A SERMON Preached at the Magnificent CORONATION OF The Most High and Mighty King CHARLES the TWO d. KING of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc.  
At the Collegiate Church of S. PETER Westminster, The 23d d of April, (being S. GEORGE'S DAY) 1661.  
By The Right Reverend Father in God, GEORGE Lord Bishop of Worcester.  
Published by His Majesty's special Command.  
LONDON: Printed by R. Norton for T. Garthwait, at the Little North Door of S. Paul's. 1661.   

To the Most High and Mighty King, CHARLES' the TWO d. By the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc.  
Most Gracious SOVEREIGN,  
HOw unwilling I am that any thing of mine should be made public, needs (as I conceive) no other proof but this, That I am now past my great Climacterical, and this is the First time that ever I appeared in Print: Neither would I have done so Now, unless Your Majesty's own immediate and express Command (which in all things not evidently forbidden by God, is always to be obeyed) had obliged me to do it.  
And truly I am somewhat the more willing to comply with this Obligation; because since the preaching of this Sermon I have been informed, that some Exceptions have been taken against it. As first in General, That I meddled with matter of State, an argument Eccentric to my Profession, and Improper for the Pulpit. And secondly in Particular, That by Repeating and Reviving some passed miscarriages, I had trespassed against the Act of Indemnity  
Now for Answer to the Former of these Charges, I shall humbly offer it to Your Majesty's Consideration, Whether a Divine, even in the Pulpit, may not without exceeding the Compass of his Commission, endeavour (as much as in him lies) to recommend to the Consciences, and to endear to the Affections of his Auditors, the legally established Government both in Church and State; And what more effectual Motive is there to make men Conscionably and cheerfully to submit to the legally established Government, then by making it to appear, That it is the best of Governments in itself, and the best for them also, by putting them in mind of the miseries they have brought upon themselves by the Alteration of it, and of the unhappy trials they have made of all other forms of Government that differ from it; and consequently, how much they are obliged to be thankful unto▪ God for being Restored to it, and to be so much the more Obedient for the future to the Laws of it, for having heretofore so Foolishly, as well as Wickedly, Revolted from it. Now if this be no part of a Divines business, or if a Discourse of this Nature be Improper for a Pulpit, why doth God himself in Scripture command us to put men in mind of these things, as he doth, Tit. 3.1. Rom. 13.1. 1. Pet. 2.13. and in many other places? Or why are there Homilies for Subjection, and against Rebellion, commanded by Sovereign Authority to be read unto the people? Or lastly, Why are we enjoined by the very first Canon of our Church, to preach four times a year at least, upon this Argument, I mean, for the Asserting the King's Supremacy and Sovereign Authority over all his Subjects? And consequently, for the condemning of all taking up of Arms against him, as likewise all pretences of Jurisdiction over him, or of Coordination with him, together with the Exercising of any Power Military, Civil, or Ecclesiastical, that is not derived from him; which being all of them evidently inconsistent with the King's Supremacy and Sovereignty, the same Authority which enjoins us to preach for the one, must needs allow us at least, to preach against the other. Which being as much, or more than I have done in This Sermon, I hope that neither Your Majesty, nor any other impartial Hearer or Reader of it will blame me, for not keeping within the verge of mine own Profession, or for taking more liberty than ought to be made use of in the Pulpit; especially at such a time, and upon such an occasion, when after so long a series of several forms of Tyranny and Usurpation, Monarchy (which seemed to have been Put to Death with Your Majesty's blessed Father) was again Revived by Your sacred Majesty's Personal Inauguration in so solemn, so magnificent, and so glorious a manner, beginning with as loud shouts and Acclamations, as could be made here on Earth, and ending with much louder shouts and Acclamations even from Heaven itself; For they that take that voice of God for a sign of his being Displeased with the foregoing Action, would perhaps (if they had been then present) have taken the same voice of God for a sign of his being Displeased with Christ's Baptism; for it was in Thunder that he spoke, even then also.  
But whether I am Guilty of the First Charge, or no, in Meddling with things Improper for a Pulpit, which (if true) had been but an Indiscretion only; I am very sure, I am not Guilty of the Second, I mean, of speaking any thing to the prejudice of the Act of Indemnity; which had been an high Presumption in any man, and in me a sin against mine own Judgement and Conscience.  
For I humbly conceive, That whatsoever promise a Sovereign Prince makes unto his subjects (so the matter of it be not sinful) he ought in Prudence, as well as in Conscience to perform it, yea though perhaps he must needs prejudice himself by it. Because a Sovereign Prince's Word, being the best and highest Security he can give unto his Subjects, he were better suffer a very great Inconvenience by keeping it, then weaken the public Security, or hazard the losing of his Credit with his People by breaking it. Which Consideration made that wise and great Prince HENRY the fourth, Your Majesty's Grandfather, so Religious an observer of his Word, that neither the Duke of maine, nor any other of his Subjects, that had formerly stood out against him, when they came to an Agreement with him, did ever desire or demand any other Caution for security of their Persons and Interests, but the King's word only. And therefore God forbid, that I, or any man else, should dare to suggest any thing unto Your Majesty, either publicly, or privately, in order to the violation of so Sacred a Bond, as the Word of a King is, and hath always been esteemed to be.  
Especially, when the thing itself, which a King hath Granted, or given his Word for, is so Necessary in order to the settling of Himself, and of his Kingdom, as I believe an Act of Indemnity (at this time, and in this conjuncture of Affairs) to be: There being no other way (as I humbly conceive) after so General and Long a disturbance and confusion, to compose and quiet men's minds by Securing them from their Fears, or to beget a Mutual Confidence betwixt the Prince and his People, without which, it is Impossible either for the Prince or People ever to be Happy in one another.  
And therefore Your Majesty's Grandfather, whom I before named, did not only pardon All his Subjects that came in to him (how much soever they had before offended him) but to secure them the better from their fears, and to oblige them the more to his service, he Honoured some of them with Titles of great Quality, and with Offices of great Trust and Importance; and I do not find, that any of them gave him Cause to repent of it. And I hope Your Majesty will find the same success that he had, in doing as He did; Or rather as God himself did; when he did not only receive the Prodigal Child, but feasted him, and made as much of him, as if he had never given him cause to be displeased with him, though his Elder Brother repined at it.  
But then, as Your Majesty hath been pleased to remember and imitate, what that most Exemplary Prince, Your Grandfather, did; so it will well become those, whom Your Majesty hath so much obliged, to Remember and Consider, what the same Great and Wise King used often to say, namely, That though he would be always ready to make Peace with any of the Leaguers, yet he would never make Peace with the League. His meaning was, That though he would pardon any that had engaged against him, yet he would never endure that the Engagement it self should afterwards be owned, or justified by any of his Subjects; This being in Effect not an Act of Indemnity for what they had done against him for the time past; but an Act of Allowance for what they should do against him for the future: And consequently, not so much a Pardon of sin, as an Invitation to sin.  
Whereas an Act of Indemnity, as it is merely an Act of Grace and Favor in him that Grants it; so it supposeth both Confession and Repentance of a fault in him that Receives it▪ And he that truly Reputes of a fault, will not be Angry when he is told of it, especially, when he is told of it by way of Caution against it, and not by way of upbraiding him with it, or for it. And how can a Preacher be said to upbraid any man in particular, when he speaks against sin in General? and that in order to the humbling of all men before God, and not to the shaming of any man before men? Especially, when in clear and express Terms he professeth, that it is not his meaning, to charge the Meritorious Cause of God's Judgements upon any one party, Order, or sect of men, and much less upon any one man in particular, but upon the whole Nation in general, and consequently, as well and as much upon himself, as upon any of those that heard him?  
And now, if this be not enough to clear me from having any Intention in any thing I said, to derogate from the Act of Indemnity, All that I have to say more is, That Your Majesty having Herd me, and Commanded me to Print what I then spoke, must either Absolve me, or Suffer with me. And having This Security, I confess, I do not much apprehend, what hath been, or can be said of  
Your MAJESTY'S most Humble and most Obedient Subject, GEOR WORCESTER.   
PROV. cap. 28. vers. 2. For the Transgression of a Land, Many are the Princes thereof; But by a Man of understanding and knowledge shall the state thereof be prolonged. 
THe Queen of the South, (saith our Saviour, meaning the Queen of Sheba) came from the uttermost parts of the Earth, to hear the Wisdom of Solomon, Luk. 11.31. And we read in the fourth of the first Book of the Kings, that not only the Queen of the South, but some of all sorts of People were sent from all the Kings of the Earth that had heard of him, upon the Same Errand, namely, to Hear his Wisdom, and to Learn of him, how to Govern Themselves and their Subjects as he did, that they might be as Happy in Themselves and their Government as he was. And to this end may I say of Solomon (as the Scripture saith of Abel, Heb. 11.4.) that being dead He yet speaketh.  
