I had promised Guienne to the King of Spain, though I never loved that Nation, nor ever shall, I am too good a Frenchman for that. But to return to the said Marshal, when those who had given him this Traverse, saw that they could no way ensnare him, and that he was likely to be set at liberty, to the great dishonour of those who had brought this trouble upon him; they than accused him, that he made certain Skip-Jack hirelings pass muster in his Company of Gens-d'armes, to get so many Pays, which (as it was said) was proved to be true, but it was to pay men withal he had in Flanders, to send him continual intelligence of all that passed in the Enemy's Country; for we are sometimes necessitated to make use of such shifts for the King's service: but I leave any one to judge, if this was sufficient to bring him upon a Scaffold, and to degrade him from his Nobility, his Arms, and Mareschalsy, and to condemn him to the loss of his head. Nevertheless as they were proceeding to execution, King Henry calling to mind, that he had made him Knight of the Order, sent him his pardon, so that five or six months after, what of old age, and what of grief, he died a natural death, and who would have lived after such an injury and disgrace? The Judicature of France is not without Cortels, for there are enough, who should the King put into their hands the honestest man of his Kingdom, would find out enough against him, as Cortel boasted, who said, that deliver up to him the most upright Lieutenant in the Kingdom of France (provided he had been but a year or two in that employment) and he doubted not, but to find matter enough to put him to death. This poor Lord had performed a Soldierlike action if ever man did, at the Fort of Montrean, when the English ●allied out of Bullen to give him Battle; he had with him the Count Rhin●graves Regiment (and as I think the Count himself was there) that of the French commanded by Monsieur de Tais, and seven Ensigns of Italians. So soon as the Enemy charged our Horse, they were immediately put to rout, and fled, when the said Sieur seeing the disorder of the Cavalry, he ran to the Battaillon of Foot, and said, Oh my friends, it was not with the Horse that I expected to win the Battle, but it is with you, and thereupon alighted, where taking a Pike from one of the Soldiers, to whom he delivered his Horse, and causing his Spurs to be pulled off, he began his retreat towards Andelot. The Enemy after they had a great way pursued the Cavalry, returned upon him, 
A brave Re●●●at.  who was four hours or more upon his retreat, having the Enemy's horse, sometimes in his Front, and sometimes in his Flanks, and their Foot continually in his Rear, without their ever daring to break into him, and I was told by the Captains who were present in the Action, that he never advanced fifty paces without facing about upon the Enemy; by which th●s may be called one of the bravest retreats that has been made these hundred years. I should be glad any one could name me such another, having upon him the whole power both of Foot and Horse, and his own Cavalry all run off the Field. Behold what this poor Lord did for a parting blow, at above threescore and ten years of age, and yet he was used after this manner. Let any one ask the Cardinal of Lorraine, who it was that did him this courtesy, for at the Assembly of the Knights of the Order before King Francis the second, he reproached him with this business, and they grew into very high words upon it; for my part I am too little a Companion to name it, though I was present there, and also there were some Ladies who had a hand in the business.  
A year after I saw another prank played Monsieur de Tais, 
Monsieur de Tais banished the Court.  wherein he was accused to have spoken unhandsomely of a Court Lady; 'tis a misfortune France has ever had, that they meddle too much in all affairs, and have too great credit and interest: for upon this the command of the Artillery was taken from him, and he never after returned into favour. The King of Navarre entreated the King not to take it ill, if he made use of him in the taking of H●din, 
He is slain.  which his Majesty gave him leave to do, and he was killed in the Trenches of the said Hedin, doing service for him to whom his service was not acceptable, which is a great heart-breaking, and the greatest of all vexations, to die for a Prince that has no regard for a man's service: wherein our condition is of all others most miserable: notwithstanding I believe the King would in the end have made use of him again, for in truth he was a man of service: and I moreover believe that his Majesty was sorry he had banished him the Court: but very often those of both Sexes, who govern Princes, make them do things against their own natures and inclinations, and afterwards they are sorry for it; but it is too late to repent, when their Traverses have brought upon a Prince such an inconvenience as is irreparable, and those who would afterwards seem to excuse them, endeavour to make the matter worse by contriving new accusations, and laying other aspersions upon them. I shall not mention the Constable's business, which drove him also from Court, and all, as it was said, about women; nor that of the late Monsieur de Guise, we have seen them sometimes out, and sometimes in. The King would do well to stop the mouths of such Ladies as tattle in his Court; for thence proceed all the reports and slanders; 
The death of Monsieur de la Chastaigneray.  a prating Gossip was cause of the death of Monsieur de la Chastaigneray, who would he have taken my advice, and that of five or six more of his friends, he had done his business with Monsieur dr jarnac after another manner; for he fought against his conscience, and lost both his honour and his life. The King ought therefore to command them to meddle with their own affairs (I except those that are to be excepted) for their tittle tattle has done a great deal of mischief, and after, as I said, it is too late. These are the good offices that in my time I have seen done several great persons, and also such poor Gentlemen as myself, all which proceed from the jealousy and envy they bear to one another, who are near unto the persons of Princes. In the time that I have been at Court I have seen great dissimulations, and several carry it very fair to one another in show, who would have eaten one another if they could, and yet outwardly who so great as they, 
Dissimulation at Court.  embracing and caressing one another, as if they had been the greatest friends in the world. I was never skilled in that Trade, for every one might read my heart in my face.  
By this one may judge, that the misfortune into which this Kingdom is fallen, is not come upon it through any default of courage, or wisdom in our Kings, nor for want of valiant Captains and Soldiers; for never Kings of France had so many both of Horse and Foot, as Francis, Henry, and Charles'; who had they been employed in foreign Conquests would have carried the War far enough from our own doors, and it was a great misfortune both to them and the whole Kingdom, that they were not so employed, and yet can we not lay the blame thereof, either to the Church, or the third Estate, for all that have by the Kings been demanded of them, have been freely granted. Every Child then may judge where the fault lay, and from whence sprung the Civil Wars; I mean from the great ones; for they are not wont to make themselves parties for the word of God, If the Queen a●d the Admiral were together in a Cabin, and the late Prince of Condé, and Monsieur de Guise together with them, I could make them confess, that something else than Religion moved them to make three hundred thousand men cut one another's throats, and I know not if we have yet made an end; for I have heard there is a Prophecy (I know not whether in Nostradamus' or no) that their Children shall show their Mothers as a wonder when they see a man, so few shall be left, having killed one another. But let us say no more of it, it goers my heart to think on't, mine who have the least interest, and who am shortly going into the other world.  
Should I repeat all the Traverses and Charities that I have read of in the Roman Histories, I should never have done; which Histories I have formerly delighted to read, wondering why, and what should be the reason, that we are not as valiant as they. I shall only ●eckon one or two, and begin with that I have read in I know not what Book, of Camillus a great Roman Captain, who after he had won many Battles, and enlarged the Roman Empire, with the addition of a larg● extent of Dominion, was in the end called to judgement, for having dedicated the spoil of his Conquests to the foundation of Temples, wherein to sacrifice to their Gods, of which spoil the one half belonged of right to the Soldier: but that the Gods might assist them in their Battles and Conquests, he presented them this gift, saying, That the Soldiers stood as much in need of the assistance of the Gods as he. So that upon his return to Rome, for the reward of the great services he had performed, and the famous Victories he had obtained for the Commonwealth, they brought him to his Trial: yet did they not nevertheless put him to death, but sent him into exile to a City the name whereof I do not remember, for it is long ago since I read Livy, not in Latin (of which I have no more than my Pater Noster) but in French. Now when he had remained sometime in this City, there came two or three Gaulish Kings with a mighty Army, and took Rome, killing almost all the Citizens, saving some few who retired into the Capitol, and there held out for some time. Livy reports, that one night those who were thus retired into the Capitol were all asleep, and the Enemy had already gained a part of the Capitol, when a Goose beginning to cackle awaked the Guards, who thereupon entered into a combat with the Enemy, and repelled them. At this time the said Camillus, gathering together all the men he could, took the field, where the Enemy finding nothing more to plunder, nor provisions to maintain their pleasures in Rome, having dispersed themselves all over the Country ten or twelve leagues distant from the City, he ●lew in the fields seven or eight thousand of them. (when I was at Rome in the time of Pope Marcellinus, I caused those fields to be showed me, taking great delight in viewing the ground where so many brave Battles had been fought; for me-thought I saw before my eyes the things I had heard of, and read; but notwithstanding I saw nothing, either like, or any way resembling the great Camillus.) The rumour of this defeat having run through all the neighbouring Cities, caused several gallant men to repair to Camillus' Camp; by which means finding himself strong enough he marched directly to Rome, possessed by an infinite number of Gauls, whom he defeated, and saved a vast sum of money, which those who were retired into the Capitol had promised to give, and was afterward called the second Founder of Rome. The Historians can give a better account of this story than I, who perhaps mistake it; it being above thirty years since I have so much as taken a book in hand; and much less dare to read now by reason of my ill eyes, and the wound in my face.  
In Spain the two Scipio's were defeated by Asdrubal in thirty day's time, 
The two Scipio's.  and within thirty leagues of one another, to wit Pub. Scipio the first, and his Brother Cornelius Scipio afterwards, and of both the one Army, and the other some escaped away, who all retired to the Garrisons where they had lain all Winter, where being come they found that all their Colonels were slain, and were therefore necessitated to choose one, whom they called the New Captain. Asdrubal having intelligence that this new General had rallied the Roman Soldiers who were escaped from the two defeats, went immediately to assault them; but was stoutly repused, and constrained to retire himself to a certain place, where this valiant Captain fell upon him by night, and not only defeated the Army he had there with him but another also that lay in another place hard by; insomuch, that by his valour he not only saved those few Romans who were escaped from the two lost Battles, but moreover both the Spain's for the people of Rome, which but for him had been lost to Rome for ever. Now the Senate in the mean time continued a great while without hearing any news of the Scipios, 
His name was Lucius Marcius.  or of their affairs: but had at length intelligence brought of the loss of the two Scipio's, together with the victories of this new Captain (I do not remember his name before he was created, and called the new Captain, the Historians will better remember it than I who have not seen the book of so many years) which so soon as the Senate had notice of, they sent away Scipio the younger to command the the Army (I think son to the first Scipio who had been slain) and withal commanded the new Captain to Rome, whom, so soon as he came, instead of rewarding his service, they called to judgement, accusing him that he had accepted the Soldiers Election, and taken upon him the command of the Army from them, and not by Commission from the Senate, and I think put him to death, at least I find no more mention of him in Livy.  
Oh how many other great Captains have been recompensed with such rewards in the time of the Roman●, the H●storians are full of such exemples, and the Judicature of France being ruled and governed by the Laws of the Romans, 'tis to be expected that the Kings of France should govern themselves by their Customs. Would to God the King would perpetuate his own glory, and leave such a memorial of his prudence as should for ever be commended; that i●, that he would burn all the Books of the Laws by which his Judicature determines of affairs, and erect a new, equal, and upright Judicature (for I dare be bold to say, th●re is not a Monarch in Chr●stendom, who is governed by his Laws, the Kings of France excepted, all the rest have Laws made by themselves to cut off all ●edious Suits; so much as even in Bearn and Lorraine, which are in two Corners of the Kingdom) that no Suit might be above two years depending. If his Majesty would please to do this he might boast to have a world of Soldiers, who would be necessitated to take arms, having nothing to do in the 
* Courts of Law.  Palace: for this Profession being taken away, to what would you that a brave and generous heart should apply itself, but to arms? what is it that so much increases the Power, 
The greatness of the Tu●k.  and enlarges the Empire of the Grand Signior but this, he thinks of nothing but arms? O how many brave Captains would this Kingdom then supply the world withal, whereas I do believe that two Thirds of the Nation are taken up in these Courts, and plead, and in the mean time, though they are naturally brave, by degrees degenerate into Poltrons and Rascals. This Kingdom would then be formidable to Strangers, and besides how rich and opulent? for the whole ruin of the Gentry proceeds from no other cause, but those pestiferous Counsels wherewith the Advocates seduce their Clients; and set them together by the ears. I remember I once read in the window of a house at Tholouze, which one of the most eminent Advocates of that Court called Mainery, had caused to be written there these words, 

Faux conseils, & mauvaises Testes,  
M'ont fait bastir ces Fenestres.   

