A SERMON Preached at the Cathedral Church OF St. PAUL's, On May 29. 1699: BEFORE The Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, aldermans AND CITIZENS.  
By THO. MORER, Rector of St. Anne, etc. Aldersgate.  
LONDON, Printed for James Bonwicke, at the Hat and Star in St. Paul's Churchyard, MDCXCIX.   
Isaiah 1.26. 
And I will restore thy Judges as at the first, and thy Counsellors as at the beginning.  
AS the great Work of this Holy Penman is Prophecy, so for the most part it is about Spiritual Things; and his main Design is to speak of the long-desired Revolution and Restauration of the Church under the Government of Messiah.  
And this Subject he immediately enters upon in the beginning of the next Chapter, Ver. 2, 3, 4. wherein he sets before us the Glories and Advantages of that Constitution; the General Conflux of most Nations to this New Temple; the Willingness of the People to learn and practise the Duties of Religion, and readiness to invite their Neighbours to do so too; together with the Happiness attending it, signified by the Peace, good Disposition, and sweet Temper, among such Professors, whose Principles would direct them to lay aside all Animosities, and not suffer them to War and quarrel with one another. And tho' now under the Estate of Christianity, to which the Prophecy had an Eye, there is not that Universal Silence of the Sword, and other Arms, as might be expected, and was at that time when the Author of it was born, The Prince of Peace; yet this is owing to Humane Frailty, and the violent Passions of Men, which tho' in Obedience to the Gospel, we all renounce at our Baptism, yet they generally overrule, and we submit to 'em. This, I say, is the great Work of Isaiah, the Glory and Extent of the Empire and Religion of Messiah, in opposition to the Jews, who were confined within narrow Bounds, and whose Condition was for the most part Military and Unhappy, because of the frequent Wars they were forced to engage in for the Defence of their Worship, and to secure Conscience against the Insults of the Infidels.  
Yet it is evident, according to the way of Holy Writ, (wherein there are many Intermixtures of Religious and Worldly Matters) that he insists on a nearer Subject in this Chapter, and directs his Discourse to the Jews with respect to their Civil Capacity, as they made up a State or Nation, and as such to be punished or prospered in a way suitable to their Polity; a Way that concerns only this World, to which all these Appointments or Governments are limited, tho' both Governors and Governed are apart to make another Account hereafter, and Personally Answer for their present Actions or Counsels.  
Here then in the first place he charges them, as a Nation, with many Sins of frightful Gomplexion, Injustice, Violence, and Rebellion, Ver. 4.21, 22, 23. The Ground of all which was a real Disbelief of what they professed; and notwithstanding their fair Appearance and Pretensions of Holiness, yet plainly they dissembled in what they said and did. They used Religion only for Secular Ends, and put on this Sacred Veil to no other purpose then to cover their Vices. They fasted, but it was for Strife and Debate, and to smile with the Fist of Wickedness. They offered Incense, but it was Abomination. 
Ver. 14.  They spread forth their Hands, but Hands full of Blood. They prayed to God, but like them in the Poet, to patronise their Villainies; And, as our Lord speaks of the Pharisees, at the same time they devoured Widows Houses, and for a show made Long Prayers. 
Luk. 20.47.  All which proves, that either they believed no God at all; or, which is no less Atheism, denied him to be what He is, All-knowing, Righteous and Pure; Attributes, which being admitted, would quickly put a stop to all these Religious Cheats. In a word, their Claim to the True Religion did but aggravate their Wilful Abuse of it, and their Hypocrisy ripened both their Sins and their Ruin; two things that commonly go together: And therefore, as in Ver. 7. they had experience of this a little before, when their Country was desolate, and their Cities burnt with fire— meaning the Destruction wrought by the Syrians in the preceding Reign. So we sinned another Calamity threatened, V 24. Therefore saith the Lord, the Lord of Hosts, the mighty one of Israel, Ah, I will ease me of my Adversaries, and avenge me of mine Enemies. Which was made good in the Reign after by the Oppressions they groaned under, when the Princes of Babylon became their Masters.  
However God in Judgement remembered Mercy. And tho' their Sins called for this Misery, and that their Provocations were so great, as to force him to afflict them with the Assyrian Bondage; yet his Compassion was also great, and this sad Message by the Prophet shall be close followed with a Promise of Comfort, especially to the few Righteous among them, who, tho' involved in the general Distress of their Country, as making all, both Good and Bad, one Civil Society, yet they should be used only as Gold and Silver, which is not consumed, but purified in the Fire; as this Captivity should make them better, and be employed as a means to cleanse them of their Pollutions, or rather rid them of those wicked Men, whose Sins brought that Vengeance on the Nation. And this is what was intended by those Figurative Expressions in the Verse before, 
Ver. 25.  And I will turn my hand upon thee, and purely purge away thy Dross, and take away all thy Tin. Which being done, then comes in the Deliverance, the Blessing of my Text, And I will restore, etc. which was effected by Zerubbabel, who recovered the City, and rebuilt the Temple.  
For the better understanding of the Prophet, 'tis necessary to do Two things.  
I. Examine what this Ancient Constitution was he refers to.  
II. Wherein the Happiness consists in being restored to that Constitution.  
I will restore thy Judges as at the first, and thy Counsellors as at the beginning.  
1. Let us examine what this Ancient Constitution was the Prophet points to, or the means to make 'em happy. And in order to this, it will lie upon us to consider a little the Importance or Signification of those Two Terms, Judges and Counsellors, the clearing of which will be serviceable to us.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So the Septuagint. The first of which properly means one able to discern and distinguish; who knows what is good and bad, right and wrong, and the like; and hath by Nature, Study, or long Experience so much Skill and Judgement, that when any Point is laid before him, he can remove the Perplexities, or matter of Doubts and Disputes which arise between contending Parties, and show which side it is that deserves the Preference. And this being the requisite Qualification of him who at any time is appointed to end Controversies between Man and Man, he that hath this Trust is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Judge, that his Name might remember him of the Caution and Discretion he is to use in all these Cases.  