For though it hath pleased God to suffer all that this great King and Wise Philosopher hath written of natural Speculation (from the Cedar to the Hyssop, and from the greatest of beasts and fishes, to the least of creeping things, 1 King. 4.33.) to be utterly lost; as being a kind of knowledge that was more likely to puff up, then to edify, and to make men by too much poreing upon the creature, to forget or neglect to look up to the Creator: Yet as for that practical kind of knowledge, whereby men become better as well as wiser (whether it concern us in relation unto God, as Divinity; or in relation to ourselves, as morality; or in those relations which one man hath unto another, as the Politics and Economics) in order to the making of us honest Men, good subjects, good neighbours, and good Christians, whatsoever I say was written by Solomon to any of these ends, is all of it, or most of it, or at least as much of it, as is sufficient for our use and practice, yet extant in the Books of the Canticles, the Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes; of which the First and the Last are almost wholly Theological: the Book of the Canticles being an Holy charm, as it were, to draw us unto Christ, and to make us in love with him, by an Allegorical, but most Emphatical description of Christ's Loveliness in Himself, and of the excellency of His Love unto us; And the other of Ecclesiastes being an holy Satire against the world and worldly things, written on purpose to wean us from them, by showing us the vanity and vexation of them. But this book of the Proverbs is a Divine Miscellany or mixture of Theological, Moral, Political and Oeconomical Aphorisms or Observations: and those not like links of the same chain, having a natural dependence one upon another; but rather like Pearls upon the same string, which though they are all of them equally useful and precious in their several kinds, yet few of them have so necessary a connection with one another, but that we may take most of them asunder, and consider them apart by themselves, without any prejudice at all either to the Text or Context.  
And thus we are now to consider the words I have read unto you, which are an Aphorism, or Observation partly Political, and partly Theological; for as it observes many Princes in a Land to be a National Calamity, so it is Political; but as it observes, That Calamity to be a National Judgement, or a Judgement of God upon the Land, for the sins of the people of that Land, so it is Theological.  
Again, as it observes, That by a man of understanding and knowledge the state of a Land is prolonged, so it is Political; but as by a man of understanding and knowledge, it means (as you shall see it does) a man that understands and knows what God would have him to do and does it, so it is Theological; and seems to be the Observation, not of Solomon the King, or of Solomon the Statesman only, but of Solomon the Divine, or of Solomon the Preacher also. And therefore as it deserves a much better Preacher than I am, to Discourse upon it: so it may become the Greatest of Kings, and Wisest of Statesmen to Harken to it. Neither can there be a more Seasonable Occasion than this for the consideration of it: and therefore, if it have not somewhat more than ordinary influence upon our affections for the present, and upon our actions for the future, it must be, and I am afraid it will be my want of skill and ability, either to open it clearly, or to apply it pertinently, or to enforce it powerfully; which I hope, notwithstanding all my infirmities, God will give me grace to do in some measure. Howsoever being by command of my Superiors to speak before a great King at such a solemn time, and upon such an extraordinary occasion as This, I would not presume to do it, but in the words of a King, and of such a King as was both the wisest of Kings, and the wisest of men, and that not of his own time only, but of all that ever was before him, or ever shall be after him. And therefore as he was most fit to prescribe to Princes, how they are to govern, and to Subjects▪ how they are to obey; so was he most able to foresee and judge how and by what means a State and Kingdom might either be ruined or preserved, and the date thereof either shortened or prolonged. For as the body Natural, so the body Politic is either shorter or longer lived, according to the good or bad constitution of it, or according to the more or less skill or care of Him that governs it, or lastly, as there is more or less of the fear of God in the Subjects of it. For though the constitution of a State be never so sound and healthful, and though He that sits at the Helm be never so skilful and careful, yet if the generality of the People be wicked and wilful, God doth usually punish the madness and folly of such a People, with permitting them to be instruments of their own misery, by changing the best form of Government under one lawful Hereditary Prince, into the worst kind of Tyranny, under many lawless Usurpers and Oppressors. For it is for the transgression of a land, saith the Wiseman in my Text, that the Princes thereof are many: But by a man of understanding and knowledge, shall the state thereof be prolonged. Where from the word [But] which stands in the middle of my Text, and divides the Latter Clause of it from the Former, we may collect that what follows this dividing Particle is to be understood in opposition to that which is before it.  
And therefore by a man of understanding and knowledge, as there must needs be meant a single person in opposition unto many: so the single person, that is here meant, must needs be a Prince, because he is opposed not to many simply and indefinitely; but to many Princes: And then from this Aphorism, thus understood, we may conclude;  
1. That plurality of Princes, or the government of a Nation or Land by many Princes, is a National Judgement, or a Great judgement of God upon a Nation.  
2. That Monarchy, or the government of a people by one Sovereign Prince only, (especially if he be a Man of Understanding and knowledge,) is a great National blessing, or a great blessing of God upon a Nation.  
And as we have found the one of these Conclusions to be true by our own woeful experience already; so I hope we shall find the other of them to be as true, by our own joyful experience hereafter. And that this Nation of ours, which was so near perishing under the Conduct of many, shall by one man of understanding and knowledge not only be recovered from its former distempers and dangers for the present, (as thanks be to God for it, it is in a great measure) but settled and established, and the state thereof prolonged (if it be not our own fault) for the future.  
But as the Passover, the greatest of the Jewish Festivals, was not to be celebrated without eating of sour herbs, to put them in mind of their former slavery, and thereby to make them the more thankfully sensible of their present liberty; so at this great Festival of ours, to make us relish the better our present Happiness, and to prepare us the better for our future Hopes, it will not be amiss to make a reflection upon our past Sufferings, and the Causes of them, to the end that God being first justified in his late great judgements deservedly inflicted upon us, may afterwards be the more heartily magnified for his present great mercies undeservedly vouchsafed unto us.  
We shall begin therefore with the former of these conclusions, namely,  
That plurality of Princes in a State is a great judgement of God upon a Nation.  
Which may be proved, first à priore, from the cause; and secondly, à posteriore, from the effects of it.  
And first for the proof of it à priore, or from the cause, we need go no further than my Text, which makes good this Conclusion in all the parts of it.  
For first, it proves it to be a judgement, because it is for transgression, or because transgression is the meritorious Cause of it; from whence by the way we may observe likewise, That if plurality of Princes be for transgression, then if there had been no transgression, there would not have been a government by plurality of Princes; and consequently, that such a government is originally neither from God, nor from Nature, nor from the Dictates of Right reason, but from sin, which is always the Meritorious, and sometimes the Efficient cause of it.  
Secondly, it appears from the Text, that plurality of Princes is not only a judgement because it is for transgression, but a National judgement, because it is for the Transgression of a Land, that is, of a Nation, or the Inhabitants of a Land, or because national provocations are the Causes of it.  
Thirdly, it may be proved from my Text likewise, that, as it is a national Judgement, so it is a great national judgement, or a great judgement of God upon a Nation, because it is not for any ordinary or common national sin, but for the greatest provocation that a nation can be guilty of. For though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word in the Original which we translate transgression, do indeed signify a transgression; because the greatest sin aswel as the least may be called a transgression; yet the transgression which is here meant is such a transgression as transgresseth or exceeds all other transgressions; for it is prevarication, which is the literal, proper and most emphatical signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And prevarication (as the Civilians tell us) is a betraying of the cause and interest we would seem to maintain. As when Divines pretending to guide men in the way that leadeth unto Heaven, do persuade them to do such things as will bring them unto Hell; or when Lawyers, whose office is to be guardians of liberty and property, do by false glosses upon the Law justify or excuse those that invade, and oppress, and destroy both; or lastly, when any Man, Sect, or party of men, pretending to serve God, and the King, do indeed serve themselves and their own wicked designs against God and the King. This is prevarication, and for such prevarication as this, doth God punish a Land (saith my Text) with many Princes; which must therefore be one of the greatest National judgements, because it is the punishment of one of the greatest National sins; for so is prevarication. And thus much briefly for the proof of my first Conclusion à priore, or from its Cause.  
I proceed to the proof of it à posteriore, or from its effects. For as great national sins are the cause, so great national miseries are the effects of many Princes; as will appear first from the consideration of Policracy, or of a government by plurality of Princes, in its own nature, or in the general: and, Secondly from the experience we ourselves have had of it in our own Particular.  
And first, it is true in itself and in the general, That where there are many Princes in a Land, there the People must needs be exposed to many and great miseries.  
But then by Princes we are not to understand such Princes as the hundred twenty seven were, that were feasted by Ahashuerus, under whom they were the Governors of so many several Provinces, nor such Princes as are now in France, Poland, Naples and other Kingdoms, who are but Princes in name only; and though some of them greater than others, yet all of them subject and subordinate to their own Sovereign princes. For of such princes there may and perhaps aught to be many, that is, more or fewer according to the Grandeur of the Monarch they live under. And yet there may be too many even of this kind of princes also; as when the Sun of Sovereign Majesty, from whence they borrow and derive their light, is either Eclipsed by their Magnitude, (as it was in England in the time of the Baron's wars) or clouded by their multitude; or when the Title and dignity itself is embased and profaned by admitting too many, and too mean persons to be partakers of it. But of this the Sovereign prince is the only and best judge, neither are these the princes my Text speaks of.  
For by many princes in my Text, are meant such as are, or take upon them to be Sovereigns in the same Land or State; and that not successively; for then, how could they be opposed to a single person, seeing in that sense they would all of them be but so many single persons succeeding one another? And besides, I cannot see, why many princes in succession should be said to be a judgement or a punishment inflicted by God upon a nation for their sins; and therefore by many princes in my Text must needs be meant many pretending to sovereignty in the same country at the same time.  
And this may be either when the Country is Cantoned into many several Independent principalities, by setting up many petty Sovereignty's instead of one, or when the Sovereign power over a whole Nation is shared and exercised by many; whether they be more, as in a Republic or Democracy; or fewer, as in a State or an Aristocracy.  