Evil advice, and idle brains  
Have helped me to erect these pains.   and since they themselves record it, I may well say after them, that we are very great fools to destroy one another to enrich them: it being equally ruinous to him that prevails, with him that is baffled, for they spin out the Suits in such length, that when he who has got the better of his adversary comes to reckon the money he has spent, he will find himself still a great deal out of purse, besides the loss of his time. And if the King would do this perhaps the custom of Traverses, and ill offices men now practice upon one another would be laid aside with the Laws; and his Majesty's good Subjects, who meditate no other thing, but how loyally and faithfully to serve him, would either be maintained about his Majesty's person, or elsewhere employed in his service.  
Now seeing I have the honour in my disgraces to be ranked with so many great Personages, both of former ages, and those whom I myself have known in my own time, I shall the better enjoy my retirement, and be proud of being associated with so many illustrious persons, being assured of two things, one whereof is my fidelity, which no one can by any means deprive me of, and the other that I have to do with a gracious King, who in time will (I doubt not) acknowledge the services I have performed for him, and for his Crown. And if I am retired into my own house, it is with no great regret, it being a thing I have long desired, provided it might be with the good favour of the King and Queen, which also they cannot justly take from me, for which I praise God, who has guided me so well through all my several Employments, that I never gave them any just cause of offence, and am in this privacy of mine more happy, and better satisfied, than they who have given me these Traverses: for I laugh at the anxiety they are in, both how to wound and defend themselves from one another. I think the Souls in Purgatory are not in so great pain, whilst I live here in repose in my Family, with my kindred and friends about me, passing away my time, in causing to be writ down before me the things that I have seen; so that were it not for the great Harquebuz shot in my face, which I am constrained to keep open, I should be very well content, and think myself exceeding happy. For concerning the loss of my Sons, I comfort myself that they all died like men of honour with their swords in their hands for the service of my Prince, and as to the rest, I should be a man void of sense and understanding, if I did not look upon them as tricks that are commonly practised in the world, and consider myself in a happy estate, who have no more occasion to do harm to any one, which continuing in such, and so great an employment, as that wherein I was before, I could not sometimes possibly avoid▪  
But I shall leave this discourse, which has half made me angry, to return to what became of me af●er I had taken my leave of all those Lords and Captains who wen● into France. I returned through Perigueux, where I gave the Seneschal of Perigord Commission to make head against whatever Insurrection should stir on that side: and so soon as I came to Again, I sent a Patent to Monsieur de Bellegarde at Tholouze, in my absence to command in the Country of Coming and Bigorre, and as far as the Frontiers of Bearn: another to Monsieur de N●grepelice to command in the Jurisdictions of Verdun and Riviere, and a third to Monsieur de Cornusson the Elder to command in Roüergue; which being done, I left yet fourteen or fifteen Ensigns more of Foo●, whereof part I quartered in Que●cy to make head against the Viscount's (who never stirred out of the Country, and were evermore stirring new Commotions) and the rest towards Bourdelois, and not long after the King sent me a Command to go and besiege Rochel, in order whereunto he would send me a Commission to raise money wherewith to defray the expense of the War.  
First he would that those of Tholouze should deliver me twenty thousand Frances of the money raised upon the Confiscation of the Hugonots Goods, wherewith to pay the Foot, and for the charge of the Artillery that I should take fifteen thousand Francs upon some Revenues the King has in Xaintonge, whereof his Majesty never himself made above nine thousand, and that his said Majesty would send order to the Governor of Nantes to send me four pieces of Canon, and some Culverin. These were my assignments, wonderful certain, and very proper for such an Enterprise, which seemed rather a Mockery, and a Farce than any thing else; and that they would send me before Rochel, 
Preparation for the Siege of Rochel.  either to be thrown away, or ●o suffer some notable disgrace. However I would try always to execute his Majesty's Command, to which end I immediately dispatched away a Courier with his Majesty's Letters to the Parliament, and Capitouls of Tholouze, to which they returned me answer, that the few goods of the Hugonots which had been found in their City had long ago been sold, and the money disposed of for the charge they had been at in several occasions. Upon this answer I went forthwith to Bourdeaux to try if I could persuade the Court of Parliament, and the Jurats there to furnish me with some money for the Enterprise, but could never prevail with them to advance one Denier, they telling me, that they would reserve the Stock they had to employ it for the defence of their City, if occasion should be, and not lay it cut upon Rochel, which was no member of their jurisdiction. I then dispatched away to their Majesties to give them an account of the answers I had received; but notwithstanding did not for all that forbear to march into Xaintonge, beseeching them to send me other more certain assignments, or that otherwise I could not engage myself before Rochel, without losing their Majesty's reputation, and my own, and peradventure the whole Army: for to besiege a place of that importance without paying the Soldiers to keep them in their Trenches, were to force them abroad to pillage, and to leave my Artillery in the mean time engaged; neither was I to learn in those affairs. I writ moreover to his Majesty that he would please to command the Governor of Nantes to send me the Artillery with all possible speed, and cause it to be brought to Broüage, hoping that I should soon gain the Isles. Having sent away this dispatch, I returned into Agenois to march away twelve or thirteen Ensigns, as also to take the Gentlemen of the Country along with me, when being come to St. Macaire, I there found Monsieur de Lauzun, and the Mustermasters, who was mustering his Company, whom I entreated that immediately after the Muster he would send away Monsieur de Madaillan, who carried his Ensign directly to Xaintes to which Sieur de Madaillan I gave a Cornet of Argoulets belonging to the Sieur de Verduzan Seneschal of Bazadois my Kinsman, together with the Companies of Mabrun, Thodias, and la moth Mongauzy, giving him in charge to make extreme haste without staying till he came to Xaintes, and that in case the Marennois should be at St. Seurin, so soon as ever he had baited his men, he should immediately go to fight them, and if they got the victory be sure to ply their hands, for they were only a pack of Rascals, and when the others should hear of the defeat of their Companions, they would take such a fright at the news, that they would never make head again, and that the fear would run as far as Rochel: but that he must above all things be sure to make a great slaughter to strike a terror into the whole Party. I writ also to Monsieur de Pons an account of the whole design, ordering him to send some of his Forces to Xaintes, to the end they might jointly fall upon this execution. I had already sent to the Ensigns that they should move towards Agenois, and to the Gentry also, and the said Seneschal de Bazadois took upon him the Charge of our Marshal de Camp of Gens-d'armes. I had no more but the Company of Monsieur de Lauzun, my own, and that of Monsieur de Merville Grand Seneschal of Guien, for of that of Monsieur de jarnac, which the King had appointed to come to me, the fourth part was not to be found, most of them being with the Prince of Condé: notwithstanding which, I stayed three days only at Again: but returned strait into Bourdelois with the few Forces I could get together, giving the Command of the Foot to my Nephew the Sieur de Leberon. In my second days march from Again I received letters from Monsieur de Madaillan, wherein he gave me to understand, that he had made so good haste, as that the third night after I departed from them they arrived at Xaintes, where having intelligence that there were three Ensigns of Foot at St. Seurin, who had there lodged and fortified themselves, they had fallen upon them, and brought away three Colours. Five or six days after I came to Marennes, where I found Monsieur de Pons, to whom his Majesty had written, as also to Monsieur de jarnac, to come to me to the Siege of Rochel, Soon after I received a letter from the Governor of Nantes, wherein he sent me word, that I was not to wait in expectation of his Artillery, for that he had one piece of Canon only mounted upon an old rotten Carriage, and that all the rest were on ground, without possibility of being made ready in less than three months' time. See how our Frontier Cities and places of importance were provided and fortified! Rochel was not so. I than fell to spinning out the time about St. jean and Xaintes, in expectation of an answer from their Majesties, and money to bring the Artillery from Bourdeaux, very sorry that I had advanced so far. Day by day I sent new dispatches to them to that effect; but could never obtain any answer. The last I sent to Court was Dragon, who had retired himself to Monsieur de Pons, and in the mean time Monsieur de Lude came near unto St. jean, where at a private Gentleman's house we had some conference. He there showed me the letters the King had writ to him, wherein his Majesty commanded him to join with me in the Enterprise of Rochel, telling me that he would as cheerfully obey me as the proper person of the King himself, as being the oldest Captain in France, that he would bring me six or seven Ensigns of Foot, and three or four hundred horse. It did not then stick at me, nor at those Gentlemen the King had commanded to assist me, neither at the Forces of Foot or Horse; but only at the want of means to bring up the Artillery, and a little money to pay the Foot, that this Siege of Rochel did not succeed. I will not say I should have carried it, but I should have frighted them at the least, and perhaps have done them no good.  
In this interval Monsieur de Pons had reduced the Isles of Oleron and Alvert; 
The taking of the Isles.  for they are for the most part his own, and Captain Gombaudiere was in them, having his house there▪ and commanded as well in Alvert as Oleron. There only then remained the Isle of Ré, where they had erected a Fort near unto a Church, and several others at the places of landing. I caused five hundred Harquebuzeers to be chosen out of all our Companies, with all the Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns, the one half of Mongauzy the elders Company excepted, who stayed ashore to command those that were left behind, making my Nephew de Leberon with the said five hundred to embark at the Port of Broüage. Guillet, the King's receiver in those parts took great pains to victual and prepare the Vessels, whom the Queen of Navarre put to death in the late troubles, but I could never learn for what, I ever knew him to be a good servant of the Kings, and believe his diligence upon this occasion of our men's putting to sea did him more harm than good, and perhaps might be the cause of his death, for the Queen of Navarre did by no menas love those people. My said Nephew was a day and a night hindered by foul weather from landing, as also the Enemy defended the landing places from the Forts they had made: but in the end he unbethought him in the night to send away all the lesser boats he had brought along with him full of Soldiers to land amongst the Rocks on the back of the Island, where the Enemy kept no Guard, who so soon as part of them were got on shore, the Enemy discovering the stratagem, ran to that part, and fought them; but ours remained Masters of the place. My Nephew who was one that was engaged in the fight, thereupon presently dispatched a Skiff to the Captains and Soldiers who were aboard the greater Vessels, to bid them come away, which being suddenly done, so soon as they were all landed, they marched directly to the great Fort by the Church, a long league and a half from thence, which they assaulted on two or three sides at once; so that they carried the place, putting all they found within it to the sword, whilst the rest who guarded the landings put themselves into little boats, and fled away towards Rochel. We imagined them to be the people inhabitants of the Island, who escaped away, and that our people had gotten the victory, and two days after my said Nephew sent me an account of the whole action, which sooner he could not do, the wind being so contrary that they could not possibly get to Marennes, where the aforesaid Sieur and I lay: upon which news we called back my said Nephew, leaving two Foot Companies in the Isle. I than left Monsieur de Pons at Marennes, and went away to St. jean, where Monsieur de jarnac came to me, to take order for all things necessary for me in order to the Siege. I caused great provision of victuals 〈◊〉 to be made ready, 
〈…〉  wherein the Providore of the late Monsieur de Bury was very 〈◊〉 to me, for he was of that Country.  
In the mean time I still expected to hear from the King, but could never obtain the favour of one syallable, neither did any of my Messengers ever return; and in truth there 〈◊〉 very great danger by the way, the Enemy being possessed of all the great Roads, by which they were to return into Xaintonge. The first that came was Dragon, who brought news that the Peace was as good as concluded, and that the King would suddenly send me wo●d ●hat I was to do. I think that having seen the Prince and the Admiral with their Forces at the Gates of Paris, ready to sight a Battle, and afterwards at liberty to over●●● all France, they more thought of that than they considered the affairs of Guienne. This was the success of my expedition into Xaintonge; and seeing I have been reproached, that for three years I had done nothing considerable, I could wish that such as propose Erterprises to the King would be as prompt to provide things necessary for such designs, as they are ready to give assignments that signify nothing, like those they sent me, and then perhaps some good might be done: but as they order it, a man must be a God to work ●i●acles. Oh the happy time that these men have who are about the King's person, and never come within danger of a Battle! they cut out work, and very good cheap for others, that the King may think them wise and politic; but they never care to offer his Majesty, that if Montluc or another shall refuse to go upon such an Enterprise, they themselves will undertake it. It is enough for them that they can talk well, and such perhaps there are, who propound a design which they would be glad should miscarry, for generally there is nothing but dissimulation, jealousy, and treachery amongst them, and this is to betray one's Master like a good Frenchman. I am confident by the cheerfulness I saw in the Gentlemen who were with me, and by the astonishment I discovered in the people we had to do withal, that had I been supplied with necessaries requisite for such an Enterprise, 
The importance of Rochel.  I should have set hard to have carried this City, which has since so fortified itself, that if the King permit them to take surer footing, 'tis to be feared they will withdraw themselves from his obedience: but I was at this time so ill assisted, and his Majesty so ill served, that I could do no more than I did.  
A few days after the King sent me the Peace to cause it to be proclaimed at Bourdeaux, commanding me to disband the Foot, and to dismiss them every man to his own house; which I accordingly did, and sent the Proclamation to the Court of Parliament, and the Jurats to cause it to be published: but for my own part I would not be present at it, knowing very well, that it was only a Truce to get breath, and a Peace to gain time to provide themselves better for a War to come, and not intended to be kept, for the King who had been taken unprovided I was confident would never put up the affront had been put upon him, who though he was very young, was notwithstanding a Prince of great spirit, and that bore this audacious Enterprise with very great impatience, as I have since been told by some who were then about him. 
The Sieur de Mon●●ucs judgement of the Commotion of St. Michael.  He gave sufficient testimony of a generous courage, and truly worthy of a King, when he put himself in the head of the Swiss to escape to Paris; and do you think, Gentlemen, you who were the Leaders of those mutinous Troops, that he will ever forget that insolence? you would hardly endure it from your equal, what then would you do with a Servant? for my part I never saw, nor ever read of so strange a thing, which made me always think it would stick in the King's stomach. The Prince and the Admiral committed a great oversight in this Peace; for they had by much the better of the Game, and might doubtless have carried Chartres, so that those who mediated, and procured this accommodation, performed a very signal service for the King and Kingdom.  
This was all I did in the second Troubles, and me thinks it was no contemptible service, to send the King a recruit of eleven or twelve hundred Horse, thirty Ensigns of Foot, and to preserve for him the Province of Guienne, conquer him the Isles, and not to be wanting on my part, that I did not try my fortune at Rochel, and send him all the money the Rebels had amassed together in that part of his Kingdom. But I must do miracles forsooth, those who are about the King's person have ever done me one good office or another, and on my conscience would his Majesty hearken to them now, that I have nothing at all to do, they would find out one thing or another to lay to my charge; for the customs of the Court must not be lost, which is to do all ill offices, and invent slanders against those who have a desire to do well. Was I near them I could quickly give some of them their answer, but the distance is too great betwixt Gascony and Paris; besides I have lost my Children, and an old Beast has no resourse.  
This accommodation of the Second Troubles concluded at Char●res continued but eight or ni●e months at most, 
The short Peace, 1567.  and was therefore called the Short Peace. In this interval I went to Bourdeaux in the beginning of May to see how all things went, where, by the news that was ordinarily brought from Court, by such as came from thence, I very well perceived that this Peace would not long continue: For one while I was told, that the Prince of Cond●. and the Admiral lived contentedly in their own houses; but for the most part was assured to the contrary, and also that the King had sent no order to disband his own Forces, as at the Peace of the former Troubles, and that those of the new Religion went and came to and fro from place to place, and frequently met at Conventicles. It was moreover bruited that Rochel would not surrender, nor Monta●ban, Milla●, and other places, insomuch that it seemed to be rather a Truce, than a Peace concluded. On the other side I was entered into some jealousy of the Governor of Blaye called Des-Rois, wherefore I went to Blaye, taking the Attorney General of the Parliament, called Laket along with me, where being come, Des-Rois began to fall into a long discourse of the Court of Parliament, and the Jurats of Bourdeaux, complaining to me, that they had conceived an unjust suspicion against him, which made him afraid to go into the City. To which I made answer, that this jealousy did not originally proceed from any disaffection that either the Court of Parliament, or the jurats had to his person, but that himself was the cause he was suspected, forasmuch as all those of his Garrison were Hugonots, whom he protected and favoured in the City, and who not far from thence had defaced a Church in his own presence: but that if he desired no one should suspect or censure him, he would do w●ll to new-model his Garrison, and form (the greater part of it at least) of Catholic Soldiers: That notwithstanding I very well knew the contrary, and thereupon like a true friend remonstrated to him, that he should call to mind from what Father he descended, and remember that in recompense of the good services he had performed for the Kings Francis and Henry, they had first given him the Command of that place, and since continued it to him his Son; with several other Remonstrances, which I thought Proper to wean him from an ill-conceived opinion, in case he should peradventure really have entertained any such thing in his fancy. I had formerly evermore taken his part, and having ever known him (as I thought at least) very affectionate to the King's service, had writ to his Majesty, that if I was to be responsible for any man, it should be for him (see how a man may be deceived in judging of men by their own fair speeches) but so soon as I was returned to Bourdeaux, and saw some signs that did not much please me, I had no more the same opinion of him that before; of which I also gave their Majesty's present notice; but it was seven or eight days after I had parted from him. 
The practices of the Hugonots to win Des-Rois over to their Party.  I heard since that a few days after I had been with him he had been at Estau●●ers to confer with Monsieur Mirmebeau, and the Baron de Pardaillan, where they had been five or six hours shut up together in a Chamber, that they had another meeting three days after that, and I had further intelligence, that he was determined to go to Court to present himself to the King, to give his Majesty more ample assurance of his faith. Whereupon I dispatched away to the King, giving him an account of all I had heard, and telling him that I had formerly given his Majesty assurance of the said Des-Rois, bu● that I would now revoke that engagement, and no more stand caution for him, considering the conference he had held at Estauliers, and that if his Majesty would please to take my humble advice, he should remove him from his Government, substituting some one of his Majesties own Religion, which if his Majesty should be pleased to think fit to do, 
The Sieur de Montlucs advice to the King.  it would then be convenient to detain the said Des-Rois till such time as I should have put in him whom his Majesty should appoint into his place, and changed the Garrison. Humbly beseeching his Majesty, that he would please to take my poor advice in this affair, or that otherwise himself would be the first that should repe●t it.  
Des-Rois failed not to begin his Journey the same day that I sent away my dispatch to the King, which was upon a Monday, and being come to Court, as I was told, addressed himself to Monsieur de Lansac, to whom I believe he made his complaint, persuading the said Sieur de Lansac that all these jealousies proceeded from no other cause than the desire I had to prefer some Gentleman who was at my devotion, to the Command of that place, which how true it was God then knew, and time has since discovered: but I conceive that the said Si●ur de Lansac, as well upon the account of neighbourhood, as out of consideration of the good repute of the Father and Family of the said Des-Rois, was willing to embrace his interest, and consequently spoke to his Majesty in his behalf, wherein he was himself first deceived, and afterward ashamed of his mediation. It was however hard to judge a man who had never been blemished before, nor ever committed any fault, but rather behaved himself well than ill, as this Gentleman had done. Men are not to be discovered by the sight, like counterfeit money; and God alone can dive into the hearts of men. So it was, that he returned back very well satisfied with the King, to whom, that he might be more affectionate to his service, his Majesty gave a thousand Crowns, wherein his Majesty did not perhaps consider, that he was of an ill hair, of which there are very few good men; but, however it was, another might have been as well deceived as he, for he had a smooth tongue, and knew very well how to disguise the rancour of his heart.  
See here how cautious a Prince ought to be, 
Advice to Princes.  whether the King ought not to have taken more notice of this conference of one of his Governors with the Hugonots, and in a case of suspicion like this, to have inclined to the safest counsels. There are ways to satisfy such as we would rid our hands of, without driving them to despair, whereas we run a very great hazard in leaving a place of importance in the hands of a suspected person, as his Majesty did in the power of Des-Rois, and a very good place too. When a woman once hearkens to unlawful ●●licitation farewel virtue, and also when a Governor of a Town enters into such secret Parleys as these, there is some knavery a brewing, and in such a ca●e the King or Prince ought to be as jealous as the Husband, that knows his Wife has an ear open to Courtship, 
A discourse touching the designs of the Prince of Co●de.  if at the same time he who engages in such conferences, do not underhand give his Majesty or his Lieutenant notice of it; in which case there is still some danger, and it is hard to be subtle enough for a Traitor.  
Before I departed from Bourdeaux I in the morning assembled the Attorney General, the General de Gourgues, Captain Verre, and my Nephew the Si●ur de Leberon, to whom I would communicate what I had fancied with myself upon the news that daily came from Court of the di●●idence and discontent the Prince of Condé was in, and what I should do if I were in his place. In which discourse they may remember I told them, that if the Prince could pass, he would infallibly come into Xaintonge, having Rochel, and almost all the Country at his devotion; that the Isles when they should see Forces in Xaintonge, and at Rochel, and Monsieur de la Rochefoucault so near them, would presently revolt, and that then the said Prince and the Hugonots would resolutely turn all their designs this way; for in France Rouen was no longer theirs, which being gone, they had not one Port-Town at their devotion; 
●rouage the fairest Haven in France.  and that it would be in them a ridiculous and a senseless thing, to begin a third War, without first having a Seaport in their power. Now they could not possibly make choice of one of greater advantage to them, than that of Rochel, on which depends that of Brovage, which is absolutely the fairest, and the most commodious Haven in all the Kingdom; for being there they might have succours out of Germany, Flanders, England, Scotland, Britain, and Normandy, all of them Countries abounding in people of their own Religion, so that in truth should the King give them their choice to Canton themselves in any Port of the Kingdom, they could not possibly choose a more advantageous nor a more commodious place. They all approved of my discourse as being near the truth, which I had framed in the Night as I lay considering the state of our affairs, for so I used to pass part of the time in bed; and this waking fancy of mine seemed to presage almost as much disaster and misfortune, as the dreams I had dreamt of King Henry and King Charles.  
Having entertained them with this discourse, I then proceeded to tell them, that it would be convenient to find out some fit remedies against the evil before it should arrive; for to communicate this conceit to their Majesties, without proposing at the same time some way to frustrate the Enemy's designs, were, I thought, to make them neglect my intelligence, and to slight my advice. We therefore fell to considering, that to prevent the mishaps which seemed to threaten us, there was no other way, than by making Forts upon the sea, and betimes to secure the Ports, which with four Ships, and as many Shalops to lie at Chedebois, lafoy palace, and the mouth of the Harbour at Broüage, might sufficiently be provided for; and that the Ports being once our own, neither English, nor any other of their Party, could or would attempt to come into their assistance, knowing they were to land at places where they are almost always certain to meet with very tempestuous weather; and that Seamen will never venture out to sea to go to any place, unless they are first sure of a free and a secure Harbour to lie in: and on the other side, that our Ships lying about the Isles would so awe the Inhabitants, that they would never dare to revolt, and our men of War would so keep Rochel, as it were besieged, that it must of necessity in a little time either wholly submit to the King's devotion, 
The design of a Naval Army.  or at least contain themselves quiet, without attempting any thing of commotion. All which being remonstrated to them we unanimously concluded, that I ought to send an account thereof to the King and Queen.  
Now the next thing we were to consider of, was, which way the money was to be raised to equip these Vessels, and to pay the men; and as to that we made account that with ten thousand Francs, and two thousand sacks of Corn, which I offered of my own for the making of Biscuit, we should set them out to sea. General Gorgues would undertake also to cause cattle to be sent from the upper Country upon the account of his own credit, and all upon the confidence we had, that his Majesty would in time reinburse us: The Attorney General then dealt very earnestly with the said Sieur de Gorgues to persuade the Jurats' monthly to advance something towards the charge, and moreover to levy the Custom (which the present Treasurer had obtained from the Privy Council, and snipt from the King's Revenue, though the Grant had not yet been executed, by reason that the Receiver of Bourdeaux had opposed him in his claim, pretending it to be a Member of his Farm, insomuch that the Treasurer out of spite had forborn to execute his Warrant) which when the Jurats should see was to be laid out for the public good, not only in the behalf of his Majesty's particular interest, but moreover for the benefit of their own City, every one would lay to his helping hand, so that what with this, and what with the forementioned advance, it would not for the future cost the King a penny. The Attorney General, and the said Sieur de Gorgues then with Captain Verre cast up the account before me, which being done, we concluded that the Sieur de Leberon should go carry an account of all to the Queen, very well knowing that her Majesty would better understand the business than any of the Council; whereupon I accordingly dispatched away the said Sieur de Leberon post to Court.  
The Queen harkened to all my said Nephew had to deliver with very great patience, returning him answer thereupon, that she would propound is to the Council, which she did, and three days after told him, that the Council did by no means approve of the motion, which I believe was occasioned by some one's buzzing into their ears, that I made this Proposition more out of a desire to range along the Coast, than out of any reason there was to suspect any such thing, as I fancied should fall out. I remember very well that I gave my said Nephew further in charge to tell the Queen, that I had been so unfortunate in all the advices I had presumed to offer to her Majesty, that she had never been pleased to give any credit to any of them, notwithstanding that her Majesty had so often been convinced, that they had been always good, and my intelligences continually true: but that I did most humbly beseech her to give credit to me once in her life only, which if she did not, she would I doubted repent it, and that it would be too late to be remedied, when the misfortune should be once arrived▪ but all these remonstrances signified nothing, and she sent me back my said Nephew without any other answer but this, that the King's Council had not approved of the thing. Which proved very ill; I believe had her Majesty been pleased to follow my counsel the Hugonots affairs would not have been in so good a condition as they now are: but God disposes all things as best pleases him. I know very well, that had I wrought every day a miracle, the Court would never have believed me to be a Saint, especially those about the King's person, who would be sorry their Majesties should believe that any in the Nation should be so vigilant, so intent upon the affairs of the Kingdom, or so wise as they, and yet I have often heard that those who presume so much upon their own wisdom, are often the veriest fools of all.  
Oh how vigilant ought a wise and prudent King to be, to discover these Court Cheats, I was too far off to dispute it with them face to face, and letters have no reply; one Enemy also in the King's Council is able to do a man more mischief, than thirty friends can do him good, of which I have had woeful experience, and in the mean time all things go backwards, without any hopes of amendment, for any thing we can do or say. I may here aptly enough bring in the story of Marco de Bresse an Italian, who had performed some signal services for the Signiory of Venice, for which having long solicited a recompense, but still in vain; it happened at last that the Duke of Venice died, which so soon as ever Signior Marco heard of, he presently preferred a Petition to the Senate, wherein he entreated the Signiory to choose him Duke for the reward of his service. The Senate equally astonished, and scandalised at the ridiculous, and yet the audacious pretence of this man, sent some of their Senators to him to check him for his insolence, and to remonstrate to him the offence he had given to, and the affront he had put upon the Republic by his impudent demand; which being accordingly laid home to him, he returned this answer, 
* Pardon me, you have done so many ridiculous things, that I thought you would have done this also: but 'tis sufficient, I am satisfied.  Pardonate mi, voi havete fatto tante coionerie, che io pensave che faretti anchora questa, ma basta son contento. And so may we say to those Getlemen that govern all, that we ought not to wonder at any thing they do, nor hope for any better from them. The Kingdom at the long run will find the effects of their doings. In the mean time I return to my Subject.  
I then returned towards Agenois, 
The Sieur de Mon●luc fal●● sick.  where upon my arrival at Again, I so bruised one of my legs, that it constrained me three months to keep my bed, after which when I thought myself cured, I was surprised with so sharp and violent a Catharre, as I thought ver●ly would have cut my throat, which had it not vented itself at one of my ears, the Physicians told me would infallibly have done my business. So soon as I was a little recovered, I removed myself to C●ss●ign● for change of air, which was about the end of july. I had there intelligence sent me out of Bearn, that the Queen of Navarre was departed from Pa● to go into Foix, to take some order about her affairs: soon after I received news that she stayed at Vic Bigorre, and immediately after I had another advertisement, that on Wednesday night there was a Gentleman came to her from Monsieur de la Rochefoucault, who had above four hours been shut up with her in her Cabinet. What Peace soever had been concluded I was evermore at watch, and always maintained spies to give me an account of what they did in Bearn, for I very well knew, that no goodness was hatching there. I had further notice given me, 
The Queen of Nava●re departeth out of 〈◊〉.  that upon Thursday she was departed from Vic Bigorre in all haste, and was gone towards Nerac, as it was true, for she arrived there upon Sunday morning. Her arrival at this place filled many with expectation of novelty, and possessed the wiser sort with an opinion that the Peace would not long continue. The next day I sent my Nephew de Leberon to wait upon her, by whom I did humbly beseech her, th●t her coming into these parts might turn to our advantage, and produce some good effects for the better establishment of the Peace concluded, assuring her upon my honour, that I on my part would take such care, that it should not ●e violated on the Catholics side: in answer whereunto she sent me word, that she was come to Nerac to no other end, but to see the Peace inviolably observed, and to suppress any evi● inclinations that some of her Church might unadvisedly nourish to the perturbation of the public quiet, as very well knowing that there were some both of the one Persuasion and the other, who desired nothing but war: and that seeing I was so well disposed to the conservation of the public repose, I should soon see that her desire and intention was the same; in concurrence to which common benefit I was only to communicate to her such things as I should hear, and that she would take order concerning all things that depended upon those of her Religion.  
Two things obliged me to believe that this Queen spoke from her heart, although the Court was pleased to censure me for that credulity, of which the first was, that the King had never given her occasion to act any thing against him, but on the contrary both formerly maintained her interest against the Pope, and more lately against her own Subjects of Bearn, which I conceived aught in reason to oblige her: and the other the great promises which both by Letter's and express Messengers she ordinarily made to the King never to be against him, of which I do believe his Majesty has no less than a whole hundred to produce. All which considered, together with the near relation she has to the King, what must he have been, who durst have manifested a suspicion against her. Had I done i● she would have said, and have accused me to have been the cause that she had altered the good inclination she had ever had to his Majesty's service. Wherein she would have wanted no seconds at Court against me, to load me with the Pack instead of the Saddle. I am much better satisfied that she has persecuted me as she has done without any cause then that she had done it with any just pretence: but the weakest always goes to the walls. If the King or Queen had a mind to have had me done otherwise, why did they not order me to do it; I should then have feared nothing; but I must be a Prophet. I had evermore an eye to what they did in Bearn, because it is a Country very much infected with the new Religion, that is crept in amongst them I know not how, nor I know not who will root it out. They had amongst them, 'tis true, a pack of Godly Ministers, who with all their seeming humility, and pretended sanctity, breathed nothing in their Pulpits but War and Rebellion: but as to the Queen of Navarre, I could never have imagined that she would have committed such an error, and have hazarded her State, which the King had maintained her in, as she did. But I think those virtuous Ministers under show of holiness inveigled her over to their par●y; for to that end they would omit nothing, and would promise wonders to whoever would hearken to them. 
The Queen of Navarre departs from Nerac.  The Queen departed from Nerac on Sunday morning, the very same day that my Wife intended to have gone thither to have kissed her hand, and Monsieur de Sainctorens and my Sons were to have gone along with her, to run at the Ring, and to divert the Prince where they made account to have stayed eight or ten days. I sent my Wife thither on purpose to entertain the Queen with reiterated assurances of me and the Catholics, that we would not offer so much as once to think of taking arms, but the same Sunday morning by break of day came a controller of hers, by whom she sent me word, that my Wife should not come thither, for that she was going away to Castelgeloux, upon some intelligence she had received, that certain incendiaries of her Religion had a mind to raise some commotion; but that she would not fail to prevent them. I than perceived that it was something else than to suppress those pretended Mutineers that carried her away; for had that been all, she might have done the business at Nera● without going to Castelgeloux: yet could I not penetrate into the bottom of her design. The next morning I went to Again, from thence I dispatched away to Monsieur de Madaillan, that he should in all secrecy gather together those of my Company on the other side the River Garonne, at la Sa●vetat, where his own house was: I sent another dispatch also to the Chevalier my Son, who was a Colonel in Gu●enne, that he should give notice to all his Captains that day and night, in all diligence they should march to Port St, Marry with fifteen or twenty Harquebuzeers on horseback each, without staying for any more. I likewise sent to Monsieur de Fontenilles, who lay in Garrison at Moissac to do the same, and to send to those of his Company who were not in the Garrison with him to follow after with all possible speed.  
The Queen of Navarre stayed two days only at Castelgeloux, but took her way thence directly to Thonens and Aymett. Her departure was so sudden, that the Chevalier my Son fell four hours short of being able to join with Monsieur de Madaillon, by reason of the passage over the River of Aiguillon, where there were no more than two little Boats only, and yet when our people came to Aymett, it was not above three or four hours that she had been parted thence, and gone in all haste strait to Bergerac; where the Sieur de Piles with three or fourscore H●rse was come out to meet her, and so she passed over the Dordogne. I had taken s● extraordinary pains night and day to send away my dispatches to give 〈◊〉 to all the Captains and Gentlemen of the Country to betake themselves to arms, that being not yet perfectly cured of my Catharre I relapsed into an extreme and dangerous sickn●●. Every one concluded I could not possibly escape it, and I myself thought no less; for I 〈◊〉 made my will, which before for any sickness I had had, or for any wounds I had received, I had never done. In all the sicknesses and wounds I had lain under before, I had never had other care than of my arms, and my horses; but at this time, 
The Sieur de Montluc again dangerously sick.  believing I should certainly die, I thought of every thing, though that which most afflicted me, was to leave my Prince and Country in so critical a time, and in so dangerous a condition. However during the time of my sickness I made the Knight my Son raise thirty Ensigns of Foot, wherein the Levy was so sudden, that the Captains could not get Soldiers to make up a third part of their Companies, by reason that almost all those that Monsieur de Sainctorens had carried to the King in the second troubles were left behind in France, and had listed themselves into the old standing Regiments there, and also some of the Captains.  
Being yet in the extremity of my sickness, 
Monsieur de joyeuse sends the Sieur de Montluc intelligence of the coming of the Provencals.  Monsieur de joyeuse, who was about Montpellier, sent me word that the Provencals had passed the Rosne, and that Monsieur d' Acier was gone towards Usez to meet and receive them; that they were only five or six thousand Ragamuffin Rascals (which was his own expression) who carried their Wives and Children along with them, and that I might easily hinder their passage into Xaintonge, whether they were going to offer their service to the Prince, and the Admiral, who were already arrived in those parts. The Queen of Navarre had also taken the same way, as to a place of the greatest safety, where they had so many advantages to prosecute the War, and the whole Country at their devotion. I had likewise news sent me from Court, that the King had sent away Monsieur de Montpensier to come head the Forces of Guienne and Poictou; of which I was exceeding glad, being assured that if we were to serve under him, we should be sure to fight. The very day therefore that I first got out of my bed from my dangerous sickness I went towards Cahors, taking a Physician and a Litter along with me, of which I had more need than of a Spanish Horse, and after that manner made a shift to crawl as far as Castelnau de Monratt●er within five leagues of Cahors, there to assemble our Forces together.  
To this place came Messieurs de Gondrin, de la Valette, de Saint Colombe (who brought five and twenty men at Arms of the Monsieurs Company that were of this Country) the Lieutenant, and Ensign of Monsieur de Montpezat (who had some of the Marquis de Villars his men) and Monsieur du Masses with his own Company, and mine, which at that time consisted of threescore men at Arms. I stayed four or five days at Castelna●, where I began to gather a little strength, and there received Letters from Monsieur d' Escars, that he was coming to join with me with his own Company, and a Company of Light-horse that he had newly raised, 
Number of the Catholics Forces.  as also the Viscount de Limevil with his Company, and another of Light-horse, together with some Gentlemen of Lemosin and Perigord he had with him, and I also had some. What betwixt the Forces that Monsieur d' Escars was to bring, and those of ours, we made account by the report of our Marshal de Camp, which was Monsieur de la Chappelle Lousieres, Lieutenant to Monsieur de Byron, that we might be in all four hundred Light-horse, and as to the Foot in all the thirty Ensigns there was not good and bad above eighteen hundred fight men; for my Son having taken a review of them at his passing over the Bridge at Cahors, had cashiered three or four hundred that were good for nothing but to pilfer and rob the Country, s● that in all his ensigns he had no more remaining but eighteen hundred men. 'Tis true he had dai●y some or other still coming in to him, for the Captains had left their Lieutenants behind, who every day picked up some. With these then we marched directly to Cahors, where I lay twelve days, and the Camp in the adjacent places, and there again received letters from Monsieur d'Escars, who stayed for me about So●illac, and also from Monsieur de joyeuse, wherein he advertised me, that the Enemy still marched on along the Mountain toward Rhodes, and so we departed thence, and in two days came to So●illac.  
At Sovillac I received letters from the Bishop of Rhodes, and from Messieurs de l' Estang (eldest Son of Monsieur de Cornusson) and the Saint Bensa, all of one and the same tenor, which was, that they had discovered the Enemy, who were no other than five or six thousand Rasc●ls with their Wives and Children with them, exactly after the same manner that Monsieur de Joyeuse had described them before. Now seeing this account of the Enemy came from men of honour, especially from Monsieur de joyeuse, who sent me word he had caused them to be discovered by men of worth and understanding in those affairs, and that the others had themselves viewed them in person, we all concluded it to be so. See here the difference betwixt causing an Enemy to be discovered, and discovering a man's self in his own person the posture of an Enemy; for this advertisement had like to have been the ruin of us all: and we were so near being all lost, that it was the work of God, and not of men that preserved us; and yet we were all of us of one opinion, and could hardly let it sink into our heads, that M●ssieurs the Count de Tanned, de Gordes, de Maugiron, and de Suze having all the Forces of Provence and Dauphiné with them (for they were all joined together, 
The Sieur de Montlucs discourse touching the coming of the Proven●aux.  as Monsieur de joyeuse had writ me word) would have suffered so few people in so evil equipage to pass the Rosne without fight them; or the said Sieur de joyeuse himself, who had a Force sufficient in Languedoc to hinder them from passing the River on his side: neither could I imagine that such a handful of men should be so hardy, as to march through the Kingdom of France; which made me always cry, these are brave bold Rascals, we must see them, if they be such as we are made to believe they are, we shall have a good bargain of them. On the other side the desire we had to fight them made us more apt to believe, that the intelligence had been sent us was true, for oftentimes men are apt to deceive themselves, and inclined to believe what they desire. In this resolution we made account to go and fight them so soon as ever they should approach the River of Dordegne; to which purpose being removed to Gourdon, Monsieur de Monsales arrived at our Camp, who brought me Letters from the King, and to Monsieur d' Escars also, wherein his Majesty commanded us forthwith to repair to Monsieur de Montpensier (who was about Poicto●) to fight with the Prince of Condé, and the Admiral. He came in a very great heat to make us instantly depart, which made us immediately enter into Council upon the place, in which was Messieurs d' Escars, and the Bories, St. Genies the elder, with two or three other Knights of the order, who were come with Monsieur d' Escars, and on our side Messieurs de Gondrin, de la Vallette, du Masses, de Fontenilles, de Givers●c, de Saint Col●mbe, de Cançon, de Brassac, de la Chapelle Losieres, Cassanevil, and myself, with some other Knights of the Order. I had sent back Monsieur de Sainctorens toward Moissac (forasmuch as I had been informed that the Vicomptes were gathering together to go join with Monsieur d' Acier, and the Provençals) to the end that I might have continual intelligence, making account to fight these fellows with so many of us as we were together, seeing they were no more than five or six thousand pitiful Rascals, as we had been made to believe. 
Consultation concerning the Commission of the Sieur de Monsales.  There was not one Captain, nor Knight of the Order, who was present at the Council that did not concur in the same opinion, which was, that the Prince of Condé and the Admiral were no such Novices in War, nor so young Captains, but that they very well knew how to avoid fight, unless when themselves thought fit to do it, wherein also they would find the less difficulty now, considering that they had already a River in their favour, which was the Charante, and over that the Bridges of Xaintes and Congnac in their own hands: and on the other side they would never venture to fight without Foot, which they had not, being come thither naked, with no more than thirty or forty Horse: but that doubtless before they took the field to fight, they would stay for the Prove●çals which Monsieur d' Acier was bringing up to them, who since they were coming upon us, it would be much better to fight them ourselves, than to go join with Monsieur de Montpensier, who was a great way off, and leave the Prove●çals behind at full liberty to march in all security along the banks of the Dordogne directly to Congnac, now that there remained no Forces in G●ienne to oppose their way. So then we all resolved, that it was necessary to stay and fight them, hoping in God that the Victory would be our own, seeing they were so few, and so inconsiderable people. It was moreover alleged in the Council, that the said Prove●çals, when they should see themselves at large, would take their way towards the Vicontes, for all the Rivers were fordable, and that the Prince and the Admiral would come and join with them about Libourne and Fronsac, forasmuch as at Bourdeaux there would be none to hinder them: and others said, that whilst we were meditating to defend the Cities of Xaintonge we should lose our own. In fine there was not one Captain, or Knight of the Order, that was of any other opinion, but th●t ●e aught to sight, Monsieur de Monsales excepted, who was almost at his wi●s end, seeing he could not carry away the Succours, as he promised to himself he should do; so that seeing our resolution to be otherwise he departed from us. Whether he went I am not able to say, but one thing I know, that he went away in very great wrath. He immediately dispatched away his Brother to the King, and, as I have since been told, said my ●rrand to their Majesties, saying, that I had persuaded all the Captains to return this answer, an answer that in truth went very much against his stomach; for he had a mighty ambition to have showed the King and Queen what a wonderful authority he had in Guienne, that could carry in so considerable succours, and wherein were so many brave Captains; only to gain still more favour and esteem with their Majesties, to the end they might grant him his demands, which came so thick, that the King never filled him one hand, but that at the same time he p●t out the other to beg something more. And this I dare be b●ld to a●●i●m, that never any King of France conferred so many benefits upon any one Gentleman of Guienne as the King had bestowed upon him: for he gave him two Bishoprics, two Abbeys, and above a hundred thousand Francs in money at one time, and yet notwithstanding he was never content. And I will be bold to say another thing, that although upon this debate all the Captains had concluded to go to Monsieur de Montpens●r, the Devil a one of them would have gone along with him, as they afterwards made it sufficiently appear, for no body would follow him when he was with the Monsieur, but chose to follow Monsieur de la Vallette, who was not half so much a Favourite as he; but he was by much a better Soldier. Yet will I not say but that the Sieur de Mons●les was a very brave Gentleman in his own person, but a man ought to take measure of his own abilities, to moderate his ambition and to sweat a long while under his arms, before he take upon him to play the great Captain, and to Lord it in Command.  
After this Consultation held at Gourdon the said Sieur de Monsales being departed from us, there came news from the Bishop of Cahors his Uncle, who sent us word, that the Provençals' Camp was come within three or fours leagues of Cahors, and that therefore he conjured us for the honour of God to come speedily and relieve the City; for they expected the Enemy the next morning; and before we departed from Sovillac there passed by one whom I will forbear to name, lest should he be yet living, it might cause him to be killed, who brought a Letter from the Queen to Monsieur d' Escars, wherein she writ to him to let the bearer pass with all the secrecy he could, for that she had sent him to the Provençals' Camp to discover what number they might be. Monsieur d' Escars thereupon came to acquaint me with the business, and carried me to his Lodging, and there into a Cabinet, where he had concealed this man, who, so soon as I came in to him acquainted me with the Command he had from the Queen, telling me, that if I would give him a man in whom I durst confide, and that was good at the numbering of men, he would undertake to show him all the Army; for he himself was not to stand upon computing of men, being to play another kind of person; but that he would nevertheless order it so, that the man I should send should view the whole Army at his ease. Whereupon I delivered a Soldier to him, whom I knew I might trust, who also was to counterfeit himself a Huguenot, and so they went away together.  
Now to return to the advertisement we had from the Bishop of Cahors, upon his Letter we immediately turned that way to go fight with the Enemy. Monsieur de la Vallette went before with his own Company, and took Monsieur de Fontenilles along with him, who at that time was my Lieutenant, with the one half of mine. I every day expected an answer from the King, to a request I had made to him to give the one half of my Company to the said Monsieur de Fontenilles, and the other half to the Knight my Son, believing I should not live long, both by reason of the long sickness I had had, of which I was not yet recovered, and also by reason of the violence wherewith I daily forced myself to do more than I was able.  
Monsieur de la Valette made so long a march to go to discover these people, that of two days we could not meet again, their horses being almost all unshod. He was as diligent a Captain as any I ever known, but by this means he was constrained to stay a day at Cahors to get his horses new shoes, for the way they had gone was so stony, as had left half his party barefoot; and Monsieur d' Escars having heard that the Enemy took the way towards Limosin, would needs go to defend his own Government: but he was not long before he repented his so doing; for the Enemy marched towards Acier and Gramat, which the said Sieur d' Escars having understood, and that they were got before him, he returned back to us in all diligence, and we rallied at Gourdon, a Town belonging to Monsieur de Saint Supplice. I then dispatched away in all haste to my Son, who was advanced a great way towards C●h●rs, that he should immediately face about towards us, and to Monsieur de la Vallette, to advance with all possible speed, and not fail to come the next day to Gramat, that we might fight that day; or however the next morning. Monsieur d' Escars and I, Monsieur de Gondrin, Messieurs le V●comp●e de Lemivil, and du M●sses, so soon as ever we had baited, immediately departed, and marched strait towards Gramat, sending Monsieur du M●sses, and the Viscount de Limevil with the Company of Light-horse, and the Marshal de Camp before directly to Gramat; when being advanced as far as the Gallows of Gramat, within betwixt three and four Harquebuz shot of the Town, we there made a halt to s●ay for Monsieur de la Val●ette and his Party, in which he had Monsieur de Saint Colombe, and the r●st beforenamed, and also for our Foot. I divided our thirty Ensigns into three Regiments, although the Chevalier my Son commanded them all, of which Monsieur de Leb●ron commanded ten, and Captain Sendat other ten, besides the third ten, which was immediately to be commanded by my Son himself. Which because the Country thereabout was very barren, we were constrained to quarter at some distance from one another, by which means, what by reason of the long way they had to return back, as also that the Quarters of the thirty Ensigns were separated, and that Monsieur de la Vallette could not come up to Gramat that day, we there stayed till it was so late, that the Sun was almost going down, where still from hour to hour Monsieur du Masses sent continually word that the Enemy still marched towards the Dordogne, and intended to take up their Quarters in certain Villages betwixit Gramat and the Dordogne.  
Monsieur d' Acier very well knew whereabouts we lay, insomuch that it was put to the question, whether or no they should come to attaque us, and their intelligence was so good, that they knew how many we were almost to fifty men. All his Captains were of opinion that he ought to do it; but he showed them a Letter from the Prince of Condé, wherein the Prince conjured him by no means to engage, if he cou●d possibly avoid it, forasmuch as upon those Forces he had with him, he said, depended his good or evil fortune. Now as we thus sta●'d in expectation of our own people to come up to us, Captain Pierre Moreau the Enemy's Marshal de Camp happened to come to Gramat, to view the Quarters, 
The Sieur d' Acier's Marshal de Camp taken prisoner.  no● thinking that we were so near, where by three or four Light-horse belonging to the Viscount de Limevil, he was taken, and brought prisoner to us to the foremention'd Gallows, where we all were. Immediately upon his being brought before us, being I was well acquainted with the said Captain Moreau, he having been formerly of my Company in Piedmont, Monsieur d' Escars and I took him aside, where I bid him to tell me the truth upon pain of death how many men they were; for you know Captain Moreau, said I, that I am not a man to be dallied withal, and you must not tell me a l●e. To which he made answer, that he would forfeit his head if he did not tell the truth. We very well perceived that he was damnably afraid, for at the very first he had desired me to remember, that he had once been of my Company, and had served me upon several very good occasions, wherein I had ever seen him behave himself like a man of honour. I than gave him assurance of his life; whereupon he told us, that they were betwixt sixteen and eighteen thousand Foo●, and betwixt five and six thousand Horse, of which there might be three hundred Cuirassiers well a●m'd, and well mounted; and the other two or three hundred Harquebuzeers and Argoulets, 
The number of the Provençals.  of which they made no very great account. And as to the Foot, that there were six thousand Harquebuzeers old Soldiers all, of which he had never seen so great a number in any Army of the Kings, that they had other six thousand, of whom they did not make altogether so much reckoning as of the first, but that nevertheless there was good men amongst them, and such as he believed, under favour of the first six thousand, would fight tolerably well, and that the remainder to seventeen or eighteen thousand were for the most part Harquebuzeers also, and the rest Halberteers, and some Pikes▪ Monsieur d' Escars and I looked upon one another, very much astonished at the account had been given us; whereupon Monsieur d'Escars said to him these words, Captain Morea●● instead of saving your life you will throw it away, for you are obliged to speak the truth upon pain o● hanging, and Monsieur de Mon●luc has very good intelligence, that you are not above five or six thousand, and of those the greater part are women, children, and servants. He then made answer, Sir, we know very well you have been told so, but let me die if I lie to you fifty men, but said I, we are advertised by Monsieur de Joyeuse, who has caused you to be discovered to a man, that you are no more than five or six thousand, as also by several Gentlemen. wh● have all taken a view of y●u ne●r unto Rhodes; 
Captain Moreau's answer.  we know very well, said he, that Monsieur de Joyeuse, the Bishop of Rhodes, and othery have advertised you so: but seeing we were so few, why did they not then intercept us, and hinder us from passing the Risen? let me perish if they ever gave us so much as any one Alarm, judge you then how they could come to discover us. Monsieur de Montluc, my life lies at st●k●, I will not deceive you, and since you are pleased to secure it if I speak the truth, I will not forfeit it by telling a lie: of which to give you further proof, see here the Muster Roll of our whole Army, Regiment by Regiment, for unworthy at I am, they have made me their Marshal de Camp. Monsieur d' Escars then took the Rolls, and read them before me, when seeing the Sun was about to go down, we were of advice not to quarter at Gram●t, but to retire from thence to the Quarters from whence we rose in the morning, and there to receive Monsieur de la Vallette, and our Foot, and all of us together to deliberate what we had to do. We accordingly then began to put ourselves upon our march, entreating Monsieur de Cassaneveil to go draw off Monsieur du Masses, and our Marshal de Camp; for from Gramat to the place where the Enemy were sitting down in their Quarters, was at the farthest not above a quarter of a league, and it was well for the Sieur du Masses that we did so; for as he was intentively observing the order of their Camp to see if he could muster their Forces, and dismounted with two others only with him looking upon them against the Sun, which was then just upon setting, the said de Cassan●ueil was aware of all their Cavalry coming full drive to intercept their retreat, which made him gallop upon the spur to give them notice of their danger, who thereupon, as time it was, reti●'d in all haste towards us. Thus than we began to retreat toward Gourdon, when being about the mid way, the Queen's Spy overtook us, who knew nothing of the taking of Captain M●rean, and drawing Monsieur d' Escars, Monsieur de Gondrin, 
The Spy's report.  and me apart, the Soldier there told us, that the said Spy had given him opportunity to see, and to number all the Enemy's Camp in the Plain of Figere, where they were all drawn up into Battalia to give an assault to the Town; but that the Inhabitants had sent Monsieur d' Acier a Present, which had qualified their fury, and prevailed with them to forbear. He told us that he had there counted a hundred, fifty, and two Ensigns of Foot, and being the Cavalry were a little at a distance, he could not so exactly number them, as he had done the Foot: but that he thought they might be betwixt six and seven hundred Horse, and that he had numbered the Foot to be betwixt three and and four and twenty thousand men. Monsieur d' Escars and I then took the Spy aside by himself, who gave us the same account that the Soldier had done; the Spy was in bodily fear lest Captain Moreau should peradventure have discovered him, for so soon as ever he saw him he slunk out of the Troop, and before we were settled every man in his quarters, it was after midnight. The next day we all met together again, and all the Captains came to my lodging to consult what we had to do, having found that we had to deal with other kind of people than with five or six thousand scoundrils with their wives and children. At night the aforesaid Captain Moreau told me in private, that in case we should attempt to fight them in the place where they were encamped, we should infallibly be defeated, were we four times as many Horse and Foot as we were, by reason that Monsieur d' Acier who was of this Country, had purposely chosen this place not to stir from thence of eight or ten days, but there to lie in expectation of the return of a Messenger he had sent to the Prince and the Admiral, to tell them, that he would go no farther; and that they all humbly entreated the Prince to come and make Guienne the Scene of the War, which they were confidently assured they should make their own, before the King could draw sufficient Forces together to fight them: that to this end they would march before him towards Libourne, and would try to carry Bourdeaux, for they feared nothing but our Horse, and therefore it was that they had made choice of those Quarters, it being a stony Country, and the stones so sharp that they cut like knives, insomuch that a horse dares not gallop, or indeed almost tread upon them, and moreover all the Country, and all Highways are enclosed with dry stone walls of the height of a man, and the lowest as high as a man's girdle, under favour of which they made account to enclose all their Harquebuzeers, and the Horse in their Rear, so that we could not possibly go to fight them, without exposing ourselves to the mercy of their shot.  
All these things considered, as also the situation of the place, and the number of men, made us maturely to deliberate of the condition we were in, and with the best discretion we had to provide against the odds against us, and to supply the weakness of our Forces with the best resolutions founded upon the best rules of War. Upon which consultation it was in the end agreed, that Monsieur d' Escars should send a Gens-d'arme of his, an intelligent person, to found the Pass of the Dordogne leading to Figeac, wherein if the Foa●d should prove to be good, we should then encamp ourselves there, and cause our provisions to b● brought in to us from the said Figeac, for that there we should be out of the stones, where the Caval●y could not come to fight, and that finding the Foards such as we believed they were, we might at any time pass over, either to ●ight the fi●st that should attempt the Foa●d from the other side, or the last that were to pass, we being no more than a little league from one another. With this resolution we dispatched away the said Gens-d'arms to go sound the Foard, and the Commissaries to make ready the provisions, concluding to depart the day following, and not before, because we would give the Commissaries time to prepare the provisions, and the Gentlemen leisure to sound the Foard.  
The next day about ten of the clock in the morning there arrived the Brother of Monsieur de Villag●ie (who had been no more than six or seven days at most in posting too and again fr●m Court) bringing a Letter from the King, 
A second command from the King.  wherein his Majesty commanded us, that whether we had already fought, or were upon the point of fight, immediately upon ●ight thereof, leaving all things in order, or disorder as to the affairs of the place, we should march away to M●nsieur de Montpensier. We very well understood by the stile, that these Letters were of Monsieur de Monsales his contriving; forasmuch as he had told us at his coming to call us away, that the King and Queen did not care though Guienne was l●st, provided we fought with the Prince of Condé; for he being once defeated, all the rest would be recovered of course: at which time I remember there were some who in my presence reproached him, that he talked at his ●ase; for although his house should be burnt, he was very well assured the King and Queen would give him three times as much as he could possibly lose, and that hitherto it had never been known, that ever the King had conferred so many benefits upon all the Captains of Guienne, put them all together, as upon him alone: and this was the thing that made us believe he had sent this Letter ready drawn to the King, that his Majesty might write to us after that manner. For in the Cabinets of Princes such tricks have been usually played, and such extraordinary favours granted, with much less difficulty than men of our trade can obtain the lea●t justice. The abovenamed Captains who were present at the Consultation are able to testify what a dispute there was amongst us, before we began to march, as seeing the apparent loss and ruin of the Country, should the Prince transfer the Scene of the War into Guienne, as we did confidently believe he would, seeing these people refuse to advance any further, and also knowing Monsieur d' Acier to be of that opinion; and that the Queen of Navarre being with the Prince would eternally solicit him so to do, if but to secure her own estate: for having once Guienne at her devotion, she might very well assure the State of her Son, and moreover pretend to a great deal more.  
But after all the disputes that have been concerning that affair, I call all the Captains to witness, whether I did not propose to obey the King's pleasure, and to march away to Monsieur de Montpensier in what pa●t soever he might be; telling them withal, that indeed by reason of my indisposition I could not engage myself in field service in the beginning of a turbulent winter, as being altogether useless in an Army: but that they might boldly proceed, without fearing their houses should be burnt: for that with the Gentlemen and the Common people who would be left in the Country, I did not doubt to secure them, or at least to cut out so much work for the Enemy, that they should pay dear for what they got. There was then a debate about marching the Infantry, all the Captains saying, that it was to send them to the slaughter they being no way able to match the Enemy's Foot, and were therefore generally of opinion, that I ought to place them in Garrison towards St. Foy, Libourne, and Bergerac along the River Dordogne, and that in the mean time they should see which way the Enemy would take; 
Resolution.  who should they march into Xaintonge, the Chevalier my Son might afterwards go through Limousin, and join himself with the King.  
Thus than I returned towards Cahors, and to Castelnau de Monrartier, expecting news of the Enemies march, where at the said Castelnau I was surprised with a Dissentery, that put my Physician almost to the end of his lesson, and me of my life: and seeing there are some, who to do me a good office, have said, that I might have fought the Enemy if I would; and others, that seeing I would not fight them, I ought speedily to have sent away the Forces to Monsieur de Montpensier, I have here to a syllable set down the truth of the story, from the beginning to the end, and all upon the testimony of the Captains who were present, excepting those who are since dead; and I think they are all, saving Monsieur du Masses, yet alive: so that if there was a fault any where, it ought to be charged upon the Governors, who first of all suffered them to assemble in their Governments, and afterwards to pass the Rivers without offering to oppose them; and truly as to them, if any one have a mind to accuse them, that they did not do well, I think they may do it with colour enough. But they must evermore lay the blame ●pon me, who would never depend upon the favour of any but the King and Queen alone; and because I had no Idol that I adored at Court, (which I never had, nor never will have) to defend me from the charities of those virtuous Court-worms. It has not been my custom to avoid fight, I have been too much bred to that from my childhood; neither was I ever in place where we were near the Enemy, that I was not evermore of opinion we ought to fight; and if I commanded in chief have ever fought, though almost always the weaker; and had I at this time had my own will, I had tried a better or a worse, and would have brought away a leg or a wing, either from Front or Rear; by which means we might have given Monsieur de Montpensier time to have come and have joined with us: but these Letters of Monsales his invention must carry it against what we saw with our own eyes was best to be done. To hear these men talk who are pleased to accuse me, a man would say I ought to kill all before me with my nails, and take Rochel and Montauban with my teeth: but I am no such fool as to throw stones against the wind, and in a disadvantageous Country with three thousand to fight with twenty thousand men, and by my overthrow to draw after me the ruin of the Country. But I shall leave this discourse, as not willing to enter into excuses, for I was not in fault in the least, and shall not learn my Trade of those Musk-Cats that prate by the fireside, far enough from blows, and the while we are engaged in action, give the King (about whose person they have the honour to be) unprofitable counsels. But it is the business of a Lieutenant of the King, to take his own way, and do as he himself b●st fees cause: for it is not always necessary to do as the King commands, he is far off, and relies upon your conduct: it is therefore your part, if you have any discretion at all, to judge what is best to be done. No man living can deny but that had I fought a Battle, I had manifestly exposed the Province of Guienne to ruin, for I must have fought against the odds of ten to one; and had I done as the King, at the importunity of the Sieur de Monsales, commanded me, I had left all the Country at the Enemy's dispose, as I refer to any indifferent person to judge.  
I then returned back to Again, where I recovered a little health, and upon that recovery immediately resolved to go seek out Monsieur de Montpensier; which determination I signified accordingly to Monsieur de Terride, and to Monsieur de Gondrin, who was come back from Gourdon by reason of a sickness that had there seized him; and we had enough to do to persuade him to return, for sick as he was he would have gone along with his Company, in case they were to go with me. We appointed to meet at Villeneuf d' Agenois, to which place I brought ten Ensigns of Foot conducted by the Knight my Son, leaving the other two Tertias of his Regiment to be commanded by the aforenamed Captains, when, as we were all joined together ready to march, I received a Letter from Monsieur de Montpensier, wherein he sent me word, that all affairs set apart I should forthwith put myself into Bourdeaux, if I was not already there; for he had intelligence that the Enemy had a design upon that City, and was afraid I could hardly come time enough to save it. At the same time also there came to me one of the Ushers of the Court of Parliament of Bourdeaux, by whom the Court desired me to make haste to their succour, and that they gave the City for lost, if I did not put myself immediately into it. I was strangely astonished whence these erterprises should proceed, and was constrained to send to Messieurs de Terride and de Gondrin to Castillon, to gather together the said Companies of Horse and Foot that came along with us, and there stay to expect my further order, for I hoped soon to provide against the present danger, and taking fifteen or twenty Gentlemen only along with me, went away in all diligence, causing our great horses and arms to follow after. Being come betwixt Marmanda, and la Reoll●, I there met with Monsieur de Lignerolles returning from Spain, and Monsieur de Lansac the younger, who both of them entreated me to make all the haste I could, for that they doubted the next day (being Wednesday) the City would be taken, 
Divisions 〈◊〉 Bourdeaux.  which they had left so strangely divided, that they did not confide in one another. The said Sieur de Lansac had received two Letters, by which it was evident enough that there was some conspiracy in the City itself. I scarce stayed to embrace them, but went away to lie all night at Langon, and the next day by noon came to Bourdeaux, having first sent away the Usher post before, to give the Parliament notice of my coming, to the end, that if there was really a design in hand that might hold them a little in suspense: I was there constrained to stay five or six days. The next morning I entered into the Court, where I made them a speech the best I could to assure them, and put them out of all doubt; which the Parliament took exceeding kindly from me, and returned me their thanks. After dinner I went to the Townhouse, where I made another to the Jurats, in conclusion whereof I gave them order the next day to put all the City into arms; which was accordingly done, and I found them to amount to two thousand and four or five hundred men, well armed. I found also that the two Companies of Monsieur de Tilladet (who as yet was Governor) were there, and three others. The next day I again went to the Court of Parliament, where I gave them an account of the Forces I had found in the City, remonstrating to them the little occasion they had to apprehend any danger, and the good disposition I had observed, as well in the Citizens as the Soldiers, exhorting them to do their endeavour in the defence of their City: after which having made them all hold up their hands to live and die together in the defence of their City, and that if they should discover any one who should go about to betray it they would all fall upon him, they all swore to me so to do, which greatly rejoiced the whole Assembly, to whom I further remonstrated, That themselves also aught to take up arms, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Speech to the Parliament of Bourdeaux.  if occasion should so require, and remember that the most valiant Captains the Romans had were men of Letters, who had they not been qualified with learning would have been looked upon as unworthy of great commands, and that their knowledge ought by no means to hinder them from the use of arms, and from fight, but rather encourage them to do like those ancient Romans, being men as well as they, who had no more than two arms, and one heart, as they had. Gentlemen, said I, I see by your countenances, that you are not men that will suffer yourselves to be beaten, those who have grey beard and heads shall be for the Council, but a good number that I see here are fit to trail a pike, and how much think you will it encourage the people, when they shall see those who have power over their lives and estates take arms for their defence? Not a man will dare to mutter, and your Enemies will tremble when they shall hear, that the Parliament itself is taking arms to suppress them, by which they will understand you are in earnest; and moreover all the young men whom I have seen enter this place, and who are more fit for a Corslet than a Gown, will then do the same. To this end I entreated them to shut up the Palace for eight days, that in those eight day's time every one of them might be acquainted with the arms he intended to make use of in time of need, and that they might divide themselves into two and two, to stand at the Gates with their arms, that in so doing the whole City would take exemple; and on the other side should there be any Treason in the said City, this good order would be a means to put a stop to their proceeding, and put them out of hopes of executing their design; wherefore seeing so great a good was to be expected from this prudent order in affairs, as the preservation of their City, their lives and fortunes, they ought to spare nothing to that end. After which I told them for the conclusion of all: Gentlemen, consider I beseech you what I have said to you, and I make you here a tender of my own life, and the lives of these Gentlemen my friends to do you service, and to establish you in the peace and security you yourselves desire. The Precedent Rossignac, who at that time had the Chair (for Monsieur de Legabaston was retired, his service not being agreeable to this King) made answer in the behalf of the whole Court, giving me very many thanks for the Remonstrance I had made to them, for which they would for ever be my servants, and telling me withal, that there was not a man amongst them young or old who would not take arms for his Majesty's service in the defence of the City. 
Commendation of the two Parliaments of Tholouze and Bourdeaux.  In earnest the King owes a great deal to this Society, as also to that of Tholouze, for if either the one or the other had failed Guienne had had much to suffer; forasmuch as the loss of one of these two Cities carries a long train after it, to wit the ruin of the whole Province. In four day's time I had cleared all the jealousy and apprehension that was before in the City.  
You Gentlemen that are Governors, it is a fine thing to know the humour and complexion of the Nation over which you command, and one thing I will say for this people, that if their Governor have once gained a reputation among them, and can so pertinently deliver himself, as to demonstrate to them any kind of probability in the thing he would persuade, he shall not only engage the Gentry, the Soldiery, and the Magistrates themselves, but also the Monks, Priests, Labourers, and even the very women to fight. For they are a Nation that want no courage, but a good Chief, that knows how to command; and you ought to believe, that seeing the Ancients made so much use of Orations before all their Battles, and found so great a benefit to accrue thereby, that we in these times should not lay aside that kind of encouragement. They found it of so considerable advantage, that they have not thought fit to omit the several Orations in their Histories and Records, and we likewise ought to believe that in using the same means, and in following their exemple, we shall find as great advantage by it as they did, and I look upon it as a great and necessary quality in a Captain to speak well. I was not brought up to this, and yet have ever been so happy as in Soldierlike terms to express what I had to say tolerably well, though with a vehemency a little relishing of the Country from whence I came. I would therefore advise all persons of condition, who have the means to do it, and design to advance their Children by Arms, the rather to bestow some Learning upon them, for if they be called to Commands, they will often stand in need of it, and will find it of infinite use to them; and I believe a man who has read much, and retained what he has read, is much more capable of executing great and noble Erterprises than another. Had I made the best out of my little reading, it had been much better for me; and yet I have naturally enough to persuade the Soldiers to fight.  
The fifth day than I returned, and being that Monsieur de Merville, Grand Seneschal of Guienne, by reason of a late sickness, was not able to go carry his Company to the Army, we came together as far as St. Foy, where I received Letters from Monsieur de Montpensier, wherein he sent me order, that I should lie about the Dordogne, and above all things have an eye to Beurdeaux and Libourne, for that he was not yet able to guests, whether the Enemy would fall back again into Guienne, or continue on their march. Which was the reason that I stayed about St. Foy, and Monsieur de Terride at Castillonnes, expecting what the Enemy would do, and also further orders from Monsieur de Montpensier, being certain that in two or three day's march we should at any time be able to join with him from thence. Soon after we heard that he was gone in all haste towards Poitiers, to meet the Monsieur Brother to the King, and that the Enemy marched along the River Loire towards la Charité, there to meet and join with the Duke of Deuxponts: so that seeing it impossible to over●ake the Army, that we might ease the Country along the Banks of the Dordogne, I left two Ensigns of Foot only at Castillonnes, and three at St. Foy, and sent away the Sieur de Sainctorens with his Company of Gens-d'arms into Libourne, and the Sieur de Leberon remained at St. Foy, having three Companies with him, with whom I left order that in case the Enemy should approach Guienne, he with the said three Foot Companies should go put himself into Libourne. The remainder of our Forces the Chevalier my Son kept together about Quercy and Agenois, and we others retired every one to his own Quarter. This was all that was done hitherto, from the beginning of these troubles in these parts of Guienne.  
So soon as the Monsieur came up to the Army he spun out the time for a certain space about Poitiers, and along the River Loire. In the mean time nothing stirred in our parts; for the Vicomtes kept about Castres', Pay-Laurens, Millau, St. Antonin, and Montauban, making only some slight inroads to pilfer and steal, which I did not think considerable enough, that therefore I should set an Army on foot, for the little harm they were able to do; and besides I was willing to save money, for no other end but only to send it to the Monsieur, which made me averse to all kind of unnecessary expense. The Captains of the Gens d'armes, and some Captains of foot belonging to the Royal Army came, or else sent their inferior Officers to raise men in our parts to fill up their Companies, and others only to refresh themselves, and immediately to return; when after a little space I received Letters from the Monsieur, wherein he commanded me to go into Rovergue to fight the Vicomtes, if possibly I could. Whereupon I sent away for my Nephew de L●beron at St. Foy with his three Companies; and although I was certain before hand that I should do no good, immediately began to march. That which made me doubt my expedition would signify very little, was that I knew so soon as ever the Vicomtes should hear I had taken the field, they would certainly retire into the holds and lurking holes they held by the right of War, where they were so wise as to save themselves upon every rumour of an enemy; and the least place that was disposed to resist me had been sufficient to stop my progress, and for any hopes to find them in the field I had none: So that I knew I should do nothing but eat upon the Public, and devour the people, should I stay long about Towns and Castles, to bolt them out of their Burrows; especially considering that I could take no Artillery along with me, which I could not do for want of money to defray the charge: neither indeed did I raise much, because I would have it all go to the Monsieurs & for there it was that the main Game was to be played, and therefore it was reason that the main provision should be reserved for that use, all the rest of the War being nothing but petty skirmishes in comparison of what was done, and was expected to be done there. As I was preparing for my expedition there arrived Monsieur de Pills, and with h●m the Sieurs de Bonneval, de Monens, and a great number of other Gentlemen, who were come from the Enemy's Camp, either to levy men, or in reference to the design they had upon Libourne; which nevertheless they failed in; after which the said the Pills put himself into St. Foy, which he made his place of Rendezvouz, forasmuch as I had drawn from thence my Nephew de Leberon with the three Compan●es, to take them along with me into Rovergue.  
So soon as I came to Cahors I sent my said Nephew before with five Ensigns of Foot, and part of the Company of Gens-d'armes belonging to Monsieur de Gramont, which Captain Mausan Quartermaster to the said Company commanded, and made him depart in all haste to surprise some of the Enemy that lay about Villefranche de Roüergue, who accordingly made so good haste, that they marched eight long leagues, and came to the place by one of the Clock in the night, thinking an hour before day in the morning to surprise them: but they were no sooner in the Town but that the Enemy had immediate intelligence sent them, and were all retired into their Forts. Neither is it to be thought strange; for I wonder that either the Monsieur himself, or any other who commanded the King's Armies, did any thing of moment, by reason the Ordonnance and Edict his Majesty had made, that no one was to demand any thing of the Hugonots, provided they abstained from arms, and lived peaceably in their own houses. From whence proceeded the ruin of the King, of his Armies, and all his Affairs, and of the People also: for those furnished out money, and were the occasion that the women who had their husbands in the Prince of Condé's Army, by their means and intelligence could at all times furnish their Husbands or Sons with money, and so served for spies to the Enemy, that they needed not be at the charge of maintaining intelligence, nor trouble themselves to know what we did, those people giving them continual notice when and where any of our men were at any time to be surprised and taken, and dividing the spoil when it was accordingly effected; which made me evermore maintain before the King, 
The inconveniences ensuing the Edict in favour of the Huguenots who lived peaceably at home.  that that Edict alone was the cause his Majesty was not victorious, and that this new Religion was not totally rooted out. It had been a hundred times better, that they h●d all been with the Prince, than at home in their own houses; for being with him in his Army, they could have done no great matters that would have been of any significant advantage to them, your Town-bred people being men of no great performance in War, but on the contrary would soon have famished his Camp; and then we might have prosecuted the War without being spied, or without their being advertised of our designs; neither could they have been able to get money, or any other necessaries; nay we should have made our advantage of their Estates, by which means they must of necessity either have retired with the pardon the King was pleased to grant them, or have been starved for want of bread. I am sure that in this Province of Guienne there would not one of them have been left alive, unless they had abjured this new Religion, as they did in the first Troubles; for I knew very well how to handle them, and seeing I had found the way to do it ●o cheap, as with two yards of Match in the first troubles, I should not have been much to seek in these last. But by means of this virtuous Edict no one durst speak to them, but we were obliged to endure them amongst us. It is not therefore (as I said) to b● wondered at, if they have performed so many notable exploits, considering that at all hours they were continually advertised of what we did, and designed to do. 'Tis very well known that an Army can do no great matters without good Spies; for it is upon their report that a Council of War is to determine what they have to do; but we had none amongst those people, for there was not a Catholic, let him be otherwise as brave as brave could be, that durst venture his person amongst them, it being to throw away himself, no man escaping that fell into their hands; through which defect we could know nothing of their affairs, and they were informed of all ours. O poor King how have you been gulled and abused, and are yet daily imposed upon in the Edicts that you have, and do publish in these men's favour? I will not deny but that in some occasions you have not been so well served by your Soldiers and Captains as you ought to have been: 
Oversights in the King.  but whoever will look narrowly into it, will find that the Edicts and Ordonnances you have been made to sign, have been more the cause of your Majesties and our misfortunes, than any defect in your Soldiers or Governors. Believe me (Sir) believe me, with this clemency and moderation you will never reclaim these people. The best man amongst them would be glad to kiss you dead, and yet you forbid us doing them any harm. It is better than to be of their party than of yours; for being in their houses, let what reports will be abroad they shall be secure at home. Sir, Sir, there are some about you, who corrupted by these people, persuade you to sign these Edicts in their favour. Severity makes them tremble. At the time when without the Ceremony of Trial, or Indictment I branched them upon every Tree in the highways, and trussed them up wherever I found them, not a man of them durst quitch. Consider then, Sir, I beseech you of what importance these fine Edicts are to your Majesty's affairs; and yet they have moreover made you sign an Ordonnance to send Commissioners throughout the whole Kingdom, to compel us to make restitution to the Hugonots of all whatever we have taken from them, and not to cause them to restore that they have pilfered and purloined from us. Which, under correction Sir, is a Law imprudently made, and without consideration of the mischiefs will ensue; or else by clandestine malice contrived to make you hated by us who are faithful to you, who acknowledge you for our lawful Sovereign, and have ever maintained your cause, to the end that w●en another War shall hereafter break out, you may not find one Catholic who will take up arms in your quarrel. But had your Majesty and the Queen called to mind what I propounded to your Majesties before your Council at Tholouze, you would never have consented to send Commissioners to cause restitution to the Hugono●s, till first you had sent others to do us right also, for the plunders and rapines they have made upon your Catholic Subjects. They have a great excuse. The Commissioners say, that we do not complain as the Hugonots do. How should we complain, for in the first place they say, that those of theirs who were in arms only, plunderd us who were in arms also; but that we plundered those who never sti●'d from their own houses. A pretty pretence, when there was not one Huguenot who went into arms, that did not first secure his goods in the Houses of those who stayed at home. And on the other side by the peace the King has granted them, he has given them an Indemnity for whatsoever they have done, not only against himself, but against us also, who have born arms for his Majesty's service. Seeing then that his Majesty has been so gracious to them as to pardon them all, is it not reasonable that the same Indemnity should extend to us also? Notwithstanding it is quite contrary. What they have acted against us is approved, and what we have done against them censured and condemned, yea, and moreover we are delivered up into the hands of justice. To counsel the King then to make a Law for the one, and not for the other, I do say, and will affirm it whilst I live, that it was barbarously done, and that it is the most unjust Law that ever Prince in the world was advised to make,  
All this was disputed at Tholouze, and the Commissioners, and Commissioners, Ordonnances, and Edicts were all revoked, and his Majesty pardoned all in general, as knowing very well that those Commissioners would do no other good, but ruin both the one and the other, to beget a perpetual hat●ed amongst us, which would prompt us eternally to distrust, and invade one another, from whence a new War would infallibly proceed. His Majesty found the benefit of this prudent Act, for the Peace has continued five years since. I know not whom to accuse for the cause that it is again rene●'d; but I kn●● very well, that I am no way guilty of it. Of whom shall a man demand satisfaction for the houses of Monsieur de Sarlabous, Monsieur de Sainctorens, the Captains Parron, Campagnes, Lartigue, and an infinite number of others; all which have been burnt to the ground, whilst they were abroad in the King's service, and their Wives forced to retire into the houses of their kindred and friends; and to this day neither they, nor their Husbands have a house to put their heads in of their own; and when satisfaction is demanded, they say the men are beggars, and worth nothing. They say true, for the rich men never stirred from their houses, and so preserved them; and yet we must be called to an account, and not they, because those who committed the outrage are beggars, and have nothing: but if his Majesty would have approved our doings, 
Complaints of the Catholics.  those who continue of their Religion should another time have taken heed how any of their Party had done any injury to any of ours: But I return to my Subject.  
I dispatched away another Courier to Monsieur de Leberon, and to Monsieur de Gramonts' Company, that they should return in as great diligence as they went, especially if they desired to be present at the fight. The Courier found that they were risen and departed from their Quarters an hour before day, thinking yet to find the Enemy, and not meeting with them for the aforenamed reasons, burned all the Boats in which they had passed the River, wherein they did a great mischief to the Country. So soon as ever they received my letters, they turned immediately back, and made more haste in their return, than when they went; for they came before St. Foy as soon as we; so that had Monsieur de Savignac and his companions made half the haste they did, we had trapped Captain Pills, and not a man of them had escaped. Monsieur de Chemeraut saw all the dispatches I writ. I came with the fi●e Companies that remained with the Knight my Son, my own Company, and some forty or fifty Gentlemen that road under my Cornet, in two days to Mon●lanquin, where I received an answer from Messieurs de Terride and the Bellegarde dated at Moissac, wherein they advertised me of the difficulty they had found in passing the Rivers, and the ill ways the Infantry had met withal in their march, and that they could not abandon their Foot, telling me withal, that I ought not to engage the Enemy till we had all our Forces of Horse and Foot together; but that they would make all the haste they possibly could. Immediately after my arrival at Monflanquin, which might be about two of the clock in the afternoon, I sent away three Messengers, one to Monsieur de Lauzun, entreating him to send me word night and day where Monsieur de Pills and his Forces were; for that I was resolved to go and attaque him. I sent another to Monsieur de Sainctorens, that he should not fail to be with me by Sun-rise at a Village called Monbahus, belonging to Monsieur de Lauzun, and in the last place I sent away the Sieur de Las the King's Advocate at Again, to hasten away the Sieurs de Bellegarde and the T●rride, who were yet three leagues behind, and could not persuade their Foot to march till break of day; and being come to Vill●-neufue, which was after one of the clock in the afternoon, could by no means prevail to go any further, by reason of the extraordinary foulness of the ●ayes, wherein though there was I confess some excuse, and that they had reason on their side, I did not nevertheless take it for current pay; for methought every one ought to march as I would have them. After all these dispatches, having baited our horses, and the five Foot Ensigns, I maucht directly towards the Village where I had appointed Monsieur de Sainct●r●ns to mee● me, and by the way found Monsieur de Fontenilles, and Captain Montluc my Son lodged in four or five houses they had met with there, where I told them th●y would do well to bait their horses (for they had made a very long march in the night to overtake me) and that I would go bait at the forementioned Village. I thought I should there find Monsieur de Sainctorens, and that they might follow after, and therefore commanded Monsieur de Madaillan my Lieutenant, that he should stay and bait my Company with th●m, and after follow me to the Village: to which I went, but at my coming thither heard no news either of Monsieur de Sainct●rens, or of Monsieur de Lauzun; for the M●ssengers I had sent to them, and who had been recommended to me by the Consuls of Monflanquin for the most trusty fellows they had in their Town, did not go away with my Letters ●y night as they had promised, so that it was past Noon before the said Sieurs de Sainctorens and de Lauzun ●eceiv'd my Letters, as they told me after; and to mend the matter, so soon as ever we were alighted, thinking to bait, we had an Alarm that came fromwards Miremont, which made us remount to horse, and advance a good quarter of a league upon the Road towards the said Mir●mont, from whence the Alarm came, wherein I committed a gr●at folly in advancing so far with so few men with me, I having no more than five and forty Gentlemen only in the Party, for my own Foot Company was not yet come up. I could not there learn any certain news, where either Monsieur de Pills, or any of his Forces were, only I was told by the honest people that he was on the other side the River Lot towards St. Vensa and Aymett, Marmanda and Toneins, and that they we●e all Horse. After I had stayed about two hours upon the Road, Messieurs de ●ontenilles, and de Madaillan, and the young Montluc my Son came up to me, where I gave them order that Monsieur de Madaillan should go with my Company before, that Monsieur de Fontenilles and Captain Montluc should follow after at a convenient distance to be ready to second him, and that I with my Gentlemen would sustain them; and that after this manner they should march till they came within half a league of Miremont, whe●e they should send out Scouts to inquire where the Enemy was, which should they happen to be in Miremont, that then they should give the word back from Party to Party, for I would immediately put myself upon the Trot to come up to them, which they accordingly did. Now I had caused my Foot to march without beat of Drum to avoid being discovered, who after that silent manner arrived at Monbahus, where my Son finding me departed thence, marched after, and Monsieur de Madaillan being advanced within half a league of Miremont made a halt according to the order he had received, and sent out to discover, where it was told him, that the Enemy were all on the other side of the Lot, and that there was not any one at Miremont, of which he gave notice to Monsieur de Fontenilles, desiring him to acquaint me with it, that he might know what I would further command him to do. Monsieur de Fontenilles accordingly dispatched away an Archer to me, by whom hearing there was no Enemy on this side the Lot, I sent back word, that Monsieur de Madaillan should further advance as far as Miremont, to inform himself more certainly of the place where the Enemy was, to the end that the next morning Messieurs de Terride, de Bellegarde, and I being united together might go to attaque them, and that in the mean time I would fall back to Monbahus, where we had left our Baggage to bait and refresh my men. I accordingly did so, having first placed my Son and his five Companies in five or six houses near unto the place from whence I retreated, sending an account of all to Monsieur de Fontenilles, to the end that should they receive an unexpected charge from the Enemy, 
The Sieur de Montlucs diligenc● to fight with Monsieur de Pills.  they might know where our Foot lay. So soon as I alighted from my horse, and before I entered into my Lodging, I dispatched away to Messieurs de Terride and the Bellegarde, entreating them not to fail to be with the Cavalry at Monbahus by midnight; for that Monsieur de Pills had nothing but Horse, of which there were not above three hundred that were good, the rest to the number of fifteen or sixteen hundred, being all mounted upon pitiful Jades that were worth nothing. The Messenger was with them within an hour and a half after daylight, for it is no more than two leagues from Monbahus to Villeneufue, by whom they returned me answer, and assured me that by break of day they would not fail to be with me. But I must return to Messieurs de Fontenilles and de Madaillan, and Captain Montluc, and must here in the first place set down Monsieur de Pills his design. Immediately upon my arrival at Monflanquin, which might be about two of the clock in the afternoon, the Hugonots of the said Monflanquin advertised Monsieur de Pills, who was newly departed from Cahors, that the next day I was determined to draw nearer to him, expecting in the mean time Messieurs de Terride and the Bellegarde to come up to me, which notwithstanding they could not do yet these two days, and that I had not above fifty or threescore good Horse with me in all. Upon this intelligence the said Sieur de Pills dispatched away all night to six Cornets he had about Marmanda and Thoneins, that they should not fail to be the next day (which was the same that I arrived at St. P●stour) at a place the name whereof I have forgot; and that he would come and bring the rest of his Forces to join with them, before I could be rallied with Messieurs de Terride and the Bellegarde. They who had sent him this intelligence believed that I would stay the next day at Monflanquin, or at least if I departed thence, I would no● march above a league or two at most. Monsieur de Pills had appointed his General Rendezvouz at a convenient distance from their Quarters, and immediately the six Cornets departed one after the other, by reason they were quartered in several places, and the Rendezvouz for those six was appointed to be at Miremont, there to refresh themselves till midnight only, and after to go to the other Rendezvouz to Monsieur de Pills.  
In the mean time Monsieur de Madaillan went directly to Miremont, when being come within view of the entrance into the Village where there was no wall, he was aware of a great number of white Cassocks going to and fro in the great street: whereupon he immediately dispatched away to M●nsieur de Fontenilles, and my Son Captain Montluc, that they should with all speed advance, for that he was so engaged he must of necessity fight, and that they should give me speedy notice of it also. It is a good league from M●remont to Monbahus, and the Sieur de Fontenilles sent me word with all imaginable diligence. There were at Miremont two Cornets, who were first come, and already alighted, and their horses in the Stables, and th● other two which were yet on horseback were but just arrived, and seeking for accommodation to bait and refresh themselves. Monsieur de Madaillan, who saw himself discovered, charged these two Cornets that were on horseback, and beat them out of the Village in rout and confusion, 
Four Cornets of Horse of the Pills defeated.  so that they fled with might and main towards la Sauvetat, the other two that were already lodged, hereupon run to their horses, and just as they were mounting, Monsieur de Fontenilles and Captain Montluc arrived, and charged them, and they fled as many as escaped towards Aymet. In less than half a quarter of an hour arrived the other two Cornets, who seeing their fellows defeated faced about towards Ponens from whence they came. It was ill luck; for had not Monsieur de Madaillan sent me word that he could hear no news of the Enemy, I had still marched on in the same order we began, and had not turned back again to bait. I came up at the same time that the last two Cornets did arrive, where I thought to have had as good a prize of them, as the rest of our people had had of the other four; but when I came up to our Foot, an Archer came to tell me they had fought, and pursued the Enemy half a league, and that some prisoners they had taken assured them, that Pills and all his Forces were at St. Bensa and Aymet, not above a league and a half from thence: wherefore they were retreating towards me, not being strong enough to withstand the Enemy's Forces should they come upon them. This is the truth of what passed in this Engagement. They brought me two Cornets, but in running away they had torn off the Colours.  
Could we thus keep spies amongst them, 
The Retreat of Monsieur de Pills.  as they do amongst us of such as the King has given liberty to live quietly in their own houses, our affairs would prosper better than they do; and if I had been advertized by some friends of ours, as they were by theirs of Monsieur de Pills his retreat, I had easily defeated him; for Monsieur de Sainctorens had been joined with me, who was coming very well accompanied to seek me out the very same way the Enemy fled, when seeing night coming upon him he drew into Monsegur, to expect further intelligence which way I was gone, and in pursuing them by night I had means to send a man or two to him to give him an account of all that had passed. We lay upon our Guard, and kept very strict watch, suspecting lest the said the Pills should come upon us for his revenge: but he was quite otherwise disposed, for he marched all the night as fast as ever he could directly to St. Foy, where he arrived, as we were informed by break of day, though it be the worst way imaginable, for the Country is marvellously dirty, and the night was so dark, that men could not discern a yard from one another. Thus we see how the affairs of War do oft miscarry for want of good intelligence, for Monsieur de Sainctorens his answer came not to our hands till the next day, nor that of Monsieur de Lauzun; and the Messengers they sent to me had like to have fallen in amongst the Enemy, which put them into such a fright, that they hid themselves till the day appeared. In the morning by Sun-rise Messieurs de Terride and the Bellegarde came up to us, who, when they heard of the Engagement had passed, were ready to tear their own flesh, cursing the Foot to all the Devils of Hell, and the hour that ever they came from about Tholouze; for they might easily have been at Monbahus as soon as we, had it not been for the Foot, the staying for them being the only reason they came up so late, and the belief they had we would not offer to fight till we were first joined all together, had made them car●ful not to leave the Foot behind them, and I heard Monsieur de Bellegarde say a notable thing upon this occasion, 
A saying of Monsieur de Bellegarde.  That he now perceived it was not always good to proceed with too much discretion in matters of war. He said very true; for who ever will always confine himself to the ordinary Rules of war, ofttimes loses more than he gets.  
We marched strait to Miremont, and by the way met with one of Monsieur de Madaillan's Archers, who came to bring us news of the disorder of Monsieur de Pills his people, that the news of their defeat had reached as far as his head Quarter, that thereupon the said Monsieur de Pills, and the remainder of his Forces had taken their way directly to St. Foy; that twelve Soldiers Monsieur de Madaillan kept in his house near unto la Sauvetat, had killed two and twenty of them at the Gates of the said house being mounted upon pitiful Jades: that the Inhabitants of la Sauvetat had also sallied out upon them, and had killed three or fourscore, and taken their horses; and had Monsieur de Sainctorens stayed a quarter of an hour only in one place by which he passed, the most of them had fallen into his hands; which alas he knew not till the next day● no more than I, and had then his share of vexation as well as the rest of us. But a man cannot prophesy things, which makes the Italian say Fa me indivino Ti daro denari.  
We were constrained to lodge at la Sauvetat, St. Vensa, and Aymet, from whence the Enemy wese departed, by reason there were no Quarters to be had from la Sauvetat till one comes to St. Foy, and left Monsieur de Savignac with his two Ensigns at Miremont, because there were no Qua●ters for him beyond it, for the Cavalry took up all; and at the said Miremont there were above twenty men found hid in the houses, whom they killed every Mother's Son, and got some fifteen or sixteen horses; for none of us ever stayed to alight, but passed on forwards. The next morning very early we marched directly for St. Foy, and I dare be bold to say, that of a long time I had not seen such a Cavalry, for the number, as those we had with us; and when we came within sight of St. Foy, Messieurs de Fontenilles, de Madaillan, and Captain Montluc with his six companies put themselves before, and marched directly towards the Town. Monsieur de Terride with his own Company, and that of Monsieur de Negrepelice marched after to sustain them; Monsieur de Bellegarde, Monsieur de Sainctorens, and I sustained Monsieur de Terride; and there Monsieur de Gramonts' Company came up to us, and Monsieur de Leberon with his five Ensigns. I think the best Curtel in all our Troops could not have made more haste than they had done, for they were no more than two days only in coming betwixt Villefranche de Roüergue to St. Foy. Monsieur de Lauzun, and the Viscount his Son were come up to us in the morning with some Gentlemen only, for I think their Companies were in the Camp, and both of them assured us that Monsieur de Pills had eighteen hundred Horse, 
Monsieur de Pills his Forces.  three or four hundred of which were well mounted, and in very good equipage and order, the rest were Harquebuzeers on Horseback, and very ill horsed. The Chevalier then alighted, and taking an hundred Harquebuzeers, put himself right before the Town, the rest followed him, and Messieurs de Fontenilles de Madaillan, and Captain Montluc after; when so soon as they approached the Gate, fifteen or twenty Harquebuzeers sallied out to skirmish. The Knight pressed still forwards notwithstanding, and those of the Enemy retired, and shut themselves again within the Town. Monsieur de Pills had all night long been passing his men over the Dordogne in great hurry and disorder, and himself at Sun-rise passing over also had left these fifteen or twenty Harquebuzeers in the Town to amuse us, and a great Boat, and a lesser to bring them over also, for there were no more but these left behind, who so soon as they were retreated into the Town, ran presently to the Boats, and passed over in an instant; so that at the same time the Chevalier came to the Bank of the River, (having passed through the Town, where he saw no body but women) they landed on the other side. 
Why the Sieur de Montluc is so particular, and has writ an account at length of this Action.   
This is the truth of all that passed upon this occasion, wherein I have been necessitated to give so precise and particular an account of this action as may perhaps seem tedious to the Reader; forasmuch as I have been told that some reported to the King, the Queen, and the Monsieur, that it only stuck at me we did not fight with Pills: but whoever will have the patience to read this Narration will see the truth of all as it passed, by the testimony of all the Captains who were present upon the place, of which two only namely Messieurs the Terride and the Bellegarde are dead, and by that it will appear whether I was in fault or no: neither in truth can I justly tax, or lay the blame upon any one, but only the ill ways that Monsieur de Savignacs Company met withal: for as to the said Sieurs de Terride and the Bellegarde, they governed themselves more by the rule of War, than that they were hindered by any want of good will they had to the cause, or any want of courage and desire they had to be at the fight. Monsieur de Chemeraut who had brought me letters from the Monsieur was privy to all my dispatches; for he would make one, and to that end entreated me to furnish him with horse and arms, which I did, and of fifteen days never left me. I am confident that he will always bear me witness, that every Title I have writ of this Action ●s literally true, and that he was as glad of the occasion of being there as any one of the Army whatever, hoping to have carried the Monsieur better news than he did. Such as are men of judgement in matters of War have often found by experience how hard a thing it is to fasten a Battle upon a man that has no mind to fight, especially an old Soldier, and a circumspect Commander, as the Sieur de Pills was, who I think was by much the best, none excepted the Hugonots had. He knew he should gain nothing by us but blows, which made him that he would not long abide in those parts.  
Two days after we came into St. Foy, 
Monsieur de Terride sent the King's Lieutenant into Bearn.  Monsieur de Terridde received a Commission his Majesty sent him to go into Bearn, and departed from me. A Command wherewith he was highly pleased, as I also was out of the affection I bore unto him, and moreover I had an opinion that affairs would better succeed. Monsieur de Bellegarde left me also carrying away his own Company, and Monsieur de S●vignac's ten Ensigns along with him, as Monsieur de Terride carried away his, and that of Monsieur de Negrepelice. Monsieur de Sainctorens and I remained behind. The Knight my Son went with his ten Ensigns strait into Limousin, to join with the Monsieurs Army, and five days after the Monsieur won the Battle of jarnac, 
The Battle of jarnac, and the death of the Prince of Conde.  in which the Prince of Condé was slain. Many have thought that that his death has prolonged our Wars; but I for my part am of opinion that had he lived we should have seen our affairs in a far worse condition: For a Prince of the Blood as he was, having already so great a Party of the Hugonots, would have had much more credit and authority amongst them than the Admiral. This unfortunate Prince loved his Country, and had compassion for the people, I was long conversant with him, which had like to have been my ruin, I ever found him an affable and a generous Prince: but he lost his life in Battle, maintaining a quarrel that was unjust in the sight of God and man. It was great pity, for had he been elsewhere employed, he might have been serviceable to the Kingdom. The unadvised Peace that some persuaded King Henry to make has been the cause of all these mischiefs we have seen: for to have so many Princes of the blood, and so many others of the same Nation, and to keep them unemployed in some foreign War, is very ill advised. We must either fight with others, or fall together by the ears amongst ourselves. Could we always continue in peace, so that every one would intend his own ●illage, as the Romans did in their vacations from war, I do confess it would be very well: but that cannot be. And therefore, Sir, I do say and affirm, that it is a very vain opinion, 
The Sieur de Montlucs advice to the King.  and fruitless, to think of making peace at home, if at the same time you do not meditate a War abroad. You are not to renew the War of the Holy Land, for we are not so devou● now adays as our Religious Ancestors were in those better times; it were better to do as the King of Spain does, and send your men into the new discovered worlds, and so to separate those unruly Princes, still sending the young ones to be brought up at the School of Malta; for if they do not bustle every one will sit still. But if your Majesty have a mind to quarrel your Neighbours, you may renew your claim to the D●tchy of Milan, that of right appertains to you by descent. For it is not to be found in any Records that the King of Spain has any right at all to it, which by the Females you have. The King of Spain holds it by no other Title but by right of Conquest, and the power of the Sword. Your Majesty will also find that a Duke of Anjou descended from the House of France, and of your own proper Race, was once King of Naples, which the King of Spain has also in his possession. The King your Grandfather would never lay down this claim, but seized of the Territories of Monsieur de Savoy, although his Uncle, to have a secure passage whereby to enter into the Duchy of Milan. Your Royal Father took upon him the protection of the Duke of Parma, and the Siennese to no other end, but in order to a Pass for the recovery of Naples. You, Sir, are descended from these Heroic Princes, and you have their right and title; if God therefore send you peace at home, you may send a Tempest into the King of Spain's Dominions, and shall have a better account of it than you are aware of; for the King of Spain is a Prince more addicted to Negotiations than to War: he is not like his Father, in five or six years he will be old, and you in the flower of your age. He will leave his Children very young, and since the Father was not generous in his youth, it is not to be expected he should be so in his old Age. Besides if you know how to manage the Princes of Italy, you will find them all at your devotion, even the Duke of Florence himself, for something that I know, and some reasons that I could give, as having felt his pulse whilst I was the King's Lieutenant in Tuscany. The Duke himself I am confident will not say the contrary, nor deny but that he is more French than Spanish. England will not hinder you, for that has a Woman at the Helm, and Scotland a Child. To be short nothing aught to deter you: but I leave this discourse to another time. The death of the Prince of Condé was the occasion of my entering into it, for I am a Frenchman, and lament the death of those brave Princes slain by our own hands, who might elsewhere be serviceable to us, and help to enlarge the French Dominions.  
But to return to my Subject, 
A command to dismantle Bergerac.  I remained five or six weeks at the said St. Foy, having yet with me six Ensigns of Foot, commanded by my Nephew de Leberon. Of these I sent four together with my said Nephew himself to Bergerac to dismantle the Town, as the King and the Monsieur had commanded me, but it was ill executed. Some days after the Monsieur drew near, and came to Montmoreau, where followed by a noble Train of Gentlemen of very good quality, I went to kiss his hand; and where his Highness received me with very great demonstrations of favour, commanding me not to depart from him, of which God knows if I was glad. I therefore sent presently home for Wagons, Tents, and money, as also did all the rest of the Gentlemen that came along with me, making account we should no more depart from the Army, as also there was not in all Guienne a man that durst so much as mutter, nor a place that stood for the Hugonots but Montauban only. The Monsieur departed from Mont-morea●, and went to Villebois.  
He had not been above five or six days there, 
●alse intelligence sent to the Monsieur.  all which time we spent in consultation about the means to carry on the War, when there came a Gentlemen sent post from Monsieur de Montferran, Governor of Bourdeaux, to my said Lord the Monsieur, to give him notice that a great part of the Admiral's Army, both Foot and Horse were come into Medoc, and that two foot Companies he had planted there had been constrained to quit the Pass, and to escape away by night. The Monsieur was not over-hastly to believe this news; for we discoursed about the Pass, where I represented to him the vast breadth of the River at that place, which required a whole Tide, and an infinite number of Boats to pass it: for an Army carried a mighty Train along with it: and that on the other side, it was not very likely that the Admiral who was a Soldier would engage himself in the Lands, a barren Country, and beyond Rivers, he could not well expect ever to repass. The night following there came a Courier with like intelligence from the Court of Parliament, and the said Monsieur de Montferran, in yet much greater heat than the former, and making the number of the Enemy much greater than before. It is true that he also writ to my Lord the Monsieur, that he was just taking Horse himself to go and discover them. And accordingly, as I have heard, he did go, but he had no horse with him saving some few Harquebuzeers on horseback only, and when he came within half a league of the Pass, those he had sent before to discover, came back, and brought him word, that already a great number of the Horse were got over, and that the Foot began to follow after; so that being so slenderly accompanied, the said Sieur de Montferran was necessitated to retire; and on the other side the people all ●led towards Bourdeaux. The said Sieur de Montferran dispatched away another Courier to the Monsieur, assuring him that the intelligence was most certainly true, which was the reason that his Highness sent me back to my great misfortune, for since that time I have never had any thing but trouble and vexation, whereas had I still continued about his person, all the mischief that has since befallen me had never come to pass, for I had either died in doing him some brave piece of service, or had never been wounded, as I am, to live in a perpetual languishing condition, without possibility of ever being cured. All which misfortune befell me for want of five and twenty good horse only, which had Monsieur de Montferran had with him he had himself discovered the Enemy, for he wanted no courage, and had then discovered that they were no other than three or four-score Bearnois, and some others belonging to the Queen of Navarre, who were going over B●arn to help to defend the Country, whereof the one half were defeated by the way about Mont de Marsan. His Highness may please to remember, that standing by his Bedside I told him, that upon my life and honour it was impossible this intelligence could any way be true, for I knew the Country, and it could be nothing but some small party going ever into Bearn, or Chalesse, for a great Party could not, 
The Monsieurs words to the Sieur de Montluc.  nor durst not adventure to pass for they must pass over as it were in file. Whereupon his Highness said to me these very words, I perceive very well, my good man, that the desire you h●ve to be with me makes you to say this: ●ut believe me in what part soever you shall be, I will ever love you. The reason of war may perhaps draw me into Guienne, and I should be glad to spend my Prentice-age in so good a School as yours. Whereupon I took my leave of his Highness. Behold of what importance it is to discover an Enemy very well, before a man takes the Alarm.  
Captains, my friends and companions, you must rather hazard yourselves to be taken, and discover the truth, than rely upon the report of inferior fellows, for their fear makes so strange an impression upon them, that they take Bushes for Squadrons, and will swear it: you may trust to them if you will. 'Tis just the same as when they see a hundred Crowns they think them to be a thousand: send always some bold Soldier, some fellow that has not his heart in his Breeches, and let him venture his Carcase to bring you a true account: but if you w●ll do better, go yourselves; I have always done so, and found an advantage by it.  
So soon as I come to St. Foy I was advertised of the truth of the business, and sent my said Lord the Monsieur an immediate account of it, very angry at the said Sieur de Montferran, and being there was nothing at present to do, I still continued at St. Foy, to be near my said Lord the Monsieur, to the end ●hat when he should please to send for me, I might in two or three days be with him. I have heard since that one of the principal persons about his Highness should tell him, that he had done well to rid his hands of me● for that I was cross-grained and wilful, and would evermore command in all places wherever I came. His Highness himself told me the story at the Siege of Rochel. I have never been so obstinate, but that I would always submit to reason; but to speak the truth, I have ever found my own counsel better than that of any other. It is reasonable then that those Monsieurs, who are only pretty fellows at running the Ring, should learn of those who have studied under the greatest Doctors of Europe: but they will still be prating, no body must control them, and they will govern all.  
Having nothing to do, but lying idle at St. Foy, I went thence to Age●, where Monsieur de Montferran sent me word, that the Sieur de la Roche-Chalais, and Captain Chaateyrac were in la Roche, with a hundred or sixscore Huguenot Soldiers, that overran all the Country, committing innumerable outrages, insomuch that no one could pass from Xaintonge to Bourdeaux, and that if I would go to la Roche, we should be enough to do the work; he sent me word likewise that Monsieur de la Vaug●ion was about Montpont, and Mussidan with Monsieur de Sarlabus his Regiment, and three Companies of Gens-d'arms, to whom if I would send to invite him, he would willingly be of the party. Upon this intelligence I went immediately to Bourdeaux; and by an express Messenger a Gentleman gave Monsieur de la Vauguyon private notice of the design, who presently returned me answer, that he would willingly join in the Enterprise, and that I should therefore send him word what day I would have him to march, and appoint him the Rendezvous, to which he should come. I therefore sent to entreat him to be at Liboure the third day after (which was upon a Saturday) in the morning, where Monsieur de Montferran and I would meet him, to determine upon that we had to do, which he accordingly observed, and I also. The said Sieur de Montferran stayed to take order about the Artillery, for we were to carry it by water as far as Coutras. We were in dispute which way to go to work, for Monsieur de la Noüe was about St. Alvare, 
Commendation of Monsieur de la Ne'er.  a Territory belonging to the Sieur de jarnac, and lay betwixt the two Rivers with twelve Ensigns of Foot, and four or five hundred Horse, who being an old Soldier, and a valiant man as any that ever was in France, would never suffer la Roche to be lost, without attempting to relieve it, to do which he had only the River of St. Alvere to pass, which in many places was to be forded by the Horse, and which the Foot also would boat over in four hours' time; and as to the River that was under la Roche, they had the Bridge of Parcou in their own possession, Town and all, and had a Garrison in it; wherefore we must either resolve to attaque both the one and the other; or not to make any attempt at all. In the end we concluded to attaque la Roche, and to fight Monsieur de la Noüe in case he should offer to relieve it, all of us who were present at the deliberation taking an oath not to discover the design. Monsieur de Montferran then stayed with Commissary Fredeville to see the two pieces of Canon embarked, and I departed the Saturday morning very early, and came to Libourne, where I found Monsieur de la Vaug●yon, who was come thither upon the Friday night.  
Now whilst we were busy at Bourdeaux about this Enterprise upon la Roche, I plotted another of as great importance as that of la Roche, which was this. A Huguenot Captain had seized upon the Castle of Levignac appertaining to Monsieur la Marquis de Trans, and had three or fourscore Soldiers within it, had there enclosed the Streets of the Bourg, which is a large one, with Rampires of earth, and in the night all retired into the Castle: which was the very place where Pills had surprised lafoy moth Mongauzy the elder, killed him, and defeated almost all his whole Company. Monsieur de Madaillan had come along with me to Bourdeaux, my Company lying at Cleyrac and Thonen●, and was present at the deliberation about the Enterprise of la Roche, whom I made to return in all diligence, writing to Monsieur de Leberon, that they two should join together with four Companies of Foot, and make so long a march, that in one night they should shut them in, at what price soever should take the Castle, and put them all to the sword; and that from thence in one night more they should present themselves before the Castle of Bridoire, apperteing to Monsieur de la moth Gondrin, where there were fourscore or a hundred Hugonots more, commanded by one Labaume, which was the place into which Ge●ffre that notorious Thief, who has committed so many villainies, used to retire himself. By the things this Villain has done, he gave proof of a great heart and courage, and manifested himself to be a man of execution. I gave them charge that they should begird and besiege the Castle so close, that nothing could escape away: for that so soon as I had done at la Roche, I would turn with the Canon suddenly to them, but that in case Monsieur de la Noüe should come to fight us, they must then leave all, and march day and night to come up to the Battle.  
These were the instructions I gave to Messieurs de Leberon, and de Madaillan, who accordingly did carry the Castle. The place was strong enough to resist any force of hand, so that they could that way do no good, and the Enemy defended themselves very well, as it stood them upon; for they knew they were to expect no quarter, by reason of the many insolences and great cruelties they had committed all about Levignac. Monsieur de La●zun therefore lent them a Culverin, with which they made a hole through the wall wide enough for two men to pass, which they had no sooner done, but they immediately fell on to the Assault, 
Levignac taken by assault.  and storming at once by the breach, and giving a Scalado by Ladders at the same time to the Bassecourt, they carried the place. There was but three prisoners saved, all the rest were cut in pieces, and the night following those who had seized the Castle of Taillecabat belonging to Monsieur de Mereville, Grand Seneschal of Guienne, hearing how those of Levignac had been handled, stole away in the dark, and our people marched before the Castle of Bridoire, where they found that those fellows also were upon the point of going to shift for themselves, and clapped close Siege to them. But by misfortune, and by reason of the haste they were in, our people having either forgot, or not been able to carry along provision wherewith to refresh the Soldiers, the Foot began in the night to disperse themselves to go seek out for victual, and the Horse retired into a certain Village to bait their horses till midnight; so that few being left before the Castle, those within seeing their opportunity made a desperate Sally in the night, and got away. Our people mounted to horse to pursue them, but so soon as ever they were out they separated like a Covey of flown Partridges, and by several paths retired every man to his own house. The night was exceeding dark, which so much favoured their flight, that not above three or four of them were slain. God knows when I heard it whether I was not ready to tear the hair off my head, and writ them word, that they very well manifested they had not retained what I had so often taught them.  
Now as to our Enterprise upon la Roche-Chalaise, 
Enterprise of la Roche-Chalais.  Monsieur de Montferran upon Sunday night came with the Artillery to Coutras, and I came thither also. Monsieur de la Vauguyon was to take his way directly to Parcon, where the Bridge was, to try if he could take the Town upon his first arrival, and make himself Master of the Bridge, which if he should do, he was then to send over some Horse, who were to scour the Country towards St. Alvere, to inquire after Monsieur de la Noüe, and to learn if he made any show or preparation of coming towards us. Now from la Roche to the said Parcon it was no more than two leagues, so that we made account once in two hou●s to meet together again, the ways betwixt them being very good. When Monsieur de Vauguyon and I parted, upon the same Saturday he went to make his people immediately advance, marching night and day, and I came upon Sunday morning very early to Coutras, where I found Monsieur de Gironde the Governor of Fronsac, who was also of the Enterprise and Council that I had held about it at Bourdeaux. Having there made ready as many Carriages as we stood in need of, Monsieur de Montferran being come up upon Sunday in the Evening, I let him rest but three hours only, and sent him away all night that he might be before day a● la Roche to shut them up, which he accordingly did, and Monsieur de Gironde and I stayed to see the Cattle yoked to the Artillery, which so soon as ever I had done, and made them set forwards, I there left the said Sieur de Gironde with Fredeville, and about a hundred Pioners the said S●eur de Gironde had lent me to take care for the rest. In the mean time, and about midnight I departed thence, and by break of day came within a quarter of a league of la Roche, where I found Monsieur de la Vauguyon, who was got thither by midnight, and had sent fifteen or sixteen of his Horse before the Castle. Those Horse soon came back to the place where we were, and told us that they had found the Enemy's Horse without, and had charged them, of which Chanteyrac refused to shut himself within the Castle, but going along the Wall of the Base-Court recovered the Pass at the Mill, where putting himself into a Boat, under favour of ten or twelve Soldiers that made good the Mill, he passed the River, making his horses follow by the Bridles. Monsieur de la Roche did not take the same way, but with six or seven Horse returned into the Castle, when seeing those Avan● Courreurs of Monsieur de la Vauguyon gone away, and that Chanteyrac had forsaken him, he thought to sally out, and make his escape; in order whereunto the most of them were already come down into the Base-Court, but Monsieur de Montferran came up just in the nick, and charged them, forcing them to retire into the Castle. In doing which he gained the Base-Court, and put a great many men into it: which being done he went to attaque the M●lls, which made a very stout resistance, but in the end he took them, and put all those within to the sword. He sent me present word of all just at the time when Monsieur de la Vauguyon and I were at Breakfast, whereupon the said Sieur de la Vauguyon immediately went, and put himself in the head of his men to march directly to the Town, he and I concluding together, that he should send me three Companies of Monsieur de Sarlabous his Regiment to assist me at the assault of the Castle; and so he went to his Enterprise of P●rcou, and I marched before la Roche, having already notice that the Artillery was already within half a league of us, which could not however arrive at la Roche till noon, by ●eason of the ill way they had met withal. Monsieur de la Vauguyon entered the Town, for the Enemy were all retired into the Mills upon the Bridge; his men forced and gained the Bridge, and so all was won, and in the night I made my approaches, and planted my Canon in Battery. At break of day Monsieur de la Roche desired to parley with Monsiur de Montferran, who being he was his Kinsman, and a young Gentleman, would not let him go in again, but detained him, and the others when they saw the Artillery ready to play began to cry out, that they would surrender, who seeing no one give ear to them, they cried out again, that they would surrender to our discretion. The Governor of Fronsac, 
The Castle of lafoy Roche-Chalais surrenders to discretion.  and even the Hugonots themselves who were of Courtras, and were come along with us, cried out, that we should by no means receive them to mercy, for that they were Libertines, and men of no Religion, especially one of them called Brusquin who had killed above fourscore men with his own hands, the most of them Labourers and Countrymen. It than came to the question of marching out, whereupon the said Sieur de la Roche entreated of me a certain Lackey of his, his Valet de Chambre, and his Cook, which I granted him, and we culled them out from the rest. Monsieur de Montferran put himself into the Castle with ten or twelve men to preserve it from being rifled, and the men that came out of it I recommended to the Soldiers dispose, who were handled according to the life they had lead, for not one of them escaped, excepting those I have mentioned before.  
That very Brusquin the Hugonots so exclaimed against to have him killed, caught hold of my leg, for I was on horseback, having five or six upon him, and held me in such sort, that I had enough to do to disengage myself from him, and narrowly escaped being hurt myself. 
Great and bloody cruelty of a Huguenot Soldier.  They found in his pocket a List of a hundred and seventeen men that he had murdered, he having there writ them down, such a one Priest, such a one Labourer, such a one Monk, such a one Merchant, setting down after that manner of what Trade or calling every one was: which was no sooner read, but that the Soldiers returned to him, and gave him above two hundred cuts and thrusts, although he was already dead. Monsieur de la Va●guyon came in just upon the execution, where one of them endeavouring to fly away gave him and his horse so rude a shock, as almost turned him out of the way, but he was so close pursued, that he went not far. I was informed that these people were newly returned from St. Aulaye, and that they had spoken with Monsieur de jarnac, who had told them, that Monsieur de la Noüe was retiring towards la Roche-Chalais; which was the reason that we concluded Monsieur de la Vauguyon should return to the place from whence he came, and that Monsieur de Montferran and I would go carry the Artillery directly to Bridoiere: but before we parted I told them, that although Monsieur de la Roche did properly belong to 〈◊〉, and of right was my particular prisoner, I being head of the Enterprise; I was nevertheless content that we should all three share in his Ransom, which we did, so that his Ransom being set at six thousand Crowns, the Dividend came to two thousand Crowns a piece.  
Being come to Libourne I sent the Artillery up the River, which went day and night, for we had a great many men to draw the rope of the B●at, which was no sooner come to Castillon, belonging to the Marquis de Villars, but that there came a Messenger sent from Monsieur de Madaillan to tell me, that the Enemy of Bridoire were escaped away, and ●led: at which I was as much troubled as at any news almost could have been brought me, for my purpose was to have dealt no better with them, than I had done with the rest, and so we returned the Artillery down the River directly to Bourdeaux, and leaving Captain Mabrun wi●h three Companies to guard it, Monsieur de Monsferran and I went before to the City. The next day after I came thither I went to the Palace to take my leave of the Court of Parliament, being resolved to return to my old Quarters, that I might be nearer to the Monsieur, in case he should be pleased to send for me. There M●nsieur la Precedent Rossignac in a short speech returned me thanks in the behalf of the whole Assembly for the service I had done, forasmuch as by this little war he said we had so secured the Rhodes towards Xaintonge, that every one might now safely come and go betwixt France and B●urdea●x. That I had also secured them on that side towards the Dordogne, having reduced the Castle of Bridoire, and on that side towards the Garonne, by having taken Levignac, Taillecabat, and Pardaillac, by reason that before neither provisions nor men could come by those ways to Bourdeaux, or by any other, saving out of Gascony.  
These were the successes of these Erterprises performed in five or six days, without putting the King to the expense of a T●ston, and the Parliament less; and had these Messieurs of the City of Bourdeaux kept their words with me▪ I would have laid my head, that I had turned Blay topsy-turvy: neither would I have asked any more than eight day's time to do it in, provided I might have had the Baron de la Garde along with me to have attaqu'd them by sea, 
The Sieur de Montlu● offers to attaque Blaye.  and would have engaged to have paid them back the thirty thousand F●ancs I demanded of them wherewith to pay the Foot, and to defray the charge of the Artillery and Pioners if I did not carry the place. Nay seeing they would not relish that motion, I offered to lend them twelve thousand Francs for a year without interest, and Monsieur de Va●ence my Brother would lend them two thousand more: in short the Court of Parliament was very hot upon the Enterprise; but when they saw it was required that every one should lay to his helping hand there was no more talk of the business. These men of the Long Robe are a dry hidebound sort of people, and still pop us in the mouth with their Privileges. I will maintain, and that by the testimony of the best and honestest men of Bourdeaux, that they were the cause this Enterprise was not executed: for when the Citizens saw they would part with no money, they would part with none neither, saying that the Court of Parliament had as much or more wealth than half the City besides, and twice they made me come to them, assuring me that so soon as ever they should see my face all things should be done; but when I came I still found them put me off with so many delays, that I was forced to return as wise as I came. I think they had a mind to have had me done it at my own expense, and that the advantage and the profit should only have accrued to them; and in truth by the offers I made, any one might plainly see I was willing to advance something of my own; for I defrayed all the Gentlemen that did me the honour to go along with me at my own charge, without putting the City to the expense of a Hen. This in truth was the reason why the Enterprise upon Bl●y was not put into execution. I am very sure there was nothing in Guienne could have hindered me from effecting my design. At the time when Des Rois besieged it I had taken an exact survey of the place, and it is no such choak-pear as they make it. Besides at that time the Hugonots scarce showed their heads, and Guienne was quiet enough: for all those who were able to bear arms went into the main body to the Admiral, who after the death of the Prince of Condé caused himself to be declared Head of the Faction, 
The Admiral declared Head of the Huguenots,  the Prince serving him only for a shadow. It was that nevertheless that so much upheld the said Admiral and his Party, for a Prince of the Blood can do much, and the Son of the said Prince of Condé, though he was very young, was a great support to him also; for without them and their authority he had never been able to have maintained the War so long.  
The End of the Sixth Book.   