But here 'tis construed not so much a Word of Capacity, as of Pre-eminence and Power: And tho' the Power supposes this Capacity, (and where it is otherwise, they are in a very miserable Circumstance who are subject to that Power) yet we are now to lay aside the Etymology and Grammar of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and take it as an Order, and not a Faculty.  
Being then restrained to the Government of Israel, to whom the Prophet speaks, it appears from Josephus, that all the Princes and Rulers of that People, from the Death of Joshua to the Election of K. 
Antio. l. 6. c. 6.  Saul, had this Name. All this time, saith he, hath been called the time of the Judges. So the Book which contains the History of their Actions, is Entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as in the Hebrew Shophetim. And in the Account of the several Reigns therein recorded, it is said that such a one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Judged Israel at that time.  
But we must go a little higher than this; for we find that even Moses himself had the same Style in that Oration St. Stephen made the Jews just before his Death, where, reciting the Passage in which Moses endeavoured to reconcile two of his Brethren, one of whom ill requited him for his Pains, demanding peevishly, Who made him a Judge and a Ruler over them? This very Moses, saith the Martyr, whom they refused, saying, Who made thee a Ruler and a Judge, the same did God send to be a Ruler, etc. Acts 7.35.— 'Tis true, the Holy Man, or at least St. Luke for him, uses another Greek word, and calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which in sound varies, but hath the same signification, and both are translated Judge. And all the difference is, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems of larger extent, and intends him a Person with ability to discern without determining the Subject; whereas the latter word as a Species, is consigned to Legal Causes about Property or Criminal Actions. Tho' after all, there may be no more than a gradation in the Terms, the one to hear and examine the Suit, and the other to end it by Sentence. The first bespeaks his Skill, the last his Integrity. And as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes him a Judge, so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supposes him Righteous, and that he will take special care to execute Justice without Prejudice, Partiality or Favour, as Law and Conscience shall direct him. However both the words centre in the Supreme Magistrate: And altho' by Delegation or Commission the Trust is reposed in some of the Subjects whose capacities will bear it, yet originally the Power is lodged in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as St. Stephen explains it, and the word denotes the Sovereign Prince or Ruler, by whatever name we distinguish him, such as Moses, Joshua, and their followers the Judges were who had Kingly Authority, 
Judges 17.6.  and sometimes the name, and as other Monarches under God, governed the Children of Israel. And to these the Text refers, as being the first to whom the Title of Judges was given.  
Long before this, indeed, the Patriarches were as Absolute as any Emperor after them. They were Kings, Priests and Judges: They had Life and Death in their hands: They made War and Peace as they saw good; and acted Independently, or without being awed by any humane Power above their own. And of this we have a pregnant Instance in Abraham, who was going to Sacrifice his Son without any open Reason, but that of his Will. He also armed his Servants, and fought and beat the four Kings who had taken his Kinsman Prisoner, yet his Army consisted of no more than Three hundred and eighteen Men: which, as it shows himself to be no Mighty Potentate, yet beating his Enemies with these, it proves the other four Princes weaker than He, who notwithstanding are called Kings and they had routed five other Kings before. Plainly in those days, their Dominions were small. The Patriarches had no more Subjects than Servants and Children: And had all the Heads of Families been as they were, so Righteous, so void of Ambition, so little Covetous, so free from Revenge, and the like; those supposed Combinations, or closing of lesser Families to oppose the greater, and the final Election of one among them to keep Peace among the whole, and give a timely Check to any aspiring Spirit, who had otherwise grown too big for the Interest and Safety of his Neighbours; this Politic Union, I say, had been kept out of doors, and we had wanted no Authority but that of Fatherhood to govern us. But Pride and Avarice, Violence and Licentiousness in some, attempting more Elbow-room than others were willing to give 'em; this fright'ned former Ages into the refuge of Associations, Covenants, Laws and Rulers; by the help of which, the feeblest Arm might be able to wrestle with the strongest, the meanest sort to cope with the greater, and every Man and Woman either protected or relieved upon the Encroachments of these Intruders, who else were ready to molest them.  
Where the True Religion had no Influence, the Necessity was too visible to engage Men to these Combinational Projects. And the Reason at last reached, not only Private Families, but the Governments also themselves into which they were united; one State being forward enough to devour another, as the particular Houses, Clans and Tribes had attempted before. Which constrained even them to part with their own Power, and by consent to intrust it with one common Sovereign, to be secured against this Danger. Yet it went so slowly on, and with so much Caution, that at the Trojan Wars Seven hundred Years at least after Abraham, we have the Catalogue of a great number of Kings in that little spot of Ground which made up Greece; all which were consulted and engaged in that War, which lasted so long, because the Kings were many. In Egypt the Monarchy was grown to a more Manlike Stature, as appears from the Holy Records: And to that Crown the People of Israel were at length Subjected, even in its more Arbitrary and Unreasonable Commands, without any Regiment or Laws of their own, till the times of Moses, who was first their Deliverer, 
Deut. 33.5.  and then their King. So that here, as I said, me must needs date the Original or Rise of their Government, when all the Families of the Patriarches were reduced under one Head, and submitted to Moses, as their universal Father, Ruler and Judge.  
The other word to be explained is Counsellors— thy Counsellors as at the beginning— Counsel is Consultation, or Conference about some End, which being agreed on, it proceeds to examine and debate the most likely means to it. A Counsellor is he, who being endowed with a Talon or Ability for this Work, is called upon and required to serve in it. For I take it as a word of Office, in its nature Ministerial, and a Man ought to have a Call before he assumes the Style. Because, tho' he may be capable to propose wholesome Advice, he is no Counsellor until this capacity be brought in to act by his Warrant who gives him leave to offer it with freedom. So that as good Counsel (for we take the word in the best sense here) is deliberation about a good End, and the contrivance of good Means: And as a Counsellor never answers this Character but while he pursues those two things without Self-regard in what he proposes; so the Government cannot but be happy where the Relation is such as the Text gives between Judges and Counselors; the one not venturing to act without previous and solid Advice, and the other not daring to offer any Advice but what Experience, Conscience and Honour declare to be serviceable to those Ends for which it is demanded.  
