The most EQUAL and EASY METHOD OF RAISING A SUFFICIENT FUND To Carry on A Vigorous War AGAINST FRANCE.  
LONDON, Printed for Randal Taylor, near Stationers-Hall. M DC XC I.   

WHen we consider the Wars on every side in which Europe is now engaged; the Streams of Blood that are daily spilt; the utter Ruin of Multitudes of Families; the Devastation of whole Provinces by Fire and Sword; and the base Treacheries that are now practised, to reveal Secrets of State, to betray Cities, blow up Magazines, and to act all manner of Hellish Exploits; and all this only to glut the insatiate Ambition of the French King: it ought not only to fill us with Horror and Indignation, against the Cause of all these Miseries, but should provoke all good Men to draw their Purses willingly, and wise Men to employ their utmost Care, that the Cause of all these Evils may be removed as soon as may be.  
The English Nation has all along formerly made so considerable a Figure in the Affairs of Europe, holding the Balance, and turning the Scale as it pleased in doubtful Times, especially under Active Princes, that we have no reason to doubt of Success at this time, if we do but assist his Majesty generously and sufficiently, who has already Delivered these Three Kingdoms from the Danger of French Bondage, and who is universally expected by all the Confederates to become likewise shortly their Glorious Deliverer.  
Now in order to this end, I humbly offer to the Consideration of this Parliament, whether a small Excise, upon some few Commodities, (for there is no need of a General Excise) be not the most expedite and easy, the most effectual and surest way of raising such Sums, as are now most convenient to carry on with Success a vigorous War against France.  
It is the most easy, because the least sensible Way of raising moneys. The paying great Sums at once will make many a Man to stagger, as not being always provided with a Store sufficient; but the small and inconsiderable Payments, that are made by Excises, can be no great Grievance to any Man; for if his Deal be small, so are his Payments; if great, so are his Profits too. Every thing here falls in a just proportion to men's own Capacities, or Abilities; and after all the Trials of the Wit of Man, Excises have been fixed upon by all our Neighbours, as the Best, and the Easiest Way of raising Great Sums. And as it is not now and then a Gaudy Day of Getting, that commonly makes Men Rich, but rather a constant Course of daily Increase by small Gains; so it may be said of the Public Treasury, that from small beginnings and contemptible, but general Collections, it uses to grow unto prodigious Sums; like the Rain that falls, which does by abundance of small Drops use to rise into a mighty Stream. And that an Excise is the most likely and effectual means to raise great and extraordinary Sums, or such as are now necessary to enable us to cope with France, let it be considered what Funds London alone is capable of raising, when Amsterdam with its Precinct (which bears but a small Proportion to London, either as to Riches or Extent, or Number of Inhabitants) does hereby especially raise for the use of the States-General, at least sixteen hundred thousand pounds per annum.  
But it is become an Objection of no small Weight with some, that an Excise ought above all things to be avoided, because it is so easy, and so tolerable to the Subject. We shall (say they) never get quit of Excises, because they are felt so little. Nay farther, that the Excises which have been once laid, have been always continued by Parliament.  
Indeed in a late Reign, when the Crown and the Kingdom were thought to have different Interests; when there was reason for State-Jealousies; and the Parliament might fear, lest the Weapons they should provide for the Defence of the Nation might be turned against themselves; there was good reason for such Objections. But now that we have a Prince of Heroic Virtue, Magnanimity, and Honour; who can have no separate Interest from his People; who has received the greatest Provocations from France; who has been so lately our Deliverer (under God) from the most dismal prospect of National Calamities; who has already upon great Trials resisted with scorn all Temptations to Arbitrary Power; and whose Wisdom and Prudence and continual Thoughtfulness can never be guilty of such an Error in Politics, as by any just Cause to create Jealousies in his People, at a time when all his Designs do aim at no less than the Liberty of Europe. At such a time as this, and under such a Prince, Surmises of this kind, are both vain and ungenerous, most unworthy and ungrateful.  
It hath every where been the Policy and the Practice of the wisest Nations, to contrive the Easiest and least Burdensome Ways of raising Taxes. And shall we, when not only our own Fate is still in some suspense, but the Dominion of Europe is so strenuously contended for, by the most dangerous and ambitious Prince that ever sat upon a Christian Throne; shall we at this time entertain ourselves with Preposterous and Chimerical Notions of I know not what, that may happen God knows when? and neglect foolishly our only means of Safety? Was there ever an Excise yet laid, that did not actually expire with the Period set to it by Parliament? If Excises that have been once established have had the Fortune to be continued, it is much to their Credit, and to the Honour of those that did first establish them. For if there had been any Inconveniences to the Public found in the use of them, they would of course have been set aside, to make way for less Grievous Taxes. But their continuance for some more years upon repeated Experience of their convenience to the Public, does loudly speak in Praise of them, above strained or imaginary Notions to the contrary.  