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARSHAL of FRANCE. The Seventh Book.  
SEeing I have taken in hand to leave to posterity an account of my life, and to give a true relation whether good or bad, of all that ever I have done in so many years that I have born arms for the Kings my Masters; 
Why the Author writes these particularities.  I am unwilling to omit any thing of action how little and inconsiderable soever; and although the last little Victories I gave an account of were neither the Conquests of Naples, nor Milan; I have not however thought it ●it to leave them wholly out, for (inconsiderable as they are) such may read them, as they may be useful to, and Captains and Soldiers may begin their Prentice-age with such little feats of arms as those; it being by such that they first take Lesson: and even those who have the Government of Provinces committed to their charge, may by what I have performed take exemple of what was well, if there be any such thing, and avoid the evil.  
I had so clipped the wings of the Hugonots that they were capable of doing no great matters in Guienne, nor of attempting any other than very slight Erterprises; neither consequently was I in any capacity of performing any notable exploits; both because there was not much of that nature in the Province left to do, and also by reason I had on the other side, sent away most of the Forces to the Monsieurs Army, and did reserve all the money for his use. I have moreover another reason why I am thus particular in my writing; which is to the end, that if the King shall vouchsafe the pains to read my Book (and I think he reads some worse) his Majesty may then see how much they have spoken against the truth, who have said that I had now no other care, nor meditated on any other thing but how to live quietly and at ease in my own house. God knows these people understood me very ill. Had I had the means I desired, and that some might have supplied me withal, and that I might have had my own swing, without being curbed by those pernicious Edicts, I should have prevented the Hugonots from reigning in Guienne, and perhaps have rooted out the whole Race.  
But to pursue the thread of my discourse▪ and give a tr●e account of what has been the ruin of this poor Province, I shall proceed to tell you, that some time after the execution of these Erterprises, the Monsieur sent me a Letter containing these words.  
Monsieur de Montluc, 
The Monsieurs letter to the Sieur de Mo●●luc.  Monsieur the Marshal d' Anvil has been here, and is going into his Government to put some designs he has th●re into execution; if therefore ●e shall stand in need of any thing in your Government, let me entreat you to assist him the best you can. This letter was delivered to me at St. Foy, and with it there came another to Monsieur de Sainct●rens, wherein he was commanded to come and bring his Company along with him to the Army; which was because his Highness had given Monsieur de Fontenilles leave to return home to refresh himself, and to recruit his Company, his said Highness sending me word not long after, that I should keep Monsieur de Fontenilles with me, without suffering them to stir out of the Country; and that I should have a special regard to Bourdeaux, assisting Monsieur de Terride with what I could in order to his Conquest of Bearn; and that as to himself he was going down into Poictou. This was heavy news to me, although I was very glad of the coming of the Marshal d'Anville, and may I perish if I was not really as glad of it, as if almost the Monsieur himself had come, for I fancied that the Hugonots in Langutdoc and Guienne would not be able to stand two months before us.  
The said Marshal stayed some days by the way, and being arrived in Avergne, dispatched a Courier to me to give me notice he was come, 
The Marshal d' Anvil comes to prosecute the War in Guien.  and to tell me that he was glad of his Commission to come to make war in those parts, as well for the satisfaction he should have in seeing me, as out of the hopes he had we should do something to the purpose in these Countries of Languedoc and Guienne, and that he was going through Albigeois directly to Tholouze. I sent him back his Messenger in all haste, desiring him by no means to go that way, but that he would come to Rhodes and into Quercy, and that I would come to meet him at Cahors; for the Court de Montgomery was arrived about Castres', where he was drawing a Party together, so that he could not pass that way but he must be in danger of falling into the midst of the Enemy. I had no answer from him till he came to Tholouze, from whence he dispatched a Courier to me to advertise me of his arrival, sending me word that he had passed in the very beard of the Enemy; but that none of them had presented themselves to oppose his way. I was very glad to hear of his safe arrival, and in his letter he entreated me that we might meet and see one another, to the end that being together we might take a good resolution to do the King some signal piece of service, and that he would do nothing without my advice. I had at that time a defluxion fallen upon one of my paps, so that I was constrained to have it lanced in two places, and to put in two tents, which made my breast so soar that I was hardly able to endure my shirt; but the fury of the dolour being a little assuaged, and the Fever occasioned by it a little over, I put myself upon my way, though I was able to ride no more than three leagues a day at the most, and that with intolerable pain.  
Such as shall please to read my life may take notice with how many sorts of maladies I have been afflicted, and yet notwithstanding I have never been idle or resty to the commands of my Masters, or negligent in my charge. 'Tis unbecoming a Soldier to lie grunting a Bed for a little sickness. Now you must know that neither the King nor the Queen had writ to me that I was to obey the Marshal, neither did he in his own Letter take upon him to command me, nevertheless out of respect of the friendship I bore unto him, and the affection that of my own voluntary inclination I had vowed to him all the days of my life, I went of my own accord to offer my obedience to him, and to make him a tender of all the service lay in my power in reference to his own particular person. I found him in a little feverish distemper, and stayed two days with him at Tholouze, and there I was at that time better accompanied than he; for I had no less than threescore or threescore and ten Gentlemen in my Train. We concluded together that I should return to Again, there to assemble the Estates of the Province to see how many men the Country was able to furnish out, and maintain for the prosecution of the War. I assured him that Guienne would furnish money to pay a thousand or twelve hundred Harquebuzeers; always provided that when he should have won a Town in Languedoc, he would come to attaque another in Guienne, which I also engaged to them in the Marshal's behalf that he should do; but I reckoned without mine Host. I immediatley however set afoot the Companies of a thousand Harquebuzeers, and made choice of the best Captains that were then in the Country to command them. The Estates gave the charge of receiving the money to de Naux, one of the House of Nort of Again, and we concluded to be ready the first of August to take the field.  
Two or three months were passed over in these transactions, during which Monsieur the Terride was still at the Leaguer he had laid before Navarreins, and for my part I gave the Town for taken; for we had still news that no more provision was entered into it, and that they began to suffer. On the other side I considered, that all the Forces the Count de Montgommery had brought with him were but threescore and ten Horse, 
Considerations upon the coming of the Count de Montgommery.  and that he had no other Forces but only those of the Vicomptes, which I did not much apprehend, forasmuch as with a very few men I had kept them in such awe, that they had not dared to stir. In Quercy Monsieur de la Chappelle Lozieres made head against them, in Rovergue Monsieur de Cornusson and his Sons, and Monsieur de St. Vensa did the same, as also Monsieur de Bellegarde on that side towards Tholouze; in brief they were held so short as nothing more. I then considered that we had several Companies of Gens-d'arms in the Country; so that I never imagined Montgommery could gather together a power sufficient to ●elieve Navarreins; for he must of necessity cross the River at Verdun, where in two days I should be upon the Pass to oppose him: and I had so good Spies, that I was very sure to be immediately advertised should he come to Montauban, or offer to pass where he did, which was at St. Gaudens. I again considered that in that Quarter there were seven or eight Companies of Gens-d'arms, which were those of the two bellegarde's, d' Arne, de Gramont, the Sarlebous, that of the Count de Candalle, and of Monsieur de Lauzun, and the ten Companies of Monsieur de Savignac; so that all the Earth could never have made it sink into my head that the Count de Montgommery should come to relieve Bearn. Thus do men sometimes deceive themselves with reasons; for I made account his coming into those parts had been only to defend those places they possessed in the Provinces of Languedoc and Guienne; and also I heard the Vicompts refused to obey one another, which made me rather think he came to moderate that affair, than for any thing of Bearn, and in truth there was greater likelihood in it; but the Hugonots have ever had that quality to conceal their designs better than we. They are a people that very rarely discover their counsels, and that's the reason why their Erterprises seldom fail of taking effect. The Count de Montgommery also herein manifested himself to be a circumspect and prudent Captain. It was he who was the occasion of the greatest mishap that these five hundred years has befallen this poor Kingdom, for he killed King Henry my good Master in the flower of his age, running against him in Lists; and this man was the ruin of Guienne, by setting the Hugonots again on foot, as shall be declared in its due place.  
You who are the King's Lieutenants upon whose care the whole Province does rely, consider the oversight that I have committed, and not I alone, but some far better than I, upon this coming of the Count de Montgommery: look better about you when you shall happen to be in the like occasion, and ever suspect the worst, that you may provide better against such inconveniencies than we did. The Marshal d'Anville very well knows, that when we were together at Tholouze, we were generally of opinion that the Count was not come for the end that he afterwards discovered. We had very good arguments to excuse this error, especially I, as the following discourse will make appear to such as have a mind to be further satisfied in that particular: but this man, although a stranger, and in a Country where he had never been before, made it seen that he had very good friends there, and perhaps amongst us ourselves; the Hugonots have ever been more cautelous and subtle than we; I must confess that of all the oversights have ever been committed in all our wars, this was the greatest; I know it has been variously descanted upon, and that the Queen of Navarre set people on to raise strange reports: but I know also that I was not in fault; and I am sure Monsieur d' Anvil is so good a servant to the Crown, that he can say as much for himself as I  
At my departure from Tholouze I had some private conference with two of the principal Capitouls of the City, 
A fault in the French Gentry.  where I gave them many things in charge to deliver to the body of their Corporation concerning the carrying on of the War. These men were very well disposed, but that is not all; and I must here by the way insert a thing that I have ever said, and shall do so long as I live, that the Gentry are very much to blame so much to disdain City Employments, principally of Capital Cities, such as Tholouze and Bourdeaux. I am sure when I was a boy I have heard that both Gentlemen and Lords of very great birth and quality accepted of the charge of Capitouls at Tholouze, and of Jurats at Bourdeaux; but especially at Tholouze; whereas now refusing these offices, or suffering them to be conferred upon others, the Citizens have got the power into their hands, so that when we come we must cap and cringe to them. It was ill advised of those who first were the cause. Would to God that (as they do in Spain) we had made our constant abode in the good Towns, we had then both had more riches and more authority. We have the keys of the Field, and they of the Towns, and in the mean time we must pass through their hands, and for the least affair troth up and down with great trouble from City to City to beg their favour and esteem. But to return to my two Capitouls, had they been men who had rightly understood the instructions I gave them, they might have given me seasonable notice. Neither is it in this thing only that I have observed this fault, but in several other things also, and if the Catholic Gentlemen would introduce this custom of taking City Employments upon them, they would find advantage by it, and would in a short time see all things in a much better posture. But let us make an end of the business in hand.  
I had intelligence from that side towards Tholouze, that the said Count reinforced himself both with Horse and Foot and that he made his Levies about Castress, and at Gaillac, but that did nothing a●ter my former opinion of his design (I confess that God deprived us of our understanding) ●ill that within eight or ten days before he took the Field. Monsieur de St. german coming to give me a visit at Again about some private business betwixt us, told and assured me, that the preparation Montgommery was making was to go over into Bearn. I disputed the contrary with him, telling him that the said Montgommery ve●y well knew, that the Marshal d'anvilles Forces were almost ready, and that in eight or t●n day's time I should also be ready to march, hoping in twelve days to be with him. To which the said Sieur de St. german made answer, that let me never more repu●e him a good Servant of the Kings, if the Count de Montgommery did not go over into Bearn; and that he would cross the River at Verdun, or else higher towards the Source. The confident assurance he gave me made me think to advertise Monsieur de Terride, which by an express Courier I did, and having well weighed and considered all things with myself, began to apprehend there might be some appearance in the thing. In the mean time I entreated the said Sieur de St. german to go to Tholouze to acqu●int the Marshal with it; to which he returned me answer, that he could not imagine but that the Marshal must needs know of it, considering that Montgommeries Levies were making within seven or eight leagues of Tholouze: but I was so importunate with him to go, that in the end he consented, though he was at that time very much troubled with the stone, which yet continues with him; which made me write to the Marshal (not naming the said Sieur de St. german otherwise than that a Gentleman and a Knight of the Order, whom he very well knew, and who was a very loyal Subject of the Kings) was coming towards him, to acquaint him with something that concerned his Majesty's service, beseeching him that he would please to give credit to what he had to deliver to him. The said Sieur de St. german was not come to Tholouze when my Messenger came away, for the Marshal writ me word back that the Knight of the Order who I said was coming to speak with him, was not yet arrived, but that if he came he would give ear to what he had to say, and would signify his opinion to me concerning what he should deliver to him. Four or five days after Monsieur de St. german writ me word, that he had been with the Marshal, who it seemed had intelligence from other hands than his, to which he conceived he gave greater credit than to him: but that I should remember what he told me, and should in a short time see it come to pass. I gave continual notice of all to Monsieur de St. Girou● who was at Master de Verdun, and Governor of the place, brother to the Sieur de la Garde, and who at this time is a Knight of the Order, and one of his Majesty's Household, that he should look well about him, and that in case the Enemy should offer to pass the River, he should send me present word, and in a day and a half I would not fail to be with him. To which he returned me answer, that he would give me three day's warning, and that those of Grenade, and du Mas de Verdun had command to assist one another to guard the Foards and Ferries, which command had been given them at the said Master de Verdun at the time when the said Marshal was there. Now I had delivered the charge of the Country of Comenge, as far as the Pyrrhenean Mountains to Monsieur de Bellegarde, to whom I had given as ample Commission to Command in those parts as if I myself was there, he having ever behaved himself gallantly and well, upon all occasions beaten and repelled the Enemy, with Monsieur the Sav●gnac's People, his own Company, and the Gentlemen of Comenge, amongst whom he had a very great reputation, and was well served by the Gentry, they knowing him to be a very brave Gentleman and an old Captain.  
I received an answer from Monsieur de Terride, 
Monsieur de Terride despises his Enemy.  wherein he sent me word that he had no great apprehension of the Count de Montgommery or of his Forces, and that he was able to fight him. The Messenger that I had sent to him was a Soldier, who told me by the by, that Monsieur de Terride had not so many men as he thought he should have had, and moreover he heard the Captains and Soldiers say that the Enemy scarce ever made a sally but that our people were beaten. And i● was not above three days at the most before I received a Letter from Monsieur de Fonte●illes containing these words.  
I send you enclosed a Letter I received from my Lieutenant Monsieur de No, by which you will see that the Count de Montgommery is already upon the Save, and that he takes the way toward St. Gaudens, where he makes account with his Army to pass the Garonne.  
The said Sieur de Noe's Letter was this: 
Monsieur,  
I Give you nitice that the Count de Montgommery has passed the Save, 
The Count de Montgommery 〈◊〉 over into Bearn.  and the Ri●ge, and dines to day at the house of the Viscount de Caumont my Brother-in-Law. In all these parts not a man presents himself to dispute with him his passage over the Garonne. I pray give Monsieur de Montluc speedy notice of it.  I was never in my life so surprised at any thing as at this unexpected news, and began to think with myself, that this was some misadventure that was destined against us, knowing, as I did, the Marshal d' Anvil, Messieurs de joyeuse and de Bellegarde, who were hard by him, and several other Captains who wanted neither courage, experience, nor affection; wherefore we were to conclude that God would lay a misfortune upon Monsieur de Terride. I had the Company of Monsieur de Gondrin at Montsegur en Bezadois, the one half of my own at Nera●, and the other at Mons●anquin, and that of Monsieur de Fontenilles at Moissac; which the Fontenilles ran in all haste to the said Moiss●c, being very certain that I would speedily send for him. I immediately then writ four dispa●ches, one to Monsieur de Terride, 
The S●eu● de Montluc gives M●nsieur de Terride notice of his coming.  wherein I entreated him to rise from before Navarreins, and to retire towards Orthez and St. Sever, for that the Enemy was upon him, entreating him in so doing to call to mind the diligence we had several times used when we were together in Piedmont; that I feared the Marshal's Forces were not yet ready suddenly to rel●eve him, and did also fear that the enemy would be upon him before my Letter could come to his hands; that therefore he ought not to engage himself to a precipitous Retreat, and much less in a Battle, considering that his men were harassed out with labour and watching, and th●t the Enemy came fre●h and in good plight to attaque him. I sent another to Monsieur de Fonten●lles to bid him march, another to the Baron de Gondrin at Montsegar, and another to my Lieutenant Monsieur de Madaillan, that I was going before towards l' ●ss● en jordan, if the Eenemy had not yet passed the River; but in case they should already be passed over, I would then take the way of Air, and that he should follow af●er me day and night. It was almost night when I received the news, and in the morning by break of day, so soon as I had sent away my Messengers I departed and went to Lectoure; from whence I sent another dispatch to Monsieur le Marshal to give him notice that I was coming directly to him with five Ensigns of Foot: but that notwithstanding should the Enemy already have passed the River, I was of opinion we were to follow after them, and that then if I should find they were marched toward Bearn, I for my part would take my was directly to Air, beseeching him not to stay for any one, for that so soon as ever he should be out of the Gates of Tholouze every one would follow after him, so well was I acquainted with the nature of the Gentlemen of that Country. I had tried them of● enough, and am very confident it would have fallen out so: for many a time have I set out with thirty men only, and the next day have had all the Gentlemen of the Country about me. I stayed but that day at Lectoure, and as God shall help me, when I departed from Again, I had but one old Gentlemen with me called Monsieur de Lizac, and my own Servants; but the next morning I had above thirty came in to me, with whom I marched that night to Cauze, and the next day went no further than to Nogarol to stay for the Companies of Gens-d'arms and five Ensigns of Foot I had near unto me, and they were commanded by Captain Castilia, by reason that I had sent my Nephew de Leberon to Libourne; the King having writ to me to put myself into it, his Majesty having had intelligence that the Enemy had a design upon that place. Which Command I received at the time when I sent the advertizement to Monsieur de Terride, and would not myself go to the said Libourne, that I might be near the Marshal to go relieve the said Sieur the Terride; or fight Montgommery by the way. Being come to Air we found that we were above sixscore Gentlemen, and the five Foot Companies came thither as soon as we. In the morning my whole Company came in on the one side, and by the way of the Lands at the same time came the Baron de Gondrin, who the day before had marched nine leagues, and my Company seven, and at night came Monsieur de Fontenilles. As I was mounting to horse to depart from Nogarol, the Messenger I had sent to the Marshal from Lectoure returned and brought me his answer, which was, that since Montgommery was already passed the Garonne, he conceived it would be to no purpose to follow him, and that he had given Monsieur de Terride notice from the time that the Count had first made towards the Rivers, to look to himself, for that the said Montgommery was coming to attaque him; who had returned him answer, that he was strong enough to fight Montgommery, and that he would not leave the Siege, which was the same answer the said Sieur de Terride had sent to me. The said Marshal sent me further word that he was going to batter a Castle near unto Lavaur called Frigeac, till the Foot who were coming out of Languedoc commanded by the Sieur de St. Geran de la Guiche should come up to him.  
So soon as ever I alighted at Air I dispatched away Captain Mausan (who had been Quartermaster to Monsieur Gramont's Company, and was lately come into mine) to the said Marshal by whom I begged of him, that setting all other Enterprises apart, he would please to apply himself to the grand Concern; for having once fought Montgommery he would have no more to do either in Languedoc or Guienne, being that all the Forces of two Provinces were united with the said Count, which being once defeated there would not be any one left to make head against us. 
The Sieur de Montluc sends to the Marshal d'Anville.  I had at my coming to Nogarol sent away a dispatch to Monsieur de Terride, entreating him, that if he was not already retired he would speedily retire, and disincumber himself of his Artillery; and if he saw himself hard laid to, rather to throw them into the 
* A River so called.  Gave, than engage in a Battle; for that I had sent to the Marshal from Lectoure, hoping he would suddenly come away; and that though he should lose his Canon, so soon as we should be drawn together we should presently recover it. In the mean time it ran in my head, that although Montgommery had a very considerable and sprightly Army, he would hardly notwithstanding adventure to attaque Monsieur de Terride, seeing we were coming up towards him: but I think he had intelligence that neither the Marshal nor I would enter the Country, and that we were not ready to join, which made him pursue his determination. The same night that I came to Air after I had sent away Captain Mausan came Captain Montaut from Monsieur de Terride, 
The Sieur de Terride retires to Orth●z.  by whom he sent me word that he was retired to Orthez, entreating me with all speed to come up to him; whereupon I immediately sent back the said Captain Montaut to tell him, that I would not stir from Air, or at least would advance no further than St. Sever, until the Marshal should first come, for I had but three Companies of Gens-d'arms, and five Ensigns of Foot; and that Captain Montaut had told me, that in eighteen Ensigns of Foot which he had with him there was not eighteen hundred men; and on the other side, should I come to Orthez, and that we should be forced to fight, and should lose the Battle, the King might justly cut off my head for not staying for the Marshal, and the said Marshal himself might justly say, that I had precipitated the Battle that he might not be there, to engross to myself the reputation of a Victory; that therefore I would be cautious of entering into such a dispute either with his Majesty, or the Marshal: but that I entreated him to retire to St. Sever, leaving a sufficient Garrison in Orthez, and till the Marshal should come I would be drawing towards him. That heretofore I had given him timely advertizement of the Count's coming, which he had despised, and that now he would have me repair that so great an oversight at the hazard of my own honour, which I could by no means do. The said Captain Montant rid all night directly to Orthez, telling him all that I had given him in charge, to which he returned me answer, that he could not stir from Orthez, and that should he go out of the Country of Bearn the Bearno●s would take heart at it; entreating me therefore to come up to him, with which message he would again have returned the said Captain Montaut, who would by no means accept of the Commission, but frankly told him, that he was confident I would not enter into Bearn; and had given him so many reasons for that resolution, that not a man about me would offer to advise me to it, and accordingly I sent him word by his Messenger that I would do no other but what I had told him by Captain Montaut.  
I communicated all the Letters I writ whether to the Marshal or Monsieur de Terride, to Monsieur d' Aire Brother to Monsieur de Candalle, and to all the Knights of the Order, and evermore consulted their advice; for the occasion required it. The Lieutenant of Castelsarrazin, who was with Monsieur de Terride, has since told me, that he kept all the Letters I had writ to the said Sieur de Terride, and that would he have been persuaded by any of his Captains, he had retired to St. Sever according to my advice: but he chose rather to be governed by three or four Gentlemen of Bear● he had about him, than any of his own Officers and Servants, Monsieur de Bellegarde was within six leagues of Air towards Bigorre, to whom I dispatched away a Messenger, entreating him to come the next day to Proian, a House belonging to the Baron de Campagne, and to bring Captain Arne, and the Baron de Arbous, Lieutenant to Monsieur de Gramont, along with him, I having earnest business to communicate unto him, which accordingly they all three did. He had with him four Companies of Gens-d'arms, namely his own, and those of Messieurs de Gramont, d' Arne, and the Sarlebous; and there I laid down before them all that I writ to Monsieur de Terride, with the answers he had returned me back, and that he tempted me to come to Orthez, telling them withal the foregoing reasons why I conceived I ought not to do it; which they all approved of, saying, that the Marshal would have just cause to take it exceedingly ill if I should not stay for him; although they well enough understood by several Letters he had writ to them, that he had a mind to make war in Languedoc, and not in Guienne; for all those of his Council, and even they of Tholouze, (as they had been informed) advised him so to do, and that upon that condition they would supply him with money for the expense of the war, persuading him to expend it in Languedoc, and not in Guienne; which was a thing easy enough to be believed, for every one strives to draw the water to his own Mill. Monsieur de Bellegarde than told us, that he would write to the Marshal, and tell him that he ought to march towards us, and after the Enemy: but that nevertheless he believed he would not do it, for the forenamed reasons, and also because those who were for his transferring the Scene of the war into Languedoc, would be sure to possess him, that the reason why we invited him to come to us, was for the fear we were in of losing our own Houses. We concluded however that he should send a Gentleman to him to beseech him to come, and I promised Monsieur de Bellegarde to acquaint him with what answer Captain Mausan should bring me back; who was but three days in going and coming, and afterwards went to Monsieur de Bell●g●●rde, carrying him the Marshal's answer to my Letter; which was to this effect.  
Monsieur de Montluc,  
I Have received yours, by which I perceive that Monsieur de Terride is retired to Orth●z, who being now out of danger I should do no great feats in Bearn, and am very unwilling to squander away my time: for in these parts I am confi●ent I shall soon recover what is lost of my Government; at your instance nevertheless I am content to come with my Army as far as I'Isle de Jordan, there to stay some few days to see if any occasion shall offer it s●●f of fight Montgommery in the Field; which in case I fail of, I am resolved to pu●su● my beginning, which is hopeful; for I have taken Figeac where Captain Mausan h●s found m●, and to morrow morning I will march directly to the Isle, where in two days I hope to arrive.  
These were the contents of the Letter which pleased us all exceedingly well, and immediately upon the receipt thereof I went to St. Sever with all the horse and foot I had; and from thence so soon as ever I came thither dispatched away Captain Montaut, who from Orthez was but newly alighted there (for from St. Sevir to the said Orthez is no more than four leagues and a half only) back to Monsieur de Terride, entreating him that he would come in the morning to Aget●au, that we might confer together an hour to resolve upon what we had to do. I made no manner of question but he would come, which made me send to Monsieur de Gramont's people to provide us something for dinner, for Agetmau is his in right of his Daughter-in-Law d' Andois Countess of Guichen, and gave the Letter the Marshal had sent me by Captain Mausan to the said Captain Montaut, to show him. I made this assignation purposely to remonstrate to him, that the Marshal would hardly be drawn so far as into Bearn, by reason he was importuned by all the Estates of Languedoc, and all the Lords of that Country to make war in Languedoc, and not in Gulenne, which he must in the end be necessitated to do, or they would give him no money; that therefore he ought to retire to St. Sever, leaving a few men in the Castle of Orthez, and that when we should be all together we should make up the body of an Army, entreating the Marshal to leave us Monsieur de Bellegarde with the four Companies of Gens-d'arms, which I hoped he would easily grant us, he having enough besides to be Master of the Field, and that in five or six days I doubted not but we should have a thousand Foot, or more to those we already had: for Monsieur de Bellegarde had two Companies with him, and that Captain M●usan should go into Bigorre, from whence he hand his Brother would bring a considerable number of men, and that the Count de Labatut would do the same. This was what I had premeditated to say to him, not doubting but by those arguments to overcome his Council that hindered him from retiring; and besides I believed the Marshal would be very glad of this resolution, by which means he would be at full liberty to pursue his own designs. Yet did I not do this of my own head only, but communicated all to the Knights of the Order, and the Captains who were with me. Now when I in the morning expected he should come to Agetmau (it being but two leagues only from Orthez) to conclude of such things as should be most proper for his safety and honour, he sent me word that he could not come to Agetmau, 
Dispute betwixt the Sieurs de Montluc and the Terride.  his Council not conceiving it fit for him to go out of his Government, because Agetmau was not in Bearn, but that I should come to him. See here the vanity of this world! a man weak, beaten, and upon the matter defeated, stands upon his punctilio's, and moreover with a man who came only to save his life, and who in regard to his own quality might challenge some respect.  
For God's sake (fellow Captains) leave this pride behind your Beds-head, when necessity shall press upon you; for it is to be devoid of all sense and understanding, seeing that a man does miserably and ridiculously lose himself. Had he been of greater quality than I, he ought notwithstanding to have accepted my invitation, and to have come so far to confer and consult with me about an affair whereupon his own safety and that of his Army wholly depended. His evil Angel governed him. He neither knew before nor after which way to go about either to escape, or defend himself. Yet was it not through any default of courage, for he had ever manifested himself to be brave enough; but God deprives us of our judgements when he is disposed to chastise us.  
To return to our Embassies. I sent him word roundly, That I would not budge a foo●, and that I would not engage myself in a place where I should be enforced to fight till I should first see his Forces and mine together, to know if they were sufficient to match the Enemy: that I had seen too many caught in the Trap for that; that I would not buy a Pig in a Poak, but would see both without and within, that I was come thither to relieve him without any command from any person living; that it seemed he stood upon his punctilio's of honour, but that it was not time to insist upon such niceties; and that he appeared to me like a man who is in necessity, and yet thinks he does the person too much honour to borrow money of him of whom he desires it. All this I writ to him in my anger, when I saw I could not make him come to a place where I had a mind to tell him by word of mouth what had been concluded, as well by Monsieur de Bellegarde and the Captains near unto him, as by those that I had with me: and when they saw that I was resolved not to go, they sent to me Messieurs d' Audaux, and de Damasan to persuade me to it.  
The question was not whether I ought to carry the five Ensigns of Foot, and my three Companies of Gens-d'arms into Orthez, for they not had 3 day's provision for themselves: but I must go as one neighbour goes to another's house when he makes a visit. I do not use to go after that manner in a time of War, especially when the Enemy is so near. The said Sieurs d' Audaux and de Damasan spared for no arguments to induce me to it, and I was not to seek for reasons (and such as were much more evident than theirs, as any child m●ght discern) to excuse myself. In the end, seeing I would not go, they told me, either that Monsieur de Gramont had a picque to some of their Council, or else that they had a quarrel to him (I know not which it was, for I did not commit it to memory, forasmuch as it was not their an mositi●s that had brought me thither) and that therefore Agetmau was by no means a proper place for our meeting. Whereupon we concluded that the next day about Noon we should meet at a Gentleman's House, which was not in Monsieur de Gramont's Territories, though I told them withal, That all animosities aught to cease where a Lieutenant of the Kings is in place.  
In the close of the Evening than they all mounted to horse to return to Orthez, when at their going away Monsieur de Madaillan entreated leave of me to go along with him; and to stay two days there to try if he could not in that time find an opportunity to do something with forty Cuirassiers of my Company, whom I accordingly permitted to go, and so they departed altogether. About eleven of the clock at night as they were go● a little beyond Agetm●u▪ 
Monsieur de Ter●ide surprised.  they met with a Merchant of Orthez of their acquaintance who was running away, and told them that they were all defeated, and that Monsieur de Terride and some Captains with him were escaped into the Castle; which nevertheless they d●d not believe; for our people were eighteen Ensigns of Foot, and the Enemy were no more than two and twenty; which made it seem impossible, considering that ours had the advantage of the Town. For this therefore they did not forbear to go forward, and a quarter of a league further met with Captain Fleurdelis, who had also escaped away, and told them the same thing that the Merchant had done before. Whereupon they made a halt to rally such as should be flying away from the defeat. The Merchant held on his way, and coming to St. Sever, found me in bed. His news was so unexpected, and so str●nge, that I could by no means give any credit to it, not being able to imagine that two and twenty Ensigns could take eighteen in a Town that was none of the weakest; but Captain Fleurdelis coming within a quarter of an hour after, and confirming the same, I was constrained to believe it, not without making above three times the sign of the Cross.  
I have thought fit to give an account at large of the truth how all things passed in this business, by reason that all the Kingdom cried out, that if Monsieur le Marshal d' Anvil and Montluc had performed their duties Montgommery had been defeated, and the Princes after the rout at Moncontour would not have known which way to turn them, having no other refuge but to throw themselves into the arms of the Count de Montgommery, who was fresh, victorious and full of Crowns (all which was laid in our dish) and Guienne had not then been in mourning as it now is. And yet I think the Hugonots had not passed through Limosin and Perigort: for we should have gone out to meet them to bid them good-morrow: but the account that I have truly set down will discover who was in fault. In the mean time they who shall follow after us may learn that an oversight in War is irreparable. There are several persons of honour yet living, who will testify the truth of what I write, for I did not make any Dispatches in secret, but in the presence of all the Captains and Knights of the Order who were with me. I do not write to accuse either the Marshal or Monsieur de Terride, I say nothing but the truth, to manifest my diligence to such as have said, that if I would I might have relieved Monsieur de Terride. The few men I had, the daily advertisements I gave him, and the resolution taken amongst us, are all evidences whether I was in fault or no. I must needs say that had he retired, that had he sooner believed my intelligence, and would have harkened to my advice, and not have been so overruled by his own Council, that then in eight day's time we should have been strong enough to have fought Montgommery, and either to have driven him out of Bearn, or have shut him up in Navarreins, where they would not have received him neither, forasmuch as there had not been provision to have nourished his Army four days; by which means he must have been necessitated either to fight, or to turn back to the place from whence he came, which he would have found a matter of great difficulty for him to do; for the very Peasants would have defeated him, knowing us to be in his Rear. Monsieur de Terride had yet all the other Towns, and had this Enterprise of his succeeded the Marshal had not needed to have been troubled with our war, but had been left at liberty to pursue his own designs, provided he would have left us Monsieur de Bellegarde, and the four Companies of Gens-d'armes, which I believe he would have done having himself no need of them. It is then Monsieur de Terride's Council that is to be blamed, and not I; and that all the world may see how unlikely Montgommery's 
Montgommeries▪ Forces.  design was to take effect▪ it is most certain, that he never had at the most above five and twenty hundred Foot, and betwixt five and six hundred Horse, good and bad together; and when he went to meet the Princes, he had not above a hundred Horse, and but very few Foot, by the testimony of Monsieur de Terride's Ensign and Guidon, and of Monsieur de St. Felix, Lieutenant to Monsieur de Negrepelisse, and Captain St. Projets Ensign, who were prisoners, and went every day at liberty upon their parole up and down their Camp; and since the Peace I have ●alkt with above fifty of the Enemy who have all confirmed the same; by which any one may judge if there was any reason to apprehend the said Count, or suspect the said Monsi●ur de Terride (considering the Forces he had with him) should suffer himself to be surprised, especially he being himself a good Soldier, and having good Officers about him: but they lost their understanding in a time of the greatest need.  
This is the truth of the beginning and source of all the miseries of Guienne. Had not Monsieur le Marshal d' Anvil come into this Country, I am assured that most of the Lords and Gentlemen who went in to him would have done me the honour to have come to me, and I think we should have played our Game a little better. It was but reason they should pay that great respect to him, he being a great Lord, Son to a Connestable and Marshal of France, and moreover a brave Cavalier in his own person, rather than to me, who am a poor Gentleman, old, a Cripple, and out of favour: but notwithstanding beloved both by the Gentry and the People.  
You Lieutenants of Provinces who shall come after me, if peradventure my Memoires shall fall into your hands, make your advantage of this oversight of Monsieur de Terride, to the end that you may not occasion the ruin of your Master's affairs. I will not blame nor accuse him either of cowardice or treachery, for he was an admirable good Field-Officer: but other qualities are required in a Lieutenant of a Province; upon your head-piece, your prodence and circumspection all the rest depend. Had he credited the advertisements we gave him of the Count de Montgommery's coming to raise the Siege, he had made an honourable Retreat, and had saved his Canon, which had he not had leisure to draw off, he might have thrown them into the Gave, which is a River full of great precipices, so that it would not have been in the power of Montgommery to retrieve them; and we should have been with them in the time that such a work would have required. But setting this aside, having been routed in his Siege, and after that being retired into a Town sufficiently strong, he ought to have considered of the means, either of retreating further, or of fortifying himself there; and yet the last fault was worse than the first, which was, that their fear deprived them of their judgement; for he escaped with a good number of Gentlemen into the Castle, which is a very strong one, without having ever thought of putting provisions into it wherewith to sustain him; 
The fault of Monsieur de Terride.  and in all these disgraces to stand upon his punctilio's of honour, without deining to condescend so far as to come three steps out of his Government to confer with a friend who came merely to do him service, and to preserve him, was a most inexcusable folly. Leave, leave these punctilio's in a time of necessity, I have never done so, but oftentimes with ten Horse only have put myself into the Field. I am confident that had he come to speak with me he had not fallen into the misfortune, which cost him both his honour▪ and his life. For my part so oft as I have called this action to remembrance, I have ever looked upon it as a mere Judgement of God. For to raise a Siege against equal Forces, to conquer, and force a Town, and to take the King's Lieutenant in a sufficient place in three day's time, as it were in the sight of a Marshal of France, and a Lieutenant of the Kings, as I was, and in short, in three days to conquer a whole Province seems to be a Dream. It must needs be confessed that in all our Wars there was never performed a more notable exploit. But who (Fellow Captains) obtained this glory for the Count de Montgommery? truly no other but his own diligence, which was such as scarce gave leisure to Monsieur de Terride to look before him, and consider what he had to do. It is one of the best pieces in a Soldiers Harness. And what lost Monsieur de Terride? the little diligence he employed in his most pressing concern. For my part I did what lay in me to do; for to enter further into a Country, without first knowing from him in what posture it stood, and to fight a victorious Enemy without sufficient Forces, and with a ba●●ed Army; I was not so ill advised as to shuffle all things into confusion only to bear him company in his ruin. I had been too long possessed of the honour of having never been defeated, to hazard my reputation for the relief of a man who would throw himself away in despite of all the world.  
Let no one wonder that I insist so long upon this subject: 
The importance of Montgommery's victory.  for I believe that from this one fa●l● (which many ill informed have indiscreetly and unjustly laid to my charge) the ruin not only of Guienne, but moreover of the whole Kingdom since has been derived. I am assured that the affairs of the Hugonots had otherwise been reduced to such an extremity, that it had been impossible ever to have repaired them again. For in the first place, had the Marshal and I followed him, there is no doubt but Montgommery had been defeated, and consequently all Bearn reduced, which had been no contemptible thing, and I think the King would then have been bet●er advised, than to have surrendered it upon the accommodation, having ●nough besides wherewith to recompense the Queen of Navarre within the Kingdom, to keep her more in his obedience. For a King ought always to covet that those who a●e his Subjects, if they be great and powerful, should be in the heart, and not in the extremities of his Kingdom; for than they dare not show their horns: And besides the King wanted no good title to Bearn, for it is said that the Sovereignty of right belongs to him. I once heard Monsieur de Lagebaston the first Precedent of Bourdeaux lay open that ti●le, who said he had seen the Evidences thereof in the Constablery of Bourdeaux; but I have nothing to do to revive that antiquated quarrel. He told us also that at the time when they began to fortify Navarreins, the Court of Parliament sent to King Francis to remonstrate to him, how much it imported his Crown to hinder that Fortification: but the King sent them word, that he was not offended at it; which was ill advised of the King; for a Prince ought as much as in him lies to hinder neighbouring Fortresses; and had it not been for this all the whole Province had been his. But 'tis done and passed, and there is now no remedy; For to a done thing the Council is already taken. Besides all this had Montgommery been defeated, the Admiral who in the interim lost the Battle of Moncontour would have been at his wi●s end, and not have known to what Saint to devote himself. I think he would have been wiser than to have engaged himself in G●ienne, where he would easily have been defeated, the relics of his Army being in a very poor and forlorn condition, without Baggage, their horses unshod, and without a penny of money. And it was well for him that he came to throw himself into the arms of the Count de Montgommery, who set him up again, supplying him with money that he had gained at the Sack of divers Cities, insomuch that the said Admiral had the commodity of traversing the whole Kingdom, whilst the King amuz'd himself at the Siege of St. jean in the heart of Winter, which was very unadvisedly done: but God opens and sh●ts our eyes when it pleases him. Let us now return to our Subject. Peradventure there may be some who would have been glad I should have writ more at large after what manner Monsieur de Terride was defeated; which I would not do; for I have heard that Of ill flesh a man can never make good Pottage. I leave that to those who were present at the business, and who gave me relation of it, and to the Historians who talk of all the world, and very often unseasonably, and from the purpose, like ignorant fellows in fea●s of Arms as they are.  
These postings to and fro betwixt Monsieur de Terride and me continued three whole days, after which Montgommery came to attaque him. After his defeat I remained a● St. Sever, until such time as he was taken in the Castle of Orthez, and afterwards retired to Aire, where I stayed nine days after the taking of the said Sieur the Terride, sending the Marshal an account of all that had passed, 
The Marshal d'●●ville's answer to the Sieur de Montluc.  and again soliciting him withal to come up to us. To which by way of answer he demanded of me to what end he should come, or what his coming would signify, Monsieur de Terride being defeated and taken. Which made me dispatch away Monsieur de Leberon to remonstrate to him, that in case he should pass the River towards Languedoc, Montgommery would infallibly fall into the King's Country, seeing there was no body to make head against him; but that if he would please yet for a few days ●o defer his expedition, one might then see what Montgommery would do; for being puffed up with so glorious a Victory, he would not there st●p the progress of his Arms. The Marshal was contented so to do, but sent me word withal, that he would lose no more time than a months pay only, which the City of Tholouze had given his Army, but would employ the remainder in reducing the places in his Government. Now to say the truth from the time of Monsieur de Terride's defeat, affairs were in so strange a confusion, that a man had much ado to divine what course was best to take, unless the Province of Languedoc would have been contented to have paid the Marshal's Army for the service of Guienne, which however perhaps he would not have done, neither indeed had he any reason to do it. During the nine days that I stayed at Air, we made a new appointment to meet at a Village, the name whereof I have forgot, and there all those who were at Proian accordingly met, where we fell to debating of what remedies might be found out (which was a matter of great difficulty for the aforegoing reasons) for the present evil, and in the end concluded together, that I should write unto the Marshal to tell him, that if he would be pleased to come so far as Viques, I would there wait upon him, to resolve upon what he should think we were best to do for the defence of Guienne. I accordingly writ, and in answer thereunto had word from him back again, that upon a certain day, which he named, he would not fail to be there, which was two or three days after. I will here in the mean time give an account of what I did at Air within five leagues of the Enemy, and in an open Town, having no more but the five Companies commanded by Captain Castilia, and one of Viscount de Labatut, who was also come thither; which because it may be of use to some one in time to come I will here set down, and peradventure some Apprentice in our Trade may learn something out of it, that hereafter may be of some advantage to him.  
The three Companies of Gens-d'arms were in a Village on this side the Doughty towards Gas●ony. I discovered my design to Messieurs de Gondrin, de Fontenilles, and de Madaillan, telling them that I would try my fortune, and see i● I could order it so as to fight Montgommery at my own advantage with those few that we were; that to this end I would send away all the gentlemen's Baggage that we had with us to Nog●arol, so that nothing should be left behind but our Horses and Arms; I would then that every night they should come an hour after midnight with the three Companies before Air, on that side the River towards Gascony. I had, besides those, four Companies of Argoulets, which in all might be about three hundred Harquebuzeers, who in like manner were to come at the same time to Millas a Village on the brink of the River. Our six Ensigns of Foot were quartered at Mas● d' Aire, which lies above Air on that side towards the Enemy, who were every night at the same hour to present themselves in Battalia upon the Banks of the River without the Village, and in case of an Alarm without Drum or Trumpe●, were to retire by Air, and pass over the Bridge, at which time we who were quartered at the said Air were to foard it over (for the River was foardable) and that in the mean time twenty Horse should every night go the Patroville upon the three Highways by which the Enemy could only come to us, which Horse should have intelligence one with another, to give one another notice if they came, that so they might all at once retire to Air, without giving any Alarm, and might come and tell our Foot, and consecutively us; and that the said twenty Horse should advance a long league, or a league and a half upon those Highways, to the end, that we might not be constrained to draw off our men in disorder, but might have time to have made half a league towards our place or retreat, which was to Noguarol, before the Enemy could be arrived at Aire. I then calculated the length of the night, for I feared not their coming by day, by reason that I kept a Gentleman called Captain Bahu● in an enclosed Village, a league and a half distant from Air towards Morlas, who kept Scouts all the day upon all the ways by which the Enemy could come to us, and had three or fourscore Soldiers with him, with twenty or five and twenty Argoulets. I also represented to them, that when the Enemy should have marched five long leagues of that Country, chiefly the Foot, and especially in the night, the Foot must of necessity stay to eat and drink at Air; to which place also they could not come till almost day, when men are the most inclined to sleep, especially Foot who have marched all night, so that they would never be able to get one Foot Soldier out of Town, and that the most of the Harquebuzeers on horseback would stay with them, and that then by the Rule of War the Horse would pass on forwards after us, supposing that we retreated for fear, and that I designed our Encounter to be half a league from Air, which as I had computed the time, would happen to be betwixt break of day and sun-rise: that so soon as we should see them approach us, we should cover all our Foot with our Cavalry, and give them a swinging Charge, and that in so doing I made no doubt but we should defeat them. They all approved of my design, concluding with me that we should defeat and break them, for our horses would be ●resh, and their weary, and our Foot coming up a good round ●rot after us, seeing the victory ours, and that their Foot were yet in Air sleeping or eating, would also fall in upon them, who seeing their Cavalry defeated, and put to rout, there was no question to be made, but that every one would shift for himself the best he could, and endeavour to escape without offering to fight. Thus are we to represent things to ourselves when we are to undertake an Enterprise, and to hear one another's reasons and opinions upon the same.  
We lay nine days at Air in reference to this Stratagem, during which time we were every●night in Battalia after this manner, expecting when the Enemy should fall into our Quarters thinking to susprize us, but I think had we stayed till they had come we had been there till now. The tenth day having received an answer from the Marshal, that he would in three days be at Auch, we reti●'d towards Marsiac, to rally with Monsieur de Bellegarde, to whom I gave all the men I had, and with twenty horse only went away to Auch, marching nine long leagues that day (which are as much as twenty French leagues) the next morning being the time appointed by the Marshal for our meeting. In my life I was never so weary, for it was excessively hot, and I there found Monsieur de Negrepelisse, who was come thither the day before, having heard that the Marshal would be there, as also to rally what was left of his Company, which had been with Monsieur de Terride. The next morning instead of coming himself the Marshal sent thither Monsieur de joyeuse, and we held the Consultation at Monsieur de Negrepelice his house, he being ill of the Gout. There Monsieur de joyeuse acquainted us with the Marshal's intention, which was, that he was going to repass the Garonne, and to employ his time in his own Government, considering the charge the Country was at of defraying the expense of the War. We controverted this determination of his, arguing that the Enemy were in Guienne, and that he having the charge of Dauphiné, Provence, Languedoc, and Guienne, was equally obliged to preserve the one as well as the other; that we were all the King's Subjects and Servants, and that the Country was the Kings, and that therefore he ought to go there where the Enemy was, and to endeavour to repair the great oversight we had committed. In answer whereunto Monsieur de joyeuse laid before us, that the Country of Languedoc would not pay the Marshal's Army, unless they should see that he employed their money in recovering the places of their own Province, and as I have already said, he had reason. 
Con●ention among the Chiefs about the War of Gui●nne.  But in the mean time we who were of Guienne expected no other but the total ruin of it, and consequently of all our houses; for which considerations we should have been very glad that the Marshal would have resolved upon the defence of Guienne, and not to have returned into Languedoc. In conclusion he told us that he must be gone, for he was to be that night with the Marshal at the Isle, and that the next morning the said Sieur would cross the Garonne towards Languedoc; at which we were very much confounded, as knowing very well that Montgommery could not long subsist in Bearn, and would therefore fall into the King's Country; whereupon I told Monsieur de joyeuse, that seeing I had no Forces left for the defence of Guienne, I had nothing left to do but to retire to Libourne, where the King had commanded me to be, and so returned to find out Monsieur de Bellegarde at Marsiac, who was as much confounded as I, he being in no less fear of the ruin of his houses than I, and the rest of us whose Estates lay in those parts. I left the Viscount de Labatut with his two Companies in Marsiac, leaving it to his own discretion to do as he saw cause, for Forces I had none to relieve him. Monsieur de Bellegarde also retired a little further towards Coma●ge, expecting Orders from the Marshal what he was to do, and the Baron de Gondrin went towards Euse, there with his Company to do the best service he could. We were all like strayed sheep. I with my Foot Companies went to pass the River Garonne, placing them at Port St. Mary and at Aguillon, to see if I could yet raise any more men, and issued out three or foar Commissions to that effect. There only remained with me ●ive and thirty Horse of Monsieur de Fontenilles his Company, and fourscore of my own, for Monsieur de Madaillan, who was gone to bury his Wife, had taken one part along with him: Of those who were his Neighbours, his Brother who carried my Ensign was also gone sick to his own house, and had in like manner taken along with him some others that lived there abouts, and my Guidon was gone to Tholouze to a Trial he had depending in that Court, which was the reason that I was thus left alone. It is true that I was assured they would be back with me again in eight days. As for the Gentlemen of Armagnac they w●●● all retired to their own houses, to take order about the removing of their Goods into 〈◊〉 thinking no less but that the same scourge of God was amongst us; for every one thought of saving his Goods, and not of defending himself, nor of making head against the Enemy, by which you may see the fruits of our evil intelligence amongst ourselves.  
I had not been four days at Again before I was advertized that Monsieur de Marchastel (●he same who at this present is the Lord de Peyre) was come to Thoneins with three hundred Horse, 
Succours going to join with Mon●gommery.  amongst which there might be threescore that were very good, the rest were Harquebuzeers on horseback ill mounted; with which he was going over into Bearn, to join with the Count de Montgommery; whereupon I departed and went to Aguillon. Of my five Foot Comapnies I had sent two to quarter at Villeneufue to ease the Country; and in the other three that remained, and that lay at Port St. Mary and Aguillon, if there were a hundred men in a Company that was all; for every one was gone to his own house, as well as the Horse, and even the Captains themselves. I had given two Commissions to Captain Plex, and Captain Pommies, two Gentlemen of Cond●mm●i●, to raise each of them a Foot Company, to whom I sent that they should advance towards Buzet, for that I would try to pass the River Garonne, and in case they should hear that the Enemy offered to hinder my passage, they should then give them Alarms b●●ind. The s●id Si●ur de Peyre made no stay at Thonens, but crossed the River advancing towards Monhurt, Montluc, and D●masan. The same night that I arrived at Agu●llon, I made show as if I would pass the River, whereupon they presented themselves to oppose me; but there was nothing done but some few Harqu●buz shot fired athwart the River. The next morning I caused two Boats to fall down towards Port St. Marry, in the one whereof three horses might pass at once, and in the other two, and presented myself at the passage of Port de Pascau, sending over five and twenty Harquebuzeers in the two Boats▪ and when I expected they should come to defend the Pass, they did quite contrary, for they quitted Damas●n, Montluc, and Monhurt, and retreated towards la Gruere, and le Mas-d'Agenois, leaving me the passage free; so that I went to quarter at Damasan, where I found the Captains du Plex and Pommies newly arrived, having but fourscore Foot only betwixt them; for they had not had time to fill their Companies, and about fourscore Harquebuzeers on horseback came with them also. Captain Lauba a Kinsman of mine, who might have about threescore Harquebuzeers on horseback, came th●ther likewise about four a clock in the afternoon, by which time we were all got over the River.  
At my coming to Damasan there met me two men from Castelgeloux, whom the Consuls and Inhabitants of the Cities had sent to me to demand relief; for that Calonges had been before the Town to summon it, to whom they had returned answer, that in case they heard no news of me by the next morning they would deliver up the Town. It was a strange thing that Cities, which were in no manner of danger of being forced, should so tremble for fear. They had conditioned that none but the Captains should enter, in consideration of a certain sum of money they were to give them; but that was but a juggle, for they were resolved to make themselves Masters of the Town, and to leave a Garrison there, the Captains being very well assured, that being once within, they, with the Hugonots of the place should be able to master the Catholics. I immediately hereupon ordered Captain Ne●, and Captain Bengue the Lieutenant and Guidon of Monsieur de Fontenilles his Company, that they should bait their horses, and Captain Plex and Pommies to bait their Harquebuzeers on horseback; and that in the close of the Evening Monsieur de No● should depart with five Gens-d'arms, and the said du Plex and Pommies with their Harquebuzeers on horseback with him, taking one of the Messengers in their Party, and the rest of the Light-horse, which might be about ten; and the fourteen of my Company should go with the said Captain Bengue and Captain Lauba with him, and should stay at a place appointed within a quarter of a league of the Town: where if Monsieur de Noé could enter in, he should give notice to Captain Bengue, if not he should retreat to him; and I with fourteen or fifteen Gentlemen who were with me, and some fourscore Harquebuzeers on foot, would hal● about half a quarter of a league short of the said Captain Bengue, at a Gentleman's house called Monsieur de Ganet, where they were to send me intelligence of all that passed. I ordered it thus, to the end that in case the Enemy should come to hinder Captain Noé from entering the Town, Captain Bengue and he might rally together, and I also would show myself in the field to amuse the Enemy, and to make them think that we were three Parties in the field. I knew very well that they would soon have intelligence from those who played the good Subjects, by staying at home in their own houses, under the protection of the King's Edict: and therefore caused all the three Parties to go away by night, to defeat those Intelligencers of the knowledge of how few men we were. Monsieur de Noé came an hour after midnight to the Gates of Castelgeloux, where there arose a great dispute amongst those of the Town, whether or no they should let him in; some said I, and some said no, insomuch that they made him wait two long hours before they could conclude, but in the end the Catholics ran to the Gate of the Town, and made themselves Masters of it, and offered it to him; who so soon as he was got in, advertized Captain Bengue thereof, sending him word to retreat to me, as it had been ordered he should, which he accordingly did, and by this time it was sunrise. About break of day two Hugonots, Towns-born Brats, came before Castelgeloux, to inquire if their relief was at hand, and whether they were determined to let the Captains enter according to their Capitulation, telling them that the said Sieur de Peyre was with his force's within a quarter of a league of the Town, where he had made a hal●, and waited in expectation of their return. When as some of those within held them in discourse, some Horse sallied out and took one of them, but the other made his escape, and carried news to Monsieur de Peyre, that his Companion was taken, and that they that took him were Gens-d'arms in yellow Cassocks. Monsieur de Peyre than perceived that I was got up before him, and retreated to Mas. Monsieur de Fontenilles was come in the night at the precise time appointed to Buset, a quarter of a league from Damasan, to which place I was retired after I had given order for them to march away by night, telling me by the way as we went, that the Marshal was not passed over the River Garonne, to go over into Languedoc, as Monsi●ur de joyeuse had assured us he would, but was marching towards Muret to ease the Country; so that I received that night two great satisfactions, the first and the chiefest, that the Marshal had thought better with himself, and was not crossed the River, by which means I hoped we should be able to do some good for the King's service, and for the defence of the Country; and the other, that I had relieved Castel-gelo●x, which was of singular advantage to us, as well in Bourdelois as in Bazadois. Which I thought fit to commit to writing, to show that with the little power I had, I did all I was able to do, without lying idle at home, and suffering all things to go at random.  
Captains, although these be no great Conquests, nor famous Battles, you may yet by them, as well as in other places of my Book learn what a great diligence can effect, (I am always touching upon this string, and I cannot too often repeat it) and that it is good to run a hazard sometimes in a case of necessity. When I crossed the River twenty men might have hindered my passage, had they stayed in the Houses of the Port de Pascau; for I must of necessity land betwixt the two great Houses: and if I would have stood to consult about the reason of my passage, not a man with me would have been of opinion, that I ought to adventure to pass. By which you may note that the necessity of war will have it so, tha● a man must sometimes venture when the affair is of great importance, and not always go by the reason of war: but I must also tell you, that if you are long in designing, and tedious in making preparation for the execution of your design, you may then lose more in venturing, than you are likely to win: for a man that is resolved to hazard must keep his design very close, and his execution must be sudden, that the Enemy may have no inkling of what you intent to do, till you come just to the push; for if you give him time to discover your intention, or to prevent your design, you must imagine he has understanding and judgement as you have, and will so well provide for you, that instead of surprising him, you yourselves will be surprised, and defeated. Do not always choose the easiest way, but deceive your Enemy, making a show to put yourselves into one place, to get convenience of going into another. As to what concerns diligence, Monsieur de Noé stayed not two hours to bait at Damasan, but the night was upon him; nevertheless he departed at the first word without making any dispute of the business. How many Captains are there who would have given their Horse time to bai●, and rest that night, at least till within an hour or two of day, considering that they had been all day on horseback at the passage of the River in excessive heat? Which had I ordered it so here, Monsieur de Noé would then have found the Enemy in the Town, as they did him, wherefore I would always advise you to remember the Motto of Alexander the Great. Leave not that till tomorrow, which you may do to day. After a long march you shall repose at your ●ase and acquire honour. You must ofttimes make your horses quail under their burden; you will get more horses enough, but your honour once lost is never to be regained. 'Tis a thing that is not to be found by the highway, but to be acquired by valour, and for which you wear your swords by your sides.  
So soon as I returned back to Damasan I presently retired to Buset, a house belonging to the Signieur de Caumont my Kinsman, and thence immediately mounted to horse, and with about thirty Gens-d'arms I had, and Captain Lauba's Argoule●s, went directly to Pe●ch, belonging in part to the Queen of Navarre, and wherein I had also a propriety. The Sieur de Peyre was wi●h all his people retired into Master, which is a good league from Peuch, and when I came thither it was three a clock in the afternoon. The news was carried to him that I was marching directly to Master, which was the reason that he immediately departed thence, and maucht all night. Lau●a put himself in pursuit of him, and had he overtaken him would have brought away either Fowl or Feathers, for he is ●n adventurous Gentleman, and so were the two Captains who were with him; but he kn●w nothing of de Peyre's retreat till the next morning at sunrise, and would then have followed the tract, but that the people told him he was already as far as Mont de Marsan. The next morning I drew off the Sieur de Noé and his Cavalry from the said Castelgeloux, and left the Captains du Plex and Pommies in his room, who there perfected their Companies, which were always good, they having ordinarily fourscore Harquebuzeers on horseback at least, keeping almost continually together, and ofttimes going out as far as Mont de Marsan, where they had frequent skirmishes.  
I then returned back to Again, where the same day that I arrived a Courier came to me with le●●ers from Monsieur le Marshal, wherein he writ me word, that he had heard both by Monsieur de joyeuse and others, that I was resolved to go and put myself into Li●ourne, in order to a Command the King had sent me to that effect: but that at the time when the King writ to me to go thither, his Majesty did not understand that the affa●s o● Gui●nne were in so ill a condition; that therefore he entreated me to consider well of it; for if I should abandon the open Country in so critical a time, neither the King nor the Monsieur would be satisfied with my doings. To which I writ him answer back, that whatever I might have said, it had never been my intention to shut myself up in Libourne, and that he might assure himself I was not a Champman to be taken at the fi●st word: but that I was exceeding glad that he would yet continue some longer time in Guienne, to see what resolution the Enemy would take, (for so he had writ me word in his letter) and that if it pleased him, whilst his Army had nothing else to do, to march towards N●guarol, and le Mont de Marsan, to try if the Enemy would take courage to come out of Bearn to fight us; we might peradventure do some thing, and that it was my opinion it would be of advantage to us, to the end that if Montgommery should dare to enter the King's Territories, he might see that we were ready to fight him. He writ word back again that he was content, and that in five days he should be at Auch, where he desired me to meet him. I would not suffer the five Ensigns commanded by my Nephew Leberon to stir from Libourne and St. Foy, 
Libourn in expectation of a Siege.  though the two Companies that quartered at St. Foy were placed there upon no other account but only to save the Provisions of Libourne: but in case of a Siege they had Orders, that immediately upon Monsieur de Leb●rons sending for them they should retire to Libourne, where the Cheva●er Horloge commanded, who was casting up Trenches within, as if he daily expected a Siege. I took the five Ensigns that Captain Castilia commanded in the absence of the Chevalier and of my Nephew, my own Company, those of Messieurs de Gondrin, and de Fontenilles, and sent Post to Monsieur de la Ch●ppelle Lawz●eres, (who lay at Cahors, and was evermore in readiness to bring in the Gentlemen of Quercy) that he should march away in all diligence, and that the Marshal was upon his march to go directly into Chalosse; which he suddenly did, and brought threescore and ten Gentlemen under his Cornet. All those of Agen●is went along with me, not a man being left at home, excepting Captain Pauli●c the ●lder, wh●m I made perforce to return back to Ville●neufue, of which he was Governor, as well to preserve the said Villeneufue, as to assist Libourne with what he could, in case the Enemy should come and sit down before it. Monsieur de Cassanevil was Marshal de Camp to this party of ours, and lodged, according to his own Musterroll, an hundred thirty five Gentlemen under my Cornet, and threescore under that of Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzieres the forenamed Companies of Gens-d'arms, and six Corners of Harquebuzeers on horse back; this was the Party that I had. Under the Marshal's own Cornet were near upon three hundred Gentlemen (as the Marshal himself told me at Grenade in the presence of his Marshal de Camp Monsieur de la Croissette) what of Comenge and Languedoc. 
The Marshal d' ●●ville's Forces.  He had two and twenty Ensigns of Foot commanded by Monsieur de St. Giron de la Guiche, and ten of Monsieur de Savignac. His Companies of Gens-d'armes, and those of Messieurs le Compte d' Esterac, de Lauzun, de Terride, de Negrepelice, those of the two bellegarde's, the Father and Son, de Gramont, those of the Marshal de la Foy, de joyeuse, d' Aubigeon, d' Arn●, de Sarlabo●●, which, with the three that I had, made up the number of fifteen Cornets of Gens-d'armes, and his own which we reckoned for two, which in all made seventeen. We joined with him at Auch, and marched thence to Noguarol, where the said Monsieur le Marshal stayed two days. The Enemy had already passed the Doughty, and quartered at Mont de Marsan, Granade, and Cazeres. I commanded the vanguard.  
The next day after the Camp came to Noguarol the Marshal called a Council, where I moved that we should march away the same day, hoping that we might surprise those of Caz●res and Grenade, but the Marshal was by no means willing to it, it being objected by some, that so soon as the Enemy should he●r of our coming, they would immediately passover the R●ver Do● into Bearn, being at that time very low and foardable in many places. The Marshal then propounded in this Council, that seeing he had no great Art●ll●ry wherewith to batter Towns (having four Field-pieces only) he conceived it was to no purpose to go any further, but to return into his own Government, there to fall in hand with the work he had to do, and to recover the places the Enemy had there in their possession: with several other Arguments he made use of to fortify this determination. This pourvey tune was always ringing in our ears: and although the reasons were good enough, I could notwithstanding by no means relish them, forasmuch as I evidently foresaw that would happen in Guienne, which afterwards f●ll out, as also did all the rest who were inter●sted in the welfare of that Province, as I myself was; which made us grow so hot in dispute, that at last I could not forbear to tell the Marshal, That he was responsible to the King for Guienne as well as for Languedoc, and that if he pleased to consult his P●tent, he would find that he had taken upon him the Command of the four Provinces, which were Daup●● é Provence, and Guienne, as well as Languedoc alone, though that was his particular Government, and that I entreated him to consider of it. To which he returned me answer, That all the three Provinces had respective Governors of their own, and therefore let every one look to his own business, as he would do to his. I very well knew by this br●●k reply, that he was nettled at what I had said to him; for these people expect their W●ll should be a Law, and are impatient of being contradicted; and yet what I told him was true, for he had undertaken all that; however seeing the Marshal angry, and the Council irresolute, I withdrew, having first entreated Messieurs de joyeuse and de Bellegarde to lay things home to him, for I saw very well that I had displeased him, and therefore would give him no more trouble. Which they having promised me to do, I left a Gentleman with them to bring me an account of his determination. Presently after the said Sie●●s sent me word that he was resolved to go to Granade, of which I was infinitely glad, and so were all the rest, and I thereupon immediately went to him, to know if I should go away in the night before, to try to shut up those who were in Granade, and trap them; to which he returned me answer, That he should be well pleased with it, and that he had already sent away l' Estang de Cornusson with his four Cornets of Cavalry, to put himself into Cazieres, which four were, that of the said l' Estang, and those of St. Pourget, du Sendat, and Clerac. I parted then in the beginning of the night with the Gentlemen, and my own Company of Gens-d'arms, and had it not been for the rain that fell upon us in the night (the greatest that I think I ever saw) I had snapped fourscore or an hundred Horse at Granade that were there, and who were my Neighbours at Thonens and Cleyrac, which I had rather have met withal than three hundred others, and I think I should have handled them so, that there would hardly have been any more fear of them; for that is the very Den of Rogues. But one mischief seldom comes alone, for the rain beat me into Gaube, belonging to my Brother Monsieur de Valence, which continued above three long hours, and yet had they not escaped me, had it not been that so soon as ever Monsieur de l' Estang came to Cazieres, he sent away Captain Porget's Ensign in the beginning of the night with twelve Gens-d'arms to scour the Road as far as beyond Granade towards Mont de Marsan, who passing close by Granade did not enter into it, neither did he think that any of the Enemy were there, and therefore would not discover himself, but went on above a league further towards Mont de Marsan, and seeing no sign of an Enemy, returned back the same way he came, when being before the Gates of Granade, he sent in his Guide to discover if there was any Body in the Town, who coming to the Gate saw Horse going towards the Marketplace, and up and down the streets, and thereupon returned to the Ensign, telling him what he had seen; and that though the night was very dark, he thought they had white Cassocks. The Ensign then alighted and went all alone to the Gate, and entered into it although he very well saw the Horse; but he had an opinion it was I, because he had heard that I was to be there by break of day, as I had been and two hours before, if the rain had not hindered me. He could not very well discover if they had white Cassocks or no, and therefore stepped four or five paces into the Town, which as he was doing, those who quartered near unto the Gate came out to mount to horse; the Ensign who saw them was so near, that he perceived they had white Cassocks, and had then thought to have recovered the Gate, but he was enclosed behind, and taken, where they made him tell them all he knew, and mounting him behind one of their Troopers, carried him away a good round gallop. The Count de Montgommery who lay about Montaut and Nugron was soon advertized of what the Ensign had told his people; at which he took such an Alarm, that he immediately mounted to horse, and never aligted till he came to Orthez, leaving his Artillery by the way, abandoned by all, saving some thirty who were bolder than the rest, by the report of the honest people of the Country, and also by the confession of those who were taken prisoners. A little after sun-rise the Marshal came to Granade; my Quarter with the Vanguard was at St. Maurice, which appertains to Monsieur de Barsac of Quercy, and the Marshal would that Monsieur de Savignac should also be of the Vaunt guard, with the Companies of Messieurs de Gramont, d' Arne, and Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzi●res, together with my three Companies of Gens-d'arms, and thus we came all to Granade within three leagues of Mont de Marsan. Two days after our arrival the Marshal was again talking of returning back, for that was evermore the burden of his song, ask me what I would that he should do in Bearn, seeing that all the Garrisons were surrendered, and that the King had neither Towns nor Castles there; that he should only lose so much time; that on the other side provisions would fail him, and that already the Soldiers cried out of hunger, and besides he had no Artillery to batter the Towns. He had in truth reason on his side for what concerned Provisions, by reason that our Carriages were not yet come up: and yet I had taken such care, that so soon as ever he had sent me word he would march, I immediately sent to tax Condommois, Armagnac, Esterac, Commenge, and Big●rre, so that in two days we had as much victuals as we could wish. In the end I perceived very well that his inclination would not be apt to continue him long in this service, 
Division among the Chiefs.  neither were those of his Council any better inclined than he; for my part I never was present at any consultation▪ but only that at Noguarol, for I was never called, and I never offered myself, because I knew they had a prejudice against me, for saying we ought to make war in Guienne the Enemy being there; and I knew also that all the consultations that should be called without me would never do Guienne any go●d; so that we who were Gascons kept together by ourselves.  
Seeing this humour of returning to continue, 
Th● Enterprise of Mont de Marsan.  I entreated the Marshal to give me leave to go attaque M●nt de Marsan, hoping I should carry the place; who thereupon demanded of me how I could think to take a walled Town, a good one, and not only one, but three, all enclosed with exceeding good walls, which was very true: to which nevertheless I made answer, that I had taken others that had been stronger, and manned with much better Soldiers than that was, by surprise (for I remembered P●ance, which was another kind of place than Mont de Marsan, though that was strong enough) I told him moreover that Monsieur de Terride had been snapped after the same manner at Orthez; and that therefore seeing our Enemy's had done it, I doubted not but to do the same, and peradventure pay them in their own kind. At last after much importunity he told me he was content I should try my fortune; whereupon I entreated him to let me have Monsieur de Savignac with his ten Ensigns along with me, which he also granted. I could not go the next day, which was the 13th, for it reigned all day long, and yet I would notwithstanding go with forty or fifty Horse to view the Town, but could go but half a league, where in three or four houses I found Captain Arne, and Monsieur de l'Arbo●s, Lieutenant to Monsieur de Gramont, who told me they had been there all night, (as also Mon●●eur de la Chappelle Lauzieres) where we discoursed a great while of the resolution the Marshal had taken to return, and how all those who adhered to his opinion of returning to make war in Languedoc, and to abandon Guie●ne to the inroads of the Enemy, thought they were likely to meet with no great resistance in executing their designs in Languedoc, considering that the Enemy's Forces were in Bearn, from whence I believe they conceived they would hardly stir. But we of Guienne knew very well that Montgommery could not long subsist in Bearn, and that of necessity, although he should have no mind to do it, he must fall into the King's Country, and upon our Houses. I moreover very well knew, that those who followed the Marshal's opinion, thought that in retaking the Towns of Languedoc, they should do the King so considerable a service as would obtain grea● honour to themselves, and moreover put their own houses in safety. I was not angry that those of L●nguedoc should be of this opinion, and should endeavour to draw the Marshal into L●nguedoc for these considerations, for I have ever heard that The Shirt is nearer than the Robe, and that Charity begins at home, which is sufficient for their excuse, seeing there was no dishonour in the case, as there was not: but I was angry at those others who maintained the same opinion, and yet were of Guienne, because they only did it to 〈◊〉 favour with the Marshal, and heartily wished the Enemy might burn their Houses, because they stood so stiffly for the relief of Languedoc where they had nothing to lose, and seemed to endeavour the ruin of their own Houses and Families. On the other side I know very well that I was told some of those of Guienne should possess the Marshal; that all the importunity, and all the arguments I used to persuade him to make war in Guienne, was for no other end, but that in case the said Marshal should perform any brave action, the glory thereof might redound to me, and the success be wholly attributed to my valour and conduct, as in the time of the first troubles, when Monsieur de Bury and I were together; but if I ever entertained any such thought, may God never have mercy on my soul, or other design or desire, but that he might do some great thing, and that I might be with him to lay to my helping hand in some brave Enterprise for his Majesty's service, that the King might esteem and love him for ever, 
Jealousy betwixt the Chiefs.  and that the Marshal might be so sensible of the service I had done him, as to take my Children into his protection, and to assist them in the obtaining some advantages from the King; for as for my own part I was resolved, if I should live to see an end of the War to retire to my own house, feeling myself old and decayed both in body and mind; and besides I bless God I had acquired honour enough, without needing to deprive another: but it is impossible to eradicate malice out of the minds of men, when it has once taken root. They make us think what we never thought, and say what we never said: but I shall wave this discourse to return to my Enterprise upon Mont de Marsan.  
The same night being returned to St. Maurice, the Marshal sent to remonstrate to me, that I ought by no means to go to Mont de Marsan; for should I be baffled in the Enterprise, it would be a great disrepute to his Army, that I could expect to reap no other fruit but disgrace from the attempt, and that also he was resolved within two days to return. I was ready to burst my hoops for spite when I heard this language. I then sent to him Messie●rs le Vicompte de Labatut, the Chevalier de Romegas, Monsieur de Savignac, who was one of his own Officers, d' Arblade, and la moth Gondrin to remonstrate to, and in my behalf to entreat him not to be angry, and to have patience yet a few days; for as for provisions he saw he had more than they knew what to do withal, and besides he needed but to pass over the Doughty to five Hugonots houses that were within the King's Pale, where we should find victuals sufficient to nourish his Camp a month abou●, both the Hugonots and all the Catholics of those parts having carried all their provisions in thither; that therefore he would only be pleased to permit me to go to Mont de M●rsan, and that in order to that Enterprise I would ask no more but two of his Field-pieces only, wherewith to batter the Centry-houses, and little Defences that served the Enemy for Flankers. They returned back, and told me, that notwithstanding any thing they could say to him he was resolute to return, but that he was content to lend me the two pieces. In the morning then so soon as every one had got something into his belly, we began to march, Monsieur de Montastrue being come with the two Guns, who had in Commission from the Marshal to tell me, that he should be very glad I would alter my design, and return back to the Army. I think he did it that in case I should miscarry in the business, he might have that advantage of me, as to say, I told him as much. Nevertheless we set forward, I marching with the Cavalry, and a hundred or sixscore Argoule●s before, and the five Ensigns after me, and after all Monsieur de Savignac with the two Field-pieces. I met two Letters by the way, writ to me by a Gentlewoman of the Town, in the first whereof she desired me by no means to come, for that the Enemy had intelligence of my design, and that Captain Favas 
Captain Favas.  (who is of St. Maurice) was come thither with a hundred or sixscore Horse, and another Captain with some Foot. The second letter met me within half a quarter of a League of the Town, wherein she sent me word, That the Enemy had made a review, and found themselves to be five hundred fight men complete, the Inhabitants of the Town comprised, so that if I went I should reap nothing but certain disgrace. All which notwithstanding, and that the Gentlewoman and her Husband were Catholics, and my very good friends; yet being they were not themselves in the City, I could not give credit to what they writ, but marched on into the sight of the Town which is seated in a Bottom. Being there I caused a hundred or sixscore Argoulets to alight to go, and gain the houses that were near unto the Gate, bidding them withal to run on as fast as they could, that they might prevent the Enemy from setting them on fire, which otherwise they had done, some of them being already sallied out to that intent, and having already applied the fire, but being by our Argoulets constrained to retire into the Town, they began to play upon them from the Walls. In the mean time whilst we stayed for the coming up of our Foot and the Artillery, I went to pass the River with a Troop of Horse below Mont de Marsan, on that side towards Dacqs, and within Harquebuz shot of the Wall, to go discover the other side of the Town, and to view the Ditch to see if there were any water in it, that I might pass over the Sieur de Savignac's Ensigns, and give a Scalado on both sides at once.  
The River was deep almost to the Sadle-skirts, 
Mont de Marsan discovered.  and we passed over, when being on the further side, we perceived four or five Horse, who were coming to put themselves into the place; but they turned short, without it being in our power to take them. I thereupon drew up all my Horse into Battalia, which being done I alighted; and causing Captain Fieux who was of Miradeux only to alight with me, went directly up to the Ditch of the Town. The heat was excessive, and my arms were exceeding heavy, so that I was constrained to put myself into a little Ditch being able to go no further by reason of the weight of my Arms, and that I was to climb the Ditch, and therefore made Monsieur de Fieux to go on alone, who accordingly went all along by the Graft of the Town, and in going found a woman squat down behind a little hedge close by the Graft, whom he made to rise, still going on, for they shot furiously at him, as they did also at me; for from the place where I was it was not above ten paces to the Graft. At last Captain Fieux returned to me, bringing the Woman along with him, who told us that there was water in the Graft a Pike deep, as Captain Fieux also assu●'d me according to his judgement, by what he had been able to discover, and the Woman told u● moreover that it was very deep of mud. I than lost all hope of doing any thing on that side, and knew that we were to fall on all at one place, and leaving Messieurs de Fontenilles and de Madaillan there, returned with the Gentleman to repass the River; which as I was foarding over I thought I saw some Ensigns in the Town, and very near the Bridge, which on a sudden I lost sight of, and thought they were the Enemy. I had at my setting out from St. Maurice entreated Monsieur de Till●des that he would go speak to the Marshal about what Monsieur de Montastruc had told me from him, and to assure him that we had good hopes of carrying the Town; and withal to try if he could persuade him to consent that we should cross the River, and to make him al●●r his resolution of returning. The said Sieur de Tilladet accordingly went, and immediately returned to his own misfortune; for at his return he found me already gone to pass the River, and saw me upon the passage, and on the other side saw our Argoulers who were alighted, ducking and playing at Bopeep behind the Houses, which made him come down full speed to draw them from behind the Houses, which he did, bringing them out into open view, and making them shoot at the Battlements, which as he was doing, and galloping along the side of the Ditch to encourage them to shoot: as he was returning back by the same way he had gone by the edge of the Graft, the Enemy poured so violent a storm of shot upon him, that in the end one of them took him in the belly, so that his horse falling at the same time he got away on foot, and wounded as he was, above a hundred paces out of the reach of the Harquebuz shot. He did not at first feel himself wounded, 
The Sieur de Tilladet mortally wounded.  but was afterwards carried into a House without the Town, where two days after he died of his wound. I had seen nothing of all this, for I was at that time viewing the other side of the Town; in the mean time the Captains, Arne, the Baron d' Arbous, l' Estang, with the four Companies of Light-horse, and Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzieres were on the right hand up the River, within a Harquebuz shot of the Town.  
I must now give an account how the Town was taken. Captain Castilia with the five Companies who marched after me, so soon as he came within sight of the Town, which is within Harquebuz shot, seeing that our Argoulets did not behave themselves very well, (for they were evermore creeping behind the houses) he made five or six Ladders which I had caused to be brought in a Cart, to be taken off the Carriage, and to be carried by the Soldiers, when without staying for me, Monsieur de Savignac, the Artillery, or any other Command, he ran full drive directly up to the Wall; where though the Enemy plied them very well with shot, they notwithstanding never stopped nor stayed till they came up to the very foot of it, where being come they immediately clapped to three Ladders which were long enough to reach up to the top of the Wall, all the rest being too short, upon which the Captains without more ceremony, having Targets upon their arms, presently began to mount, and what rattle of shot soever the Enemy poured upon then never desisted moun●ing till they were got upon the said Wall, and then the Enemy fled. Our people pursued them by the same way they endeavoured to retire, and ran down after them, when as they thought to have recovered the Gate of the other Town to shut it after them, ours were in with them, and fell in pell-mell amongst them. The Enemy then made directly towards the Bridge, all along a great street where they had made a Barricado, which all of th●m could not recover, for a great many were cut off by the way. Now as they were making head at the Barricado, Monsieur de Savignac and his people arrived, who at the same instant that the last of ours were got up by the Ladders, ran up thither mounting by the same Ladders first come first served, and so soon as they were got in, all ran directly towards the Bridge, where upon his arrival one of his Captains ca●l'd Esca●ours was slain, who was one of the bravest men I ever known; for I had long been acquainted with him. In the end the Enemy abandoned the Barricado, and put themselves into the other Town by the Wicket, my five Ensigns followed them, and failed but very little of entering pell-mell amongst them: but the Enemy made shift to clap to the Wicket, by which means our five Ensigns were constrained to put themselves into a little house close adjoining to the Gate of the City, where one of the five Captains called Mossaron was slain. The Enemy shot very fast from the Tower of the Portal, and ours also from the little house threw Faggots and Planks before the Gate, and there it was that Captain Mosseron was slain, where for all the infinite number of st●nes, as well as Harqu●buz shot that the Enemy shoured upon them, they forbore not to set fire to the Gate of the said Town. I had (as I have said) seen these Ensigns as I was repassing the River; but I thought they had been the Enemy, when we were no sooner got over, but an Harquebuzeer on horseback came full speed to tell me, that our five Ensigns were in the Town, whereupon without staying to see what Monsieur de Savignac would do, we set spurs to our horses, and galloped immediately up to the Gate: (for it was not above four hundred paces.) I there found Monsieur de Savignac's people, some within, and some without the Gate, who had already made a hole wide enough to pass one by one underneath. We then all alighted and passed through this hole; I had brought with me some Peasants of St. Maurice, who came along with the Artillery, and falling to work upon the Gate, immediately forced it open, but we were all got in before. Our Campmaster Monsieur de Castaneu●l did not enter with me, for I found him at the end of the Bridge, in a street on the right hand, where he told me that he had been to discover a house or two that looked into the other Town. There was not a man that durst abide in the great street, for the Tower of the Gate commanded it, he carried me to the two Houses which were close by the water side, and where in one of them I mounted a pair of stairs into a Chamber that looked upon the River, and there caused seven or eight holes to be suddenly made through the Wall, on the other side of the Room that looked towards the Town, from whence the Enemy shot so fast; which being done I descended again into the Street, and went into the other House adjoining to it, and of that into a low Parlour, which had a door out of it, through which by five or six steps there was a passage down to the River. The Enemy shot at this door with great fury, and through the corner of a little Window I perceived that they were filling some Barrels they had placed upon a Breach of the Wall. Monsieur de Savignac, Monsieur d' Andosielle his Campmaster, Captain St. Aubin, and another Captain of his (whose name I have forgot) were in the Parlour with me. Monsieur de Cassanevil was entered into another House, where he found a Tanner a very tall man, and brought him to me, who assured me that the water was not above middle deep. I than offered this fellow ten Crowns, if he would lead the Soldiers the way over the River, telling him moreover that I would give him a Target of proof for his defence, which he undertook to do. I therefore delivered him a Target, but the Rascal presently threw it down, telling me that it was too heavy, and that though he was big and strong, he found himself encumbered with it, and therefore would venture to pass over without. Monsieur de Montastruc who was Master of the Ordnance was also present with me. I saw we must make haste to pass over; for should the Enemy once have filled their Barrels, it would be a matter of great difficulty to enter by this Breach; which made me speak to Monsieur de Savignac to call in three or four of his Ensigns; whereupon Monsieur d' Andosielle, St. Aubin, and the other Captain ran into the Street, and fetched in their Ensigns, for my five were in the little House by the Gate, and so soon as the three Ensigns were come into the Parlour, and a great many of their Soldiers who crowded in after them, I commanded the Ensigns boldly to follow this man, who would lead them the way, telling them that they were by no means to stop till they came to the other side of the River close up to the breach, sending at the same time to the Ha●quebuzeers who were in the Chamber, that they should ply their shot, to favour the passage of our men; which being done, I suddenly threw open the door, and put out this Tanner, together with a good Soldier, who offered himself to go hand in hand with him, and after these two the three Ensigns, and the three Captains followed after. I put out five or six Harquebuzeers after these, and myself also, with all the Gentlemen who were with me went out after them. We were to go down the formentioned five or six steps, and the Enemy shot with great fury on that side, but my Harquebuzeers in the Chamber held them so short, that they durst not show their heads. Still more Soldiers ran after down the stairs, and I stood upon the brink of the River, making them believe I would pass over with them, when Monsieur de Montastruc seeing me in that posture, ran into the Street, crying out, O Soldiers, Monsieur de Montluc himself is passing the River; at which cry the Soldiers who were busy about their plunder, 
The courage of the Catholics.  and those who were in the Street left all, and entered in a crowd into the Parlour, where such as could not come to the stairs leapt down by the sides, and without any manner of regard plunged into the River, like as one forces in a flock of sheep, insomuch that the River was so covered over with men from the one side to the other, that there was no water to be seen. I still stepped in to the mid leg into the River, making a show as if I meant to pass it, as also did Messieurs de Brassac, the Chevalier de Romegas, and the rest of the Gentlemen who were with me. Monsieur de Savignac was there also, and it was no good wading for him, for the tallest Soldier was up to the armpits, and I believe had he gone in it would have taken him up to the chin: for every one knows that he was not of the stature of a Giant: and we were in danger to have lost a great many Soldiers who were little men: but I still called out to them to help one another, which they did; and I do verily believe, and have reason to believe so, that had I not unbethought me to make those loopholes in the Chamber, and to have placed a good many Harquebuzeers there, as I had done, so that their shot continually rattled without intermission, and that they had moreover opened a window, through which two or three might fire at once, we had lost above a hundred men: for from the Walls, and from the Barrels, from whence they fired at us, it was not above six paces to the Bank of the River, where our people landed. The Ensigns and Captains entered the Barrels, which so soon as I perceived, I immediately sent to those in the Chamber to give over shooting, by reason they might as well kill our own people as the Enemy. To supply which our Harquebuzeers who followed the Ensigns shot at those within, as well as they at them, and being c●me up to the Barrels, our Captains laid hold on the brims of them, which were not half full of earth, the Enemy not having had time to fill them, and presently I see them all tumbled down on our side, and the Ensigns and Captains leapt into the Town, whereupon the Enemy were suddenly put to rout, 
The Town ●aken.  and fled directly to the Castle. Our people pursued and killed a great number of them by the way, when so soon as I see them entered I returned into the Street, so weary as in my life I never felt myself in such a condition, by which I very well see that I was no more to think of bearing arms, for I thought above ten times that I should have fainted, and fallen down in the street. There is no remedy, we cannot be twice. The Chevalier de Romegas and Captain Fabian my Son supported me by the arms to Ionca's House, where I found his Wife, who presently made me a Bed ready and put me into it. I found that I had sweat through my Buff Collar, insomuch that my very arms were wet with it; we had brought no Baggage with us, but had left it at St. Maurice, forasmuch as I myself had no very great hopes of bringing about my design, neither had I any great reason to hope it; wherefore my servants were fain to dry my Shirt that I had on, and all my other clothes, which were almost in as bad a pickle, and so soon as the Chevalier Romegas, my Son, and the other Gentleman had left me in the hands of my Servants, they departed to go fall upon the Castle; when at their going away I said to this brave Chevalier, 
Monsieur de Montlucs words to the Chevalier de Romegas.  I have seen the time when for such a days work as this I should not have quitted either Cask or Corslet, and had there been any appearance of danger, I might perhaps have passed over the night in this Estate; but there is no remedy, you young men must do what we old men cannot. Having been in bed about half an hour, and all my clothes being dry, I got up again, and fell to dressing myself, which as I was doing there came in Monsieur de Savignac, Captain Fabian, and some other Gentlemen with them, to tell me that those of the Castle would surrender, and to know if I would consent, that they should upon the Capitulation receive them to Quarter. Perceiving therefore that Monsieur de Savignac and Captain Fabian had a great desire to save Favas, and to give him fair quarter, because he had the reputation of a good Soldier, and a gallant man; I told them they might grant them what conditions they should think fi●, and that I would sign the Capitulation; though inwardly I had a mind to make a dispatch: which was the reason, that so soon as they were gone from me, I sent a Gentleman after to speak secretly to the Soldiers, 
The Sieur de Montluc causes them to be all slain.  and some of the Captains, that during the Parley they should take their opportunity to enter in on one side or another, and to kill them all: for that we must revenge the death of the Gentlemen who had been so barbarously massacred at Navarreins, being that contrary to Article, and the public faith they had stabbed the Sieur de St. Colombe, and seven or eight others, who had surrendered upon conditions of Quarter at Orthez at the time when Monsieur de Terride was taken. The Enemy did this execution under pretext, that they were the Queen of Navarre's Subjects; but if the King offer to touch any one of her Subjects, they presently say he cannot do it; all things must be allowed to these people, and nothing to us; but I hope the time will come when the Dice shall turn, that we may pay them in their own Coin.  
I could not have committed this execution to a better hand than to this Gentleman, he being Cousin-German to the Baron de Pordeac, who was one of those that were massacred; and he had no sooner spoken to two or three of the Captains, and to the Soldiers, but that they presently ran to seek out for Ladders, which clapping to a Canton of the Base-Court on the left hand by the Galleries, whilst the others were capitulating at the Gate, they there entered and killed all they found within, 
Captain Favas ●aved.  Captain Favas who was making conditions for them only excepted, whom Monsieur de Savignac and my Son Fabian, so soon as they saw the disorder pulled to them, which was well for him, who had otherwise infallibly gone to pot with the rest. Our Horse likewise who were on the right hand perceiving that our people were within the Town, galloped a little up the River, where they found a Foard, which though it was very deep they notwithstanding passed over, and ran directly to the Castle, on that side by the Religieux, where coming up just at the time when five and twenty or thirty threw themselves out at the Windows, they saved those also, otherwise there had hardly been any one left to carry the news, but Captain Favas only. And thus the Town was taken; of which I immediately sent an account to the Marshal, and in the morning went myself to wait upon him, where he promised me to come up the next day with all the Army, and I presently returned back to Mont de Marsan.  
Accordingly in the morning the Marshal came at the time when I was taking the best order I could to preserve the Town from being further sacked, but I could do little good in it; and as I was going out at one Gate to meet him, he entered by the other; for I had much ado to get out, by reason all his Army were got into the Streets, especially the Horse, by whom I was told that he was gone directly to the place where our people had entered, where having seen all, and heard how all things had passed, he said, Here was more of fortune than reason. Many there were also who made a show of rejoicing at our success, that in their hearts would have been glad I had received a baffle. At last with much ado I was no sooner got out, but that I was told he was already entered in: which made me return, where I was again above half an hour so enclosed amongst the Carriages, that I could not possibly get out, but in the end I made shift to get to his lodging. His Marshal de Camp quartered all the Cavalry in the Villages without the Town beyond the River, the Infantry in the Suburbs, and the Gentlemen in the Town. I thought this success would persuade both him, 
Monsieur d' Anville's resolution to return.  and his Council also, to pass the River, and enter into Bearn, which we had infallibly carried, and compelled the Count either to fight, or to shut himself up in Navarreins; but he positively told me, That he would return to look after his own business, in his own Government, and that he would not go to engage himself before Towns in Bearn, having no Artillery to ba●ter withal; and that he would not that either the King or any other should reproach him, that he had spent his time in other Erterprises than his own: that he had told the King at his departure what he intended to do, 
The Sieur de Montlucs advice to the Marshal.  which he would also put in execution, considering that here he was only to fight with the Walls of the Towns of Bearn. I then remonstrated to him, that the Count would infallibly take one of these ways, either to hazard a Battle, which I thought he would never dare to do, or to leave the Country so soon as he should hear of our coming, or else would shut up himself in his Fortress; the last of which courses I conceived he would not willingly take, but would rather choose to retire: and that also we might easily have Canon from Dacqs and Tholouze, and that this being done, the Province of Guienne would be at peace, that of Bearn reduced, and all those in Languedoc would tremble at the report of our arms: that if on the other side, should we follow in the said Montgommery's Rear, we should certainly trap him in one place or another, in case we should determine to pursue him where ever he should go to that effect. All this I represented to the said Marshal: but he, half angry, and importuned by those Gentlemen about him, objected difficulty upon difficulty, and would by no means give ear to my advice. Now he had sent the Baron de l' Arbous towards Agetmau to inquire news of the Enemy, which Baron sent him word by a Gentleman called Repeyre of Monsieur de Gramont's Company, of the disorder in which the Count de Montgommery had retreated into Bearn, and how his Artillery had for almost two days togegether been abandoned upon the road to Orthez; and the Marshal himself was the first from whom I heard it, and afterwards from others, as I said before.  
The day before he intended to depart in order to his return, I had notice given me that he had dispatched away the Sieur de Lussan towards the King, without saying a word to me; which Lussan was my Enemy, because I would not suffer him to be Governor of Lectoure. I thought it very strange that he would say nothing to me of it, and presently apprehended that he had not made choice of this person to report any good of me; for I knew he was not very well satisfied with me, forasmuch as he always held his Consultations apart, calling no one to his Counsels but Mo●sieur de joyeuse, Messieurs de Bellegarde, the Father and the Son, and Monsieur de la Croissette his Marshal de Camp.  
It is not therefore to be wondered at if I took it very ill that I was not admitted to the Council, and that nothing was communicated to me, considering that I commanded the Vanguard, and was the second person in the Army. But it was so carried, and I had reason to be highly offended at it, very well discerning that these Consultations were held at our expense.  
When I saw then that the resolution was taken to return, I went in the Evening to the Marshal's Lodging, where I gave him to understand in the gentlest terms I could, (for after that manner I was to proceed) That I would send my Son to surrender up the Government to the King; 
The Sieur de Montluc offers to lay down his Government of Guienn●.  for that seeing he went away I very well saw, that all the fury of the War would fall upon me, and that I had not forces to resist and hinder the Enemy from doing what he pleased in the King's Territories, by which means all the honour and reputation I had acquired in the precedent troubles, in preserving the Province of Guienne, would be lost and forfeited in this; that therefore I had much rather another should bear the blame than I, who never had other design than to end my days with honour, and nothing more. To which he returned me answer, That I ought not to do it, neither ought I either to stomach any thing from the King, or to be angry with myself; and that I knew very well, that although the King had conferred upon him the Command of Guienne, as well as the other Provinces, he did not nevertheless meddle with it at all, but permitted me to govern as before, and should be very unwilling to usurp upon my Authority. I made answer, That this was an effect of his own generosity, and good nature, but that his Parent was so large, as did manifestly derrogate from mine, and that whenever he would he might command as pleased him, without leaving me the least power at all, no more than the poorest Cadet in Gascony. To which he replied, That it was true, but that my valour and experience were so considerable, as would ever make me sought after and courted. From this light foundation it arose, that I quitted my Government because I would not obey him; and after this manner it was reported to the King by the forenamed Captain Lussan, or another that was sent to Court presently after him: 
The Kiing dissatisfied with the Sieur de Montluc.  and this was it that made the King so angry with me for quitting my Government, they having possessed him, that it was only upon this account, which I no more thought of than of cutting my own throat: but I was born under a Planet to be evermore subject to calumny. I gave the Marshal an account to the contrary, when, as sick as I was, I went to him to Tholouze, so soon as I heard he was come thither, to make him a voluntary and free tender of all obedience, and that without any letter or command from the King, the Queen, or the Monsieur.  
By this it is easy to judge whether the difference that grew betwixt us arose from thence. So it was that I suspected some foul play, forasmuch as a certain person had sent to Monsieur de Noé Lieutenant to Monsieur de Fontenilles, 
The Sieur de Montluc threatened with a stab.  to come and speak with him about an affair that concerned my life. Whereupon the said Sieur de Noé departed from Panjas, or else from Noguarol, posting away in all haste, without telling any one but Monsieur de Fontenilles only; and at his return finding us in Mont de Marsan, told Monsieur de Fontenilles and me, that a man who never stirred out of the Marshal's Chamber, and might hear all that was spoken, had said to a friend of his these words; Montluc does nothing but eternally vex and importune the Marshal, but he will one day be laid dead upon the floor with a stab. Immediately hereupon this person came to the House of him who sent for Monsieur de Noé, and told it him, that he might acquaint me with it, which was the occasion that Monsieur de Noé had been sent unto to go where he did. Monsieur de Valence my Brother was at this time at Gaure, a place of his own within three leagues of Mont de Marsan, to whom I sent twice to beg of him with joined hands that he would come to me; but he would by no means be entreated to it, what excuses he made I have now forgot. My design was to have had him discourse this affair with the Marshal in private betwixt them two only, where I intended to have dealt so candidly with him, as to have named the man who had spoke it; and that was one of his own people: but it rested there, for I would not intrust the secret to any other: and although I took no notice of it, yet it stuck damnably in my stomach, and I have since wondered how I could command myself, 
Fear the concomitant of old age.  by which I learn to know, that Age deprives a man of his heat: for in my younger days the greatest Prince upon earth could not have made me swallow such a pill. The older we grow, the more our blood steals from our heart, and it appears that the nearer we approach to death, the more we fear it. It may be notwithstanding that this person might make this story of his own head, and that the Marshal never thought of any such thing.  
The next morning I attended him at his rising. I had before day heard the Drums beat in the fields, by break of day they began to march, and so soon as the sun was up I went and knocked at his Chamber door, where a Valet de Chambre came out and told me he was not yet awake, though I had been told below, that Messieurs de joycuse, the younger Bellegarde, and la Croisette were all gone in before. Nevertheless I wai●ed half an hour or more at the door, and in that time knocked three or four times, but no body would speak, though the Valet de Chambre, who came out to me, was gone in again, and that I had entreated him if the Marshal was awake to tell him that I was there. At last being ashamed to wait so long at his door, which never a Prince in Christendom would have suffered me to do, I was constrained to go walk in a little Garden of the House, not so slenderly attended however, but that I had with me two hundred Gentlemen or more of the best Families of the Country, who were as sensible of the affront, or more than I, and said a great many passionate things to me; which though I knew very well to be spoken out of the affection and respect they bore to me, yet as I was the oldest, I conceived I ought to be the most discreet, and to consider that I should put many things in hazard, should I come to an absolute rupture with him. I waited above a long hour, what at his Chamber door, and in the Garden, and in the end came Monsieur de Bellegarde, who seeing the Gentlemen asked them where I was: They told him I was in the Garden through which he was to go to enter into the Hall; he than came to me, and asked me why I did not go into the Marshal's Chamber, to which I made answer, That I had been there, and had knocked several times, but that no body would speak. He then told me, that Monsieur de joycuse, his Son, and Captain Croisette had been there above an hour; whereupon I told him, That I did not understand why the Marshal should make me dance attendance at his Chamber door, that I had never given him occasion to use me after that manner, and that I had the honour from the King, the Queen, and the Monsieur all the while they stayed in Guienne, that their Cham●er doors were never refused me, that I was not of a condition to be so treated, but that since their Majesty's service was interested in it I would make no breach. He was very much troubled at it, for he and I had been good companions and friends, and there had never been the least division betwixt us till death made the separation. He then went and knocked at the Chamber door, which was immediately opened to him, and as suddenly clapped to again upon me, at which all the Gentlemen advised me to return to my Lodging, and to come up no more; but I was resolved to have patience, for which I have since a hundred times wondered at myself. The said Marshal stayed yet above a quarter of an hour before he came out, after Monsieur de Bellegarde went in, and at last he came, where I forced myself to give him the good-morrow, and attended him to Mass, where by the way I entreated him to leave me one of the Companies of Monsieur de Savignac's Regiment, or two hundred Harquebuzeers, till such time as I had removed the grain that was in the Town, that the Enemy might not make their advantage of it, therewith to victual Navarreins, there being by computation of Monsieur de Cumies, and of those he had employed to examine it, twelve hundred Wagon loads of all sorts of grain in the Town, as also by the account of the Providores, who had been joined with his Officers to look into that affair. For this City serves as a Granary to all the Lands, and the Basques Country, from whence, to the detriment of France, they transport their grain into Spain, and it is said to be one of the best Corn-Markets in the Kingdom. He then mounted to horse, 
Mont de Marsan the Granary of Gasco●y  and I went to wait upon him out of Town, and in so doing found myself alone, not one of the Gentlemen that were with me once offering to mount, to pass that Compliment upon him; but whether they did it because their Horses were not ready, or that they had no great mind to go, I know not, and so he departed. Immediately after his departure I dispatched away Captain Fabian my Son with letters to the King, to surrender the Government into his Majesty's hands, but when he came to Bourg de Dieu, he was taken by the Enemy, and there lost his Leters, which was the cause that he could not deliver his Majesty the reasons that moved me to quit my Government, which made his Majesty exceedingly offended with me, thinking it was because I would not obey the Marshal d' Anvil, as Captain Lussan had given him to understand. A thing that never entered into my thought; but I foresaw the Tempest, and would therefore retire to give others leave to do better.  
The thing was evident enough by the report of several as well of the one as the other Religion, 
A discourse upon the retreat of the Marshal d'Anville.  that had the Marshal passed the River the Count de Montgommery had infallibly returned from whence he came; for to have put his Army into N●varreins he could not do it, by reason there was no provision, and in the other places of Bearn yet much less. For which reason it would necessarily have followed, that necessity and famine would have compelled him to return headlong to the place from whence he came, and to abandon the Country to us; when it would have been a thing of no manner of difficulty for us to have defeated him either in front or rear, nay the very Peasants would have disordered him, who would have taken heart seeing us so near, and never have suffered him to pass the River. And if he himself will confess the truth, as others who were with him have done, he ever gave himself for lost, till he heard that the Marshal retired: and to think of fight a Battle he could never do it, considering the odds of Forces we had against him. He always said, that he had two great Mastiffs at his breech, and that therefore it would be strange he should escape, but that he would sell his skin as dear as he could. On the other side, that I should imagine the Marshal retreated out of cowardice, no man living can say that; for to this hour that was never reported of him; he is of two brave a Race, and has ever given proof to the contrary, and I esteem him a great Captain, who is able to do a great deal of good, and a great deal of harm whenever he pleases, and although some have censured and aspersed him, because he was so near the Admiral, I, for my part, had never any such opinion of him. I know not what he may do hereafter, I never knew him other than a faithful servant of the Kings: but he ought not to have used me after this manner. I had seen too much boiled and roast in my time. It was not then fear that made him to retire, for his Forces were so much greater than those of the Enemy, that we had defeated the Count de Montgommery with our Cavalry alone, and our Argoulets, which we would have dismounted, without ever engaging our Foot in the business. For at the Battle of Ver Monsieur de Duras had thrice as many Foot as the Count de Montgommery, and a great many more Horse, better men, and better Officers, and we were not so many Horse by two thirds as we were here, and yet we defeated them and won the Battle. It cannot therefore be said that he did it out of fear of being beaten, considering he had so little reason: but it was our misfortune that it was fixed in the Marshal's fancy, and more in that of his Council, that he should ruin himself before the Towns of Bearn, and do no good, not knowing the sterility of the Country, as we did, and that Monsieur de Terride had so devoured all the provisions of those parts, that there could be none left for the Count de Montgommery had he stayed there. Had it pleased God that the Marshal had not been so bend upon returning into Languedoc, to pursue his own designs in those parts, or that his Council had been of an opinion contrary to him, and that he had resolved to pass the River, it had been a happy thing, and of infinite advantage to us: and on the contrary turned very much to our prejudice; for he went and engaged himself before Mazeres, 
The Siege of Mazeres.  where he lost a great number of the best Soldiers he had, and almost ruined his Army, without being able to make any other attempt. By which means there was nothing done of any moment either in Languedoc or Guienne, but utterly undoing the people, our own Forces having in all parts done as much mischief, as the Enemy themselves. Neither was it possible to be avoided, by reason of the great number of Gens d'arms, Light-horse, Argoulets, and Foot that we had, who must all of necessity live upon free quarter. Thus did all the Marshal's Forces, which were sufficient both to defeat Montgommery, and afterwards to make head against the Admiral, moulder away and vanish without performing any thing worthy to be repeated.  
I have ever observed, that when Almighty God is not pleased that matters shall succeed as men desire, he infatuates their Counsels, and turns the will of the Chief, and of his Counsellors quite contrary to what they ought to do. His name be praised for all, since it was his Divine pleasure to have things go as they did. There is no one, after the people, that smarts for it but I, because I incurred the Marshal's disfavour by speaking the truth. He ought in reason to have loved me more than those that counselled him to do contrary to what I advised him; but 'tis the Law of Bearn, 
Law of Bearn.  The beaten must bear the blame; for the King has approved, and ratified all that the Marshal did, and disallowed and condemned all my doings, and indeed I declined towards my setting, and was no more adored like a rising Sun, and yet I am as innocent and unblameable of that fault (if fault there was) as I had never been born into the world, of which I desire no other testimony than the three Estates of Guienne, and Languedoc which is neighbour to it, who know how all things passed, and have smarted for the miseries of Guienne, and dare moreover stand to the depositions of all the Captains, three or four excepted, who were of the Council, for those were the cause of the evil. I am not the first who for well doing have been paid with this Coin, of which I have given Exemples enough in this Book, and find it a good matter to be a great Lord; for a little Companion as I am must always bear the burden, and is evermore subject to the forementioned Law of Bearn. The said Marshal had reason, I confess, to have a mind to employ his men and his money in Languedoc, and I had also reason to desire him in Guienne. If he was not able to undertake for them both, why did he cause Guienne to be inserted in his Patent? That which we might have done in fifteen days, to wit, the defeating or driving away Montgommery would have been of greater advantage, than the taking of three or four paltry Towns in L●nguedoc. But I have said enough of this dispute, which r●in'd the King's affairs in those parts; I shall therefore pursue my discourse to tell you what happened after.  
The departure of the said Marshal pu● our affairs into very great disorder, and very much encouraged our Enemies. As for my own part, in five Companies that I had there was not left two hundred men, by reason they were stolen away, with what booty they had got, every man to his own house. 
The inconvenience of making war with Soldiers, Natives of the same Country where the Scene of war lies.  This is the inconvenience of making war with the people of the Country. They must go see Wife, they must go carry home their Baggage, and besides every one has a Cousin, a Brother, or a Friend with the Enemy, to whom he has a regard, and of whom he has care. And as to the Cavalry we had, they could not subsist in l●ss than five or six leagues of the Town, by reason the Enemy had devoured one par● of the provisions of the Country, and our own people the other, and the Country of itself was barren. However I stayed four or five days after the Mareschals departure, causing three or four hundred Wagon loads of grain to be removed from thence, which I carried to Euse, and other adjacent places, that the Enemy might not therewith victual their Towns in Bearn: but I must have carried away fifteen hundred load or more to have removed it all; and had my five Ensigns been complete, as at my coming thither, I would have engaged myself in it, though I was certain not to be relieved, for I have committed as great follies in my life as that, and hitherto (blessed be God) never met with any misadventure; nor did his Majesty's affairs ever suffer by those hazards. I then ret●●●'d towards Agenois, leaving the Sieur de Montesp●n, Son to the Baron de Gondrin, with his Father's Company of Gens-d'arms in Euse, together with another new Company of Foot, that was then raising in those parts, not to endure a Siege, for the Town was naught; but only a little to favour the Country, and that we might not seem totally to abandon it, though we knew very well that his staying there would signify little or nothing. 
Monsieur de Montespan in Euse.  I sent Monsieur de Fontenilles also into the Country of Bigorre, to see if he could do any thing on that side to amuse the Enemy, but all this was no remedy for so great a disease. I shall not here take upon me to give a particular account of the defeat of Captain Arne, and the Baron de l' Arbous, for as much as I did not place them there, where they were defeated; but so it was, that I sent however to Captain Arne to tell him, That he was a Soldier, and must needs know that in the place where he was he could expect nothing but disaster, and that therefore I conceived he would do well to retire to Auch, which was an enclosed Town; 
Captain Arne flain,  but he sent me word, that he was placed there, and was therefore resolved rather to die than to stir a foot from thence. It was not above four days after I had given him this advice that news was brought me of his defeat, and two days after that of his death, which was a great damage to the King's service, and a great loss to his Country; for he was a fine Gentleman, and a valiant man, and one of whom we had as great an esteem, as of any Captain whatever of Guienne.  
Now soon after the Marshal being about Mazer's, and I in Agenois, the Count de Montgommery did like the Wolves whom hunger forces out of the Woods, and came into Armagnac, by little and little moving towards Condommois. He had caused three pieces of Canon to be brought, and two Culverines' to batter Euse, knowing very well that there was no body in it but Monsieur de Montespan with his Father's Company of Gens-d'arms, and the new-raised Company of Foot that I had sent him. So soon therefore as the Artillery was come to Noguarol, that he had sent to discover the Enemy, and that the Huguenot Kindred and Friends he had, had given him notice of the preparation against him, he sent me word of it. I had no body to send to reinforce him, and less power of myself to relieve him, neither was there any relief to be expected; for the Marshal was either lying before Mazeres, or else retired to Tholouze. I therefore sent him word, That I would not he should follow the exemple of Captain Arne, and that it was enough we had lost one brave and valiant Captain, and one Company of Gens-d'arms, without losing two; that therefore he should retire and take along with him all the Priests and Religious people of the Town, together with all the rich Catholic Merchants, and escape to Lectoure. which he accordingly did; for although I had sent to surrender my Government, I did not for all that forbear to do all that lay in my power for the service of my King and Country, but raised five or six Companies about Villeneufue and Florence, leaving one old and two new Companies at the said Florence, and four (with that of the Governnor Monsieur de Panjas) at Lectoure, which were enough, by reason that all the Gentry of Armagnac with their Families were retired into that place, which made the Town so full that no more could lodge there: and these things being done I came to Again, where I heartened the Inhabitants the best I could, and stayed there for some days. The Count de Montgommery than came to Euse, where so soon as he was arrived the Hugonots of Candom (who had lived at home under protection of the King's Edict, having evermore hypocritically professed not to take arms, relying upon his Majesty's Royal word, and had been used with greater humanity than the Catholics themselves) betook themselves to arms, and went to seek out the Count de Montg●mmery at Euse, who durst advance no further, nor had not done, had I had but four Companies only to put into Condom. 
The Count de Montgommery at Condom.  But they all assured him that I had no men, nor means to raise any to make head against him, and that therefore he might securely come, and so they allured him to Condom. These were the fine fruits of the fine Edict they persuaded the King to make, that provided the Hugonots stirred not from their Houses, no one should demand any thing of them. I have spoken of this sufficiently elsewhere; though, if I would, I have a great deal more to say, and of greater importance, but it would do no good, for the King would take no order in it, since those about him will have it as it is.  
A few days after we heard news of the Victory God had given the King, through the valour and conduct of the Monsieur, Brother to the King, and the Captains he had about him, and that the Princes and the Admiral, with the remains of the Battle of Moncontour 
The Victory of Moncontour.  were moving towards Limosis; every one that came, telling us that they marched directly to lafoy Charité, which was the reason that I sent for Monsieur de Leberon at Libourne, to come with four Companies he had there and at St. Foy, to port St. mary's and Aguillon. He had before sent me one, which I had left at St. Sever, before it was lost under Captain Espiemont d' Avila, and I had also sent another to Dacqs under Captain Teyssander de Florance, and the said Espiemont was constrained to retire to Dacq● after the fine piece of work the Captain of the Castle had made, who would have discharged himself upon Captain Montaut, and was upheld by some about the Marshal, who were related to him. But I refer it to the truth, which those of the Town did no ways conceal, and never after receive him. The City of Again and the Clergy there, had set a foot a Company of two hundred Strangers at their own charge, commanded by one Captain Raphaël an Italian, who was married in the Town.  
The said Count de Montgommery remained six or seven weeks at Condom, wherein he committed an error; for had he followed his blow he had put a great many to their trumps: but who is it that is never mistaken? The Marshal's Camp was at Tholouze, Granade, and thereabouts; they had no great fancy to bite one another, for they never so much as gave one another an Alarm. The Marshal had put out Monsieur de Fontenilles from the place to which I had sent him, and taken from him the Command I had given him in those parts, and ordered me to be about Beaumond de Lomagne, openly usurping upon my Government, according to his Patent. He sent likewise to the Bar●n de Gondrin, Signicur de Montespan (whose Father lay sick at Lectoure) to come to him, giving orders every where that none should obey me in the least; for that I was no more the King's Lieutenant, but that he was the man. He writ twice also to Monsieur de Madaillan, that he should not fail to bring his Company to him, who both times returned him answer, That the Company was mine, and none of his, and that it was not in his power to bring it to him; and all the affronts he could put upon me, he did. This nothing concerned me in my own particular, for what I did was in order to his Majesty's service, and for the conservation of the Country. Behold how particular animosities occasion a general ruin! notwithstanding I did not for all this forbear to act, as if I had still been the King's Lieutenant; and it was requisite for the poor Country's interest, that I should not regard the injuries he put upon me; for my despite might have done a great deal of mischief. Being the Son of a Constable of France, and himself a Marshal, I did by no means disdain to be commanded by him, had he been pleased to command me, and that he would have done his duty. 
Division betwixt the Marshal d' Anvil and the Sieur de Montluc.  But so it was, that he as much as in him lay traversed all my designs for the conservation of Guienne, which stood in much greater need than Languedoc. In the mean time news was brought us, that the Princes and the Admiral were in Perigord, and took the way of Quercy to retire to Montauban, by which I very well understood, that they came to take Montgommery 
The Princes move towards Montgommery.  along with them, to reinforce themselves with his power, without which it would be a matter of very great difficulty for them to march through so many leagues of the Country. I have since a hundred and a hundred times wondered, that so many great and prudent Leaders, as were in the Monsieurs Army, should pitch upon so ill a resolution, as to fall to the besieging of places, in stead of pursuing the Princes, who were routed, and reduced to that extremity, that they had no possible means to set themselves up again, insomuch that had the people had Forces to pursue them, 
Soldiers use to spin out a war.  they had with great facility been all cut to pieces. 'Tis said that we ourselves who bear arms, spin out wars in length, and stretch the thong to the utmost, as men of the lon● Robe do Suits in Law at the Palace. Let the Devil take all such. I for my part had never any such in●ention, and can say with truth, that never a King's Lieutenant in France has made more Hugono's pass the Knife and the Halter than I have done: which was not the way to prolong the war.  
But to re●urn to my subject, having heard which way the Princes took, without declaring my intention to any one, being in Monsieur de Gondrin's Lodging at L●ctoure, I sent for M●nsieur de Panjas, the Chevalier de Romegas, and the Chevalier my Son, Monsieur de Gondrin was sick, and there told them That I was old, and not able to undergo the labour, in case we should be besieged; that therefore to ease myself, I would remit the care to govern the Town, as to the Civil Regiment thereof, to Monsieur de Panjas, and as to what concerned the defence of it, and what should be necessary thereunto, I would transfer the Charge thereof to the said Chevalier de Romega●, and the Chevalier my Son, who had both ●een engaged in the Si●ge of Mal●a, the m●st furious Siege that ever was since Artillery was ●i●st● known in the world; by which they must needs better know what belonged to defence, and what was fit to be done, than I myself; and being Companions and Brothers of the Order of St. J●hn's of Jerusalem, would also agree so much the better together. That herein the Chevalier my Son should obey that of Romegas, both in regard he was the elder, and also by reason he had commanded at sea, in three or four Naval Engagements, where my Son had been with him (in truth he was a man of as much courage and bravery as any I ever knew) and that in the mean time I would go to Again, 
The Commendation of the Chevalier de Romegas.  to take the best Order I could for the defence of that City. They all approved of my determination, and the two Chevaliers would not make the Quarters but hand in hand together, beginning from the very instant to redouble the work of the Fortification, and M●nsieur de Panjas as Governor provided them all things they requi●'d. The next morning I went to Again, Monsieur de Valence my Brother being retired into L●ctoure. I had a day or two before sent my Wife and my two Daughters to Bourdeaux, and when I came to Again Monsieur de Cassanevil to whom I had committed the Charge of Villeneufue and the adjacent Country, (although I had conferred the Government of it upon Captain Paulhac the elder, yet they agreed very well together) sent me word jointly with Captain Paulhac, that the Princes were come to Montauban, and were resolved immediately to fall upon Villeneufue. Whereupon I immediately sent les Peroux his Company and another, to two new Companies they had already within the place, with about a hundred Haquebuzeers belonging to the said Captain Paulhac the Governor, and some thirty or forty Gentlemen of those parts, who were retired with them into the Town. I then returned to Lectoure, where I did not stay above three or four days; for neither my age, nor my indisposition would permit me to stay long in a place; 
The City of Again in fear.  where news was brought me, that the City of Again was entered into a sudden fear, and that every one began to truss up their Baggage to be g●ne, so that the Town was in danger to be wholly abandoned. This news was brought me overnight, which I communicated to all the Gentlemen in the Town, telling them that I would go in the morning, which they were all contented I should, provided I would return back to the said Lectoure; for to engage myself in Again would, they said, be the greatest folly that was ever committed by man, it being plainly to be discerned by every one, that the two Armies of the Enemy would infallibly attaque that place. I then assured them, that I would not engage myself there: whereupon they asked me, if I thought it convenient that they should write a Letter to the Marshal in the behalf of all the Gentry of Armagnac, to entreat him to come with his whole Army to fight Montgommery at Condom, before the Armies should join, assuring him that the said Montgommery would never engage himself in the Town, which was not tenable, and to be entered in several places at pleasure, and to make him an offer every man to die with him for his Majesty's service, and the resettlement of every one in his own house. 
The Gentlemen of Gascony send an Envoy to the Marshal d' Anvil.  To which I returned them answer, that I did highly approve of it, and that they could do no less, than to send a Gentleman to him to implore his assistance; who therefore made choice of Monsieur de la moth Gondrin for their Envoy. I would bait in the morning before I went, because it was five long leagues from thence to Again, and the worst way in Winter in the world. Being we were at this time in fear, I had writ to Monsieur de Montferran of Again, who lived out of Town, that he must needs make all the means he possibly could, to bring us four or five hundred Harquebuzeers; to which he returned me answer that in eight days he would bring a thousand before Again; 
Monsieur de Montferran's o●fer.  which made me, though I knew very well, that the Marshal took no delight in my Letters, however to write to him (for a man must wave a particular in a great concern) sending Monsieur de Montferran's Letter enclosed within mine, and assuring him upon my honour to bring another thousand to brush Montgommery, for I had a very good mind to be at him.  
During these postings to and fro, 
The Princes at Montauban.  the Princes sojourned at Montauban and the adjoining Country, as they had good need to do; for they had not a horse that was able to set one foot before another, as several who were with them have confessed to me since, having been constrained to leave above four hundred by the ways as they came, by reason they had no means to get them shod. And just as I had dined there came another Messenger to me from Again, who had set out from thence at midnight, to give me notice that the Merchants began to talk of getting their wares out of Town, but that the Sieur de Land and the Consuls would keep them from doing it, till such time as they should receive an answer to the Letter they had sent me, and as I was taking horse, some body, I cannot tell who, came and read me the Letter the Gentlemen had writ to the Marshal, which I did not much mind, my thoughts being wholly taken up with the concern of Again: but I told them, That I thought it was well, but that nevertheless they should show it to Monsieur de Valence, to see if there was nothing in it that might give the Marshal offence; and so got on horseback, making all the haste I could to Agen. Being come thither I found every one in the greatest fear imaginable; the Church men, the Counsellors, all the Presidial Court, and the Merchant's busy, packing up to be gone. I was no sooner alighted but that immediately the Sieurs de la Land, de Nort, their Sons, and several others came and told me that all the whole City were at their wit's end. I thereupon bade them forthwith to repair to the Town Hall, and to call thither all the Chief men of the City, the Clergy, and Magistracy, and to give me notice so soon as ever they were met together, for I would go speak with them. They accordingly did so, neither did they need to use many entreaties, for rich and poor, every one ran to see me, and to hear what I would advise them to do. When so soon as I came into the Hall (which was so full that five or six Gentlemen I had brought along with me had much ado to crowd in) I placed myself in the midst of them, to the end that every one might hear me, and spoke to them to this effect.  