And such was the Government of Israel. For as Moses and Joshua were the first Judges of this Kind, so the Counsellors signify Aaron and his Successors in the High-Priesthood, by whose Pectoral, Vrim and Thummim, or some other way, God was pleased to reveal his Will, and give them his Advice in arduous and difficult Cases. And strictly speaking the first Government among the Jews was purely a Theocracy; God was their King, and Moses and Aaron his Deputies, the former in Civil, the last in Religious Matters, so early, so sacred and relative was the Institution of the Crown and Mitre. And if the Precedence is given the First, it is because the Church is within the State; and Men as they make a Civil Body, are the Matter of all Government here, and their Actions what the Laws are conversant about; so that He that is the Head of such a Body, aught to be preferred, and bear the Rule, for the present conveniency and welfare of the Community. However, the others, as they also were the Ministers of God, they were enabled to assist by their Counsel the Chief Magistrate; who for want of their Advice, sometimes miscarried in their Affairs, as in the Instances of Joshua's hasty League with the Gibeonites, 
Targum Jonath. on Judges 11.39.  and Jeptha's dealing with his Daughter.  
To these frequently were added Prophets Extraordinary, who reported the Divine Pleasure in the most weighty Matters; and so this Prophecy of Isaiah was fulfilled in Ezra, Nehemiah, Haggai and Zachary. But the Standing Commission was that of the Highpriest, and it was his Office to be a Counsellor, as the Office of a Prince to be a Judge.  
Under the Kings afterwards there were several others honoured with the same Style; 
1 Chr. 27. 2 Chr. 10.  as Jonathan and Hushai were Counselors to David, the Old Men to King Solomon, and others; and the Ministry of these may be serviceable to the State, where care is taken not to depend too much on the Advice of Achitophel, and that Rehoboam's Novices prevail not too much on the Prince's Ambition or Easiness, to Enslave and Oppress the People. And thus for the First thing the Constitution referred to— I will restore thy Judges as at the first, etc.  
Before I proceed to my Second Point, it concerns me to see, Whether the Notion of the Sanhedrim doth not contradict the Interpretation I have made on these words. For if they are the Judges and Counselors here intended, as some are apt to think, and of so great Figure as to Eclipse the Majesty of the Jewish Princes to that degree, as to let them have no Influence or Authority, but what they claimed as their Members, or within their number, than I have mistaken the Meaning of Isaiah, and the Nature of the ancient Constitution of Israel; in the return of which, the Prophet foretells their Happiness: And which, as I have dated under the the Reigns of Moses, Joshua and the Judges, so I understand it to be a Complete Monarchy, with as much Power or more than the Kings after them.  
By the Sanhedrim, I mean the Senate of Seventy Two, 
So many stood up to have the K. Sentenced.  (a fatal Number to our late Monarch) being Six out of every Tribe indifferently chosen, to whom some Rabbins, and others on their Credit, have given such an Exorbitant Power, as not only to affirm, That a King of Israel could do nothing without them; but assert further, that they might the jure Cite, Judge and Whip him, as they saw reason for it. And probably it had been so in King David's time, if Achitophel's Success had been equal to his Wishes, whom they make the Precedent of such a Sanhedrim.  
The truth is, several of the Jewish Writers, out of prejudice to the Roman and other Monarchies under which they frequently groaned, have spoke big Words about the Synedrial Authority in the Ages of their Fathers: But as they are wanting in the solid Proofs and Examples of that Power they ever and anon attribute to it, so their Discretion may be questioned to suggest such a method of Government to be of Divine Appointment, as might be dangerous to those Sovereign Princes in whose Cities and by whose Indulgence many of 'em flourish and live.  
But we depend not on this Argument; for we say, they are injurious to Truth, as well as to their own and those Prince's Interest: And whatever countenance such a Form may have in other Countries, they have little reason to charge their own with it, much less make God the Contriver and Founder.  
It must be confessed, 
Exod. 18.21.  That Jethro persuaded his Son-in-Law Moses to substitute some other Judges to hear inferior Causes; 
Numb. 11.16.  which he accordingly did, and God was pleased to approve and confirm the Design. But the Reason of it is expressly set down in Scripture and Josephus, 
Antiq. l. 3. c. 3.  not in the least to lessen Moses' Authority, but to give him some ease in the execution of Justice, and lighten the Burden, as both the Writers call it. It was morally impossible for Moses in Person to go through so many Controversies and Disputes as daily came before him; so that it was necessary to appoint these Deputies to assist him in the more trivial Suits, though what they did may be reckoned his Acts, because done in a Subordinate way, and by Commission from Him.  
That this was so, cannot be well doubted, if we consider that Passage which afterwards fell out concerning Korah, 
Numb. 16.  Dathan and Abiram. It appears by this Conspiracy, that after the Election of the Seventy Elders, Moses had the Sovereignty in his own hands, because their Charge against him was, that He had made himself altogether a Prince over them— and they tell him and Aaron, 
V 13.  You take too much upon you, and have lifted up yourselves above the Congregation of the Lord— An Article that affected them no more than the rest of the Sanhedrim, had Korah and his Fellows then discovered any such mighty Consistory to partake of the Government in which it seems Moses would not admit an Equal. What the Issue of this Rebellion was, that Chapter shows: One Schism was punished with another, and the Earth divided and swallowed them up. So that, how Arbitrary soever Moses was thought to be, yet it pleased God to justify him with Miracle, and by a Plague immediately following, let the People know whom they were to Obey as their Lord and Sovereign.  
Josephus indeed informs us, That under Moses and his Disciple Joshua, who at that time had the Empire and Army, the Nobility and other Worthy Men Ruled the State. 