And first for the former way of Polycracy, or having many Princes, by Cantoning the Country, and making several distinct bodies of the several members of the same body Politic, it is that which was attempted by Korah, Dathan and Abiram, when they told Moses he took too much upon him, because he alone did govern in chief all the twelve Tribes of Israel. And you know what the issue of that attempt was, namely, the sudden death of almost fifteen thousand men, besides the swallowing up quick of some, and the burning alive of others of the Conspirators, together with their wives and children, and all that belonged unto them; as you may read in the fifteenth Chapter of the Book of Numbers. The same was afterwards attempted by Abner upon a pretence of zeal for his Master's House, but indeed by dividing Israel from Judah, to govern Israel himself; as he did during the War betwixt the house of David and the house of Saul, which was a long and a bloody one, saith the Text; as such wars use to be, when a whole Nation is engaged to fight against itself, and to cut one another's throats to gratify the malice or ambition of a few. But that which was but attempted by Dathan and Abner, was shortly after effected by Jeroboam, who divided Israel from Judah, beginning a War, which neither he nor his successors could ever see an end of; till Israel and Judah being weakened, and wasted, and consumed by one another, became a prey to the Assyrian, who at length swallowed them up both. And thus (to say nothing of other Nations, which of old and of late have been thus Cantoned) our own Country of England, of a Monarchy became an Heptarchy, by setting up of seven several Sovereignty's in the time of the Saxons, which never left encroaching and warring upon one another, till all of them were reduced again under one. By all which Instances it is evident enough, that there cannot be many Sovereign princes over several parts or provinces of the same country, without much effusion of blood in the erecting, and great oppression of the people for the maintaining of them. And consequently that the having of many Princes in this sense must needs be a great Judgement upon the people.  
And yet secondly it is as bad or worse for the people; when the Sovereignty over the whole, which ought to be vested in one, is usurped and shared, and exercised by many; who, whether they be more, or fewer, do always under a pretence of Law and Liberty assume unto themselves an Illegal, Arbitrary and tyrannical power, and that as really in a Senate or Aristocracy; though not so grossly and visibly, as in a popular State or a Democracy.  
For even in a Senate, (where many govern in chief with equal Authority) supposing them (as we must needs suppose them to be) men subject to the same passions, appetites, and infirmities as all men are, there will always be jealousies, envyings, and emulations amongst them; and where there are jealousies and emulations, and no superior authority to check and overrule them, there must needs be factions and divisions also; and where there are factions and divisions among those that govern, there the government it self must needs be obnoxious to many dangers and difficulties, both in administration of Justice at home, and in defending themselves against enemies abroad; there being nothing more natural or more usual in such kind of States, than the sacrificing of the public Interest to private and particular concernments; whilst every man is apt to gratify himself, and his own covetousness, ambition, or animosity, by becoming a pensioner to any other State that will give most for him; and to gratify his own party at home, by thwarting and crossing and crying down whatsoever is said or done by the contrary faction, though the State itself be often endangered, and sometimes ruined by it. As we see it happened in the State of Carthage, where Hanno and the rest of his faction, to comply with their own envy and Malice against Hannibal, they forced that great Captain to quit Italy, and the prosecution of his Victories for want of supplies, though by drawing Hannibal out of Italy, they drew the Romans into afric, and saw Carthage and themselves made slaves to Rome, rather than they would endure Rome should be subdued by Hannibal. So powerful, and so mischievous are the passions of Covetousness, Ambition, Envy, Malice, and Revenge, where there is no Authority to prevent or restrain the dangerous malignity, and effects of them, as there is not, where the Sovereignty is equally shared amongst many. And yet though they differ in all things else, they will always agree in this, to enrich their own private families as much as they can, by drawing, not as much as is needful, or can be spared, but as much as is to be had, or can be extorted from their poor Subjects. And yet such is the simplicity, and folly of some deluded people, that they could be content to beggar themselves and to become slaves indeed, to purchase the empty name of a free State, or a free born People; as some of us would have done, and some of our neighbours have done, who are as arbitrarily governed, and as heavily taxed, as the vassals of the Grand Signior himself: whereas if they were wise, they would consider, that supposing a Sovereign Prince were indeed a Tyrant, yet the Tyranny of a State or Senate would be much more grievous and insupportable than any one sovereign Prince can be; and that not only because it is easier, and safer, and cheaper to satisfy the lust, the covetousness, the cruelty, or any other inordinate or immoderate passion of any one man, then of many▪ but likewise▪ because the Tyranny of one man is, as himself is, mutable and mortal; for a bad Prince may, and many times does mend; and whether he mend, or no, he must end, and a better may succeed him; but the tyranny of a State is, as the State itself is, immutable and immortal. A tyrannical State being nothing else but a standing tyranny, or a succession of several men in the same tyrannical form of government. Whereunto may be added, that a Sovereign Prince knowing himself, and none but himself liable both to the blame and shame of whatsoever is amiss in matter of Government, as having no partner or sharer in it, upon whom for excusing himself, he may transferr the blame of it, he will always have the restraint of shame (if he have not the restraint of conscience) upon him; and consequently supposing he feared not God, nor what he could do unto him, yet he will care for men, and what they are likely to say of him. But where the Sovereignty is in many, and all of them for all things they do equally accountable in the general, none of them thinks himself accountable either to God or man, for any thing in his own particular; and therefore cares not how the one is provoked, or the other injured, as long as he thinks it is the State, and not he, that is to answer for it. And States, being bodies without souls, have neither Conscience to awe them, nor shame to restrain them from doing any thing. So that it seems to be a judgement of God upon a Nation when it hath many Princes at once even in this sense. I mean when the Nobility or some of the better sort of the people do share betwixt them the Sovereignty over all the rest.  
And yet this is the best kind of Polycracy, or the best kind of Government under more Princes than one. Because it is better to be subject to fewer than to more, and to some of the best and noblest, as it is in a Senate of Aristocracy, then to a multitude of the worst and basest of the people, as it is in a Democracy, or that which is commonly called a Republic, which notwithstanding all its vain pretences to freedom, Equity and Equality, is absolutely the worst of all kind of Government whatsoever.  
1. Because it is most unnatural; for though it be monstrous enough for one body Politic to have more heads than one, yet it is much more monstrous and unnatural, when that which should be the body is the head, or when the body and the head are but one confused, undistinguished mass or lump; there being in a popular State no difference betwixt those that Govern, and those that are governed, unless it be this, that those that seem to govern, are indeed subjects; and those that seem to be governed, are indeed Sovereigns, the Magistrates in a Commonwealth being servants and vassals unto the people, as being created by them, and accountable to them, and consequently always in danger and fear of them.  
2. As this kind of Government is most unnatural, so it is most unreasonable; for what can be more unreasonable than that the wisest, the justest, the most valiant and most virtuous persons (which are always the fewest) should be governed by such as are fools, or knaves, or cowards, or vicious and vile persons? which are always the major part, and consequently must needs domineer and give Law to all the rest, where all things are carried by plurality of voices, as they are, where the sovereign authority resides in the body of the People; which are most of them such, as were intended by God and nature (saith Aristotle) to be servants, as being of low and servile dispositions, and such as have not wit enough to govern themselves, and much less to govern others.  
As this kind of Government is most unnatural and unreasonable in its frame and constitution, so it is most insolent, injurious and tyrannical in its managery and administration. And that first in regard of the people's folly and credulity, which makes them apt to be abused and deceived by false informations and misrepresentations of Things and Persons; and apt to be persuaded by those that flatter them most, against those that counsel them best, mistaking their friends for their enemies, and enemies for their friends; and from thence apt to magnify and exalt the one, and to disgrace and undo the other. Secondly, in regard of their levity and inconstancy, which makes them rash and inconsiderate in their deliberations, sudden and precipitate in their Resolutions, and consequently Irresolute and variable in their affections, and in their actions, crying up that to day, which they will cry down to morrow, and oftentimes condemning and executing as Traitors and Malefactors those whom they had a little before applauded and adored as their Tutelary gods and saviours. Thirdly, in regard of their Fears and jealousies, which as weak men, so weak States are always most subject unto. And these fears and jealousies make them suspect whatsoever is above their capacities for plots and conspiracies; and make them look jealously upon men that are eminent, as if because they may do harm, they cannot be innocent, so that the more wise, or virtuous, or valiant any man is in a popular State, or the more he hath deserved of his Country by noble and Heroical actions, the less safe he is, because when any man seems to excel and out-grow others, he presently becomes the fear and envy of all. And than whatsoever any of his enemies, or any mean or base companion will accuse him of, is greedily heard, and easily believed; and whatsoever can be said for him by himself or by his friends, doth but hasten his condemnation; because it is his merit that is his crime, and that which ought to make him beloved and honoured, is that which makes him to be feared and hated. Thus were Themistocles, Aristides and Alcibiades rewarded by the people of Athens; thus were Corialanus, Camillus and Scipio the African rewarded by the People of Rome after all their meritorious services. And thus should Julius Caesar (after he had added Gaul, Germany and Britain to the Roman Empire) have been rewarded by the same People of Rome, if he had not prevented it, by taking that power, they would have used against him, away from them. And now consider I beseech you, whether there can be a worse form of Government, then where either the State itself, or the worthiest and best deserving men in a State must needs be ruined; and where the State hath no other way, but by ingratitude and cruelty, to secure itself against the best of its own subjects; and when the best subjects, after they have done the best service, have no way, but by Rebellion and Parricide, to secure themselves, against their own Country. Whereunto may be added in the last place the aptness of the Common People in any State, and much more in a Popular State, where they are under no restraint, to be suddenly incensed and transported by the violence of their own Passions beyond all rules and bounds of Religion, of Reason, of Modesty, of common Honesty, nay of Humanity itself, to do the most absurd, extravagant and outrageous actions, without considering, or caring, or fearing what may be the issue of them. Especially when those that are so apt to kindle of themselves, are set on fire and inflamed by their seditious Demagogues, I mean their Orators and Preachers, who being men of turbulent and unquiet spirits, are never pleased themselves, nor will ever suffer the people to be content with their present condition, but are always either secretly whispering false fears and dangers into their heads, or openly complaining and inveighing against things and persons, as prejudicial to the public good, till at length they so poison, and enrage their foolish Auditors, that there is nothing so difficult or dangerous, but they will attempt it, nor nothing so injurious or impious, that they will stick at it; neither is there any remedy for their Rage, or cure for their madness, till these Fiends that possessed them, are cast out of them; which I am afraid will hardly be done by fasting and prayer only. Such were Corath, Dathan, and Abiram, who stirred up the people against Moses and Aaron; such was Sheba the son of Bichri, who blew a Trumpet and said, We have no part in David, neither have we any portion in the son of Jesse, Every man to his Tents O Israel: such were the Scribes and Pharisees, who made the people cry out, Crucify him, Crucify him, meaning their King, and their Saviour, and to choose Barrabas rather than Jesus. Such was Demetrius the Silver-smith, who with one Seditious Oration filled with uproar the whole City of Ephesus. To conclude, such were Cleon the Tanner of Athens, the Gracchis at Rome, and many other seditious Orators in both those Commonwealths; And such are now adays many of the Preachers amongst Christians: who are by so much the more wicked, and execrable in themselves, and dangerously pernicious to a State, than any of those Heathen Orators were, by how much more damnable a sin it is to make use of Scripture then of Sophistry to wicked and ungodly ends, and by how much more dangerous it is, for men to be misguided by their consciences, then by their passions, the one being but a fit of frenzy, which will soon over, and the other being a settled and a sober madness which is hardly cured. And in this respect a popular State is much worse amongst Christians then ever it was or could be among Heathens. And yet even amongst Heathens, it was by the wisest of them accounted the worst of all Goverments, as Thucydides and Aristotle confess, though both of them were born and bred in a popular State, and were as able as any to judge of it.  