Gentlemen,  
YOu have twice in one day advertized me, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Harangue to those of Agen.  that the greatest part of the Inhabitants of this City are upon the point to forsake it, and to retire themselves to Bourdeaux, Tholouze, and other places of safety; and in short, that your whole City was in fear. I see very well that this apprehension has seized you upon a conceit you have taken that I would abandon you in such a necessity, and that I had retired myself to Lectoure, because it is a good place: which I have reason to take very unkindly at your hands, forasmuch as you have never heard that either in Italy, or in any other place I have ever done act which ought to render me suspected, that fear ever made me betake myself to strong places; but, on the contrary, have ever engaged my person in the weakest and least tenable to make head against the Enemy. My renown is not so little in the World, nor confined to Guienne alone: I am reputed for such throughout all Italy, and through all France. And now that I am going down into the Grave, can you imagine my good friends) that I would at one clap lose what I have with so much sweat and blood been one and fifty years, that I have born arm●, in gaining? You must re-resolve upon three things; First, to throw away all apprehension that may have surprised you, and tread it under foot, that it may never rise again: Secondly, to agree amongst yourselves to be all of one mind and will, and not to spare your Estates in what I shall direct you, speedily and diligently to provide all that shall be necessary for the defence of your City: and thirdly, to pay an absolute obedience to six or eight of your Corporation whom I shall choose for you, or that you shall make choice of yourselves, to take care as well for the fortifying, as furnishing provisions, and all things necessary for your defence. Which three things, if you shall think fit to grant me, I do swear to you by Almighty God, holding up my hand, That I will live and die with you; and moreover do engage (such is the hope and confidence I have in his Divine aid) that I will secure your Town from the Two Armies of the Enemy: for in my life, through God's assistance, I have done greater miracles than this. As therefore you see my Countenance full of resolution to defend you; I desire also to see the same in yours, that I may know you will accomplish these three things I request at you hands. I know there will be some who will grumble at the charge and expense they must necessarily be at; but let such consider what will become of them if the Enemy make themselves masters of the Town, as doubtless they will if you put-not-to you utmost force and endeavour to prevent them. What will then bec●me of your Goods, your Estates, your Houses, and your Wives and Children, if they f●ll once into their hands, who ruin all that they subdue? All things will be turned topsy-turvy; 'tis for this you fight, and also and principally for the honour of G●d, and the conservation of your Churches, which in the fi●st T●ou●les were scratched only by these people your Enemies; but if they enter now, will be razed and levelled with the foundations, as you see they have done at Condom. Since I am with you, believe me Gentlemen, they will think on'● thrice before they will come to attaque us; and if they come, though this City be none of the strongest, I will make them know, that I know both how to assault, and to defend. Grant me then this that I request of you, which is in your power to do, and believe that I will lay down my life for your preservation. If you are not resolved to employ the wet and the dry, that is to say, to do what good Citizens ought to do, never engage yourselves and me too, but rather let such as a●e afraid retire in good time, and let me deal it with the rest who 〈◊〉 ready and willing to die for their Country.   
The Sieu●s de Blazimond, 
The inhabitants of Again take 〈◊〉.  then, and de la Land speaking for all the Clergy, told me in few words, That all the Clergy will lay down their lives and fortunes in the common defence, would s●●ve me in what ever I would demand of them, and every one take arms and be as ready 〈…〉 as the Soldiers themselves. The Lawyers promised the same; after whom the good old man the Nor spoke in the behalf of the whole City, that they would do the same that the Clergy, and those of the Long Robe had engaged to do; nay more (for it was not fit for them to be at continual labour) but that all those of the City, both Rich and Poor, Women and Children, without exempting any one, should put their hands to the work. Now before I would suffer Messieurs de Blazimond, and de la Land to speak, I entreated them, that all those who should answer, would speak so loud that every one might hear them; which they also did, and when all the three Orders had made an end of speaking, I strained my voice, and said, Have you all heard what these Gentlemen have proposed who have spoken in the behalf of the whole City? to which they cried out that they had; whereupon as I had held up my hand, I made them hold up theirs, and take the same Oath I had taken; which being done, I desired them every one to withdraw to provide all sorts of Instruments, and that I would retire to my Lodging with the principal men of the City, to make election of the eight who were to govern over them: but being it was already almost night they entreated me, that seeing they were all together, I would give them leave to make election of the eight, that I would please in the mean time, to retire to warm myself, and to get my Boots off, and that the next morning they would bring me a List of their Burghers names, of them to make election which eight I should think fit. And so I withdrew to my Lodging, where after supper there came to me M●ssieurs de Blazimond and de la Land, the good man de Nort and his Sons, with so great joy, as more could not be expressed; telling me that the Merchants who had packed up their Merchandise, and a good many of them already loaded them in Wagons had unloaded all, and that they thought never City was overjoyed as theirs was, and that so much as to the very Women and Children there was no other talk but of fight, knowing the resolution that I had taken to tarry amongst them.  
Companions, you who shall take the pains to read my life, you may take fair exemples by me. This people, who were all their wits end, and ready to overrun the City, immediately at my word only reassumed such courage, that I will be bold to say with truth, no man ever after discovered the least apprehension in them; though to say the truth they had no great reason to be so secure, the Town being of two great a circuit well to be defended, commanded moreover by a Mountain, and too Armies ready to fall upon us at once. Believe me, Companions, when I tell you, that upon your resolution depends that of all the people, who take courage, as they see you do. And how great a good shall you do, besides the honour you acquire to yourselves, to save a poor City from the Sack? so many Families stand eternally obliged to you, and not only the City itself, but the whole Country also: for the taking of the Capital City of a Province ordinarily draws after it the loss of a whole Seneschalsie. ay, but you will say, a man must then shut himself up in a place where he can acquire honour: and where will you have that to be, in a Castle of Milan? it cannot be there; for there it is the strength of the walls that defends you; but it must be in a place that you see to be of public concern, let it be never so weak. A good heart is a good Fortress. I could have stayed at Lectoure, and have harkened how the squares went. I had nothing to lose at Again, and could justly have laid all the blame upon the Marshal, who had shoulders broad enough to bear it, but this good City being taken, I saw all the Country was lost. In a time of need and danger therefore show that you have a heart to drive fear out of others; and in so doing you will always appear to be what you are; and assure yourselves that the Enemy seeing such a man engaged in a place, will think on't thrice before he will once come to attaque you. I have (as you may have observed before) ever had that good fortune, the Spaniards, Italians, Germans, and French Hugonots have been afraid either to abide, or to attaque me. Get then this privilege over you Enemy, as you will do in doing well, and giving testimony of a good heart, and an undaunted courage.  
Three or four days after I writ to the Gentlemen who had the charge of Lectoure, and principally to the Chevalier de Romegas, and the Chevalier my Son, exhorting them to employ all they had learned at the Siege of Malta, and to do as well as they had done there; for that their honour would be without comparison much greater in serving their own Prince and Country, than in a foreign Soyl. I also conjured every one to obey them, considering that there was not a man in the Town that had ever been in a Siege but they two: for as for my part I was resolved not to stir from Again, but would die in the defence thereof. They were very much astonished when they read my I 〈◊〉, which they communicated to one another, and immediately returned me another back, subscribed by the Sieurs de Gondrin, de Pangas, de la moth Gondrin, de Romegas, de Maig●as, and the Chevalier my Son, wherein they writ me word, That they did all very much wonder that I would so far forget myself, as to engage my person in so weak a Town as Again, and so commanded by Mountains as it was. That for certain the Artillery was set out from Navarreins, and that the five pieces which were at Noguarol had not stirred from thence, but had stayed for the coming of the rest; that therefore they did beg of me to come to Lectoure, and that the Chevalier de Rom●gas and my Son would go put themselves into Again, who being young and resolute, if they should miscarry, the loss would not be so great; and that on the other side, should I abandon the field, all the rest of the Country would be ruined and lost. I returned them answer, That I gave them many thanks for the admonitions they had given me, which though I did acknowledge to be rational and true; yet I knew very well also that they gave them out of compassion and fear I should lose myself; 
Resolution of the Sieur de Mon●luc.  but that I did assure them, before they should hear I was lost, the Enemy should have paid very dear for the taking of Agen. That if the Marshal would come to fight them, he would have a good match of it; that I was determined not to budge from thence, but let them do their duty in case the Enemy should sit down before them, for as for my part I was resolute to do mine, and never to let the Enemy enter but over my belly.  
At the same time there arrived Monsieur de la Bruille, Steward of the Marshal d' Anville's Household, whom the said Marshal sent to me to know if Monsieur de Montferran was come with the thousand Harquebuzeers, as I had sent him word, and also with what Forces I on my part could assist him. I then reckoned to him, that what from Villenufue, Lectoure, Again, and Florence, I could make a thousand Harquebuzeers, and the thousand of Monsieur de Montferran, showing him the Letters that the said Sieur de Montferran had sent me from St. Macaire. He could not find in his heart to lose so much time as to bait his horses, before he returned to carry back this news to the Marshal, when being just about to take horse to return, there came a letter from Monsieur de Montferran, dated from Marmande, 
The Sieur de Mont●erran come with Succours.  containing these words. Monsieur, At this instant I am setting out with my Troops, which are a thousand Harquebuzeers, and threescore Light-horse, and shall this day pass part of my men over the River at Aguillon, the rest must stay till to morrow morning, but to morrow night they shall all be at Port St. Marry.  
The said de la Bruille took a Copy of the Letter, saying to me these words, I am going to carry the Marshal the best news can possibly be brought him, and assure yourself upon my life and honour, that so soon as ever I shall be returned he will begin to march; and so ran to his horse. At the end of three days, the Troops being at Port St. Marry and Aguillon, I had word sent me from Lectoure, that the Marshal was returned from Grenade to Tholouze, out of despite at the Letter the Gentlemen of Armagnac had written to him, which I have made mention of before, and that for one clause that was in it, which ran thus; That in case he should not please to march to come to help to re-establish th●m in their houses, they should be constrained to go apply themselves to the King in their own persons, humbly to beg assistance from him. This was the ground of all his discontent, and he discharged his anger upon me, accusing me that I had caused the said Letter to be writ: I will not deny but that the first draught was read to me as I was mounting to horse; but, so God help me, I could not have repeated six words of it, for my affection hurried me away to Again, to take care that the Town should not be forsaken, and took horse that very minute it was read to me, as I have said before. However I leave it to any man of understanding to judge if these words were of such importance, that the said Marshal ought reasonably to have taken such offence at them. It was at the King that he took offence, and not at us. He is the King's Subject as well as we. O! would I have taken pet after this manner, how many times have I had occasion given me to quit all! I have perhaps been but too passionate, not as to what concerned myself, but for the Country and the People, who have miss me since I quitted my Government. Now when Monsieur de Montferran, who stayed with me thre● days at Again, his men in the mean time lying at Port St. Mar●e, heard that the Marshal was returned in discontent to Tholouze, and that he would hardly be prevailed upon to come, he told me that he would return to Bourdeaux, forasmuch as he did not know but that the Princes might turn their designs that way, hearing there was no body in it. Which he accordingly did, as there was good reason, by which means I was left naked, without hope of being relieved by any person whatsoever. Thus for t●e misconstruction of a word, for one insignificant picque, the whole Country ran a dangerous fortune.  
You Princes, Mareschals, and Lieutenants of Provinces, who command Armies, never sacrifice the public interest to a private distaste. The Marshal ought to have considered, that these were Gascons exiled from their own houses, who writ in passion: he ought neither to have been offended at me, nor them; but to have excused their sensibility, and not for such a trifle to have abandoned the Country. Our Proverb says, 
* Who loses his substance loses his understanding.  Qui perd le sien, perd le s●ns. I have often asked advice of, and been myself assisting to those that I knew had no great kindness for me. Never suffer your private picques, and particular animosities to endanger the public concern. I have often observed some, and those no little ones, who could have eaten one another, agree ●e●y well for their Master's service, talk and confer together like Brothers, and after some handsome service, or good success, open their hearts to one another, and become good friends. I have since been told by some who had the good fortune to be there, that most of the Chiefs who were at the great Battle that was obtained over the Turk, were mortal enemies, but that they agreed out of respect to the common interest, and after the Battle became perfect friends. Would to God the Marshal would have left the animosity he had against me at Tholouze to have come and clawed away M●ntgommery, he had acquired honour, and the Country a singular advantage by it, whereas his peevishness ruin'd all. I thought I had been the most choleric fellow in the world, but he has made it appear that he is more passionate than I. Nevertheless had he been pleased to come, I would have served him as freely as the meanest Gentleman in the Army.  
Having understood his resolution I sent twice to Monsieur de Fontenilles to bring his C●mpany, and come put himself into the Town with me; but he could very hardly obtain leave to come, though he came at last. I had the four Companies my Nephew de Leberon had brought me from Libourn, three at Port St. Marry, and another at Aguillon, which immediately upon the departure of Monsieur de Montferran by my order came in thither: and before Monsieur de Fontenilles arrived at Again, a Gentleman called Monsieur de Montazet, came to entreat me to call away the Company that was at Aguillon, and that he would undertake to defend the Town with the Inhabitants only. A promise that although I knew he was not able to make good, and that he only did it to spare the provisions of the Town. I nevertheless granted his request, fearing he would write to Mon●ieur le Marquis de Villars, that I had made him to consume the fruits of his Estate, and sent the Company to Villeneufue. Wherein I committed a very great error, for this place had kept the Rivers of Lot and Garonne: but these bawling fellows, who will spare their Master's Houses and Estates, to appear good Stewards, oftentimes lose very considerable places. Therefore you, who have the honour to command, stop your ears against all complaints in such cases, and so pressing necessities. I had done a great deal better, if upon this occasion I had practised the Lesson that I now teach you.  
Now you must know I drove on an Enterprise with Monsieur de Leberon, to go give a Scalado to the Captains Manciet and Cha●●audy, two errand Rogues who lay at Monheurt. The said Sieur de Leberon was with eight or ten Harquebuzeers only at Aguillon, that he might the better conceal his design. Viard, Muster-Master to the Mareschals Camp, came at this time to Again, who was going to Court from the Marshal, and though I knew very well that the said Marshal was very much out with me, yet did I not forbear to favour and pay all respect to all that came from him, being it was for his Majesty's service. I therefore writ to Monsieur de Leberon, that he should send a Convoy with him till he was past Toneins, whom he found at Aguillon, in order to the Enterprise they were the next day at night to put into execution; for I was sending him five or six Boats full of Soldiers from Again, and the three Companies that were at the Port were also to join in the business. But, as the fortune of war is sometimes very odd and extravagant, she well appeared to be so the day that the Muster-Master Viard passed that way; for the said Sieur de Leberon giving him a certain number of Harquebuzeers for his Convoy, and making account that in three hours' time they would be back again; whilst he waited in expectation of their return there arrived Messieurs de la Caze, de la Loüe, de Guytinieres, de Moneins, and other Captains, with 7 or 8 Cornets of Horse, who were come from Lauserthe, which is nine long leagues, and had not baited above an hour at Haute-faye; to be short they had made a Cavaleade with the diligence of old Soldiers, and environed Aguillon. Monsieur de Leberon seeing himself thus trapped alone with but very few Soldiers, and the Inhabitants of the Town, was in a little perplexity what to do in his defence, when Monsieur de Montazet presently came and told him, that he was not able to defend the Town, and that he would not put it to the hazard of being ruined and sacked; and accordingly without any more ado made some conditions, 
Aguillon taken.  which was well for the said Le●eron, for he fell into the hands of these four, who were all of them my very good friends, by reason that in former times I had done something for them. I was the first Captain that ever showed Captain Moneins any service, and made him a Soldier; and the rest were every one willing to acknowledge the several obligations they had to me; and so let him go. These are Civilities amongst Soldiers: but my said Nephew played there the part of a Novice, not to reserve to himself men enough for a time of need: he thought the Enemy was too far off to trouble him. Captains, my Companions, this was a ridiculous security of his, he ought to have considered the importance of the place, situated upon two Rivers, and that the Enemy could not but covet so sweet a morsel, the vicinity of Cleirac and Toneins considered. But I played the fool as well as he, in drawing out the Garrison, for fear of offending the Marquis.  
So soon as ever I heard of his being taken, I drew my three Companies that were at the Port into Agen. Two days after the Prince's Army came and encamped themselves, their quarters extending from Aguillon, as far as within half a league of Villeneufue, and up to the great Road, which leads to the said Villeneufue, all along the valleys which are in that place, where there are very good Villages. Now, as I have already said, I had divided the City into eight parts, and over every division had set two good Chiefs of the Town. It was a delightful thing to see the men and women all work, who came to it constantly by break of day, and never gave over till the night took them off: they were never longer than an hour at dinner, and all the head Burghers of the City were eternally soliciting them to ply their labour, from which no one was exempt, not even the Religious women. One night a man came to tell me, that a Troop of Reiters were come up within a quarter of a League of us, to a Village close by Moubran, which is a Castle belonging to the Bishop of Agen. In the morning therefore I mounted to horse with my Company, and went close up to the Village, where, because two Country fellows told me, that three other Cornets of Reiters were quartered very near unto the first, I made the Argoulets that came out with me stay behind, assuring myself that the Reiters would relieve their fellows, being so near, and that consequently we should be put to retreat in haste, where I should be in danger of losing the said Argoulets, by reason they were not very well mounted, and beside there was dirt up to the Horse Cambrils. Nevertheless some of the best mounted of them went along with Monsieur de Madaillan, whom I commanded to charge desperately quite through the Bourg. He did so, and some few were killed in the Streets as they passed, whereupon the Reiters put themselves into two or three houses where their Officers were quartered. The other three Cornets who were quartered close by, upon the Alarm were immediately on horse back, so that all we could do was to carry away six and thirty of their horses, and I believe had I suffered all the Argoulets to go they had not left them one: but Monsieur de Madaillan, seeing the three Cornets coming upon the Gallop to relieve their Companions, retreated to me; but they did not much pursue him, and so we retired into the Town.  
Now Viard was soon back from Court, for he had both the Kings Pass and the Princes; and went to find out the Marshal. The next morning after we had taken the Horses Monsieur de Fontenilles arrived, by which means I had two Companies of Gens d'armes in the City, 
Monsieur de Laug●ac at Peymirol.  and three of Foot. I had from my first coming placed Monsieur de Laugnac at Peymirol with two Foot Companies, which were those of the Garrison of Port. St. Marry and Ma●ves, who made very brave skirmishes, and though Monsieur de Laugnac was then sick of the disease that so long has held him, he nevertheless kept the Soldiers night and day abroad, and was evermore making some attempt upon the Enemy. Our Horse went out very often, but they still found the Reiters so barricadoed and bolted up in the Villages, 
Commendation of the Reiters.  that nothing was to be got of them but blows, and they were always mounted in a trice. In truth those people encamp themselves like true men of war, it is very hard to surprise them: they are more careful than we, especially of their horses and arms, and are besides more terrible in war, for a man can see nothing but fire and steel; and not a G●oom in their Troops but accouters and trains himself up to the fight, and so in time become good S●ldiers. I could not relieve our Cavalry with foot, by reason of the intolerable foulness of the ways, and also fearing a mischance, having so few men as I had in the City; which should any sinister accident have fallen out, might have struck such a terror into the Town, as might have drawn after it the loss of the place. I was only on the defensive part, and ●et I kept them in awe, giving them to understand that I did not much fear them. The Princes and the Admiral lay five weeks or more where I have said, and Monsieur de Montgommery three or above at Condom, his quarters extending as far as la Plume des Bruilles. We did nothing on either side, forasmuch as I had no men to attempt any thing withal, and they lay quiet, eating and drinking their fill, and making good cheer; for they had so suffered ever since the defeat of Moncontour, as nothing could possibly be more; so that I think they had more mind to rest than to meddle with me. As for my part I night and day intended my Fortification. Being upon these terms, and in this posture on both sides, one night arrived Monsieur de la Valette, who came from the Monsieurs Camp, and by fortune happened to be at Villeneufue, at the time when the Princes sent a Trumpet to Monsieur de Cassanevil to summon the Town. 
The Princes summon Villeneufue.  The said Sieur de la Valette himself ordered the answer, which was, That the Town was the King's, and none of theirs; that therefore if either Trumpet or Drum should again come on such an errand they would kill him, and that there were too many men of honour in the Town to deliver it up. The said Sieur de la Valette hazarded himself in the night to pass the Enemy's Camp in exceeding great danger, and came to me about nine of the clock. He found me in bed; for I was very much relieved by Messieurs de Fontenilles, de Madaillan, de Leberon, and the other Captains, by which means I slept at my ease; all things in the mean time going on in marvelous good order, as well by night as by day. Old age must be excused. The said Sieur de la Valette told me that I must presently send away a Chief to command over all those who were in Villeneufue, or that otherwise the Town was about to be lost; yet would by no means tell me the reason, but only that I must make haste immediately to send away a Chief, always telling me, that if I was not sudden I should be the first would repent it, for that it was a place of importance, and a neat Town of War. But he said enough to make me get out of bed, for I would not slight the advice of so good a head-piece as his; and therefore instantly dispatched away two men to the Chevalier my Son at Lectoure, that immediately upon the reading my letter he should mount to horse, and come away to me to Again; thence to put himself into Villeneufue, and that by the haste he should make I should know if he were my Son. 
Villeneufue.  I writ also to the Chevalier de Romegas, entreating him to perform alone what they two had jointly undertaken before. It was day before the two Messengers got to Lectoure, whereupon the Chevalier my Son immediately took leave of all the Gentlemen that were there, and about three in the afternoon come to Agen. Four or five days before this Monsieur de Montgommery with all his Camp, both Horse and Foot came to give a Camisado to Captain Codreils, Lieutenant to my Son Captain Fabian's Troop of Light-horse, which I had put into Moyrax, with five and twenty Lances, and five and twenty Harquebuzeers. Now Moyrax is a little Village enclosed with walls, the highest part whereof might be mounted with a Ladder of twelve staves, and without Flankers, where he arrived an hour before day. Of this design news was brought me to Again, at a time when I had newly taken a Glister, which I had yet in my belly; whereupon without any more ado I put on my arms, mounted to horse, and went to pass the River. The Gentlemen of my two Companies passed after one another as fast as they could. Monsieur de Fontenilles came not till the next day, and those that came in the night followed after such a manner, that I found myself with no more but four horse only on the other side of the River towards Ga●cony, where Moyrax is situated, and near unto Estillac, which is mine. With these four horses I galloped full-drive directly to Moyrax, it being a League betwixt that and the River: so that in truth had Monsieur de Montgommery sent out ten or twelve horse only upon the Road from Again, to Moyrax, I had certainly been killed or taken: but a man must sometimes play the Soldier, and tempt fortune. Your Enemy knows not what you do. And thus I arrived at Moyrax, where I found that the said Montgommery was departed about half an hour before, and had left his ladders at the foot of the wall; where, though they had stayed two long hours, they never had the courage to set them up, which made me, though I had before no great opinion of their Foot, to think much worse of them now; and so I returned back to Again; where at my return the Physicians were fain to give me another Glister to bring away the first, which by the pains I had taken was hindered from working, and made me so ill, that I two days kept my bed. So soon as the Chevalier my Son was come, I presently sent for Captain Cadreils, sending five and twenty Harquebuzeers in his room, to the end that he might go with my said Son to Villeneufue. At this time Monsieur de St. Giron, brother to Monsieur de la Guiche, Colonel of two and twenty Ensigns under the Marshal d'Angu●en, had caused himself to be brought sick to Again, having been wounded at the Assault of Mazeres, either in a leg or in a thigh; and would retire himself to his own house for his cure. At one of the clock in the night I put out my Son, his Comrades, and two Guides, 
The Chevaliet de Montluc at Villeneufue.  bidding them be sure to be the next morning by break of day at Villeneufue. Every one was exceeding glad of his coming, and I believe their dispute was that they would not obey one another. I would have sent my young Son Captain Fabian thither, but that we gave him over for a dead man, after his return from the Camp; and at this time had no manner of hope of his recovery.  
Now I had hourly intelligence, 
A Bridge of Boats made by the Admiral.  that the Admiral was making a Bridge of Boats at Port St. Marry, and to that end had gathered together all the Boats upon the Lot, and the Garonne, as far as Marmanda. I had also hourly intelligence that the Enemy had sent for great Artillery into Bearn. All which made me hasten the Trenches and Fortifications I was making at Again, believing, as there was very good reason, that all this preparation was intended against me; for Again was no small prize, as well for the Riches, as in respect to the defeating of so many men of condition, who had shut themselves up in it for my sake. I than called a Council in my Lodging, and in a little Cabinet there, where we were no more but eight or nine persons to consult, and contrive which way we might break this Bridg. Now there was a Free Mason of Tholouze in the Town, who had made the Marquis de Villars some Mills at Aguillon, and this fellow upon some discourse with some one or another had said, that if we turned one of those Water-mills, which lay anchored before the Town afloat, it would break the Bridge: for the River of Garonne was great, and very much out, and every day still rising, because it almost continually reigned. There was not any one man of his opinion, that a Mill could break the Bridge, forasmuch as we had been assured, that the Admiral had caused Cables as thick as a man's leg to be made at Thoneins, and others of the like size to be brought from Montauban also, together with very great Chains; which was very true, for besides the great Cables, the Bridge was locked fast together with great and ponderous Chains. To make short of my story, not one of us was of the Mason's opinion but Captain Thodeas our Engineer only, who said, that in case the Mill was loaded with great stones he thought it might do the business; but not without being loaden; and so we concluded nothing. Two days after I had word sent me from Tholouze, that the Marshal d'Anville was equipping three Boats, which were to be conducted by Captain St. Projet, manned with threescore men, which in eight days would be ready, and that the said St. Projet within that time was to bring them down by night to break the Bridg. Concerning our design we had debated, that we could not load this Mill, but that the Admiral would have intelligence of it by those of the Religion who lived in Again under the protection of that accursed Edict, (for so I may, and ever shall term it) so that (I know not how) we remained distracted in our design, without hope of any other remedy, but only in bravely defending ourselves.  
In the mean time Muster-Master Viard came again to Again, being sent a second time from the Marshal to the King, 
The Marshal d'Anville's design to break the Bridg.  and bringing along with him a Trumpet of the said Marescal's, arrived on Wednesday betwixt nine and ten a clock in the morning: where he acquainted me in private with the Marshal's Enterprise to break the Bridge: but that he was afraid the Admiral had intelligence of his design: for which reason he had brought one of the Mareschals Trumpets to go with him as far as Port St. Marry, where if he should, when he came thither, find that the Enemy had any inkling of it, he would send back the Trumpet to let me know so much, that I might stop the said St. Projet from going any further; to which end, and that he might not slip by, I was to keep continual watch upon the River day and night. And so he took his leave of me, and arrived about two in the afternoon at Port St. Marry, where he saw three Cornets of Reiters pass over the Bridge, to come quarter on that side of the River towards Gascony. The Trumpet had very good leisure to view the Bridge, and to observe how strongly it was fastened; to be sure those of Clairac and Thoneins had spared for no cost nor labour, those good people thinking nothing too dear that was laid out to annoy and mischief their Neighbours, and against the King. About nine at night the Trumpet returned, by whom Viard sent me word, that I should have a care St. Projet proceeded no further to execute his design; for the Enemy had notice of it, and had planted seven or eight small pieces of Artillery at that end of the Bridge towards Gascony, and that the other end was guarded by a thousand or twelve hundred Harquebuzeers: In short, that I must by no means suffer him to go, for not a man of those that went could possibly escape. So soon as the Trumpet had delivered his Message he retired to his Lodging, and I, without making any more noise, sent privately for three persons of the Town to whom I had already discovered my intention, which was to set adrift the Mill belonging to Precedent Sevin, by reason the said Precedent had abandoned the Town. I will not here name the three men, because the Precedent would sue them, and the Commissioners, who are now in those parts, would easily give him what damages he would desire, as they do others against the Catholics. After, having a while conferred together, we concluded that they should send out six Soldiers who were Mariners, who should go, and under colour of watching upon the Bank of the River, that Captain St. Projet did not pass by, unloose the Mill. Thus then they all three departed from me, and were not slow in sending out the Soldiers, neither were they idle to unloose the Mill; one whereof was drowned in losing the Chain, falling from the little Boat, as the stake broke to which the Chain was fastened. This might be about eleven of the clock at night, and I have been told since by some of the Enemy, the Mill came to the Bridge about one. Now the Enemy had placed Sentinels more than half a league up the River, that they might give them the Alarm when Captain St. Projet should pass by, who no sooner heard the noise of the Mill, but that they immediately gave the Alarm, and the Mill immediately after arrived at the Port. Every one upon the Alarm ran to the two ends of the Bridge, and began to let fly great volleys of Harpuebuze shot at the poor Mill, that said not a word, but gave such a shock that it carried away all the Bridge, Cables, 
The Bridge broken.  Chains, and Boats, in such sort, that there was only one remaining that was chained to the Wall of the Prince of Navarre's Lodgings. Two of the Boats went down as far as St. M●caire, and I have been told, that there were some carried down as far as Bourdeaux. This brave Mill of the Precedents stopped not here, but went still on to break another Huguenot Mill below Thoneins, and at the last stayed at the Isles about Marmanda. The first who brought us any news of the Bridge being broken, were certain poor people who had been to buy salt at the end of the said Bridge of the Huguenot Soldiers, who had taken seven or eight Boats laden with it; and the Enemy had killed several of those poor people, accusing them for the cause that the Bridge▪ was broken. Some of their Soldiers who had leapt upon the Bridge upon the Alarm were carried away by the Current; but it was not till betwixt spring of day, and sunrise, that the Guards sent me word there were seven or eight of the people arrived, who were wont to carry Salt, and said that the Bridge was broken. I then presently went out to talk with those people who had been at the Bridge with those the Enemy had killed, and escaped through the fields under favour of the night, who told me the whole story, as also did others who came fromwards the Port, and still one or other was coming in who confirmed the news. I than sent out ten or a dozen Light-horse on that side towards Gascony, who went as far as under Sav●gnac, where they took two prisoners, who gave me yet a more perfect account than those poor people had done. In the mean time I presently caused a little Boat with eight Oars to be made ready, and gave the Master of her 25 Crowns to go carry the news to Bourdeaux: by whom I writ a Letter to Messieurs de Lansac, the Baron de la Garde, and the Bishop of Valence my Brother, wherein I gave them a Narrative how all things had passed, entreating them to communicate it to the Court of Parliament, and the Jurats, that they might all share in the good news. And good news it was; for this very much broke the Enemy's designs, whom we might shrewdly have incommodated, taking them thus separated as they were by the breaking of this Bridge, would the Marshal have been pleased to have laid his anger aside. The said Marshal's Trumpet before he went away was witness to the joy the whole Town was in for this success, and so departed in all diligence to carry the news to his Master. This was executed upon Wednesday about midnight, and upon Thursday in the beginning of the night the Mariners set out from Again, who when they come to Port St. Marry, near unto the place where the Bridge had been, they let the Boat glide down at the discretion of the Current, themselves being all squat down in the Boat. The Enemy began to call out, but no body answered, which made them think it was some Boat that had accidentally broken loose, and was adrift; but they were no sooner got past them a Crossbow shot, when they all start up and fell a rowing, and then began to rate and call them after their eloquent manner, plying their Oars so well, that they were the next morning, which was Friday, by sunrise at Bourdeaux, where the joy was was such, that I think never Mariners that came from new-●ound-lands brought news that invited so great a Crowd. And yet it seemed so incredible a thing, that almost all the Gentlemen doubted the intelligence, and every one ran to Monsieur de Lansac's Lodgings, and to those of the Baron de la Garde, and Monsieur de Valence, to be satisfied of the truth, Monsieur de Valence immediately dispatched away his Secretary called Chauny to their Majesties to carry the news, which was quite contrary to what Commissary Viard had brought them. The said Viard, as I was told, arrived in the morning, and very much troubled their Majesties, and the Monsieur, at the account of the Bridges being brought to perfection, with the description of its structure and strength, being such as great Artillery might pass over at pleasure, and the Horse three abreast, as it was true, and the man did not lie to them in a ●ittle; 
The importance of the Bridg.  and his Majesty had good reason to be concerned, for the commodity of this Bridge would have given the Enemy leisure to have taken all before them, and to have passed over their Canon at pleasure. At night Chauney arrived, who brought news that the Bridge was broken; so that if the one brought vexation, the other brought joy, and for a few days I was the best man in the world, and a great Soldier: but that good opinion lasted not long, for the Enemies I had at Court disguised all things to the King, who was at that time at St. jean; so that in the end, let my deserts be what they would, I neither did, nor had ever done any thing worth taking notice of, and the King believed it, or I think seemed to believe so rather, to satisfy their humour. This is the story of the breaking of the Bridge, and the whole and exact truth of it.  
I am now to tell you of what advantage the breaking of this Bridge was to us, 
The Admiral's Design.  and what the Admiral had determined in case the Bridge had stood. It was resolved and concluded upon in their Council, that they would pass over that part of Winter till harvest in the Quarters where their Camp then lay, and would cause great Artillery to be brought from Navarreins, wherewith to take all the Towns upon the River G●ronne, to the very Gates of Bourdeaux, that they would attaque Again, but that they would leave that work for the last, because they would f●●st take Castle-geloux, Bazas, and all the other places on this side the Garonne, as far as Bourdeaux, by which means, and by the communication of this Bridge, both the one Country and the other, which are of the richest of France, would be wholly at their convenience and command. And all this they made account to have taken in less than fifteen days, as they would really have done, for they were absolute Masters of the field. They intended also to attaque Libourne, assuring themselves that in all the Cities they should find great store of provisions, by which means nothing could be conveyed into Bourdeaux, neither by the Garonne, nor much less from the Lands, making account that so the City of Bourdeaux would in three months be reduced to the last extremes. And for my part I do not think it would have held out so long; 
The situation of Bourdeaux.  for already Corn was there at ten Livers the Sack, and by sea nothing could get in by reason of Blaye. The City is good, and rich, and a strong Town of War, but situate in a barren Country; so that whoever should deprive it of the Garonne, and the Dordogne, it would presently be reduced to famine, the Inhabitants continually living from hand to mouth.  
They had moreover determined to bring their Ships up the River to Blaye, which they had in their hands, to keep the Galleys either from coming out, or going in. The Vicomtes also had promised the Admiral to cause threescore thousand Sacks of Corn to be brought him upon the River Garonne, which they meant to take out of Comenge and Loumaigne, the most fertile Countries of all Guienne; and where the greatest store of grain is, there being no less than five hundred Merchants, 
A Country rich in Co●n.  and as many Gentlemen, who keep three or four years' store always by them in expectation of a dear year, when their Corn may go off at greater rates; so that they might with great ease have kept their word with the Admiral; and by that means were certain to bring the King to their own bow, and to make such conditions as themselves should think fit: and had they once got Bourdeaux into their clutches, I know not but that they might have kept it as well as Rochel; at least having Rochel and Bourdeaux both in their possession, they might have boasted that they had the best and strongest Angle of the Kingdom, both by Land and Sea, commanding five navigable Rivers, comprising the Charante. And they had once settled betwixt th● Rivers of I'll, Dordogne, Lot, and Garonne, the King must have had four Armies at least to have compelled them to fight; and I will be bold to say, they had the best Country, and two of the best and most capacious Havens of the Kingdom, which are those of Broüage and Bourdeaux.  
I wonder any one should be so indiscreet, 
The importance of Guienne.  as to advise the King, that it would be his best way to coop up the Hugonots in Guienne. 'Tis a dangerous piece to be deprived of, and should the King once lose it, it would be a great while in recovering. But these good Counsellors do it for their own ends, and to remove the War far enough from their own doors; and yet we shall sell it them very dear before they have it. In truth the King ought to make more reckoning of this Province, to hinder the Enemy from getting footing there, and not so to abandon the Country, suffering others to make merry at our misery, to that degree, as to ask, if we yet have beds to lie in. I cannot believe this word could come out of the Queen's mouth, for she has ever had, and yet has a great many very good Servants there; and those Messieurs of France, that jeer at our misfortunes, may have their share in time. The evil is not always at one door. Now this was the result of the Enemy's Council; and it was very well designed. My Brother Monsieur de Valence will bear witness, that a 〈◊〉 person who was assisting at their Councils (when he thought fit) gave us an account of the aforesaid deliberation, which was great; and I believe that had they taken a resolution to drive out all the Catholics, and to have called in all the Hugonots out of France into this Province, which was so much despised when they had once made it their own, they would have had possessions enough to have enriched them all; and moreover all the Gentry of those parts would have been constrained to turn Hugonots, and to take up arms for them; by which means the King would afterwards have had much ado to reduce, and more to reclaim them: for to have made them turn again to our Religion, would have ●een no easy task; forasmuch as after a man is once accustomed to a thing, be it good, or bad, he is very unwilling to leave it: but God would not suffer so great a mischief, both for the King and us, who are his Catholic Subjects.  
This was the advantage that accrued by the breaking of the Bridge, 
The importance of b●eaking the Bridg.  in the judgement of all both Friends and Enemies: and I will be bold to say, that of all the services I ever did for Guienne this was the most remarkable exploit, which proceeded from no other thing, but my resolution to go put myself into Again; for otherwise the Town had been quitted, and the Admiral had come directly thither, and not to Port St. Marry; nor to Aguillon as he was constrained to do. For a consultation being held at Lauserte, it was there concluded, that at their departure from thence, they should go to quarter at Castel-Sagrat, Montjoy, St. Maurin, and Ferussac, and the next day at Again, making full account they should meet with no resistance. Which had it so fallen out, the Admiral would have had elbow-room enough; and betwixt two great Rivers, not only have refreshed his Army at great ease, and in great security; but moreover have made the whole Country sure to him. I know very well that it was told the Admiral by two or three persons in his Army, that in case it was true that I was in Again, they could never get me out but by bits, and that in my life I had committed greater follies than that. And there were who said that they had seen me engage myself in three or four places, the strongest of which was not half so tenable as Again, and had still come off with honour. These who said this, 
The Admiral'● opinion.  might well affirm it with truth, as having been with me in those places. But the Admiral still maintained, that he was confident I had not put myself into Again with any intention to stay there, but that my determination was, so soon as I should hear of his coming to pass the Garonne, and go put myself into Lectoure, saying, he is too old a beaten Soldier to engage himself in so ill a place. The others still affirmed that they would pawn their lives I would not budge from thence; which made the Admiral in the end to adhere to their opinion, and to alter his course directly to Aguillon, extending his Quarters as far as Port. St. Marry, where if they should see, that upon their approach I abandoned the Town, and retreated towards Lectoure, as they believed I would, then advance to Agen. He found in the end that they who maintained I would not stir from thence were better acquainted with my temper, than either he or they, who told him I would retire to Lectoure; and being it was cast in my dish, that for three years I had done nothing to purpose, let every one judge by what I performed in these three years, without money, or either Horse or Foot; had I been supplied with money only to pay the Soldier, or had the King relieved me with the Foot, and Gens-d'armes I desired, whether or no I had not done my work. I think I should have kept the Admiral from watering his horses at the Garonne,, and his Reiters from drinking our Bourdeaux wine: for the Count de Montgommery would never have had leisure to have called them in; and I think I should have dealt pretty well with him.  
The Bridge being broken the Admiral was four or five days in suspense, not knowing which way to turn him, nor what course to take: for besides the Count de Montgommery's Camp, he had moreover the Cornets of Reiters engaged on that side the River towards Gascony, which were those that had passed the River, and were quartered at Labardac, and which he could not imagine which way to draw off from thence, by reason the Rivulet that runs by Parav●s, a Monastery of Religious women, was swelled so high, that not a man either on foot or horseback durst attempt to pass it; and the Count de Montgommery was yet at Condom, and about Nerac, and Bruch. The Admiral then caused a little Bridge upon two Boats to be made, upon which five or six horses could only pass at one time, the Boats being to be haled by a rope after the Italian manner. So soon therefore as the water of the Rivulet began to abate, the Reiters begun to pass over a stone Bridg there is in that place, and drew near to the passage of the Port, where they began to ferry over upon this Bridge of Boats by six and six, or seven and seven at a time at most. Which they found so troublesome, that with all the diligence the Passengers could use, the Boat was always an hour and an half in going to and again, with which great pains and difficulty these three Cornets passed, and were two days in passing over. The Count de Candalle, and Monsieur de la Valette lay at this t●me with eight or ten Cornets of Horse at Staffort, to the first of which, so soon as the Count de Montgommery began to move from Condom, to draw near the River, I writ a Letter, That if his resolution was to fight Montgommery at the Pass, I, with my two Companies of Gens-d'armes, and five hundred Harquebuzeers, would not fail to be at the fight, not to command, but to obey him as much as the meanest Soldier there. He returned me many thanks, sending me answer back, That if it came to that, both he, and all under his Command would obey me: but nevertheless said nothing of my coming to join with them: I understood well enough however by the Letter, that they would have been all glad to have had me with them: but lafoy Croisette who was there, played the Dominus fac totum, and governed all. I therefore sent again to tell them, That in case they had no mind to have me come in person, I would however, if they pleased, send over the two Companies, and the five hundred Harquebuzeeers to join with them. By which any one must discern, that I had not left the Marshal because I would not obey him, since I offered to obey the Count, and Monsieur de la Valette, and even Captain Croisette himself, who was in the greatest authority amongst them.  
I shall not here take upon me to give an account of what they did upon this occasion, by reason I was not there, neither have I much enquired into it, saving that I was told they charged some they met with at their marching out of Bruch, and beat them in again, and I have since heard that the Count de Montgommery was himself then in the Town. How true it was I am not able to say, but I believe they did all that lay in their power to do; for they are sufficiently known, and reputed all for very brave Gentlemen. The Count de Montgommery passed over first his Horse, and then his Foot, one after the other. I sent threescore Light-horse picked out of my own Company, and that of Monsieur de Fontenilles, over the River, with three hundred Harquebuzeers, to make good their retreat, who marched up to a little Village near unto the Ferry called lafoy Rozie, where they killed fifteen or sixteen men, and took twelve or thirteen Horses, giving them so hot an Alarm, that I was since told, had our Horse pushed on to the Pass itself, they had caused three or four hundred to be drowned, for five or six drowned themselves upon this Alarm for haste. And on the Admiral's side he could no way relieve them, for they could not repass above six or seven horse at a time upon the Bridge of Boats, which made them five or six days in ferrying over. This was the plunge and quandary the Admiral was in, to draw off the Count de Montgommery, and three Cornets of Reiters,  
Monsieur de la Chappelle, Vice-Seneschal, and Monsieur de Bouzet had sent me word, that if I would grant a Pass to a certain Huguenot, to whom at their entreaty I had given assurance to live quietly in his own house, he offered to go to Port St. Marry, and inquire out, and discover what way the Admiral intended to take, after the Count de Montgommery should be passed over the River, or whether or no he had any thoughts of making another Bridge; which Pass I accordingly sent, and the same day that the Count made an end of ferrying over, this man returned back to their house, telling and assuring them, that at the Enemy's departure from Port St. Marry, which would be within two or three days after the Army should be got over the River, they would march towards Tholouze, and go to pass at Montauban, 
The Admiral's design against the Tholouzians.  with a resolution to burn all the houses within four leagues round of Tholouze, and especially those of the Precedents and Councillors; and moreover told them that he had learned from a Captain of Horse, they had particulary given to the said Captain of Horse in charge near unto Tholouze called l'Epine, to burn it. To which the forenamed person making answer, that it was one of the most beautiful piles in all that Country, the Captain replied, That if the Master of that House had no other he would be houseless. The said Sieur de Bouzet himself told me all that this person had said to them; of which I immediately advertized the premier Precedent, for to have acquainted the Marshal with it had been to no purpose, and I was very certain he would have given no credit to any information of mine, which made me rather choose to advertise the Precedent, sending him word that he ought to call in Monsieur de la Valette, who was already returned towards Tholouze, and Messieurs de Negrepelice and de Sarlabous; and that they could not have too many good men in the City; for the Enemy talked strange things, which nevertheless I would not repeat, by reason it was but the discourse of the R●bble of their Camp, to which no credit was to be given.  
These were the contents of my Letter, I am confident the Precedent has not lost it, and thus all the Enemies Forces departed from Port St. Marry, 
The Retreat of the Army of the Princes▪  and passed by in the sight of the Castle of Bajaumont, in which was Monsieur the Durfort, Brother to the Sieur de Bajaumont that now is. I sallied out with my two Companies of Gens-d'armes, and saw them all march by within less than a Harquebuze-shot of me, I having no more than eight or ten Horse in my Party, for I had left the Caval●y a little behind, but could not place them so covertly, but that the Enemy saw them very plain; yet not so much as a man came out to discover what we were, but held on their march, and went to quarter that night about Pont de Casse, and drawing towards St. Maurin, quartered themselves about the said St. Maurin, and the adjacent Villages, where they stayed two or three days. Now being the said Sieur de Durfort had seen all their Army, both Horse and Foot pass by, and had had leisure at his ease to number them upon their march, I entreated him to take Post, and to go acquaint his Majesty with the number of their Camp, who amongst other things told me he had discovered a Troop of five or six hundred Horse, who passed by at a little further distance than the rest; the most of which had no Boots, and could therefore be no other than Grooms and Footmen they had mounted only to make a show. I did nothing that I did not first communicate to the Bishop of Again, in whom I did at that time confide as much, or more, than in my own Brother, esteeming him for one of the best friends, and a man of as much integrity and virtue, as any Prelate in France. He is descended from the House of Fregosa of Genoa. I gave instructions to the said Sieur de Durfort, and a Letter of Credence, 
The Sieur de Montluc sends the King intelligence.  which consisted of these heads, That I had sent to his Majesty the Sieur de Durfort, who had had the conveniency exactly to number the Army of the Princes, to deliver a perfect account of all that he had numbered and seen. After which I acquainted his Majesty with the course they steered, and the resolution they went withal, to burn all before them; of which I had also given notice to the priemier Precedent of Tholouze, to acquaint therewith all those who had Houses near unto the City, that they might withdraw their goods, and that they would do well to call in Monsieur de Negrepelice, if he was not already there, together with Messieurs de la Vallette, and de la Sarlabous. In another clause of my Letter to the King I sent word, that the person (I do not here name) of the Religion, who had been in the Enemy's Camp, had brought news to the Sieurs de la Ch●ppelle and de Bouzet, that the Captain of Horse with whom he had conferred, had told him that they had designs upon Montpelier, and Pont St. Esprit, which were sure to take effect, telling his Majesty that I was very well acquainted with the Governor of Montpelier, Monsieur de Castetnau, for whom I would be responsible with my life, but that I knew not him of Pont St. Esprit: but that if his Majesty would please to give a caution to the said Governors to have an eye to those places, it would be a means to awake their diligence, and to make them provide better for their safety and defence. I likewise gave his Majesty to understand, that the Bishop of Again, who was lately come from an Abbey of his in Languedoc, near unto Narbonne, had told me that all the lower Languedoc, from Montpelier to Avignon, were in very great anxiety, having no one in those parts to command them; and had sent to the Marshal to entreat him to send them Monsieur de joyeuse; for provided they had a Chief to head them, they should be enough to defend the Country; and that therefore, if his Majesty thought fit, he might do well to send to the Marshal, to let Monsieur de joyeuse go into the lower Languedoc, he having enough other great Captains about him; for as much as the said Sieur de joyeuse would be there better accepted than any other, as the said Bishop had assured me. I moreover acquainted his Majesty in my said Letter, that if he would please to command the Monsieur to march with the one half of his Army only, we should be able to fight with greater Forces than those of the Princes; and let his Majesty look upon me as the basest fellow that ever bore arms, in case the Monsieur would come but with the one half of his Army, provided he brought his Reiters along with him, if he did not defeat the Princes, and put an end to the War: that in case his Majesty should not think fit the Monsieur should come, let him then command the Prince Dolphin to march with the Army towards the Country of Rouvergue, with whom I would join, and we would find means that the Marshal d'Anville should also join with us, and that then about Tholouze, or which way soever they should move, we would find an opportunity to fight them at our best advantage.  
These were all the heads of my instructions; and to say the truth not a man of them had ever returned into France, unless they had hid their heads in their strong holds, and we had preserved the Country. Had they once been broken, or separated, they would have had much ado ever to have rallied and pieced again. This good Bishop of Again had told me, that he gave Narbonne for lost, and that Monsieur de Rieux the Governor was a Huguenot, that he had driven one of the principal Catholics, to whom all the rest of the Catholics ever addressed themselves out of the City; at which the Inhabitants were almost in despair, insomuch that the Catholic Citizens had writ to the Marshal, to beseech him to write to Monsieur de Rieux to permit him to return into the Town; which said Sieur de Rieux had sent back many excuses, and that he could not do it; whereupon seeing the Marshal cold in their behalf, and that he did not enough interest himself in their concern, to cause the Gentleman to be readmitted, the Catholics had applied themselves to the Parliament, that the Parliament had thereupon remonstrated the Citizen's grievance to the Marshal, who again at their instance had writ to the said Sieur de Rieux; but still to no effect, which had made the people to give themselves absolutely for lost. I told all this to the Sieur de Durfort; not that I had included it in my instructions, and much less that I gave him in Commission to tell it to the King, because perhaps it might not be true, but telling him, that to be more certain, he would do well to ask the Bishop of it, and if he would give him leave from him to tell it to the King. He therefore accordingly enquired of the Bishop touching that affair, who thereupon told him the whole story after the very same manner he had related it to me, and moreover told him, that he would himself write to the King, which he accordingly did; but the said Sieur de Durfort refused to receive the I●etter till first he had seen the Contents, which he therefore showed him, and then the said Sieur took it, ●elling me that he had seen what the Bishop had writ to the King, which was word for word as he had related it to me before. This was all that was comprised in my instructions; for as to any letter of Credence, the said Durfort carried no other from me but only what was contained in those instructions, he telling me freely and plainly, that he would never carry other Letter of Credit, but only Instructions signed and sealed. 
Monsieur de Durfort sent to the King.  And upon this foundation it was, that the Marshal d' Anvil writ that defamatory Letter against me, and had I not been withheld by the respect to those to whom he appertains, and the Rank he held in the Kingdom, I should have tried to have taught him how he gave the Lie, without being first well informed of the truth. I might justly have given it him, forasmuch as the testimony of the King himself, and the Instructions themselves, would have manifested the truth: but it is sufficient that the King and the Queen knew the contrary to what he had couched in his Letter, and that my conscience is absolutely clear. We shall see hereafter whether he or I shall do our Master the best service. He is indeed two advantages over me, he is a great Lord and young, and I am poor and old; I am nevertheless a Gentleman, and a Cavalier, who have never yet suffered an injury, nor ever will do whilst I wear a sword. I am willing to believe, that the forenamed Bishop at that time knew nothing of the design complotted against me; but his wicked Brother came and stayed with him four or five days, and during that time wrought upon him to consent to this virtuous Conspiracy: of which I shall say no more, for God has begun to show his miraculous arm in my revenge, and I have that cons●●lence in him, that I hope he will not stay it there.  
Now the Princes went the same way that I had advertized the Precedent they intended to march, and executed the resolution of burning all the way they wen●. I could wish from my heart that my intelligence had not proved true; for I have been assured by several of very good credit of Tholouze, that the Army of the Princes endamaged them above a million of Livers. I shall not here undertake to give an account of what they did in Languedoc, for I do not pretend to meddle with other men's actions; neither how well the Marshal performed his duty; but shall return to a Letter sent me by the King, that I must go forthwith into Bearn.  
His Majesty sent me a command, that I should gather together all the Forces I was able to make, and that with all possible expedition; which being done, that I must take Artillery from Tholouze, Bayonne, and Bourdeaux, and elsewhere where it was to be had, and go to invade the Country of Bearn. He writ also to the Capitouls of Tholouze, to furnish me with Artillery and Ammunition; but not a syllable of any money, either to pay the Soldier, or to defray the Equipage of the Canon; and God knows whether in such Enterprises any thing ought to be wanting. An Army resembles a Clock, if the least wheel or spring be wanting, all the rest goes very false, or stands still. I therefore sent Espalanques a Bearnois to Court, with ample instructions of all that was wan●ing, and that would be necessary for me to have before I could begin to march. I was constrained to do this, by reason that the Letters his Majesty had sent me about this Expedition were so cold, that it seemed he that contrived them, must either have no great mind to have me go thither, or at least if I went, should be able to do nothing to purpose, or that he was an absolute Ignoramus. However I took no notice of any thing at all to his Majesty, but only desired him to write an Express, and a pressing Letter, and Command to the Capitouls to lend me two pieces of Canon, and one great Culverin, with requisite Ammunition, for which I would be responsible to them; for the Artillery and Ammunition are properly their own. They had already sent me word, that they had no Artillery ready, and much less Ammunition, by reason that Monsieur de Bellegarde had spent most of their stock at Carla, and at puylauren's, and that the Marshal d'Anville had the rest at Mazeres. I writ also to his Majesty, that he would please to command Monsieur de Valence to cause a little money to be delivered to me for one Muster, or at least for half a one for the Foot to buy powder, for that of two years this War had lasted, all the Foot that I had raised in those parts had had but two Musters paid them, and the most of them but one; and also that he would send to Monsieur de Valence to send a Treasurer along with me to defray the Artillery, and whilst I waited in●expectation of Espalanques return, I would take so good and speedy order for the rest, that at his coming back he should find me ready to march.  
These were all the demands I made to the King. His answer was, that he did very much wonder I should so long defer this Expedition, that he had thought I had been already in the Country; 
The King dissatisfied with Monsieur de Montluc.  that if I would proceed no otherwise than hitherto I had done in this affair, he would appoint some other to undertake it, and that for three years passed I had done nothing to purpose. These Letters were ready to break my heart, and withal put me into such a passion, that I was once resolved not to go, but to write to the King to send some other, that had formerly served him better than I, and that might do his business, as Monsieur de Terride had done. Nevertheless I at last thought better on't, and determined not to do it, knowing very well that these Letters proceeded not from his Majesty's nature, neither from the Queens, nor the Monsieurs, for they had all three writ to me in the same stile: I knew very well that this came from the counsel of my Enemies at Court, and that neither the King, the Queen, nor the Monsieur ever writ so tart Letters as those were, to the greatest Enemies they had. I showed them to none but Monsieur de Valence my Brother, for fear lest by my Exemple every one should be frighted from their duty; for all of them generally, of what condition soever, very well knew the contrary of what was laid to my charge, and that I had done very well with the little money I had left me. And then it was that I evidently perceived they intended to lay all the miscarriages that had happened in those parts at my door; having no friends at Court to take my part, or defend me.  
I now see that the greatest Error I committed in my whole life, was that I would have no dependence upon any other, after the decease of my old Master, but the King and the Queen; and find that a man in command is much more secure in depending upon a Monsieur, a Madam, a Cardinal, or a Marshal of France, than either upon the King, the Queen, or the Monsieur; for they will evermore disguise affairs to their Majesties, as they themselves are inclined or think fit, and shall certainly be believed by them all; for they only hear and see with others ears and eyes. 'Tis an ill thing, but it is impossible to help it, and he that has done best shall by this means be left behind: for which reason if I could return to my former Age, I would never care to depend upon the King or the Queen, but upon those who are in greatest favour with them: for though I should behave myself as ill as a man could do, they would cover and conceal my faults, seeing that I only depended upon them, for 'tis their chiefest good, and principal honour, to have servants about them whom they may call their Creatures. If the King would himself only distribute his benefits, he would pair their nails: but whoever has a mind to be taken notice of, and rewarded, let him address himself to Monsieur or Madam, for the King gives them all, and knows not others but by their report. I am sorry I cannot return to my vigorous age, for I should better know how to govern myself than I have hitherto done, and should no more so much build my hopes upon the King, as others that are about him. But I am now grown old, and cannot be young again, and must therefore be content to follow my old humour; for should I now go about to take up another, I should be to seek at which end to begin. 'Tis too late for me to mend, it may serve others though, that I leave behind me; but if the King would be truly a King, and confer no benefits but at the recommendation of his own judgement, oh, how many would be dored in their designs, and frustrated in their expectation!  
I also committed another oversight, in not having one of my Sons always about the King; they were well enough born to be received, and well enough qualified to win their Majesty's esteem. But God took from me my Mark Anthony too soon, and since Captain Montluc, who was slain at the Maderes, either of which would quickly have stopped the mouths of those that durst have censured or calumniated my Actions. Their lies so far off could do me no harm; but were we within a Pikes length one of another, old as I am, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Sons.  I would make their hearts quake in their bellies. Neither did I keep my Sons about me to be idle, but to learn my trade; for the first followed arms, wherein he bravely signalised himself, and followed me in all my Voyages and Expeditions; the second had acquired so great a reputation in Guienne, that it was not my interest to part with him during the War; the third, since his return from Malta, has followed me in these late Wars, and the youngest also. But I shall leave this discourse, which puts me into passion, to return to the Expedition of Bearn. Monsieur de Valence than went to Bourdeaux, to see if there was any money to be got out the Treasury there; from wence he sent me word, that not so much as a single 
* A Liard is a brass Coin containing ● Deniers, the fourth part of a Sol.  Liard was to be had from thence; that nevertheless he had preva●●'● so far as to take up fourteen thousand Livers, which he paid into a certain Commissary that was appointed to attend me, and that in ten day's time he would procure as much more, but that I was not in any wise to expect a penny more; and that the Receiver had been fain to borrow this. Monsieur de Fontenilles went also to Tholouze with my Letter of Attorney, to bind us both to restore, and pay back the Ammunitio●s in case the King should refuse to do it; and upon these terms they lent me a Canon, a Culverin, and some Ammunition. I then dispatched away Messieurs de Montespan, and de Madaillan with a hundred Horse culled out of my own Company of Gens-d'armes, and that of Monsieur de Gondrin, directly to Bayonne, to Convoy the Artillery that the Viscount d'Orthe was to send me from thence; and sent Monsieur de Gondrin to Noguarol to begin to form the Army, and with him Monsieur de Sainctorens, to whom I had given the Command of Marshal de Camp: and I myself stayed four or five days behind to set forwards the Foot and Horse, and to give time to the Commissaries of provisions to go through the Provinces to execute the Orders I had given them, for the advance of victual for the Army, to which end I delayed the time but six days only, after which I went in two days to N●guarol.  
So soon as I came thither we immediately fell to Counsel to deliberate with what places we should first begin. 
A Consultation touching the War of Bearn.  In which Consultation some were of advice, that it would be best to begin with St. S●ver, others said it would be the best course to march directly to Pau: but I was of opinion that I ought in the first place to fall upon Rabasteins', and for these reasons. First, because that beginning with that, I should leave the best Country of Gascony open and free behind me, from thence to be supplied with victual for the Army; and secondly, that Rabasteins' being the strongest Castle, the Queen of Navarre had in her possession, if I should take it by force (which I foresaw I must do, as being confident they would not easily surrender) I would put all to the sword; assuring myself, that that proceeding would strike so great a terror into all the Inhabitants of Bearn, that no place afterwards would dare to abide a Siege, Navarreins only excepted. And on the other side, that those of Tholouze hearing of this good beginning, would not spare to furnish me with any thing I should stand in need of, when they should see that things succeeded well with me; whereas on the contrary, should I begin with St. Sever, I should engage myself in the Lands, a Country only fruitful in sands, where my men would perish for want of bread, and could have no relief from Bourdeaux, though I should take the place. That therefore it was much better to begin with the strongest first, and there suddenly to employ my Forces, than with the weakest, and daily to consume my men, and waste my time to little or no effect. This was what I proposed, which in the end took place in the Council, and was approved by all. But I told them, that above all things, to strike a terror into the Enemy, we must kill all before us which made any opposition, which would make the Capitouls of Tholouze to furnish and supply us with all things necessary, seeing that it was Good hand, good hire.  
This Council was held immediately upon my coming thither, and the next morning before day I took 25 or 30 Horse, and went in all diligence to Dacqs. Monsieur de Gondrin had showed me a Letter, that his Son Monsieur de Montespan had sent him from Bayonne, wherein he sent him word, that the Artillery was not so ready as we believed, but that the Viscount d'Orthe was exceedingly diligent to equip, and make them fit; wherefore so soon as I came to Dacqs I dispatched away two Gentlemen to Monsieur de Montespan, one in the heels of another, to quicken his haste; and writ to the Viscount to entreat him to advance a day or two before, and to try if he could bring Messieurs de Luxe and the Damezan along with him, that we might consult together of what we were best to do: which he accordingly did, bringing the said Sieur de Damazan only in company with him, it being impossible for Monsieur de Luxe to return so soon to Dacqs; where I laid before the said Sieur de Damezan what had been debated amongst us in the Council at Noguarol, and my opinion, which was there also allowed by all to be the best, and particularly by Monsieur de Damezan; who told me, that should we march directly to St. Sever, it would be impossible to get one Basque out of the Province, by reason they would be necessitated to pass the waters in the Enemy's Country: but if I went to begin there where I intended, I should no sooner be arrived at Nay, but all the Country of the Basques, 
The Siege of Rabasteins' concluded.  and the Valleys of Sault and Daspe would infallibly come in to me. I was very glad to find him of my opinion, but I was constrained to stay three days at Dacqs before the Artillery came up to me. At my departure thence I left two pieces of Canon with the Viscount d'Orthe, with Ammunition proportionable, with which he was to march directly to Pa●, so soon as ever he could hear I had taken Ra●asteins, it being further concluded, that at the same time I should begin to march, I should send two Companies of Gens-d'arms to meet him with two others of Foot that were at Mont de Marsan, to join with a thousand he had already with him, what of his own Tenants, and those of Labour. I l●ft him also Monsieur d' Amou to be assisting to him, with some other Gentlemen of the Country about Dacq●, which being done, I set forward, marching with the Artillery day and night.  
Monsieur de Montamat, the Queen of Navarre's Lieutenant in that Country, was put to a very great Dilemma at this preparation, and could not possibly divine which way I would take, whether directly to Pa●, or to Rabasteins'; for as for St. Sever, he perceived very well by my motion, that I had no thoughts of going that way: but expected I should march ●●ther directly to the said Rab●steins, or else to Pau. I made so good haste, that in two days and two nights, with four pieces of Canon, a great Culverin, and two Bastards I arrived at Noguarol; where Messieurs de Gondrin and de Sainctorens joining with me, we marched directly to Rabasteins', and in three days with the greatest part of our Horse and Foot came before the Town. It continually reigned, insomuch that all the Rivers were full, which was the reason that the Artillery could not come before Rabasteins' so soon as the Army; but immediately upon my arrival I took Commissary Fredeville and the Sieur de Leb●ron, who in the morning before day had been to discover the place, as Captain St. Col●mbe, Monsieur de Basillac, and other Gentlemen of the Country had also done, whom I found of contrary opinions, and in great dispute, touching the manner of the Siege, some of them saying that we must first take the Town, and from within to batter the Castle; the others, and especially all those of Bearn maintained, that I ought to attaque the Castle from without, and Fredeville himself was of that opinion: but I would see it myself; for in such matters I would never trust to any one, and a good besieger of places ought to proceed after that manner; and to that end, taking only the beforenamed Fredeville and de Leb●ron along with me, 
The Sieur de Montluc goes to discover Rabasteins'.  went myself to discover the place, where though they plied me lustily with their shot, they did not hinder me nevertheless from viewing every part at my own leisure, till at last I withdrew myself out of the storm of Harquebus shot into a little thatched house close by the Castle; and there I made de Fred●ville confess, that we were first to attaque the Town, and from within, the Castle; after which we returned one after another running, for it was hot standing still, and went to conclude with Messieurs de Gondrin, de Basillac, de Savigna●, de Sainctorens, de Montespan, de Maidaillan, and Captain Paucillac Colonel of the Infantry, to attaque the Town.  
The remainder of the day I employed in causing Gabions and Bavins to be made, and by break of day the next morning had the Artillery planted in Battery before the Town, which in a very few volleys made a Breach. The Enemy had no intention to keep the Town, for they had filled all the houses with straw and faggots, which so soon as they saw our people coming on to the Assault, they gave fire to in an instant, and ran away men, women, and children to put themselves into the Castle. Our men did what they could to save the Town from being burnt, but they shot so furiously from the Castle, that it was impossible to hinder the greatest part of it from being consumed to ashes. The night following I brought the Artillery into the Town, and began to batter some Lodgings on the left hand, at the end of which was a Turret that covered the Draw-bridg and the Gate of the Castle; and by Evening the said Buildings were opened, and the Turret beaten down to the Ground. In the morning by break of day we began to batter the great Tower where the Clock was, which whilst we were doing our Soldiers gained the Gate of the Town, which was within ten paces or less of that of the Castle, and that looked a little into their false-Brayes: but there was a great Terrace a Pike height, and as much in thickness, made of Bavins after the manner of a Rampire that covered their Draw-bridg, so that our people could not do them so muc● harm as they did us; to remedy which inconvenience we made a Blind of some barrels and planks in that place, which something secured our men that lay before the said Portal. All day long our Artillery battered the face of the Tower, and in the end the said Tower was opened, after which I made them shoot from the other Battery, which played into the Castle, till the next day, which was the third, at noon, but could see no issue of the business. At this time Monsieur de Fontenilles and Captain Moret came with the piece of Canon, and the great Culverin from Tholouze; but they did us no service at all, for the Culverin burst in an hundred pieces, and the Canon was cracked.  
I than caused two pieces of Canon to be removed to the left hand close by the Wall of the Town that pointed upon the other Face of the Castle upon the left; wherein my intention was, if I could, to make the Tower fall on our side, which if I could effect, it would choke up the Ditch that was full of water, and fill the false-Brayes on that side, by which means we might go on to the Assault over the ruin, which I made account would infallibly fill the Graft, for the Tower was very high. All the fourth day I battered the face of this Tower with these two pieces of Canon, and in the end beat it down, so that nothing remained standing, but the right side, and the corners. I than caused them to shoot at the first Corner which looked towards the Artillery I had first planted on the left hand, and with two pieces that I was all night removing, at the other Corner that looked towards the Town. In ten or twelve shots the Coins was broken, and the Tower fallen on our side, exactly in the place where I would have it: but how high, or how thick soever the Tower was, it did not so wholly ●ill the Graft, but that we were to descend a great way into it. It is true, that the ruins had drunk up the water, and filled a good part of the Ditch, but not so that we were not yet to go very low. The fifth day at night the Sieur de Basillac, and the Baron de St. Lary, brought me fifty or threescore Pioners, for all mine were stolen away, and fled; and they had raised these amongst their own Tenants, upon their own Estates which lay hard by. I gave these fellows to Monsieur de Leberon, and Captain Montaut his Brother-in-law, with thirty or forty Soldiers that the Captains l' Artigue and Solles made to take upon them the office of Pioners, their Captains themselves assisting them at the work. The service they were employed about was to take away the Terrace, that the Artillery might look into the Draw-bridg, and batter the side of it, and that the Ball might pass all along by the Flank, and into the Courtine along the Breach within. The Enemy had also made a Barricado in the Chambers above, so that a man could not possibly see any thing on one of the two sides. I gave the charge of removing the two pieces of Canon to the place where Monsieur de Leberon drew away the Terrace to the Viscount d'llza, and myself went to take a little repose, for this was the fifth night that I had not had a whole hour of sleep. By break of day I heard the two Canons play, but could not believe it possible that in that one night all the Terrace could be removed, at least all that was in our way. Our Artillery began to play its feats all along this Flank, and it cost us a great many shot to break this Barricado, which did us infinite mischief, for they shot desperately into our Canon. I than made the Viscount d'Vza, Monsieur de Leberon, and Captain Montaut to go to rest, and left Monsieur de Basillac to assist the Artillery. After this we caused a hole to be made in the Wall of the Town close by our Artillery, that we might come to it in security from without, for from within it was impossible without being killed or wounded. The fourth day of our Siege I had given to Captain Bahus the charge of causing Gabions to be made, who had accordingly taken great pains, and been very diligent in the execution of his Command; but he had caused them to be made so little, that the wind of the Canon had presently shaked them all to pieces, an error that a man must take care to avoid.  
Our Cavalry all this while was quartered in Villages a league and a half from the Leaguer, where there was accommodation of Hay and Oats for the Horses, with instruction and command to be every night all night long in the field, to prevent any relief from getting in: for the very day that we came to Rabasteins', we had taken a great Packet of Letters sent by Monsieur de Montamat, 
Monsieur de Montamat's Letters taken.  to the Viscount de Caumont, Monsieur d' Audax, and several other Gentlemen to the number of thirty or forty Letters; wherein he solicited them if ever they desired to do an opportune and signal service for the Queen of Navarre, and the Prince, to come succour the Country of Bearn; for that they were not strong enough to defend the Country if they did not come in to their relief: that he had already writ to them twice or thrice, but had received no answer, that therefore he should send him word when they should be ready, and he would in one night make so long a march as to come and join with them, immediately to march altogether into Bearn; or that otherwise he must be constrained to abandon the open Country, wa●ting Forces to make head against us; and that he saw he had not now to do with Monsieur de Terride. The reading of which Letters made us to pitch upon the following resolution.  
First, To send to the Baron de Larbous, that he should bring Monsieur de Gramont's Company of Gens-d'arms from the higher Comenge, to come and join with us, that in so doing, he should make a halt thereabouts where the relief was of necessity to pass, and that night and day he should keep his Horse upon the Avenues, to give us continual advertisement of the Enemy's motion; and that he should not off●r to hinder their passage, but let them pass by, and only put himself in their Rear. I then dispatched away Captain Maussan, a Gentleman of my own Company, to go to the Valleys by which the Enemy was to pass, giving him order with the 
* A rude kind of Alarm given to a whole Country, by ringing and ●inking of Pots, Kee●les and Basins.  Ba●●sain to raise all the people of the Valleys and Villages, and join himself to the Baron de Larbous to fall into their Rear. Thus much for the Recruits we expected to come in to us; now on our side, our Cavalry was every night on horseback, and we had Scouts out continually as far as Nay, for Monsieur de Montamat was of necessity to pass over the Bridge of the said Nay to go meet his relief, and in case we had not taken the Castle before the said Montamat and his Succours should unite, 
Order to hinder the relief of Rabast●ins.  Monsieur de Gondrin with twenty Light-horse, and four Ensigns of Foot, was to stay with the Artillery, and I with the rest of the Camp, when the news of their approach was brought to us, was to march day and night to go and fight them. This was the Order we had concluded on, had any Forces come to relieve them, making account that in case we defeated their Succours, the whole Country of Bearn was our own. Which I have here set down, and informed my reader withal, that others may take exemple by it, when they shall be engaged upon the like occasion; the young Captains I mean, for the old Soldiers know well enough they are to proceed after this manner. My deliberation moreover was, the Castle being taken, to dispatch away a Gentleman who should post it day and night to the King, to carry his Majesty news of the success, to the end that he might send some Gentleman to the Marshal d' Anvil, who was about Montpelier, following the trace of the Enemy, (where I have not heard of any great harm he did) to bid him write to those of Tholouze to send me eight pieces of Canon, of twelve of Narbonne, that were yet at the said Tholouze, 
Design for the Conquest of Bearn.  and order him to direct his Letters to the Parliament and the Capitouls, to move them forthwith to defray the charge of conveying the said pieces of Canon to me. Which whilst it was in doing we would go attaque another Castle within two little Leagues of Rabasteins', which was not very strong, and from thence would go to pass the Gave at a Foard above Nay, very well known to the Bearnois Gentlemen in our Camp, and take Nay, there to establish our Magazine of victual, and to receive Messieurs de Luxe, and de Damazan, the Viscount de Chaux, and d' Almabarix, with the Basques they were to bring in to us, and so to march before Pau, where the Viscount d'Orthe was to come with the two pieces of Canon, and the Culverin had been left in his hands at Dacqs; being confident that all the Country, some for good will, and the rest for fear of their lives and estates, would immediately surrender to us. That having taken Pau, and the eight pieces of Canon being come to us from Tholouze, we would then march before Navarr●ins, and whoever would have put me to my Oath, whether I should have taken it or no, I should rather have sworn I should than I should not, for we had with us Gentlemen of Bearn and Bigorre, and principally Monsieur de Basillac, who had commanded at the Siege of Navarreins for Monsieur de Terride, who both then said, and have since affirmed, that had we assaulted Navarreins as briskly as we did Rabasteins', we should have carried that with less difficulty than the other; every one that knew them both concluding that Rabasteins' was by much the stronger place.  
But as men design, and God disposeth as seemeth best to him the Events of things, he was pleased to order it very much contrary to what we proposed to ourselves: for the fifth day of the Siege, 
1562.  the 23, of july, in the year 1562. upon a Sunday about two of the clock in the afternoon, I resolved to give an assault, the Order whereof was after the manner following. 
Order for the Assault.  That Monsieur de Sanctorens Marshal de Camp should lead the Companies one after the other up to the Breach, which that he might the better do without confusion, I ordered all the Companies to be drawn by four and four together out of the Town, which upon pain of death were not to stir from their places till Monsieur de Sainctorens should come to fetch them, who was to stay three quarters of an hour betwixt every leading up, and in that manner to conduct all the Companies one after another; and it was also ordered, that the two Captains who were upon the Guard by the Breach, which were l' Artigues, 
The Canon abandoned.  and Salles of Bearn should go on first to the Assault. As I was setting down this Order one came in haste to tell me, that the two Canons that battered the Flank, and that had been removed in the night, were forsaken, and not a man durst show himself upon the Battery, by reason the Artillery itself had ruined all the Gabions. I therefore left it to Messieurs de Gondrin and the Sainctorens to conclude the Order of the Fight, that is to say, that the Companies should go on successively one after another, which was to be set down in writing, and myself ran on the outside to the whole of the wall, where I found only ten or twelve Pioners squat with their bellies close to the ground; for Tibauville the Commissary of the Artillery, who had the charge of those two pieces of Canon, had been constrained to quit them, and even Monsieur de Basillac himself. Seeing then this disorder, I unbethought myself of a great number of Bavins I had the day before caused to be brought into the Town, and said to the Gentlemen who were with me these words: 
The words of the Sieur de Montluc playing the Pioneer.  I have heard, and always observed, that there is no labour, nor danger, that Gentlemen will ever refuse; follow me therefore I beseech you, and do as you shall see me do? They did not stay to be entreated, and so we went in great haste directly to the Bavins that were within the Town, and lay in the middle of a Street there where not a man durst abide, and there I took a Bavin and laid it upon my shoulder, as also every Gentleman took one, and there were a great many who carried two apiece; after which manner we returned out of the Town by the same way we entered in, and thus I marched before them till we came to the hole. By the way as we were going I had given order, that they should bring me four or five Halbardeer, which at my return I found already arrived at the hole, and made them enter into it. We threw them the Bavins into the hole, which they took with the points of their Halberds, and ran to throw them upon the Gabions to raise them. I dare be bold to affirm with truth that we were not above a quarter of an hour about this work, and so soon as ever the Canon was covered, Tibauville and the other Cannoneers returned into the Battery, where they began to shoot with greater fury than of all the days before, every clap almost overtaking another, every one assisting them with great cheerfulness. If, Captains, you shall do the same, and yourselves first put your hands to the work, you will make every one follow your exemple, very shame will push and force them on: and when the service is hot in any place, if the Chief do not go in person, or at least some eminent man, the rest will go very lamely on, and murmur when a man sends them to slaughter. And if you covet honour, you must sometimes tempt danger as much as the meanest Soldier under your Command.  
I will deprive no man of his due honour; for I think I have assisted at as many Batteries as any man this day alive, and must needs say this, that I never saw Commissaries of the Artillery more diligent and adventurous than both Fredeville and Tibauville showed themselves during the whole five days that the Battery continued, in my whole life; for they themselves both levelled, and fired, though they had as good Cannoneers as ever I saw handle Linstock in my days; and I dare be bold to say, that of a thousand Canon shot we made against this place not ten failed of their effect, or were spent in vain.  
In the morning I sent for Monsieur de Gohas, who was at Vic-Bigorre, and the Captains who were set to have an eye to Montamat, and the Succours expected by him, writing to him to come away that he might be with me at the Assault, by reason that Captain Paulliac Colonel of the Infantry was so dangerously wounded, 
Captain Paulliac ●●●ot.  that we had no hopes of his life. He received his shot at the time when I went overnight to carry Messieurs de Leberon and de Montaut to cut off the great Counterscarp, which shot went quite through his Body. 
Fabia● de Montluc ●hot.  My Son Fabian was also shot in the chin, and two Soldiers close by my side. I there committed a very great error, for I went in the evening before it was dark, and I believe they were aware that we intended to cut the Counterscarp, for all their Harquebuzeers were run together to that place; and the reason why I committed this error was, that having computed with myself how many hours the night was long, I found that it was not above seven hours or thereabouts; and on the other side I saw that in half an hour I should lose all that I had done, if the Counterscarp was not pulled down by break of day, and in that case I should think fit to give an assault that day, they would be so strongly rampired and fortified, that with as many more Canon shot as I had made against the place, it would be a matter of very great difficulty to enter. This was the reason why I made so much haste to go and begin the work, that I might have it perfected by break of day; where I recommended the care of it to Messieurs de L●beron and de Montaut, and the two Captains upon the Guard, by telling them that in their diligence our victory wholly consisted. And in truth they slept not, as I have already said, for by break of day the Artillery began to play, and the Counterscarp was wholly pulled down.  
O Comrades, you who shall go to besiege places, you cannot but confess, that both here and in several other places, my Erterprises and Victories have succeeded more from my vigilancy and prompt execution than my valour, and I on my part am willing to confess, that there was in the Camp braver men than I. But no one can be a Coward that has these three things; for from these three all the Combats and Victories proceed, and all valiant men choose to follow Captains that are provided with these three qualities. And on the other side he cannot be called hardy, let his heart be never so good, if he be tardy, backward, and slow in execution: for before he has fixed his resolution, he has been so long deliberating about it, that the Enemy is advertized of what he intends to do, and consequently is provided to prevent his design: but if he be quick he shall even surprise himself. So that there is no great confidence to be reposed in a Chief that is not ●ndu'd with these three qualities, vigilancy, promptitude, and valour. If a man examine all the great Warriors that have ever been, he will find that they had all those qualities. Alexander did not in vain bear the Device I have mentioned before. Examine Caesar's Commentaries, and all the Authors that have writ of him, you will find that in his life he fought two and fifty Battles without ever losing any, saving that of Dirachium; but within thirty days he had a sufficient revenge against Pompey, for he won a great Battle, and defeated him. You will not find that in these two and fifty Battles he ever fought three times in his own person, that is, with his own hand, though he was always present there; by which you will understand, that all his Victories were the effects of his conduct, for being diligent, vigilant, and a prompt executer of his designs. But for all this, these qualities are rarely found, and I believe we Gascons are better provided of them than any other people of France, or perhaps of Europe, and many good and great Captains have gone out of it within these fifty years. I shall not compare myself to them, but this I will say of myself, because it is true, that my Master never lost any thing by my sloth or remissness. The Enemy thought me a league off when I came to beat up his Quarters. And if diligence be required in all exploits of war, it is much more in a Siege, for a very little thing will serve to overthrow a great design. If you press your Enemy you redouble his fear, he will not know where he is, nor have leisure to recollect himself. Be sure to wake whilst others sleep, and never leave your Enemy without something to do.  
I shall now return to the Assault; our Order being set down, I went and placed myself at the Gate of the Town near unto the Breach, where I had all the Gentlemen with me, of which there might be six or seven score, and still more came up to us, for Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzieres, who came from Querry, brought a great Troop of Gentlemen along with him. I shall here relate one thing of my own presage, which is perfectly true, That it was impossible for all the friends I had to dispossess me of an opinion I had, that I should in this Assault be killed or wounded by a shot in some part of my head; and out of that conceit was once half in a mind not to go to the Assault, knowing very well that my death would at this time be of ill consequence, if not to the Enterprise in hand, yet to the general design upon that Country; this fancy therefore still running in my head the morning before the Assault was to be given, I said to Monsieur de Las the King's Advocate at Again, who was of our Council, these words. Monsieur de 'Las, there are some who have exclaimed, and do yet cry out that I am very rich; you know of all the money I have to a Den●●r, for by my Will, to which you are a witness, you are sufficiently informed of my Estate. But seeing the world are not otherwise to be persuaded but I have a great deal of money, and that consequently, if by accident I should die in this Assault, they would demand of my Wife four times as much as I am worth, I have here brought a particular of all the money I have at this day in the whole world, as well abroad at Interests, as at home in the custody of my Wife. The account is of my Steward Barat 's drawing, and signed by my own hand. You are my friend, I beseech you therefore if I die, that you and the Councillor Monsi●ur de Nort will transfer your love and friendship to my Wife and my two Daughters, and that you will have a care of them, especially Charlotte Catherine, who had the honour to be Christened by the King and the Queen his Mother. Which having said, I delivered the Scroll into his hands, and very well perceived that he had much ado to refrain weeping. By this you may judge if I had not the misfortune that befell me before my eyes. I have no familiar spirit, but few misfortunes have befallen me in the whole course of my life that my mind has not first presaged. I still endeavoured to put it out of my fancy, resigning all things to the good will of God, who disposes of us as seems best to his own wisdom, neither did I ever do otherwise, what ever the Hugonots my Enemies have said or written to the contrary against me.  
So soon as two of the clock, the hour prefixed for the assault, was come, I caused eight or ten Bottles of wine, that Madam de Panjas had sent me, to be brought out, which I gave the Gentlemen, 
Monsieur de Montlucs Speech to the Gentlemen going on to the Assault.  saying, Let us drink Comrades: for it must now soon be seen which of us has been nursed with the best milk. God grant that another day we may drink together; but if our last hour be come, we cannot frustrate the decrees of Fate. So soon as they had all drunk, and encouraged one another, I made them a short Remonstrance in these words, saying, Friends and Companions, we are now ready to fall on to the Assault, and every man is to show the best he can do. The men who are in this place, are of those who with the Count de Montgommery destroyed your Churches, and ruined your houses; You must make them disgorge what they have swallowed of your Estates. If we carry the place, and put them all to the sword, you will have a good bargain of the rest of Bearn. Believe me they will never dare to stand against you. 
The Assault.  Go on them in the name of God, and I will immediately follow. Which being said I caused the Assault to be sounded, and the two Captains immediately fell on; wheresome of their Soldiers and Ensigns did not behave themselves very well. Seeing then that those were not likely to enter, Monsieur de Sainctorens marched up with four Ensigns more, and brought them up to the Breach, which did no better than the former, for they stopped four or five paces short of the Counterscarp, by which means our Canon was nothing hindered from playing into the Breach, which made those within duck down behind it. I then presently perceived, that some body else, and other kind of men than the Foot must put their hands to the work; which made me presently forget the conceit I had of being killed or wounded, and said to the Gentlemen these words. Comrades, no body knows how to fight but the Nobless, and we are to expect no victory but by our own hands, let us go then, I will lead you the way, and let you see that a good horse will never be resty. Follow boldly, and go on without fear, for we cannot wish for a more honourable death. We defer the time too long, let us fall on. I than took Monsieur de Gohas by the hand, to whom I said, Monsieur de Gohas, I will that you and I fight together, I pray therefore let us not part; and if I be killed or wounded, never take notice of me, but leave me there, and push forward, that the Victory however may remain to the King: and so we went on as cheerfully as ever I saw men go on to an Assault in my life, and looking twice behind me, saw that the Gentlemen almost touched one another, they came up so close. There was a large Plain of an hundred and fifty paces over, or more, all open, over which we were to march to come up to the Breach, which as we passed over, the Enemy fired with great fury upon us all the way, and I had ●ix Gentlemen shot close by me. One of which was the Sieur de Besoles; his shot was in his arm, and so great a one, that he had like to have died of his wound; the Viscount de Labatut was another, and his was in his leg: I cannot tell the names of the rest, because I did not know them. Monsieur de Gohas had brought seven or eight along with him, and amongst the rest Captain Savaillan the elder, of which three were slain, and the sad Captain Savaillan wounded with a Harquebus shot quite through the face. There were also hurt one Captain du Plex, another Captain la Bastide, both Kinsmen of mine about Villeneufue, who had always served under Monsieur de Brissac, one Captain Rantoy of Damasan, and Captain Sales of Bearn, who had before been wounded with the thrust of a Pike in the Eye. There were two little Chambers about a Pike height or more from the ground, which Chambers the Enemy so defended both above and below, that not a man of ours could put up his head without being seen; however our people began to assault them with a great shower of stones, which they poured in upon them, and they also shot at us, but ours throwing downwards had the advantage of this kind of ●ight. Now I had caused three or four Ladders to be brought to the edge of the Graft, and I as turned about to call for two of them to be brought to me, 
The Sieur de Montluc shot.  a Harquebuze-shot clapped into my face, from the corner of a Barricado joining to the Tower, where I do not think there could be four Harquebuzeers, for all the rest of the Barricado had been beaten down by our two Canon that played upon the Flank. I was immediately all over blood, for it gushed out at my mouth, nose, and eyes; whereupon Monsieur de Gohas would have caught me in his arms, thinking I would fall, but I said, Let me alone, I shall not fall, follow your point. Upon this shot of mine almost all the Soldiers and the Gentlemen began to lose courage, and to retire, which made me cry out to them, though I could scarce speak, by reason of the torrent of blood that pashed out at my mouth and nose; Whither will you go? Gentlemen, whither will ye go? will ye be terrified for me? do not flinch nor forsake the sight, for I have no hurt, and let every one return to his place; in the mean time hiding the blood in the best manner I could; and to Monsieur de Gohas I said, Monsieur de Gohas, take care I beseech you that the Soldiers be not discouraged, and renew the Assault. I could no longer stay there, for I began to faint, and therefore said to the Gentlemen, I will go get myself dressed, but if you love me, let no one follow, but revenge me: Which having said I took a Gentleman by the hand, I cannot tell his name, for I could scarce see him, and returned by the same way I cain, where by the way I found a little Horse of a Soldiers, upon which by the Gentleman's assistance I mounted as well as I could, and after that manner was conducted to my Lodging; where I found a Chirurgeon of Monsieur de Gohas, called Maistre Simon, who dressed me, and with his fingers (so wide were the Orifices of the wound) pulled out the bones from my two Cheeks, and cut away a great deal of flesh from my face, which was all bruised and torn.  
Monsieur de Gramond was upon a little Eminence hard by, looking on at his ease, who being of this new Religion, though he had never born arms against the King, had no mind to meddle amongst us. He was aware how upon my hurt all the Soldiers were disheartened, and said to those who were with him, There is some eminent person slain, see how the Soldiers are discouraged, I am afraid it is Monsieur de Montluc, and therefore said to one of his Gentlemen called Monsieur de Sart, Go run and see who it is, and if it be he, and that he is not dead, tell him that I entreat him to give me leave to come and see him. The said Sieur de Sart is a Catholic, who accordingly came, and at his entering into the Town he heard that it was I that was hurt, and coming to my Lodging found my people weeping for me, and me tumbled upon a Pallet upon the ground; where he told me that Monsieur de Gramont begged leave that he might come to see me. To which I made answer, That there was no unkindness betwixt Monsieur de Gramont and me, and that if he pleased to come, he would find that he had as many friends in our Camp, and peradventure more than in that of their Religion. He was no sooner gone from me, but Monsieur de Madaillan my Lieutenant, who had marched on the one hand of me when I went on to the Assault, as Monsieur de Gohas did on the other, came to see if I was dead, and said to me; Sir, Cheer up your spirits, 
Rabasteins' taken by storm  and rejoice, we have entered the Castle, and the Soldiers are laying about them, who put all to the sword: and assure yourself we will revenge your wound. I then said to him, Praised be God that I see the Victory ours before I die. I now care not for death. I beseech you return back, and as you have ever been my friend, so now do me that act of friendship not to suffer so much as one man to escape with life. Whereupon he immediately returned, and all my servants went along with him, so that I had no body left with me but two Pages, Monsieur de Las, and the Chirurgeon. They would fain have saved the Minister, and the Governor, whose name was Captain Ladon, to have hanged them before my Lodging, but the Soldiers took them from those who had them in their custody, whom they had also like to have killed for offering to save them, and cut them in a thousand pieces. They made also fifty or threescore to leap from the high Tower into the Moat, which were there all drowned. There were two only saved who were hid, and such there were who offered four thousand Crowns to save their lives, but not a man of ours would hearken to any Ransom; and most of the women were killed, who also did us a great deal of mischief with throwing stones. There was found within a Spanish Merchant whom the Enemy had kept prisoner there, and another Catholic Merchant also, who were both saved; and these were all that were left alive of the men that we found in the place, namely the two that some one helped away, and the two Catholic Merchants. Do not think, you who shall read this Book, that I caused this slaughter to be made so much out of revenge for the wound I had received, as to strike terror into the Country, that they might not dare to make head against our Army. And in my opinion all Soldiers in the beginning of a Conquest ought to proceed after that manner, with such as are so impudent as to abide Canon; he must bar his ears to all Capitulation and Composition, if he do not see great difficulties in his Enterprise, and that his Enemy have put him to great trouble in making a Breach. And as severity (call it cruelty if you please) is requisite in case of a resolute opposition, so on the other side mercy is very commendable, and fit, if you see that they in good time surrender to your discretion.  
Monsieur de Gramond than came to visit me, and found me in a very ill condition, for I had much ado to speak to him, by reason of the great quantity of blood that issued from my mouth; Monsieur de Gohas also immediately after him came back from the fight to see me; saying, Take comfort Monsieur, and cheer up, upon my word we have sufficiently revenged you, for there is not one man left alive. He thereupon knew Monsieur de Gramond, and saluted him, who after they had embraced, entreated him to carry him to the Castle, which he did, 
The Fortress of Rabasieins.  where Monsieur de Gramond found the taking of it exceeding strange, saying he could never have believed this place had been near so strong, and that had I attaqu'd Navarreins it would have been more easily taken. He would then needs see all the removes I had made of the Canon, which having seen, he said, it had not been requisite that we should have omitted any thing of the Battery. About an hour after he returned, where he offered me a House of his hard by, and all other things in his power, and has since told me, that at that time, and in the condition he then saw me, he never thought I could have lived till the next day, and believed he had taken his leave of me for ever. All that day, and all that night I bled continually, and the next morning sent to entreat all the Captains to come and see me, which they did, where having recovered a little heart, and being able to speak with greater ease than before, I made them the following short Oration.  