Antiq. l. 6. c. 6.  He means the One Office was Military the Other Civil; and so he speaks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He was their General. Yet in this Case, if the Nobility and Elders governed independent of the Prince, how could this Author say, that after Joshua's death, the People were without Government eighteen Years, till they found a Valiant Just Man to Rule, who with his Successors were called Judges. This proves their Power to decease with the Prince, or otherwise the Nation could not be so many Years in an Anarchy or without any Government at all. Nor had there been occasion to demand of Phineas, 
Ibid.  to whose Charge the Administration of Public Affairs should be committed, if that Senate had the Power pretended, and could without any other Governor Protect and Rule the Nation.  
We often read in the Book of Judges, what a licentious and lawless Life the People lead, during the several Interregnums or spaces of Time between the Death of one Judge and the Choice of another: Not that they wanted Laws, but there was not sufficient Power to force Obedience to them. Thus it is said, that it came to pass when the Judge was dead, 
Ch. 2.9.  that they returned and corrupted themselves more than their Fathers in following other Gods, to serve them, and bow down to them, they ceased not from their own do, 
Ch. 17.6.  nor from their stubborn way— And again— In those days there was no King in Israel, but every man did that which was right in his own eyes— This was too fully explained in the Sodomy of Gibeah, and Micah's Idolatry in the very Verse before; which being the proper Subject for the Sanhedrim to work upon, as their Republicans give out, and seems to be confirmed by that Saying of Christ, 
Luk. 13.33.  that it could not be that a Prophet should perish out of Jerusalem— the case of false Doctrine and false Worship being the Points, that Court more especially, took cognizance of.) If there had been, I say, all along from Moses downwards, such a standing Authority among the Jews, how comes it to pass, we find the Accounts of so much Irreligion and bad Morals in their days, so inconsistent with the Notion of that Consistory, and the Influence it is supposed to have had over Prince and People.  
The great Instances of Prerogative and Majesty in making War, creating Judges, and, which we might think the proper work of the Sanhedrim, the ordering of Church-Affairs, deposing ill Ministers, and the like; That all this was done sometimes immediately by the Kings themselves, must be evident to any body who will be at the pains to go through the History of those Princes in the Books of Samuel, Kings and Chronicles. Nay, the very putting a Prophet to death, or discharging him out of Prison, This also was the King's Act, as we see in the Example of Zedekiah and Jeremiah; 
Jerem. 38.  and this without the Rebuke or Murmur of that Assembly, tho' then the King's Circumstances were very low, and might have encouraged them to it.  
And when we further add, That the Holy Book charges the King with the execution of Justice, and punishes him for the People's Sins (which would be very hard, if the Maladministration or Mismanagement were not his own, or that he had not sufficient Power to order things better.) All this is evidence, That the terrible Notion of the Sanhedrim is such a Dream, as perhaps may frighten him that hath it, but is of no great Effect to move other People, or engage them to believe it any thing else but the disorder and weakness of the sleeper's Brain.  
Yet we must allow, that in the last Ages of the Jews, after the Babylonish Capitivity, this Court made some small Figure in that part of the World; and we have a sad Testimony of it in their Behaviour towards the Lord Christ; an unparalleled piece of Barbarism and Cruelty; serviceable indeed to the Decrees of God, and the Redemption of Mankind; but, which shows them to be Men without the common Principles of Conscience and Honesty, in murdering a Just Person, whom the Precedent himself declared Innocent. But admit them such a Court in those days, with that Plenary Power they boast of (which is difficult to prove, and 'tis plain the Roman Deputies were at length above it) yet 'tis a good Answer for us to say, that from the beginning it was not so— and we are now speaking of such Judges as were at the first, and such Counselors as were at the beginning And though we should admit the Institution of the Seventy Two under the Character of the latter (as probably some of them might be Counselors and Ministers of State; and therefore Hebrew Writers say, That it was one necessary qualification to recommend them, if they understood the Languages, in order to be Interpreters to their Princes) yet that they were not such Judges, as the first word supposes, and had no Power paramount to the Kings of Israel, appears by what hath been offered against this Objection. And therefore taking it for granted that the Jewish Government was, as indeed it was, Monarchial, we pass to the Second Thing: To show and describe the Happiness this People were to have in the Restauration of that ancient Constitution.  
2. I will restore— The Government referred to, being that of Moses and Aaron, Joshua and the Judges, 'twill be requisite to lay before you, in little, the Acts, Conduct and Behaviour of those Princes, and let you see how they did contribute to the Prosperity of their Subjects: And to begin with Moses. His first care was to make good Laws, Civil and Religious, and see them impartially executed. And what pains he took this way, we may partly read Exod. 18.13 etc.— And Moses sat to judge the people, and the people stood by Moses from morning unto the evening, and he made them know the Statutes of God and his Laws— And this he did with so much Application, that his Health was in great danger by it; and therefore Raguel his Wife's Father, gave him the Advice abovementioned, to appoint Commissioners for the decision of lesser Matters.  
When at any time the Necessities of the People made them murmur in the Wilderness, and gave 'em reason, as they thought, to Libel his Government; tho' there was not the least shadow of ill Conduct on his side, yet his Meekness was such, that he would not punish the Insolence, but remembering that their wants extorted it from them, he not only forgave, but pitied and employed the Interest he had with God, both to pardon and supply them. And his concern for them and their Welfare was so remarkable, that when God was provoked to that degree, as to resolve to destroy them for their Idolatry in his absence, hear what the good Prince saith; Oh this people have sinned a great sin, 
Exod. 32.32.  and have made them Gods of gold, yet now if thou wilt, forgive their sin, and if not, blot me, I pray thee, out of the Book which thou hast written— such a sense he had of their danger; so much a Father he was rather than a King: 
Antiq. l. 4. ad sin.  A Person wise in his Counsels, and in the Execution of them never had his equal: His Affections so much submitted to his Wisdom, that he seemed not to have any, and that he knew only the names of those Passions which he perceived to be active in other men— So Josephus of him.  