The same necessity at present lies upon us, as well as our Neighbours, to raise greater Sums than ordinary for our common Defence, and to humble France in its highest Pride. Money must be raised, or the Nation perish. But of all the Nations in Europe, there is not one more Rich in its proportion, or more plentiful in all things; and yet none so free as we from Excises in general, and consequently none more capable of bearing them with Ease. When once we dare venture to try the Experiment, I shall from that Minute conclude the Fall of France as good as done; and we shall soon see their humblest Addresses for Peace, when once they see us thus in good earnest engaged against them. Did not an Excise laid upon a few Commodities by the then Parliament contribute more than any thing else to the Overthrow of King Charles the First? And did not Holland by this means above all others preserve itself against the Power of Spain. As long as the World lasts, a Shilling will beat Sixpence; and Silver and Gold will overcome Brass-Money.  
Since the Session of this Parliament, there has been Published a Treatise, designedly writ against Excises, by an excellent Pen, and a Judicious Head, who fears that by Excises, our Liberties will come to be in danger, and our Constitution (so excellent, that whatsoever is said for its Preservation deserves the highest Esteem) our very Constitution will run the Hazard of being thereby subverted. But upon the whole, it may be considered, that very great and wise Men are sometimes led by Prejudices as well as others; that in all Ages of the World great Errors and Neglects have been committed, and great Misfortunes have happened to the Public, through fond and often groundless Jealousies of that most excellent Blessing, Liberty; that there was never a Juncture of time wherein any danger of our precious Liberty might be less justly suspected. And especially considering that the Settlement even of the Revenue of the Crown is but for a short term, only four years more, no Man can doubt, but it will be the Interest and Prudence of the Crown, not to aspire at any thing which may give just Jealousy to the Parliament; and at the expiration of that term, it will be in the power of the then Parliament to take what Precautions they shall judge necessary (if these shall be then found needful) for the Preservation of our Constitution.  
And as to what that worthy Gentleman, so exceedingly prejudiced against Excises does Object, that the Liberty of Elections of Members to serve in Parliament, will be in no small danger through the great influence of Excise-Men in that particular; it is easy to make such Prouisoes to any Bill of Excise, as shall prevent all Excise-Men from any Ways intermeddling in the point of Elections, and to render such persons liable both to forfeit their places upon any good Evidence of it, and to make them for ever uncapable of any such Office for the future.  
If ever Jealousies can be safely laid aside, this is the time for it, when we, and almost all Europe are together fight for Liberty, against the Common Oppressor; and indeed little is like to be done against him, unless we also engage with all our might. A happy Issue of this War with France will serve to deter Ambitious Princes from oppressing their Freeborn Subjects.  
There is another Objection against an Excise, which, if true, were of moment; but I believe those, who make it, are wiser than really to fear what they pretend by it. And it is, that hereby there may be danger of Discontents and Murmur from the Common People, if their Provisions or their Clothing should come to be Excised, as well as their Drink.  
To which I answer, that such Taxes can never possibly be more seasonable, nor less Grievous than at present, when Food in general bears so low and overcheap a price. But if it were much dearer than now it is, there can be no just apprehension of any such dangers to the Public upon that Account. For whatever Scruples some Persons of Rank among us may have had in relation to the present Oaths, or Settlement now by Law established, yet for the Common People, and the lower Rank of Men (whose General Voice is said to be the Voice of God, and often in common things, in the plain and natural Interest of their Country, is more Infallible than a General Council in things Speculative, Metaphysical, and such as are above the reach of Human Knowledge, or not plainly Revealed) I dare boldly aver, that there never yet happened a Juncture of Time, wherein there was less danger of Disturbances from Them than there is at present, The People of England in general, were never embarked in a Cause they more hearty espoused, than they now do this of the Present Government. To say nothing of the late universal Expressions of Joy in London, that were never known among us before, the late Custom of Illuminations in almost every Corner, and Alley, as well as the great Streets, upon his Majesty's Return among us, and on his Birthday; though perhaps it be a greater and more evident Argument for the People's Loyalty than can easily be thought on, yet I shall wave it, and rather take notice, that a War with France (the true Interest of the Nation) has been eagerly, and for many years past Longed for, and in vain till now, both by the Parliament and People; and the Universal Readiness of the whole Kingdom to oppose the French the last year, is a a strong and sufficient Argument of the People's Disposition and Inclination under any Burden to support this Government. And it was at a time, when by the unfortunate Conduct of our Fleet, the French hovered some Weeks on our Coasts, and had the pleasure a little to feed their Vainglory, and even threatened us with the Fears of an Invasion they did not dare to make, but had withal the Mortification to find, that the few Friends they had among us (and whom they had ridiculously magnified into mighty numbers) had neither the Courage, nor the Strength to give us the least manner of Disturbance, at the only Critical Time they are like to have this Age. It is objected also, that the Multiplication of Excises will likewise multiply Officers, who are apt to domineer where they come, even sometimes to the raising of Tumults; and that by this Increase of Officers, Gentlemen will be in danger of being continually disturbed by them in their own Houses.  