Gentlemen, 
Monsieur de Montlucs Harangue to his Officers after his being hurt.   
my Companions and Friends, I am not so much concerned at my own misfortune, nor the pain I endure, as I am to see the King's affairs disordered by this accident, and myself constrained to leave you. I did not conceal from you the design I had in this Execution, you all of you heard it. I beseech you therefore that for me you stop not the Career of your victory, but push your fortune still on, for the execution we have done upon these people will strike a terror into all the Country of Bearn: and I am confident you will meet with no resistance but at Navarreins. Lose not then this opportunity that God has given you; for if you do, all the world will say, that your Courages only depended upon mine, and that you can do nothing without me, which though it would be a singular commendation for me, yet I would be very sorry to have it said, out of the honour and friendship I bear to you, which makes me as jealous of your reputation as my own. Make than I beseech you no more account of me than if I was already dead.   
At which word I observed most of the Company with tears in their eyes; and having paused a little to take breath, pursued my discourse in these words. You are here a great many Captains as able to command as I, and you have good and valiant men, who will now redouble their courages to revenge their Chief. I assure myself there is none of you but will give place to Monsieur de ●ondrin, as well out of deference to his Birth, as also in regard he is the eldest Captain amongst you. And seeing he is a little infirm, I entreat you Monsieur de Sainctorens, and you Messieurs de Goas and de Madaillan to be continually about him, that the Conduct of this Expedition may be ordered by your discretion; for he you see is old, and therefore you who are young must take the pains. And since you are all men of courage, and all aim at one common end, which is his Majesty's service, and the advancement of his affairs, maintain, I beseech you a strict and inviolable friendship with one another. My wound, if you perform brave exploits, will be the occasion of your acquiring honour for yourselves; and for God's sake my beloved Friends, do not give over this Enterprise in the beginning, and at a time when you ought most to pursue it. Follow your blow in this astonishment of the Enemy, and make it manifest that it was not I alone, but every one of you also, who have an honourable share in the victory. Are you not content with the Election I have made for you of Monsieur de Gondrin? and are you not willing to accept him for your Chief? to which they all made answer that they were, and that it was all the reason in the world he should command. Which having all declared, I entreated them to see me no more, that they might not increase my Fever, but all retire themselves to him, and so they sorrowfully departed from me.  
One thing (Lieutenants of Provinces) I can say, and that without bragging or lying, that never any man in my Command was better beloved of the Nobless than I, and though I was of a peevish choleric nature, yet so it was that they bore with my inperfections, knowing that I did nothing out of malice. O 'tis an excellent quality that in a Chief! and believe me what great Lord soever you are, if you do not win the love of the Nobless, the Officers and Soldiers, you will never do any thing to purpose. And if your passion sometimes make you say, or do any thing you should not do, (for we are all men) you must repair it. I would fain see any of those Messieurs of France who censure our actions in governing the Nobless of Gascony, undertake the Government, to see if they could so easily, and at all turns manage those Gentlemen as they pretend. There was yet another thing that has evermore preserved me the friendship not of the Gentlemen only, but of all those who served under my command, which was that I never thought any thing too dear for my Captains and Soldiers. I have often when I was but Captain myself given away my arms and my clothes when I saw any one in need. 
Liberality a quality necessary in a Chief.  For a Pike, a Halberd, a grey Hat and a Feather, I have gained the hearts of some to that degree that they would have run into the fire for me; neither was my Purse ever tied up in my Companions necessity, and yet they say I am covetous! He that says so of me is nothing acquainted with my nature; and it is the vice, of all others, that I have the least been polluted withal I dare say that in this last War only I have given to the Lords and Gentlemen under my Command eleven Spanish Horses, and two Coursers. Which that no one may think to be a lie, I shall name the persons to whom I gave them; not to reproach them with it nevertheless; for they did me honour in accepting them.  
First, I gave a Courser to Monsieur de Brassac, who followed me in all these Wars at his own charge (a Gentleman of ten thousand Livers a year, but the Enemy ever kept from him all the Estate he had in Xaintonge and Chalosse) for which Courser he would not now take 400 Crowns. I gave another Courser to Captain Cosseil, who bare arms with me twenty years, and was Captain Charry's Lieutenant, after he had first been my Ensign. I gave to Monsieur de Madaillan, who was my Lieutenant, a Spanish Horse he would not part with for 400 Crowns, and another to his Brother he would not now sell for five. I presented the Chevalier de Romegas with a Spanish Horse that co●● me two hundred threescore and fifteen Crowns. I gave also to Mong●ieral Sieur de Ca●elles 200 Crowns to buy him a Horse, because his won had been hurt at St. Foy. He is a poor Gentleman, but very valiant, as Monsieur de Sansac will witness, who is one of the oldest, bravest, and most prudent Captains of this Kingdom. And because he had another Horse that unluckily died, I gave him a Spanish Horse, a tall and strong one to carry Barbs, which after the Peace he sold for 1600 Crowns. Captain de la Bastide had another Spanish Horse of me, and the younger Beauville my Brother-in-law another, by reason his h●d been killed under him in a Sally he had made upon the Enemy. I gave another to Captain Mauzan, a Gentleman of my own Company, by reason that in a Rencounter he had near unto R●q●efort, his had been killed betwixt his legs, and himself, his Brother, and Brother-in-law all wounded. I gave another to Captain Romain a man at Arms of my Company, a poor Gentleman, but a man of extraordinary valour. I gave another to Captain Fabian, he having lost his horse in his return from Court, for which I had often refused 500 Crowns. And yet another to Captain Mons my Guidon, a poor Gentleman who had lain a whole year in prison at Montauban, which horse cost me three hundred and five and forty Crowns. Being sick in bed, and dismissing my Nephew de Balagny, who I hope will not shame the Family from whence he is descended, I gave him the Spanish Horse that I had ever kept for my own Saddle. Several others I have lost, and three in this last War, particularly one that I designed for the King, who being swelted, foundered under me as I was going to relieve Mont de Marsan, which I thought Monsieur de Montamat had been going to besiege; and could I reckon all the horses I have given in my life, I think it would exceed my Estate. If you do the same, you Lords who are the King's Lieutenants, you shall always be well followed, for the Soldier abhors nothing so much as an avaricious Captain.  
To return to my Subject all these brave Gentlemen took their leaves of me, and the next morning, which was the third day after my hurt, my Nephew de Leberon caused me to be carried to Marsac, 
The State of Monsieur de Montlucs Army after his hurt.  which is two leagues from Rabasteins'. I was no sooner departed from the Camp, but that the affection all the Soldiers bore unto me did too soon appear, for all the Gentlemen Volunteers retired, and most of the Foot, for which I was exceedingly sorry, and could have been rather content with all my heart they should have totally forgot me. How much (my Companions) did you there prejudice your King and Country? and how great a wrong did you to your own honour? Had you united and maintained a good intelligence one with another, as you promised me you would, all Bearn had been your own. 'Tis an untoward thing this Emulation to command. The same day that I made the Remonstrance to the Nobless, they dispatched away Captain Montaut to the King, 
The Sieur de Montluc lays down his Government.  whom I entreated to present my most humble service to his Majesty, and in my behalf to beseech him, that he would please to provide for my Government, whether I should live or die, for that he was to expect no more service from me: that I had already done enough, and must now make room for others, and that I would now for the time to come seek what I had ever avoided before, which was the privacy and repose of my own House. He found at his arrival at Court, that the King had already disposed of my Government above a month before, which till this time never any King of France before had ever done: but I ought not to lay the blame upon him. When I heard the news I did not much concern myself at it, though it did a little trouble me I confess, to have such a trick put upon me; for though I had not been shot, I should never more have exercised that Command; 
The Marquis de Villars the King's Lieutenant in Guienne.  and I think he that now has it, which is the Marquis de Villars, would as little care to be dismissed from it as I; for it is not a Benefice without a Cure, to have to do with the Queen of Navarre, and the Prince her Son, who is already grown up to a man, the principal Governor, and an Enemy to our Religion; who being what he is cannot want courage, credit, or means, not only in Guienne, but even in the King's Cabinet. Out of which consideration I had before quitted the Government, had it not been that I would not the King should reproach me, that I had abandoned his service in a time of War, and the greatest necessity of his affairs.  
That I may return to speak of my wound, which I do but too well remember, you that are Generals of Armies, and Lieutenants of Provinces, may here observe how much it imports you to preserve your own persons, and not to expose them to hazard, as I did mine in playing the Common Soldier, and the Pioneer. For this unlucky shot of mine was the cause that the Army under my Command mouldered away to nothing. I do not however intend to say, that you ought to be Cowards, and to hide yourselves behind the Gabions, whilst others lie open to the Harquebus shot, but only that you may learn to be wise by my exemple, and go discreetly into danger: for upon your loss all the rest depends; as you know it befell that brave Gaston de Foix at the Battle of Ravenna. I know very well that a good heart, seeing his men misdemean themselves, cannot forbear leading them the way, and exposing himself to danger, as I did, seeing my Foot go so untowardly to work. Which made me call to the Gentlemen, for I ever found by experience, that fifty Gentlemen will do more than two hundred Common Soldiers. We retain something of honour, which our Fathers have acquired for us, and which gives us a Title to that fair Epithet of Noble.  
By the whole account of my life hitherto you have been able to judge whether or no the King had any reason to use me ill, considering that I never spared my life (which certainly is the thing most dear to us in this world next to our honours) for his service; and not only my own, but the lives of my Sons also: for of four that I had I have been three fall in Battle in his Majesty's service the fourth only remains, which is the Chevalier, whom though I had designed for the Church, and the Bishopric of Condom, yet did I always command him to show himself a Montluc; and he had the honour to be entitled Chevalier by the late King Henry my good Master, who sent him to Malta where he served his Apprenticeage in arms under the Chevalier de Romegas; and from whence the Grand Master writ me word, that immediately upon his arrival he had put him to the test, to try if he was of my race or no, and had found him right. He was afterward in the Siege the Grand Signior laid before Malta, wh●ch was the brav●st that ever was since Artillery was first founded. But do not you who serve the King d●spair of honour and reward by my exemple, and because I was not so well used, as perhaps I deserved to have been; for this does not proceed from the Kings own nature. You may perhaps be more fortunate, and may not have so many Enemies as I, who for disdaining to be any one's creature, had no Patron to defend me; and on the other side have been perhaps too liberal of my tongue, in speaking freely what I thought. 'Tis dangerous sometimes to speak truth, and I could never lie nor dissemble. Yet shall I not be so ingrate as not to acknowledge myself highly obliged to the Kings my Masters for the benefits and honours they have conferred upon me, who from the condition of a private Gentleman, have raised me to the greatest Employments in the Kingdom: but I can also say that I purchased those honours at the price of my blood. Now you must know that having recovered a little, and finding myself something better of my wound, I writ a Letter to the King, which I have thought fit to insert in this place, of which these were the Contents.  
SIR,  
I Have thus long de●e●r'd to prefer my Complaints, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Letter to the King, which contains an abstract of his whole life.  both by reason of the great indisposition upon me, and also because my friends were long before they would let me know of your Majesty's unkindness in taking from me the Government of Guienne. Had your Majesty pleased to have had but two months' patience only, you would have found that so soon as I had settled the Country in peace, I was resolved most humbly to beseech your Majesty to provide for the Government, by reason of my age, and the great wou●d I have received, and then without disgracing me, your Majesty had had sufficient argument to have deputed another in my place. But by the manner of doing it, your Majesty has evidently manifested to all the world, that you have stripped me of it for some forfeiture of mine, either as to matter of arms, or for some foul play I have practised upon your Majesty's Treasure, by which means my honour is like to be brought into dispute throughout the whole Kingdom, which I cannot think I have deserved, and therefore am very much at a stand, as many others will be, to guests from whence the great distaste your Majesty declares to have taken against me should proceed; unless (out of the little hopes I had to be for the future serviceable to you) for having often importuned your Majesty to make choice of some other in my stead; and as to that, your Majesty has since commanded me to reassume my former Authority, and to continue my administration. Neither can it be upon any jealousy your Majesty can have entertained, that I have embezzled your Majesty's Treasure; for you would never have punished me for a crime whereof you could not as yet be assured that I was guilty; and I have that confidence in your majesty's bounty and wisdom, that you would not easily have given credit to reports so remote from all probability; for in the time that I have been your Majesty's Lieutenant in these parts, several Commissioners in Extraordinary, and several of your Receivers General, with other Officers of your Majesty's Exchequer, have made their Accounts, and had I been found in any of their Papers, I have friends at Court that would not have failed to have set a mark upon such places, where my name was any way concerned. But hitherto I have not been put to any distress in proving their accounts, forasmuch as it cannot be found, that I have ever taken upon me to touch one penny of your Majesty's money, not only in this your own Province, but also at Sienna, and in Tuscany, where I had much greater conveniency of doing it than I could have here. And your Majesty may particularly please to remember, that having done me the honour for three years' last passed, to order the pension of six thousand Livers a year I pay to the Cardinal of Guise, should be discharged out of the Exchequer, I was so far from meddling with your Majesty's money without your leave, that I would never make use of that assignment. And of all this your Majesty may be fully satisfied at the 〈◊〉 of the Commissioners you have sent into these parts, who I am very certain will not bring back my name in any of their accounts, or if they should, there would yet be nothing proved against me, and therefore it cannot be imagined that your Majesty should be dissatisfied with me upon that account.  
If peradventure your Majesty's displeasure should proceed from a belief that I have committed some fault in point of arms, this opinion would also be very contrary to that your Majesty had of me, at the time when you were pleased three or four times to write me word, 
The King styles the S●cur de Mon●luc the Conservator of Gui●●●e.  that I was the Restorer of Guienne; and I assure myself your Majesty has not forgot the reasons why you were pleased to grace me with that honourable Title; but will, I hope please to remember, that it was because in the first Commotions at Tholouze, the City having been disputed for three days together, and in that dispute two Thirds of the City w●n by the Rebels was at my coming delivered, the Assailants at the sight of me only put to rout, and many of them taken and punished according to their desert, insomuch that to this day, the Inhabitants of the said City look upon me as the Conservator of their lives and estates, and the honour of their Wives. With like diligence and good fortune the City of B●rd aux, to which I went in two days and two nights from Tholouze, and where by the way I fought with, and routed the Forces that were gathered together to hinder my passage, was by me immediately relieved. Having rescued Bourdeaux from the same danger that I had before Tholouze, without staying longer than two days there, I crossed the River with sixscore Horse, believing that Monsieur de Bury would come up to me, as indeed he did, but it was four hours after the fight, where he found that I had defeated six Ensigns of Foot, and seven Corne●s of Horse, commanded by Monsieur de Duras. And after this victory the said Sieur de Bury and I went to besiege Montsegur, which was battered, and taken by assault, as was also Pen of Agenois. I after this in two days took Lectrure, by reason that the late Captain Montluc had surprised four hundred men of the Garrison of the said City, whom he had put all of them to the sword; and immediately without resting day or night I pursued Monsieur de Duras so close, 
The Battle of V●r.  that I compelled him to sight, before our Foot could come up to us; nay, I scarcely gave leisure to Monsieur de Bury to come time enough to be present at the Engagement, where we succeeded so well, that a handful of men defeated three and twenty Ensigns of Foot, and thirteen Corners of Horse. After which I sent your Majesty ten Companies of Spanish Foot, of which we had made very little use; but that did good service at the Battle of Dreux, as also did ●en Companies of Gascons, which I sent your Majesty by Captain Charry, and your Province of Guienne remained quiet, and clear from all troubles, not a man daring to lift up his head but for your Majesty's service; so that with good and just cause your Majesty conferred upon me the Title of Conservator of Guienne.  
As to the second Troubles, I had long before sufficiently advertized your Majesty, and the Queen your Royal Mother, of what you afterwards saw come to pass, and though by your command I had twice or thrice letters sent me, that I was very ill informed: I did not for all that slack my vigilancy, nor neglect to stand upon my Guard, that I might not be surprised; but the same day that the Insurrection happened at Paris, without other intelligence than my own, and upon Michaelmas Eve, I put myself into Lectoure, the most important City of all Gascony, in so opportune a season, that I frustrated the design of six hundred men, which were to have been let in at the Postern, and after having preserved the Town in your Majesty's obedience, knowing you stood in need of relief, as your Majesty afterwards sent me word, I made so good haste in raising of men, that in 29 days after the said Michaelmas day I sent your Majesty twelve hundred Horse, 
Relief sent to the King.  and thirty Ensigns of Foot, which were conducted by me as far as Lymoges, and from thence by the Sieurs de Terride, de Gondrin, and de Monsales; when though it seemed to many, that Guienne would be left a prey to the Vicompts, who had very great Forces; nevertheless at my return I found them so much work to do, that they gained nothing either upon me, or upon the Province: and with the few Forces I was able to gather together, I went afterwards into Xaintonge, where at my arrival those who had taken arms at Marennes were defeated by Madaillan, and the Seneschal of Bazadois, who after meeting with Monsieur de Pons, took Marennes, with the Isles of Oleron and Alvert. With the like diligence was the Isle of Rhé recovered by my Nephew de Leberon, 
Taking of the Isles.  whom I sent thither, and had your Majesty been pleased to have furnished me with what you promised of money, Artillery, and other Ammunitions of War, I had put fair to have reduced Rochel itself to your Majesty's obedience, before the Peace that was at that time concluded.  
As to what concerns the last Troubles, it is true, that they broke out at a time when I was sick, and scarce recovering from the danger of death, yet I did not nevertheless forbear to put myself into the field, and to get together all the Horse and Foot I possibly could, and hearing that the Forces of Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphen●é were coming to fall into our Country, I went out accompanied with Monsieur de la Valette and d' Escarts, and some other Officers, to meet and fight them, and in so doing approached them so near, that had not their Campmaster Captain Moreau been fortunately taken by us, we had all been cut off, 〈◊〉 defeated; for besides that the Encounter had been in a place where the Horse could not possibly have come to ●ight, they had moreover fought us at the advantage of six to one, we being no more than five and twenty hundred, and they above twenty thousand men; all which will be made good by the testimony of the said Sieurs de la Valette, d' Es●art●, and other Captains, who were all of opinion, that the best we could do was to retire; and when we were all resolved to coast the Enemy, to keep them a little in, and to try to ge● some advantage over them, the younger Monsales brought letters from your Majesty to all the Captains to march towards Monsieur de Montpensier, and to me that I must return, which I accordingly did, both out of regard to my own sickness, and also to preserve the Country, as I have done so long as the Forces were in my hands. Being afterwards at Cahors, to which place I went with an intent to fight the Viscount's, I was advertized that Pills was about Agenois with a great number of Horse, whom thinking to surprise, I marched day and night to ●ight him, which had also so fallen out, had it not been that Monsieur de Fontenilles, and Captain Montluc with some Light-horse met with five or six Cornets of the said Pills his Cavalry, whom they charged with so great f●ry that they put them to rout, which made the said Pills the same night pass the River Dordogne, and retreat towards the Body of their Army.  
As to the coming of the Count de Montgommery, 'tvery well known, that at my departure from Mont de Marsan, which in two hours' time I had besieged, assaulted, and taken, Monsieur d' Anvil carried away all the Forces in order to some designs he had in Languedoc, leaving me no more but my own Company, with those of Messieurs de Fontenilles and de Gondrin, and five Ensigns of Foot, with which I was fain to make shift for the defence of Lectoure, Florence, Villeneufue, and Again; and although the said Marshal afterwards called from me the forenamed two Companies, and that I was left alone with my own, yet did I not for all that forbear to put myself into Again, when the Army of the Princes drew near, without being relieved by any but the Sieur de Fontenilles only, who indeed came and brought his Company to my assistance. From which Town of Again the Prince's Army were very much incommodated; and whereas they had thrown a Bridge of Boats over the Garonne, with a design to pass into the Country, and of Condommois and Agenois, to make as it were a City; I broke their Bridge, and so shattered it to pieces, that they could never recover any more than two of the Boats, with which they repassed the River, but so leisurely withal, that had your Majesty been pleased to have sent me never so few Forces, I could have kept them well enough from ever uniting again. And whereas during the time of the said Princes being in these parts, they had possessed themselves of certain Castles in the Country of Agenois, I retook them, and reduced them all to your Majesty's obedience.  
You Majesty has since commanded me to go make War in the Country of Bearn; wherein I so promptly obeyed your Command, that though it was very hard to raise men, by reason that every one took the Peace for concluded, notwithstanding in less than fifteen days I set on foot five and forty Ensigns of Infantry, and six hundred Light-horse, with which I resolved to invade the Country, either to force Montamat to a Battle, or to suffer his Towns and Castles to be taken one after another before his face, as any one may judge it must of necessity have fallen out. For having begun with Rabasteins', as it was necessary I should, for the reasons I have before laid down, though it was one of the strongest places of all Guienne, I carried it in eight day's time, playing at once in my own person the parts of Pioneer, Cannoneer, Soldier, and Captain. Where in making my approaches I was like to have lost my youngest Son, who was shot close by my side, as also was Captain Paullac; and when it came to an Assault, seeing the two first Companies did not go on as I desired they should have done, I went myself to the Breach, accompanied with the Signieurs de G●as, and the Viscount d'Vza, and followed by about a hundred or sixscore Gentlemen, of which two and forty were hurt, I myself being one of the number of those that were wounded, and in such a part that I shall carry the marks of it to my Grave. And although this action joined to others of the like nature, that I have performed during the Reigns of the Kings your Father and Grandfather, make me hope for no other advantages than what was before in the prospect of my ambition, namely a gracious acceptation, and an honourable acknowledgement of my service from the said Kings my Masters; I had reason however to believe that your Majesty would have my performances in some little esteem. Moreover I represented in my person before your eyes an old Soldier of threescore and ten years of age, your Majesty's Lieutenant General in these parts, and one who only in giving the word of Command to others, without engaging in his own person, might have sufficiently performed the duty of his charge; but who nevertheless out of the zeal he had to render your Majesty Victorious in all your Erterprises, put himself into the rank of the meanest Foot-Soldiers, and in the greatest danger of death, where several Gentlemen also ran the same fortune, esteeming it a great honour and happiness to follow one of the oldest Soldiers, not to say Captains of France. I also thought your majesty might have considered, that as in the first Tumults, the first Victories your Majesty obtained were by my hand, I had likewise in these last Commot●ns rendr●d you victorious in the last Enterprise of War that was performed in the Kingdom: But when I expected a Letter at least, such as your Majesty is accustomed to write to the mean●st Captain in your Kingdom, all the fruits of my great labour, and long expectation, was only to hear that you had deprived me of my Government, and (which was worse) without sending me so much as one syllable to signify your Royal intention, insomuch that I saw the man already come who was to succeed me, before I had any intimation of my being cashiered from my Command. Nay, at the very same time, that by an universal Law throughout the whole Kingdom your Majesty has restored to their Estates and Employments all such as have been deprived of them, I may say that by a particular Law made for me alone, I am degraded from an Employment wherein I have so long maintained myself with my sword in my hand. But though I had been stripped to my Doublet, I should yet remain clothed with a Robe of Honour, to wit, the Reputation of having born arms from my Childhood for the service of your Crown, with all the sid●●●ty that the Kings my Masters could themselves desire. I am sure every one will frankly con●ess that I have been in as many Combats, Battles, Rencounters, Enterprises both by day and night, Assaults, Take, and Defences of Towns, as any man this day alive in Europe; and for such am known in Foreign Nations as well as at home, and yet I can say with truth (for which the Glory be attributed to God, and the honour to the Kings my Masters, who were pleased to employ me) that whether it were through my good fortune the influence of their Majesty's arms, or any other accidents conducing to it, I was never defeated in any place, where I had the honour to command in Chief, nor never attaqu'd my Enemy but I beat him. Several persons of honour yet living will also bear witness of my behaviour at the Battles of Pavia, the Bicoque, and Serizolles, where I had the Command of all the Harquebuzeers, and also in what esteem the late Sieur de Lautrec had me, for having seen me in his own presence sight betwixt Bayonne and Fontarabie; as also for having served under him in a Command of Foot in his Expedition into Lombardy, and the Kingdom of Naples, in which services I received no less than four Harquebus shots. There are also several men of honour yet alive, who very well remember how I carried myself at the taking of the County of Oye, in the quality of Campmaster to all the French Foot; and others are able to testify in what esteem I was with the Prince of Malphe, and the late Marshal de Brissac, for having seen me in Piedmont, at all hours, and upon all occasions both night and day venture my life for the service of this Crown, as others can w●tness, that at the time when the disgrace besel our people in the Lower Bullen, I alone with a very small number of men maintained the fight, and at the time when your Majsties' Royal Father, my good Master of blessed memory, gave me for lost, I came out in despite of the English, and brought off with me two and twenty Colours of ours, that had been taken, insomuch that one only remained in the hands of the Enemy. If Monsieur de Guise were now alive, he would not conceal what he saw me do at the taking of Thionville, no more than will Monsieur le Marshal de Ville●neufue, who can witness if it was not I who took the Tower, from whence ensued the loss of the Town. All the Captains of Italy, Spain, and Germany will for ever honour me for what I did at the Siege of Sienna, where I was the late King your Father's Lieutenant, as I was afterwards in Tuscany, where I lost nothing, but remained victorious over the Enemy, and had my services so highly accepted by your Royal Father, that besides that at my return from Sienna, he conferred upon me the Order, which in those days was a mark of great and extraordinary service, he moreover gave me the County of Gaure for term of life, which since, and after the death of my said Royal Master, at the calling in of your Majesty's Demeasns was taken from me, without the least murmur or show of discontent on my part at my being so deprived.  
All these things, Sir, I have thought fit to represent unto you, forasmuch as your Majesty may peradventure not have heard of them, and that in speaking of me in your Majesty's presence I may by some have been otherwise represented, and have had other Characters given of me than I deserve. I know that sometimes they have made as if I were a Thief, and that otherwhiles, and for the most part have talked as if for three years' last passed I had done nothing of any moment. Wherein, Sir, they have abused your Majesty more than they did me; for all the ill tongues in the world cannot deprive me of the honour I have acquired, whereas by their importunity they may have induced you to do a thing that I fear may be of ill exemple to men of my Trade; forasmuch as those who have of late been called to Offices and Commands, and who desire to advance themselves by the exercise of arms, will be apt by my exemple to apprehend, that long services, and the glory by those services acquired throughout the world will not stand them in so much stead as the evil tongues of their Maligners, and such as would put a bar to their preferment, may do them harm.  
It remains, S●r, that for the conclusion of my long and tedious Letter I must humbly beseech your Majesty to excuse me, if after such a blow of fortune I have been constrained to address my Complaint, and to sigh out my grievance to you, and you alone; and have been obliged to do it, as well to make myself better known to your Majesty, than I have been in times past, as also most humbly to beseech you, that for the time to come, when your Majesty shall be importuned to use either me, or any other of your good and faithful servants so unkindly, you will please to reserve evermore one ear for the accused, before you resolve upon doing any thing that may wound or dishonour them. As for what concerns myself, out of the desire I have ever had to see your Majesty prosper, I am very glad if in these last troubles you have been so well, and so successfully served in all parts of your Kingdom by all those your Majesty has employed as by me, who on this side have preserved your Cities, and the Country committed to my charge, have beaten your Enemies as oft as I could get opportunity to fight them, and taken Towns by assault, with the extremest peril of my life. And though it has been said, that I have done nothing considerable, yet I beseech your Majesty to believe that no man has surpassed me in good intention, and a hearty desire to serve you. After which (since such is your royal pleasure) I am willing to retire without other mark of all my labours, and the services of so many years, but the sorrow for the loss of my Children sacrificed to your Crown, and seven Harquebus shots, which will serve continually to put me in mind of the humble and affectionate devotion I have ever had to perform the best and most obedient service to your glorious Predecessors; which also I shall ever retain for your Sacred Majesty, to whom I pray Almighty God to give all prosperity, health, and happiness, etc.  
This was my Letter, which more perplexed the Monsieurs, who at that time governed the Court, to comment upon, than it did me to write it. And that unknown to me was afterwards printed and published; for my friends, and such as best knew what I had done for the conservation of Guienne, were as much, or more offended, than I. And I would have it known, that both then and since, had I as disloyal a heart as they have, who after the first Commotions represented me to the Queen for a Spaniard, I had yet means, and interest enough to have done a great deal of mischief: But I neither am, nor ever will be other than a good Frenchman, and a true Servant to the Crown. I also know very well that none of these doings proceeded from the King, who never withdrew his favour from me. But a young Prince involved in so many affairs has much ado to please all the world; to which may be added, that several who could hurt me no way but with their tongues, had a very great influence, not over his Majesty (who never loved the Hugonots, what ever he might pretend for his own repose) but with the Council. O that Kings and Princes ought to be very tender of disgracing a man, who has ever been loyal and faithful to them, and who is a man of spirit: for it might light upon such an one, as may put their affairs into a very ill posture, of which within these fifty years we have seen too many exemples, to the great loss and detriment of the King of France, as I have said before, when speaking of the traverses and ill offices that several great Captains have received at Court. How many are there, that had they been used after this manner, would not only have quitted all, but perhaps have done a great deal worse: for a man that does his duty, and finds himself ill rewarded, it goes to his heart. I have heard that either King Francis, 
A Gascon Gentleman 's answer to the King.  or Lewis (I know not which of them it was) one day ask a Gentleman, a Gascon, as I am, What would debauch him from his service? Nothing Sir, replied the other, unless it be a despite. And it is also an old saying, that Out of spite a man would turn Turk. Notwithstanding, all this unkindness could never make me either Spaniard or Huguenot. I have ever loved my honour too well for that, and will go down to my Grave with that fair white Robe, without suffering the least ugly spot upon the name of Mont●uc; and every one that has any regard to his honour ought to do the same. If his King and Master will not make use of his service he may sit at home, and look on to see how others behave themselves. If he be a man of valour, fortune that cast him down, will raise him up again; she is not always angry. How many great Lords and valiant Captains have we seen cultivating their Gardens at home in a time of action, whom the King has been constrained to recall into his service, and could have wished he had never removed them from him?  
I have seen a great many in my time, 
The miserable condition of such as revolt from their Princes.  both on the King's side, and also on the Emperor's, who have turned their Cassocks, and some very lightly, and upon very slender occasion: but they obtained no great advancement by it, and being amongst us, were looked upon for such as they were. I believe our Enemies did the same. Every one loves the Treason w●ll enough, but they hate the Traitor. When that brave Prince Charles de Bourbon was constrained to side with the Emperor, and to give himself to the Devil, because God would have nothing to do with him (for doubtless he was compelled and necessitated to it) we were told thate even the Spaniard● themselves looked askew upon him; and the poor Prince after he had done a great deal of mischief l●●t his life. When after he was slain at Rome, it was a common dispute, whether the Pope, the King of France, or the Emperor was most glad of his death; the first, because he held him besieged; the King, in that he was delivered from a capital Enemy; or the Emperor, for being rid of a banished and necessitous Prince, that lay upon his hands, and was a burden to him; though he had only nourished him with promises, and nothing else. These scurvy despites proceed too far; am sure mine never did, nor ever shall make me do any thing contrary to my duty, or to the prejudice of my honour. If I was young, and that the King would not make use of my service, the world is wide enough, I would seek my fortune elsewhere; but never at the expense of my Prince, nor at the price of my own honour. The King having received my Letter, sent me in answer a great many good words, for they cost them nothing; the end will show whether the Province will be better governed, and his Majesty better served, and whether they who have succeeded me (though they are great persons, and great Captains) have done, or shall do hereafter better than I  
But to return to the place where I left off; my Wife came to fetch me from Marsac, from whence she carried me in her Litter to Cassaigne near unto Condom, where to refresh me I was for three weeks together so crucified with the Colic, that it had like to have cu●'d me of all other discases. In this condition I had the comfort of Monsieur de Valence my Brother, who never left me till he saw me out of danger of death; and several Lords also both Catholic and Huguenot came to see me. Before Captain Montaut arrived at Court the Queen dispatched away Monsieur de Beaumond, Steward of the Prince of Navarre's Household, by wh●m she sent me word, that in case I was in the Territories of the Queen of Navarre, I should forthwith retire, and put my men into Garrison. See what a sudden change was here! I asked him if there was a Peace concluded, to which he made answer, no; but that it was hoped there suddenly would. Why then should the King, said I, put his Army into Garrison? Is not the Country already sufficiently ruined and destroyed? If I do this when the Peace shall come, and that we are to disband our Horse and Foot, not one of them but will plunder his Host for a farewell, seeing themselves dismissed without money. Seeing then it is so, 
The Army disbanded.  that they are ordered to be put into Garrisons, I will even disband them for all together, and send them every man to his own house. To this end than I desired Monsieur de Valence to write, and sign a Letter (I being in no condition to do it) to Monsieur de Gondrin forthwith to dismiss the Army, both Horse and Foot, and that every one in four days should be retired to his own home; which was accordingly performed. Monsieur de Beaumond himself carried the Letter to Monsieur de Gondrin, and five weeks after the Queen sent to me to disband the Army, which I had done before, and by so doing had saved the people above 500000 Livers, as the Country itself will witness. I had saved the pitiful 4000 Francs that I had from the King untouched, saving a hundred Crowns, that I took out to give Captain Montaut to defray his Journey to Court. And thus it was that I robbed the Exchequer, and polled the People. Such about his Majesty as favour the Hugonots, do not care how deeply they charge me with Calumnies; but I would have the world to know, and do here declare, that in so many years that I have commanded, and in all the great Employments wherein I have been I could never enrich myself 20000 Francs, and yet they stick not to affirm, that I have peeled and polled 300000 Crowns. I could wish it was true, provided it had been from the Hugonots our Enemies. God be praised for all. These slanderers shall never have that advantage over me as to make me hang down my head, but I will walk with my face erect, like a man of honour. The Treasure●s and Receivers are yet living: let his Majesty inform himself of them: let him examine their accounts, where if he find any one single Lyard converted to my profit, his Majesty does not do well if he do not bring me to my Trial. It is no wonder his Majesty is so ill served, as 'tis reported he is, considering he makes no exemple; he is then to blame himself, and not those that do it. And as to Impositions and Taxes upon the People to enrich myself, and to fill my own Coffers, his Majesty in this case ought yet to be more severe against me than in the other, by how much the people are more to be pitied than the King; who if he want money knows how to make his people find it. 'Tis a privilege our Kings have so soon as they come out of their Page-ship, as one said of Lewis the Eleventh; which makes me conclude, that the King ought to inflict a more severe punishment upon those who ●lea his people, than if they purloined from his own Exchequer. The Commissioners have given an account of all sorts of men who have raised money, let them look if they can find me in their Papers, and if any be come into my purse. I confess I have disposed of some Hugonots Estates, who pretended to sit still at home, but were worse than the others wh● were in arms: neither was it reasonable, that they should be better used than the poor Catholics, who were gnawn to the very bones; and had I not done it, the Gentry would have taken it ill, and the common Soldier would have revolted: for where there is nothing to be got but blows men will hardly go volunteer to the Wars. Moreover they would have said I had held intelligence with the Enemy, by which means I should not have had a man to follow me; and I had rather have died than to have had such a repute. Had the King's Officers seized of these men's Estates, they would have extracted no less than a million of Frank's: but there was juggling amongst them, and they held intelligence with one another. I have had my share; but it has ever been fair prize, and only taken from such as carried Provisions and Merchandise to the Enemy; and yet I do believe all I made bold with being put all together, would not amount to above 3000 Crowns. Would to God that all the Chiefs of France had gone as roundly to work for the service of the King and Kingdom as I, and that by war they had desired to establish peace; which if they had, not a man in the Kingdom would have dared to have professed himself a Huguenot. But I shall leave this unpleasing discourse.  
A little while after the Peace was published, the articles of which were very much to the Enemy's advantage. 
The Peace published.  We had beaten, and beaten them over, and over again; but notwithstanding they had evermore such an interest in the King's Council, that all the Edicts continually ran very high in their favour. We got the better by arms, but they always overreached us in those confounded writings. Ah, poor Prince, how woefully are you served, how ruinously are you advised! If your majesty take not heed, your Kingdom from the most flourishing, will be made the most miserable that ever was; which though it was in the Reigns of your Grandfather and Royal Father, assaulted with many and potent Enemies, and continually engaged in war, wherein I have ever faithfully served, yet matters still went on in excellent good order, and Commands were not profaned, as in these days. I pass by the injury your Majesty does yourself, in giving your Enemies so great advantages by these fine Edicts. I shall not meddle with the corruption of your Courts of Judicature, nor the abuses in your Treasure, I only beg leave to say something concerning the ordering of your Militia; for should I plunge myself further into what has caused the ruin of your Kingdom, I should be forced to speak too loud, and that of no little ones.  
I know, Sir, very well, that your Majesty will not do me the honour to read my Book; you have other employment, and your time is too precious to be lavished in reading the life of a Soldier, but perhaps some one who shall have read it, in discourse may give your Majesty some account of what it contains. For which reason I have assumed the boldness to direct this short discourse I am about to make to your Majesty's observation, and I beseech you take a little notice of it, forasmuch as therein are laid open the causes of those disasters I have seen happen in our Kingdom within these fifty years; in the beginning of which I first took up arms in the Reign of your Grandfather, King Francis of blessed memory, during whose Reign a Custom was introduced, which I conceive to be very prejudicial to your State. Your Majesty may alter it, and in so doing do a great right to yourself and your Kingdom, as to the concern of arms. A young Prince, as you are, for birth the greatest and the first of Christendom ought evermore to learn of old Captains. Your Majesty is naturally martial, and have a generous heart, and therefore will not, I hope disdain the advice of an old Soldier, your Subject, and Servant. I remember the time when your Majesty took a delight to talk with me in private, then when you went your Expedition to Bayonne, and then very well perceived that your discourse exceeded the capacity of your age, and ●o such a degree, that I dare be bold to say, might your Majesty have had your own way, all things had succeeded a great deal better: for though you had done nothing but only showed yourself, and have let your people see, that you was in person in your Army, you had at least gained the hearts of many, and astonished the rest, and consequently had, without dispute been much better served in this your Majesties maturer Age. I do believe it was one of the greatest errors they made you commit (for it was not your Majesty's fault that you was shut up when your A●mies marched.) The people of your Kingdom are a good and an affectionate people, and rejoice to see their King, so that your presence would have inspired a great many, and particularly of our Country of Guienne with wiser and more loyal Councils than some of them have since embrac't. But I proceed to my discourse.  
Sir, when your Majesty confers the place of a Precedent, a Chancellor, a Lieutenant Criminal, or any other Office of Judicature upon any one, it is evermore with this reservation, that they shall not execute any of these Charges till first they shall be examined by your Parliaments, which are full of wi●e and learned men: and oftentimes your Majesty gives order, that they shall first be examined by your Chancellor, before they present themselves before the Parliaments, which are to determine of their Capacities, and whether or no they be sufficiently read in the Law, not to be in danger of erring in the Arrests and Judgements they are to make in their Administrations, that so right may be done to those of your Subjects to whom it s●all duly appertain. This, Sir, is a good and an equitable way of proceeding, for you owe us Justice impartial, and according to the weight of the Balance. 'Tis a right to which we are born, and the chief thing you owe indifferently to all; and therefore it is admirably well done, to make them pass those strict and severe Inquisitions that are required in the Chambers of your Parliaments assembled. Yet can it not be ordered so, that Justice in all things is always duly executed.  
You ought, Sir, to do the same in all other Offices and Commands you confer in your Kingdom; 
Disorders in the Kingdom of France through the defect of inexperienced Officers.  and yet I see that the first that makes suit to your Majesty for the Government of a place, a Company of Gens-d'arms, or of Foot, or the Office of a Campmaster, without considering what loss or detriment may thereby ensue, either to your own person, or your Kingdom, you easily grant it, perhaps at the recommendation of the first Lady that speaks for it, and that perhaps your Majesty has danced with over night at a Ball; for whatsoever affairs are on foot, the Ball must troth. Sir, these Ladies have too much credit in your Court. O how many mischiefs have, and do daily arise, from having so lightly conferred these Commands! And although your Majesty's proceeding be prudent, and just in exposing your Officers of the long Robe to the utmost test, it is not however of so great importance to your State. For what loss can you sustain if they be ignorant? it falls not upon you; for he that gains the Trial though contrary to Law and right, pays you the same duties that he did who is nonsuited in his cause; by which means you lose nothing of your Revenue, it is still in the Kingdom; and what imports it to you whether john or Peter be Lord of such, or such a Manor so long as you have your Fee-farm rends still duly paid you? We are all your Subject: But the error and ignorance of Governors and Captains who obtain Places and Commands with great case, at the first word of the first that asks, is infinitely prejudicial to your Kingdom, and herein I am very confident all the great Captains and men of honour that are zealous for your service will be of my opinion.  
If your Majesty give the Government of a Place to a man of no experience, and who has never been in such a Command before, see what will follow. First it is an old saying, that When the eye sees what before it never saw, the heart thinks that which before it never thought. If therefore a Siege be clapped down before him, how is it to be expected that he should disengage himself? how is it possible he should understand and discover the designs of the Enemy, on what part they can or will assault him? which there is a way to do without a Spy, as I have made it to appear by what I did at Sienna. How should he know how to fortify and secure himself, and in short do a thousand, and a thousand things that will be necessary to be done, if he have never before been engaged in such affairs? Such as have been ten times besieged are apt enough to be startled at it, and oftentimes so astonished that they know not where they are. Now when your Majesty hears that your place is going to be beleaguered, you will presently fall to raising an Army, as you have good reason to do, not daring to rely upon the small experience of this young Governor, and perhaps shall be constrained to go in haste in your own person, or at least to send one of my Lords your Brothers; where either the Town must be lost, or you must hazard a Battle, where yourself, or one of your Brothers who shall command your Army may be slain, together with several Princes of you blood, and a great number of your best Captains. Consider then, I beseech you Sir, the mighty loss and misadventure that depends upon your easy conferring such a Command upon a man, without first knowing what he is able to do. For if he is a man of experience, and that he has manifested himself in all places where he has been under good Leaders, to be a man of courage and understanding; so soon as he shall enter into the place, he will presently fall to considering of the strength, and weakness of it, recollecting what he has seen done elsewhere, where he has been engaged under another, 
The diligence required in a Chief  and what he has seen such and such a Captain do upon the like occasion; and thereupon will suddenly take order for the defects of the place, and begin to fortify. He will also demand of you an Engineer, will inform you of the Ammunition both of Victual, Arms, and Artillery that he has found there, and will never cease soliciting till you have supplied him with all things necessary, knowing very well what an inconvenience the loss of the place would bring upon you. When so soon as your Majesty shall have furnished him with all he desires, and that by his foresight he shall have provided against all the defects of the place, he may then know what he has to trust to, and shall have leisure to consider what he has to do, without precipitation, which I have ever observed to be very dangerous in war, unless it be in an affair that requires extreme haste and diligence.  
And herein two things present themselves to your Majesty's consideration; the first, that when your Enemy shall have heard of the valour of your Governor, and his great experience, together with the great foresight and diligence wherewith he has been careful to remedy the defects of his place, and the good discipline he there maintains; is it to be supposed, that he will venture to attack a man qualified with the forenamed virtues? I do believe there is no Assailant in the world but would think of it twice before he would once resolve to do it, 
That the valour of a Governor withholds an Enemy from coming to attack him,  and if he call a Council about it, he will find that hardly one old Captain will advise him to go on to his own ruin; and if the Chief be a circumspect and experienced man, the counsel of the young hotheaded fellows must not be preferred to that of the old Soldiers, for they better understand the business of the world than the others do: and are unwilling to hazard the honour they have got; forasmuch as men look only upon the last of our actions, without much regarding what they have performed before. So much concerning the first. Now the second thing that presents itself to your Majesty's consideration, is, that your Majesty reflecting upon the valour of the person you have entrusted with defence of your place, his diligence, and experience, will be at quiet within yourself, knowing very well that such a man will do no unhandsome things, but will be tender of his own honour, as well as careful of his trust: by which means you shall have time to raise your Army at leisure, and shall come to encamp yourself in an advantageous place, where if your Enemy come to assault you, he shall be defeated; and on the other side, if he offer to assault the Town, you lie so close in his Rear, that let the Breach be never so wide, he dares not go to the assault, forasmuch as whether he enter or no he is certain to be defeated, for you surprise him in disorder; which will make him very wary of attempting any thing, where his ruin is so manifest before him; and either force him to raise his Siege, and betake himself to some other Enterprise, or else come to assault you in your Fort; which also he will have a care of doing, as was the Emperor Charles at the Camp in Provence, at the time when your Majesty's Grandfather was fortified in the plain field, and that the Enemy made a show of attacking Marseilles. You are evermore to take heed of committing errors in the beginning of a War; for if your affairs have once a disrepute upon them in the beginning, your Majesty may be assured, that your Soldiers will lose courage, and every one will seek an opportunity to run away, insomuch that you are never to hope your Army shall do any thing to purpose after. Of which I shall give your Majesty some Exemples, that you may see of how great importance it is to have a good Governor in a Town of War. Of these Exemples, the first shall be Charles Duke of Burgundy, 
The Duke of Burgundy defeated before Nancy.  who after having lost two Battles against the Swiss at Morat, came with his ba●led Army to sit down before Nancy, which he thought to surprise, René King of Sicily, and Duke of Lorraine never dreaming that he would come to besiege that place; by which means it was totally unprovided, both of Victuals, Ammunition, and Men. King René had with him five or six Gascon Gentlemen (for these Princes of Lorraine have ever had a great kindness for our Nation) namely Captain Gratian Daguerre, a poor Gentleman of this Country called Pons, another called Gaian, and another whose name was Roquepines; the others were slain during the Siege, where these brave Gascons did so valiantly behave themselves, that with some of the Country people that put themselves into the Town, and some Gentlemen of the said Country, they defended the Town, and endured the last extremity of famine, by that means giving King René leisure to go himself into Switzerland to fetch his relief. King Lewis the Eleventh of France would not openly assist him, by reason of the League he had contracted with the Duke; but (as you Princes ordinarily do) he favoured him understand, and disbanded four hundred men at arms, that were advanced as far as Pont St. Vincent, within two leagues of Nancy; so that when the Duke saw the Swiss coming upon him, he raised the Siege, and there lost both the Battle and his life. Had john d' Albert King of Navarre, 
The loss of Pampelona.  when he saw the Forces of Ferdinand coming to fall upon him, put one or two good Captains into Pampelona, he had not so poorly lost his Kingdom, as he did; for there wanted only a good man to have stopped the Career of the Spaniard, the place was good enough. But he lost the Kingdom both for himself and his Posterity; for it is in too good a hand ●ver to 〈◊〉 it. These are two Examples of Antiquity that I have received from the old Captains of that Age; and I have heard others related, which I could here set down; but I leave those to the Historians, who are able to give a better account of them than I, and will now present your Majesty with some of my own.  
K●ng Francis your Grandfather laid Siege to Pavia, where I was; he found within it A●tonio de Lev● a Spaniard, 
〈◊〉 Leva a g●ea● C●●ta●n.  and a man that by a long practice in arms had gained as great experience as any other Captain that has been these hundred years. He had within but three Ensigns of Italians, and three thousand German Foot. His Majesty h●ld him above seven months besieged, in which time he had given several assaults, though the place was not very strong; but this Captain by his industry and valour supplied all other de●●●●s, and defended it so long, that he gave Monsieur de Bourbon time to go fetch relief 〈◊〉 of Germ●ny, and come and sight a Battle with the King, which he won, and took the King prisoner; and had the said Sieur de Bourbon in the heat of this victory turned his Forces towards France, I know not how matters would have gone; and all these successes be●el the Emperor for hav●ng made choice of this old Warrior, who put a stop to our King's fortune. 
The D●ke of 〈…〉  Of recent memory the valiant Duke of Guise put a shameful baffle upon the Emperor Charles at Metz, whom he constrained ignominiously to raise his Siege, whereupon his gr●at Army vanished into nothing, through the sole virtue of the Chief that opposed him. 
His S●n at P●●cti●r●s.  And again in these late Commotions his Son, the Duke of Guise that n●w is, has preserved Poictieres, a great City without a Fortress, which had it been taken by the Admiral, he had commanded all Poictau and Xaintonge to the very Gates of Bordea●●, wherein the virtue of this young Prince very much relieved your Majesty's affairs, and was signally serviceable to the whole Kingdom. In like manner your Majesty's Victory at Monconto●r was demurred by the choice your Enemies made of Captain Pills left in St. jean, 
Captain Pills at St. I●●n.  where the valour of this Chief, who very well understood how to defend his Post, set the Plugonot affairs again on foot, who by that means had leisure to steal away, and to come to fall upon us in Guienne. I have been told, that he was well assisted by a Captain, a very brave Soldier, called lafoy Mote Puiols; but had they let me alone at the Battle of V●r, I had taken order with him for ever making war against you more; for I had my sword at his throat, when some body, I know not who, pulled him away from me, and saved him. If the Admiral was upon his confession, he would not deny but that my sole person hindered him from attacking Again, which is no tenable place; doubt not then Sir, but that the valour of one single man is able to give a stop to a torrent of success.  
Your Kingdom is the best peopled of any Kingdom in the world, and you are rich in great and faithful Captains, if you please to employ them, and not take in such as are incapable of command. Charles the Emperor, as I have oft been told, made his boasts that he had better Commanders than the late King Francis; and in truth he had very good ones, but ours were nothing inferior to them. You have choice enough, Sir, to put into your Frontier places. 
Frang●t at Fontarabi.  Do but consider of how great moment was the loss of Fontarabie, through the little experience of Captain Franget, and how dear the loss of Bullen cost your Father through the little experience of the Si●ur de Veruins, 
The Sieur de Vervi●● at Bullen.  who was Governor there. And on the contrary, you may, Sir, please to remember (for I am certain you have heard it) what honour and advantage ac●r●'d from the election your Royal Father, 
Sansac at Mira d●, and Mont●●c at Si●nna.  my good Master, made of that old Cavalier Monsieur de Sansac, who so long sustained the Siege at Miranda; and the choice he was pleased to make of my poor person for the defence of Sienna, which was honourable to the French name. The security of a place, Sir, depends upon the Chief, who may make every one to fight, so much as the very Children, which will make an Enemy very unwilling to attack him. Behold then, Sir, how much it imports your State, your People, and your own Honour; for it will evermore be said, and recorded to posterity, that it was Charles the Ninth who lost such and such a place; from which Fame God defend you. It shall live in history for ever, and all the good and evil that befalls you in your Reign shall be recorded, and the evil rather than the good. Be then, Sir, circumspect, and consider of it thrice before you deliver to any one the defence of a place, and do not think it sufficient that the man is valiant, he must also be a man of experience.  
As to what concerns a Captain of Gens-d'arms, 
Of Captains of Gens d'arms.  you make no more of creating him at the request of the first that recommends him to you, than you would do of a Searjeant of the Chasteler of Paris, who afterwards coming to be present at a Battle, you shall give him such a Post to make good, where the poor man not knowing how to take his advantage, either through want of courage or conduct, shall make you lose this Post, and by that means not only encourage the Enemy to save the day, but shall moreover discourage your own people; for four running Cowards are sufficient to draw all the rest after them, even the Leaders themselves. And although they be brave enough in their own persons, and would ma●e head▪ yet, if they know not how to command, nor understand which way to play the ●●st of their Game, all will run into confusion; for that it at that moment depends wh●lly upon him, and not upon the General, who cannot have his eye in all places at once; and in the noise and confusion of a Battle, it is impossible he should provide for all things. ●e then who has the Charge of a Post, or the Command of a Wing, if he want experience, and have never before been engaged in such affairs, how is it possible to be expected that he should either command, or execute? And here's a Battle lost, and your own p●rs●n, if you are there, either killed or taken; for I have never heard of any King of France that ever ran away. Neither is any better to be expected in any other Enterprise that shall be committed to the execution of such a man. Take heed then, Sir, to whom you give your Companies of Gens-d'arms; 'tis ●it that the young ones should be Apprentices, and learn of the old. I know very well that Princes are to be excepted from this Rule, who have ordinarily brave Lieutenants, who in effect are the Chiefs, for the said young Princes in their own persons are not usually there.  
Your Majesty has also Mareschaux de Camp, 
Of Marescha●● and Camp-Masters.  and Camp-Masters both of Horse and Foot, both of them employments of great importance, for they are to discover all things, and in case the Army's lie near they are to make their discovery together, for the one can do nothing without the other, and together must bring you back an account of what is to be done for the ordering of the Battle, both Horse and Foot, after having viewed the situation of the place, and the Ground where the Horse is to be drawn up, and the Foot also; and being agreed together, are to bring you back a report of all; whereupon you shall in your Council conclude what you have to do: but you are of necessity to ground your resolution upon their intelligence, which if they be not men of experience, O Sir, how many Errors will they cause you to commit! It is therefore very necessary that the men who discharge these Offices should have three qualities; of which the first is a long experience; for if they be men long beaten to the practice of Arms, and that they have been eye-witnesses of some miscarriages in the Armies wherein they have served, provided they retain it; that very observation will make them circumspect and careful of falling into the like error. The second quality required in men that are entrusted with these Offices, is, that they be bold and adventurous (for your Mareschaux and Maisters de Camp, of all others must not be Cowards) or at least if they are not more valiant than ordinary, (for I do not desire they should be rowland's) they must not be afraid of blows; for if these men be timorous, you are not to expect that your Army should do any thing to purpose; by reason that they will evermore quarter your Army in fear and apprehension, and consequently always encamp at a disadvantage; by which means if your Adversary General be a man of Judgement, and practised in such affairs, he will easily discern your Army to be in fear, as I myself have often judged in exercising this Command, by the mere observation of the Enemy's manner of encamping, and have seldom been deceived. Which is a thing of all others of the greatest danger, forasmuch as nothing so much encourages both the Officers and the Soldiers of an Army, as to know that their Enemy marches and encamps in fear. The last quality required in this sort of Officers, is, that they be circumspect and diligent; which three qualities will render them perfect and comple●●. They must not be men that love to sleep a la Francoise, nor slow dreaming people, that are long and tedious in resolving, they must have their feet, hands, and understandings prompt and quick, and their eye evermore at watch; for upon their vigilancy and providence depends the safety of the whole Army.  
It is moreover necessary, that in the Election your Majesty or your Lieutenant shall make of such persons, you narrowly pry and examine that there be no unkindness, or dissimulation betwixt them; for whe●e there is Enmity, there is evermore envy, and that being betwixt them, though one will never approve what the other shall do, and they will be eternally in dispute, from whence nothing but mischief can ensue. There is no Trade so full of jealousy and j●ggling as this of ours, and betwixt men that do not love one another there is nothing but contradiction; whereas on the contrary, if they be good friends, the one will evermore supply the defects of the other, and they will argue what is fittest to be done, amicably, and without doing one another the least ●ll Office: for they are by the Rule of 〈◊〉, whether in quartering the Army, or in discovering the Enemy, to be always together. They are also before the King's Lieutenant to dispute about the Quarters, and to ●hew their reasons why they take them up in that place, and are likewise to appoint to what Post the Cavalry is to retire in case of a Charge, whether to the Avantguard, or ●o the Battle, though it ought more properly to be to the Avantguard, by reason that the Cavalry is a member belonging to it. It is also necessary that they judge well of the Enemy's Avenues, and accordingly where to plant the Artillery, where to encamp the Battle, and where the General shall take his place; and in case of an Alarm, where to plant the Guard, and where to place the Sentinels; in short, all things pass through their care and conduct.  
When these, together with him that commands the Army shall be perfect in all this, and shall have ordered all things as they ought to be, they can never be surprised: forasmuch as they shall so well have provided for all things necessary, that not a man in the whole Army but will know what he has to do; which being granted, every one will confess that Army cannot possibly fall into any disorder: for all the losses that such bodies usually sustain proceed only from negligence and supineness. This good order in quartering aught evermore to be observed, whether far off, or near to the Enemy, and also upon a March, which being done, the Army can never encounter any accident or novelty that can discompose it, when the Enemy shall be near at hand: but if they shall defer to do it till necessity requires, they will not find the Soldiers either so ready, or so well disposed; and besides it sometimes falls out, that they think the Enemy at a great distance, when he shall rise earlier than they, and come to beat up their Quarters. Moreover they ought in such a case to maintain a better intelligence betwixt themselves than upon a march, and then the Master of the Ordnance is to be joined with them, and indeed upon these three persons next to the General the loss or gain of a Battle depends. Judge you then, Sir, whether these Employments are to be disposed of with so great facility, since the loss and overthrow of your Armies proceed from their insufficiency or negligence. When ever your Majesty or your Lieutenants shall make Election of such persons, your hearts ought to tremble with fear at so unadvised a choice. 
Captains of Foot.  And you ought to consider of it more than once.  
You have, Sir, next your Captains of Foot, to whom you give Commissions at the fancy of a Monsieur or a Madam, who recommend them out of a desire they have to prefer their own Relations and Creatures, and to oblige others. From these Commands ill bestowed, almost as many mischiefs may proceed as from the former; whether it be at the defence of a Breach, or in leading a Foot Company in a day of Battle, or in any other Enterprise of importance to your affairs: for if he who takes upon him such a Command, is not such as he ought to be, he will be defeated through his own fault, and all the men lost that are under his Command, where the damage and dishonour will be yours, and the foldness and courage of your Enemy will every day increase. Of which your Majesty both has seen, and do now see the Experience. At the time when I first entered into arms, the Title of a Captain was a Title of honour, and Gentlemen of good Families were proud of it: But nowadays every Plowboy and Carter that has commanded but in the quality of a Corporal takes upon him that Title. You will say, Sir, perhaps, that we who are your Majesty's Lieutenants are in fault for this, but you must pardon us if you please: for it proceeds principally from you, who have begun to confer these Commands upon little people, so that now the Gentlemen disdain them. In your Grandfather's time the Foot Companies consisted of a thousand men, which was a noble Command, and that was no small ease to your Treasure, there being not near so many foot Officers required as I have said elsewhere: but now it is a very great disorder, and for which your Majesty would do well to find out some remedy, that so many Captainets may return to be common Soldiers. And the same medley is at this day observed amongst your Knights of the Order, which is a very great confusion.  
Now, Sir, what does all this mean? but that to determine of differences and Suits in Law your Majesty makes all your Judges to pass a strict Examination, though you yourself can lose nothing by the sentence, let it go which way it will; whereas where it immediately concerns your own life, and the lives of my Lords your Brothers, and of all the Princes and great Captains of your Army, and consequently the ruin of your Kingdom, your Majesty without any manner of difficulty, or consideration, confers Commands and Governments upon the first that make suit for them. Sir, there is an old saying 