And as for his Disciple and Successor Joshua, what a Prince he was, appears in that short Character given of him by the same Author; A Man exact in all sorts of Virtue, incomparably Skilful in matters of Government, Valiant in War, and Wise in Peace—  
And let this be the sum of those two Reigns; That they brought the Jews from the utmost degree of straits and Slavery, to an admirable height of Riches and Glory; And all this without any benefit to themselves, besides the Conscience and Honour of having Governed well. This was all the Harvest they reaped from so many Victories; This was the Reward of so much Sweat and Blood; This the End of their Watch and Cares; This the Portion of all the Territories, Substance and Treasures taken from the Enemies: All which they divided among the Tribes, and did it by Lot, to avoid the suspicion of gratifying Favourites, or setting any mark of distinction on their natural or immediate Families. No, all the People of Israel were equally their Subjects and Children; all to be well provided for; all to be made Happy; all to have a like share in the Success, that as far as in them lay, there might be no reason for them to envy and curse one another.  
After these followed Othinel, Ehud, Shamgar, Deborah and Gideon, who as in desperate Cases, they were invited to take the Government on them, so they discharged the Trust as Men commissioned from Heaven; The Spirit of God came upon them, and they judged Israel, and the Children of Israel prospered under them— Men so void of Ambition, that as they never attempted the Rule before the Dangers of the Commonwealth, the Fears and Addresses of the People urged them to it, and God commanded it: So when the Service was over (without any Selfdenying Ordinance of their Sanhedrim) like the worthy Roman, who made good Isaiah's Prophecy, by turning his Sword to the Ploughshare) they could have been willing, had it been permitted, to retire to their private life, and Ruled as Kings no longer. And of this Gideon is a Proof; who having so much obliged the Nation by the Deliverance he had given them from the Hand of Midian, that thereupon they proposed an Act of Settlement to six the Monarchy in him and his Line, he refused and hindered it: So little mixture of Selfishness there was in all he did, and so little would he better himself by the help he gave the distressed People, or let his Generosity ask a Crown of 'em. I will not rule over you, neither shall my Son rule over you, 
Judges 8.23.  the Lord shall rule over you— And tho' Josephus tells us, that he did Rule the Israelites for the space of forty Years; 
Antiq. l. 5. c. 8.  yet he saith withal, that he laboured to be dismissed the Government, but was constrained to continue in it.  
I will name but one more, and he was the last of them, I mean Samuel, whose Government was so easy all his time, that he makes this Challenge: Behold, saith he, here I am, 
1 Sam. 12.3.  witness against me before the Lord; whose Ox have I taken, or whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed? or of whose hand have I receive any bribe? And they said, 
— 4.  Thou hast not defrauded us, nor oppressed us, neither haste thou taken aught of any man's hand— So little had he vexed or burdened them during his Government, but followed those excellent Patterns set before him.  
And if the Judges were such, we need not fear but the Counselors were like them. Either such Men, whose Principles lead them to advance the Public Good, or whose discretion would not offer at any other Advice than what was agreeable to the Sovereign's Mind, who always studied and desired nothing more than the Honour and Safety of the Nation.  
So that the result is this: If it be a good Constitution where a Nation flourishes; where its Territories are enlarged; where the Subjects are made rich and formidable; where the People are secured from Oppression at home, and from being a prey to Enemies abroad, put out all fear of being enslaved by their own Prince or any Foreigner, than the Government of Israel we have been hitherto describing, deserves that Character; and we have reason enough to believe, the Prophet promised the Jews a Blessing in the Text, where he speaks of a Restauration, and that God would give them such Judges as they had at first, and such Counselors as they had in the beginning.  
Thus I have done with the Two things I proposed for the Heads of my Discourse: The Original Constitution of the Jews, and the Happiness of being restored to it.  
But what is this to us? The Civil Polity of that People concern us no more than their Ecclesiastical: Both were Shadows, and we have seen their period. And unless we had security that all Sovereign Princes would be as Faithful as Moses, as Pious as David, or were as Wise or Peaceable as Solomon, unbiass'd by any Motives but what administered to the Prosperity of a Nation committed to their charge, we have no cogent Reason to take this Precedent, and to make ourselves Slaves to one Man's Pride and Ambition. The description of such a Ruler Samuel gives— 1 Sam. 11, to 19— and 'twill be some labour to sanctify it into a Blessing.  
Thus, or to this purpose, they argue against the best of Governments: But to say somewhat to the Objections.  
'Tis true, the Government of Judea obliges not to an Imitation; yet I think it may be safely said to redound much to the Credit of Monarchy, that the wise God himself was pleased to begin it among his Favourite-people; and that Nature taught, and Histories show it to be every where the only Government for above half the Age of the World after the Creation. And tho' indeed in progress of time some Republics intruded into Greece and other Places, yet it is observable, that our great Redeemer the Lord Christ, seems to restore it at the Incarnation, when there was nothing besides Monarchy over the whole Universe. And it suffices that They admit the Constitution good, if the Men, set to Govern, were suitable to it.  
But, alas, Princes are subject to Appetites, Infirmities and Passions. And it is not to be denied, for all this is humane Nature; There is no Theocracy now: Princes are Men, and not Gods, and where are Men without Passions?  
By the Influence of these therefore they may be tempted to Tyranny. Nor is it unlikely, for we sometimes read of such a Tyrant over many Cities, and it was sad for the Subject; But we read also of 30 Tyrants in one City, which was worse, and it was a glorious Act in Thrasybulus to expel 'em.  
Princes are Ambitious, and the greediness of their Favourites intolerable. But is it not the same Case under other Governments, call them what you will? Every Senator hath his Ambition and his Favourites too. And surely the Charge must be so much the more to feed and enrich so many. And where the Governors swell to a great number, in proportion the Expense and Burden must be greater.  
King's are Touchy, and their Wrath like the roaring of a Lion— And as they have Power, so they cannot long want opportunities to exert that Power; and their Revenge is sure and heavy. But then these dreadful Resentments reach very few in comparison of those Places where the Rulers abound, and where it is almost impossible for a Subject to escape, when there are so many Eyes to see Faults, and so many Hands to punish them.  