And yet the Evils I have hitherto spoken of, are but such as every popular State is subject unto, even when it is orderly and regular (I mean as orderly and regular as a Popular State can be) and that is when the body of the People governs itself by Laws, and Civil Magistrates of its own making; but there is a kind of popular Government, when a part of the people being got into Arms, Governs by the sword and military Officers of their own choosing, and this is a Stratocracy, or military kind of Democracy; which must needs be a much more terrible and insupportable yoke then the former; because besides its being subject to all the evils and inconveniences before spoken of, it is always able to do all the mischiefs it hath a mind to do, without opposition in the doing of it, and without fear of being punished for it. And this is indeed to rule with a rod of iron, and break the people in pieces like a Potter's vessel.  
And now there is but one way more of having many Princes, or more Sovereigns than one in the same kingdom, and that is as dangerous and as inconsistent with the Public peace, as any of the former: namely, the setting up of two Sceptres, two Lawgivers, or two Supreme Judicatories, the one Civil, and the other Ecclesiastical in one and the same State; which two Supreme Judicatories must needs have two Supreme Judges without subordination of the one to the other, and without Appeal unto the one from the other; And consequently when they differ (as they must needs do often) about the rights and extent of their several Jurisdictions, the People will not know which of them to obey, being threatened by the material sword, if they obey the one, and with the spiritual sword, if they obey the other; so that such a State must needs be divided within and against itself; and than Christ himself will tell you it cannot stand.  
So that it must needs be ill for the people in what sense soever they have many Princes; whether it be by Cantoning the Country into parts, or by sharing the Sovereignty of the whole, either amongst many, as in Aristocracy, or amongst all, as in a Democracy, or amongst the Swordmen only, as in a Stratocracy; or lastly by dividing the soul of the State from the Body, the Church from the Commonwealth, and by making two Sovereign's, one in causes Civil, and the other in causes Ecclesiastical over the same subjects, whether the Conclave, or the Consistory be the Cause of it. In all which cases I say it is a Judgement of God upon a Nation to have more Princes than one, as I hope I have made it appear both from the causes and effects of it.  
But notwithstanding all the Evidence can be given of this truth, either from Scripture or Reason, from the Cause, or the Effects of it, we would not believe it till we felt it. And therefore in the third place it hath pleased God, because we were like beasts without understanding, to teach us, as he doth Beasts, by our senses, and to visit us of late, as much or perhaps more than ever he did any nation with this very Judgement, I mean plurality of Princes in all its kinds and degrees, and with almost all the effects of it.  
For after we had said in our hearts Nolumus hunc regnare super nos; I mean, assoon as we had rejected that EXCELLENT PRINCE, who only had right by all Laws Humane and Divine to reign over us, presently many of our fellow subjects took upon them to be our Princes, and to govern us arbitrarily at their own pleasure, in order to their own avaricious and ambitious ends. And that first in an Aristocratical way, as a Senate or Council of State, wherein nothing could be done without consent of some of the Nobility and Gentry. But it was not long (after Royalty was gone,) but Nobility followed, and was excluded also. And then came in Democracy or the Government of the Common People by their own Representatives only; which increased the number of our Princes, and the vileness of our slavery by the meanness of our Masters. But these their own Mercenaries did quickly deprive of the power they had Usurped and Abused; And then came in Stratocracy or the Government by the Sword, and thereby we had as many Princes as there were Bashaws or Major Generals, who perhaps, if they had outlived their great Sultan, they would have Cantoned the Kingdom, and erected their several Provinces into so many several Principalities. But by this means the very name of Liberty and property, which were before pretended, were quite taken away. Only there was liberty enough and too much, indeed a Lawless, boundless licence in matter of Religion; all ways of worshipping God being allowed, but the true one; and all admitted to the Sacred Function, but such as were lawfully called unto it; In the mean time every Sect, had its head, and every one that was head of a Sect was Prince of a Party; so that we have seen what it is to have many Princes, nay we have felt it to be a sore Judgement by the terrible effects of it; which did spread themselves over the face, and through the Veins, and into the Bowels of the three Kingdoms; at once embracing, involving, and confounding all places, all persons, and all conditions, public and private, high and low, sacred and profane; For from the King in his Throne, to the Beggar in the dust, no thing, place, or person almost hath been without feeling some or other the terrible effects of this Judgement. How many have lost their Limbs, their Liberty, their Country, their estates, their friends, and have been reduced to extreme poverty, both at home and abroad? How many noble and Ancient Families have been ruined? How many goodly buildings and Churches (the glorious evidences and Monuments of our Ancestors Piety and charity) have been profaned and defaced? How many poor innocent persons of both sexes, all ages, and all conditions, have been either murdered or banished, or, imprisoned or oppressed with extortion of all kinds, and of all Degrees without possibility of help, or hope of remedy? Lastly, how many poor souls, for which Christ died, have been betrayed into Rebellion and Sacrilege, Schism and Heresy, Uncharitableness and Cruelty, by the horrible abuse of Preaching, Praying, Fasting, Vowing, and all other the sacred ordinances of God?  
And now if our poor Country, (when she felt these painful struggle and Convulsions within her bowels) should have asked, as Rebecca did (when she felt Esau and Jacob striving within her womb) If it be so, why am I thus? There could no other reason be given her for it, but this in my Text, It was for her Transgression, it was for the Transgression of the Land, it was for our National sins of Atheism, of Profaneness, of Sacrilege, of Hypocrisy, of Idleness, of Gluttony, or Drunkenness, of uncleanness, of Pride, of Heresy, together with our prevarication against God, or▪ our treacherous dealing with God, in pretending to serve him best, when we dishonoured him most; nay in pretending to serve him, when we intended to serve ourselves of him, by making use of his Name, his Word, and his Ordinances, in order to the palliating, promoting, and effecting our own ungodly and unrighteous designs. These I say were our National sins, and by these or some of these we have all of us contributed to the provocation of this Judgement. So that they were not the sins of the Court only, nor of the City only, nor of the Country only, nor of any one particular order of men (whether Clergy or Laity) and much less of any one particular man or party of men, that we can say were singly and abstractedly the cause of our Calamities; no it was too great, too universal, to be the effect of little or few Provocations; they were therefore the sins of the whole Nation, the sins of All and every One of us, which rising up as a Cloud from us, fell down again in a shower of Judgements upon us; so that there is not one of us, to whom it may not truly be said, Perditio tua ex te, Thou hast deserved whatsoever thou hast suffered: For if the best of us had been as good as we might, and aught to have been, it would not have been in the power of the worst of us, to have made us so miserable as we were. Indeed if all of us had not rebelled against God, none of us would have Rebelled against the King; at least their Rebellion would not have prospered as it did; and consequently the Sovereignty would never have been shared amongst so many, as it was. Which as at first it was the effect of our sins, so it hath been ever since the cause of our Miseries. And as the Consideration of the former, namely, that our having of many Princes was an effect of the sins of us all, or of our National sins, will make us instead of judging, condemning, upbraiding, and hating one another, to judge, condemn and abhor ourselves, and consequently to justify God in his Judgements upon us all; so the consideration of the later, namely, that the having of many Princes hath been the cause of all our late many and great miseries, will First Convince us of our former folly, in believing, so easily as we did, those, that upon false pretences of bettering our condition by a change, did persuade us (as the Serpent did Eve) out of the Paradise we were in, because something or other, which perhaps we had a mind to, was wanting to us. Secondl●, it will arm us against the like Temptation for the future with a resolution never to meddle any more with those that are given to change. And Lastly, it will make us the more thankfully sensible of Gods infinite goodness and mercy, in Delivering us from the slavery we were in under the Tyranny of many (which is, as we have found it to be, the greatest of National Judgements,) and Restoring us again to our former freedom and happiness under one Lawful Hereditary Sovereign Prince, which is (and I hope we shall find to be so) the greatest of National blessings.  