Si le Fol un conseil te donne,  
N'en fay refus pour la personne▪   

If the Fool good advice deliver,  
'Slight not the counsel for the Giver.   Which I bring in here to excuse the advice I intent humbly to offer to your Majesty, and which you ought to take in good part from me, who am at this day the oldest Captain in your Kingdom; and who from the passages I have seen in my time, aught in reason to have gained some experience for the time to come. The Counsel that I will presume to give you, is, that your Majesty would take exemple by the Examination whereby the bodies of your Parliaments are composed, where the several members are first to present themselves before your Chancellor, your Precedent and Counsellors, to be examined of their sufficiency, who if they thereupon be found incapable, they are sent back to study till they be wiser, and have rendered themselves worthy of the Employments to which they pretend.  
Before then, Sir, you dispose of any Command, upon which so many inconveniencies visibly depend, never confer it at the importunity of any man alive, till first you have put the person upon his Examination, remanding him before your Doctors, which are the old Captains who have gained experience by a long practice in Arms. You may have some old ones, who have not much stirred from their own Houses, I do not take such for old Captains, but worse than those the Chancellor sends back to study: for it is a saying. Too old to mend: but I mean that you should call to be assisting at your inquisition such as have ever followed the wars, and that are marked for such with a great many Paragraphs, that is to say, with Harquebus shots, or cuts, and slashes with the sword upon his face and body; which are signs that he has not always sat idle by the fire side. To this end, Sir, 'tis ●it you should have a Chancellor; and Sir, it is most reasonable that that Chancellor be the Monsieur your Brother, although he be yet very young; for in three or four years that he has born Arms he has won two memorable Battles, so that with the good understanding and judgement he is Master of, and being descended of so good a Race, it is impossible but he must have retained a great deal: for he has heard great Doctors in our Faculty dispute before him. Your Majesty must therefore have no other Chancellor of Arms but him; you shall still, Sir, be superior, for no one can take that from you, and 'tis you only that can confer honour upon others. As God has made you to be born a Prince to command so many millions of people, he has also distinguished you by some particular Endowments from the rest of men. When then any one shall make suit to you for any of the foremention'd Commands, your Majesty would do well to assemble your Chancellor and your Doctors; and if you be there present in person, it would be better if your Majesty would take the pains yourself to interrogate them if they know the person in question, where he has served his Apprenticeship, and under whom, (for oftentimes Like Master, like Man) and what act of honour he has performed? I doubt not but these old Cavaliers will frankly tell your Majesty the truth, as knowing very well of what importance it is to have a Captain a Fool, a Coward, or a Novice; and according to their characters and opinion you may confer upon him the Command he pretends to; for he has then passed the inquisition. 
A pleasant story of the Si●u● de Mont●uc.  And that your Majesty may be delivered from importunities, do, Sir, as I did once at Alba in Piedmont. Every day my horses were borrowed of me (for we had a little kind of a Truce) This vexed me, and I knew not how to avoid it: but at last I commanded my Trumpet to go and make proclamation throughout the Town from the Governor, (which was myself) that I had made an Oath never any more to lend my horses, and that therefore I had caused it to be thus proclaimed, that no one might be ignorant of my vow. After which I was no more importuned. Do you, Sir, the same; some day in a great Company declare openly before all the Lords and Ladies of your Court, that you have taken an Oath never to dispose of any Command or Government, but by the advice of your old Cavaliers and Captains. This will presently be spread abroad; for what you Kings and Princes say and do disperses itself with marvellous swiftness; and this will also produce another great effect, which is, that such as are freshmen in Arms, knowing they cannot get in at the Window, will endeavour to signalise and make themselves known to such as are to open them the door, and every one will contend who shall do best.  
O if your Majesty will but please to do this, how many brave Captains will you have in a little space! you will have more valiant Leaders than are again to be found in all the Kingdoms of Europe. And this also will produce two things, which of all others you ought most to desire in your Militia; of which the first is, that when this Governor or Captain shall have been preferred by the testimony of your old Cavaliers, given either to your Majesty, or to the Monsieur your Brother, he will look upon it for so great an honour, that he will determine within himself, if he have never so little courage, rather to lose a thousand lives, than be guilty of the least cowardice, or commit the least offence: for he will evermore think, that should he misbehave himself, he should do an injury to those who named him for the Employment he has obtained, and that your Majeste might justly reproach them with their oversight in that nomination: by which means they will endeavour to do the best they can that they may obtain honour, and that your Majesty may prefer them to a better Command; knowing that they must again pass the inquisition to arrive at it, and the examination of your old Captains, where if they shall have behaved themselves amiss, they will evermore make a true report, and will be ashamed to advise your Majesty to create such a one Maistre, or Marshal de Camp, whom they have seen misdemean himself in the quality of a simple Captain.  
The second advantage that will derive itself from this strict way of examination, is, that you will hereby stop the mouths of those importunate Lords and Ladies, who upon so light foundations make suit to you for Commands, upon which so many mischiefs depend, being assured before hand, that your Majesty will not grant them without the parties being well examined before your Chancellor and Doctors, but will refuse them, as you would do him that should ask of you the Office of a Councillor of the Parliament of Paris before he has passed the Test; for the Court would not admit him. I have hea●d that formerly your Father hearing that they had refused to admit one, who by some Lady was recommended to them, should say, that one Ass might very well pass amongst so many Spanish horses: but they would not believe him. Sir, put those by whom you desire to be served to the Test. I once saw a Gentleman (as I remember he was a Proven●●l) whose custom it was when any servant came to make him a tender of his service, he would presently put him to trial, and putting a sword into his hand, would command him to defend himself, without permitting him nevertheless to thrust at him, where if he found him a man firm, and resolute, he would presently entertain him; if otherwise, he would tell him he was not for his turn. By which means he had evermore brave and resolute men about him, for every one knew his custom, and no one would offer himself but he was stout and hardy; for he was a rude Gamester. This was an Examination practised by a Subject of yours, and a Law he established within himself, for every man is a King in his own House; as your Grandfather was answered by the Collier. Establishing this severe Inquisition of the merits of men, all Europe would presently know it, and so many importunate Suitors will be astonished at such a Law, and will think of nothing but how to learn, instead of courting Monsieur or Madam, and you will be rid of these impertinents whom you send about their business, and the other may go render themselves worthy before they offer to pretend to Employments too big for them, and that till they have given a better account of themselves, they cannot honestly pretend to, because they do not deserve them.  
There will also another conveniency arise from this way of proceeding, which is, that those you choose and honour with these Charges and Commands will hold them immediately from yourself, 
The Character of a little Monsieur of the Court.  or your Doctors, and not from the Ladies and the little Monsieurs of your Court, who better understand how to set the ●inger of their Watches to the hour of the day, than to levelly a piece of Canon against a Tower, or so much as to discharge a Musket, and yet by their haughty carriage, and stately motion, a man would think that all should tremble before them. I once heard one of these pretty fellows talk at such a rate, as if he had almost himself alone carried away the honour of the Battle of Monsieur de ●iron, and that Monsieur de Tavannes, nor even the Monsieur your Brother had done nothing comparable to him. Now, as I was saying, these Gentlemen who shall have the honour to hold their Commands immediately from yourself after this manner, will think themselves much more highly honoured; wherefore, Sir, in truth these are things you ought more to desire to see regulated, and to have a more especial regard unto, than all the rest that concerns military discipline, by how much all the Events of War, whether good or evil, under God, depends upon the choice you shall make of men of Command.  
I shall not here speak of Generals of Horse, nor Colonels of Foot, by reason those are two Employments that are only to be conferred upon Princes, or men of very extraordinary quality, who though they be young and of little experience, it imports not much, provided the Campmaster be an experimented man. And pursuing this method, your Majesty will soon see the confusion that is crept into your Armies vanished and gone; and the ancient splendour and beauty of your Companies of Gens-d'arms restored. One thing I perceive, that we very much lose the use of our Lances, either for want of good horses, of which methinks the Race visibly decays, or because we are not so dextrous in that kind of fight as our Predecessors were; for I see we quit them for the Germane pistols, and indeed fight in gross Battalions, these are much more ready than Lances are; for if they be not fought in file the Launceers are apt to encumber one another; and also that open kind of fight is not so safe and certain as in close Bodies.  
To return to my discourse; you may please to take notice, Sir, that all such as desire to advance themselves by Arms, will covet to be brought upon the Chequer of Examination. And in my opinion it would be well and prudently done of your Majesty to keep a List of all the brave and qualified men you have in your several Provinces, to the end, that a vacancy of any Command falling, you may think of those persons, and worthily supply it: by which means such as know themselves to be in your List will be highly encouraged, and endeavour with all the power they have to do you some notable piece of service: and such as are not in, will expose themselves to a thousand dangers to be put into it. This Book you should call the Book of Honour, and when you hear any one highly applauded, after having examined the particularities of his Exploits, your Majesty would do well to give public Order to have his name entered into your List. I remember I have heard when I was very young, that Lewis the Twelfth did after this manner, especially by those of the long Robe, and that the Office of Chief Justice of Agenois (a place of great profit and honour) being vacant, he remembered himself of a good Lawyer, who had made him a very eloquent Oration at Orleans, whose name he had set down in his List, and in pure Gift gave him the place. He likewise did the same in all Employments; and I have seen the same way practised by that great Odet de Foix, under whom I served in the beginning of my Arms: he knew the names of all the Captains and remarkable persons; and when any one had performed any signal Exploit, he presently booked him down.  
But, Sir, withal you must oft turn over this Book, and not content yourself with taking the names of such persons only, but employ and advance them according to their quality and desert, and encourage them by some gracious expressions in their favour; or if he be a poor Gentleman give him money, which if you please to do with your own hand, five hundred Crowns will be better taken than two thousand from the hands of a Treasurer; for something will evermore stick to their fingers. One time King Henry your Royal Father, and my good Master (whom God absolve) had ordered me two thousand Crowns, and he that was to pay it, was not ashamed to detain five hundred: but he met with a Gascon that was not wont to be so served, nor to pay such large Fees. He knew I would complain of him to the King, and was more overjoyed that he could persuade me to receive it, than I was of the receipt. If your Majesty would give with your own hand, these tricks would not be put upon men of desert. It was said in your Grandfather's time, that his Predecessor always did so, and had a Chest full of Bags stuffed with Crowns, in some more, in some less, which he himself distributed according to the quality of the person, or of the service he had performed. I know some will tell you that this is too much below a King; but Sir, do not believe them, for these are the people that would have the moulding of all the Paste, and would that your liberality should pass through their hands, to the end that they might nim from your bounty. Only one thing give me leave to tell your Majesty you should not give all to one, nor to a few persons; I beseech you, Sir, pardon my plainness, you have given one Gentleman of Guienne enough to have satisfied fifty pretenders. I will not say but that the man was brave and valiant, but there were who deserved it as well, or better than he; and who notwithstanding had nothing at all. Your Majesty may please to take what I say in good part: I have one foot in the Grave, and 'tis the affection I bear to your Crown, that prompts me to say what I do. I am Neighbour to the Spaniard, but he never had other than Flours-de-Lis from me. I could say a great deal more, if I durst, for in truth there is but too much to say, and but too many things to be reformed. I must now speak a little with your Majesty's permission to the Monsieur your Brother, your new Chancellor in arms.  
'Tis to you then (my Lord) that I address myself, and I should be sorry this Book should go out of my hands without some honourable testimony of your Grandeur. You are descended from the greatest Family in the world; there is no Record, but that these ten last descents have ever been hardy and warlike; and but very few from the first Christian King have been otherwise, although Races have gone out, and that others have seized upon the Crown, which is exceedingly admirable; for of four Generations of Gentlemen you shall hardly find two Descents together valiant: Which ought to make us believe, that God has a particular providence over this Kingdom, seeing he has given so great Gifts and Graces to those who are his Vicegerents, as to the Kings your Grandfather and Father. And although you are no King, you nevertheless share in the blessing that God has so liberally conferred upon your Royal Family. O (my Lord) you have great reason to think, and to assure yourself, that Almighty God has designed you for great ends, as is already discerned by the victories he has given you in your younger years, which are such as therein his Almighty arm has been manifestly seen, and that you have obtained them more through his Divine Will, than any power of man. Every one must therefore of necessity confess that this Kingdom is the Care of Heaven, that the King your Brother is God's Lieutenant, and that You are his. Behold what fair and honourable Titles!  
I must now take the boldness to talk a little to you. You are (my Lord) the prop upon whom he reposes and relies; you are he who are to command the Arms which are ●o carry him into all hazards, perils, and fortunes. You are the Trumpet which is to give us the signal what we are to do. You are our refuge and our hope, by whose testimony we are to expect from the King the recompense of all our services. 'Tis you who are to recommend us to his Majesty's knowledge, and who as a true Chancellor of the Sword are to make him a true Report of what we have done for his service; and who when we are dead and gone aught to present our Children to him, if we have behaved ourselves as men of honour ought to do. Finally you have all the eyes of France upon you, upon you (my Lord) who command Armies, and who have so often banged and banged again the Rebellious Hugonots. All Christendom knows that it is you, for the King is constrained, since his Council will have it so, to make war in his Cabine●. Since than you hold so high a place, upon which all other Offices and Commands that concern Arms depend, and that we are all to stand or fall by you for the King's service, and your own, your Highness ought to repose your entire confidence, and to lay out your whole care upon us who follow Arms: for all other conditions of men participate nothing with yours, forasmuch as all the rest depend upon men of the long Robe. Of such there are a great many in the King's Council: you have nothing to do with these people, neither indeed is it proper you should; for too many irons in the fire never do well, and it is an old saying, All covet, all lose.  
If your Highness will please a little to reflect upon what I take the boldness to represent before you, you will find that it will be necessary, seeing you are in so high a Station, to weigh and consider what it is that may help to maintain and support you in so great and so honourable a Command, than which nothing can be greater. Shall it be from these young Captains that you are to expect it? no certainly; for in these kind of people the●e is no manner of experience, but rather levity and folly. Shall it be from men of the long Robe? You are yet less to expect it from them than from the other. They will talk like freshwater Soldiers; they meddle but too much that way, and upon the Green-Cloth will be prating of Arms, that they no more understand than the Carpet they prate upon. From whom then? It is from the old Captains who have been exercised in Arms, and have passed the rude trial of Battles, Combats, Skirmishes, Sieges, and Aslaults. They will have cause to remember what they have seen, and will no doubt be mindful enough of the losses they have sustained, as also by what error and default the misfortune befell them. If they have been well beaten they will have cause to remember, and if they have been victorious they will hardly forget it. If you take advice of such men you cannot fail of keeping up your greatness, and of increasing your reputation and renown: for of such you will learn to know how rightly to command, and shall retain from them what they shall represent before you, when giving an account of what they have seen. You cannot employ your time better than to learn prudence to such a degree, that Posterity may triumph in your Name; and I know you are of too good a Race, not to covet that your renown should flourish after you are dead.  
There may peradventure be some old Captains about you, who have neither done nor seen any great matters; for having loved their Houses and their Riches better than the exercise of Arms. Truly (my Lord) there are two many Gentlemen of this humour, and the King would do well to degrade such dunghil-bred Gentlemen from all Nobility, who can command nothing but their Hounds and Greyhounds, whilst others are seeking danger in the field, and think it sufficient that they can wind a Horn. There is also another sort of men, who for want of understanding cannot retain what they have seen. They can perhaps say I was at the Battles of Cerizolles and Dreux, jarnac and Moncontour, but they are not able to give any account how Monsieur d' Anguien won the first, and how Monsieur de Guise saved the second; the Errors the Admiral committed in the two others, your Highness noble resolution, and finally all that passed, with the reasons both of the one and the other, nor any thing of all this; so that you would say they had never heard talk of it, no more than the most stupid loggerheaded Lancequenet that was there. These are not the men you are to rely upon. You are not nevertheless to reject these people, for you are to make use of all sorts of men, especially in matters of war.  
The men you ought to have about your person, and of your Cabinet Council, should be such old Captains as have reputation to be men without fear, vigilant, and prompt of execution. Such a Captain there may be, as may have done one brace thing in his life; but who by his slowness may have lost a hundred fair opportunities, where honour and advantage might have been obtained. Yet will I not say that you ought absolutely to despise these people: I am not so imprudent as to intend any such thing; for so peradventure I may sing my own wings, though what I am you will see in my Book. I dare presume to say, that at this time good and valiant Leaders do not grow by clusters, nor are to be sold by the dozen. You should, Sir, do something for every one of what degree soever; not for all alike, but according to every man's merit and renown. I know some will tell you, that if you draw so many about you, they will put you upon making great demands of the King; (for Soldiers are bold beggars) and that peradventure his Majesty may take offence at it; but for this there is a remedy good enough in the old Rule.  