And of this the State of Venice is a sad Example, where even the better sort of Citizens must resolve either to flee abroad, or be ruined at home, upon the least offence given a Nobleman, or any in his Train; and sometimes perhaps, when there is no other proof but bare suggestion to make the Sufferer guilty. And in general, it is the common Observation of Travellers abroad, that they seldom read Liberty writ over the Gate, but entering the City they find Slavery within.  
Yet the unthinking People swallow the Bait, and are greedy of the Purchase, tho' they pay never so dear for it. Such is the itch of Ambition and Gain, which though Objects at a vast distance, yet they all hope in time to reach them; and then the use they put 'em to, is the very same with what Men design by the other Commissions they take, which is not for the sake of the common Good, but in order to make up a broken Fortune. And in the mean while, they bear the Burdens laid upon them in expectation of their own turns, to oppress their Fellow-Citizens, or Countrymen; the prospect of which is the sole comfort these miserable wretches have to buoy 'em up under the weight of their own Oppressions and Bondage.  
This is indeed more properly in Popular Governments; yet in Oligarchy the Motive hath its place from the like Rotation or Circle of Succession in all the beneficial Employments of the State, which is confessedly the rise of particular Families; but how the Commonwealth suffers by it, is easily seen, when we may discover in the Accounts, that besides the necessary Expenses of the Public in Peace and War, vast Treasures are consumed to satisfy private appetites, and make 'em amends for their patience so long.  
But over and above that Inconvenience, what dangerous Consequences this Course hath, we may be able to guests, by remembering the Case of Alcibiades at Athens, and some other Captains at Rome, who by the Custom of their Rotation being laid aside, and their Commissions given to unexperienced Men, the Fleet of the first and the Army of the last, were brought to great extremities, and at length utterly lost, by an unseasonable Compliance with the Suffrages of the People. 'Tis true, sometimes their Fears taught 'em more Wisdom, and they thought fit to overlook this Custom in the frequent Consulships of Marius, 
John 18.40.  etc. But for the most part their Temper was that of the Multitude, who were obstinate in their choice of Barrabbas before Jesus. 
Acts 19.32.  Or else all in hurly-burly, like them at Ephesus— Some cried one thing, and some another; for the Assembly was confused, and the most part knew not wherefore they were come together—  
Some cry one thing, and some another— That's another Misfortune all these sorts of Governments are liable to. For Emulations, Jealousies and Envyings, are natural to Men of equal Power. And from hence arise Factions and Parties, who in all their Debates, do not so much weigh what is said, as who it was that said it; and the Counsel is good or bad; not as it concerns the Public, but as it suits their Affections and Interest, whose Industry can produce majority of Votes, and whose great Reason is Number. This very thing was fatal to Carthage, one of the mighti'st Commonwealths the Sun ever shined on; when the Malice of Hanno's Faction so prevailed against Hannibal, as to force him back from Italy for want of Supplies, choosing rather to sink their own City, than let that brave Captain Subdue Rome to it. As it accordingly fell out, the Enemy following their Conqueror home, and in the issue destroying Carthage and him.  
These are Mischiefs a Monarch is not so much exposed to: And tho' he hath many, and probably different, Counsels offered him, yet still they are no more than Counsels, which the Prince may take or let alone. Advisers' may clash and hate one another; but the Governor being one, if he cannot reconcile them, he can reconcile what they propose to the Public good, at least so much of it as will serve his present turn, without scaring their resentments who are of the adverse Opinion, and who are Counsellors, and not Dictator's, as the Royal Martyr makes the Expression.  
I speak all this in pursuance of my Subject, and to show in some low degree, That the Exceptions against Monarchy are in reality, but so many Props to support it.  
The great Proof of Divine Right I have not touched upon, nor will any further mention it, then in the Monarchy of Israel; which being of God's appointment, it may speak for itself, tho' not in the language of an Universal Law to oblige every where to an Imitation. I acknowledge Magistracy, with St. Paul, to be an Ordinance of Heaven, 
Rom. 13.1.  and the Institution of it Sacred. But for the Model, I mean what Form to express it in, I leave that to humane Prudence, and consider it with St. Peter, 
1 Pet. 2.13.  the Creature of Man. And as it is made for the good of Men, who are the Matter of Government, so 'tis left to Men to digest it to their conveniency, and make it answer the end of its Institution. And therefore a Subject at Venice, Genoa or Holland, is under the same obligation of Obedience with him in France and Spain, and he is to submit not only for Wrath, but Conscience-sake. If he resists in any of those places, he resists the Ordinance of God; and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation—  
But as to what concerns ourselves, we have that Form and that Happiness the Text speaks of; and the Argument for it is the Prophet's, Original Constitution, having our Judges as at the first, and our Counsellors as at the beginning. So that Prescription gives it the right, and 'tis the Blessing of the Day to have it restored, and be put in the possession of it again.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— was the wholesome Advice of the Council of Nice to compose the Church of God. 
Conc. Nicen. Can. 6.  Custom is a solid Plea; a thing for the most part very Venerable and Sacred, or at least esteemed so. We see the force of it in very trivial Instances, I will not say seemingly Ridiculous; tho' possibly were our Father's alive to give the reason of 'em, we might discover 'em to be the Fruits of good Contrivance and Wisdom; and as foolish as they appear, it might be in many cases more folly to reject 'em.  
We hold our Monarchy by this Tenure; and whether we take ourselves for Aborigines or Cadmean born; whether descended from Phoenicia or Troy, Rome or Germany, or whatever other birth the Histories or Fancies of Men give us; whether Saxons, Danes, Normans or Scots; whether before, under, or after the Heptarchy; whether of the Line of Lancaster or York; whether before or after the Union of this Island into the one Name of Great Britain; Fix us where you will, we can find nothing but Monarchy among us, with those Helps and Assistants of it the Text mentions and we now enjoy; and tho' we lose ourselves in point of Pedigree, yet the Evidence of this Government is so clear and strong, that I may honestly apply what Isaiah saith, That our Governors are as at the first, and our Counsellors as at the beginning.  