ANd this was my second Conclusion, deduced from these words in my Text. But by a man of understanding and knowledge the State thereof shall be prolonged: where (as I told you before) by a man of understanding and knowledge as there must needs be meant one single Person in opposition to those Many which the former Clause of My Text speaks of; so by That one single Person must needs be meant such an one as is a Prince, a Sovereign Prince, because the man here spoken of is opposed not to many simply and indefinitely, but to many Princes.  
And indeed no private person, though a man of never so much understanding, and knowledge is able to prolong a State, because that is a work which requires not only Wisdom and Prudence to conduct it, but Sovereign Power and authority to Perform it.  
And yet I will not deny, but that it may be sometimes in the power even of a private man to do much towards the recovery, and preservation, and consequently the prolonging of a State; as we read Epaminondas the Theban did, when being but a Private man, he rescued his Country from the bondage of the Lacedæmonians: The like did Thrasibulus a private man also, when he delivered his Country of Athens from the Thirty Tyrants: And so did Camillus, who was not only a Private but a Banished man, when he recovered Rome from the Gauls.  
But what need we Instances out of Foreign Antiquity? when we have a Modern example of our own (to the honour of our Nation be it spoken) which equals, and exceeds all I have named, or can name, in deserving from his Prince and from his Country, by his Courage in attempting, his Prudence in conducting, and his Felicity in effecting, that generous, glorious and Heroical design, whereby he hath at once redeemed his Country both from slavery and infamy, by restoring the King to His People, and the People to their King; and withal, hath purchased unto himself Honour without Envy, Greatness with Safety, and (which is the best reward of virtue in this world) a perpetual satisfaction and complacency in himself, for having so nobly performed his duty. And this was indeed to be a man of understanding: Whereas others, who being private men, would needs be Princes, though they thought themselves men of understanding, have proved themselves fools; their heads being lifted up indeed, but so as they little thought they would be, and themselves, after they had blazed and blustered for a while, going out like a snuff, and have left nothing but a stink behind them.  
But to return to what we have in hand; though it be true (as I have said before) that any private man may do something (at least by his prayers) and some private men may do much towards the preserving and prolonging of a State, if they be men of understanding and knowledge, that is, if they understand and know how to serve their Country, by serving of their Prince, either in Peace by their Counsels, or in War by their Courages; yet it is the Prince himself, who understanding and knowing how to serve himself of several men's abilities in their several professions, doth indeed preserve and prolong the State of his Country. And such a Prince, say I, is the greatest blessing of God upon a Nation: because the state or flourishing condition of a Nation, saith Solomon, is preserved and prolonged by Him.  
So that according to the judgement of Solomon, (that is) according to the judgement of the wisest Statesman that ever was, or will be in the world. In order to the prolonging of a State, there must,  
1. Be one Sovereign Prince.  
2. That Sovereign Prince must be a man of understanding and knowledge.  
And then 3ly He must so make use of that understanding and knowledge, as that his own and his people's happiness may be procured, and preserved, and prolonged by him.  
And first, in order to the procuring and prolonging the happiness of a Nation, it must have one Sovereign Prince (that is) the Government of it must be Monarchical: And of this there needs little more to be said for the proof of it, than what hath been said already for proof of my former conclusion, and what we ourselves have felt already by the late trial we have made of all other forms of Government; together with the uneasiness we found under them, and the miseries we have drawn upon ourselves by them; from whence we may undoubtingly conclude, that at least, for us of this Nation, there is no other form of Government but Monarchy, under which we ever were, or ever can be happy.  
Whether all other forms of Government be Always, and Absolutely Unlawful, I will not take upon me to determine; Stint aut cadant Domino suo, Let them stand or fall to their own master: But as Christ (when he was asked, whether it were lawful for a man to put away his wife) answered, A principio non fuit sic; so may I say of all other forms of Government except Monarchy, A Principio non fuit sic, from the beginning there was no such Government: For as God made man upright at first, because he made him after his own Image; so he made the Government of mankind upright at first also, because he made it after the Image of his own Government; which surely is Monarchical. And no doubt it was God's intention, it should always continue to be so; because, as we find no example of any other Government of his approving, so we find no rule of direction for any other Government; nor no precept of subjection to any other Government, of his prescribing: Those we are commanded to submit to by God's word, being either, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Kings as Supreme; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as are sent and set over us by Kings, as is evident from the whole Book of God in general, and from 1 Pet. 2. v. 13, 14. in particular.  
And indeed till the world was above 3000. years old, there was no other Government in it but Monarchy only. For in Homer's time all Greece had Kings, and they were the Grecians from whom the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Aristocracy and Democracy had their beginning. For the Greeks being men of subtle wits and unquiet spirits, finding Monarchy to be a curb to their Ambition, they devised such forms of Government, wherein the Sovereignty being not Confined unto one, but Shared amongst many, Every man might hope to have his turn and his part in it: From the Grecians by their Colonies were these Heresies and Innovations in Government derived to some few other Nations; but as they spread not far, so they continued not long; for at the coming of Christ there was nothing but Monarchy in the World; so that Monarchy as it was Instituted by God at the Creation, so it seems to be restored by Christ at the Redemption of Mankind, and to be recommended both by the Father and the Son as the best and only form of Government for all Nations. And indeed nature itself doth seem to recommend it, and that not only because every Species of all Creatures whatsoever seems to have a subordination to some one of the same kind; but likewise because amongst men also, those that have no other Rule but the light of nature to live by, I mean, those of America, and other lately discovered Nations, as there be none of them without some Government, so none of them have any other form of Government, but Monarchy.  
Now as Monarchy is more natural and more according to Divine Institution, and consequently a better form of government than any other; so of Monarchies, that which is by Succession is much more natural and much more according to Divine Institution, than any other kind of Monarchy. I mean, then that which either is by Usurpation, or by Election.  
And first it is better than Monarchy by Usurpation; for as no man can take to himself the honour or office of a Priest; so much less can any man take to himself the honour or office of a King; but he must have it from God himself, either by Gods own Immediate designation, as Moses and the Judges had (for the Judges were Kings) and as Saul and David had; or by God's Ordinary way of Dispensation, which was by succession of Children unto their Fathers: According unto which Method, as Families grew into Nations, so Paternal government grew into Regal, and consequently an Usurper, as he hath no claim to Divine Institution, so he hath no title to Divine benediction or protection. And besides, because what is Gotten by the sword, must be Maintained by the sword, an Usurper must be a Tyrant, whether he will, or no. Lastly, a Monarchy by Usurpation is Res sine titulo, a Possession without a Title; which seldom lasts Long, or ends Well, for he that takes the sword shall perish by the sword, saith our Saviour. Mat. 26.52.  
Again, as Monarchy by Usurpation is Res sine titulo, so Monarchy by Election is titulus sine re, a Title without the Thing; for Elective Kings are but Conditional Kings; and Conditional Kings are no Kings. Besides, a King is to have the Power of Life and Death, which none, that have it not themselves, can give unto Him; And therefore, how He that is Elected by those that have not the power of Life and Death, comes to have the power of life and death, and consequently how he comes to be a King, is, as I conceive, not easy to imagine. But supposing an Elective King, to be indeed a King; yet considering first, the Dangers and Inconveniences of Interregnum's or Cessations of Government betwixt the Death of one King and the Election of another; Secondly, the Factiousness and partiality of the Electors, together with the envy and emulation of the Competitors; Thirdly, the necessity of Him that is chosen, to gratify those that Chose him, with the prejudice of those that were against him; And lastly, considering that every Elective King hath a Particular Interest of his own; divided from that of the Public, and consequently, that it is more than probable, that he will have more respect to the interest of his Family, wherein he is to be Succeeded by his Children, then to that of the Kingdom, wherein he may be Succeeded by a Stranger; Considering all these things, I say, we may well conclude, that as Monarchy is the best form of Government, so successive, hereditary Monarchy is the best form of Monarchy; because where there is an undoubted right, there is no Need of Tyranny to support it, as there is in an Usurpation; and because, where the Princes and the Public Interest is the same (as it is in Hereditary Monarchy) there is no need of Defrauding the one, to Provide for the other, as there is in Elective Kingdoms.  
But yet even of Hereditary Monarchies one may be more desirable than another, as a Political rather than a Despotical; for a Despotical Monarch governs his Subjects as a Master doth his Servants, arbitrarily according to his own will and pleasure, whether it be Right or Wrong; But a Political Monarch governs his Subjects as a Father doth his Children, by Equal and Just Laws, made with their own consent to them, The former is the Government of the Turk and Muscovite; the later is, or aught to be the Government of all Christian Kings; I am sure it is of Ours; and therefore such a kind of Monarchy as Ours, is not only the most just and reasonable, but the most plausible and popular Government of all others. Especially, if the Supreme Governor be so Qualified, as he ought to be, and that is (saith Solomon) if he be a man of understanding and knowledge.  