Qui n'a de l'argent en bourse,  
Qu'il ait du Miel en Bouche.   

Who in his Pocket has no Money,  
In his mouth must carry Honey.   
By speaking them fair, and vouchsafing obliging language, you will entertain them in hopes that you do not forget them, but that when an opportunity presents itself, you will be ready to do them the best Offices in your power. A kind reception, a gracious smile, a friendly embrace, will keep them in breath. But if there be such a troublesome importunate fellow, that will not be satisfied with your gracious answers, you may conclude, that that man neither serves the King nor you heartily, or out of any great good will or affection to your person. Such people will never do you any good; and if the chance of war do not of itself free you from them, there are ways enough to shake them off; and whosoever he is that serves his Prince more out of avarice than affection, is unsound at the heart: For an avaricious servant when he sees he cannot satisfy his appetite of getting will desire to change his Master, thinking to get more by another, and to that end will corrupt others by the complaints that he will daily make to the rest, of the ill usage they receive. Avoid then (my Lord) having to do with such kind of people, and betimes before their venom have poisoned the rest: for such men do all they possibly can to make their Prince hated, to the end that they may cover their own private malice under the colour of a public Odium, and such are easy to be known. Such I have known, and such you daily see, who although they bow under the burden of the King's bounty never cease ask, nor ever will.  
Moreover (my Lord) to nourish the good will, and cherish the affection of Gentlemen and Captains, you may do well sometimes to write to them, that they may be certain they are in your favour and remembrance; for this will make them believe that you have a desire to perform something more and greater than before, and that you intent to pursue your fortune. And from this I will tell you what will follow, they will show your Letters to their Relations and Friends, who so soon as they shall see them, and that you have such a one in so great esteem as to honour him with your Letters, they will lay out all they can wrap and wring to put themselves into equipage to follow him, by which means one servant will bring you twenty or thirty more, out of the hopes they shall conceive, that in doing you service, you will be as gracious to them. And this will cost you no great trouble, your Secretaries will ease you of that, and but waving one hours recreation, you will sign more Dispatches than would serve the whole Kingdom. If it be to a man of very great quality, a word or two under your own hand in a Postscript will be no great trouble: but than it must not be too common, at the same time, nor in the same terms; a fault that I have evermore observed in the Secretaries of Princes, and particularly those of our own Nation: for they communicate their Letters to one another, and finding them all run in the same stile, make afterwards no great account of the favour.  
If (my Lords) you shall not please to do as I advise you, 
That a General ought to write frequently to his Captains.  see what will follow. When the Captain sees that you make no account of him, nor have him not in your remembrance, he will think you are satisfied with the fortune God has already bestowed upon you, and that therefore he is no more to hope that you shall have any ambition to be greater than you are; but that every man must think of retiring to his own house, without caring any more for Arms. And after a Soldier, let him have never so little a Competency to live upon, has once begun to relish the pleasure of his own House, his Wife, his Hawks, or his Hounds, and that he is once suffered to take that bent, it is a very hard matter to draw him out of the Chimney-corner to go again to the Wars, and to persuade him to forsake his soft and warm feathers, to lie abroad upon the hard and cold Turf; and if you get him out with much ado, it will be with a very ill will, and he will be always hankering homewards to see his Wife and Children. He shall never hear the report of a Musket, but, like a 
* A Frank Archer is one of the Traind-Band o● a P●rish, that seldom ●ees service but upon extraordinary occasion; and by b●ing upon the List is exempted from all Taxes,  Frank-Archer, he will think himself slain. In all these things custom is all; Canon and Harquebuze-shot astonish such as are not used to them, but after a man has once or twice heard them rattle about his ears, he cares not so much. There is nothing so prejudicial to War, as to let Soldiers and Officers lie idle and rust. Hang up your Headpiece, or your Cuirasse against a wall, and in a little space i● will be all rust and cobwebs: it is the same with men of war, if they be suffered to lie still and do nothing. Wherefore your Highness ought to have a special care of this; for keeping your Captains waking with your Letters, and some little benefits from the King, you will hold every one in expectation, and ready to march so soon as his Majesty's Summons, or your Command shall be brought to them. To this end give your Secretary's order to put you in mind, for otherwise the Ladies, or the delights of the Court, will put it out of your head. You are young, and 'tis sit you should taste the pleasures of the world; it is but reasonable you should know what they are; we have done it before you, and those who are to follow after will do the same. But go soberly to work.  
By this Alarm you shall give your Soldiers with your Letters, you will discover to all the world that you will not forget the faculty that God has given you, nor suffer your Talon to lie idle; and every one who has an inclination to arms will resolve to attend you to the utmost stretch of your fortune. You will make it appear, that since God has alreay laid his hand upon your shoulder, you will try if he will not lay it upon your head also: you ought to have an opinion that he will be pleased to do it, and to take the verse in the Psalm for your Motto. Coelum Coeli Domino: Terram autem dedit fil●is hominum: which is to say, that God has reserved the Heavens for himself, and has left the Earth for us to conquer. This Verse was not made for such little Companions as I am, but for Kings and such Princes as you are: and yet give me leave to tell you, that although I am a poor Gentleman, and have not the spirit of a King, yet had God pleased to preserve my Sons, and have granted me a little better health, I should have thought, with the help of my friends, provided we had been at peace at home, to have got some corner of the world or another to my own share, and if I could not have got a great 〈◊〉, I should at least have had a Gobbet; or at the worst I should only have lost my labour and my life, both which I should have thought well laid out for the purchase of honour. Had my Son lived I do verily believe he would have brought about the design, that the Admiral knows he had in his head, and that he may acquaint your Highness withal. You are young, your Brother has the great piece, you are to go seek your fortune elsewhere, and instead of being a Subject, make others Subjects to you. Since then such a poor fellow as I am have the courage to foar so high, and that the Sons of Labourers and Forge-men (as I have heard) have by their virtue arrived at Empire, what are you to hope for who are the Son and Brother to the greatest King in Europe? you aught to look for no less when occasion shall present itself, and that you shall see your time. A magnanimous Prince is never to rest contented, but still to push on his fortune; the world is so wide there is enough to conquer; and the King your Brother has power enough to assist you. You are in your age of undertaking, and you are fortunate. I am sorry that you have laid aside the great and brave name of 
* For he was Christened Edovard Alexander, which he afterwards changed for Henry, and was Henry the third of France.  Alexander, who, if I mistake not, was the most valiant Warrior that ever bore arms. His Majesty will help to set some foreign Crown upon your head. If then God shall do you the grace to put an end to these miserable domestic Broils, set your designs on foot, and try to immortalize your Name. Employ those many Servants you have in conquering something; and seeing my age, and the wounds I have received will not permit me to serve you in so brave an Enterprise, I shall at least humbly advise you never to stop the Career of your Arms, but still to attempt greater and more difficult undertake, taking the device of the Emperor Charles, who cut out so much work for your famous Ancestors. In case you cannot arrive at the utmost aim of your Ambition, you shall at least advance the better half way to your desires. I have no hopes, being a maimed Valetudinary as I am, myself to serve you in these honourable designs; but I leave you three little Montlucs, which I hope will not degenerate from their Grandfather and their Fathers. More I have not to trouble your Highness withal; and also it is time to put an end to my Book.  
Behold here (fellows in Arms) you who shall read my life, the end of the Wars in which I have served five and fifty years together that I had the honour to be in Command for the Kings my Masters. From which services, that I might not forget them, I brought away seven Harquebuze-shots for a Memorandum, 
The Sieur de Montlucs wounds.  and several other wounds besides, there being not a limb in all my body that has escaped, my right arm only excepted. But I have by those wounds purchased a renown throughout Europe, and my name is known in the remotest Kingdoms, which I esteem more than all the riches in the world; and by the Grace of God, who has ever been assisting to me, I will carry this reputation along with me to my Grave. 
Miserable condition of a Soldier.  This is a marvellous contentment to me when I think upon it, and call to mind how I am step by step arrived to this degree of honour, and through so many dangers am come to enjoy the short repose that remains to me in this world, in the calm and privacy of my own house, that I may have leisure to ask God forgiveness for the sins I have committed. Oh if his mercy was not infinitely great, in how dangerous a condition were all those that bear arms, especially that are in command; for the necessity of war forces us in despite of our own inclinations to commit a thousand mischiefs, and to make no more account of the lives of men than of a Chicken: to which the complaints and outcries of the people, whom we are constrained in despite of us every day to swallow up and devour, and the Widows and the Fatherless that we every day do make load us with all the curses and execrations, misery and affliction can help them to invent, which by importuning the Almighty, and daily imploring the assistance of the Saints, 'tis to be feared lie some of them heavy upon our heads. But doubtless Kings shall yet have a sadder account to make than we; for they make us commit those evils (as I told the King in discourse at Tholo●ze) and there is no mischief whereof they are not the cause: for seeing they will make wars, they should at least pay those who venture their lives to execute their passions, that they may not commit so many mischiefs as they do. I think myself then exceedingly happy, in that God has given me leisure to think of the sins I have committed, or rather that the necessity of war has enforced me to commit. 
The Sieur de Montlucs nature.  For I am not naturally addicted to mischief; above all I have ever been an enemy to the vice of impurity, and a sworn adversary to all disloyalty and treason. I know very well and confess, that my passion has made me say, and do things for which I now cry Meaculpa; but 'tis now too late to redress them, and I have one that lies heavier upon my heart, than all the rest. But had I proceeded otherwise every one would have s●irted me on the nose, and the least Consul of a Village would have clapped too his Gates against me, had I not always had the Canon at my heels; for every one had a mind to Lord it. God knows how fit I was to endure such affronts; but all's done and passed; my hand was ever as prompt as my tongue, and it was but a word and a blow. I could have wished, could I have persuaded myself to it, never to have worn a sword by my side, but my nature was quite otherwse, which made me carry for my device, Deo Deuce, Ferro Comite. One thing I can truly say of myself, that never any King's Lieutenant had more commiseration of the ruin of the people than I, in all places where ever I came. But it is impossible to discharge those Commands without doing mischief, unless the King had his Coffers crammed with Gold to pay his Armies; and yet it would be much to do. I know not if those that succeed me will do better; but I do not believe it. All the Catholics of Guienne can witness, if I did not always spare the people: for I appeal from the Hugonots, I have done them too much mischief to give me any good testimony; and yet I have not done them enough, nor so much as I would; my good will was not wanting. Neither do I care for their speaking ill of me, for they will say as much or more of their Kings.  
But before I put an end to this Book of mine, which my name will cause to be read by many, 
The Sieur de Montlucs acknowledgement.  I shall desire all such as shall take the pains to read these Commentaries, not to think me so ingrate that I do not acknowledge, after God, to hold all I have of Estate and Preferment of the Kings my Masters, especially of my good Master King Henry, whom God absolve. And if I have in some places of my Book said, that wounds were the recompense of my service, it is not at all intended to reproach them with the blood I have lost in their quarrels. On the contrary I think the blood of my Sons who died in their service very well employed. 
The death of the Sieur de Montlucs Son.  God gave them to me, and he took them from me. I have lost three in their service; Marc Anthony my eldest, Bertrand (to whom I gave the name of Peyrot (which is one of our Gascon names) by reason that Bertrand did not please me) and Fabian Seigneur de Montesquieu. God gave me also three o●hers. For of my second Son I had Blaize, and of my youngest Adrian and Blaize, whom God preserve, that they may be serviceable to their Kings and Country, without dishonouring their Race; that they may well study my Book, and so imitate my life, that, if possible, they may surpass their Grandsire; and I beseech your Majestic be mindful of them. I have left them, amongst my Papers, the Letter your Majestic was pleased to write to me from Villiers dated the 3. of December 1570, 
The King's ● Letter to the Sieur de Montluc.  which contains these words. Assure yourself, that I shall ever be mindful of your many and great services, for which if you shal● in your own person fall short of a worthy recompense, your posterity shall reap the fruits of your merit; as also they are such, and have so well behaved themselves in my service, that they have of themselves very well deserved my acknowledgement, and that I should do for them what I shall be very ready to do whenever an opportunity shall present itself. Sir, this is your Majesty's promise, and a King should never say or promise any thing but he will perform.  
I do not then by any means reproach my Mistress; and I ought also to be satisfied, though I am not rich, that a poor Cadet of Gascony is arrived at the highest Dignities of the Kingdom. I see several at this day who murmur and repine at their Majesties; and for the most part those who have done little or nothing make the greatest complaints. In others who have really deserved something it is a little more pardonable: all that we have, of what degree soever we are, we hold it of the Kings our Masters. So many great Princes, Lords, Captains, and Soldiers, both living and dead, owe to the King the honours they have received; and their Names shall live by the Employments they have received from the Kings they served, and were not only interred with those honourable Titles, but have moreover honoured those who are descended of them, and mention will be made of their virtue whilst any Records of honour remain in the world. I have listed a good number in my Book, and have myself had Soldiers under my Command, who have been no better in their Extraction, than the Sons of poor labouring men, who have lived and died in a reputation as great and high as they had been the Sons of Lords, through their own virtue, and the esteem the Kings and their Lieutenants had of them. When my Son Marc Anthony was carried dead to Rome, the Pope and all the Cardinals, the Senate and all the People of Rome, 
Honour done to Marc Anthony de Montluc.  paid as much honour to his Hearse as if he had been a Prince of the blood. And what was the cause of all this, but only his own Valour, my Reputation, and my King, who had made me what I was? So that the name of Marc Anthony is again to be found in the Roman Annals. When I first entered into Arms out of my Page-ship in the House of Lorraine, there was no other discourse but of the great Gonsalvo, called the great Captain. How great an honour was it to him (which also will last for ever) to be crowned with so many Victories? I have heard it told, that King Lewis and King Ferdinand being together, I know not at what place, but it was somewhere where they had appointed an Interview, these two great Princes being sat at Table together, 
Honour done to the great Captain Gonsalvo.  our King entreated the King of Spain to give leave that Gonsalvo might dine with them; which he accordingly did, whilst men of far greater quality than he stood waiting by. So considerable had the King his Master's favour, and his own valour made him. This was the honour he received from the King of France, who in recompense for his having deprived him of the Kingdom of Naples put a weighty Chain of Gold about his neck. I have heard Monsieur de Lautrec say, that he never took so much delight in looking upon any man, as upon that same. O how fair an Exemple is this for those who intent to advance themselves by Arms! When I went the second time into Italy as I passed through the Streets of Rome, every one ran to the windows to see him that had defended Sienna, which was a greater satisfaction to me than all the Riches of the Earth. I could produce several Exemples of French men, of very mean Extraction, who have by Arms arrived at very great Preferments: but out of respect to their Posterity I shall forbear; but it was the bounty of their Kings that so advanced them for the recompense of their brave services.  
It is then just that we confess, we could be nothing without their bounty and favour; if we serve them, 'tis out of obedience to the Commandment of God, and we ought not to try to obtain rewards by importunities and reproaches; and if any one be ill rewarded, the fault is not in our Kings, but in them who are about them, that do not acquaint them who have served well, or ill; (for there are many of both sorts) to the end that his Majesty's largess should be rightly placed. And there is nothing that goes so much to the heart of a brave and loyal Subject, as to see the King heap honours and rewards upon such as▪ have served him ill. I am sure it is that that has vexed me more than any disappointment of my own. I have often heard some men say, the King or the Queen have done this, and that for such a one, why should they not do as much for me? The King has pardoned such a one such an offence, why does he not also pardon me? I know also that their Majesties have said, They will no more commit such oversights, we must wink at this one fault: but it was the next day to begin the same again. However a man ought never to stomach any thing from his Prince. The honour of such men lies in a very contemptible place, since they more value a reward or a benefit than their own reputation or renown, and are so ready to take snuff if they fail of their expectation. And moreover (as I have already said) they are commonly men that have never struck three strokes with sword, and yet will vapour what dangers they have passed, and what hardships they have endured. If a man should strip them naked, one might see many a proper fellow that has not so much as one fear in all his body. Such men, if they have born arms any while, are very fortunate, and at the day of Judgement if they go into Paradise, will carry all their blood along with them, without having lost one dram of their own, or having shed one drop of any others here upon earth.  
Others I have heard, and of all sorts of men, even to the meanest, complain that they have served the King four, five, or six years, and notwithstanding have not been able to get above three or four thousand Livers yearly Rend: poor men they are sore hurt. I speak not of the Soldiers only, but of all other conditions of men his Majesty makes use of. I have heard my Father, who was an old man, and others older than he, report that it was a common saying at Court, and throughout the whole Kingdom in the Reign of Lewis the Twelfth. 
Chastillon, Bourdillon,  
Galliot, & Bonneval,  
Governent le sang Royal.  and yet I dare be bold to say, that all these four Lords who governed two Kings, put them all together never got ten thousand Livers yearly Revenue. I have formerly said as much to the Marshal de Bourdillon, who thereupon returned me answer, that his Predecessor was so far from getting 3000 Livers a year, that he sold 1500, and left his Family very necessitous. Should any one ask the Admiral to show what his Predecessor, who governed all, got by his favour, I durst lay a good wager he could not produce 2000 Livers yearly Revenue. As for Galliot he lived a great while after the others, and he peradventure might in that long time take together three or four thousand Livers a year. For what concerns Bonneval; Monsieur de Bonneval that now is, and Monsieur de Byron are his Heirs, and I believe they can boast of no great Estates. O happy Kings that had such Servants. 'Tis easy to discern that these men served their Masters out of the love and affection they bore to their persons and the Crown, and not upon the account of reward; and I have heard that they evermore rather begged for the King's own Domestic Servants, than for themselves. They are gone down to their Graves with honour, and their Successors are not nevertheless in want.  
Since I have spoken of others, I will now say something of my self. Some perhaps after I am dead will talk of me, as I talk of others. I confess that I am very much obliged to the Kings I have served, especially to Henry my good Master, as I have often said before, and I had now been no more than a private Gentleman, had it not been for their bounty, and the opportunities they gave me to acquire that reputation I have in the world; which I value above all the treasure the Earth contains, having immortalised the name of Montluc. And although during the long time that I have born arms, I have acquired but very little wealth, yet has no one ever heard me complain of the Kings my Masters: marry I have spoke at mouth of those about them, when in these late Troubles I was calumniated by them, as if I could have done all things with nothing. Believe me the wounds I have received have administered more comfort than affliction to me; and one thing I am sure of, that when I am dead they can hardly say, that at the Resurrection I shall carry all the blood, bones and veins I brought with me into the world from my Mother's womb, along with me into Paradise. As for Riches I have enough. It is true, that had I been bred up in the School of the Baylif of Esperon, I should have had more; the story is not amiss, and therefore I shall insert it here.  
Lewis the Twelfth going to Bayonne lay in a Village called Esperon, 
A pleasant story of the Bailiff of Esp●ron.  which is nearer to Bayonne than two Bourdeaux. Now upon the great Road betwixt these two places, the Baylif had built a very noble House. The King thought it very strange, that in a Country so bare and barren as that was, and amongst Downs and Sands that would bear nothing, this Baylif should build so fine a House, and at supper was speaking of it to the Chamberlain of his Household; who made answer, that the Baylif was a rich man: which the King not knowing how to believe, considering the wretched Country his house was seated in, he immediately sent for him, and said to him these words. Come on Baylif, and tell me why you did not build your fine House in some place where the Country was good and fertile? Sir, answered the Baylif, I was born in this Country, and find it very good for me. Are you so rich, said the King, as they tell me you are? I am not poor, replied the other, I have (blessed be God) wherewithal to live. The King then asked him, how it was possible he should grow so rich in so pitiful a barren Country. Why, very easily Sir, answered the other, because I have ever had more care to do my own business, than that of my Master, or my Neighbours. The Devil refuse me, said the King (for that was always his Oath) thy reason is very good; for doing so, and rising betimes, thou couldst not choose but thrive. O how many Sons has this Baylif left behind him to inherit this virtuous humour! I was never any of those. I do really believe, that there is never a little Pedlar in the world, who, having trotted, run and moiled as I have done, but would have enriched himself to a Merchant. And there is never a Treasurer nor a Receiver (let him be as honest as he would) in the Kingdom, that had had so much money pass through his hands, as has done through mine, but more would have stuck to his fingers. I have been seven or eight times Captain of Foot, which is none of the worst Commands for getting of money; and I have known several Captains in my time, who have enriched themselves merely out of their Soldiers pay. I was not so ignorant, nor so raw a Soldier, neither did I want dexterity, but that I could have done the feat as well as they; neither was it any such hard matter to learn, for with a good Quartermaster, and some few other little helps the business had been done. I have since been three times Campmaster, in which Employment God knows I might have had Skip-jacks enough to have made Muster, and intelligence enough with the Commissaries. I could have discovered when any thing was to be got, as soon or sooner than any man in the Army, I had nose good enough. I was after Governor of a place, where I could have had fourscore or a hundred men at my devotion to have passed Muster, as Messieurs les Governors know well how to do: by which means, having been so long in these Commands as I have been, and made so many Musters as I have done in my life, with a little good husbandry, Good God what a Mountain of Gold might I have had! I never think of it but it makes me wonder at my own honesty, that could resist so many temptations. I was moreover the King's Lieutenant in Sienna, and another time at Montalsin; where I had ways enough to have lined my pockets, as others in the like Commands have done: for it had been no more but to have had intelligence with three or four Merchants, who should have affirmed that the Corn of the Garrison had been bought by them, and taken up upon their Credit, and it had been done. God knows what profits are made of these Magazines. I could then have made demands upon the account of borrowing, and have deputed some who would have been ready to have taken the Employment upon them, to have brought in a hundred or two hundred thousand Francs in Debentures. But instead of this his Majesty owed us five pays when we came out of Sienna, whereof I found means to acquit him of three so soon as we came to Montalsin. Afterwards the second time that I was sent thither, in the place of Monsieur de Soubize, I stayed six weeks by the King's Command at Rome with the Pope, and his Majesty's Ambassadors and Agents. It was at the time when the Duke of Alva made war with his Holiness, and all the Sea-coast was ready to be abandoned, and Grossette was not able any longer to subsist, having not a grain of Corn, no more than the other Garrisons. I found at Rome some Siennese Gentlemen, that marched out of Sienna with me, who brought me acquainted with a Banquer called julio d' Albia, a Siennese also, who upon my own bare word lent me 600 
a A Moge is a Measure containing about six Bushels.  Moges of Corn, which are 300 Tuns or Barrels, at twelve 
b M●id the bled, (measure de Paris) contains twelve Septiers, the Septier two Mines, the Mine 6 B●isseaux, the B●isseau 4 Quarts, which amount to about five Quarters, a Coomb, and a Bushel of London measure.  Maid's the Barrel, conditionally that I should monthly pay him 600 Crowns at every Muster. This money I could no way raise but out of the deductions I reserved from the Musters, and instead of putting it into my own pocket, I accordingly paid him all, the last payment only excepted; for there was no more money, nor means to have any; so that we made no Muster. I might have made my advantage of this, for I furnished several places that stood in need, according to the authority I was invested withal; and I saved half the Corn, which I lent to the Country people, who were more distressed for bread than the Soldiers. There it was that I began to play the Usurer; but it was at the expense of the King's Conscience; for, for every Muid that I lent them then, I received two at the Harvest; and indeed it was double worth at the time when I lent it, and yet a penny of this profit never came into my purse, for I left it all to the King. I stayed yet seven months longer in these parts, without receiving so much as one Pay; during four months of which I made my men live of twenty ounces of bread a day out of the profits I made of the Corn, saving as much as in me lay my Master's money. The other three Months I paid the Soldiers with good words, and the liberality of my Bonnet, as I had done at Sienna. Some time after Don Francisco arrived, who found Corn yet in the Magazine. I moreover dealt with the Duchess de Castro, Wife to the Duke who was slain at Piacenza, who knew Monsieur de Valence my Brother, at the time when he was in the service of Pope Paul Farnese. Pope Paul Caraffa had made a Prohibition, that no manner of Grain should be carried out of Romania; but this Duchess under hand permitted certain Merchants to bring it by night into our Territories, where our merchants met, and bought it of them. I carried this practice very close, of which I could have made a very great advantage to my own private profit; but never so much as one Liard came into my purse.  
I could have brought the King ● Bill of two or three hundred thousand Francs debt, as did Signior jourdano Corso, and others whom I shall forbear to name, who were well paid. I was neither so simple, nor my opportunities were not so few, but that I could have done it as well as any of them. I have been his Majesty's Lieutenant in this Province of Guienne, and have been much up and down abroad in the world, but never saw any Country equal to it, 
The fertility of Guienne.  either in Riches or Conveniency of Living. And having such an Employment, I could have had intelligence with the Receiver of the Province, (those kind of men desire no better) and have stuff● my own Coffers; for what upon Musters, Garrisons, and Equipages of the Artillery, I could have made infinite advantages. How many Impositions might I have laid upon the Country? for the King had given me power to do it, which would have turned to my particular benefit: for although his Majesty in that Commission doubtless intended those Levies for his own service; I could, if I would have put the charge upon him, and have converted a great part of them to my own proper use. I could if I would have fired Towns, and have sent a Will with the wisp up and down to the Towns and Villages to whisper the principal Inhabitants in the ear, that they must either give me money to free them, or that otherwise I would cause them to be undone, and come quarter Soldiers upon them, who should eat them to the very bones: for they know men of our Trade are seldom weary of ill doing. I could also have sent to tell the Hugonots, who lived at home under the protection of the Edict, that unless they greased me in the first, I would cause them all to be ruined and pulled in pieces; and what would they not have given me to have secured their Lives and Estates? for they did not greatly confide in me, hearing how I had handled them before. But instead of making use of such Artifices of these to enrich myself, I let the Captains and Gens-d'arms, and others who served the King, and asked it of me, take all; reserving very little or nothing to my own benefit. And even that which I had at Clairac I took by the King's permission. Let others therefore rest content. If God would please to let me be once cured of this great Harquebuze-shot in my Face, I think yet, that should the War break out again, I should be one to mount to horse; and I think it is not far off; for so long as there are two Religions, France will evermore be in division and trouble. It cannot otherwise be, and the worst on't is, 'tis a War that will not be ended of a long time. Other quarrels are easily composed, but that for Religion has no end. And although the Martial sort of men are not very devout, they however side, and being once engaged stick to their Party. In the posture that affairs now stand, I do not think we are at an end. However I have this satisfaction in myself, that I have to my utmost opposed it, and done my best endeavour to settle the peace of the Kingdom. Would to God that all those who have been in Command had connived no more than I But we must let God work his own will. After he has sufficiently scourged us for our sins he will burn the Rod.  
And now, you Lords and Captains, who shall do me the honour to read my Book, let me beseech you not to read it with prejudice, but believe that I have delivered the truth, without depriving any one of his due and merited honour. I make no question but that some will bring some things that I have here related into dispute, to see if they can catch me tripping in point of truth; forasmuch as they will find that God has never more accompanied the fortune of any man, for the Employments I have gone through, than he did mine. But let me assure such, that I have omitted an infinite number of passages and particularities, by reason that I never committed any thing to writing, nor ever kept any memorial, as never suspecting myself to become a Writer of Books. I ever thought myself unfit for that Employment, but in the time of my last hurt, and during my sicknesses I have dictated this that I leave you, to the end that my name may not be buried in oblivion; nor so many other gallant men, whom I have seen perform so many and so brave exploits: 
Negligence of Historians.  for the Historians write only of Kings and Princes. How many brave Gentlemen have I here set down, of whom these people make no mention, no more than if they had never been? He who has writ the Battle of C●risolles, though he does name me, yet it is but slightly, and in transitu only; and yet I can honestly boast, that I had a good hand in that Victory; as also at Bullen and Thionville. Which they take no notice of at all, no more than of the valour and gallant behaviour of a great number of your Fathers and Kindred, whose names you will find here. Do not then think it strange if I have been so fortunate as I have written, for I never minded any thing but my Command, and have ever acknowledged that all my successes came from God, into whose hands I ever resigned myself and all my affairs; although the Hugonots were pleased to report me for an Atheist. They are my professed enemies, and you ought not to believe them. And although I have had my imperfections and my 〈◊〉, and am no more a Saint than other men, (they had their share too though they pretended holiness and mortification) yet I have ever placed my hope in God, evermore acknowledging, that from him alone I was to expect my good or evil fortune, attributing to his bounty and assistance all the successes of my lif●. Neither was I ever in any action whatever wherein I have not implored his Divine assistance, and never passed over day of my life, since I arrived at the age of man, without calling upon his Name, and ask pardon for my sins. And many times I can say with truth, that upon sight of the Enemy I have found myself so possessed with fear, that I have felt my heart beat, and my limbs tremble (let us not make ourselves braver than we are; for every man upon earth apprehends death when he sees it before his eyes) but so soon as I had made my prayer to God, I felt my spirits and my strength return. The prayer which I continually used, from my fi●st entering into Arms, was in these very words. 
The Sieur de Montlu●s Prayer when he went to ●ight.  My God, who hast created me, I most humbly beseech thee to preserve my judgement entire, that this day I may not lose it; for it is thou that gavest it me, and I hold it from no other but thee alone. If thou hast this day appointed me to die, grant that I may fall with the resolution of a man of honour, which I have sought for through so many dangers. I ask thee not my life, for I desire nothing but what pleases thee. Thy will be done, I resign all things to thy divine wisdom and bounty. After which having said my little Latin prayers, I declare and protest in the presence of God and men, that I suddenly felt a heat creep over my heart and members, so that I had no sooner made an end, but that I found myself quite another man than when I began. I was no more afraid, and my understanding again returned to perform its Office, so that with promptitude and judgement I discerned what I had to do, without ever losing it after in any Engagement wherein I have ever been.  
How many are departed this life, who were they now living could witness, if ever they saw me astonished, or lose my judgement in any action of war, whether at an Assault, or in any other Rencounter or Battle. Messieurs de Lautrec, de l' Escut, de Barbezieux, de Monpezat, de Terms, du Bié, de Strozzy, de Bourdillon, de Brissac, d' Angu●en, de Boitieres, and de Guise could have given testimony of me; for they had all had me under their Command, and have all seen me in a thousand and a thousand dangers, without the least sign of fear or amazement. Who, could they again return to life, would be good witness of the truth of what I have delivered; and yet they are not all dead, under whom, and by whom I had the honour to serve, and to be commanded, who although they were much younger Captains than I, it was nevertheless fit I should obey them. Monsieur le Duc d' Aumale, and the Mareschaux de Cossé, and de Vielle Ville are of this number; and I beseech you (my noble Lords if my Book peradventure fall into your hands) to do me right, and declare whether what I have here delivered be true, or false; for you have been eye-witnesses of part of it; and I fancy that after my death you will be curious to see what I have writ. There are others also who are able to give me the lie, if I have said aught but true; namely Signior Ludovico de Biraga, and Monsieur le Precedent de Birague, who never abandoned that brave Marshal de Brissac. Several others are yet living who have been my Companions in Arms, and many others who have served under my Command; all which are able to affirm the truth of what I have said, and whether whenever there was a debate about any Execution, I did not always think nothing impossible; but on the contrary concluded things feasible, which others concluded impossible to be effected. I undertook it, and brought it about, having evermore that steadfast assurance in God, that he would not forsake me, but open the eyes of my understanding to see what was to be done to make my Enterprise succeed. I never thought any thing impossible but the taking of Thionville, of which the honour is to be attributed to Monsieur de Guise alone, and in truth there was more of fortune than reason in that success, though the said Sieur de Guise was ever confident he should carry it, and so he did.  
Fellows in arms, how many and how great things shall you perform if you put your whole trust in God, and set honour continually before your eyes? discoursing with yourselves, that if it be determined you shall end your days in a Breach ' 'tis too much purpose to stay behind in the Graft. 
* A brave death illustrates a man's whole life.  Vn bell morir, (says the Italian) tuta la vita honora. 'Tis to die like a beast for a man to leave no memory behind him. Never go about to deprive another man of his honour, nor ever set avarice and ambition in your prospect: for you will find that it will all come to nought, and end in misery and disgrace. I do not say this that I have any mind to play the Preacher, but merely out of respect to truth. How many are there in the world, who are yet living, and whom I shall forbear to name, that have had the reputation of valiant men, and yet have been very unfortunate in their undertaking? Believe me the hand of God was in this, and though they might implore his divine aid, their devotion was not right, which made the Almighty adverse to them. If therefore you would have God to be assisting to you, you must strip yourselves of ambition, avarice, and rancour, and be full of the love and loyalty we all owe to our Prince. And in so doing although his quarrel should not be just, God will not for all that withdraw his assistance from you: for it is not for us to ask our King if his cause be good or evil, but only to obey him. And if you are not rewarded for the services you have performed, you will not stomach your being neglected, by reason it was not your intention nor design to fight upon the score of ambition and greatness, nor out of a thirst of riches; but upon the account of fidelity, and duty that God has commanded you to bear to your Prince and Sovereign. You will rejoice to find yourselves esteemed and beloved by all the world, which is the greatest Treasure a man of honour ought to cove●. For great Estates and high Titles perish with the body, but a good Reputation and Renown are immortal as the Soul. I now see myself drawing towards my end, and languishing in my bed towards my dissolution, and 'tis a great consolation to me, that in spite of Death my name shall live and flourish, not only in Gascony, but moreover in foreign Nations.  
This then is the end of my Book, and of thus far of my life, which if God shall please longer to continue to me, some other may write the rest, if ever I shall again be in place, where I shall perform any thing worthy of myself; which nevertheless I do not hope for, finding myself so infinitely decayed, that I never again expect to be able to bear arms. I have however this obligation to the Harquebus shot, which has pierced through and shattered my face, that it has been the occasion of writing these Commentaries, which I have an opinion will continue when I am dead and gone. I entreat all those who shall read them, not to look upon them as proceeding from the Pen of an Historian, but of an old Soldier, and a Gascon, who has writ his own life truly, and in the rough stile of a Soldier. All such as bear arms may take exemple by it, and acknowledge that from God alone proceed the successes or the misfortunes of men. And seeing we ought to have recourse to him alone, let us beseech him to assist and advise us in all our afflictions, for in this world there is nothing else, of which the great ones have their share as well as the meanest of us all. Wherein he manif●steth his own greatness, in that neither King nor Prince are exempted from his correcting hand, and who stand not continually in need of him and his divine assistance.  
Do not disdain, you who desire to follow arms, instead of reading Amadis de Gaul, and Lancelot du Lake, to spend sometimes an hour in reading what I have done, and in taking notice of what I have been, in this Treatise that I leave behind me. By which means you shall learn to know yourselves, and betimes to form yourselves to be Soldiers and Captains; for you must first learn to obey, that you may afterwards know how to command. This is not for silkworms, and spruce Courtiers to do; nor for those that are in love with their ease, but for such as by the ways of virtue, and at the price of their lives will endeavour to immortalize their names, as I hope, in despite of envy I have done that of Montluc.  

Here the Signieur de Montluc had put an end to his book; but since, the short Supplement following was found amongst his Papers.  
I Here thought I had at once put an end both to my Writing, and my Life; never imagining that God would ever again have enabled me to get on horseback to bear arms; but he was pleased to order it otherwise. For some time all France was happy in the enjoyment of Peace and repose, whilst I alone was afflicted with sickness, and tormented with my great wound, which together confined me for the most part to my bed: notwithstanding by little and little I recovered my health, being more glad to be discharged of my Government, than if that heavy burden had still lain upon my shoulders. The Marquis de Villars, who has now the charge upon him, will no doubt acquit himself of his trust, as an old Cavalier, and a great Captain ought to do.  
Now I ever said with myself, hearing news from Court (for I had yet some correspondence there) that the Hugonots were too much caressed, for any good to come of it, and saw very well that there was some mischief a brewing. The King by his Letters, which I have yet by me, and also in discourse to several of my friends, was pleased to declare, that he was no way dissatisfied with me, that he desired to manifest how much I was in his favour and esteem, and that my own indisposition had been the only reason of his putting the Marquis de Villars into my place. I was content to believe it to be so; for we must believe as our Kings will have us, or otherwise we offend them. Now although I was no more the King's Lieutenant, notwithstanding all the Nobless, and all the 〈◊〉 of Guienne ever paid me a very great respect, and very often came to visit me; at which times we never parted without some discourse of what the times would come to: for we thought the Hugonots were grown very insolent, and spoke almost as high as in the first Troubles. Had I been as young and lusty now, as I was then, I should have made some of them have held their prating, at least in Gascony, where I was.  
A year or thereabout being passed over in this manner, 
Th● Execution upon St. 〈◊〉 Eve at 〈◊〉.  news was brought of what had happened upon St. Bartholomew's day at Paris; where the Admiral was so unadvised as to engage his person, out of vanity to show that he governed all. I wonder that so circumspect and so wise a man, and a man so well beaten to the affairs of the world should commit so gross an error. He paid dear for it, for it cost him his life, and many others. And indeed, to speak the truth, he had brought great troubles upon the Kingdom; for I know that all, n●r the one half of the mischief was never contrived by the Prince of Condé. The said Prince; communicated but too much of his designs to me at Poissy, and I do believe, that would I have given ear to him, he would have told me all. I acquainted the Queen with every syllable of it; but she enjoined me silence. She did not then think that things would have come to that pass, that they afterwards did. I know very well, and it is very well known to all the world, that she was accused for the cause of the Commotions, that happened in the fi●st Troubles; and the Prince did her the wrong to send her Letters into Germany, to show them, and cause them to be printed and published in all places: which nevertheless did not much advance his affairs. The said Lady the Queen being at Tholouze, did me the honour to talk with me above three hours upon that subject, and said a great many things to me, that I shall be so wise as to keep to myself. So it is, that it is a very easy matter to reprehend, and find fault with those who have the management of the affairs of the world, especially affairs of so great importance as she had, having the King and his Brothers so young upon her hands, and all the Princes being bandied against one another; and afterwards this specious Cloak of Religion, which has equally served both Parties to shadow and palliate their Revenge, and to make us devour one another. I pray what appearance could there be, that she should have any intelligence with the said Prince? what she has since done has sufficiently manifested the contrary. But I shall wave this discourse (for perhaps I say too much) and return to my former subject.  
Every one was astonished to hear what had happened at Paris, 
The Naval Army b●fore Rochel.  especially the Hugonots, who could not find ground enough to ●ly over, the most of them escaping into Bearn. The rest turned Catholics, or at least seemed to do so. For my part I did them no harm on my side; but they were every where used exceedingly ill. I than thought that our Naval Army, which at that time lay before Rochel, was designed for something else than to go into Portugal, and then sounded the bottom of the Design: but I could not imagine why they had only wounded the Admiral at first, having the design that I afterwards saw they had. For had all the Hugonots the next day resolved with the great ones of their Faction, it had been easy for them to have retired from Paris, and to have put themselves into some place of safety: But they were blinded, and God deprived them of their understandings. I shall not here take upon me to determine whether this proceeding was good or evil; for there is a great deal to be said on both sides, and besides it were now to no purpose, for it would do no good. Those that follow after us may speak to better effect, and without fear. For the Writers of this Age dare not speak out, but mince the matter; for my part I had rather hold my peace, and say nothing.  
Though I had at this time no other Command than that of my own House and Family, yet was the Queen pleased to do me the honour to write to me, and to send me word, that there was a dangerous Conspiracy discovered against the King and his Crown, which had been the occasion of that which had happened. I know very well what I thought: 'tis a dangerous thing to offend one's Master. 
Charles the IX. at Meaux.  The King never forgot the time when the Admiral made him go faster than an amble betwixt Meaux and Paris. We lose our understanding when we come to the pinch of affairs, and never consider that Kings have grea●er stomaches than we to resent an injury, and that they are apt to forget services than offences. But let us talk of something else, this will be sufficiently canvased by others, who will be better able to undertake it than I.  
All the King and Queen's care was how to take Rochel, 
Rochel the Refuge of the Hugonots.  the only refuge of the Hugonots. God knows whether I did not send the Queen my advice touching this affair. At the Voyage of Bayonne, and afterwards at her coming into Xaintonge, I had proposed it to her, to make herself Mistress of it, without noise, or breeding the least disturbance; and by what I gathered from Monsieur de jarnac (to whom I discovered myself a little, and not too much) I think there would have been very little difficulty in the business. She was evermore afraid of renewing the War; but for so delicate a morsel one would not have been nice of breaking the ●ast. It might have been done, and afterwards it had been to much purpose for them to have complained. There would have been ways enough found out to have appeased the people; for what could any one have said, if the King would have built a Citadel in his own City? But it is now too late to repent that oversight. This City has furnished the Hugonots with means to renew the Wars, and will still do it, if the King does not take it from them, to which end nothing should be omitted. For through the conveniency of this City they manage the intelligences they have in England and Germany, 
The importance of Rochel.  and take great prizes upon the Sea, with which they maintain the War. They moreover keep the Isles, from whence they extract a Mass of money, by reason of the Salt. The Queen shall pardon me if she please, she then committed a very great error, and moreover another since, not to supply us with means to execute her Command then when she sent us to besiege it: For Rochel at that time was not the same that it is now, and I think I should have frighted them.  
And now behold all the world before Rochel, and I also was invited to the Feast amongst the rest: So God help me, when I took the resolution to go thither, I made full account there to end my days, 
The Si●ur de Montluc goes to the Siege of Rochel.  and to lay my bones before the Town. Being come thither I was astonished to see so many men, so many minds; for they were strangely divided in their inclinations, and a great many there were who would have been sorry the Town should have been taken. The Siege was great and long, and many handsome actions were there performed, but well assaulted, better defended. I shall not take upon me to give the Narrative of the particularities of this Siege, for I was no more than a private person, and I will speak ill of no one. The Monsieur that commanded in chief at this Siege, and has since been King, knows very well, that having done me the honour to talk with me, and to ask my advice, I told him frankly what I thought. By this Leaguer all men who were present at it, and those who come after us, may judge, that places of such importance are either to be taken by famine, blocking them up, or foot by foot with time and patience. There was here a great fault committed, in hazarding so many men in Assaults, and another greater in keeping so ill watch, that supplies of powder came in by Sea, as they continually did: but to tell you my opinion, (which was also that of a great many others) they had been our own in spite of the best they could have done for their defence, and must have come out to us with Ropes about their necks; for the Succours the Count de Montgommery brought them were retired, and we were upon the point to grapple with them, for they were reduced to the last necessity of all things. But at the same time Monsieur de Valence my Brother was in Poland, to labour the Monsieurs election to that Kingdom, 
The Monsieur elected King of Poland.  as he did. And I think the glory of that business is due to him: but it was also the cause that every one thought of entering into Capitulation with the Rochellors, as at last they did. The Deputies of Poland there came to salute the Monsieur for their King, and every one retired to prepare himself to see the Solemnity of this new Crown; so that after having lost a vast number of men at this Siege, we left the Rochellors still in possession of their City. It seemed by some words the Monsieur cast out at his departure, that he was not very well satisfied with this new Kingdom: for my part I think it was a great honour both to him, and to us all, that so remote a Kingdom should come to seek a King in ours. Monsieur de Valence my Brother got a great deal of honour in this Negotiation, and his Orations are very fine, I make no doubt but he will insert them in his History.  
During these unhappy Wars, and this Siege, where I lost several of my Kindred and Friends, the Admiral de Villars, who was the King's Lieutenant in Guienne, did in my opinion the best he could; and in truth there was not much to do, for the Hugonots were squandered here and there like a Covey of flown Partridges. But having taken a little heart by the length of this Siege, they made some attempts, which made me for my last misfortune, to lose my Son Fabian Signieur de Montesquien, 
Fabian de Montluc ●lain.  who in forcing a Barricado at Noguarol, received a Harquebus shot whereof he died. Although he was my Son, I must needs give him this testimony, that he was loyal and brave; and I verily believed that the sorrow for his death would have ended my days, but God gave me courage to bear my loss; not with that patience I should have done, but as well as I could.  
In the mean time all France was full of Triumphs to honour the departure of the new King of Poland, whilst I remained at my own house, without other company than my own sorrows, saving that sometimes I was visited by my friends, and the Gentlemen of the Country. The King about this time made a new removal, which was very prejudicial to the Province of Guienne. Those who follow after us will learn to be wise by the oversights of others; and the error that his Majesty here committed, was, that he divided the Government of Gvienne into two parts, wherein he gave all on this side the Garonne towards Gascony to Monsieur de la Valette, and that on the other side to Monsieur de Loss. This was a very great mistake in the King's Council; and more especially in the Queen, who would again divide it into three parts, to give one to Monsieur de Gramont. 'Twas pity that so many wise headpieces had not taken notice what inconveniences had already accrued by giving so much power to Monsieur d' Anvil before, by reason of the little intelligence there had been betwixt him and me, of which I have elsewhere given an account; and seeing all the forces of the whole Province, under one head, had enough to do to cause the King to be obeyed, what was to be expected from them, when separated, and under several men's Commands? This sows jealousy and dissension amongst them, which in the end grows to absolute breach; and all at the expense of the King and his people. The effects soon discovered themselves; for Monsieur de Loss undertook the Siege of Clerac, a paltry Town, that had never dared to shut her Gates against me; where Monsieur de la Valette was also present, but it was only in the quality of a looker on: where in the end he did nothing worth speaking of; neither indeed am I at all concerned in that affair; so that what I say is only to inform the King, that to be well served he ought never to divide a Government, but commit it entire to one Lieutenant only. His Kingdom is wide enough to satisfy the ambition of those who are greedy of Employments; and, with his Majesty's pardon, they ought to stay their time, there will be enough for all.  
Some time after we heard so many strange things, that me-thought I saw the Erterprises of Amboise again on foot; for they talked of prodigious things, and such as I should never have believed, if all was true that was said; which whether it was or no, I leave to others to examine. A little while after, news came of the Kings being sick, and of several great persons at Court being committed to prison, which made me think myself happy that I was so far off; for a man is often trapped when he lest expects it, and when he knows no reason why. 
The death of Charles the 9 th' of Fran●e.  In the end of all, news came of the death of the King, which was in truth a very great blow to the Kingdom: for I dare be bold to say, that had he lived he would have done great things, and to his Neighbour's cost would have removed the Scene of War out of his own Kingdom. Wherein if the King of Poland would have joined with him, and have set on foot the great Forces he had been able to have raised in his Kingdom, all would have bowed before them, and the Empire would again have been restored to the House of France. His death did very much astonish us, by reason of the great designs he had, as it was said, in the Kingdom, and I do believe the Queen never found herself in so great a perplexity since the death of the King her Husband my good Master.  
Her Majesty did me the honour to write to me, and to entreat me to assist her in her great affliction, and to preserve the State till the coming of the King her Son. Wherefore to gratify her Majesty's desire, though I was overburdened with years and infirmity, as also to divert my own grief for the death of my Son, 
The Sieur de Montluc attends the Queen to Lions.  and especially to manifest to her the desire I had to keep the promise I had made to her at Orleans; I went to Paris to receive her Majesty's Commands, and from thence attended her to Lions, where I had the opportunity of discoursing with her at large concerning several things which I have since seen discover themselves nearer at hand, and which it will be a great work in her to redress.  
The King being returned, 
Henry the 3d. of France, and King of Pol●nd returns into France.  they made him commit a very great error, at his first footing in the Kingdom; for instead of composing all differences and disorders in the State, and establishing peace and tranquillity amongst us, which at that time had been a very easy matter to do; they persuaded him to resolve upon a War. And they yet persuaded him to a greater inconvenience, for they made him believe, that entering into Dauphiné all places would immediately surrender to him, whereas notwithstanding he found, that every paltry Garrison made head against him: but I have nothing to do to give an account of those transactions. At his coming he was pleased to be exceedingly gracious and kind to me; and yet he was not so to all; and indeed I observed him to be much altered in his humour, from what he was wont to be. There were there some public Councils held, but there were also others that were private, and very closely carried.  
Now his Majesty calling to mind the services I had done for the Kings his Grandfather, Father, and Brother; some of which he had heard of, and others had himself also seen, he was resolved to honour me with the Estate of Marshal of France, 
The Sieur de Montluc created Marshal of France.  and to make me rich in honour, since he could not do it in matter of wealth and estate. Having therefore caused me to be called for, and being come, to kneel down before him, after I had taken the Oath, he put the Marshal's Staff into my hand: Which having done, in returning my most humble thanks, I told him, That I had no other grief in this world, but that I had not ten good years in my belly, wherein to manifest how much I desired to be serviceable to his Majesty and Crown in that honourable Command. Having received his Commands, and those of the Queen, I returned into Gascony to make preparation for war, for all things tended that way: but I very well perceived by the tediousness of my Journey, that I was rather to think of dying myself, than of killing others: for I was no more able to endure long Journeys, nor to undergo any great labour. And moreover I very well foresaw, that the same would happen betwixt the King's Lieutenants and me, that had happened before betwixt me and the Marshal d' Anvil.  
Sometime after the Parliament of Bourdeaux writ me a Letter, that the Hugonots were playing pranks upon the River Dordogne, that some course must be taken with them, and that therefore they entreated me to draw a little nearer to them, that some order might be taken to prevent them from proceeding to greater mischief. I hereupon accordingly ca●e to la Reolle, where Precedent Nesmond, to whom I was totally a stranger, Messieurs de Merville, de Monferran, and de Gourgues came to meet me, and there proposed to me a great many things. I was not to seek in my answer, neither did I want sufficient excuses, particularly that some promises that had been made me had not been made good; to which I also remonstrated to them my Age and indisposition; and moreover the said Sieurs de Merville and de Mon●erran coming to my bedside, I showed them my wounds, acquainting them withal with the Oath I had made never more to bear arms; but in the end I could not deny them, and they made me break my Oath. They being then returned to make preparation for the attacking of Gensac, I went thither. Presently after Monsieur de Monferran brought a brave Troop of Gentlemen out of his Government, (as also several others ●ame in from other parts) together with a considerable number of foot, so that we carried the Suburbs and the Barricado's at the very first assault. Messieurs de Duras, de la Marque, and de la Devese, there went on in their Doublets only, with their Swords in their hands up to the very Gates of the City, which was very madly done of them, for the Harquebus shot flew very thick; but they did it in emulation of one another, and to show that they were men without fear: 
Monsieur de Monferran s●ain.  but (as ill fortune would have it) Monsieur de Monferran received a Harquebus shot quite through the body, of which he died; which was great pity, for he was a Gentleman of extraordinary valour, and mightily beloved of the Country, which will find a great miss of him.  
The Enemy seeing themselves cooped in after this manner, and the Canon ready to play, sent out a great Rogue, whom they called Captain 
* Or Cooper.  Tonnellier, but a very good Soldier, as it was said, who capitulated and surrendered the place; in which Monsieur de Rausan, Brother to Monsieur de Duras, was placed Governor. I must now give an account of an accident that befell me at this Siege, which had never happened to me before. After the death of Monsieur de Monferran I thought fit to dispose of the Command he had in the Army to Monsieur de Duras, conceiving that he being a Gentleman of so good a Family, as he was, he would be very well accepted by all: but every one was not well pleased with my choice. 
The Gentlemen discontented.  From which another mischief also arose, which was, I was told, that the Gentlemen who were come along with these Messieurs, to serve me upon this occasion, highly complained of some words which I had spoken of them, as false as the Devil himself. The words were unhandsome and dirty, for which reason I will not blot my paper with them; but they were all in so high a mutiny upon it, that they were ready to mount to horse, and leave me engaged with the Canon. I therefore sent to entreat them to do me the favour as to take the field bettimes in the morning, where I had something to say to them; which accordingly they did. I was so early that I went by Torchlight, so impatient I was to ease my heart; where the Gentlemen being all drawn round about me, with my hat in my hand, I spoke to them to this effect.  

Gentlemen,  
IT is now many years that many of you have known me, 
The Sieur de Montlucs Harangue to the Gentlemen in mutiny.  having born arms under my Command, both in our own domestic troubles of Guienne, as also abroad in foreign Countries: others also that are here present, I make no question, have heard talk of me, of my choleric disposition and hasty humour; but I assure myself not one of you, as many as you are, ever knew, or ever heard, that I was of a detractive or an injurious nature; and although I am not without my faults, yet have I never been guilty of that. How comes it then to pass, that you have done me the wrong to believe that I should be so indiscreet as to speak of you with such contempt, as I am told has been reported to you? Believe me I am so far from being guilty of such an injury to you who are Gentlemen, that I would not have spoken such a word of the meanest Soldier in the Army. I have ever loved and honoured the Gentry, for under God it is they who have helped me to that honour and reputation I have acquired amongst men. You know very well, Gentlemen, that in the quality I now stand I am out of Combat, and therefore shall not give the lie to any; but I do assure you it is nothing so, and that I never uttered such a syllable; neither would I have done it for the world. Methinks at this age, and after having seen so much as I have done, I should know what it is to live in the world, and be careful of offending so many persons of honour, and Gentlemen of good and noble Families. Now (Gentlemen) I have understood the resolution you have taken to retire to your own houses, for which I am very sorry; as also that you dislike the nomination I have made of Monsieur de Duras. Wherein I shall so far comply with your satisfaction, as not to impose him upon you contrary to your liking, and seeing you are dissatisfied with my choice shall no more name him to you. His Majesty shall appoint some other in the place of the late Monsieur de Monferran, whom I lament from my soul. In the mean time, Gentlemen, do not deny me this one favour at least, to convoy the Canon to some place of safety; which if you shall not think fit to do for my sake, who have so many years been your Leader and Captain, yet do it for the affection and service you owe to the King your Lord and Sovereign. As for my own part, I will also go retire to my own house; for my age, my wounds, and other infirmities will no longer permit me to bear arms, nor to undergo the labours required in war. Love me always I beseech you, and remember your old Captain and fellow-soldier.   
This Remonstrance of mine gave satisfaction to all, insomuch that they all told me with one voice, that in truth this story had given them very great offence, it being reported to them by one that carried the name of a Gentleman: but they now believed nothing of it, that they were my servants, and ready not only to convoy the Canon, but also to follow me wherever I would please in command them. I thought fit to commit this passage to writing, to the end that those who follow after may learn how to behave themselves upon the like occasion. Had I upon the instant known the man that had raised this fine report of me, I doubt I should have showed him a scurvy trick: but the Canon was carried back, which they attended till they saw it lodged in safety, and so we took leave of one another, and departed every man to his own home.  
I had not been long at my own house before I had every day very strange news brought me from Court, and of great designs that were laid by the greatest men of the Kingdom: but when I heard that the King of Navarre made one amongst them, and was stolen away from Court without taking his leave, I from that time forward concluded that Guienne was again to suffer many miseries; for that he being a great Prince, young, and who gave visible hopes of being one day a great Captain, would easily gain the hearts of the Nobless and the People, and would keep the rest in awe. So God help me a thousand mischiefs were eternally before my eyes, so that I was often in mind to withdraw myself to avoid the affliction of hearing so continual ill news, and of seeing the ruin of my native Country. To which end a certain Priory was evermore running in my head, that I had formerly seen situated in the mountains, part in France, and part in Spain, called S●rracoli; to which place I had some thoughts of retiring myself out of the Tumult of the world. I might there at once have seen both France and Spain; and if God lend me life, I know not yet what I may do.   
The End of the Seventh and last Book of the Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc Marshal of France.   


BLASII MONLUCI FRANCIAE MARESCHALLI TUMULUS.  
Iliadis rursum nascatur conditor altae.  
Hoc tumulo rursum conditur Aeacides.  FLOR. RAEMONDUS Senat. Burdigal.  

Quaeris qui siem? MONLUCIUS Nomini meo satis est nomen.  Conjugi conjux.  

P. C.  
MONLUCIUM haec urna tegit. Cujus varios casus, terra marique exhantlatos labores Gallia testabitur, hostes praedicabunt, posteri mirabuntur. Vrbium propugnator, oppugnator, Hostes saepius fudi, vici, subegi. Patriam in sua viscera versam quoties restitui? Imis functus, maxima consecutus. Terrarum orbem fama complexus. Fatis urgentibus lubens & integerrima ment cessi.   

Avo, Patri Filius, Nepos Blasius Monlucius 
 P.  
RErum humanarum vices quis non miretur? festinantibus Pater fatis, tardantibus Avus in coelum receptus. Ille ferro, hic morbo. I'll in insulis Oceani Atlantici; hic in Gallia, hominibus exemptus. Ille me unicum, vix primos edentem vagitus superstitem reliquit. Hic tres liberos Gallicae florem nobilitatis, tria Martis pignora, vivens amisit & eluxit. Vtérque bellum & lituos spirans. At juventus patris sedatior, senectus avi praefervidior. Ex aeqüo tamen eadem utrique gloria. Ore facundus, corde catus, manu promptus, militibus pariter utérque gratus, militarem veterum ducum adoream triumphalibus laureis utérque supergressus. Auus nunquam victus, pater etiam moriens hostium victor extitit. Adlucete filio & nepoti vestro virtutis egregiam facem sanctissimae & fortissimae animae, invicta avita pietatis columina: & me vestigia per vestra euntem ad aeternum stirpis nominisque nostri decus tot inter rerum caligines, & errorum flexus, itinere inoffenso perducite.   