I confess our late unhappy Times have left a Proof of the Uncertainty of Humane Affairs, and told us, That there is nothing so Ancient, or so well Settled, but what is exposed to Change and Violence. But to be silent in the Novelty of such a bold Attempt to disturb the Throne, and Out Him who had it in possession, what were the Effects of this Reformation? What were the fruits of those things whereof we are now ashamed?  
The Monarchy expiring, in how many Shapes, by a kind of a Pythagorean Conveyance, was the Government seen; and after that Doctrine, suited to the Nature of the Animal it appeared in: Sometimes a Body with many Heads, and sometimes with none; and, which was Unnatural too, one while the Eye would say to the Hand, I have no need of thee; and the Head to the Feet, I have no need of you. 
1 Cor. 12.21, 23.  And herein alone they closed with St. Paul's Allusion, That those Members of the Body which were less honourable, upon these they bestowed more abundant Honour, and the uncomely parts had more abundant comeliness.  
The first Innovation was, to Vote the Bishops an useless, nay Dangerous part of the Upper House: And not long after, all the Lords became as useless and Dangerous as they. Nor did the Lower House stop here, for they were not pleased with their own Members, but Secluded many of them; and after a while were all of 'em requited in Specie, and sent home as a pack of Men (so it was told 'em) who had arrogated to themselves, their Friends and Dependants, all the Honours, Commands, and gainful Employments of the Kingdom. This was done by the Army; and 'twas fair enough the Wheel should move on; and since what the Parliament did was by their Swords, it was highly reasonable that in their turns they should have some share in the common Prey. And as their Mace outweighed the Sceptre, so the Sword had the advantage of being sharper; and their Darling at length could not endure that the Fool's Bauble, as he called the Speaker's Mace should pretend to stand in Competition with it. This was a sure Testimony of the Divine Vengeance, to pay 'em in their own Coin, and let their Slaves serve them, as they had served their Sovereign Master.  
And now at last we are come to the sad Objection against Monarchy, I mean Despotic or Absolute Power, when the Will is Law, and the Sword Executioner. An Event not depending on Imagination and Fancy; but what was our real Condition, and how many were forced to weep it in Tears and Blood? The common Complaints were, Sequestrations, Freequarter, Sacrilege, Consiscations, Imprisonments, Executions, and other Instances of Oppression, as numberless as their ways of Government, their Council of State, Council of War, High Courts of Justice, Protectorship, Committee of Safety, Rump or Junto, with other Forms under other Names. What could be expected from this variety of Interests, but that the Nation must suffer to gratify their several Affections and Desires? And how could it be thought, that an Usurper should thrust himself into Power, and not be a Tyrant to be able to maintain it? And where can Tyranny be but Misery will follow? And, What was both the reproach and aggravation of this Misery; those Flies that sucked us, were but the offspring of Dirt and Dunghills. Our Plague was like that of Egypt, the very Dust of the Earth crawled upon us. The meanest of the People were our Rulers, and out of those Brambles proceeded a Fire that consumed the Cedars of Lebanon.  
Thus as to the State; and for the Church it was rend in pieces by manifold Errors, Schisms and Heresies; not only tolerated, but embraced, defended and imposed, to sink our Consciences as low as our Fortunes, and make our Condition every way deplorable. 
Catalogus Errorum, Haresium & Blasphemiarum in Anglia ab Ann, 1640. Arndii Lex.  I blush to think of the Number. But a Foreigner has published it. A Catalogue of Errors, Heresies and Blasphemies in England, 1640— He reckons up no less than one hundred and fourscore Heterodoxies in those days, when Holiness walked the Streets with so much noise, and the Reformers made a show of making a glorious Religion; as indeed they did, the same way as they made the Defender of it a Glorious King, by sending both to Heaven. I am sorry a Protestant should have any just Reason to write this Account; and that a Papist should be able to argue from it, to disgrace the best constituted Church on the face of the Earth, which was then under a severe Persecution, and gave no colour for any uncharitable Reflection.  
But I take no delight in rubbing these Sores, which the Clemency of the Government would heal for the future. And I am so far from Malice, or revenging these Wrongs, that I read of Thrasybulus' Amnesty at Athens with high degrees of Satisfaction; and think David never did a more generous Act, then when he pardoned Shimei at his Restauration after the Rebellion of Absalon. An Act of Indemnity and Oblivion is somewhat like the Conduct of God, who hath power enough to punish all his Enemies, but his Mercy will not let him. Yet as God, so may we at the same time abhor and mention Sins, when we pity and pass by the Men who did 'em. And as from them our Calamities came [A Chaos of Confusion and Hell of Miseries, as the unfortunate King called 'em] we may view and point at them, as People after Shipwreck do, at a Rock where they miscarried, by way of caution to themselves and others, not to split on that Rock again. And surely I may do here, as in the Devotion and Service of the Day, set before ourselves and God the miserable Confusions we were lately under, in order to bless him with the greater warmth, by being made sensible what it was we were delivered from.  
The Passeover among the Jews was an Anniversary Festival appointed by Heaven itself to remember the Egyptian Bondage, and the People's redemption out of it. And their Meals at that time consisted of such Ingredients or Messes as signified both; and therefore tho' the Bread was sweet, the Herbs were bitter. So that Necessity required to say somewhat of the Nature and Causes of our Troubles, that we might better reflect on what has been done for us, and be thereupon induced to walk more carefully for the time to come.  
By what hath been said, we learn plainly, that the best of Governments is like the most useful Element of Water; which keeping in its place and common course, is pleasant and serviceable to us. It glides gently on without noise, or such as pleases the Ear, and makes its Murmurs very agreeable. It refreshes and feeds as it passes along, and is necessary many ways for Life and Diversion. But once diverted and turned out, of its own Banks, it immediately becomes a destructive Flood, and rushes forward in a muddy, impetuous Stream. It roars, fumes, rages, drowns and overwhelms all before it: And notwithstanding in its own Nature, and the Creator's Design, it was made for manifold uses; yet now it carries nothing but Mischief in its current; and, as the Scripture speaks, it is no other than the Waters of Strife and Blood, until it be reduced to its old Channel.  