And first, he would have him to be a Man; for Woe unto thee, O Land, (saith the same Wiseman) when thy King is a child, Ecclesiastes 10.16. But blessed art thou, O Land, (saith he in the very next words) when thy King is the son of Nobles; so that it seems Solomon would have his Prince, neither to be a Child, nor an Upstart, or a Man meanly born; not a Child; because even then his Authority, though it may be Abused, is to be Obeyed; not an Upstart or a man of mean birth, because such a One being to govern better men than himself, he thinks there is no way to prevent their Contempt of him, but by making himself by his Cruelty to be feared by them; And hence it is that Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum, Mean persons, when they are mightily Exalted, become Cruel and Insolent, and Imperious in their Own Defence; whereas Those▪ that are born great, need not venture the being hated, for fear of not being Reverenced by their Subjects, who have always an inbred reverence to the Royal Blood and Family (if they be not Debauched from it); even whilst the Prince is but a Child; And much more if he be a Man, and a Man before he is a King; A man at his full Growth of Mind as well as of Body, and of Body as well as of Mind; even just such an one, as we may imagine Adam to have been, when he was newly made Monarch of the World; But till a King be a Man, we know not what kind of Man he will be, either for his Person or for his Parts; whereas when we see him a Man, and such a Man as we would wish to be our King, though he had not been born to be so, we are very unworthy of him, if we be not very Thankful to God for him. We know, that the Comeliness and Gracefulness of a private man's person, and much more of a Princes, doth exceedingly either excuse the defects, or set off the excellency of his parts, and wonderfully indears him. And whatsoever he does or says unto his people; for, Gratior est pulchro veniens de corpore virtus; the same things said or done by a comely or uncomely, by a graceful or ungraceful person, have very different operations and effects in the minds of men. Philip de Comines tells us, that our Edward the fourth (who, as he saith, was the goodliest Gentleman that ever he saw) got twice possession of London and the Crown, by the favour of the people, whom the beauty and excellenlency of his shape had gained unto him: So that it is a great felicity in a Sovereign Prince, when it cannot be said of him, as it was of Galba, Galbae ingenium malê habitat; but rather, that he hath formam Principe dignam, a shape worthy of a Prince; such an one as Saul had, than whom, (saith the Text) there was not a goodlier person among all the children of Israel; as well for the symmetry of his Limbs, as the tallness of his Stature; or such an one as Absalon was, in whom (besides his goodly Head of Hair) from the sole of his foot to the crown of his head (saith the Text) there was no blemish: And no doubt it was by this silent Rhetoric (I mean, the comeliness and gracefulness of his person) as well as by his courteous and fair language, that he stole away the hearts of the people, which though it ill became a Subject, yet nothing can more become a Sovereign Prince, then to have it in his power to Captivate by his Looks and by his Words the hearts of his People at his pleasure, without being at any Charge at all for it.  
But if besides Comeliness and Gracefulness of shape; Courtesy, and Affability of Speech and behaviour, together with Gravity, and yet Serenity, and Benigness of Aspect, there be a Vigorous Manliness in his Mind, and a promise of Long Life in the Healthfulness of his Constitution, I know not what is to be wished for more, but that he may have Mentem sanam in corpore sano, that the Beauty of his Mind may be answerable to the beauty of his Body; as it will be, if he be a man of understanding and knowledge, or such an one, as understands and knows how to make Himself and his People happy.  
And First, he must be a man of Understanding, and then of Knowledge: because, if a man have not some Measure of Understanding, he is not capable of Knowledge; as we see Natural fools and Madmen are not. Again, though a man have understanding to such a Degree, as to make him Capable of the Knowledge of many things that are well worth the Knowing, yet if he have not judgement and discretion to make use of that Knowledge, or if that Knowledge make him never a whit the wiser, it were as good for Himself, and the World too, that he knew nothing: For, though a man have Read never so many Books, and Seen never so many Countries, and Searched never so many Languages, and Gone through never so many Arts and Sciences; yet if he be not naturally a man of judgement and understanding, he may be a Fool for all this; nay he may be a much more incurable Fool, than he would be otherwise; because his knowing so much makes him think himself wise, when indeed he is not: and this is such a Fool, as Solomon saith, Though you bray him in a Mortar, yet will not his foolishness depart from him; Prov. 27.22. which makes good our English Proverb, that the greatest Clerks, are not always the wisest men; or as it is more sharply expressed in the Scotch Dialect, an ounce of Mother wit is worth a pound of Clergy.  
Again, because there may be a bad as well as a good use made of a man's natural understanding and of his knowledge too; therefore if a man have not such an understanding, as to make a right use of his wit and of his knowledge, in order to his Own, and the Public good, it were better for such a man and the world too, that he had no understanding nor knowledge at all; for these are the men, whose understanding and knowledge the Devil makes use of, as he doth of his own Serpentine subtlety for the disturbing, distracting, and confounding of States and Kingdoms. But the understanding my Text speaks of, preserves and prolongs States and Kingdoms. And therefore by a man of understanding in my Text, is meant one that may be truly so called; not in a Natural sense only, but in a Moral and Theological sense also; One that hath good Morals, as well as good Intellectuals; one that is not Biased by his own passions, nor swayed by the flattery of others; one that can, and doth conform his will and affections unto his reason, and his reason itself to Gods will revealed in his word; as knowing, his own reason may deceive him, but God's word rightly understood (which is God's Reason) cannot.  
To conclude, by a man of understanding in my Text, is meant one that hath an understanding heart, as well as an understanding head, Vir cordatus, as the old Latins called a wise man. And indeed generally through the whole Scripture, wisdom is ascribed to the heart, or seated in the heart; thereby implying, that True wisdom consisteth rather in practice then speculation, and in doing our Duty, rather than in knowing of it; so that a man may be a very wise man in the sense of the world (as all crafty men are) though never so false and wicked, and a very fool in the sense of the Scripture, which calls every good man a wiseman, and every wicked man a fool, according to that of DAVID, The fool hath said in his heart there is no God, Psalm 14. and according to that of Job, To fear the Lord, That is wisdom, and to depart from Evil That is understanding. Job 28.28. And that's indeed the understanding a Sovereign Prince ought to have in order to the making himself and his people happy; but not exclusively to a good natural understanding, for he must have that too; Because otherwise, He that is to see with other men's Eyes, and to hear with other men's Ears, and to execute his Commands by other men's hands (as Princes do,) may easily, and will frequently be imposed upon, unless he be able to Discern clearly, and to Judge rightly of Men, as well as Things, and of their Morals, as well as their Intellectuals: for an understanding Prince will take heed how he trusts or employs a vicious or an impious pe●son in any Charge of importance; because where he sees neither Piety nor Honesty, he can never be secure of such a man's fidelity any longer, than such a man's own interest and the Princes is the same.  
Besides, a Prince that hath not a sound and solid Judgement of his own, though he have never so wise a Counsel, yet he can never be sure that he is well advised by them. Because the wisest and best men are but men, that is, such as may have an Eye to themselves, and their own particular interest, more than to the Public: but the Kings, and the Public interest being always the same, if he be a man of understanding, he will easily discern, whether the Counsel, that is given him, be in order to the Public interest, or no; and accordingly, either admit it, or reject it. And therefore the Question, Whether it be better for the People to have a weak King and a wise Counsel, or a wise King and a weak Counsel, is very well decided by Machiavelli, That of the Two, it is much better to have a wise King, and a weak Counsel; Though indeed, it be not to be imagined, but that a wise King will always have a wise Counsel: for if he do not find them so, he will quickly make them so. But that other Question, Whether a Prince ought to be Virtuous and Religious indeed, or in appearance only, is very ill decided, by the same Machiavelli: as if it were necessary indeed for a Prince to appear virtuous and religious, but not necessary for him to be so; Whereas no doubt if it be necessary for him to appear Virtuous and Religious, it must needs be much more necessary for him to be virtuous and Religious: For whatsoever advantages he may have upon the People by seeming so, the same and more he may have by being so, besides the blessing of God upon him and his People for his sake: but this Machiavelli perhaps did either not think of, or not care for.  
Besides, I cannot see how a Prince can be said to be a man of understanding, if he do not master his passions by his reason, and if he do so he must needs be virtuous in Deed, and not in Appearance only; Neither do I see, how a Prince, especially a Christian Prince, that believes there is a Providence here, and a Judgement hereafter, can be a man of understanding, if he do not seek the Protection, and assistance of the One, and Endeavour to Secure himself from the danger of the Other; and if he do so, he must of necessity be Religious in Deed, and not (as Machiavelli would have him) only seem to be so.  
But it is solomon's, not Machiavel's PRINCE we speak of; and therefore he must be a man of understanding, not in Machiavels sense (which is to be a man of Falsehood and Dissimulation) but in Solomon's sense, which is to be a man of Virtue and Religion. And then He will be wise for the Present, and wise for the Future, wise for Himself, and wise for his People also.  
Especially if he be a man not of understanding only, but of knowledge also; And indeed if he be a man of Understanding, he will be a man of Knowledge; for he will Understand that his Understanding itself must be perfected by Knowledge. For though the Understanding be Naturally, Morally, and Religiously never so well disposed; yet seeing of itself it is but a mere Capacity, it can inform the Soul of no more, than what itself is informed of by the senses, because Nihil est in intellectu, quod non prius fuit in sensu; this kind of knowledge is neither Innate, nor infused, but acquired: so that as a man must have a good understanding to make him capable of knowledge, and to enable him to make a good use of that knowledge; so he must have knowledge likewise, to furnish, improve and perfect his understanding. And therefore a SOVEREIGN PRINCE, especially a great Monarch, who hath many millions of bodies and souls too, under his conduct; as he ought to have a clear, a sound, a solid and a capacious understanding; so ought that capacity to be filled, and beautified and adorned with the best, the choicest, the most necessary and most excellent notions, maxims and habits, that humane nature is capable of, or moral industry can attain unto. For, seeing no humane capacity is comprehensive enough to excel in all things; therefore the most Excellent P●rsons will apply themselves to the knowledge of the most excellent things, that is, such as best become them, and such as most concern them. I remember I have read that Philip of Macedon finding his Son Alexander playing skilfully upon the Lute, Art thou not ashamed my Son (said he) to be so skilful a Musician? Thereby implying, that to lose their precious time in learning little and low arts doth not become Princes.  