ΕΙΣ ΓΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΝ ΑΝΔΡΕΙΟΤΑΤΟΝ ΤΩΝ Κελων Βλασιον ✚ Μονλυκον.  
Επιταφιον.  
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Tombeau de Messire Blaise de Montluc.  
CE Marbre icy (passant) le grand Montluc enserre,  
Vn tel homme que luy, dedans si peu de terre  
Ne peut estre compris: ce tombeau labouré  
Clost seulement son corps, dont il est honoré.  
Mais juge par sa mort, le dommage & la perte,  
Que la Gascongne a fait depuis vensue & deserte.  
Et franc de passion, voy comme le laurier  
Ceignant so● front rec●ut honneur de ce guerrier.  
Ce grand guerrier qui fut la garde de son Prince,  
Le soustien & l'appuy de toute la province.  
O● lieutenant de Roy & en guerre & en paix  
Tesmoins de sa vertu, il fit tant de boaus faits,  
Qu'il a laisse mourant ce beau doute à tout aage  
Quel des deux il estoit plus vaillant ou plus sage.  
En bataille rangée, il deffit par trois fois  
L'ennemy de son Roy, il remit sous ses loix  
La Guyenne revoltée aux factions civiles.  
Par force il emporta, & print cinquante villes,  
Le primier à Passaut en témoignant la foy  
Qu'l avoit à son Dieu, qu'il avoit à son Roy.  
Par degrez il acquist d'une honorable peine  
Tous les tiltres d'honneur, de sold●t, capitaine,  
Colonel, Lieutenant, Vice-Roy, Mareschal.  
Et tousiours commandant, à soy tousiours esgal,  
Dedans soy retenant sous égale balance.  
La vaillance d' Ajax, de Nestor l'eloquence,  
De l'homme plus couard il animoit le coeur:  
Et au plus courageux faisoit venir la peur  
A sa seule parole, à sa seule presence.  
Il fut chaud & actif, remply de vigilance  
En tout il se monstra, & par tout invaincu,  
Et ne secut onc vainqueur que c'est d'estre vaincu,  
Où fut-ce par la force, ou par la courtoisie,  
Tant il avoit d'honneur sa belle ame saisie.  
L'Italie le sçait, où de son brave coeur.  
Mainte marque il laissa, & courtois & vainqueur.  
Et le sçait, l'Angl●terre, & la France & l'Espagne,  
Et cette nation, que l' onde du Rhin baigne.  
Brave s'il eust voulu de l'invincible mort  
I leust encore peu faire languir l'effort.  
Mais voyam la vertu faire place a l'envie:  
L'honneur à la faveur, il desdaigna la vie  
Et desira mourir au monde vitieux,  
Pour aller immortel viure dedans les cieux.  
O vous, de qui iamais l'amitié ne varie  
Pleurez-le ses amis, vous mirant en sa vie.  
Vous lasches envieux guidez d'un autre sort,  
Pleurez ens●nblement, & sa vie & sa mort.  
Sa vie vous osta tout l'honneur & la gloire,  
Et sa mort vous ravit l'●spoir de la victoire,  
Ayant si bien sceu viure, & encore mieux mourir.  
C'est à luy desormais à qui faut recourir  
Pour le patron des deux, afin qu'on y contemple  
De bellevie & mort un admirable exemple.  
Heureux trois fois Montlve, qui vivant si longs jours,  
As eu pour compagnons, avecque toy tousiours  
Et l'heur & la vertu: & qui maugré l'envie,  
Vois d'un los immortel ta memoire suivie.  

Sur le Tombeau de son coeur.  
Icy de Montluc vainqueur  
Est enclos le brave coeur.  
Ou plustost affermer i'ose  
Qu'il est icy tout entier,  
Car tout ce coeur grand guerrier  
Estoit, & non autre chose,  
Siste Hospes, & perlege. Magnus ille Monlucius hic jacet & quiescit mortuus, qui vivens nusquam quiescere poterat. Haec te scire volebam, quandoquidem illud postremum per me ut scires ipsemet voluit, moriensque commendavit. Abi, & bene precare.  I, du Che Evesque de Condom   

Epitaphe de Blaise de Montluc Mareschal de France, & de M. Antoine, Pierre, & Fabien ses enfans.  
CEluy se plaint en vain qui dit que nostre vie,  
(Theatre infortuné de mainte Tragedie)  
Est serve du destin: que le lasche & le fort  
Pesle-mesle sans chois sont ravis de la mort.  
Ainçois que de Pluton la chartre tenebreuse  
Valerio plustost devorant une ame genereuse  
Que celle qui moisit d'un languissant seiour  
Dans son corps inutile, & mange en vain le jour.  
Vn jour du vertueux vaine une longue vie  
De celuy qui la passe aux vices asservie.  
Vn acte valeureux est l'embellissement  
Du tableau de la vie, & luy sert d'ornement,  
Ores qu'il fait tout seul, & ne pert point sa grace  
Lors que la mort le vif de nos couleurs efface.  
I'honnore plus d'Appelle une ligne, un seul trait.  
Que le labeur entier d'un vulgaire pourtrait.  
C'est le fait d'un grand maistre à bien tirer sa vie  
Et la rendre d'houneur de tout poinct accomplie.  
L'oeuvre artistement fait garde ses liaisons.  
Sa grace, sa beauté, & ses proportions:  
Le temps ne destaint point son raieunissant lustre,  
Ains contre ses efforts il se rend plus illustre:  
De l'indocte tableau la honte & le mépris,  
Et une obscure mort en est seule le pris.  
C'est un fait Atlantée, estre endosse d'années,  
Qui ne les fait marcher d'honneur acco●pagnées.  
L'honneur de la vieillesse est l'estançonnement,  
C'est son fonds, c'est son champ, c'est son propre element:  
Cet aage est un tom●eau sans la belle lumiere  
De la vertu, qui doit luy estre familiere.  
Celuy qui maistrisé d'appetits éhontez  
Se precipite au sein des fausses voluptez  
Est sous l'escorce humaine une idolle mouvante.  
Non hommme, ains seulement sa peinture vivante.  
Nostre vie est un songe, une ombre decevant;  
C'est un nuage vain poussé au gré du vent,  
Vne fueille d'Autone à la premiere haleine  
Des Aquilons que doit s'abbattre sur la plaine.  
Que l'on soit done d'honneur, non des ans envieux:  
Que s'ils nous sont donnés de la faveur des cieux,  
Il les faut soulever d'une vivante gloire,  
Dont la Parque ne puisse arracher la memoire:  
Comme a fait ce Montluc, Montluc ce grand guerrier,  
Qui honore son front d'un belliqueux Laurier,  
Et de Palmes sa main, palmes victoricuses  
Le signal verdoyant des armes glorieuses.  
C'est ce Montluc, qui fut aux combats nompareil,  
Le plus prompt à l'espée, le plus sage ou conseil,  
Capitaine invincible, ayant sous ses bannicres  
Rompu cent & cent fois mille bandes guerrieres.  
Son berceau fut Gascongne, où les peuples ardans  
Naissent, meurent soldats, & dápendent leurs ans:  
Indomptables, hautains à secourir leurs Princes,  
Et replanter les bords de leurs belles Provinces.  
Il estoit descendu d'ayculs braves & forts,  
Praticqs en toute guerre, entreprenants, accorts,  
Eschaussez d'un beau sang & d'une noble envie  
Ou de vaincre aux combats, ou d'y verser la vie.  
Le los de nos ayeuls va nostre coeur haussant,  
Ainsi de la vertu de son pere se sent  
Le ieune Lyonneau, qui jà desia menace  
De ses ongles tranchans des fiers taureaux l'audace.  
L'aiglc à grand peine esclos de son lict maternel  
Oze attaquer des cerfs le peuple au pied isnel:  
Il assaut des dragons l'engeance venimeuse  
Ee eschange sa vie en mort victorieuse,  
Ainsi ce chevalier avant que la saison  
Luy frisast sur la ioue une crespe toison  
Espoinçonné honneur, il voulut chaud aprendre  
Fier de coeur & de mains en sa ieunesse tendre  
Le mestier de Bellona, ayant devant ses yeux  
De ses preus devanciers les gestes glorieux,  
Bien tost on s'apperceut que sa vertu cogneiie,  
Sa vaillance aux dangers, sa prudence chesnüe  
Aux affaires doubteux voloit devant ses ans  
june soldat ja vieux de gestes triomphans.  
Comme l'on void la nuict à la robe estoillée  
Qui n'a point sa clarté de nuage voilée  
Des chetifs journaliers affublant les travaux  
Et d'un profond repos adoucissant leurs maux  
Ardente estinceler de mille flammes vives,  
Que Thetys a leué dans le frais de ses rives,  
Entre toutes bluete un feu plus radieux,  
Horrible, perruqué qui menasse les cieux,  
Qui menasse la mer & la terre d'orage:  
Ainsi du grand Montluc le Martial courage  
Terriblé flamboyoit entre tous les soldats  
Actif, laborieux, uray champion de Mars.  
La Toscane en trembloit, la superbe Italy,  
Angleterre, Piedmont, Flanders, la Germany,  
Sa grand ' picque en sa main guide des battaillons  
Estoit l'horreur, frayeur des peuples Bourguignons,  
Sons les feus ondoyans de l'acier de sa targe  
Le Fran ois gros de coeur ne craignoit point la charge  
De l'arrogante Espagne, ayant plus cher mourir  
Et vair son estomac d'un coup mortel ovurir  
Que recevoir le froid d'une peur pallisante,  
Coulpable des honneur d'une ame peu vaillante.  
Son seul regard rendoit le soldat si hautain  
Qu'il sembloit ja tenir la victoire en la main.  
Il n y a point d honneur ny tiltre militaire,  
Dont ne l'ait ennobly, non la faveur prospere  
De fortune, mais bien sa fameuse valeur,  
Qui a tousiours vaincu des armes le mal-heur:  
Ayant e coeur plus grand non que Mareschaussees,  
Gouvernemens, grandeurs à la foule entassees,  
Ains plus grand qu'un Empire, & né pour commander  
Depuis le stot Indois jusq'à l' Angloise mer,  
Posez moy un Colosse au bas de la compagne  
Il est toutes fois grand: un Nain sur la montagne  
Est toutes fois petit: ainsi l'indignité  
D'un homme bas & vil monstre sa lascheté  
Quoy que hausse d'honneurs, & que la main royale  
De biens & de grandeurs luy soit trop liberale.  
Depuis quand le Françoise divisé en deux parts  
Fit floter contre soy ses propres estendars,  
Et que Mars tout sanglant, & la discorde irée  
Trainoit ceste couronne en pieces deschirée,  
Grand Alcide Gaulois il ramassa le bris:  
Mille fois la campagne il ioncha d'ennemis,  
Et vainqueur abbatit sous le fer de sa lance  
De l'heretique erreur l'outrageuse licence,  
Hardy, determiné, indomté, valcureux,  
Et l'exemple immortel des faicts chevaleureux.  
Mais qui pourroit conter ses guerres terminées,  
Escarmouches, assauts, & battailles données,  
Murs prins & defendus, celuy pourra nombrer  
Les estoiles des cieux, & les flots de la mer  
Luy seul eserire a peu digne de ceste gloire  
De ses divers travaux une immortelle histoire,  
Luy un second Cesar, le sçavant escrivain  
Des exploits achevez par sa vaillante main.  
Non autrement qu'un chesne orgueilleux de trophées  
Sesse armes reluisoient de lauriers éstoffées,  
Ayant tousiours fait voir par le glaive pointu  
Qu'il estoit impossible d'abattre sa vertu  
Si bien que le Dieu Mars or qu'il portast envie  
Gros de rage & despit auxgestes de sa vie,  
N' a iamais entrepris dedans lest our sanglant  
Sur la poudre adenter ce Tydide vaillant.  
Dont époinct de fureur & boüillant de colere,  
A meurtry coup sur coup en leur fleur printaniere  
Trois freres, ses trois fils, trois Achilles François,  
Trois Scipions nouveaux flambans sous les harnois,  
Comme l'astre iumeau qui sauve de tempeste  
Du matelot ja prest à naufrager la teste.  
Ces vieux Heros de Gréce, & ses foundres Romans  
N eussent passé l'honneur des trois freres germans,  
Si leur forte vigueur aux armes si bien née  
En leur tendre bourgeon n'eust esté moissonnée.  
Comme on void trois beaux lis qui d'un lustre pareil  
Des boutonnent leur robe aux royons du soleil.  
Ou trois beaux Hyacints à la face vermeille,  
Epanir les thresors de leur vifue merveille,  
Le ciel s'en resiouit, & verse sur ses fleurs  
Les larmes dont l'aurore argente leurs couleurs:  
Mais le coutre trenchant où le gr●sleux orage  
Les celestes honneurs de leurs beautez saccage.  
Le destin nous monstra puis à saudain repris  
Ces trois freres à soy du terrestre pourpris.  
Craigniez vous que sous eux la Françoise vaillance  
Fit ployer (ô bons Dieux) du monde la puissance?  
Celuy qui fit broncher le Macedonien,  
Qui fit pomper son char du sang Emathien,  
Vid d'un oeil asseuré, haut revestu de gloire,  
La mort de ses deux fils assieger sa victoire,  
De mesme (o grand Montluc heurtè d'un tel malheur  
On ne te vid iamais foible sous la douleur:  
Ferme comme un rocher dedans la mer profonde,  
Lequel plus est batu plus se mocque de l'onde.  
Tu desseignois encor les combats retenter  
Quand la fieureuse mort vint au lict te donter.  
Tel est le fier torrent des affaires humanes  
Qui faict & puis deffaict toutes choses mondaines:  
Nous mourons en naissant, & mainte-fois au bord  
De ceste fresle vie on est pris de la mort:  
Mais heureux qui a peu plein d honneurs & d'années  
Attendre de pied ●oy les fieres destinées,  
Qui a veu pres de soy sans iamais s'esbranler  
Puissances, Royautez, Empires chanceler:  
Qui a peu sans frayeur voir fondre sur sa teste  
Des grands esclats du ciel la bruante tempeste.  
Tel fut ce Chevalier, auquel oncques la peur  
Par aucun accident ne fit tomber le coeur,  
Ayant heureusement vaincu Mars & l'envie  
Qui voyoit de travers la splendeur de sa vie:  
Ayant veu retourner deux fois quarante Estez.  
Assailly, combattu de mille adversitez:  
Mais compris en soy-mesme, il espointoit la flesche  
Dont le malheur pouvoit à son los faire bresche.  
Vous son fils, honorez du pere & des enfans  
Le Tombeau non de pleurs, mais de chars triomphans  
Gemissans sous le fais des despouilles vaincuës,  
Pistolets, coutelats, picques, lances, massuës,  
Morions, gantelets, brassars, cuissots percez,  
Panaches tous sanglans, corcelets enfoneez,  
Phifres, tambours, guidons fanfares de trompertes.  
Enseignes, estandars, & lancieres cornettes,  
Marques de leur proüesse, & dignes monumens  
De ces quatre guerriers, les premiers de leurs temps,  
Lesquels ores la haut de la voute dorèe  
Feront trembler d esclairs leur salade timbrée  
Foudroyans Encelade, & l'orgueil furieux  
Des Geans qui encor s'arment contre les Cieux.   

ALIUD.  
Ignavi Pario quaerant in marmore vitam,  
Qu●is vitae tantum spes jacet in tumulo:  
Haec gessi ut mutos liceat contemnere testes,  
Praxitelisve manus, seu Polyclete tuas.  
Ne vatum scriptis mea busta incisa legantur,  
Funditus extinctos hic tueatur honos.  
Sic scripsi, ut possint vates nil addere, nobis  
Aeternum ingenio suppeditante decus.  
Sed ne forte meum longinquo ex orbe profectus  
Ut redeat viso praetereat tumulum  
Extremi nomen sculpatur margine saxi  
Hoc satis est: populis caetera fama canet.  
Sic olim qui Alps, Italas qui fregerat arces,  
Scribi unum hoc jussit, Annibal hic ●itus est.  Faciebat Godofridus Malvinus Regius, Burdigalae Senator, anno 1577.  

Epitaphe de Messire Blaise de Montluc, Mareschal de France.  
CI gist le grand Montluc, duquel la renommée  
Par mille cors divers,  
Embouchez hautement, a la gloire semée  
Au champ de l'univers.  
Montluc, qui de son nom comme un foudre de guerre  
Estonna mille fois  
L'Italie, Le Piedmont, l'Espagne, & l'Angleterre  
Et le mutin François.  
De ces peuples domptez ayant l'ame eschauffée  
D'un desir glorieux,  
Despoü ille sur des poüille, il dressa maint trophée  
Tousiours victorieux.  
Mais la mort, qui demain doit trancher nostre vie  
Ou peut estre aujourd'huy,  
Le triomphe enviant de son heureuse vie  
Triomphe ores de luy.  
He que c'est peu de cas que des choses mondaines:  
C'en est rien que du vent.  
Car tout ainsi qu'on void qu'elles naissent soudaines:  
S'en vont soudainement.  
N'agueres ce Montluc fut l'honneur de son aage  
Vn Alcide noweau.  
Apres tant de travaux pour son dernier partage  
Il n'a que ce tombeau.  
Lieutenances, estats, ordres, mareschaussés,  
Ny lots, ny dignitez,  
Ny honneurs, ny grandeurs, l'une à l'autre entassees,  
Ny lauriers meritez  
N'avoient rendu content sonesprit plein d'envie  
De plus outre tanter.  
(jamais un brave coeur cependant qu'il a vie  
Ne se peut contenter)  
Ores il est contant avec six pieds de terre  
Partage égal à tous:  
Car autant en emporte un chetif beche-terre  
Que le plus grand de nous.  
Sa gloire seulement apres luy nons demeure  
Gloire qui ne meurt pas.  
Car la vertu iamais encor que le corps meure  
N'est subjette au trépas.  
Encor est fraische en nous d'Annibal la memoire,  
Encor vivent les faits  
Des Scipions, Catons & Cesars, dont la gloire  
Ne perira iamais.  
Ainsi apres cent ans de vie il ne nous reste  
Rien exempt du destin  
Que le seule vertu: car tost ou tard le reste  
Est conduit à sa fin.  
Repose donc en paix ô ame genereuse,  
Honneur de l'Vnivers  
Cependant que pleureus sur ta tombe po●dreuse  
je graveray ces vers.   

Montluc comblé d'honneurs de grandeurs & d'années  
Et de gloire chargé;  
Aiant servi cinq Rois fut par les destinées.  
Sous ce tombeau logé.   

ALIUD.  
Ne mihi pro tumulo saxorum attollite molem,  
Grandia nec titulis saxa notate meis.  
Versae bello acies, quassataeque moenia, gentes  
Edomitae, nobis sint tumuli, & tituli.  Flor. Remondus Senat. Burdig.  

ALIVD.  
ISta Monlucius jacet sub urna  
Franciorum equitum unus ex magistris,  
Quo nemo meliùs ferire punctim,  
Quo nemo meliùs ferire caesim  
Vel pedes, vel eques valebit unquam.  
Pellaeum hic juvenem, senem Camillum,  
Claros Scipiadas, ducemque luscum.  
Et duces veteres fuere quotquot  
Bellandi docuisset unus artem,  
Vincendi docuisset unus artem.  
Mavors scilicet, & soror flagello  
Clara sanguineo, Minerva, Apollo,  
Omnes denique dii, deaeque, quos nos  
Bellis imperitare suspicamur,  
Maximo studio, improbo labore,  
Scire illi dederant locare castra,  
Observare diem, locuinque pugnae,  
Armatorum aciem ordinare, firmis  
Ipsam subsidiis fovere, semper  
Hostium insidias cavere, saepe  
Hostes insidiis necare, nulla  
Non cibaria militi expedire,  
Torpescentia corda militantum,  
Forti & compta animare concione,  
Aestuantia, dulcibus, severis,  
Permulcere, vel increpare verbis  
Munia omnia militis, ducisque  
Exequi intrepide, ut frequens pudorem  
Tantis incuteret suis Magistris.  
Noster Monlucius deorum alumnus.  
Princeps militiae, decusque nostrae,  
Illis artibus, hic graves Latinos,  
Fortes Allobroges, feros Iberos,  
Gentes Caesareas, truces Britannos,  
Plebem Tectosagum impiam, rebelles  
Vibiscos tremefecit; imò saepe  
Caecidit, domuit: stupes viator?  
Non noras hominem: volens profecto  
Longé maxima praestitisset horum.  P. de Termes Senat. Burd.  

Lucina Vaticinium de fortuna Monluci.  
VIx bene Monlucum dias in luminis oras  
Lucina extulerat, pueri cum pandere fata  
Incipit, ac tanto matrem solatur alumno.  
En, ait, en genetrix coelo hic gratissimus Heros,  
Italiam sternet juvenis Ticinumque, Padumque,  
Subjiciet Franco. Nec desaevisse juvabit,  
Germanas acies, & magni Caesaris arma,  
Allobroges quin ipse feros, Alpesque superbas  
Obterat, atque fugam castris immittat Iberis.  
Aspera Monlucum Cyrnus tremet: addita signis  
Lilia, victricesque rates mirabitur Aetna,  
De super, atque solo, atque salo congesta trophaea.  
Hinc ubi jam matura viri processerit aetas,  
Eruet hic arces, & propugnacula Martis  
Belgica, tum Sequanae coget parere Moscllam.  
Cumque resurgentes sistet Titanas Enyo,  
Quos non ille manu, quas non disjecerit urbes?  
At tu flos aevi, Divumque, Henrice, propago,  
Ne propera, & sceptri curam dimitte Poloni,  
Hic hostes premet excidio, flammasque Rupellae,  
Inferet, hic Francis avertet finibus Anglum,  
Heu quibus in pugnas animis ruet! Ecce Triumphi  
Exuviaeque micant: stridentque hinnitibus aures,  
Arva rubent, cerno strages, tonitruque furenti  
Oppida quassa, tubis reboat clangentibus aether  
Concussus vallesque, & vastae ripa Garumnae.  
Hic vir hic est fato Gallis datus. Ast ubi tandem  
Monlucum vincet mors effera, tum quoque Mavors  
Victus erit, nodoque manus Pax junget aheno.  
Ne me quaesieris extra.  E. du Mirail Senat. Burdig.  

Tumulo Blasii Monlucii.  
Vnicus Alcides Manes prope & Infera rupit:  
Quid modo quadruplici facient Alcide miselli?  
Ecce tribus natis obsesso Blasius Orco  
Contulit arma parens: jam scilicet Orce peristi.   

ALIUD.  
Geryonem triplicem seipso Monlucius auxit.  
jam quadruplex, nati atque pater, stupor orbis & horror.  Marc Monerius.  

Les Manes de Messire Blaise de Montluc, Mareschal de France.  Par. P. de Brach. 
QVand Cloton file-vie, à qui les destinées  
Font tourner le fuzeau de nos courtes années,  
Voulut du grand Montluc tramer les heureux jours,  
Pour ne les tramer pas, comme elle fait tousiours,  
D'un fil simple commun, à l'ouvrage attentive  
Sa quenouîlle chargea d'une filace vive:  
En arma son costé, & avec une main  
Tira brin dessus brin le bout d'un fil humain,  
Faisant de l'autre main avec le fil baissée  
En l'air piroüetur la vitale fuzée.  
Le fil par le pezon jusqu'en terre alongé  
Fortement s'arrondit bien retors, bien dougé.  
Et la Parque achevant de tirer la filace  
Par trois fois ces deux vers chanta d'une voix basse,  
I'attache ceste vie avec un fi● si fort,  
Qu'à peine sera-il desnoué par la mort.  
Puis le fuzeau grossi d'un grand nombre d' années  
Au poids elle donna és mains des Destinées.  
Et juppin retassant la paste entre ses mains,  
Dequoy pere commun il moule les humains,  
L'ayant fort repaistrie ●n fit une grand● masse:  
Vn beau chef en forma imprimé d'une face.  
Quis ' estevoit hautaine, & l' enta sur un corps  
Dont les membres estoient muscleus, nerveus, & forts,  
Auquel en l' avivant Mars vint à bouche pleine  
Neuf fois souffl●r dessus le vent de son haleine,  
Vent bruyant, sous lequel avee mille dangers  
Le grand no●● de M●ntluc fist voile aux estrangers,  
Vent, qui venant de Mars souflerr sur ceste image,  
Luy soufla dans le coeur l'ardeur de son courage:  
Alluma dans son ame un feu de guerroyer,  
Qui l'a fait entre nous tempester, foudroyer,  
Battre, bouleverser mille fortes murailles,  
Tenter & retenter le hazard des batailles  
Apprendre comme il faut une ville aborder,  
Comme il faut l'assaillir, comme il la faut garder,  
Ce qui fist qu'un laurier marquant mainte deffaite  
Espais fueille par fueille environna sa teste  
Mais las! comme il n'est rien, qui si tost qu'il est né,  
Ne soit d'un sort commun à la mort destiné,  
Ce Moutluc plein d'honneurs, de biens, & de vieillesse,  
Sentist le trait mortel▪ duquel la mort nous blesse.  
Or comme son esprit dessogeoit de son corps  
Mercure il rencontra, Mercure, qui des morts  
Tous les esprits attend, afin d'estre leur guide  
Au chemin tenebreux de l'onde Acherontide.  
Ce Dieu le conduissant de son double esleron  
Hachoit l'air qui siflant bruyo●t à l'environ;  
Et l'esprit le suivant parmy l'obscure voye  
De l'enfer plein d'effroy sans frayeur le co●stoye:  
Auquel comme de loin il cust monstré le lieu  
Du Passage infernal, Mercure dit adieu.  
L'esprit demeure seul, poursuivant son voyage  
Se rendit à la fin sur le bord du rivage,  
Où plantant fermement ses pieds sur le gravois  
Appella le Nocher à haute & rude voix:  
Mais sa nacelle armée & de voille & de rames  
Passoit à l'autre bord un nombre infini d'ames.  
Il passe par deux fois & au mesme batteau  
Pour la tourner passer, tourna repasser l'eau.  
L'esprit qui cependant attendant sur l'arene,  
Contemploit ce Nocher qui ramoit avec peine,  
Au poil blanc, au teint noir, au regard esgaré,  
Convert d'un vieil habit à lambeaux deschiré,  
Plein de poix, qui meslée au tortis des filaces  
Avoit de son vaisseau calfeutré les crevasses,  
Sesse bras tiroient la rame avec un tel effort,  
Qu'en trois coups son batteau revint baiser le port.  
De mille endroits divers suivant les advenues,  
Afin de s'embarquer mille ames sont venues,  
Qui deça, qui delà sautant du bord de l'eau  
L'une sur l'autre entroient foule à foule au batteau,  
Qui n'a deux doigts de franc, affesse de sa charge,  
Qui ià le vieux Nocher vouloit pousser au large,  
Quand l'esprit à Montluc, à qui chasse du bord  
Le Nocher commandoit d'attendre un second port,  
S'estança dans l'esquif, qui ne vouloit le prendre:  
Et dit, ie passeray, c'est trop me faire attendre.  
Si tost qu'il eust gaigné le bord de ce vaisseau,  
Et charge & Nautonnier se renverse à vaut l'eau  
Et le premier mestier qu'apprit cette belle ame  
Dans ce Royaume noir, ce fut tirer la rame.  
Et comme en son vivant iamais necessité,  
N'avoit reduit Montluc en telle extremité,  
Qu'il n'y trouvast remede; ainsi dans l'enfer mesme  
Il trouva le remede à se passer soy-mesme,  
Charon qui cependant dedans l'eau grenoü illoit,  
Pluton & ses esprits à son aide appelloit.  
Et tout soudain qu'il eust d'ongles croches pris terre,  
Commençe de crier, nous sommes à la guerre.  
Alarme, alarme, alarme; & redoublant ces cris  
Espouvanta l'enfer, effraya les esprits.  
Pluton craint que quelqu'un par secrette rapine  
Vienne encor de nouveau ravir sa Proserpina.  
Il ne sçait, qu'il doit faire, il va de tous costez  
Rechercher dans l'enfer les soldats indomptez  
Qui ont durant leur vie avecques quelque gloire  
Acheté par leur sang l'honneur d'une victoire,  
Hardis, aspres, vaillans, ardans de sang humain,  
Et qui out furieux porté la guerre en main.  
Dix mille tels esprits sont sortis des lieux sombres,  
Où logent dans l'enfer plus plaisibles les ombres.  
L'un d'un grand coup d'espée a le chef avalé,  
L'autre de bras de iambe estoit escartelé,  
L'un porté dans le seing une bale cachée:  
L'autre a d'un coup d'espée une oreille tranchée.  
Mais comme la pluspart de ces braves soldats  
Ont veu l'ame à Montluc qui marchoit à grand pas  
En l'air branlant sa main d'une horrible menace  
Suivans à vanderoutte ils ont quitté la place,  
Presque tous les esprits à al' arme ventus  
En voyant l'autre esprit, se sont ressouvenus,  
Que cestoit ce Montluc, qui vivant sur la terre  
Estoit un second Mars, un foudre de la guerre,  
Et tous ceux qui vivans luy furent ennemis,  
Comme s'il les cherchoit, en fuitte se sont mis.  
A chasque ame il sembloit pensant estre attrappée  
Sentir encor le fil de sa sanglante espée.  
La Toscans, la Lombars, Napolitans, Anglois,  
Allemans, Espagnols & rebelles François  
Pesle-mesle fuyans d'une fuitte pressée  
Cul sur teste tombant à jambe renversee.  
Tout l'enfer retentist, & les esprits peureux  
Cerchent pour se cacher leurs sepulchres ombreus,  
Ils veulent tous crier; mais une crainte mole  
Dans leur bouche beante amortist la parole.  
Pluton qui cependant cherchoit par tous moyens  
De rasseurer le coeur de ses noirs citoyens,  
Et connoistre l'autheur de l'esmute avenüe,  
Ne les voyans suivis fors que d'une ame nue  
Se bouffit de colere: il enrage de voir  
Qu une ame ait peu l'enfer de frayeur émouvoir.  
Et rougissant de honte à grand pas il s'avance  
Vers l'esprit à Montluc qui ferme en countenance  
Sans s'effrayer de luy devers luy s'avançoit.  
Comme assez prés de luy l'esprit il apperçoit,  
Vomissant son couroux il commence luy dire,  
Viens tu superbe esprit pour troubler mon empire?  
Arreste, arreste toy: sinon malgré le sort  
je te feray sen●ir une seconde mort:  
Ou ie feray souffrir à ton ombre coupable  
L'impitoyable arrest du juge inexorable.  
Plus rigoreux vers toy sera son jugement,  
Que du fer, que du feu, que du geyneux tourment  
Qui es tu? d'ou viens-tu? de quelle and ace folle  
Ozes tu sans Charon passer dans sa gondolle.  
L'esprit ayant esté l'hoste d'un corps vainqueur,  
Duquel iamais la peur n'avoit glacé le coeur.  
Ne s'estonna craintif au bruit de sa menace:  
Ains luy contre-respond avec une humble audace:  
Icy ie ne viens pas, comme out faict autresfois  
Hercule tugeant, Thesée, ou Piritois,  
Pour troubler ton enfer: car cette ame eschauffée  
De gloire n'a iamais desiré ce trophée,  
Sans peur donques demeure en ces ombreux enfers,  
D'enfer le chien portier aux trois gosiers ouverts  
Et toy sans peur de moy, pluton, garde ta fame.  
Là haut une plus belle encor garde la flame  
De son amour vers moy: mais si tu es le Roy  
De ce Royaume noir plein d'horreur & d'eff●oy,  
Pour quoy n'establis-tu avec quelque justice,  
Les favourables loix d une douce police?  
Et quoy? luy dit Pluton, qu'as-tu ça bas trovué,  
Qui par nouvelle loy doive estre reprovué?  
Apres qu'on eust, dit-il, mis mon corps sous la lame  
Voulant passer ton flenve, ainsi que fait toute ame  
D'une rame Charon me chassa rudement,  
Bien que i'eusse attendu sur le port longuement,  
Et qu'il eust ia passe mainte ame en sa barque,  
Qui avoient eu congé depuis moy par la parque,  
Moy qui ay le coeur gros & pense meriter  
Pour le corps, d'oú ie sors, de me voir mieux traitter,  
Tout flambant de courroux i'entray dedans la nasse  
En renversant sa charge: & tout seul ie me passe.  
Or Pluton si tu veux avec un long discours  
Entendre qui ie suis, & quels furent mes jours,  
je n'aurois iamais fait contant ma vie entire.  
Le parler me faudroit plustost que ta matiere,  
Pluton, dont le courroux estoit desia flatté  
Par ses propos diserts plein d humble gravité,  
Luy dit, approche toy, ame genereuse  
Viens ç bas pour parer ma grand chambre fumeuse,  
D'oú es-tu qui tu es, & tes faicts conte moy.  
L'ame sans sonner mot longuement se tint coy:  
Puis dit en s'élevant comme un, qui se réveille,  
Si le nom de Montluc a frappé ton oreille,  
Nom que la renommée embouche en mille corps,  
je fus quand il vivoit, l'hostesse de son corps.  
La France est mon pays, Gascongne est ma nourrisse,  
Qui blandist ses enfans d un guerrier exercice,  
Qui arme leurs berceaux de petits estandars,  
Et leurs mains de tambours, les voüans au Dieu Mars.  
La lignée de ceux, desquels ie pris naissance,  
Est assez par mon nom conneue par la France,  
Comme un Lyon iamais n'engendre un cerf poureux.  
Succedant aux Montlucs en leur coeur genereux  
De guerre desireux ie n'eus loisir d'attendre  
Qu'un poil vint mollement sur ma ioue s'épandre,  
Poil la fleur du printemps, qui poinct sur nostre teint  
Car encor ie n'avois trois fois six ans atteint,  
Que sortant hors de page au Duc de Lorraines schappe,  
N emportant comme on dit que l'espée & la cape,  
Comme un jeune poulain qui branlant teste & col  
A force a destaché la boucle à son licol,  
Lors que libre il sent en fuyant l escurie  
Dispost court par les champs, & cherche un prairie▪  
Où la terre grattant d'un jarret souple & prompt  
Il galoppe, il gambade, il fait en l'air le bond,  
Dessous ses pieds veneus le long de sa carriere.  
L'air demeure épaissi d'une obscure poussiere  
Son crain flotant espars se meut au gré du vent,  
Sous son viste galop par accord se mouvant  
La terre retentit: mais quand sur un rivage  
Il oit hanir la poutre, ou le poulin sauvage.  
Vne oreille dressant s'estant court arresté  
Escoute en quel endroit, puis court de ce costé.  
Ainsi du tabourin, qui le soldat rèveille,  
I'ecoutois quand le son viendroit à mon oreille:  
Pour courir celle part. Alors cet Empereur,  
Ce grand Charles, qui fut du monde la terreur  
Desseignoit de la France eriger un trophée.  
La guerre estoit par tout vivement échauffée.  
Là donques l'accourus; & sous Odet de Foix  
I'appris jeune soldat à porter le harnois.  
Et ores en Espagne & ores en Angleterre  
jeune ie m'adextray au mestier de la guerre.  
je traversay les monts suivant l'espoir de tous,  
Qui pensoient que Milan seroit garde par nous.  
Mais comme bien souvant la fortune se mocque,  
Nous fusmes d'un malheur suivis à la Biquoque:  
Là où comme pieton, tout de poudre noircy  
je vis combattre à pied le grand Mommorancy,  
Que i'allay coudoyant au miljeu du carnage,  
Faisant sentir l'effort de mon jeune courage.  
Apres que nostre camp desespera de voir  
Par sa force Milan remis sous son pouvoir,  
Revenu, sans long temps m'arrester en Gascongne.  
La Navarre ie vis, Picardy & Bourgongne.  
Et bien que i'eusse veu ia maint & maint combat,  
Mon vol n'estoit plus haul, que le vol du soldat.  
Mais lors un point d'honneur salariant ma peine  
De soldat ie receus tiltre de capitaine.  
Bien tost ie me trouvay plus chaud en guerre épris,  
Lors que Fonterabie aux Espagnoles fut pris.  
Invincible au travail, apres Fonterabie  
je vis ô grand malheur, la route de Pavia,  
journée oû nostre Roy demeure prisonnier,  
Où presque te restay commbattant le dernier:  
Mais playé dans le corps, à la teste, au visage,  
Avec peine à la fin i'eschappe ce carnage.  
Puis avec ce Lautrec sous qui ie m'avancé  
Encor en Italy hardy ie repasse:  
Et suivant la Romaigne & la Brusse & l'Apouille  
Melphe nous demeura pour gueeriere despoüille:  
Où mes soldats Gascons mi suivant d'un prin-saut  
Furent veus les premiers sur la bresche à l'assaut.  
Naples sçait quels assauts en assiegeant ie baille:  
Et quantefois du pied i'ay marqué sa muraille.  
De ce voyage long d'un malheureux bonheur  
je revins tout chargé de loüange & d'honneur,  
Aux charges, aux assauts, rencontres, camisades,  
Ayant scellé mon los de quatre arquebusades.  
Me trouvant à Marseille on vid là de quel soing  
je sçay la peur d'un siege asseurer au besoin.  
D où l Empereur qui peut t en faire encore le conte  
Partist sans l'assieger avec sa courte honte.  
Au siege contre luy ie fus à Perpignan.  
Le Piedmont s'es mouvant Cassal & Carignan  
Et Carmagnole & Quiers virent en cette guerre,  
Combien de chevaliers ie renversay par terre.  
Encor que de l honneur sans l'avoir d●siré  
De grand Maistre de Camp le Roy m'eust honoré  
Alors que l'aigle joint aux armes Espagnolles  
Entreprit d assailir nos gens à Cerisoles,  
je voulu bien qu' aux chefs ces traits soyent deffendus,  
Guider les pas douteux de nos enfans perdus.  
Ce fut lors qu'en vainquant, le François magnanime,  
T'offrit maint ennemy pour sanglante victime.  
Ce fut lors qu'acharné s empourpray mes deux mains  
Au sang des Espagnols, des Lombards, des Germains.  
Or l Anglois cependant; qui d●autre part guerroye  
Pour la guerre s'armoit dans la terre d'Oye  
Pour ne voir guerre aucune où ie n'eusse ma part  
De gloire d●sireux ie courus celle part.  
Là ie fis voir le coeur d'un guerrier de Gascongne.  
Alors mou Roy me vid en la basse boulogne  
(Et cet acte ie mets pour mes gestes plus beaus)  
Sauver l'honneur perdu de ving-deux drappeaux:  
Et malgré l'ennemy qui tiroit la deffaite.  
Faire covurir de sang une brave retraite.  
En Piedmont appellé pour quelque remuëment  
D'Albe & de Moncallier i'eus le gouvernement.  
Sienne pour ne r'entrer dessous la tyrannie  
Des voisins Florentins, dont elle est ennemie,  
D'entre les mains desquels nos Roys avoient osté  
Le joug qui captivoit sa doucé liberté,  
Craignant & l'Empereur & le Duc de Florence,  
En ce temps mandia le secours de la France.  
Le Roy prestant l'oreille au prier des Siennese  
M'envoya pour leur aide ayant de moy fait chois.  
Là où representant sa Majesté Royalle  
I eus de son lieutenant la charge generalle.  
Et gardant aux Siennois leur chere liberté  
Là i'avois les fleurons du lis si bien planté  
Qu'encores aujourd'huy les bannieres Françoises  
Dans les vents boufferoient dessus les tours Siennoises,  
Si de Strossy le camp, en pieces estant mis  
N'eust donné l'advantage aux vainqueurs ennemis.  
Henry lors nostre Roy, Henry mon second maistre.  
Auquel ià ma vertu s'estoit faite connoistre  
Dans Sienne me sçachant sans secours assiegé,  
Bien tost pour ne me perdre envoya mon congé.  
Mais moy brave & vaillant, à qui iamais la crainte  
N'avoit dedans le coeur donné la moindre attainte.  
Voulant voir les assaults des campez ennemis,  
D'attandre son secours deux mois ie luy promis.  
Et comme le Nocher, qui au fort d'un orage  
Est des flots & des vents menasse de naufrage,  
Provident or deça, or de là, suit par tout,  
Dep uis un bous de nef, jusques à l'autre bout,  
Pour voir si sa navire au ventre creus & large,  
Cale trop dessous l'eau, sous le poids de sa charge:  
Si les fiers Aquilons le cordage ont lasché,  
Si la hune est entiere, ou le mast arraché:  
Si les bancs, si les rocs, ou les ondes bossues,  
Ont enfoncé les plis de ses costez pensues,  
Dans Sienna aussi i'alloy, visitant les rampars,  
I'avoisoy si du sein quelqu'un de mes soudarts  
Laissoit tamber le coeur: à ceux-là par menasse  
Coüards les hontoyant, ie remettois l'audace.  
Vivement assailly ie garday les Siennese,  
Comme i avois promis non seulement deux mois,  
Ains encor cy apres, de la ville assaillie  
Faisant coup dessus coup mainte brave saillie  
Et là ie fusse mort combattant, si la faim  
N eust vaincu mes soldats abayant dans leur sein,  
Ausquels pour destourner la honte de se rendre  
A tout accustomez sous moy ie fis apprendre  
Pour ne mourir de faim, à se paistre de chats,  
De chevaux, & de chiens, & d'asnes & de rats.  
Mais enfin entre nous manquant ce viure mesme  
Nous sortismes vaincus d une famine extreme,  
Tous mes soldats & moy avant que dèloger  
Ayant trois jours entiers demeuré sans manger.  
Apres ce siege long, ie m'en revins en France,  
Où ie vis haut-loüant applaudir ma vaillance,  
Et mon corps entorner d'un belliqueux collier,  
De l'ordre de mon Roy, estant fait Chevalier,  
Ordre, qui lors pendoit pour enseigne honorable  
A signaler en nous un service notable.  
Au grand camp d'Amiens, ie fus fait Colonel:  
Que ce Prince Lorraine, dont le nom eternel  
Suivant de pere en fils commande à nos battailles,  
Te conte de quel heur i'assaili les murailles  
De ce fort Thionville, ou de proüesse armé,  
D'un tel coeur mes soldats à l'assaut i' animé  
Qui i'emporté par force une tour haute & forte,  
Qui pour entrée apres nous servit d'une porte.  
Puis d'honneur sur honneur estant du Roy payé  
En Toscane ie fus lieutenant renvoyé.  
Mais apres que la paix eust par ferme alliance  
Ioint le sang de Savoye, & d'Espagne à la France:  
Que l'Anglois fut boucle plus estroit dans sa mer:  
Que par la paix l'Itale on eust fait desarmer,  
En France ie revins avec mes capitaines,  
Qui par leurs faits vaillans emportoient leurs mains pleines  
De palmiers triomphans, & de vainqueurs lauriers,  
Que la paix marioit aux pasles oliviers:  
Mais comme apres la guerre, un vieil soldat l'on paye  
Du service passe, l'enroollant morte paye  
De quelque vieux chasteau ainsi de mes estats  
Que la paix ravissoit au gain de mes combats,  
Charles me surpaya, & d'une charge hautaine,  
Me fit son Lieutenant sur toute l'Aquitaine,  
Son Lieutenant en chef honneur estroitement  
Gardé jusques alors aux Princes seulement,  
En ce temps les François qui trop chauds à la guerre  
Ne peurent cn la paix viure en paix en leur terre,  
Firent comme iadis les trop vaillans Romans  
Contre leur propre sang armans leurs propres mains.  
Baignant leur fer sanglant au sang de leurs entrailles,  
Demolissans leurs forts, se donnans des battailles,  
S'estans, pour donner voile à leur sedition,  
Couverts du faux mainteau d'une religion.  
La France pitoyable, erroit toute troublée:  
De nostre ieunée Roy la couronne ébranlée  
Panchant dessus son chef sa cheute menassoit,  
De ses armes le lis paslement flétrissoit,  
Au Sceptre que tenoit en main ce jeune Prince  
Desia n'obeiss●it ma rebelle province,  
Quand contre ces mutins aux armes ie courus:  
Bourdeaux, Thoulouse prise à temps ie secourus.  
Lectoure ie gaignay: & le fort du fort Pene,  
Là où fut le tombeau de maint grand capitaine.  
Apres (bien que suivy de peu de cavalliers  
Desquels i avois fait chois, pour belliqueux guerriers)  
En suivant ma fortune éguillonné de gloire  
je combati Duras, & gaignay la victoire:  
Sous mes coups ou de bale ou de glaives trenchans,  
je fis long temps la mort errer parmy les champs,  
Des champs fatals de Ver, d'où sept mille ombres palles  
Vindrent ça bas hurter tes portes infernales.  
Depuis, bien que l'byver de ma vieille saison  
Eust negé sur mon chef, tout vicil & tout grison,  
Desirant de garder mou pays par ma perte,  
I'assiegeay Rabastens, la guerre estaut r'ouverte,  
Là pour marquer mon los par un exploit dernier,  
je redevins soldat, ie devins pionnier,  
Et plein de desespoir, de despit & de rage  
Voyant qu'en un assaut, mes gens perdoient courage,  
Qu'ils bransloient au retour, à la breche hazardeus  
je marchay le premier, guidant leurs pas douteus.  
La honte de me voir marcher de telle audace,  
(Encor qu'un coup de bale à jour perçat ma face)  
Combattre opiniastre avec un tel effort,  
Cela leur donnant coeur nous sit maistre du fort.  
Au bout de quelques ans, quand la mort qui assomme  
Les Princes & les Roys, aussi tost qu'un pavure homme,  
Eust Charles nostre Roy mis dessous le cercucil,  
Laissant la France en proye, & le François en dueil,  
Et que Henry pour France eust Poulogne laissee,  
je me vis honnoré de la Mareschaussee,  
Se souvenant mon Prince autrefois de m'avoir,  
A la guerre sous luy veu faire mon devoir,  
Voulant par cét honneur, liberal reconnoistre.  
Mon service employé pour son frere mon maistre.  
Ainsi aux grands estats, dont ie fus honnoré  
je ne vins tout à coup, ains degré par degré,  
Comme l'astre éclattant, qui dans le ciel flamboye,  
Qui pour suivant le cours de son oblique voye  
March à pas mesurez, & selon les saisons  
De degrez en degrez, void ses douze maisons.  
Bien que ie fusse sec, & casse d'un long âge,  
je me sentois encor assez verd de courage,  
Pour suiure des desseins que i'avois pourpensez,  
Qui eussent couronné tous mes gestes passez,  
Mais m'estant retiré, pour ne voir tant de brigues,  
Pour ne voir les plus grands conniver sous leurs ligues,  
Vieil ie pris le chemin, qu à tous prendre il nous faut,  
Mourant comme une lampe, à qui l'buile deffaut.  
Voylà doncques Pluton, le discours de ma vie,  
Qui fust & de grandeur, & de bon-heur suivie,  
Bon-heur que i'ay cherché, en guerroyant tousiours  
N ayant iamais oyseux en vain mangé le jour.  
Mais le coiiard mal heur, qui ne m'ozoit attendre  
Pour s'attaquer à moy, sur les miens s'alla prendre:  
Car ayant eu cest heur, d'engendrer quatre enfans  
Tous quatre enfans de Mars, tous guerriers triomphans,  
Le malbeur contre moy bourrellé d'une envie  
Aux trois trancha le fil de leur trop courte vic.  
Mon brave Marc Antoine hayssant le repos  
Mourut en Italy, où reposent ses os  
Sur les rempars d'Hostie, où sa main redoutable  
La memoire laissa de maint acte notable,  
Peirot dont le coeur baut & plein d ambition,  
Estoit pour commander à quelque nation,  
Faisant voille au conquest d'un Royaume d'Affrique  
Fust tué dans une Isle en la mer Atlantique,  
Fabien, le François, comme ie t'ay conté,  
Estant contre soy-mesme en armes revolté,  
Ayant d'un fort tenu, forcé la barricade,  
Sentist un coup mortel, par une arquebusade.  
Ainsi veuf de ces trois que ie plaindray tousiours,  
Vn seul ioüit là haut de la clarté du jour,  
Qui a dans la cité de chevaliers armée  
Par maint exploit vaillant planté sa renommée,  
Qui les armes portant pour deffendre sa loy,  
Dans l'armée croisee a fait parler de soy  
Aux despens des vaincus: & qui brave n'agueres,  
Commandoit sur la mer aux Royales galeres  
Les sceut pour le combat si bieu faire ramer,  
Qu'il demeura vainqueur, le maistre de la mer:  
Vainqueur en terre, en mer, deux fois heureux en terre,  
Me vainquant, qui n'appris qu'à vaincre sur la terre,  
Lors qu'il executoit cest acte Martial  
je tirois à la mort, aggraué de mon mal:  
Mais m'estant de ce faict la nouvelle annoncée,  
Tout ravy ie sentis ma force renforcée,  
Par cet aise dernier flatté si doucement,  
Que ie mourois apres, plein de contentement,  
En voyant apres moy rester encor au monde  
Pour me faire revivre, un fils qui me seconde▪  
Or donc Pluton, content dequoy plus ie ne vy,  
Et d'avoir mes trois fils avant ma mort ravy,  
Garde au moins celuy-là, & que la mort funeste,  
N'emporte des Montlucs le peu de grand qui reste.  
Garde mon frere encor, lequel ambassadeur  
Nos Roys ont douze fois chargé de leur grandeur:  
Ont fait voir les Romans, ont fait voir l'Allemagne,  
Ont fait voir la Hongrie, & la ville que baigne  
La mer de tous costez, l'Anglois, & l'Escossois,  
Deux fois voir le levant, deux fois le Poulognois,  
Voyage par lequel ceste gloire luy donne  
Qu'au chef de nostre Roy il a mis leur couronne:  
Renversant les complots de mainte nation,  
Qui briguoit la faveur de ceste eslection,  
C'est ce docte Prelat, qui pere d'éloquence  
Est baptisé du nom d'Ambassadeur de France:  
Qui par le miel coulant de sa diserte vois  
A fait autant d'exploits, que moy par le harnois.  
Or attendant qu'icy son ombre ie revoye,  
Dont le terme soit long, say moy monstrer la voye,  
Par où ie sois conduit au sejour bien-heureux  
Où logent les esprits des hommes genereux.  
L'ombre à peine avoit dit, que le Roy qui s'abaisse  
Pour honorer les grands, l'embrasse, la caresse,  
Luy-mesme la guidant aux champs Elisiens,  
Au quartier Martial des guerriers anciens,  
D'Alexandre, Hannibal, de Cesar, de Pompée,  
Des Catons, Scipions, vrays enfans de l'espée:  
La Charles, là François, Henry, Monmorancy,  
Bourbon, Lautrec, Bayard, la T●imoüille, Strossi,  
Leve, Termes, Brissac, & ce grand Duc de Guyse,  
Le bouclier des François, le pilier de I'Eglise,  
lovyssent des rayons d un autre plus beau jour  
Où cette ame avec eux, fait son heureux sejour:  
Et la trompant le temps, d'un guerrier exercice,  
L'un deces obevaliers elle appelle à la lice,  
Elle court une bague, & cherche les esbats,  
Desquels le ieu figure un'ombre des combats.  
Car mesme quand le corps est sous la sepulture.  
L'ame imbuë retient l'instinct de sa nature.  
Les ames de ceux-là, qu'amour a tourmentez:  
Souspirent, lamentant dessous les bois mirtez,  
Des pevibles nochers les ames marinieres,  
Là bas dans un esquif frequentent les rivieres.  
Et quand le corps est mort les ames des guerriers  
Combattent se jouans sour l'ombre des lauriers.  
Ainsi va s'exerçant cette ame bein heureuse  
Veusue du corps enclous sous la tombe poudreuse,  
Ame qui pleine d'heur ne doir point desirer,  
Qu'honorant sa memoire on aille labourer  
Ny un marbre imagé des figures antiques,  
Ny de I or rebruny sur des pilliers Doriques,  
Ny qu'une Pyramide esleuée hautement  
Presse en terre ses os servant de monument:  
Car jamais par leur mort, jamais ceux-là ne meuront,  
De qui les braves faits pour monumens demeurent:  
Ce sont les vrays tombeaus: & le temps ronge tout  
De sa rongearde dent n'en peut venir à bout.  
Montluc donc ne mourra, & sa gloire immortelle  
Ne verra que le temps aye peuvoir sur elle.  
Montluc qui a laisse cette marque de soy,  
D'avoir six fois dix ans fait service à son Roy,  
Et cinquante & buict ans commande par son Prince  
Soit en la France, ou soit en estrange province.  
De n'avoir, quand luy seul a eu commandement,  
Attaqué l'ennemy, qu'il n'ait heureusement,  
Soit qu'il fust foible ou fort, emporté l'advantage,  
De n'avoir combattant jamais tourné visage.  
D'avoir eu cette gloire, avant voir son tripas,  
Qu'autre homme plus que luy n'avoit veu de combats,  
De battailles, assauts, rencontres, entreprises,  
Plus de murs deffendus, ny de plus belles prises,  
De n'avoir veu ses fils de luy degenerer,  
O heureux qui se peut, comme luy bien-heurer  
Par une heureuse mort, par unc heureuse vie,  
D'une telle memoire apres la mort suivie.   

In Tumulum illustrissimi viri D. Mont lucii, etc. Steph. Manialdus.  
MAgnanimi herois non pulchrum cerne sepulchrum,  
Et vitae & mortis nobile disce genus.  
Gentis Aquitanae splendor Montlucius armis  
Ingens, fortuna clarus, honore gravis,  
Militiam intrepidus primis scctatur ab annis,  
Atque ex militia praemia opima refert.  
Nam celer eximios explevit cursus honores,  
Fit torquatus eques, qui modo miles erat,  
Hinc belli auspiciis melioribus usus honorum  
Scandit ad excelsos, Marte juvante gradus.  
Discordes Gallos dum tristis turbat Erinnys,  
Civili & rabie Gallia tota ruit,  
Unus Aquitanae praefectus regius orae  
Debellat populos, magne Gerumna tuos.  
Horrendum quoties hostis, sensitque tremendum  
Terrisicum belli tempore fulmen erat.  
Scilicet ut fuerant primis veneranda sub annis  
Canicies animi, consiliumque sagax:  
Sic suit extremo sub tempore vivida bello  
Virtus & corpus dexteritate vigens.  
Caetera quid memorem nostrae non indiga laudis,  
Quae foret immensus dinumerare labor?  
Progeniem bello egregiam, vel Martia fratrum  
Pectora, quid titulis inseruisse juvat?  
Vivit adhuc frater nulli pietate secundus,  
Eloquio insignis, consilioque potens.  
Filius unus adhuc numerosa è prole superstes  
Patris ad exemplum non nisi magna sapit.  
In caeptis numquam sic deerit honoribus haeres.  
Clarescetque novis fascibus ista domus.  
Fortunata domus non quae divisa beatos  
Efficiunt homines, omnia mixta tenet:  
Ergo senex inter tot tantaque commoda vivens,  
Emeritae recolit tempora militiae.  
Infestis tandem cum nil rationis in armis  
Cerneret & toties foedera rupta dolis,  
Annorum plenus magnorum plenus honorum  
Expirat, placido & funere laetus obit.   

ALIUD EX GRAECO.  
Hoc jacet in parvo tumulo Montlucius ingens,  
Defuncti cineres & brevis urna tegit.  
Virtutes laudesque viri, praeclaraque facta  
Nec rapit interitus, nec recipit tumulus:  
Morte rapit celeri celebres Mars improbus, ast hic  
Aevo maturus, laude decorus obit.  Steph. Manialdus.  

Montlucii Tribuni Militum Epicedium.  
ITe triumphales Montluci ad funera turmae  
Ite sub illius signis victricia semper  
Agmina, vosque adeò promptissima pectora bello  
Vascones exequiis longas indicite pompas.  
Et fortes si facta viros fortissima tangunt,  
Si stimulat virtus tanto subiisse feretro,  
Ne pigeat, non aequè animis armisque potenti  
Supremos unquam tumuli reddetis honores.  
Splendida porticibus sacris aulaea premantur,  
Templaque pullato obtentu color ater inumbret,  
Perque vias passim tristi pro munere crines  
Spargantur Cyparisse tui, quos delphica laurus  
Moestior, atque Apium foliis intexat amaris.  
Funereas exosa faces lux aemula noctis  
Marcescat, piceamque vomant funalia nubem.  
Atra procul lugubre sonent, & Lyda gementem  
Flebilibus numeris aspiret tibia cantum:  
Surda per armigeras acies sint tympana, nec se  
Indiciis manifesta suis humentia tangat  
Lumina, pars imis animi penetralibus erret.  
Haec tu Montluci, tu belli fulmen habeto,  
Qualia persolvi manes sibi debita poscunt  
Emeriti & multa praecincti tempora lauro.  
Jam tibi delectae procedunt ordine turbae  
Signorum comites, & Martia castra sequentum:  
Figentur terrae vultus, longisque trahentur  
Arma notis, & humum vexilla sequentia vertent.  
Tum bellator equus nigro feralis amictu,  
Officium ad moestum lentis ducetur habenis;  
Quin ad certa tuum celebrabunt numina funus,  
Multaque visentur feralis fercula pomp,  
Partim hominum, partim manibus gestata deorum.  
Mars frameam, Bellona decus thoracis aheni,  
Et galeam Pallas, manicas furialis Enyo,  
Denique & aligero praepes victoria curru,  
Nunc stupe sacta, gravisque & saevo tarde dolore  
Bellorum feret exuvias, monumentaque laudis  
Plurima, Romanis etiam spectanda triumphis.  
Nec vero indecores illis ad grande feretrum  
Gentis Aquitanae primi, quorum inclita virtus  
Militiae claret studiis; moerentia jungent  
Agmina, quos oculis aliquis tùm forte pererrans,  
Miratusque viros, spirantiaque ora furorem  
Indomitum, tacito suspirans corde loquetur.  
Heu quantum imperium, si belligerantibus istis,  
Ductor in externos isset Montlucius hostes?  
Quale decus potuit tibi Gallica terra parare,  
Sive tuos longo protendere limit fines,  
Sive aliis velles populis tua dicere jura?  
Sed durae impediunt leges, civica fatis,  
Bella furunt, laevoque agitantur Vejove Galli.  
Eximium si quicquam habuit vis impia Martis,  
En etiam ut morbi populantur & aegra senectus.  
Marmoreum tandem ad tumulum sistetur, & alto  
Compositum corpus lecto fragrantis amomi,  
Et pinguis casiae & nardi lentore madebit,  
Parva quidem fuerint magnis haec praemia factis,  
Quae ritu concessa pio suprema dabuntur,  
Cum tibi perpetuos Montluci instaurat honores  
Fama peregrinis longè tua nomina terris  
Extento missura aevo: namque unde tepentem  
Producens rubicunda diem Pollentias exit,  
Et qua deciduo merguntur sole quadrigae  
Praecipites, tua facta canet, tibi mille parabit  
Linguas, mille annos & mille in carmina voces  
Extremasque tuba gentes ad splendida rerum  
Argumenta ciens, calidis memorabit ut annis  
Nobilitas generosa tuo sub pectore primum  
Extuderit vivas nativo fomite flammas:  
Utque animosa ruens horrendus miles in arma,  
Non satis ampla tibi pomaria laudis avitae  
Protuleris, seu magnanimo satus Aesone quandam,  
Thessalicae quem non capiens angustia terrae  
Compulit ad Scyticas ignoti Phasidis oras.  
Hic superatae Alps, & vis inimica feretur  
Eridani ingentesque Itala tellure labores.  
Sed neque Senatum dira obsidionis egestas,  
Et plusquam Perusina fames, aut quam addita Poenis  
Consilio immani placavit Ibera Saguntus,  
Defuerit titulis: nec desperata salutis  
Spes producta diu lethaeas senserit undas.  
Scilicet acclivi vectatur gloria curru,  
Semper & è duris molles sibi captat honores.  
Prospera quis nescit bellorum praelia quotquot  
Addita sunt fastis Francisci à tempore primi?  
Insubres domiti Allobroges, pulsique Britanni,  
Belgarum truces animi: damnum utraque sensit  
Helperia & tumidi compressa ferocia Rheni.  
At quis in his etiam Montluci nomina nescit?  
Undenis ductor lustris ille inclitus heros,  
Et patriae murus, regumque fidele suorum  
Praesidium, quantos bellorum pertulit aestus?  
Quas rexit fuditque acies foelicibus usus  
Fortiter auspiciis? quem nunquam impune moratus  
Hostis, & aversum nunquam in certamine vidit:  
Idque adeo validis docuit non una cicatrix  
Artubus, & pulchro violatae vulnere nares.  
Nec tamen interea reliqua ornamenta latebunt  
Virtutum, nec in hac sistet tua gloria parte,  
Montluci dicetur honos Ithacensis Ulixei  
Consiliis cecisse tuis, & Nestoris illa  
Mellea vox linguae patrio sermone disertae:  
Et memoranda fides etiam sanctissima tetris  
Hostibus, & concors animis clementia magnis,  
Ingeniumque memor, vigilesque in pectore curae,  
Et faciles aditus, & blandae questibus aures,  
Mens quoque non avidis unquam temerata rapinis,  
Insontesque manus, nec iniqua caede madentes.  
Talibus exurget titulis Montlucius, utque  
Septenis errans fidibus moduletio quondam  
Threiciae visa est citharae compescere tygres,  
Et quercus agitate vagas, & grandia summis  
Saxa movere jugis, sic vivida fama merenti  
Nectareum è tantis concentum laudibus edet,  
Manuricam huic rabiem mulcens, huic cruda Geloni  
Corda vel Armenium quae gens usurpat Araxem.  
Clara repercussae magnum aethera vocis imago  
Pulsabit, plaudet Tanais, Ponti utraque plaudent  
Littora: percipient extremae nomina terrae,  
Attonitaeque bibent oves, & laeta beatis  
Umbra locis, manesque inter veneranda quietos  
Elisias capiet sedes, ubi plurima laurus  
Miscet odoratis frondosa cacumina lucis.  Io. Cuionius.  

Georgii Buchanani Scoti, in obitum Marci Antonii Montluci, qui Hostia pro defensione Ecclesia obiit, Carmen.  
MOntluci armatae regeres ut frena cohortis  
Supra annos virtus consiliumque dedit.  
Supra annos animi vis Martia perdidit ausum  
Obvia fulmineo pectore ferre globo.  
Quam super adstantem muris prius horruit hostem  
Hostia, defuncti vindicis ossa colit.  
Icta licet tanto genetrix sit Gallia casu  
Plus genuisse refert, quam periisse dolet.   

In eundem joachimi Bellai Andegavi.  
Littora Dardaniae quondam ut contingere primus  
Dum cupis, & primus, Protesilae, cadis:  
Sic cupidus pugnae fossa Montlucius hostem  
Dum prohibet primus, primus ab hoste cadit.  
Hostia prima fuit Montlucius, Hostia nempe  
Haud alia poterat conditione capi.  
At vos ne haec decimum, Galli, vos ducat in annum  
Hostia, Montluci pectora quisque gerat.   

Ejusdem in eundem.  
Hospes siste gradum, rogo, hîc parumper▪  
Quemque praetereas locum videto,  
Hoc, hoc sub tumulo jacet sepultus:  
Monluci illius (hoc sat est viator)  
Natus optimus, optimi parentis,  
Qui dum sorte datum locum tuetur,  
Pro fossa vigil excubatque primus,  
Caeco vulnere primus est peremptus.  
Illum mo●sta cohors prius Tribunum  
Mox caesum ingemuere tota castra.   

Pour Jean de Montluc Evesque de Valence.  
CY repose l'honneur de France  
Montluc Evesque de Valence.  
●●st assez, pass viateur,  
●●s●n seul nom tu sçais sa gloire  
●●sert de trumpet & d'histoire  
Dec● & delà l'Equateur.   

Pour le Capitain Montluc Sieur de Caupene qui mourut à Madere.  
LE Ciel qui seul te sembloit grand,  
Montluc, en jeune âge te prend  
Voyant que peu sert plus attendre,  
Car le monde à ton appetit,  
Eust esté tousiours si petit  
Qu'il ne t'eust jamais peu comprendre.   

Pour Fabien de Montluc Sieur de Montesquieu.  
SONNET.  
L'Amour de son pays le brave Peleide  
Conduisoit à la mort, alors que pour venger  
Le Gregeois Menelas du Troyen estranger,  
Sa vie s'acheva par un trait homicide.  
L'amour de Dieu du Roy, & du pays te guide  
Montluc, à mesme pas misprisant ton danger,  
Quand chaussant le Biernois ardent de saccager  
Vn plomb donna dedans ta cuisse d'arnois vuide.  
Magnanime guerrier tu meurs avant ton temps,  
Si celuy peut mourir qui encor jeune d'ans  
Par une brave mort vient double vie acquerre.  
Et ore que tu es fait habitant des cieux,  
Peut-estre as tu pitié de nos jours soucieux,  
Où tu ris des desseins des autheurs de la guerre.   

SONNET.  
Sur le tombeau de Monsieur le Commandeur de Montluc.  
AVant leur temps, la mort tes deux aisnez atterre,  
Montluc, & ton puisné de mesme elle prend,  
En Italy, Africa, en la France elle estend  
Morts de trois plombs fatals ces trois foudres de guerre.  
Ton pere qui son chef de mille lauriers serre  
Chargé d'ans & d'honneur les suit, apres luy grand  
March ton oncle grand, de qui le nom s'espand  
Par tous les lieux cogneus de l'habitable terre.  
Mais toy les survivant, morts ils ne sembloient pas,  
Voyant en tes discours, entreprises, combats,  
De tous reviure en toy le coeur & l'eloquence.  
Nous les voyons en toy & combattre & parler:  
Mais ores toy mourant, ils remeurent, & l'air  
Emporte nos regrets, le Ciel nostre esperance.  I. du C. E. de C.  

Tumulo Blasii Montluci,  
DEsine mirari sata gens é stirpe virorum,  
Omnia si morsu laceret mors digna maligno.  
Heroum divina cohors huic subdita legi est  
Tantalus est testis, Sarpedon, quique parente  
Avo progeniti magnus domitorque ferarum.  
Nunc quoque Montlucius divis praeslantior illis,  
Haud virtute sua valuit depellere lethum  
Quin mors exultat tanto ductore pe empto.  
Interea super astra volat, coelumque capescit:  
Et tot gesta viri stupet omnis turba deorum.   

ALIUD.  
Bellipotens varios terrae pelagique labores  
Qui domuit, tegitur mortuus hoc tumulo  
Nempe suis iterum diffidens Jupiter armis  
Montluci Stygiis lumina mersit aquis.   

SONNET.  
Sur la deuise de Blaise de Montluc Mareschal de France.  
DEO DUCE, FERRO COMITE.  
CReature de Dieu, i'eus Dieu tousiours pour guide  
Enfant de Mars ie fus de fer accompagné  
En cet aage de fer où je fus desseigné  
Pour manier un fer iustement homicide  
Guerroyer justement, c'est alors que Dieu guide  
Et le coeur & la main, i'ay cela tesmoigné,  
Pour defendre nos Roys ne m'estant espargné.  
Ny pour sauver la France au François parricide.  
En cette mer Dieu fust mon estoile du Nort,  
Le fer mon instrument, pour maint guerrier effort,  
Aux uns, pour leurs tombeaux on bastit leur memoire.  
L'edifice élevant du fer de maint marteau,  
Et moy pour m'arracher des mains de la mort noire,  
Avec le fer au poing i'ay brise mon tombeau.  P. DE-BRACH.  
FIN.