This Day reports that great Work done which hath made it again Waters of Comfort. The remembrance of it calls for Thanks; and that our Thanks may be the more hearty, let me crave your patience for a few words more to represent our Condition.  
We have the happiest Constitution in the universal World. A Monarchy not more Ancient than it is Safe. Wherein the Prince hath as much Majesty and Power as may satisfy one who would answer the Honour and Character of his Place, to be the Basis of the Commonweal, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  a Father of his Country, and a Shepherd of his People. He hath Figure enough to make himself both feared and loved. He hath Authority and Opportunities sufficient to reward or punish his Subjects, as by their good or ill Actions they shall deserve it of him. The Interest he hath in a brave, rich People, will make him honourable abroad; and he hath many ways to gain our Affections, and cause him to be dear to us at home. In a word, he wants nothing to render him Great, but Power and Means to be a Tyrant; and that's a Style doth not, nor will ever suit an English King.  
The Subjects are Free and Masters of Property, which the Prince can no more Invade than we his Throne; the same Laws being the King's Prerogative and our Protection. 
Privilegium regis & libertates Angliae.  We sit every Man under his own Vine, and own Figtree; and when we part with any proportion of the Fruits, it must be with consent, and by virtue of Laws of our own making.  
And this we own, as to the good Temper and good Principles of our Princes from time to time; so also to the Vigilance and Care of our most August Assembly, who have both Wisdom enough to be styled the King's Great Council, 
Magnum consilium regis Angl.  and sufficient Authority to be Patriots to their Country: And on this account, we do well to comply with the word of the Text, to call 'em 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, in the language of our Constitution, Commune Consilium, because their Advice reaches King and People, and they are the Copula and means of that mutual Understanding and Affection which ought to be between them.  
Whether the Reign of Edw. I. gave 'em the name of Parliament, I answer not, but the Thing was in being many Ages before, as appears from King Sebert and King Ina, by whom they are called Ancient Sages, and by their Advice the last made his excellent Laws, and the first received his Baptism above eleven hundred Years ago. And I believe, upon an industrious enquiry, we may advance many Ages further, and there discover the grey Hairs of these Aldermen, as the old Books call 'em.  
Such is the Original State and Temper of our English Monarchy, where our Judges and our Counsellors keep together, and jointly endeavour to make the Nation Happy. And if other Designs should at any time be in their Heads, they become and are intended for Checks to one another.  
And as we have our Moses and those Counsellors in the State, so we have the other Counsellor of the Text, our Aaron, in the Temple; and in both we would emblem Heaven where the Great Monarch sits, the God of all Power, and the God of our Religion.  
Our Doctrines are pure; our Ceremonies significant and few; and as the first teaches us to be Good, so by the help of the other we are able to express it. Our Principles lead us to submit to Government, in order to discharge Conscience, and make ourselves happy under it. And as all the Laws which secure a State are sanctified at our Altars, so we have a double benefit by our obedience to them; Prosperity here, and Glory in Heaven. Not to Injure another, is the Substance of all those Laws: Which, as they tie our Hands, so they restrain the greedy Desires of other People, and thereby we securely enjoy our own. In short, the Sacred Truths recommended to us, are Holiness, Sobriety and Love; and the Discipline among us is to no other End, than to press us to embrace and practise them. There is no more Arbitrary Power in the Episcopal Chair then in the Throne; yet we have Rules enough to contradict and discourage Licentiousness and Anarchy; but so well tempered and so well applied with a mixture of Zeal and Prudence, that there is no danger of an Inquisition, however form, whether after the Model of Geneva or Rome.  
This is our Government, and this our Religion, which, during some ill Days, was not only covered with Clouds of Darkness, but moreover loaded with Tempest and Thunder. But the Sun of Righteousness hath been strong enough to disperse them. God in mercy hath removed our Fears, and restored Light and a Serene Air again. This Day is the Memorial of our Deliverance. And as on the one side we yield God Praise for rescuing us from those great and apparent Dangers wherewith we were encompassed, so on the other let us acknowledge it purely his goodness that we were not given quite over as a prey unto them; and withal beseech him still to continue such his Mercies towards us, that all the World may know that he is our Restorer, our Saviour and Deliverer.  
And to engage him to this, let us further beg, That he would be pleased to bestow upon us such a portion of his Grace, and the assistance of that Blessed Spirit (the plentiful effusion of whose manifold Gifts we now commemorate) that being thus delivered out of the Hands of our Enemies, we may make it our business to serve him without fear in holiness and righteousness all the days of our life; and henceforth deserve to be called, as in the words following my Text, The City of Righteousness, the Faithful City.  
This will settle the Church, and six the Throne; confirm our Liberty and Peace; render us Happy now, and Blessed in Eternal Life and Glory above. To which God in his infinite Goodness bring us all in his due time, through the Intercession and Merits of Jesus Christ, to whom with the Father and Holy Ghost, be Honour and Glory World without End. Amen.  
At St. Paul 's May 29. 1699.  
FINIS.   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
OF Public Baptism. A Sermon preached before the Right Honourable the Lord-Mayor, and the Court of Aldermen, at Guild-Hall-Chapel, Novemb. 20. 1692. By Philip Stubs, M. A. Fellow of Wadham-College, Oxon. and Chaplain to the Right Reverend Father in God, Robert Lord Bishop of Chichester. The Second Edition, with a Postscript. Occasioned by a late Conference of the Lord Bishop's of London with his City Clergy thereupon. Containing the Concurrent Judgement of the Most Reverend Father in God, Dr. Tillotson, late Lord Archbishop of Canterbury; the Right Reverend Dr. Kidder, Dr. Stratford, Dr. Gardiner, Dr. Williams, Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, Chester, Lincoln, Chichester, and others: Earnestly recommending that Catholic Usage to the Clergy and Laity in their Visitation Charges, Advices, Sermons, etc. Price 4 d.  
Printed for James Bonwicke, at the Hat and Star in St. Paul's Churchyard.