The truth is, that all knowledge worthy of a Prince is reducible to these two heads, the Art and Science of governing himself, and the Art and Science of Governing his people.  
In order to the governing of himself, he is to consider himself either as he is a man, and as he stands in relation to God only; or as he is a Prince, and stands in relation to God and men also.  
In the First of these considerations, he is to divest himself of all his Majesty, and to look upon himself as made of the same Clay, and of the same brittle Constitution that other men are; that he came into the world as other men did, and must go out of the world as other men do; for though Princes are called GOD'S, yet they shall die like men, saith one that was a Prince himself, Psal. 82.7. and though they be accountable to no Tribunal here, yet they are to be Judged hereafter, and Judged by One, who is no respecter of persons, and from whom no secrets can be hid. And for this reason a Prince is to consider how careful he is to be of Governing himself, not according to that Licence, which his Exemption from the penalty of humane Laws may prompt him to, but according to that stricktness which the severity of the Divine justice doth require of him, For those that can be punished by none but God, shall be sure to be most severely punished by God, if because they can be punished by none but him, they presume the more to sin against him.  
And therefore the best way for a Sovereign Prince, who is not subject to the Judgement of Men, to secure himself from the Judgement of God, is to Judge himself, and to exercise his Kingly authority, First within and upon himself.  
First, by curbing, Restraining, and Regulating the inordinateness and immoderateness of his own passions.  
Secondly, by keeping a strict Guard and Watch over his own Senses, that his Eyes may not look after Vanity, nor his Ears hearken unto Flattery.  
And Thirdly, by carefully fortifying himself against all Temptations; especially such, as are most agreeable unto him, and therefore most likely to Prevail with him. Always remembering, that Fortior est qui se, quam qui fortissima vincit Maenia, that Conquest is the glory of Princes, and that no Conquest is so glorious as that over a man's own Self; For he that hath once mastered himself, will afterwards find nothing too hard for him.  
But this Consideration is Common to Princes with other men;  
And therefore, Secondly, he is to consider himself as he is a Prince, and as he stands in relation to his People and to God too; I mean, as he is God's Representative unto the People, and to Govern the People in God's stead. Now as in the former Consideration he could not be too humble, so in this Consideration, he cannot be too Majestical, nor too careful of keeping up the Dignity of his Quality, nor in exacting that Reverence which is due to God's Vicegerent from the Greatest as well as from the meanest of his Subjects; For tanti eris aliis, quanti tibi fueris, is a Truth, which all men in authority, especially Sovereign Princes, aught to consider, and to behave themselves accordingly; doing nothing unworthy of their Greatness, or that may lessen them in the Eyes of their People. For there be many things that are not only excusable, but commendable in private men that are not so in Princes. And even of things that are lawful in themselves, all are not expedient for all persons of all Conditions. And here the Rule is, That such things that are most agreeable to our Inclination, are to give place to such things as best become our Condition, especially when our condition is such as that many thousands besides ourselves are concerned in it. It is a notable saying that of NEHEMIAH, Should such a man as I flee? Nehem. 6.11. And I wish that all men in Authority, especially Sovereign Princes, would have that Reverence unto themselves and to their quality, as when any suggestion from within, or temptation from without, prompts them to the doing of any thing unworthy of them, they would say unto themselves as NEHEMIAH did Shall such a man as I, that am the Representative of God, and therefore aught to be like God in Greatness, in Goodness, in Justice, in M●rcy, in rewarding those that do well, and in punishing those that do evil, shall I do any thing that is either mean, or sinful, or unjust, or cruel, or that may any way dishonour the Person I represent? Again, Shall such a Man as I, that am appointed by God to govern others, show myself so weak, as not to be able to govern myself, and mine own Passions? Lastly, Shall such a Man as I, that am to be an example to all other, carry myself so that others by my example may be the worse Subjects unto God, and consequently the worse Subjects unto myself also? God forbid; For seeing how apt the People are to follow the example of their Prince, especially in that which is evil; Princes ought, for their People's sake as well as for their own, to be very careful how they behave themselves, especially in public, where all men's eyes are upon them. But because the People, though they are apt enough to follow the ill, yet they are not so apt to follow the good example of their Princes; it is not enough for a Prince to be a good Man, and consequently to give a good example; but he must be a good Prince: that is, such a one as knows how to make his Subjects such as they should be, by the severity of his Laws, if they will not be persuaded to be so by his example, Eli we know was a good Man, and so was our HENRY the sixth, but neither of them was a good Prince, and therefore they were both of them unhappy in themselves, in their Families, and in their Subjects. So that a Prince is not only to go before his People by way of example, but he is to make them follow him, by countenancing, encouraging, employing, and rewarding those that are virtuous, pious, industrious, and men able and willing to do God and Him service either in the Church or State; as likewise to discountenance, discourage, cashier, and punish such as are vicious, and impious, especially Atheistical and profane persons▪ who are the Plague-sores of Courts and States, and such as ought to be abhorred by all men, especially by Princes; who being Gods Vice-gerents, are above all other things to take care of God's Honour and Worship, and consequently not to suffer those that openly either deny him or affront him, to live under their Protection, and much less to receive any countenance or favour at all from them.  
By this means, one good Prince will do more good towards a public Reformation both in Church and State, than never so many or never so good Preachers (without such a Prince) will do, or can do. As appears by the many Reformations that were made in the Kingdom and Church of Judah, whereas none at all were made in the Kingdom and Church of Israel; the reason whereof was, not because there were not as good Preachers, and as great Prophets, but because there were not as good Kings in Israel as there were in Judah: For Israel had its Elijahs and Elisha's, the greatest of Prophets; but it had not its HEZEKIAHS and JOSIAH'S, the most pious of Kings; and they are pious and good Kings that must make a pious and good People, by providing such subordinate Governors under themselves both in Church and State, I mean such Magistrates and Judges for the one, and such BISHOPS and Ministers for the other, as may give a good account of the great Trust which by God and the King is committed to their ca●●▪  
And now when a Sovereign Prince knows how to govern himself both in relation to God and to his People, he will the better know how to govern his People in relation to Himself, and in order to His own and their Happiness.  
And this indeed is the knowledge which is Proper and Peculiar to Princes as they are Princes. Excudant alii spirantia mollius aera, etc. Let others excel in other Arts; but in Art benè imperandi, in the Art of governing well, (which is Ars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Mistress of all Arts,) Princess ought to excel all men.  
Tu regere imperio populos Roman memento;  
Parcere subjectis, & debellare superbos:  
Hae tibi erunt Artes.  
But no man can excel in any Art that doth not study it, and with intention of mind apply himself to it, by making use of those Means that are Necessary for the acquiring of it, and for the making of himself perfect in it. I remember Xenophon in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 observing that all kind of cattle are ordinarily and easily governed by those that have the charge of them, without Rebelling against them, or Revolting from them; and yet that Societies of men, who are reasonable Creatures (and for that Reason one would think much more Governable) are rarely and difficultly kept in order by their Princes seems very much to wonder at it: But then considering likewise, that Cyrus (of whom he writ) did govern infinite multitudes of men of several Nations, Languages, and Manners, as easily and quietly as ever any Herd of cattle was governed by their Herdsman, he concludes it is neither impossible nor very difficult to do as he did, if Princes would study the Art of Governing, and apply themselves to it, and were as well qualified for it as He was▪  
So that in order to Governing well, a Prince must First be qualified for it, and Secondly he must mind it, and make it his business by applying himself to it.  
To Qualify him for it, many things are necessary, especially these two: First, the knowledge of Humane Nature in General, how it works, and how it is wrought upon; and Secondly, the knowledge of the particular Genius and Disposition of the People he is to govern.  
In order to the former, it is a great felicity when a Prince, before he begins to govern at home, hath seen much of the World abroad, especially those parts of the World with which he is likely to have most to do; when he hath learned their Languages, observed their Manners, by conversing with them in their Camps, and in their Courts, and hath considered▪ their Interests, both as they relate to his own, and to other Nations. This is a great advantage, I say, in order to his future Government, when a Prince happens to have such an Education. And hence it is that both Homer and Virgil (the one in his Ulysses, and the other in his Aeneas) meaning to give us the pattern or Idea of a perfect Prince, they make them both to be long abroad amongst foreign Nations, before they settle at home; and so was our HENRY the seventh, one of our ablest Princes.  
Neither is it amiss for a Prince, in order to the felicity of his future Government, to be for a time under a Cloud, and to be Hardened both in his Body and his Mind by suffering Affliction, and thereby to know his Friends from his Enemies, both at home and abroad; an important advantage, which no Prince that never was in Adversity, can have, or make use of. Besides, Princes that are bred up in that School of Affliction, are commonly much more prudent, and pat●ent, and wary, and thrifty, and more inclinable to Piety, to Charity, to Clemency, to Modesty, and Moderation in time of Prosperity, and to all other Moral and Religious Virtues, than they would be otherwise. And therefore we see that God thought fit to breed up the man after his own heart in this School of Affliction; and perhaps it was his breeding in this School that made him to be so: However, it is evident, that even after he was King, God would not admit him to the Exercise of his Kingly Power, till he had spent some years under this Discipline; which is the very case of our present SOVEREIGN, as well as it was Davids; and therefore I doubt not but God had the same Design in the breeding of them both; namely, to make them as Glorious afterwards by their Actions, as they had been formerly by their Sufferings: Neither do I doubt, but our David will do, as that other David tells us He did, He will rule us prudently with all his power. Psal. 78.71.  