To which I Answer, that there may be timely Care taken by good Prouisoes, to keep the Officers within the due Bounds of their Duty; that whatsoever unavoidable Inconvenience does happen, is like to be but for a year or two, in which short time (if we effectually raise Good Sums) we may reasonably hope (through God's Blessing on a Good Cause, and his Majesty's admirable Conduct) to see Frante well humbled, and brought to reason. If we neglect to raise sufficient Sums, the War must necessarily be prolonged, or, which is worse, France left in a condition to give Laws to us all; and perhaps the present fair opportunity of humbling France may never again be retrieved. If Excise-Men, as well as Collectors of other Taxes, have been found to transgress their Duty, to make Seizures very oppressive, or such as may cause loud Clamours in the Neighbourhood, even to the raising Tumults or Riots, this is no Argument against the Tax itself, but against the Indiscretion and Folly, or Barbarity of some Coxcomb, who has thus abused his Trust, and who deserves to be severely punished for his Misdemeanour. If a Judge should happen to be corrupted with Bribery, must we exclaim against the Law itself? or if a Minister should happen to be guilty of Simony, shall we presently cry down the Order of Priesthood? By the same Rule nothing in the World, though never so excellently instituted, will be able to avoid our Censure and Dislike.  
And as to the Molestation of Gentlemen in their Houses by Excise-Men, it is well known, that if the Excise were, during this War, to be laid upon Malt, instead of Beer and Ale, there could be no cause of Complaint upon that Account, And it is thought by a good Computation, that an Excise upon Malt would raise at least Double to what the present Excise now does. And if we were once inclinable to Excises, there is little doubt, but there might be ways found out (in imitation of our Neighbours abroad, who have long tried the Experiment, and yet find no Cause of Complaint, that Officers are troublesome to them in their Houses, unless indeed they make Concealments, and are shrewdly suspected to Cheat the State, in due Customs or Excise) there might, I say, be ways found out to obviate this Objection in other things to be made Exciseable. But if in rigour it should so happen that every little Inconvenience cannot possibly be altogether avoided, is it not much better to bear gently with some sort of Inconvenience, during this War with France (whereon depends the Fate of Europe) than through our Niceness, Folly, or Neglect, to run the hazard of paying shortly (together with our Neighbours) what, and how the French Dragoons shall think fit to order us.  
But however such Objections as those  are commonly and cunningly made against Excises, yet I cannot tell how to think they are the True Reasons of dissiking them. There must be other Reasons, which are not fit to be spoken out, and which every Body is not worthy to know. But this I shall say, that notwithstanding the unaccountable, and I fear, invincible Prejudices of some Worthy Persons among us against Excises, yet by the Observation that I can make of the Opinion and Desire of Gentlemen of Sense without doors, I do find them almost universally to favour, and even to solicit what I now urge.  
As for Land-Taxes, perhaps no Nation in the World is so uncapable of bearing them long together, especially if they be laid heavily, as the English: None less able to pay Taxes by the Lump, and none more able to pay them in Driblets. The English are a People of Great Souls, Magnanimous, and Liberal in their Expenses. They do commonly fear neither Death, nor Want. The extravagant profuseness of our common Seamen (as stout as Lions) upon receiving their Pay, is too notorious to be mentioned. And for Gentlemen of Estates, there are but few who do not live to the height of what they have, and there are not a few of them, who do live even above their annual Income. It is not with us, as with a more frugal Neighbour Nation, where it is no Discredit to live very much below the ordinary Income, nay where it as much discredits a Man to equal his Expense to his Fortune, as to be guilty of any profligate Extravagance or Debauchery. Now where a People in general is so over-generous, and thereby apt to run out of themselves, what must we think of their Condition, when Great Land Taxes are added to their Burden; when Great Sums must be constantly paid by them, though they come from them worse than so much Blood.  
Whereas in Excises there is not only a most exact Equality in raising them a thing only to be wished for in the levying Land-Taxes) according to men's own Abilities and Capacities, but the Payment is so small at a time, and so insensible, that no Man's Heart (though never so large) has need to ache on that Account. He may buy as few Commodities as he pleases, and as for Sustenance, Nature is content with little. If he grows indigent and necessitous under such Taxes, it is his own fault, and he must blame himself, and not the Taxes.  
Again, if we consider the vast difference between the Sums that may be easily raised by way of Excise, and and those arising from Land-Taxes; as well as the difference between what a Gentleman suffers by the latter rather than by the former: we must conclude for Excises against Land-taxes, unless we are exceedingly prejudiced, and even resolved, that no Reason, though never so clear, nor Instances, though never so notorious, shall serve to convince us.  
An understanding Brewer tells me, that a Gentleman, who has twenty in Family, does usually pay by the year for the Beer of his Family but six or seven pounds per annum Excise. Now we may well suppose the same Gentleman (who has twenty in Family) to have an Estate of at least a thousand, or fifteen hundred pounds a year, and to pay to the Land-Tax two hundred of his fifteen. And yet this Land-Tax, on the whole Kingdom shall raise but little more than the Double Excise, which affects but a part. Now is not there a very considerable difference between the paying six or seven pounds, and two hundred, by the same person, for the raising near the same Summ. In the one, the easy and insensible Tax, it is but a part of the Kingdom that pays. In the other, the heavier Tax, every Corner and Foot of Land pays a sensible proportion. In the one the People of England in general, who do now pay nothing towards Taxes but for their Liquors, must make their insensible but general Contributions, as they shall have occasion for some small matter of the things Excised; in the other the Gentleman or the Free-Holder, pays his large, and often most unequal proportion, even for Lands that he has little or no profit by, or such as he cannot Let: at best, he pays very considerable Sums, and too too often more than his Circumstances or his Family can bear. And I cannot imagine, why the Preservation of the Freeholders of England, the Preservation of our Landed Men, should be of less care to us, than the other People, who either Trade, or Work for their Livelihood; and who are paid by the Gentry better Princes or Wages, in their several Trades or Employments, that any other People perhaps in the World.  
Again, if a Gentleman who has twenty in Family, and who pays but six or seven pounds a year to the Excise upon Beer, etc. which affects but a part of the Nation, does nevertheless contribute a proportion sufficient to raise so Great a Sum for the Public Good, as does that Excise, being according to estimation twelve hundred thousand pounds, or more, this year: what immense Sums might then easily be raised, if Wearing Apparel, Salt, Soap, Candles, Leather, or the like, (not to mention Food) were also Excised, during this War with France.  
Some persons in discoursing of these Matters have refined too far, and even inclined to think, that the Great Inequality which now prevails in the levying of Land-Taxes (some paying a proportion double, nay triple to others, either in the same, or in different Counties) is a principal Reason why the House does rather continue to Tax Land, than to lay Excises. They think that the greatest part of the House, consisting of Gentlemen, sent from those Counties which enjoy the Benefit of this Inequality, do reason with themselves, that if they should ease Land, and lay their Taxes by way of Excise, they must thereby become Sufferers, and bear an Equal Burden with the rest of the Nation, whereas, now their Burden is but light, in comparison with others. But as no Man can decently, or aught to think, that the Wisdom of the Nation can be guilty of acting by other Principles, than such as tend rather to the General Good, than to particular Interests; so I cannot tell how to think, that any number of Gentlemen of such eminent Stations, and Knowledge in the World, can be imposed upon by such false Reasonings. For it is plainly against the Interest of those Counties, who now are easiest under Land-Taxes: for whatever the Gentlemen of Estates in the not Associated Counties do now pay towards the Land-Tax, they would not pay the eighth, nay perhaps not the tenth part of the same Sum, if double the Money that is raised upon Land, were to be advanced by way of Excise. It is not one in a Family, the poor Landlord only, that must make his Payments to such Excises, but the infinite Multitude, which do now escape Taxes, and who do, abundance of them, eat and wear as well as the best, must all come in, and (I dobut not but they will very willingly at this time) contribute their small and insensible, but numerous Proportions.  
Never was there occasion, before this, of raising such Great Sums as are now absolutely necessary for our Preservation; never was France, before now, such a Terror to all her Neighbours both by Land and Sea. And yet notwithstanding her Pride and Greatness, she is become very conscious from what Person, and from what People her Fall is like to come; as has been evidently discovered, not only by the Ridiculous and Shameful rejoicings they lately every where made, for the supposed Death of our King at the Boyne, but by their so carefully and industriously avoiding to Fight Us either by Sea or Land.  
To conclude, it has been with Money, prodigious Sums of Money, that the French have fought and beaten so many Enemies, and have taken so many Towns and Countries; and it must be with the same Weapons, and can be with no other than Money, that we shall be enabled (through God's Blessing) to Overcome the French.  
As for one other Objection (of the Difficulty and Inconveniences in Laying and Collecting Excises) the long Experiment we have had in Laying and Collecting the Excise upon Liquors, and the vast Sums which it every year brings in to defray the greatest part of our public Charges, doth sufficiently answer.  
FINIS.