But Ars longa, vita brevis; No one Princes own experience is sufficient to make him a Master of this Art: He must take in therefore the experience of former Ages, as well as of his own, and consequently he must spend some time in Books as well as in business; especially in Histories, whereby he shall be truly and impartially informed, how, and by what means some Princes in all Ages have made themselves happy and glorious, and others have made themselves▪ miserable and infamous: And (considering that ordinarily the same Causes produce the same Effects) a wise Prince will imitate them in his Actions, to whom he desires to be most like in his Fortune and Reputation.  
More especially he ought to acquaint himself with the Histories of his own Nation, that he may not be a stranger at home, but may know the particular temper and humour of his own People, and how he is to apply himself to them, to make himself honoured▪ and obeyed, and beloved by them; carefully observing which of his Predecessors were so, and which of them were not so, and what difference it was in their Actions, which produced that difference in their Subjects Affections, and in their own Fortunes·s  
But of all other Books, let him especially acquaint himself with the BOOK of God; which David (though no Prince had less time to spare from Action) made his daily study, nay he studied it night and day, as himself tells us: And good reason had he to do so; for by reading this Book he came to have more understanding than all his Teachers, as he tells us in one place; 
Psa. 119.9  nay to have more wisdom than all the Ancients, 
Vers. 10  when he was yet Young, as he tells us in another place; and to be wiser than all his Enemies, (not excepting Achitophel himself) as he tells us in a third place. 
Vers. 9   
But though all that is written in God's Book was written for our Instruction, yet because all of it was not written for the Instruction of Kings, as they are Kings, I wish Kings would find leisure to read so much of it at least, as was written of Kings, or by Kings; I mean the Books of the Kings and Chronicles, wherein they will find the Best Direction they can have in point of Government by way of example; together with the Psalms of David, and the Proverbs of Solomon, wherein they will find the best Instruction that can be given them in order to the same end, by way of Precept and Counsel. Or if this be still too much, that they would but read once a week the Votum Davidis, that Vow of David, (as I may so call it) I mean the 101. Psalms, which though it be but a very short one, yet, as I conceive, what most concerns a King, in order to the governing of Himself, his Family, and his Kingdoms, is either expressly or virtually contained in it.  
And now when a lawful Hereditary Sovereign Prince is thus Qualified, when he is of as Ancient and as Royal an Extraction as any Prince can be (as having all the Royal Blood of Europe concentred in his Veins) when he is Comely in his ●erson, Healthful and Vigorous in his Constitution, Graceful and Obliging in his Behaviour, of a Clear, sound and and solid Understanding, Improved by an Extraordinary Education, Seasoned by Affliction, Confirmed and perfected by the Knowledge of Men, Books, and Business; when a Prince, I say, Is thus Qualified, and withal intends the Work he hath to do, by an actual application of his mind to it, and by a careful and constant prosecution of it, have we not reason to believe that such a Prince is marked out by the Divine Providence for some Great and Glorious Work, or other? And what can be a greater, or more glorious Work, than the settling and prolonging the State of a great Empire, after it hath been so much, and so long shaken and shattered, as This of ours hath been? And what more Evident Prognostics can we have, that this, and none but this is the Man marked out by Heaven for the effecting of this great and glorious work, than those, which the Star at his Birth did point to, and which we ourselves have since seen come to pass with our own Eyes? especially in the two most Memorable and most Remarkable Particulars; I mean, First, His almost miraculous Preservation from many and great Dangers, especially in, and after the Battle of Worcester; And Secondly, His as much if not more miraculous Restitution to his Crown, after his second Exile. The immediate hand of God indeed was visible in them both; but (as I think) more signally and more remarkably in the latter, then in the former; For many Princes perhaps have in as wonderful a manner escaped as great dangers; but was it ever heard of in the World before, that a King, after having been so long excluded, and after the Government itself of his Kingdom had been so often changed, and after a new generation of men, that knew not Joseph, was sprung up in it; Nay, that even when the most violent men against him, and most irreconcilable men to him were in possession of the Present Power, and were Enacting a final Abjuration of him, that then, even then, I say, so beyond and above the hopes of his Friends, so contrary to the desires and expectations of his Enemies, and so much to the amazement of the whole World, he should be so solemnly Invited, so magnificently Conducted, so triumphantly Received▪ and so joyfully and universally Acknowledged and Welcomed by all the Subjects; And all this, without blood, without blows, without bargain, and without any obligation▪ at all to any Foreign Prince or State for it? And is not this as much as if God should have said to us in plain terms, Behold the Man; behold your King; Behold Charles the Sufferer, the Son of Charles the Martyr; the Grandchild of James the Wise on the one side, and of Henry the Great on the other, and Heir to the several Excellencies of them both: Behold the Man, that must build up the Walls of Jerusalem, and make up the breaches in Zion, by Restoring and Settling whatsoever is yet wanting, either in regard of our Civil concernments, or our Spiritual: Behold the Man, that must Cure all our Jealousies, Banish all our Fears, Confirm all our Hopes, and Settle all our Distractions? Lastly, Behold the Man, that was Designed by the Divine Providence, that hath been Preserved by the Divine Power, that is Qualified by the Divine Wisdom, and Brought home again to us by the Divine Goodness and Mercy, to settle and prolong the State of the three Kingdoms.  
The State, I say; and that First, as it signifies the Government itself in the Essential and Legal Frame and Constitution of it; And Secondly, as it signifies the Outward splendour of that Government, arising from Peace, Plenty, Wealth, Strength, Security, Reputation, and whatsoever other ingredients there are, to make a Nation happy.  
But first the State must be settled in the former of these Notions, as it signifies its Ancient Legal and Essential Constitution, before it can be settled in the latter; I mean, in its outward splendour and prosperity. All we have suffered under so▪ Many Changes hitherto, hath been to no purpose, if we do not yet believe This Truth, if we are not yet grown so much wiser than we were, as to be convinced, That our Old Government, without any alteration at all in the Fundamentals of it, is best for us. And by the old Government, I mean the thing, as well as the name of Monarchy; and that in all its parts, as well as in some of them; You cannot have the Old Government in the Civil part of the State, if you have it not in the Ecclesiastical; neither can the King be supreme in one, unless he be supreme in both: For, where there are two Supremes, there can be no Monarchy. Now we know, that Monarchy is from God, and therefore we may know, that whatsoever is Destructive to Monarchy, or Inconsistent with Monarchy, is not from God, because God's Ordinances cannot destroy or clash one against another. But Thanks be to God and the King for it, our Old Government is already Restored in both the parts of it; and yet it cannot properly be said to be restored, until it be settled, as it was before; and settled as it was before, I am afraid, it is not yet, I hope it will be; And when our Good Old Government Civil and Ecclesiastical is once settled; then, but not till then, we may expect, that the Ancient Splendour and Honour, together with the Peace, Prosperity and Security of the English Nation will be Restored and Settled also. And as the Restoring and Settling of the latter, d 〈…〉 depend upon the Restoring and Settling of the former; so it is the preserving of the former, that must be the prolonging of the latter; for a● long as our Old Government is Preserved, so long and no longer will our Peace and Prosperity be Prolonged; And therefore let all those that Desire and Hope for the continuance of the one, Endeavour and Pray for the continuance of the other,  
In the mean time, Blessed be the great and good God, for all those great and good things which he hath already done for us. For which of us would have Believed a little above a year ago, that ever he should have lived to have seen this Day? Nay, who is there amongst us, that upon condition he might have lived to see this Day, would not have been content to have Died the next Day after? And now we do see it, do we not almost doubt, whether we see it indeed or no? or do we not seem unto ourselves to be like unto those that Dream? May we not say of this so great, so sudden, so wonderful a Change from what we were of late, to what we are now, as Saint Paul saith of the calling of the Jews, that it is like the Resurrection from the Dead? Certainly, no Joy on Earth can exceed it, and I do verily believe, that the Angels in Heaven have their share in it. For if there be so great Joy in Heaven (as our Saviour tells us there is) at the Conversion of any one Sinner; how much greater Joy is it then, that is now there, at the Conversion of three so great, so sinful Nations? Nay, if the Saints above know any thing of what is done here below, either by Intuition of God, or Revelation from God, certainly that great and blessed Saint, that happy and glorious Martyr, the Father of our present Sovereign, was never so much Grieved with the Injuries and Indignitities that were done unto himself, as he is now well-pleased with this Day's Solemnity, and with the Due Rights and Honours which are now, with so universal a Cheerfulness paid unto his Son. And therefore with Angels▪ and Archangels, and all the Host of Heav●n, let us Laud and Magnify the glorious Name of God, and join with the Heavenly Choir in that Heavenly Anthem, which was first sung at the Birth of our Saviour, and may most seasonably be sung over again at the Inauguration of our King, Glory be to God in the highest, on Earth Peace, Good will towards men. And may this Day be Annually and for ever repeated with the same Joy and Exultation wherewith it is now Celebrated. Let the King have always more and more cause to bless God for his People, and let the People have always more and more cause to bless God for their King; and let the prolonging of days to the one, be the prolonging of happiness to the other. And to this End, may he live to see his Subjects, as well as his Children, to the third and fourth Generation. And when he hath settled God's House, and his own, the Church and the State, and seen them both flourish, and like to continue in a flourishing condition; when he is full of days and Honour, and when God hath no more work for him to do here; then, and not till then, may he exchange the Crown of cares he is to put on now, for a Crown of Glory which he shall wear for ever; And let all that Love God and the King, their Country, and themselves, say, Amen.  
FINIS.